D'

SZZ

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE LIBRARY OF THE
DIVINITY SCHOOL

NOTES,

EXPLANATORY AND PRACTICAL,

BOOK OF REVELATION

BY

ALBERT BARNES.

VW1AVW\1.V\/M>A/ /WiAAflyMVV^NVW J"»/\*^'W"fc>JW\

NEW YORK:
HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS,
NOS. 329 AND 331 PEARL STREET,
FRANKLIN SQUARE.
1858.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1851, bj
ALBERT BARNES,
in tho Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for fiis
Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

PEEFACE.

When I began the preparation of these ' Notes' on the New Testa
ment, now more than twenty years ago, I did not design to extend the
work beyond the Gospels, and contemplated only simple and brief
explanations of that portion of the New Testament, for the use of Sun
day-school teachers and Bible classes. The work originated in the
belief that Notes of that character were greatly needed, and that the
older commentaries, having been written for a different purpose, and
being, on account of their size- and expense, beyond the reach of most
teachers of Sunday-schools, did not meet the demand which had grown
up from the establishment of such schools. These Notes, contrary
to my original plan and expectation, .have been extended to eleven
volumes, and embrace the whole of the New Testament.
Ilaving, at the time when these Notes were commenced, as I have
ever had since, the charge of a large congregation, I had no leisure that
I could properly devote to these studies, except the early hours of the
morning, and I adopted the resolution — a resolution which has since
been invariably adhered to — to cease writing precisely at nine o'clock
in the morning. The habit of writing in this manner, once formed, was
easily continued, and having been thus continued, I find myself at the
end of the New Testament. Perhaps this personal allusion would not
be proper, except to show that I have not intended, in these literary
labors, to infringe on tie proper duties of the pastoral office, or to take
time for these pursuits on which there was a claim for other purposes.
This allusion may perhaps also be of use to my younger brethren in the
ministry, by showing them that much may be accomplished by the
habit of early rising, and by a diligent use of the early morning hours.
In my own case, these Notes on the New Testament, and also the Notes
on the books of Isaiah, Job, and Daniel, extending in all to sixteen
volumes, have all been written before nine o'clock in the morning, and
are the fruit of the habit of rising between four and five o'clock. I do
(iii)

IV PKEIACE.
not know that by this practice I have neglected any duty which I
should otherwise have performed, and on the score of health, and, I
may add, of profit in the contemplation of a portion of divine truth at
the beginning of each day, the habit has been of inestimable advantage
to me.
It was not my original intention to prepare Notes on the book of
Revelation, nor did I entertain the design of doing it until I came up to
it in the regular course of my studies. Having written on all the other
portions of the New Testament, there remained only this book to com
plete an entire commentary on this part of the Bible. That I have
endeavored to explain the book at all is to be traced to the habit which
I had formed of spending the early hours of the day in the study of
the Sacred Scriptures. That habit, continued, has carried me forward
until I have reached the end of the New Testament.
It may be of some use to those who peruse this volume, and it is
proper in itself, that I should make a brief statement of the manner in
which I have prepared these Notes, and of the method of interpretation
on which I have proceeded ; — fur the result which has been reached has
not been the effect of any preconceived theory or plan, and if in the
result I coincide in any degree with the common method of interpreting
the volume, the fact may be regarded as the testimony of another wit
ness — however unimportant the testimony may be in itself — to the
correctness of that method of interpretation.
Up to the time of commencing the exposition of this book, I had
no theory in my own mind as to its meaning. I may add, that I had a
prevailing belief that it could not be explained, and that all attempts to
explain it must be visionary and futile. With the exception of the work
of the Rev. George Croly,* which I read more than twenty years ago,
and which I had never desired to read again, I had perused no com
mentary on this book until that of Professor Stuart was published, in
1845. In my regular reading of the Bible in the family and in private,
I had perused the book often. I read it, as I suppose most others do,
from a sense of duty, yet admiring the beauty of its imagery, the sub
limity of its descriptions, and its high poetic character ; and though to
me wholly unintelligible in the main, finding so many striking detached
passages that were intelligible and practical in their nature, as to make
* The Apooalypso of St. John, or propheoy of the rise, progress, and fall of the
ihurch of Rome ; the inquisition; thu revolution in France; a universal war,
and the final triumph of Christianity; being a new interpretation, by the Rev.
George Croly, A. M. H. R. S. L.

PREFACE. V
„it on the whole attractive and profitable, but with no definitely-formed
idea as to its meaning as a whole, and with a vague general feeling that
all the interpretations which had been proposed were wild, fanciful, and
visionary. In this state of things, the utmost that I contemplated when I began
to write on it, was, to explain, as well as I could, the meaning of the
language and the symbols, without attempting to apply the explanation
to the events of past history, or to inquire what is to occur hereafter.
I supposed that I might venture to do this without encountering the
danger of adding another vain attempt to explain a book so full of mys
teries, or of propounding a theory of interpretation to be set aside, perT
haps, by the next person that should prepare a commentary on the book.
Beginning with this aim, I found myself soon insensibly inquiring
whether, in the events which succeeded the time when the book was
written, there were not historical facts of which the emblems employed
would be natural and proper symbols on the supposition that it was
the divine intention in disclosing these visions to refer to them, and
whether, therefore, there might not be a natural and proper application
of the symbols to these events. In this way, I examined the language
used in reference to the first, second, third, fourth, fifth, and sixth seals,
with no anticipation or plan in examining one as to what would be
disclosed under the next seal, and in this way also I examined ulti
mately the whole book: proceeding step by step in ascertaining the
meaning of each word and symbol as it occurred, but with no theo
retic anticipation as to what was to follow. To my own surprise, I
found, chiefly in Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, a
series of events recorded such as seemed to me to correspond to a great
extent with the series of symbols found in the Apocalypse. The sym
bols were such as it might be supposed would be used, on the supposition
that they were intended to refer to these events, and the language of
Mr. Gibbon was often such as he would have used, on the supposition
that he had designed to prepare a commentary on the symbols employed
by John. It was such, in fact, that, if it had been found in a Chris
tian writer, professedly writing a commentary on the book of Reve
lation, it would have been regarded by infidels as a designed attempt
to force history to utter a language that should conform to a pre
determined theory in expounding a book full of symbols. So remarka
ble have these coincidences appeared to me in the course of this" expo
sition, that it has almost seemed as if he had designed to write a com
mentary on some portion of this book, and I have found it difficult to

VI ' PREFACE.
doubt that that distinguished historian was raised up by an overruling.
Providence to make a record of those events which would ever after
wards be regarded as an impartial and unprejudiced statement of the
evidences of the fulfilment of prophecy. The Historian of the ' Decline
and Fall of the Roman Empire' had no belief in the divine origin of
Christianity, but he brought to the performance of his work learning
and talent such as few Christian scholars have possessed. He is always
patient in his investigations ; learned and scholarlike in his references ;
comprehensive in his groupings, and sufficiently minute in his details ;
unbiassed in his statements of facts, and usually cool and candid in his
estimates of the causes of the events which he records ; and, excepting
his philosophical speculations, and his sneers at every thing, he has
probably written the most candid and impartial history of the times
that succeeded the introduction of Christianity, that the world possesses,
and even after all that has been written since his time, his work con
tains the best ecclesiastical history that is to be found. Whatever use
of it can be made in explaining and confirming the prophecies, will be
regarded by the world as impartial and fair ; for it was a result which he
least of all contemplated, that he would ever be regarded as an ex
pounder of the prophecies in the Bible, or be referred to as vindicating
their truth.
It was in this manner that these Notes on the book of Revelation
assumed the form in which they are now given to the world ; and it
surprises me, and, under this view of the matter, may occasion some
surprise to my readers, to find how nearly the views coincide with those
taken by the great body of Protestant interpreters. And perhaps this
fact may be regarded as furnishing some evidence that, after all the
obscurity attending it, there is a natural and obvious interpretation of
which the book is susceptible. Whatever may be the value or the cor
rectness of the views expressed in this volume, the work is the result
of no previously-formed theory. That it will be satisfactory to all, I
have no reason to expect ; that it may be useful to some, I would hope ;
that it may be regarded by many as only adding another vain and
futile effort to explain a book which defies all attempts to elucidate its
meaning, I have too much reason, judging from the labors of those who
have gone before me, to fear. But, as it is, I commit it to the judgment
of a candid Christian public, and to the blessing of Him who alone can
make- any attempt to explain his word a means of diffusing the know
ledge of truth.
I cannot conceal the fact that I dismiss it, and send it forth to tho

PREFACE. VU
world, as the last volume on the New Testament, with deep emotion.
After more than twenty years of study on the New Testament, I am
reminded that I am no longer a young man ; and that, as I close this
work, so all my work on earth must at no distant period be ended. I
am sensible that he incurs no slight responsibility who publishes a
commentary on the Bible ; and I especially feel this now in view of the
fact — so unexpected -to me when I began these labors — that I have
been permitted in our own country to send forth more than two hun
dred and fifty thousand volumes of commentary on the New Testa
ment, and that probably a greater number has been published abroad.
That there are many imperfections in these Notes, no one can feel more
sensibly than I do ; but the views which I have expressed are those
which seem to me to be in accordance with the Bible, and I send the
last volume forth with the deep conviction that these volumes contain
the truth as God has revealed it, and as he will bless it to the extension
of his church in the world. I have no apprehension that the senti
ments which I have expressed will corrupt the morals, or destroy the
peace, or ruin the souls of those who may read these volumes ; and I
trust that they may do something to diffuse abroad a correct knowledge
of that blessed gospel on which the interests of the church, the welfare
of our country, and the happiness of the world, depend. In language
which I substantially used in publishing the revised edition of the
volumes on the Gospels, (Preface to the Seventeenth Edition, 1840^ I
can now say, ' I cannot be insensible to the fact that, in the form in which
these volumes now go forth to the public, I may continue, though dead,
to speak to the living ; and that the work may be exerting an influence
on immortal minds when I am in the eternal world. I need not say that,
while I am sensitive to this consideration, I earnestly desire it. There
are no sentiments in these volumes-which I wish to alter; none that I
do not believe to be truths that will abide the investigations of the
great day; none of which I am ashamed. That I may be in error, I
know; that a better work than this might be prepared by a more gifted
mind, and a purer heart, I know. But the truths here set forth are, I
am persuaded, those which are destined to abide, and to be the means
of saving millions of souls, and ultimately of converting this whole
world to God. That these volumes may have a part in this great work
is my earnest prayer; and with many thanks to the public for their
favors, and to God, the great source of all blessing, I send them forth,
committing them to His care, and leaving them to live or die, to be
remembered or forgotten, to be used by the present generation and the

T1U PREFACE.
next, or to be superseded by other works, as shall be in accordanee
with his will, and as he shall see to be for his glory.'
ALBERT BARNES.
Washington Square,
Philadelphia, March 26, 1851.

The works which I have had most constantly before me, and from
which I have derived most aid in the preparation of these Notes, are
the following. They are enumerated here, as some of them are fre
quently quoted, to save the necessity of a frequent reference to the
Editions in the Notes.
A Commentary on the Apocalypse, by Moses Stuart, Professor of
Sacred Literature in the Theological Seminary at Andover, Mass. An-
dover, 1845.
Horse Apocalypticae ; or, a Commentary on the Apocalypse, Critical
and Historical. By the Rev. E. B. Elliott, A. M. Late Vicar of Tux-
ford, and Fellow of Trinity College. Third Edition. London, 1847.
The works of Nathaniel Lardner, D. D. In ten volumes. London,
1829. The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. By Ed
ward Gibbon, Esq. Fifth American, from the last London edition.
Complete in four volumes. New York, J. and J. Harper, 1829.
History of Europe. By Archibald Alison, F. R. S. E. New York,
Harper & Brothers, 1843. .
An Exposition of the Apocalypse. By David N. Lord. Harper &
Brothers, 1847.
Hyponoia; or, Thoughts on a Spiritual understanding of the Apoca
lypse, a Book of Revelation. New York, Leavitt, Trow & Co., 1844.
The Family Expositor. By Philip Doddridge, D. D. London, 1831.
Ai/axpuftji' Apocalypsios Joannis Apostoli, etc. Auctore Campegio
Vitringa, Theol. et Hist. Professore. Amsterdam, 1629.
Kurtzgefasstes exegetisches Handbuch zum Neuen Testament. Von
Dr. W. M. L. De, Wette. Leipzig, 1847.
Rosenmuller Scholia in Novum Testamentum.
Dissertations on the Opening of the Sealed Book. Montreal, 1848.
Two New Arguments in vindication of the Genuineness and Authen
ticity of the Revelation of St. John. By John Collyer, Knight. Lon
don, 1842.

PREFACE. IX
lie Seventh Vial, being an Exposition of the Apocalypse, and in
particular of the pouring out of the Seventh Vial, with special reference
to the present Revolution in Europe. London, 1848.
Die Offenbarung des Heiligen Joannes. Von G. W. Hengstenberg.
Berlin, 1850.
The Works of the Rev. Andrew Fuller. New Haven, 1825.
Novum Testamentum. Editio Koppiana, 1821.
Dissertation on the Prophecies. By Thomas Newton, D. D. London,
1832. The Apocalypse of St. John. By the Rev. George Croly, A. M.
Philadelphia, 1827.
The Signs of the Times, as denoted by the fulfilment of Historical
Predictions, from the Babylonian Captivity to the present time. By
Alexander Keith, D. D. Eighth edition. Edinburgh, 1847.
Christ's Second Coming : will it be pre-millennial? By the Rev. David
Brown, A. M., St. James' Free church, Glascow. New York, 1851.
Apocalyptical Key. An extraordinary discourse on the Rise and Fall
of the Papacy. By Robert Fleming, V. D. M. New York, American
Protestant Society.
A Treatise on the Millennium. By George Bush, A. M. New York,
1832. A Key to the Book of Revelation. By James McDonald, Minister
of the Presbyterian Church, Jamaica, L. I. Second Edition. New
London, 1848.
Das alte und neue Morgenland. Rosenmuller. Leipzig, 1820.
The Season and Time; or, an exposition of the Prophecies whicU
relate to the two periods subsequent to the 1200 years now recentlj
expired, being the time of the Seventh Trumpet, -&c. By W. Ettrick,
A. M. London, 1816.
Einleitung in das Neue Testament, von Johann Gottfried Eiohhorn
Leipzig,. 1811.
For a very full view of the History of the interpretation of the Apo
calypse, and of the works that have been written on it, the reader is
referred to Elliott's Horse Apocalypticse, vol. iv., pp. 307-487, and
Prof. Stuart, vol. i., pp. 450-475.

INTRODUCTION.

§ 1. The Writer of the Book of Revelation.
Much has been written on the question who was the author of this book. To
enter into an extended investigation of this, would greatly exceed the limits which
I have, and would not comport with my design in these' Notes. For a full exami
nation of the question, I must refer to others, and would mention particularly,
Prof. Stuart, Com. i. 283-427; Lardner, Works, vi. 318-327; Hug. Intro, to the
New Testament, pp. 650-673, Andover, 1836 ; Michaelis' Introduction to the New
Testament, iv. 457-544; and the article Revelation, in Kitto's Cyclopedia of Bibli
cal Literature. I propose to exhibit, briefly, the evidence that the apostle John
was the author, according to the opinion which has been commonly entertained
in the church ; — the proof of which seems to me to be satisfactory. This may be
considered under these divisions: — the direct historical evidence; and the insuffi
ciency of the reason for doubting it.
I. The direct historical evidence. The sum of all that is to be. said on this
point is, that to the latter half of the third century, it was not doubted that the
apostle John was the author. Why it was ever afterwards doubted, and what is
the force and value of the doubt, will be considered in another part of this
Introduction. There may be some convenience in dividing the early historical testimony into
three periods of half a century each, extending from the death of John, about
A. D. 98, to the middle of the third century.
(o) From the death of John, about A. D. 98 to A. D. 150. This period em
braces the last of those men who conversed, or who might have conversed with
the apostles; that is, who were, for a part of their lives, the contemporaries of
John. The testimony of the writers who lived then would, of course, be very
important. Those embraced in this period are Hermas, Ignatius, Polycarp, and
Papias. The evidence of this period is not indeed very direct, but it is such as
it would be on the supposition that John was the author, and there Is nothing
contradictory to that supposition.
Hermas, about A. D. 100. la the "Shepherd," or "Pastor"' ascribed to this
writer, there are several allusions which are supposed to refer to this book, and
which resemble it so much as to make it probable that the author was acquainted
with it. Dr. Lardner thus expresses the result of his examination of this point:
"It is probable that Hermas had read the book of Revelation, and imitated It.
(xi)

Xll INTRODUCTION.
He has many things resembling it." VoLii., p. 69-72. There is no direct testi
mony, however, in this writer that is of importance.
Ignatius. He was bishop of Antioch, and flourished A. D. 70-107. In the
latter year he-buffered martyrdom, in the time of Trajan. Little, however, can
be derived from him in regard to the Apocalypse. He was a. contemporary of
John, and it is not a little remarkable that he has not more directly alluded to
him. In the course of a forced and hurried journey to Rome, the scene of his
martyrdom, he wrote several epistles to the Ephesians, Magnesians, Trallians,
Romans, Philadelphians, Smyrneans, and to Polycarp. There has been much
controversy respecting the authenticity of these epistles, and it is generally admitted
that those which we now possess have been greatly corrupted. There is no direct
mention of the Apocalypse in these epistles, and Michaelis makes this one of the
strong grounds of his disbelief of its genuineness. His argument is, that the
silence of Ignatius shows, either that he did not know of the existence of this
book, or did not recognise it as a part of the Sacred Scriptures. Little, however,
can be ever inferred from the mere silence of an author, for there may have been
many reasons why, though the book may have been in existence, and recognised
as the writing of John, Ignatius did not refer to it. The whole matter of the
residence of John at Ephesus, of his banishment to Patmos, and of his death, is
jinnoticed by him. There are, however, two or three allusions in the epistles of
Ignatius which have been supposed to refer to the Apocalypse, or to prove that
he was familiar with that work — though it must be admitted that the language is
so general, that it furnishes no certain proof that he designed to quote it They
are these, Epis. to the Romans: — "In the patience of Jesus Christ," comp. Rev. i.
9; and Epis. to the Ephesians: — "Stones of the temple of the Father prepared
for the building of God," comp. Rev. xxi. 2-19. To these Mr. John Collyer
Knight, of the British Museum, in a recent publication (Two new Arguments in
vindication of the genuiness and authenticity of the Revelation of St John,
London, 1842), has added a third: Epis. to the Philadelphians: — "If they do not
speak concerning Jesus Christ, they are but sepulchral pillars, and upon them
are written only the names of men.'' Comp. Rev. iii. 12, " Him that overcometh
will I make a pillar in the temple of my God, and he shall go no more out, and I
will write upon him the name of my God." It must be admitted, however, that
this coincidence of language does not furnish any certain proof that Ignatius
had seen the Apocalypse, though this is such language as he might have used if
he had seen it. There was no known necessity, however, for his referring to this
book if he was acquainted with it, and nothing can be inferred from his silence.
Polycarp. He was bishop of Smyrna, and suffered martyrdom, though at what
time is not certain. The Chronicou Pasohale names A. D. 163 ; Eusebius, 167 :
Usher, 169; and Pearson, 148. He died at the age of eighty-six, and eonse
quently was cotemporary with John, who died about A. D. 98. There is but one
relic of his writings extant — his epistle to the Philippians. There is in Eusebiuf<
(iv. 15), an epistle from the churoh in Smyrna to the ohurohes in Pontus, giving
an account of the martyrdom of Polycarp. It is admitted that in neither of these
ta there any express mention, or any certain allusion to the book of Revelation

INTRODUCTION. Xlll
But from this circumstance, nothing can be inferred respecting the Apocalypse,
sither for or against it, since there may have been no occasion for Polycarp or
his friends, in the writings now extant, to speak of this book ; and from their
silence nothing more should be inferred against this book than against the epistle
of Paul, or the gospel by John. There is, however, what may, without impro
priety, be regarded as an important testimony of Polycarp in regard to this
book. Polycarp was, as there is every reason to suppose, the personal friend of
John, and Irenajus was the personal friend of Polycarp. Lardner, ii. 94-96.
Now Irenseus, as we shall see, on all occasions, and in the most positive manner,
gives his clear testimony that the Apoealjjpse was written by the apostle John.
It is impossible to suppose that he would do this if Polycarp had not believed it
to be true, and certainly he would not have been likely to hold this opinion, if
one who was his own friend, and the friend of John, had doubted or denied it.
This is not indeed absolute proof, but it furnishes strong presumptive -evidence
in favor of the opinion that the book of Revelation was written by the apostle
John. The whole history of Polycarp, and his testimony to the books of the
New Testament, may be seen in Lardner, ii. 94-114.
Papias. Papias was bishop of Hierapolis, near Colosse, and flourished, accord
ing to Cave, about A. D. 110; according to others, about the year 115, ©r 116.
How long he lived is uncertain. Irenaeus asserts that he was the intimate friend
— iratpos — of Polycarp, and this is also admitted by Eusebius. Eccl. Hist. iii. 39.
He was the contemporary of John, and was probably acquainted with him. Euse
bius expressly says that he was "a hearer of John." Lardner, ii. 117. Of his
writings there remain only a few fragments preserved by Eusebius, by Jerome,
and in the Commentary of Andrew, bishop of Cesarea, in Cappadocia. He was
a warm defender of the Millennarian doctrines. In his writings preserved to us
(see Lardner, ii. 120-125), there is no express mention of the Apocalypse, or
direct reference to it ; but the commentator Andrew of Cesarea reckons him
among the explicit witnesses in its favor. In the Preface to his commentary on
the Apocalypse, Andrew says, "In regard now to the inspiration of the book, wo
think it superfluous to extend our discourse, inasmuch as the blessed Gregory,
and Cyril, 'and moreover the ancient [writers] Papias, Irenmus, Methodius, and
Hippolytus bear testimony to its credibility." See the passage in Hug. Intro, p.
652 ; and Prof. Stuart, i. 305. And in nearly the same Words does Aretha's, the
successor of Andrew, bear the like testimony. The evidence, therefore, in this
case -is the same as in the case of Polycarp, and it cannot be supposed that Papias
would have been thus referred to, unless it was uniformly understood that he
regarded the book as the production of the apostle John.
These are all the testimonies that properly belong to the first half century after
tho death of John, and though not absolutely positive and conclusive in them
selves, yet tne following points may be regarded as established : — (a) The book
was known ; (b) so far as the testimony goes, it is in favor of its having been
composed by John; (c) the fact that he was the author is not called in question
or doubted; (d) it Was generally ascribed to him ; (e) it was probably the, foun
dation of the Millennarian views entertained by Papias: — that is, it is more
2

Xiv INTRODUCTION.
easy to account for his holding these views, by supposing that the book was
known, and that he founded them on this book, than in any other way. See Prof.
Stuart, i. 304.
(6) The second half century after the death of John, from A. D. 150 to A. D.
200. This will include the names of Justin Martyr, the Narrator of the Martyrs
of Lyons, Irenseus, Melito, Theophilus, Apollonius, Clement of Alexandria, and
Tertullian. Justin Martyr. He was a Christian philosopher, born at Flavia Neapolis,
anciently called Sichem, a city of Samaria, it is supposed about A. D. 103 ; was
converted to Christianity about A D. 133, and suffered martyrdom about A. D.
165. Lardner, ii. 125-140. He was partly cotemporary with Polycarp and
Papias. He travelled in Egypt, Italy, and Asia Minor, and resided sometime at
Ephesus. He was endowed with a bold and enquiring mind, and was a man
eminent for integrity and virtue. Tatian cans him an "admirable man." Me
thodius says, that he was a man "not far removed from the apostles in time or in
virtue." Photius says, that he was "well acquainted with the Christian philoso
phy, and especially with the Heathen; rich in the knowledge of history, and
all other parts of learning. Lardner. He was, therefore, well qualified to ascer
tain the truth about the origin of the book of Revelation, and his testimony must
bo of great value. He was an advocate of the doctrine of Chiliasm — or, the
doctrine that Christ would reign a thousand years on the earth, and in defence of
this he uses the following language : — "And a man from among us, by name
John, one of the apostles of Christ, in a Revelation made to him — & 'AffocaAtyu
ysvouivn alir$ — has prophesied that the believers in one Christ shall live a thou
sand years in Jerusalem; and after that shall be the general, and in a word, the
eternal resurrection and judgment of all men together." There can be no doubt
whatever that there is an allusion here to the Book of Revelation — for the very
name Revelation — AttokoXi^is — is used; that Justin believed that it was written
by the apostle John; and that there is express reference to what is now chapter
xx. of that book. The book was, therefore, in existence in the time of Justin —
that is, in about fifty years after the death of John ; was believed to be the work
of the apostle John ; was quoted as such, and by one who had lived in the very
region where John lived, and by a man whose character is unimpeached, and
who, in a point like this, could not have been mistaken. The testimony of Justin
Martyr, therefore, is very important It is positive ; it is given where there was
every opportunity for knowing the truth, and where there was no motive for a
false testimony ; and it is "the testimony of one whose character for truthfulness
is unimpeached. The Narrative of the Martyrs of Vienne and Lyons. Lardner, ii. 160-165.
In the reign of Marcus Antoninus, Christians suffered muoh from persecution.
This persecution was particularly violent at Lyons, and the country round about
The churches of Lyons and Vienne sent an account of their sufferings, in an
epistle, to the churches of Asia and Phrygia. This, acoording to Lardner, was
about A. D. 177. The epistle has been preserved by Eusebius. In this epistle,
tmong other undoubted allusions to the New Testament, the following occurs

INTRODUCTION. XV
Speaking of Vettius Epigathus, they say — " For he was indeed a genuine disciple
of Christ, following the Lamb whithersoever he goes." Comp. Rev. xiv. 2: "These
are they which follow the Lamb whithersoever he goeih." There can be no doubt
that this passage in Revelation was referred to; and, it proves that the book was
then known, and that the writers were accustomed to regard it as on a level with
the other sacred writings.
lrenaus. The testimony of this father has already been referred to whe
speaking of Polycarp. He was bishop of Lyons, in Gaul. His country is no
certainly known, but Lardner supposes that he was a Greek, and, from his early
¦acquaintance with Polycarp, that he was from Asia. When a youth he was a
hearer of Polycarp, and also a disciple of Papias. He was born about the begin
ning of the second century, and it is commonly supposed that he suffered martyr
dom m extreme old age. He became bishop of Lyons after he was seventy years
of age, and wrote his principal work, Contra Hareses, after this. His testimony
is particularly valuable, as he was in early life acquainted with Polycarp, who
was a contemporary and friend of the apostle John. Lardner, ii. 145-192. Of his
reference to the book of Revelation, Lardner says : " The Apocalypse, or Revela
tion, is often quoted by him as the Revelation of John, the disciple of the Lord."
In one place he says : "It was seen no long time ago, but almost in our age, at
the end of the reign of Domitian." And again, he spoke of the exact and ancient
copies of the book, as if it was important to ascertain the true reading, and as if
it were then possible to do this. Thus Eusebius (Lardner, ii. 167) says of him:
" In his fifth book he thus discourses of the Revelation of John, and the compu
tation of the name of Antichrist; 'These things being thus, and this number being
in all the exact and ancient copies, and they who saw John attesting to the same
things, and reason teaching us that the number of the name of the beast, accord
ing to the acceptation of the Greeks, is expressed by the letters contained in it.'"
Here is an undoubted reference to Rev. xiii. 18. This evidence is dear and posi
tive. Its value consists in these things : (a) That he was familiar with one who
was a friend of John; (6) that he must have known his views on the subject; (c)
that he must have been intimately acquainted with the common opinion on the
subject of the authorship of the book; (d) that a spurious work could not have
been palmed upon the world as the production of John; (e) that he bears unequi
vocal testimony to the fact that it was written by John; (/) and that he speaks
of the 'f most exact" copies being then in existence, and testified to by those who
had seen John himself.
Melito. Lardner, ii. 157-160. He was bishop of Sardis, one of the churches
to which the book of Revelation was directed. He is supposed to have flourished
about A. D. 170. He was a man greatly distinguished for learning and piety, and
Jerome says that Christians were accustomed to name him a prophet. He was,
moreover, remarkably inquisitive respecting the sacred books, and, at the reques
of Onesimus, he made extracts from the Scriptures respecting the Messianic pro
phecies, and also a complete list of the books of the Old Testament, which is stil
extant in Eusebius. Hist. Ecc. iv. 26. He wrote a Treatise, or Commentary on
the Book of Revelation. Dr. Lardner says of this, "what it contained we are not

XVI I N T R.O D U C T 1 0 N.
informed. I will say it was a commentary on that book. It is p.ain he ascribed
that book to John, and very likely to John the Apostle. I think it very probable
he esteemed it a book of canonical authority." Hug says (p. 653), "Melito him
self calls it the Apocalypse of .John." Even Michaelis (Intro, to the New Testa
ment, iv. 466), reckons Melito among the witnesses in favor of the book. The
ealue of this testimony is this : (a) Melito was bishop of one of the churches to
which the Apocalypse was directed; (o) he lived near the time of John; (c) he
was a diligent student on this very subject; (d) he had every opportunity of ascer
taining the truth on the Bubjeet; (c) he regarded it as the work of the apostle
John; (/) and he wrote a Treatise, or commentary on it as an inspired book. It
is not easy to conceive of stronger testimony in favor of the book.
Theophilus.. Lardner, ii. 203-215. He was bishop of Antioch, and flourished
about A. D. 169-180. He wrote a work against the "heresy" of Hermogenes,
referred to by Eusebius. Ecc. Hist. iv. 24. In that work he expressly speaks of
the Apocalypse as the production of John, and Lardner says of his testimony,
"That the boo* of Revelation was owned by him is undoubted from Eusebius.
Eusebius has assured us that Theophilus, in his book against Hermogenes, brought
testimonies from the Apocalypse of John." pp. 214, 215. The value of this testi
mony is, that Theophilus doubtless expressed the current opinion of his time, and
that he had ample opportunity for ascertaining the truth. There is also a pas
sage in the writings of Theophilus which seems to be a direct allusion to the Book
of Revelation : "This Eve, because she was deceived by the Serpent — the evil
demon, who is also called Satan, who thus spoke to her by the Serpent — does not
cease to accuse ; this demon is also called the dragon." Comp. Rev. xii. 9.
Apollonius. Lardner, ii. 391-393. He flourished about A. D. 192. Eusebius
says of him, " He makes use of testimonies out of the Revelation of John." The
value of this testimony is, (a) that he quotes the book as of authority ; and
(6) that he ascribes it to John, evidently meaning the Apostle John.
Clement of Alexandria. Lardner, ii. 222-259. He flourished about A D.
192-220. Many of his writings are extant Lardner (p. 245) says of him, "The
book of Revelation is several times quoted by him, and once in this manner:
' Such an one, though here on earth he be not honored with the first seat, shall
sit upon the four and twenty thrones judging the people, as John says in the Re
velation.' " Comp. Rev. iv. 4, xi. 16. Lardner adds, "And that he supposed this
writer to be John tho Apostle, appears from another place, where he refers to
Rev. xxi. 21, as the words of the apostle." Prof. Stuart says (i. 317), "There is
no good ground for doubt, from any thing which is found in the work, that he
received and admitted the Apocalypse as a work of John the Apostle." The
known character of Clement makes this testimony of great value.
Tertullian. He was the contemporary of Clement, and was the most ancient,
and one of the most learned of the Latin fathers. Lardner, ii. 267-306. He was
born at Carthage, about the middle of the second century, and died about A. D.
220. He was bred up in the study of tho Greek and Latin languages, of philoso
phy and the Roman law, and possessed extensive information. "His testimony
to tho Apocalypse is most full and ample. He quotes, or refers to it in more than

INTRODUCTION. XVli
seventy passages in his writings, appealing to it expressly as the work of ihe
apostle John." Elliott, i. 27. " The declarations of Tertullian are so frequent
and plain, that no doubt can possibly remain as to his belief." Prof. Stuart, i. 318.
" The Revelation of John is often quoted. I put together two or three passages,
which show his full persuasion that it was written by the apostle and evangelist
of that name." Lardner, ii. 295. One of the passages referred to by Lardner is
the following: " Theapostie John, in the Apocalypse, describes a Bharp two-edged
sword coming out of the mouth of God." Another is, " Though Marcion rejects
his Revelation, the succession of bishops traced to the original, will assure us
that John is the author." There can be no doubt, therefore, that Tertullian
regarded the apostle John as the author of the book of Revelation ; and his con
fident assertion may be considered an expressive of the prevailing opinion of his
time. Thus far, to the end of the second century, the testimony of the fathers of the
church, as far as we now have it, was uniform and unbroken; and so far as
historical testimony is concerned, this should be permitted to decide the question.
Marcion, indeed, who lived in the time of Polycarp, and whom Polycarp called
"the first-born of Satan" (Lardrrer, ii. 95), rejected the book of Revelation (see
the declaration of Tertullian in Lardner, ii. 275), but it is also to bo remembered
that he rejected the whole of the Old Testament, the account of the genealogy
and baptism of the Saviour, the Acts of the Apostles, the epistles to Timothy,
Titus, the Hebrews, and the Catholic epistles. Lardner, vi. 142-151, 347-350;
viii. 489-513. Besides the opinion of Marcion, the testimony was uniform, with
the exception of the heretical sect of the Alogi, if there was any such sect, which
is generally supposed to have arisen in the latter half of this century, who derived
their name from their antipathy to the name of Logos, and who on this account
denied both the gospel of John and the book of Revelation. See Lardner, iv.
190, 191 ; viii. 627, 628. Lardner, however, maintains that there never was any
such a sect. viii. 628.
(c) The third half century after the death of John, A. D. 200-250. Among
the names embraced in this period are those of Hippolytus, who flourished about
A. D. 220; Nepos, an Egpptian bishop; the well-known Origen, the most acute
critic of all the early fathers, and who devoted his life to the study of the Scrip
tures; Cyprian, bishop of Carthage, who flourished about A. D. 246; and Metho
dius, bishop of Olympia in Lycia. All these, without exception, have left a clear
and decided expression of their belief that the apostle John was the author of
the Apocalypse. See that testimony at length in Prof. Stuart, i. 321-326.
It is unnecessary to pursue the historical evidence further. If the testimony
in favor of the work is unbroken and clear for an hundred and fifty years, the
testimony of those who lived subsequent to that period would add little to its
strength. To the names already mentioned, however, there might be added those
of Epiphanius, Basil, Cyril of Alexandria, Ephrem the Syrian, Ambrose, Jerome,
Augustine, Hilary of Poictiers, Gregory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, and many others.
Such is the external positive testimony in favor of the opinion that the book of
Revelation was written by the apostle John.
2*

Xviii INTRODUCTION.
To this might be added certain internal marks, or certain facts in the life of
John which accord with this supposition, and seem to confirm it. They are such
that if they did not exist there might be some room for plausible doubt, though
it must be admitted that, in themselves, they do not amount to positive proof of
any considerable strength that he was the author. There is not room to dwell
upon them, and they can only be briefly referred to. They are such as these :—
(1.) That the author calls himself John, evidently with the design of representing
himself as the Apostle of that name, for (a) his supposed relation to the churchei
of Asia Minor is such as the relation of the apostle John was, and (5) the name
John, unless there was something to qualify it, would be naturally understood as
referring to the apostle of that name. (2.) The fact that John lived at Ephesus,
and was well known to the seven churches of Asia Minor. (3.) The fact that he
lived to extreme old age — to the time when the book was supposed to have been
written. See § 2. (4.) The fact that there was a persecution in the time of Domi-
tian, when this book is supposed to have been written; and (5) Vhat might be
derived from a comparison of this book with the acknowledged writings of John.
II. To confirm the argument, it is necessary to show the insufficiency of the
reasons for doubting that John was the author. This point may be considered
under two heads; — the alleged grounds for doubting that it was written by John
by the ancients ; and the reasons alleged by the moderns.
(1.) The ancients.
(a) It has been maintained that it was rejected by Caius, a Presbyter at Rome.
He flourished, according to Cave, about A. D. 210. See Lardner, ii. 394-410.
There is a single passage in his writings from which it has been inferred that he
designed to reject the Apocalypse. This is in the following words : "And Cerin
thus also, who by his revelations, as if written by some great apostle, imposes
upon us monstrous relations of things of his own invention, as shown him by an
angel, says, f that after the resurrection there shall be a terrestrial kingdom of
Christ, and that men shall live again in Jerusalem, subject to sensual desires and
pleasures. And being an enemy to the divine Scriptures, and desirous to seduce
mankind, he says there will be a term of a thousand years spent in nuptial enter
tainments.' " Lardner, ii. 400, 401.
The whole force of this depends on the supposition that Caius meant to refer to
Rev. xx. 4-6.
But in regard to this the following remarks may be made : — (a) Caius was
strongly opposed to Cerinthus and to his views ; (6> he was opposed to the pre
vailing doctrine of Chiliasm, or the doctrine of the Millennium, as then exten
sively held — that Christ would reign personally on tho earth with his saints for a
thousand years ; (r ) it may be possible that Cerinthus may have forged a work
pretending to be of Apostolic origin, in which these doctrines were afBrmed ; (d)
it is possible that the book of Revelation, as left by John, may have been inter
polated and corrupted by Caius thus. Some one of these suppositions is more
probable than the supposition that Caius meant to reject the book of Revelation:—
for 1. The views referred to by Caius, as held by Cerinthus, are not the view*

INTRODUCTION, xix
which are found in Rev. xx. He spoke of a "terrestrial kingdom of Christ;"
says that "men would again live in Jerusalem;" that they "would be subject to.
sensual pleasures ;" and that the " time of the thousand years would be spent in
nuptial entertainments." None of these opinions are found on the book of Re
velation as we now have it. «
2. The title given by Caius to the book — Revelations instead of Revelation —
' Airo/ciiXuu^i s — as we find it in the book itself, ch. i. 1, would seem to indicate a
different work from that of John. Eusebius always refers to the Apocalypse by
the noun singular (Prof. Stuart, i. 341), and this is the general manner in which
the work has been designated. If Caius had designed to refer to this, it is proba
ble that he would have used the common term to designate it.
3. These views' receive some confirmation from a passage in Theodoret, " who
spoke of Cerinthus in such a way as seems to imply that he had forged an Apoca
lypse for the promotion of his designs." That passage is, " Cerinthus forged cer
tain revelations as if he himself had seen them, and added descriptions of certain
terrible things, and declares that the kingdom of the Lord will be established on
the earth," &c. See Prof. Stuart, i. 342. On the whole, nothing of material im
portance can be derived from the testimony of Caius in proof that the Apocalypse
was not believed to have been written by John.
(6) Dionysius of Alexandria doubted the genuineness of the Apocalypse as
being the production of John, though he did not deny its inspiration. He was
made bishop of the See of Alexandria, A. D. 247, or 248, and died about A. D.
264, or 265. Bee Lardner, ii. 643-722. He was a pupil of Origen, and enjoyed a
high reputation. The full testimony of Dionysius in regard to this book may be
seen in Lardner, ii. 693.-697. I will copy all that is material to show his opinion.
He says, " Some who were before us have utterly rejected and confuted mis book,
oritioising every chapter ; showing it throughout unintelligible and inconsistent ;
adding, moreover, that the inspiration is false, forasmuch as it is not John's ; nor
is a revelation which is hidden under so obscure and thick a veil of ignorance."
[Prof. Stuart (i. 346) translates this, " It contains, moreover, no revelation ; for it
is covered .with a strong and thick veil of ignorance."] " And this not only no
apostle, but not so much as any holy or ecclesiastical man was the author of this
writing, but that Cerinthus, founder of the heresy called after him the Corinthian,
the better to recommend his own forgery, prefixed to it an honorable name. For
this they say was.one of his particular notions, that the kingdom of Christ should
be earthly; consisting of those things which he himself, a carnal and sensual
man, most admired, the pleasures of the belly, and its concupiscence; that is,
eating, and drinking, and marriage; and for the more decent procurement of
these, feastings, and sacrifices, and slaughters of victims. But, for my part, I dare
not reject the book, since many of the brethren have it in high esteem ; but allow
ing it to be above my understanding, I suppose it to contain throughout some
latent and wonderful meaning ; for though I do not understand it, I suspect there
must be some profound sense in the words ; not measuring and judging thes6
things by my own reason, but ascribing more to faith, I esteem them too sublime
to be comprehended by me." Then, having quoted some passages from the book.

XX INTRODUCTION.
he adds, speaking of the author, "I do not deny, then, that his name is John,
and that this is John's book; for I believe it to be the work of some holy and
inspired person. Nevertheless, I cannot easily grant him to be the apostle, the
son of Zebedee, brother of James, whose is the gospel ascribed to John, and the
Catholic epistle ; for I conclude from the manner of each, and the term of expres
sion, and the conduct of the book, as we call it, that he is not the same person;
for the evangelist nowhere puts down his name, nor does he speak of himself
either in the gospel or the epistle. I think, therefore, that he [the author] is
another, one of them that dwelleth in Asia; forasmuch as it is said, that there
are two tombs at Ephesus, each 6f them called John's tomb. And from the sen
timent, and words, and disposition of them, it is likely that he differed from him
[who wrote the gospel and epistle]."
This is the sum of all that Dionysius says in regard to the genuineness of the
book. Respecting this th$ following remarks may be made : —
1. Dionysius, though he did not regard the work as the work of John the
Apostle, yet received4t as an inspired book, though far above his comprehension.
2. He does not agree with those who altogether rejected it, as if it were no
revelation, and contained no inspired truth.
3. He did not ascribe it, as it has been supposed by some that Caius did, to
Cerinthus. 4. All the objections that he urges to its being the work of the apostle John,
are derived from the book itself, and from the difficulty of supposing that the
Gospel of John, and the first epistle of John, should have been written by the
same author. He refers to no historical proof on that point; and does not even
intimate that it genuineness had been called in question by the early writers. Il
is clear, therefore, that the objections of Dionysius should not be allowed to set
aside the strong and clear proofs of an historical nature already adduced from the
early Christian writers. See the opinion of Dionysius examined more at length
in Prof. Stuart, i. 344-354. Comp. Hug. Intro, pp. 654-656.
(c) It may be added, in regard to the historical testimony from the ancients,
that the book is not found in many of the early catalogues of the books of the
New Testament, and that this has been made an objection to its authenticity.
Thus Gregory of Nazianzen, in a piece composed in verse, containing a catalogue
of the Canonical Scriptures, omits the book of Revelation ; in the catalogue of
sacred writings annexed to the canons of the Council of Laodicea, A. D. 363, it is
also omitted ; in the so-called Canons of the Aposrfes, a supposititious work of the
latter part of the fourth century, it is also omitted; it is also omitted in a cata
logue of sacred books published by Cyril of Jerusalem, A. D. 360; and it is men
tioned by Amphilocus, bishop of Iconium, A. D. 3S0, as among the books that
were doubtful : — "Some," says he, "admit the Apocalypse of John, but most
persons say it is spurious." See Miohaelis, Intro. New Tcs. iv. 489 ; Prof. Stuarti
i. 357, seq.
In regard to these omissions, and the doubts entertained by later writers on the
subject, it may be remarked ic general, (1.) that it is well known that in the

INTRODUCTION. Xii
latter part of the fourth century and onward many doubts were entertained as to
the canonical authority of the Apocalypse, and that, together with the epistle to
the Hebrews, the second epistle of Peter, and the second and third epistles of John,
it was reckoned among ihe buoks called Antilegomena; that is, books spoken
against, or books whose canonical authority was not admitted by all. (2.) This
fact shows, as has been often remarked, the great vigilance of the church in the
early ages, in settling the canon of Scripture, and in determining what books
were to be admitted, and what were to be rejected. (3.) These doubts, entertained
in a later age, cannot affect the clear historical testimony of the early writers, as
we now have it ; for the question of the origin of the Apocalypse, so far as the histo
rical testimony is concerned, must be determined by the testimony of the writers
who lived near the time when it is alleged to have been written. (4.) The objec
tions alleged against the Apocalypse in later times, were wholly on internal
grounds, and were mainly derived from the fact that it was supposed to countenance
the doctrine of Chiliasm, or the doctrine of the personal reign of Christ and tho
saints, for a thousand years, in Jerusalem ; and from the fact that the followers
of Cerinthus appealed to this book in support of their pernicious errors. The
book seemed (see ch. xx.) to countenance the views early entertained by many on
the^subjeot of the Millennium, and, in accordance with a common method of
controversy, its canonical authority was therefore called in question. Thus Hug
(Intro, p. 654), says, " It was amidst the disputes concerning the Millennium, that
the first explicit and well-authenticated denial of the Apocalypse occurred."
Nepos, Bishop of the Arsinoitic Praefecture in Egypt, had maintained that the
doctrine of the Millennium could be defended from the book of Revelation, by a
literal exposition. Dionysius opposed this view, and in the violence of the dis
pute on the subject, the authority of -the Apocalypse itself was called in question
by Dionysius, on the grounds referred to above. " He did this, however," says
Hug, " with such moderation, that he might not offend those who had so readily
agreed to a compromise ;" — that is, a compromise by which, as bishop, he had
endeavored to reconcile the contending parties. Hug has shown conclusively
(pp. 654-656) that this constitutes no objection to the genuineness of the book.
It was on such internal grounds entirely that the authenticity of the book was
called in question, and that it was ever placed among the disputed books. That
objection is, of course, of no importance now. (5.) It is well known that, mainly
by the influence of Jerome and Augustine (see Prof. Stuart, i. 334), all these
doubts were removed, and that the Apocalypse after their time was all but uni
versally received, until Luther, for reasons derived from the book itself, in the
early part of his life, again called it in question.
Such is a summary of the historical argument in favor of the genuineness of
the book of Revelation ; and such is the nature of the evidence which has satis
fied the Christian world at large that it is the work of the apostle John, and is,
therefore, entitled to a place as an inspired book in the canon of Scripture. In
ancient times there were no objections to it on historical grounds, and it is unne
cessary to say that there can be none on these grounds now.
(2.) The objections to its genuineness and authenticity in modern times, are

XX11 INTRODUCTION.
wholly derived from the contents of the book itself. These objections, as stated
by De Wette, and as expressing the substance of all that is urged by Ewald,
Liicke, Credner, and others, are the following:
1. That the Apocalyptical writer calls himself John, which the evangelist never
dees. It is added, also, by Ewald, Credner, and Hitzig, that in chs. xviii 20, and
xxi. 14, the writer expressly excludes himself from the number of the apostles.
2. That the language of the book is entirely different from that of the fourth
Gospel, and the three epistles of John the Apostle. It is said to be characterized
by strong Hebraisms, and by ruggedness ; by negligence of expression, and by
grammatical inaccuracies; and that it exhibits the absence of pure Greek words,
and of the apostle's favorite expressions.
3. That the style is unlike that which apnears in the Gospel and the epistles.
In the latter, it is said, there is calm, deep feeling ; in the Apocalypse, a lively,
oreative power of fancy.
4. That the doctrinal aspect of the book is different from that of the apostle's
acknowledged writings. It is said that we find in the latter nothing of the "sen
suous expectations of the Messiah and of his kingdom," which are prominent in •
the Apocalypse ; that the views inculcated respecting spirits, demons, and angels,
are foreign to John; and that there is a certain spirit of revenge flowing through
out the Apocalypse, quite inconsistent with the mild and amiable disposition of
the beloved disciple.
For a full consideration of these points, and a complete answer to these objec
tions, the reader is referred to the Commentary of Prof. Stuart, vol. i. pp. 371-422,
A more condensed reply is found in Kitto's Cyclopedia of Biblical Literature, in
an article by the Rev. S. Davidson, LL. D., Professor of Biblical Literature and
Oriental Languages in the Lancashire Independent College, vol. ii. pp. 614-618.
The objections do not seem to me to have the importance which has been
attached to them by many persons, but it may be satisfactory, to see the manner
in which they are disposed of by Dr. Davidson : I therefore copy his answer to
them. " Let us now consider the internal evidence in favor of John the Apostle, be
ginning with an examination of the arguments adduced on the other side by De
Wette. These do not possess all the weight that many assign to them. We shall
follow the order in which they have been already stated.
1. We attach no importance to this circumstance. Why should not a writer be
at liberty to name himself or not as he pleases ; above all, why should not a
writer, .under the immediate inspiration of the Almighty, omit the particulars
which he was not prompted to record? How could he refrain from doing so?
The Holy Spirit must have had some good reason for leading the writer to sot
forth his name, although curiosity is not gratified by assigning the reason. The
Old Testament prophets usually prefixed their names to the visions and predic
tions which they were prompted to record; and John does the same. But instead .
of styling himself an apostle, whioh carries with it an^dea of dignity and official
authority, ho modestly takes to himself the appellation of- a servant of Christ,
the brother and companion of the faithful in tribulation. This corresponds with
the relation which he sustained to Christ in the receiving of such visions as also
with the condition of the Redeemer himself. In the Gospel, John is mentioned
as the discvple whom Jesus loved, for then he stood in an intimate relation to
Christ, as the Son of man appearing in the form of a servant; but in the book

INTRODUCTION. XXlii
before us, Christ is announced as the glorified Redeemer who should quickly
eome to judgment, and John is his servant, entrusted with th6 secrets of his
house. Well did it become the apostle to forget all tho honor of his apostolic
office, and to be abased before the Lord of glory. The resplendent vision of the
Saviour had such an effect upon the seer, that he fell at his feet as dead ; and
therefore it was quite natural for him to be clothed with profound humility, to
designate himself the servant of Jesus Christ, the brother and companion of
the faithful in tribulation. Again, in ch. xviii. 20, the prophets are said to be
represented as already in heaven in their glorified condition, and therefore the
writer could not have belonged to their number. But this passage neither affirms
nor necessarily implies that the saints and apostles and prophets were at that time
in heaven. Neither is it stated that all the apostles had then been glorified.
Chapter xxi. 14 is alleged to be inconsistent with the modesty and humility of
John. This is a questionable assumption. The official honor inseparable from
the person of an apostle was surely compatible with profound humility. It was so
with Paul ; and we may safely draw the same conclusion in regard to John. In
describing the heavenly Jerusalem it was necessary to introduoe the twelve apostles.
The writer could not exclude himself (see Liicke, p. 389 ; and Guerike's Bei-
trage, p. 37, sq.).
2. To enter fully into this argument would require a lengthened treatise. Let
us briefly notice the particular words, phrases, and expressions to which Ewald,
Liicke, De Wette, andj, Credner specially allude. Much has been written by
Ewald concerning the Hebraistic character of the language. The writer, it is
alleged, strongly imbued with Hebrew modes of thought, frequently inserts He
brew words, as in iii. 14; ix. 11; xii. 9, 10: xix. 1, 3, 4, 6; xx. 2; xxii. 20;
while the influence of cabbalistic artificiality is obvious throughout the entire
book, and particularly in i. 4, 5 ; iv. 2 ; xiii. 18 ; xvi. 14. The mode of employing
the tenses' is foreign to the Greek language, and moulded after the Hebrew (i. 7 ;
ii. 5, 16,-22, 23, 27; iii. 9; iv. 9-11; xii. 2-4; xvi. 15, 21; xvii. 13, 14; xviii. 11,
15 ; xxii. 7, 12). So also the use of the participle (i. 16 ; iv. 1, 5, 8 ; v. 6, 13 ; vi.
2, 5; vii. 9, 10; ix. 11; x. 2; xiv. 1, 14; xix. 12, 13; xxi. 14); and of the infini
tive (xii. 7). The awkward disposition of words is also said to be Hebraistic ;
such as a genitive appended like the construct state ; the stringing together of
several genitives (xiv. 8, 10, 19; xvi. 19; xviii. 3, 14; xix. 15; xxi. 6; xxii.
18, 19); and the use of the Greek cases, which are frequently changed for
prepositions (ii. 10 ; iii. 9 ; vi. 1, 8 ; viii. 7 ; ix. 19 ; xi. 6, 9 ; xii. 5 ; xiv. 2, 7) ;
incorrectness in appositions (i. 5 ; ii. 20 ; iii. 12 ; iv. 2-4; vi. 1 ; vii. 9 ; viii. 9 ; ix.
14 ; xiii. 1-3 ; xiv. 2, 12, 14, 20, Ac.) ; a construction formed of an abrds put
after the relative pronoun (iii. 8; vii. 2, 9; xiii. 12; xx. 8); frequent anoma
lies in regard to number and gender (ii. 27; iii. 4, 5; iv. 8; vi. 9, 10; ix.
13, 14; xi. 15; xiv. 1, 3; xvii. 16; xix. 14; and viii. 11; xi. 18; xv. 4; xvii. 12,
15; xviii. 14; xix. 21; xx. 12; xxi. 4, 24; also, xvi. 10; xix. 1, 8, 9. In addi
tion to this it is alleged by Credner, that the use made of the Old Testament
betrays an acquaintance on the part of the writer with the Hebrew text (comp.
vi. 13, 14 with Isa. xxxiv. 4 ; xviii. 2 with Isa. xiii. 21, xxi. 9, xxxiv 14, Jer. 1.
39 ; xviii. 4, 5 with Jer. Ii. 6, 9, 45 ; xviii. 7 with Isa. xlvii. 7, 8 ; xviii. 21-23 with
Jer. xxv. 10, li. 63, 64). .Da contrast with all this, we are reminded of the fact
that, according to Acts iv. 13, John was an unlearned and ignorantinan.
The book is deficient in words and turns of expression purely Greek, such as
vdvrort, Tr&nort, obSiiroTE', compound verb's, as avayycWstv, mzpaAa/ij3av«v, ImfidWeiv}
the double negation ; the genitive absolute ; the attraction of the relative pro
noun ; the regular construction of the netiter plural with the verb singular (ex
cept viii. 3; ix. 20; xiv. 13; xviii. 24; xix. 14; xxi. 12); isoiar with the genitive.
Favorite expressions, such as occur in the Gospel and epistles, are seldom found,
as diaojiai, Oewjjfw, ipyd^opat, ftfipara, irakiv, fytavtiv, jihtiv, kh&i&s, <Sff (an adverb of
time), oZv, pev pivroi, Kdapos, ^uiff, aKoria, Soj-dfyoQai, tyovaQtzt, fuf) altivtos, an6\\vc9at,
»?to j (toBto) 7j/a ; the historic present There are also favorite expressions of the
writer of this book, such as do not occur in John's authentic writings r oteovufrri,
tntopovft, Kparetv rb biojta, Trjv 5lSa^v, iraVTOKpdTwp, Beds Kal irartfp, itivapts, Kpdros,

XXIV INTRODUCTION.
taxis, Tipfi, TrparSroKls tUv vticpZv, !, ipxfi *%! ktIccus roB Bcoy, b 8px<av ruv ffajMuj
tTis yys, Sic in the beginning of a sentence. The conjunction cl, so common in the
Gospel, does not occur in tho Apocalypse ; but only el pi, cl be pti, and a ris. The
frequent joining of a substantive with pcyas, as ipuivt) pcyAXv, B\tif,ts jicyd\n, $<S|3i>$
piyas, trucnihs piyas, rather reminds one of Luke than John ; pclfav, so frequentin
the Gospel, is not found in the Revelation ; and, on the contrary, hXvp6s, which
occurs seven times in the Apocalypse, is foreign to the GospeL
The following discrepancies between the language of the Gospel and that of
the epistles have been noticed : a\i]Biv6s is used of God both in the Gospel and
the Apocalypse, but in different senses ; so also kCoios, and tpy&tytpai ; instead of
lit the Apocalypse has only Hoi ; instead of 'lcpoo6\vpa only 'UptmaaXjp ; instead
of lav ns, as in the Gospel, cl tij ; nipt, so often used by John, occurs only once
in the Apocalypse, and that too in relation to place ; o^Xo; is used in the pluraL
Words denoting seeing are differently used in the Gospel and Apocalypse; thus,
for the present we find in the latter /3X6r«v, Bcaipeiv bpav; for tile aorist of the
active clSov, fiXhciir, and Bcaptai ; for the future lurcaBai, and for the aorist of the
passive also SirTeadai ; phciv has a different meaning from that which it bears in
the Gospel ; instead of b ap^uv rov Kdapov, and b novrjpSs, we find i aaravas,b iidfioXos,
b opdiehiv b pcyas.
Such is a summary statement of an argument drawn out at great length by
Liicke, De Wette, Ewald, and Credner.
Some have attempted to tarn aside its force by resorting to the hypothesis that
the book was originally written in Hebrew, and then translated into Greek. This,
however, is contradicted by the most decisive internal evidence, and is in itself
highly improbable. The Apocalypse was written in the Greek language, as all
antiquity attests. How then are we to account for its Hebraistic idioms and
solecisms of language, its negligences of diction, and ungrammatical construc
tions ? One circumstance to be taken into account is, that the nature of the
Gospel is widely different from that of the Apocalypse. The latter is a prophetic
book — a poetical composition — while the former is a simple record in prose, of the
discourses of Jesus in the days of his flesh. It is apparent, too, that John in the
Apocalypse imitates the manner of Ezekiel and DanieL The New Testament
prophet conforms to the diction and symbolic features of the former seers. ' If
the question should be urged, why John chose these models? the obvious answer
is, that he conformed to the taste of the times in which he lived. The numerous
apocryphal works of an Apocalyptical nature, which were composed nearly at the
same time with the Apocalypse, such as the book of Enoch, the Ascension of
Isaiah, the Testament- of the twelve patriarchs, many of the Sibylline Oracles, the
fourth book of Ezra, the Pastor of Hermas, and many others which are lost — all
testify to the taste and feelings of the times when, or near which, the Apocalypse
was, written. If this method of writing was more grateful to the time in which
John lived, it is a good reason for his preferring it* In consequence of such
imitation, the diction has an Oriental character; and the figures are in the highest
style of imagery peculiar to the East But it is said that John was an illiterate
man. Illiterate, doubtless, he was as compared with Paul, who was brought up
at tho feet of Gamaliel ; yot he may have been capable of reading the Old Testa
ment books ; and he was certainly inspired. Rapt in ecstacy, he saw wondrous
visions. He was in the Spirit. And when writing the things he beheld, his lan
guage was to bo conformed to the nature of such marvellous revelations. It was
to be adapted to the mysterious disclosures, the vivid pictures, the moving scenes,
the celestial beings and scenery of which ho was privileged to tell. Hence it was
to be lifted up far above the level of simple prose or biographic history, so as to
correspond with the sublime visions of the seer. Nor should it be forgotten that
he was not in the" ciroumstances of an ordinary writer. He was inspired. How
often is this fact lost sight of by tho German critics! It is therefore needless to
inquire into his eduoation in the Hebrew language, or his mental culture while
residing in Asia Minor, or the smoothness of the Greek language as ourrent in
* Stuart, In the Bibliothoca Sacra, pp. 358, 364.

INTRODUCTION. XXV
the plaee where he lived, before and after he wrote the Apocalypse. The Holy
Spirit qualified him beyond and irrespective of ordinary means, for the work of
writing. However elevated the theme he undertook, he was assisted in employ
ing diction as elevated as the nature of the subject demanded. We place, there
fore, little reliance upon the argument derived from the time of life at which the
Apocalypse was composed, though Olshausen and Guerike insist upon it. Written,
as they think, twenty years before the Gospel or epistles, the Apocalypse exhibits
marks of inexperience in writing, of youthful-fire, and of an ardent temperament.
It exhibits the first essays of one expressing his ideas in a language to which he
was unaccustomed. This may be true ; but we lay far less stress upon it than
these authors seem inclined to do. The strong Hebraized diction of the book we
account for on the ground that the writer was a Jew ; and, as such, expressed his
Jewish conceptions in Greek ; that he imitated the later Old Testament prophets,
especially the manner of Daniel ; and that the only prophetic writing in the New
Testament naturally approaches nearer the Old Testament, if not in subject, at
least in coloring and linguistic features.
These considerations may serve to throw light upon the language of the book,
after all the extravagances of assertion in regard to anomalies, solecisms, and
ruggednesses, have been fairly estimated. For it cannot be denied that many
rash and unwarrantable assumptions have been made by De Wette and others
relative to the impure Greek said to be contained in the Apocalypse. Winer has
done much to check such bold assertions, but with little success in the case of
those who are resolved to abide by a strong and prevalent current of opinion.
We venture to affirm, without fear of contradiction, that there are books of the
New Testament almost as Hebraizing as the Apocalypse ; and that the anomalies
charged to the account of the Hebrew language may be paralleled in other parts
of the New Testament or in classical Greek. What shall be said, for instance, to
the attempt of Hitzig to demonstrate from the language of Mark's Gospel,_as
compared with that of the Apocalypse, that both proceeded from one author, viz.,
John Mark ? This author has conducted a lengthened investigation with the view
of showing that all the peculiarities of language found in the Apocalypse are
equally presented in the second Gospel, particularly that the Hebraisms of the
one correspond with those of the other. Surely this must lead to new investiga
tions of the Apocalyptic diction, and possibly to a renunciation of those extrava
gant assertions so often made in regard to the harsh, rugged, Hebraized Greek of
the Apocalypse. Who ever dreamed Before of the numerous solecisms of Mark's
language ? and yet Hitzig has demonstrated its similarity to the Apocalyptic as
plausibly as Ewald, Liicke, and ethers have proved the total dissimilarity between
the diction of the Apocalypse and that of John's Gospel.
The length allotted to this article will not allow the writer to notice every term
and phrase supposed to be peculiar. This can only be done with success by him
who takes a concordance to the Greek Testament in his hand, with the determi
nation to test each example ; along with a good syntax of classical Greek, such
as Bernhardy's. In this way he may see whether the alleged Hebraisms and
anomalies have not their parallels in classical Greek. Some of the allegations
already quoted are manifestly incorrect, e. g. that aKotiw with the genitive is not
found in the Apocalypse. On tho contrary, it occurs eight times with the genitive.
Other words are adduced on the principle of their not occurring so frequently in
the book before us as in the Gospel and epistles. But by this mode of reasoning
it might be shown, that the other acknowledged writings of the apostle John, for
instance his first epistle, are not authentic. Thus ftpara, one of the words quoted,
though frequently found in the Gospel, is rot in any of the three epistles ; there
fore, these epistles were not written by John. It is found once in the Apocalypse.
Again, ipydfypai, which is found seven times in the Gospel, and once inthe Apoca
lypse, as also once in each of the second and third epistles, is not in the first
epistle; therefore the first epistle proceeded from another writer than the author
of the second and third. The same reasoning may be applied to Bcapla. Again,
it is alleged that the regular construction of neuters plural with singular verbs is
not found, with the exception of six instances. To say nothing of the large list

XXVi INTRODUCTION.
of exceptions, let it be considered, that the plural verb is joined with- plural
nouns where animate beings, especially persons, are designated. Apply now this
principle, which regularly holds good in classical Greek, to the Apocalypse,' and
nothing peculiar will appear in the latter. Should there still remain examples of
neuters plural designating things without life, we shall find similar ones in .the
Greek writers. Another mode in which the reasoning founded upon the use of
peculiar terms and expressions may be tested, is the following. It is admitted
that there are words which occur in the Gospel and epistles, buttnot in the Apo
calypse. The adverb izdvrorc is an example. On the same principle and by virtue
of the same reasoning, it may be denied, as far as language is concerned, that 1
Timothy was written by Paul, because -ndiiTOTt, which is found in his other epis
tles, does not occur in it. In this manner we might individually take up each
word and every syntatical peculiarity on which the charge of harshness, or sole
cism, or Hebraizing has been fastened. It is sufficient to state, that there are very
few real solecisms in the Apocalypse. Almost all that have been adduced may
be paralleled in Greek writers, or in those of the New Testament. The words of
Winer, a master in this department, are worthy of attention : ' The solecisms that
appear in the Apocalypse give the diction the impress of great harshness, but
they are capable of explanation, partly from anacoluthon and the mingling of two
constructions, partly in another manner. Such explanation should have been
always adopted, instead of ascribing these irregularities to the ignorance of the
author, who, in other constructions of a much more difficult nature in this very
book, shows that he was exceedingly well acquainted with the rules of grammar.
For most of these anomalies too, analogous examples in the Gree? writers may
be found, with this difference alone, that they do not follow one another so fre
quently as in the Apocalypse' (Grammatik, fiinfte Auflage, pp. 273," 4). Should
the reader not be satisfied with this brief statement of Winer, he is referred to
his Exeget. Studien, i. 154, sq., where the Professor enters into details with great
ability. The following linguistic similarities between John's Gospel and the Apocalypse
deserve to be cited : peri ravra, Apoc. i. 19 ; iv. 1 ; vii. 1, 9 ; ix. 12 ; xv. 5 ; xviii.
1 ; xix. 1 ; xx. 3 ; Gosp. iii. 22 ; v. 1, 14; vi. 1 ; vii. 1 ; xix. 38 ; xxi. 1 ; iii. 22 ;
v. 1, 14 ; vi. 1 ; vii. 1 ; xix. 38 ; xxi. 1 ; paprupia, Apoc. i. 2, 9 ; vi. 9 ; xi. 7 ; xii.
11, 17; xix. 10; xx. 4. Gosp. papnpia or papmpta, i. 7, 8, 15, 19, 32, 34; ii. 25;
iii. 11, 26, 28, 32, 33; iv. 3, 9, 44; v. 31, 32, 33, 34, 36, 37, 39; 1 Epist i. 2; iv.
14; v. 6-11. ha, Apoc. ii. 10, 21; iii. 9, 11, 18; vi. 2, 4, 11; vii. 1, Ac. Ac.
Gosp. vi. 5, 7, 12, 15, 28, 29, 30, 38, 39, 40, 50; xi. 4, 11, 15, 16, 19, 31, 37, 42,
50, 52, 53, 55, 57; xii. 9, 10 20, 23, 35, Ac. 1 Epist of John, i. 3, 4, 9; ii. 1,
19, 27, 28, B4>is, Gosp. vii. 24; xi. 44. Apoc. i. 16. mdtftv, Apoc. xix. 20. Gosp.
vii. 30, 32, 44; viii. 20 ; x. 39 ; xi. 57 ; xxi. 3, 10. mpctv t6v Xtyov, ras arroXds, or
some similar expression, Apoc. iii. 8, 10 ; xii. 17 ; xiv. 12 ; xxii. 7, 9. Gosp. viii.
51, 55 ; xiv. 15 ; xxiii. 24, Ac. 6 vikHv, Apoo. ii. 7, 11, 17, 26 ; iii. 5, 15, 21 ; xv.
2 ; xxi. 7. This verb is quite common in the first epistle, ii. 13, 14; iv. 4; v. 4,
5. Gosp. xvi. 33. b'd'wp £wJ7£, Apoc. xxi. 6 ; xxii. 17 ; comp. Gosp. vii. 38. Com
pare also the joining together of the present and the future in Apoc. ii. 5 and
Gosp. xiv. 3. The assertion of the same thing positively and negatively, Apoc.
ii. 2, 6, 8, 13 ; iii. 8, 17, 21 ; Gosp. i. 3, 6, 7, 20, 48 ; iii. 15, 17, 20 ; iv. 42 ; v. 19,
24; viii. 35, 45; x. 28; xv. 5, 6, 7. 1 Epist ii. 27, Ac In several places in
the Apocalypse Christ is called the Lamb; so also in the Gospel, i. 29, 36.
Christ is called b Xiyos toB SsoB, Apoo. xix. 13, and in the Gospel of John only has
he the same epithet, rvpuv Ik tiv6s, Apoc. iii. 10. Gosp. xvii. 15. ffia'rrav,
Apoc. v.^6, 9, 12; vi. 4, 9; xiii. 3, 8; xviii. 24; only in the 1st Epist. of John,
iii. 12. exc'v ffy°s, Apoc. xx. 6. Gosp. xiii. 8. wtpiKareir pird tivos, Apoc. iii. 4
Gosp. vi. 66. tTKriviai, Apoo. vii. 15; xii. 12; xiii. 6; xxi. 3. Gosp. i. 14.
The oxpulsion of Satan from heaven is expressed thus in the Apoc, xii. 9 : iffXtfin
ei£ n> yijv ; in tho Gosp. it is said, vSv b Spx^v roS nia/tou toiJtou hfiX^B/incTai lfu>,
xii. 31. (See Soholz, Die Apokalypse des heilig. Johannes ubersetzt, erkl&rt, u. s.
w\ Frankfurt am Main, 1828, 8vo. ; Sohulz, Ueber den Schriftsteller, Character unit
Werth des Johannes, Leipzig, 1803, Svo. ; Donker Curtius, Specimen hermeneuti-

INTRODUCTION. XXVU
cotheologieum de Apocalypsi ab indole, doctrina et scribendi genere Johunnis
Apostoli non abhorrente, Trajecti Batav. 1799. 8vo. ; Kolthoff, Apocalypsis Joanni
Apostoli vindicata, Hafniee, 1834, 8vo. ; Stein (in Winer and Engelhardt's
Kritisch. Journal, v. i.), and the Jena Literature Zeitung for April, 1833, No. 61).
It is true, that some of these expressions are said by Liicke, De Wette, and
Credner, to be used in a different §ense in the Apocalypse ; others not to be cha
racteristic, but rather accidental and casual ; others not original, but borrowed.
Such assertions, however, proceed more from a priori assumption than from any
inherent truth they possess. In regard to the charge of cabbalism, especially in
the use of numbers, it is easily disposed of. The cabbala of the Jews was widely
different from the instances in the Apocalypse that have been quoted. Perhaps
John's use of the number 666 comes the nearest to one kind of the cabbala ; but
still it is so. unlike as to warrant the conclusion that the apostle- did not employ
the cabbalistic art. His mysterious indications of certain facts, and the reasons
of their being in some measure involved in darkness, are explicable on other than
Jewish grounds. There is no real cause for believing that the apostle had recourse
to the artificial and trifling conceits of the Rabbins. In short, this argument is
by no means conclusive. As far as the language is concerned nothing militates
against the opinion that the Apocalypse proceeded from John, who wrote the
Gospel. The contrary evidence is not of such a nature as to demand assent.
When rigidly scrutinized, it does not sustain the conclusion so confidently built
upon it
But it is also affirmed, that the doctrinal views and sentiments inculcated in
the Apocalypse are quite different from those found in the' Gospel. This may be
freely allowed without any detriment to their identity of anthorship. How slow
the Germans are in learning that a difference in the exhibition of truths substan
tially the same, is far from being a contradiction ! A difference of subject in con
nection with a different plan, demands correspondent dissimilarity of treatment.
Besides, there must be a gradual development of the things pertaining to the
kingdom of God on earth. Sensuous expectations of the Messiah, such as are
alleged to abound in the Apocalypse, may be perfectly consistent with the spi
rituality of his reign, though it appears to us that the representations so designated
are figurative, shadowing forth spiritual realities by means of outward objects.
But what is to be said of the pneumatological, demonological, and angelogical
doctrines of the book? The object for which John's Gospel was primarily written
did not lead the apostle to introduce so many particulars regarding angels and
evil spirits. The intervention of good and the malignant influence of evil spirits
are clearly implied in the Old Testament prophets, particularly in Zechariah and
Daniel. It is therefore quite accordant with the prophetic Hebraistic character
of the Apocalypse, to make angelic agency a prominent feature in the book. And
that such agency is recognised in the Gospels, is apparent to the most cursory
reader. The special object with which the fourth Gospel was written was different
from that which prompted the composition of the Apocalypse, and therefore the
subject-matter of both is exceedingly diverse. But still there is no opposition in
doctrine. The same doctrinal views lie at the foundation of all the representa
tions contained in them. In the one, the Redeemer is depicted in his humble
career on earth ; in the other, in his triumphs as a king— or rather, in the victo
rious progress of his truth in the world, notwithstanding all the efforts of Satan
and wicked men to suppress it. As to a spirit of revenge in the Apocalyptic
writer, it is not found. The inspired prophet was commissioned to pronounce woes
and judgments as soon to befal the enemies of Christ, in consequence of their
persevering, malignant efforts. As well might an evil disposition be attributed to
the blessed Saviour himself, in consequence of his denunciation of the Scribes
and Pharisees. The same John who wrote the Apocalypse says, in the second
epistle, ver. 10, 'if there come any unto you and bring not this doctrine, receive
him not into your house, neither bid him God speed.' It must ever strike the
simple reader of the Apocalypse, as a positive ground for attributing the author
ship to John the Apostle, that he styles himself the servant of God by way of
eminenoe, which none other at that time would have ventured to do ; and that he

XXviil INTRODUCTION.
employs the expression, J John, after tho manner of Daniel, as if he were the
only prophet and person of the name. Nor can it be well believed that a disciple
ol the apostle, or any other individual, should have presumed to introduce John
as the speaker, thus deceiving the readers. The apostle was well known to the
Christians of his time, and especially to the Asiatic churches. He did not there
fore think it necessary to say John the Apostle for the sake of distinguishing
himself from any other. (See Ziillig's Die Offenlarung Johannis, Stuttgart, 1834,
8vo. p. 136.)" \ 2. The time of writing the Apocalypse.
The evidence as to the date of the Apocalypse, may be considered as external
or historical, and internal.
1. External or historical. On this point the testimony of the early Christian
Fathers is almost or quite uniform, that it was in the latter part of the life of the
apostle John, and towards the end of the reign of Domitian ; that is about A. D.
95 or 96.
The principal testimony to this fact is that of Irenaeus. It will be recollected
that he was a disciple of Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, who was himself the disci
ple of the apostle John. See £ 1, (6). He had, therefore, every opportunity of
obtaining correct information, and doubtless expresses the common sentiment of
his ago on the subject His character is unexceptionable, and he had no induce
ment to bear any false or perverted testimony in the case. His testimony is plain
and positive that the book was written near the close of the reign of Domitian, and
the testimony should be regarded as decisive unless it can be set aside. His lan
guage in regard to the book of Revelation is : — "It was seen no long time ago, but
almost in our age, at the end of the reign of Domitian." Lardner, iL 181. Or,
as the passage is translated by Prof. Stuart: — "The Apocalypse was seen not long
ago, but almost in our generation, near the end of Domitian's reign." There can
be no doubt, therefore, as to the meaning of the passage, or as to the time when
Irenasus believed the book to have been written. Domitian was put to death A.
D. 96, and consequently, according to Irenajus, the Apocalype must have been
written not far from this time.
This testimony of Irenajus is confirmed by that of Clement of Alexandria.
Relating the well-known story of John and the robber, he speaks of the event as
having occurred on his return from exile in Patmos "after the death of the tyrant,"
and represents him as then an infirm old man. The testimony in the book itself,
(ch. i. 9,) is clear that John was on the island of Patmos, when these visions were
seen. The " tyrant" whose death is here referred to, must necessarily be either
Nero or Domitian, as these were, up to the end of the first century, the only im
perial persecutors of the Christians. It cannot be supposed to be Nero, since at
the time of his persecution (A. D. 64) John could not be supposed to be an "infirm
old man," being probably not much above, if indeed so much as sixty years of age.
See Eusebius, Ecol. Hist. B. iii. ch. 23. Of this testimony, Prof. Stuart, who him
self supposes that the Apocalypse was written before the death of Nero, 6ays (i.
264), "The tyrant here moant is probably Domitian ; at least, although he is not
named by Clement, it is dear that Eusebius so understands the matter."

INTRODUCTION. XXIX
Viotorinns, Bishop of Pettaw, and martyr in Diocletian's persecution, in his
Commentary on the Apocalypse, written towards the close of the third century,
says twice expressly that the Apocalypse was seen by the apostle John in tho isle
of Patmos, when banished thither by the Roman Emperor Domitian. See the
passages quoted in Elliott, i. 39, and in Prof. Stuart, i. 264. The testimony is un
equivocal. To these testimonies from the early Fathers, may be added that of Jerome, who
says that "John saw the Apocalypse on the island of Patmos, to which he was
sent by Domitian," and in another place he says that this occurred in the four
teenth year of the reign of Domitian. Adv. Jovin. Lib. i., Lardner, iv. 446, 447.
And to these plain testimonies may be added those of Sulpicius Severus, and
Orosius, contemporaries of Augustine; Gregory Turonensis (cent, vi.), Isidorus
Hispaleusis (cent vii.), Marianus Scotus, Primasius, and others. See Prof. Stuart,
i. 264, 265, and Elliott, i. 38, 39.
Such is the positive testimony that the book was written near the end of the
reign of Domitian, and about A. D. 96. It is true that, notwithstanding this posi
tive testimory, there were some writers who assigned it to an earlier date. Thus
Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis in Cyprus, in the latter half of the fourth century,
speaks of John as having prophesied in the isle of Patmos in the days of the em
peror Claudius (A. D. 41-54), a time when, as Michaelis observes, it does not ap
pear from history that there was any imperial persecution of Christians whatever,
and when, moreover, the probability is that, of the seven Apocalyptic churches,
scarcely one was in existence, and the apostle John was in no way associated with
them. Lardner (iv. 190) seems to suspect that in the passage referred to, the
name Claudius was a fault of the transcriber. Epiphanius, however, received the
Apocalypse as the work of John, and as an inspired book. Lardner, iv. 190.
Others have ascribed the date of the book of Revelation to the time of Nero.
Thus in the later Syriac version, the title-page declares that it was written in
Patmos, whither John was sent by Nero Cesar. This version, however, was made
in the beginning of the sixth century, and can have little authority in determining
the question. It is not known by whom the version was made, or on what
authority the author relied, when he said that John was banished to Patmos in
the time of Nero. So "also Andreas and Arethas, commentators on the book of
Revelation, one of them in the beginning of the sixth century, and the other in
the middle of the sixth century, make quotations from the book in such a manner
as to show that they supposed that it was written before the destruction of Jeru
salem. They, however, made no express declaration on that point, and their tes
timony at any rate, at that late period, is of little value. A few other later writers
also supposed that tho book was written at an earlier period than the reign of
Domitian. See Prof. Stuart, i. 268, 269.
Such is the sum of the historical testimony as to the time when the Apocalypse
was written ; and that testimony, it seems to me, is so clear as to settle the point
so far as the historical evidence is concerned, that the book was written near the
end of the reign of Domitian, that is, about A. D. 95 or 96. My exposition of the
book proceeds on the supposition that it was written at that time.
3*

XXX INTRODUCTION.
2. There is another inquiry, however, as to the internal evidence, for on this
ground it has been maintained that it must have been written before the destruc
tion of Jerusalem, and in the time of Nero. See the argument in Prof. Stuart, i.
270-282. Now, in regard to this, it may be remarked in general, that on the supposi
tion that it was written near the close of the life of John, and in the time of Do
mitian, it can be shown that there is no internal improbability or inconsistency;
that is, in other words, all the known circumstances in regard to John, and to the
condition of the church at that time, would accord with that supposition. For,
(o) It is known that John spent many of the later years of his life at Ephesus,
in the midst of the seven churches to which the book was addressed, and the
epistles in the book are such as they would be on that supposition.
(6) It is admitted that there was a persecution of Christians in the time of Do*
mitian ; and of the persecution which he excited against Christians Mosheim re
marks that "he was an emperor little inferior to Nero in baseness of character and
conduct. This persecution undoubtedly was severe; but it was of short continu
ance, as the emperor was soon murdered." Mosheim, i. 69. It commenced about
A. D. 93 or 94. It is not certainly known how far it extended, but as the ground
of the persecution was a fear of Domitian that he would lose his empire from some
person among the relatives of Christ who would attempt a revolution (Mosheim, i.
69, Milman, Hist, of Christianity, 193), there is every probability that it would be
directed particularly to the East, and the countries near where the Saviour lived
and died.
(c) It is not improbable that John would be banished in this persecution. He
was a man of great influence among Christians, and it is to be presumed that he
would not escape the notice of those who were actively engaged in carrying on
the persecution. Moreover, it is as probable that he would be banished as that he
would be put to death, for, though we have few facts respecting this persecution,
and few names are mentioned, yet we have one recorded instance in which banish
ment on account of professing the Christian religion took place. Thus Milman
(Hist, of Christianity, p. 193), speaking of two of the cousin-gernians of Domitian,
says, "The one fell an early victim to his jealous apprehensions. The other,
Flavins Clemens, is described as a man of the most contemptible indolence of
character. His powerful kinsman, instead of exciting the fears, enjoyed for some
time the favor of Domitian. He received in marriage Domitilla, the niece of the
emperor; his children were adopted as heirs to his throne; Clemens himself ob
tained the consulship. On a sudden these harmless kinsmen became dangerous
conspirators ; they were arraigned on the unprecedented charge of Atheism and
Jewish manners; the husband Clemens was put to death; the wife Domitilla,
banished to the desert island of either Pontia or Pandataria." Nothing is moro
probable, therefore, than that John the Apostle should be also banished to a desert
island — and Patmos was admirably adapted to suoh a purpose. See Notes on oh.
i. 9. There is, therefore, every thing in the oircurnstances to make it probable that
tho book was written at the time in whioh it is so uniformly said by the early
historians to have been. Those things seem to me to make it proper to acquiesce

I N T RO D U C T I 0 N. xxxi
m tho general opinion so long entertained in regard to the date of the Apocalypse,
for there is, perhaps, no book of the New Testament whose date is better deter-
mined on historical grounds than this. These considerations also make it un
necessary to examine the alleged internal evidence from the book, that it was
written before the destruction of Jerusalem, especially as it will be shown in the
Notes, that the passages usually relied on, ch. vi. 9, 10; vii.; xi. 3, 8; xvii. 8, 11,
and ch. i. 1, 3; xxii. 7, 20, are susceptible of an easy and satisfactory explanation
on the supposition that the book was written in the time of Domitian, or after the
destruction of Jerusalem.

2 3. The place where 'the book was written.
The book itself purports (ch.i. 9), to have been written in the island of Patmos,
where the writer says he was "for the word of God, and for the testimony of
Jesus Christ:" that is, clearly, where he had been banished for his attachment to
the Saviour. For an account of this island, see Notes in ch. i. 9. The only question
that has ever been raised on this point is, whether this was a reality, or a poetical
fiction ; that is, whether the writer in his visions merely seemed to have been
transferred to the place, and this was made the imaginary scene of the vision.
The latter supposition has been 'entertained by Eichhorn in his Introduction to the
New Testament (1810), and by some other writers.
In favor, however, of understanding this as a literal fact, the following conside
rations may be suggested:
1. The clear statement of the writer himself (ch. i. 9) : — a statement that should
be -received as literally true, unless there is something in the character of the com
position, or some intrinsic improbability in the case, to set it aside. Ji the com
position were avowedly fictitious or poetical, then it would be understood that
such a statement was not to bo received literally. And thus, in a prophetic record
it might be clear that it was a mere visionary representation in which the prophet
seemed to be transported to some place, where there would be no danger of mis
understanding it. Undoubtedly on this principle some of the visions of Ezekiel
and Jeremiah are to be regarded as located at some place remote from that where
the prophet was; and thus many of the visions in this book are located in heaven
or elsewhere. But these cases are wholly different from the statement in ch. i. 9.
Patmos is not represented as the mere scene of a vision. The statement occurs
in a plain prose narrative, and there is no intrinsic improbability that it is true.
2. This accords with the representation of history, and with the probabilities of
the case, that John was actually banished to Patmos in a time of persecution. See
§ 2. On this point the representations of history are uniform, and they are such
that if a writer had designed to forge a book in the. name of John, he would in all
probability have fixed on Patmos as the scene of the vision from the fact that he
was actually banished there.
3. If Patmos was merely a fictitious place, why should John select it? What
was there in that island that would have occurred to him as a proper place to be
the scene of such visions? It was little known; it had no sacred associations; it

XXxii INTRODUCTION.
had neTer been represented as a place visited by the Most High; and it had ni
particular relation to the scenes which are referred to. One born in Judea and
trained under the influence of the Hebrew religion; one who was a disciple of
Christ, and who had witnessed the scene of the transfiguration or the ascension,
would have been much more likely to select Sinai, Carmel, Hermon, Tabor, or
Olivet, as tho scene where the visions were to be laid. These were consecrated
spots. On these God had manifested himself in a peculiar manner; had conversed
with men, and had given glorious exhibitions of his character and plans. Why
should not one of these spots — any one of them in itself is as well adapted to
be the scene of such visions as the lonely isle of Patmos — have been selected?
Why was a Grecian island chosen — a place not once named in all the sacred
writings, and so small and so desolate as to have been almost entirely, before this,
unknown even in the heathen world?
4. All the circumstances have the aspect of reality. It was a real persecution
to which the writer refers, and it was a real affliction which he was experiencing,
and tho concinnity of the passage requires us to understand this as a real transfer
to a lonely island. If that were a mere vision, then we should be required also,
to understand the statement that he was "a companion of others in tribulation,"
as a vision also, and his affliction as an account of an ideal transfer to that island.
But this is contrary to the spirit of the passage in ch. i. 9; and the whole, there
fore, should be understood as the statement of a literal fact.
These considerations are sufficient to show that the common opinion that the
visions were seen in the island of Patmos has every probability in its favor, and
should be received as correct Whether the record was actually made on that
island, or was made afterwards, is a point on which no light can be observed, and
which is of no importance. From such passages, however, as those in ch. x. 4;
xiv. 13; xix. 9, and xxi. 5, it would seem probable that the record was made as
soon as the visions were seen, and that the book was actually written in Patmos.
| 4. The nature and design of the book.
This must be learned from an examination of the book itself, and the views en
tertained on this point will be determined in a great measure by the principles
which are adopted in interpreting it From the examination which I have given
of the book, and the methods of interpretation which I have adopted, it seems to me
that the matter and design of the book may be expressed in the following specifi
cations : —
1. It was composed in a time of persecution, and in view of the persecutions and
hostilities, external and internal, to which the church was then, and would be, ex
posed. Christianity was then in its infancy. It was comparatively feeble. It
oncountered the opposition of the world. Tho arm of tho civil power was
raised to crush it. It was also exposed to the attaoks of internal foes, and
persecutions would arise from its own bosom, and formidable enemies in future
times would seem to endanger its very existence. Heresies, and divisions, and
corruptions of doctrine and of praotioe, might be expeoted to exist in its own

INTRODUCTION. XSXlii
bosom ; times of conflict and darkness would come; changes would occur in govern
ments, that would deeply affeot the welfare of the churoh; and there might bo
periods when it would seem to be doubtful whether the ti-ne church would not
become wholly extinot. The faith of Christians was, doubtless, sorely tried in the
persecution which existed when the book was written, and would be in like man
ner often sorely tried in the corruptions and persecutions of future ages.
2. The Apocalypse is. designed to meet this state of feeling by furnishing the
assurance that the Gospel would ultimately prevail; that all its enemies would
be subdued, and the kingdom of the Messiah set up over all the world. It
was intended to impart consolation to the people of God in all ages, and in all
forms of persecution and trial, by the assurance that the true religion would be
at hist triumphant, thus furnishing an illustration of the truth of the declara
tions of the Savior respecting the church, that the "gates of hell should not pre
vail against it" Matt. xvi. 18. Hence every thing in the book tends to the final
triumph of the gospel; and hence, at the close (ch. xx.), we have the assurance of
its far-spread diffusion over the earth, for a period of a thousand years, and
(chs. xxi. xxii.) a graphic view of the state of the redeemed when they shall
be delivered from sin and wo, and when all tears shall be wiped away from their
eyes. 3. The method of doing this is by giving a rapid glance at the great events of
history bearing on the church in all coming times till it should be triumphant; or
by sketching a bold outline of the principal things that would serve to endanger
the church, and the principal divine interpositions in behalf of the church, until
its triumph should be secured upon the earth. This might have been done by
direot statement, or by plain and positive assertion, as it was by many of the
prophets; but the end, in this case, would be better secured by a glance at future
history in such a way that while the great fact of the final triumph of the
gospel would be kept before the church, there might be furnished a clear demon
stration, in the end, of the divine origin and inspiration of the book itself. This
latter object, indeed, would have been in fact accomplished by a plain declaration,
but it would be best accomplished by such details as would show that the whole
course of events was comprehended by the Holy Spirit — the real author of tho
whole. A general view of these details may be seen, according to the principles
whioh I have adopted in the interpretation of the work, in the analysis at the close
of the introduction, § 5.
4. The method in which this is mainly done in this book is by pictures or
symbols ; for, above all the other books in the Bible, the Apocalypse is charac
terised by this method of representation, and it may eminently be called a book
of symbols. It is this which has made it appear to be so obscure; and this parti
cularly which has given occasion for so great a variety in the methods of inter
preting it — for there is no kind of representation that furnishes ocoasion for so
much fanoiful interpretation as that of symbolical writing. The true principle of
interpreting symbolical language has been hitherto little understood, and conse
quently every writer has indulged his own fancy in affixing such a meaning to the
symbol as he chose. The result has been that there has been no generally ad-

XXXIV INTRODUCTION.
mitted principle of interpretation respecting this book, and that the variety of
conjectures indulged, and the wild and vain theories advanced, have produced the
impression that the book is not susceptible of a plain and sensible exposition. A
very common belief is, that symbolical language must, from the nature of the case,
be obscure and unintelligible, and that a book written in the manner of the Apoca
lypse must always be liable to the wild vagaries of imagination which have been
bo commonly exhibited in the attempts to explain this book. These considerations
make it proper to offer a few remarks here about the nature of symbolical language,
and on the question whether a book written in that language is necessarily unin
telligible, or incapable of a plausible interpretation.
A symbol is properly a representation of any moral thing by the images or pro
perties of natural things. Thus a circle is a symbol of eternity, as having neither
beginning nor end; an eye is a symbol of wisdom; a lion of courage; a lamb of
meekness and gentleness. This general idea of symbols is found in types, enigmas,
parables, fables, allegories, emblems, hieroglyphics, Ac. The symbols mostly used
in the book of Revelation are pictures, and could be painted — and indeed a great
part of the book could be represented in a panorama, and would constitute a series
of the most splendid drawings that the world can conceive. The following re
marks may throw some light on the reason why this mode of representation was
adopted, and on the question whether a book written in this manner is necessarily
unintelligible. (a) This method of representation is not uncommon in the ancient prophecies.
A considerable portion of Daniel and Ezekiel is written in this way; and it is often
resorted to by Isaiah and the other prophets. It was a method of representation
which accorded well with the warm and glowing imagination of the Orientals, and
with the character of mind in the early periods of the world. It was supposed to
be capable of conveying ideas of important events; although it was doubtless un
derstood that there might be some degree of obscurity in the representation, and
that study and ingenuity might be requisite in understanding it — as is always the
case with parables and enigmas. Wo have frequent instances in the Bible of a
certain kind of trial of skill in expounding dark sayings and riddles, when the
senso was intentionally so conveyed as to demand aouteness of thought in the ex
planation. The utterance of truths in symbolic language accorded much with this
prevailing bent of mind in the ancient and the oriental world — as we see in the
symbolical representations in Egypt. If the use of symbols, therefore, in the
Apocalypse be urged as an objeotion to the book, the objection would lie with
equal foroe against no small part of the writings of the ancient Hebrew prophets,
and against a method of writing which was actually in extensive use in the early
ages of the world. To object to it, must be to object that our own methods and
views wero not tho views and methods of all past ages; that the improved modes
of communication in existence now were not in existence always.
(6) Such u method of representation may be, however, clear and intelligible.
The purposo of propheoy does not require that there should be in all cases an ex
plicit statement of what will ocour, or a particular detail of names, dates, and cir-
eumstances — for if such a statement were made, it is plain that it would be

INTRODUCTION. XXXV
possible, on the one hand, for an impostor so to shape his conduct as to seem to
fulfll the prophecy, and, on the other, for wicked men, knowing exactly what wag
predicted, to prevent its fulfilment. All that is demanded in such predictions is
(1) sujh a statement as undoubtedly refers to the future event; (2) such a state
ment as,1 when fairly interpreted, describes such an event; and (3) such a state
ment as that, when the event occurs, it shall be clear that this was the event
referred to, or that the prediction cannot properly benreferred to any other event:
that is, so that they shall compare with each other as the two parts of a tally do.
Now that symbolical language may have these characteristics, and may be in
these respects sufficiently clear and plain, is evident from tho following consi
derations : —
1. A picture may be a correct representation of an event. It was thus among
the Mexicans, who, by means of pictures, were enabled to give a correct represent
ation of the landing of the Spaniards, and to convey to their monarch a correct
idea of the number and character of the Spanish forces.
The following extract from Dr. Robertson's History of America, Book v. J xii.,
referring to the landing of the Spaniards in Mexico, will illustrate this: "During
this interview [an interview between Cortes and the ambassadors of Montezuma],
some painters in the train of the Mexican chiefs, had been diligently employed in
delineating, upon white cotton cloths, figures of the ships, the horses, the artillery,
the soldiers, and whatever else attracted their eyes, as singular. When Cortes
observed this, and was informed that these pictures were to be sent to Montezuma,
in order to convey to him a more lively idea of the strange and wonderful objects
now presented to their view, than any words could communicate, he resolved to
render the representation still more animated and interesting, by exhibiting such
a spectacle as might give both them and their monaroh an awful impression of the
extraordinary prowess of his followers and the irresistible force of their arms."
2. A symbol may be as definite in' its signification as the arbitrary character
which constitutes a letter with us, or the arbitrary character which denotes a
syllable or a word with the Chinese. There is some reason to believe that tho
letters in most languages were at first pictures or symbols; but whether this is
true or not, it is easy to conceive that such might have been the case, and that as
definite ideas might have been attached to the symbols employed as to the arbi
trary marks or signs. Thus, it is easy to suppose that a circle, a lion, an eagle, a
horse, a banner, an axe, a lamb, might have been so employed as always to denote
the same thing, in the same way as the letters of the alphabet do, and thus, con
sequently, the number of symbols employed might have been very numerous,
though still retaining their definite character.
3. The truth of these remarks has been illustrated by the recent investigations
of the symbolical.language or hieroglyphical signs in Egypt. On the celebrated
Rosetta stone, an inscription was found in three compartments of the stone, in
three different languages — the first in hieroglyphical or symbolical language, the
language used by the priests; the second in enchorical or demotic language — the
language in common use among the Egyptian people; and the third in Greek. It
was conjectured that the inscription in each language was the same, and that

XXXVi INTRODUCTION.
consequently there might be a key for explaining the symbols or the hiero
glyphics so common in Egypt. Acting on this suggestion, Champollion was
enabled to read the inscription in the Egyptian language, and to determine the
meaning of the symbols in so common use in the ancient inscriptions, and the
symbolical language of Egypt became as intelligible as other ancient forms of
record  as it was undoubtedly when it was at first employed. Each of the symbols
had a well-known signification, and was adapted to convey a definite idea. An
account of this stone, and of the symbols of Egypt generally, may be seen in
Gliddon's Ancient Egypt, ch. i. The symbols employed by the Hebrew prophets
may have had, as used by them, as definite a meaning, and may be as susceptible
of as clear an interpretation now, as the symbols employed in Egypt, or as any
other language. The only real difficulty in interpreting them may have arisen
from the fact that they referred to future events (see Notes on Rev. xvi. 12); the
employment of such methods of writing was in accordance with the genius of the
Orientals, and gave great poetic beauty to their compositions.
4. It should be added, however, that peculiar care is necessary in the interpre
tation of writings of this character. There is much room for the indulgence of
the imagination, and facts have shown that in almost nothing has so much
indulgence been given to the fancy as in the interpretation of such books as
Daniel and the Apocalypse. Indeed the explanations of these books have been
so loose and wild as, with many, to bring the whole science of the interpretation
of the prophecies into contempt, and to produce the very common impression that
a rational and consistent exposition of such books as Daniel and the Apocalypse
is impossible. A better mode of interpretation, it is hoped, however, is to prevail;
a mode in which there will be more careful attention to the true meaning of
symbols, and to the proper laws of symbolic language. The true method may not
have been reached, and many errors may occur before it shall be reached. For
many ages the meaning of the Egyptian hieroglyphics was entirely unknown.
Thousands of conjectures had been made as to the method of reading those
symbols; vast ingenuity had been exhausted; the hope was sometimes entertained
that the clew had been discovered, but it was at last felt that all those proposed
methods were fanciful, and the world had settled down in despair as to the pos
sibility of deciphering their meaning. The accidental discovery of the Rosetta
stone, and the patient labors of De Sacy, Akerblad, Tycbsen, and especially of
Champollion, have changed the views of the world on that subject, and the hiero
glyphics of Egypt have become as intelligible as any other language. It is possible
that the same may be true in regard to the meaning of the symbols of the sacred
prophets; and that although those of Daniel and John may have seemed to be as
obscure as those of Egypt, and although the most wild and extravagant opinions may
ha.vo been entertained in regard to their meaning, yet the time may come when
those books shall take their place among the well-understood portions of the Bible,
and when the correspondence of the predictions couched under these symbols
with the events shall be so dear that there shall be no lingering doubt on any
mind that they are a part of the divine communications to mankind. Whether
this attempt to explain one of those books will contribute any thing to a better

INTRODUCTION. XXXVI)
understanding of the true meaning of the symbolical language employed by the
prophets, must be submitted to tho judgment of the reader.
§5. The plan of the Apocalypse.
The book of Revelation may be regarded as divided into seven portions, em
bracing the following general points: — The Introduction, ch. i. ; The Epistles
to the seven churches, chs. ii. iii.; The Preparatory Vision, ch. iv.; The relation
of the church to the external world, embracing the" outward or secular aspect of
things as bearing on the church, chs. v.-xi., 1-18; The internal state of the
church — embracing the rise and destiny of Antichrist ; or, the internal history of
the church until the overthrow of that formidable power, and the permanent and
triumphant establishment of the kingdom of Christ, the last temporary apostacy,
and the general judgment, chs. xi. 19; xii.-xx.; The final condition of the righteous
in their state of triumph and glory, chs. xxi. xxii. 1-6 ; and the epilogue or con
clusion, ch. xxii. 6-21. This plan, as pursued in this a' tempt to explain the book,
may be seen mere in detail in the Analysis on the following pages.

ANALYSIS OF THE BOOK OF KEVELATION.

PART FIRST.
GENERAL INTRODUCTION, CH. I.
1. The title and design of the Book, ch. i. 1-3.
2. Dedication to the seven churches of Asia, ch. i. 4-41.
3. Vision of the Redeemer, ch. i. 9-18.
4. Commission to write to the seven churches, ch. i. 19, 20.
PART SECOND.
EPISTLES TO THE SEVEN CHURCHES OF ASIA, CHS. II. HI,
1. Epistle to the church at Ephesus, ch. ii. 1-7.
2. Epistle to the church at Smyrna, ch. ii. 8-11.
3. Epistle to the church at Pergamos, ch. ii. 12-17.
4. Epistle to the church at Thyatira, ch. ii. 18-29.
5. Epistle to the church at Sardis, ch. iii. 1-6.
6. Epistle to the church at Philadelphia, ch. iii. 7-13.
7. Epistle to the church at Laodicea, ch. iii. 14-22.
PART THIRD.
PREPARATORY VISION, CH. IV.
1. The scene laid in heaven, ch. iv. 1, 2.
2. The vision of God, of the elders, and of the living creatures, ch. iv. 3-8.
3. The worship rendered to God, ch. iv. 9-11.
PART FOURTH.
THE EXTERNAL RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH  THE RELATION TO SICULAH
AFFAIRS, POLITICAL CHANGES AND REVOLUTIONS, AS BEARING ON THE
CHURCH, CHS. V-XI., 1-18.
I. The sealed book, containing tho reoord of these events, in the hand of him
that sat on the throne. The Lamb of God only could open it The joy in heaven
tliat ono was found who oould open the seals, ch. v. (xxxviii)

ANALYSIS. XXXIX
TX. The opening of the seals.
1. The opening of the first seal, oh. vi. 1, 2.
The white horse. Peace, prosperity, and triumph: — fulfilled in the state of
the Roman empire from the death of Domitian, A. D. 96, to the acces
sion of Commodus, A. D. 180.
2. The opening of the second seal, ch. vi. 3, 4.
The red horse. Bloodshed, discord, civil strife : — fulfilled in the state of
the Roman empire from the death of Commodus, A. D. 193, and on
ward.
3. The opening of the third seal, ch. vi. 5, 6.
The black horse. Calamity, distress, want, trouble : — fulfilled in the Roman
empire in the scarcity of food that prevailed; the excessive taxation;
the special order not to destroy the olive-yards and vineyards, the
sources of revenue, in the time of Caracalla, A. D. 211, and onward.
4. The opening of the fourth seal, ch. vi. 7, 8.
The pale horse. The reign of Death, in the form of famine, pestilence,
disease : — fulfilled in the Roman empire in the bloodshed, famine, and
pestilence that prevailed in the time of Decins, Gallus, .ZEmilianus, Va
lerian, and Gallianus, A. D. 243-268.
5. The opening of the fifth seal, ch. vi. 9-11.
The martyrs. Fulfilled in the Roman empire in the persecutions, particu
larly in the time of Diocletian, A. D. 284-304 : — the last of the efforts in
the Pagan world to extinguish the Christian name.
6. The opening of the sixth seal, ch. vi. 12-17.
Consternation and alarm as if the world was coming to an end: — fulfilled
in the Roman empire in the threatening invasions of the Goths in the
neighborhood of the Danube, pressed on by the Huns, and producing
universal alarm and consternation, A. D. 365, and onwards.
Intermediate vision between the opening of the sixth and seventh seals. A
view of the persecution of the church, and the glory of the saints in [heaven —
designed to sustain the mind in the midst of so much gloom, and to furnish the
assurance that innumerable multitudes of men would be brought to glory, ch.
vii. (a) The impending storm of wrath that seemed to threaten universal de
struction is suspended in order that the servants of God might be sealed,
ch. vii. 1-3.
(6) The sealing process — indicating the preservation of the church in these
times of danger, and the influences that would designate and save the
true people of God in all time to come, ch. vii. 4-8.
(c) A vision of an immense, host before the throne, gathered out of all
people and all lands, ch. vii. 9-12.
(d) A view of the martyrs who would be saved : — a view designed to give
comfort in the trials that would come upon the people of God in this
world, ch. vii. 13, 14.

xl ANALYSIS.
(e) A view of the happiness of heaven — where all suffering will cease, and
all tears be wiped away, ch. vii. 15-17.
7. The opening of the seventh seal, ch. viii. — xi. 1-18.
Seven trumpets given to seven angels to sound, and the preparatory ar
rangements for sounding, ch. viii. 1-6.
Two series of events referring to the West and the East in the downfall ol
the Roman Empire.
A. The West — to the fall of the Western empire— four trumpets.
(a) The first trumpet sounded, ch. viii. 7.
The invasion of the Roman Empire by Alaric, king of the Goths, A D.
395^110.
(6) The second trumpet sounded, ch. viii. 8, 9.
The invasion of the Roman Empire by Genseric, king of the Vandals,
A. D. 428-468.
(c) The third trumpet sounded, ch. viii 10, 11.
The invasion of the Roman Empire by Attila, king of the Huns, ' Scourge
of God,' A. D. 433-453.
(d) The fourth trumpet sounded, ch. viii. 12, 13.
The final conquest of Rome and the Western Empire by Odoacer, king
of the Heruli, A. D. 476-490.
B. The East — to the fall of the Eastern Empire — two trumpets, ch. ix.
(e) The fifth trumpet sounded, ch. ix. 1-12.
The Mohammedans, or Saracens.
(/) The sixth trumpet sounded, ch. ix. 13-19.
The Turkish power.
The interval between the fall of the Eastern Empire, and the sounding
of the seventh trumpet, oh. ix. 20 — xi. 13.
(a) The result of these judgments, ch. 20, 21.
They produce no change in the moral condition of the world : — fulfilled
in the state of the Papal world after the conquest of Constantinople,
and before the Reformation.
(8) An angel is seen descending from heaven with emblems of majesty,
joy, and peace, ch. x : — fulfilled in the Reformation.
1. The angel with the rainbow on his head, and his face like the sun, a
proper symbol of the Reformation as a work of peace, and" accom
panied with light and knowledge, ch. a. 1.
2. The little book in his hand, a symbol of the principal agent in the
Reformation — a book — the Bible, ch. x. 2.
3. His crying with a^oud voioe — symbolical of the Reformation as
arresting the attention of the nations, oh. x. 3.
4. The seven thunders — the anathemas of Papal Rome — the thunder of
the seven-hilled oity, oh. x. 3.

ANALYSIS. xll
6. The purpose of John to record what the seven thunders had uttered,
and the command not to write : — the mistake which the Reformers
were in danger of making, by regarding the doctrine of the Papacy as
the truth of God, ch. x. 4.
6. The solemn oath of the angel that the time predicted would not then
occur, but would occur in the time when the seventh angel should
sound (ch. a. 5-7) : — fulfilled in the anticipations of the Reformers
that the world was about to come to an end, and the reign of Christ
about to commence, and the assurance of the angel that this would
not then occur, but that a long and important interval must take place.
7. The command given to John to go and take the little book from the
hand of the angel (ch. x. 8) : — fulfilled in the delivery of the Bible
again to the church.
8. The command to eat it, and the consequences — sweet in the mouth,
and bitter to the belly (ch. x. 9, 10) : — the effect of the pure word of
God on the soul indicated by the one; the bitter consequences, in
persecution and opposition, that would result from the attempt to make
the truth known to the world — indicated by the other.
9. The assurance that he would yet prophesy before many people, and
nations, and tongues, and kings (eh. x. 10): — fulfilled in the restora
tion of preaching in the church, founded on the Bible, and in the im
mediate and ultimate influence of the Bible in making the gospel
known to the world.
(c) The measuring of the holy city, ch. xi. 1, 2 : — the determining of what
constituted the true church at the time of the Reformation.
(d) The two witnesses, ch. xi. 3-13. Those who bore faithful testimony to
the truth in all the corruptions of the church; their trials and their
triumph : — fulfilled/in the succession of true and sincere Christians whom
God raised up from time to time to testify to the truth. They would bo
persecuted, and many of them would be put to death ; they would seem
to be finally silenced, and would be treated with great indignity, as if
their dead bodies should remain uuburied; they would, however,
come to life again ; — that is, at the time of theReformation they would
rise and testify against the corruptions of the Papacy, and would triumph
as if they ascended visibly and gloriously to heaven.
The sounding of the seventh trumpet. The final triumph of the church,
and the establishment of the kingdom of God in the overthrow of all its
enemies, ch. xi. 14-18. This ends the first series of visions ; and this ex
presses in general terms what is drawn out 'more in detail in the next
series of visions (Part V.), embracing more particularly the rise and pro
gress of Antichrist
4»

Xiii ANALYSIS.

PART FIFTH.
•HE CHURCH INTERNALLY ; THE RISE OF ANTICHRIST, AND THE EFFECT 0*
THAT FORMIDABLE POWER ON THE INTERNAL HISTORY OP THE CHURCH,
TO THE TIME OF THE OVERTHROW OF THAT GREAT POWER, AND THE TRI
UMPHANT ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KINGDOM OF GOD, CH. XI. 19, XII-XX.
A. General Introduction to this series of visions, ch. xi. 19, xii.
(1.) A new vision of the temple of God opened in heaven, ch. xL 19.
(2.) A representation of the church, under the image of a beautiful woman,
ch. xii. 1.
(3.) The particular thing designed to be represented — the church about to
increase and to fill the world, ch. xii. 3.
(4.) The deadly hostility of Satan to the church, and his purpose to destroy
it, represented by a great red dragon waiting to destroy the man-child, ch.
xii.; 3, 4.
(5.) The ultimate safety of the church, represented by the child caught up to
heaven, ch. xii. 5.
(6.) The fact that the church would be a long time obscure and hidden —
represented by the woman fleeing into the wilderness, ch. xii. 6.
(7.) A soenio representation of the great contest going on in the universe
about the church, — represented by a conflict in heaven between Michael,
the Protector of the church, with his angels, and Satan, the great enemy
of the church, with his angels, ch. xii. 7.
(8) The ultimate discomfiture of Satan, represented by his being overcoinf
and cast out of heaven, ch. xii. 8, 9.
(9.) A song of victory in view of this triumph, ch. xii. 10, 11.
(10.) The fact that Satan would be allowed, for a limited time, to persecute
the church, ch. xii. 12, 13.
I' *.) The church in the wilderness, ch. xii. 14-17.
<«J The church would be driven into obscurity — like a woman fleeing into
a desert — representing the condition of the church while the Papacy
should have the ascendency, ver. 14.
(5) The church would still be preserved, though in obscurity — represented
bv the woman nourished by some unseen power, ver. 14.
(c) Satan would still rage against the church — represented by the dragon
pouring forth a flood of waters to overwhelm the woman, ver. 15.
(d) Tho church would be protected, as if the earth should open its mouth
to swallow up the water — representing the interpositions from an unex
pected oiwter in delivering the ohuroh from its perils, ver. 16.
(e) The wruth of Satan against the remnant — representing the attempts of
the Papacy to out off individuals when open and general persecution no
longer raged, ver. 17.

ANALYSIS. Xliii
B. The two beasts, representing the great persecuting power in the churoh, oh.
xiii. (1.) The first beast, representing the Roman civil, or secular power that sus
tained the Papacy in its career of persecution, ch. xiii. 1-10.
(2.) The second beast, representing the Papal ecclesiastical power — giving
life to the former, and perpetuating its influence on the earth, ch. xiii.
11-18.
C. A representation designed, under a succession of symbols, to cheer and
sustain the church in its present and prospective trials, with the assurance of
its final triumph, and the ultimate destruction of all its foes, ch. xiv.
(1.) A vision of the redeemed in heaven, triumphant and rejoicing, vs. 1-5.
(2.) The ultimate spread of the gospel through all the world, vs. 6, 7.
(3.) The fall of Babylon, the great anti-christian power, ver. 8.
(4.) The final overthrow of all the upholders of that anti-christian power,
vs. 9-12.
(5.) The blessed state of those who should die in the Lord in any time,
whether of persecution or peace, ver. 13.
(6.) The consummation of all things — the final triumph of the church, and
the overthrow of the wicked, vs. 14-20.
(a) The great harvest of the world by the Son of God — the gathering in
of the righteous, vs. 14-16.
(i) The final overthrow and destruction of the wicked, vs. 17-20.
D. Preparation for the final judgment on the beast and his image, ch. xv.
(a) A new wonder is seen in heaven ; seven angels appear, having the seven
last plagues, to fill up or complete the wrath of God, ver. 1.
(5) Those who in former times had suffered from persecution by the power
represented by the beast, but who, in the midst of trial and temptation,
had maintained their faith steadfast, now appear to celebrate with a song
of victory the prospective downfall of the great foe, vs. 2-4.
(c) Arrangements made for executing the wrath of God. The temple is open
in heaven ; seven angels come out having the seven last plagues ; one of
the four living creatures gives command to them to go and execute the
divine purpose, presenting seven golden bowls full of the wrath of God ;
the temple is forthwith filled with smoke, preventing all access to the Mercy-
seat, and indicating that the divine purpose was inexorable* vs. 5-8.
E. The execution of the purpose, ch. xvi.
(1.) The first vial, vs. 1, 2. The first blow struck on the Papacy in the
French Revolution.
(2.) The second vial, ver. 3. The scenes of blood and carnage in that Revo
lution.
(3.) The third vial, vs. 4-7. The calamities brought by the French invasions
upon the countries where the most bloody persecutions had been iraged —
the North of Italy.
(4.) The fourth vial, vs. 8, 9. The overturning of ths governments that bus-

Xliv ANALYSIS.
tained the Papal power, in the wars consequent on the French Revolu
tion.
(5.) The fifth vial, vs. 10, 11. The direct assault on the Papal power; the
capture of the Pope himself, and the temporary entire subjugation of Rome
by the Frenoh arms.
(6.) The sixth vial, vs. 12—18. The decline of the Turkish power; the
rapid extension of the gospel in the East ; the rallying of the strength of
Paganism, Mohammedanism, and Romanism — represented by the three
frogs that came out of the mouth of the dragon,_the beast, and the false
prophet ; the preparation of those powers as if for some great conflict, and
the decisive struggle between the church and its foes, as if the issue were
staked on a single battle — in Armageddon.
(7.) The seventh vial, vs. 17-21. The complete and final overthrow of the
Papal power, as if in a tremendous storm of hail, lightning, and thunder,
accompanied with an earthquake.
F. A particular description of the judgment on this formidable anti-christian
power, under a new image of an harlot (ch. xvii.), in the form of an explana
tory Episode.
(1.) Introduction to the Episode — the vision of the woman sitting on many
waters, vs. 1-3.
(2.) A particular description of the anti-christian power referred to, under the
image of an abandoned and gaily-attired woman, vs. 3-6.
(3.) A particular explanation of what is designed to be represented by the
image of the scarlet-colored woman, vs. 7-18.
(a) The angel promises to explain it, ver. 7.
(5) A symbolical representation of the design of the vision, vs. 8-14.
(c) A more literal statement of what is meant, vs. 15-18. The whole de
signed to characterize Papal Rome, and to describe the manner of its rise
and the means of its ultimate destruction.
G. A description of the effect of that judgment in pouring out the seventh vial
on that formidable anti-christian power, under the image of a rich and luxu
rious city : — a further explanatory Episode, ch. xviii.
(1.) A vision of an angel coming from heaven, vs. 1-3.
(2.) A warning voice calling on the people of God to come out of the mystical
Babylon, and not to partake of her sin and her doom, vs. 4-8.
(3.) Lamentation over her fate : —
(a) By kings, that had lived delicately with her, vs. 9, 10.
(6) By merchants that had been enriohed by her, vs. 11-17.
(c) By mariners that had trafficked with her, vs. 17-19.
(4.) Rejoicing over her fate, ver. 20.
(5.) The final destruction of the mystical Babylon — the Papal power — repre
sented by a millstone cast by an angel into the sea, vs. 21-24.
H. A further episodical representation of the offeots that would result from ths

ANALYSIS. Xiv
tall of the powers that opposed the reign of the Son of God and tho intro
duction of the Millennium, with an account of the final destruction of* these
powers, ch. xix.
(i.) A hymn of the heavenly hosts in view of the destruction of the mystical
Babylon, vs. 1-7.
(o) A voice of many people in heaven, shouting Hallelujah, vs. 1, 2.
(5) The sound echoed and repeated as the smoke of her torment ascends,
ver. 3.
(c) The four and twenty elders, and the four living creatures unite in tho
song, ver. 4.
(d) A voice heard commanding them to praise God, ver. 5.
(e) The mighty shout of Hallelujah echoed and repeated from unnumbered
hosts, vs. 6, 7.
^2.) The marriage of the Lamb as the reason of this increased joy, vs. 8, 9.
(3.) John, overcome with this scene, and filled with rapturous joy in view of
the final triumphs of the church, prostrates himself before the angel to wor
ship him, ver. 10.
(4.) The final conquest over the beast and the false prophet, vs. 11-21.
(o) A description of the conqueror — the Son of God — as he goes forth to
victory, attended by the armies of heaven, vs. 11-16.
lb) An angel is seen standing in the sun, calling on all the fowls of heaven
to come to the great feast prepared for them in the destruction of the
enemies of God, vs. 17, 18.
(e) The final war, vs. 19-21. The beast, and the kings of the earth and
their armies gather together for the battle; the beast and the false prophet
taken, and cast into the lake that burns with fire and brimstone ; the re
mainder of the enemies of the church slain. Tho last enemy of the church
on earth is destroyed, and the way is prepared for its universal triumph.
[ the Millennial period and the final judgment, ch. xx.
(1.) The binding of Satan, vs. 1-3.
(2<) The Millennium, vs. 4-6. Thrones are placed as if there were to be a
judgment; the spirit of the martyrs and saints is revived again as if they
were raised from the dead, and lived again on the earth ; Satan is confined,
and the churoh enjoys a state of repose and prosperity, for the period of a
thousand years.
(3.) The release of Satan for a little time, vs. 7, 8. After the thousand years
are expired, he is permitted to go forth again among the nations, and to
awaken a new form of hostility to Christ and the church.
(4.) The final overthrow, subjugation, and punishment of Satan and those op
posing hosts, and the final triumph, therefore, of the church, vs. 7, 8.
'5.) The final judgment on all mankind, vs. 11-15. All the dead are raised;
the sea gives up its dead ; death and Hades give up their dead, and a solemn
and just judgment is pronounced on all mankind, and the wicked are
consigned to the lake of fire.

xM ANALYSIS.

PART SIXTH.
THE FINAL CONDITION OF THE RIGHTEOUS — THE STATE OF FUTURE BLESS
EDNESS, CHS. XXI. XXII. 1-5.
(1.) A vision of the new heavens and new earth, as the final abode of the
righteous, ch. xxi. 1.
(2.) That blessed future abode represented under the image of a beautiful city
descending from heaven, ch. xxi. 2-4.
(3.) A particular description of the city, as the final abode of the righteous—
its general appearance, its walls, its gates, its foundations, its size, its light,
its inmates, &c, ch. xxi. 9-27. ; xxii. 1-5.
PART SEVENTH.
THE EPILOGUE, OR CONCLUSION, CH. XXII. 6-20.
(a) A solemn declaration that the things revealed in this book are true, vs. 6, 7.
(6) The effect of those revelations on John, vs. 8, 9.
(c) A command not to seal up what had been revealed, ver. 10.
(d) The unchangeable condition of the righteous and the wicked in the future
state, vs. 14, 15.
(e) The blessedness of those who have a right to enter into the Holy City,
\ er. 15.
(/) Jesus declares himself to be author of all these revelations, ver. 16.
(g) The free invitations of the gospel to all men, ver. 17.
(A) A solemn injunction not to change any thing that had been written in
this book, vs. 18, 19.
(>) The assurance of the Saviour that he would come quickly, and the joyous
assent of John to this, and prayer that it might occur, vc i 20.
(j) The benediction, ver. 2L

THE BOOK OF REVELATION.

CHAPTER I.
THE Revelation of Jesus Christ,
which God gave unto him, to
show unto his servants things which

must shortly come to pass; and he
sent and signified it by his angel
unto hie servant John:

CHAPTER I.
ANALTSIS OF THE CHAPTER.
This chapter contains a general Intro
duction to the whole book, and com
prises the following parts : —
I. The announcement that the object
of the book is to record a revelation
which the Lord Jesus Christ had made
of important events which were shortly
to occur, and which were signified by an
angel to the author — John, vs. 1-3. A
-blessing is pronounced on him who should
read and understand the book, and spe
cial attention is directed to it because
the time was at hand when the pre
dicted event would occur.
"" II. Salutation to the seven churches
of Asia, vs. 4^8. To those churches, it
would seem from this, the book was ori
ginally dedicated or addressed, and two
of the chapters (II. and III.) refer ex
clusively to them. Among them evi
dently the author had resided (ver. 9),
-and tiie whole book was doubtless sent
-to them, and committed to their keeping.
In this salutation, the author wishes for
them grace, mercy, and peace from "him
which is, and which was, and which is
to ,come" — the original fountain of all
light and truth — referring to the Father;
"from the seven spirits which are before
the throne" — referring to the Holy Spirit
(see Note on ver. 4), by whom all grace
is communicated to men ; and from the
Lord Jesus Christ, by whom the revela
tion is imparted. As it is his revelation;
(Its it is designed peculiarly to glorify
him; and as it predicts the final triumph
vpf his religion, the author appends to this
reference to him a special ascription of
praise, vs. 5-8. He refers to the' great
work which he had done for his people
in redeeming them, and making them
kings and priests to God; he assures
those to whom he wrote that he would
come in glory to the world again, and
that all eyes would see him ; and he re
presents the Redeemer himself as ap
plying to his own person a title — "Alpha
and Omega" — " the beginning and the

ending" — which indicates his exalted
nature, and his supreme authority.
III. The commission of the writer; or
his authority for thus addressing the
churches of Asia, vs. 9-20. His authors
rity to do this is derived from the fact
that the Lord Jesus had appeared to him
personally in his exile, and had directed
him to reveal what he saw in vision, andy
to send it to those churches. — The state
ment of this commission is made as im
pressive as it well could be. (a) The
writer was an exile — banished to a lonely
island on account of the common faith,
ver. 9. (6) On the day of Christian resIN,
— the day set apart to the memory of
the Saviour, and which he sacredly ob
served in his solitude as holy time —
when in the spirit of calm contempla
tion on the truths appropriate to this
day, he suddenly heard the voice of his
Redeemer, like a trumpet, commanding
him to record what he saw, and to send-''
it to the seven churches of Asia, vs. 10,
11. (c) Then follows (vs. 12-18) a mag
nificent description of the appearance of
the Saviour, as he appeared in his glory.
He is soen standing in the midst of seven
golden candlesticks ; clothed in a long
white robe ; girded with a girdle of gold;
his hair white, his eyes like a flame of
fire, his feet like brass, and his voice like
the roaring of mighty waters. In his
hand are seven stars, and from his mouth
goes a sharp sword, and his countenance
is like the sun in the full splendor of its
shining. John falls at his feet as if he
were dead ; and the Saviour lays his
right hand upon him, and animates bim
with the assurance that though he had
himself been dead he is now alive, and
would forever live, and that he has the
keys of hell and death, (d) Then fol
lows the commission itself, vs. 19, 20.
He was to make a record of the things
which he saw. He was especially to
unfold the meaning of the seven stars
which he saw in the right hand of the
Saviour, and of the seven golden can
dlesticks, as referring to the seven

48

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

churches- of Asia Minor ; and was then
to describe the series of visions which
pertained to the future history and des
tiny of the church at large.
In the scene represented in this chap
ter, there is some imagery which would
be suggested by the arrangements in the
temple at Jerusalem, and it has been
supposed (Elliott, i. 72, 73) that the vi
sion was laid there, and that Christ is
represented as walking among the seven
lamps "habited as the ancient High
Priest." But the vision is not such an
one as would have been presented in the
holy place in the temple. In that place
there was but one lamp-stand, with seven
sconces ; here, there were seven separate
lamp-stands : — there were there no
" stars," and the vestments of the Jewish
High Priest were not those in which the
Saviour is represented as appearing. He
had no mitre, no ephod, no breast-plate,
and no censer. The objeot was not to
represent Christ as a priest, or as super
seding the Jewish high priest; but to
represent him with costume appropriate
to the Son of God — as having been
raised from the dead, and received to
the glory of heaven. His vestments are
neither those of a prophet, a king, nor a
priest : not with such garments as the
ancient prophets wore ; nor" with crown
and sceptre such as monarchs bear; nor
yet with the usual habiliments of. a
priest. He appears as the Son of God,
irrespective of the offices that he bears,
and oomos as tho glorified Head of the
Church to declare his will in regard to
the seven churches of Asia, and to dis
close the future for the guidance and
comfort of his church at large. The
scene appears to be laid at Patmos, and
the apostle in the vision of the Saviour
does not appear to have regarded himself
as transferred to any other place. The
view which is to b© kept before the mind
in the . description of " the things that
are" (chs. ii. iii.), is that of seven burn
ing lamps, and the Son of God standing
among them. Thus, amidst these lamps
representing the churches, he diotates
to the apostle what he shall write to the
churches ; thus with seven stars in his
hand, representing the angels of the
churches, he dictates what shall be said
to them. Is it unnatural to suppose
that the position of those lamps might
have been arranged in the vision in a
manner resembling the geographical

position of the churches themselves ? If
so, the scene would be more significant,
and more sublime.
1. The Revelation of Jesus Christ.
This is evidently a title or caption of the .
whole book, and is designed to comprise
the substance of the whole ; for all that
the book contains would be embraced in
the general declaration that it is a Reve
lation of Jesus Christ The word ren
dered Revelation — 'Awa*dXvtpis — whence
we have derived our word Apocalypse —
means properly an uncovering; that
is, nakedness — from 'aTtoKaXferia — to un
cover. It would apply to any thing
which had been covered up so as to b«
hidden from the view — as by a veil ; by
darkness ; in an ark or chest, and then
made manifest by removing the cover
ing. It comes then to be used in the
sense of disclosing or revealing, by re
moving the veil of darkness or ignorance.
" There is nothing covered that shall not
be revealed." It may be applied to the
disclosing or manifesting of any thing
which was before obscure or unknown.
This may be done (a) by instruction in
regard to that which was before obscure ;
that is, by statements of what was un
known before the statements were made,
as in Luke ii. 32, where it is said that
Christ would be " a light to lighten the
Gentiles"— ^S? els airojcoXotliv cSviav,— or
when it is applied to the divine mys
teries, purposes, or doctrines, before
obscure or unknown, but made clear by
light revealed in the Gospel, Rom. xvi.
25; 1 Cor. ii. 10, xiv. 6; Eph. iii. 5 (5).
By the event itself; as the manifestation
of the wrath of God at the day of judg
ment will disclose the true nature of his
wrath. "After thy hardness and im
penitent heart treasurest up to thyself
wrath against the day of wrath, and
revelation of the righteous judgment of
God," Rom. ii. 5. " Eor the earnest ex
pectation of the creature waiteth for the
manifestation (Gr., revelation) of the sons
of God," (Rom. viii. 19), that is, till it
shall be manifest by the event what they
who are the children of God are to be.
In this sense the word is frequently ap
plied to the second advent or appearing
of the Lord Jesus Christ, as disclosing
him in his glory, or showing what he
truly is : — 2 Thess. i. 7, " When the Lord
shall be revealed" — iv ri) urouiXodci —
in the revelation of Jesus'Christ. 1 Cor.
i. 7, " Waiting for the coming" (the re-

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER I.

49

velation— ri)v diroirdAu-vtiv) of our Lord
Jesus Christ." 1 Peter, i. 7, "At the ap
pearing" (Gr., revelation) "of Jesus
Christ." See also 1. Pet. iv. 13, " When
his glory shall be revealed." (c). It is
used in the sense of making known what
is to come — whether by words, signs, or
symbols — as if a veil were lifted from
that which is hidden from human vision,
or which is covered by the darkness of
the unknown future. This is called a
revelation, because the knowledge of the
event is in fact made known to the
world by him who alone can see it, and
in such a manner as he pleases to em
ploy, though many of the terms or the
symbols may be, from the necessity of
the case, obscure ; and though their full
meaning may be disclosed only by the
event. It is in this sense, evidently,
that the word is used here ; and in this
sense that it is more commonly employed
when we speak of a revelation. Thus
the word JTM (gala) is used in Amos
iii. 7 : " Surely the Lord God will do
nothing but he revealeth his secret unto
his servants." So Job xxxiii. 16, " Thus
be openeth (marg., revealeth, or un-
covereth, Heb. 71 7 J') the ears of men ;"
that is, in a dream, he discloses to their
ears his truth before concealed or un
known. Comp. Dan. ii. 22, 28, 29, x. 1.
Deut. xxi x. 29. These ideas enter into the
word as used in the passage before us.
The idea is that of a disclosure of an ex
traordinary character, beyond the mere
ability of man, by a special communi
cation from heaven. This is manifest,
not only from the usual meaning of this
word, but by the word prophecy, in ver.
3, and by all the arrangements by which
these things were made known. The
ideas which would be naturally con
veyed by the use of this word in this
connection are two : (1) that there was
something which was before hidden,
obscure, or unknown, and (2) that this
was so disclosed by these communi
cations as to be seen or known. The
things hidden or unknown were those
which pertained to the future ; the me
thod of disclosing them was mainly by
symbols. In the Greek, in this passage,
the article is wanting — ' airoKaXvij/is — a
Revelation, not h the Revelation. This
is omitted because it is the title of a
book, and because the use of the article
might imply that this was the only re-
5

velation, excluding other books claiming
to be a revelation; or it might imply
some previous mention of the book, or
knowledge of it in the reader. The
simple meaning is, that this was "a
Revelation ;" it was only a part of the
Revelation which God has given to
mankind. The phrase " the Revelation of Jesus
Christ," might, so far as the construc
tion of the language is concerned, refer
either to Christ as the subject or object.
It might either mean that Christ is the
object revealed in this book, and that its
great purpose is to make him known —
and so the phrase is understood in the
commentary called Myponoia (New York,
1844) ; or it may mean that this is a re
velation which Christ makes to man
kind — that is, it is his in the sense that
he communicates it to the world. That
this latter is the meaning here is clear,
(1) because it is expressly said in this
verse that it was a revelation which God
gave to him ; (2) because it is said that
it pertains to things which must shortly
come to pass; and (3) because, in fact,
the revelation is a disclosure of events
which were to happen, and not of the
person or work of the Lord Jesus Christ.
\Which God gave unto him. Which
God imparted or communicated to Jesus
Christ. This is in accordance with tho
representations every where made in the
scriptures, that God is the original foun
tain of truth and knowledge, and that,
whatever was the original dignity of the
Son of God, there was a mediatorial
dependence on the Father. See John, v.
19, 20 : " Verily, verily, I say unto you,
The Son can do nothing of himself, but
what he seeth the Father do ; for what
soever he doeth, then also doeth the Son
likewise. For the Father loveth the
Son, and showeth him {bcUvvciv ahrZ) all
things that himself doeth." John vii.
16 : " My doctrine is not mine, but his
that sent me." John viii. 28 : "As my
Father hath taught me (IbiBa^l pi), I
speak these things." John xii. 49: "For
I have not spoken of myself; but the
Father which sent me, he gave me a
commandment, what I should say, and
what I should speak." See also John
xiv. 10, xvii, 7, S. Matt. xi. 27. Mark
xiii. 32. The same mediatorial depend
ence the apostle teaches us still subsists
in heaven in his glorified state, and will
continue until he has subdued all thing's

50

REVELATION,

[A. D..9G.

(1 (Joi. xv. 24-28), and hence, even in that
state, he is represented as receiving the
Revelation from the Father to commu-
nioate it to men. \To show unto his ser
vants. That is, to his people ; to Chris
tians, often represented as tho servants
of God or of Christ. 1 Pet. ii. 16. Rev.
ii. 20, vii. 3, xix. 2, xxii. 3. It is true
that the word is sometimes applied by
way of eminence to the prophets (1
Chron. vi. 49, Dan. vi. 20), and to the
apostles (Rom. i. 1, Gal. i. 10, Phil. i. 1,
Titus i. 1, James i. 1) ; but it is also
applied to the mass of Christians, and
there is no reason why it should not
be so understood here. The book was
sent to the churches of Asia, and was
clearly designed for general use; and
the contents of the book were evidently
intended, for the churches of the Re
deemer, in all ages and lands. Comp.
ver. 3. The word rendered to shew
— Set^at — commonly denotes to point
out ; to cause to see ; to present to the
sight ; and is a word eminently appro
priate here, as what was to be revealed
was, in general, to be presented to the
sight by sensible tokens or symbols.
% Things which must shortly come to pass.
Not all the things that will occur, but
such as it was deemed of importance for
his people to be made acquainted with.
Nor is it certainly implied that all the
things that are communicated would
shortly come to pass, or would soon oc
cur. Some of them might perhaps lie
in the distant future, and still it might
be true that there were those which
were revealed in connexion with them,
which would soon occur. The word
rendered " things" — !l — is a pronoun,
and might be rendered what : " he
showed to his servants what things were
about to ocour;" not implying that ho
showed all the things that would hap
pen, but such as he judged to be needful
that his people should know. The word
would naturally embrace those things
which, in the circumstances, were most
desirable to be known. The phrase
rendered "must come to pass,' — Sciyc-
vlaSai — would imply more than mere
futurity. The word used — til — means
it needs, there is need of, and implies that
there is some kind of necessity that the
event should oocur. That necessity may
either arise from thefelttcaret of any thing,
as where it is absent, or wanting, Xen.
Cyr. 4, 10, ib. 7, 5, 9 ; or from tho na

ture of the case, or from a sense of duty—
as Matt. xvi. 21, "Jesus began to show
to his disciples that he must go (Su
arrMuv) to Jerusalem," comp. Matt.
xxvi. 35 ; Mach. xiv. 31 ; Luke, ii. 49 ;
or the necessity may exist, because a
thing is right and just, meaning that it
ought to be done, as Luke xiii. 14,
" There are six days in which men ought
to work" — bci lpydC,aiiai; Luke xiii. 16,
"And ought not this woman (ovk 16u)
whom Satan hath bound, &c, be loosed
from the bond," (comp. Mark xiii 14;
John iv. 20 ; Acts v. 29, 11 ; Tim. ii. 6;
Matt. viii. 33; xxv. 27); or the necessity
may be that it is conformable to the
divine arrangement, or is made neces
sary by divine appointment, as in John
iii. 14: "As Moses lifted np the ser
pent in the wilderness, even so must
(let) the son of man be lifted up ;" John
xx. 9, "for as yet they know not the
Scriptures, that he must (Sit) rise again
from the dead." Comp. Acts iv. 12; xiv.
22, et al. In the passage before us, it is
implied, that there was some necessity
that the things referred to should occur.
They were not the result of chance ; they
were not fortuitous. It is not, however,
stated what was the ground of the neces
sity — whether because there was a want
of something to complete a great arrange
ment ; or because it was right and proper
in existing circumstances; or because
such was the divine appointment. They
were events which, on some account,
must certainly occur, and which there
fore it was important should be made
known. The real ground of the neces
sity, probably was founded in the design
of God in redemption. He intended to
carry out his great plans in reference to
his church, and the things revealed here
must necessarily occur in the completion
of that design. — The phrase rendered
shortly — tv rd^ci — is one whose meaning
has been much controverted, and on
which much has been made to depend in
the interpretation of the whole book.
The question has been whether the phrase
necessarily implies that the events refer.
red to were soon to occur, or whether it
may have such an extent of meaning
as to admit the supposition that the
events referred to, though beginningsoon,
would embrace in their developement far
distant years, and would reach the end
of all things. Those who maintain (as
Prof. Stuart) that the book was written

A.D. 96.]

CHAPTER I.

51

before the destruction of Jerusalem, and
that the portion in chs. iv.— xi. has special
reference to Jerusalem and Judea, and
the portion in chs. xii. -xix. to perse
cuting and heathen Rome, maintain the
former opinion ; those who suppose that
chs. iv.-xi. refers to the irruption of
Northern barbarians in the Roman em
pire, and chs. xii. seq. to the rise and the
persecutions of the Papal power, embrace
the latter opinion. All that is proper in
this place is, without reference to any
theory of interpretation, to enquire into
the proper meaning of the language ; or
to ascertain what idea it would naturally
convey, (a) The phrase properly and
literally means, with quickness, swift
ness, speed; that is, speedily quickly,
shortly. Rob. Lex. ; Stuart in loc. It
is the same in meaning as ra^euf, comp.
1 Cor. iv. 19, " But I will come to you
shortly, if the Lord will." Luke xiv. 21,
" Go out quickly into the streets." Luke
xvi. 6, " Sit down quickly, and write
fifty." John xi. 31, " She rose up hastily
(raxcos) and went out." Gal. i. 6, " That
ye are so soon removed (raxcins) from
him that called you." 1 Tim. v. 22,
"Lay hands suddenly on no man." See
also Phil. ii. 19, 24 ; and Thess. ii. 2 ; and
ii. Tim. iv. 9. The phrase used here — iv
rd\a — occurs in Luke xviii. 8, " he will
avenge them speedily" (lit. with speed);
Acts xii. 7, "Arise up quickly;" Acts
xxii. 18, " get thee quickly out of Jeru
salem;" Acts xxv. 4, "would depart
shortly;" Rom. xvi. 20, "bruise Satan
under your feet shortly ;" and Rev. i. 1;
xxii. 6. — The essential idea is, that the
thing which is spoken of vas soon to oc
cur, or it was not a remote and distant
event. There is the notion of rapidity,
of haste, of suddenness. It is such a
phrase as is used when tho thing is on the
point of happening, and could not be
applied to an event which was in the
remote future, considered as an inde
pendent event standing by itself. — The
same idea is expressed in regard to the
same thing, in ver: 3, "the time is at
hand" — b ydpKaipbs" cyyis', that is, it is
near ; it is soon to occur. Yet (6) it is
not necessary to suppose that the mean
ing is that all that there is in the hook
was soon to happen. It may mean
that the series of events which were to
follow on in their proper order was
Boon to commenoe, though it might be
that tho sequel wruld be remote. The

first in the series of events was soon
to begin, and the others would follow
on in their train, though a portion of
them, in the regular order, might be
in a remote futurity. If we suppose
that there was such an order; that
a series of transactions was about to
commence involving a long train of
momentous developements, and that the
beginning of this was to occur soon, the
language used by John would be that
which would be naturally employed to
express it. ThuB, in case of a revolution
in a government, when a reigning prince
should be driven from his kingdom, to
be succeeded by a new dynasty which
would long occupy the throne, and in
volving as the consequence of the revo
lution important events extending far
into the future, we would naturally say
that these things were shortly to occur,
or that the time was near. It is cus
tomary to speak of a succession of events
or periods as near, however vast or in.
terminable the series may be, when the
commencement is at hand. Thus wo
say, that the great events of the eternal
world are near ; that is, the beginning of
them is soon to occur. So Christians
now speak often of the Millennium as
near, or as about to occur, though it is
the belief of many that it will be pro
tracted for many ages, (c) That this is
the true idea here is clear, whatever
general view of interpretation in regard
to the book is adopted. Even Prof.
Stuart, who contends that the greater
portion of the hook refers to the destruc
tion of Jerusalem, and the persecutions
of heathen Rome, admits that "the
closing part of the Revelation relates
beyond all doubt to a distant period, and
some of it to afuture eternity" (II. p. 5);
and if this be so, then there is no impro
priety in supposing that a part of the
series of predictions preceding this may
lie also in a somewhat remote futurity.
The true idea seems to be that the writer
contemplated a series of events that were
to occur ; and that this series was about
to commence. How far into the future
it was to extend, is to be learned by the
proper interpretation of all the parts of
the series. \Andhesent. Gr. "Sending
by his angel, signified it to his servant
John." The idea is not precisely that he
sent his angel to communicate the mes
sage, but that he sent by him, or employed
him as an agent in doing it. The thin;?

52

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

2 Who bare record of the word
of God, and of the testimony of
sent was rather the message than the
angel. If And signified it. htpaviv. He
indicated it by signs and symbols. The
word occurs in the New Testament only in
John xii. 33 ; xviii. 32 ; xxi. 19 ; Acts xi.
28 ; xxv. 27, and in the passage before
us, in all which places it is rendered sig
nify, signifying, or signified. It pro
perly refers to some sign, signal, or token
by which any thing is made known
(comp. Matt. xxvi. 28 ; Rom. iv. 11 ; Gen.
ix. 12, 13; xvii. 11; Luke ii. 12; 2 Cor.
xii. 12 ; 1 Cor. xiv. 22), and is a word
most happily chosen to denote the man
ner in which the events referred to were
to be communicated to John — for nearly
the whole book is made up of signs and
symbols. If it be asked what was signi
fied to John, it may be replied that either
the word " it" may be understood, as in
our translation, to refer to the Apocalypse
or Revelation, or what he saw — Boa clSc —
as Prof. Stuart supposes ; or it may be
absolute, without any object following,
as Prof. Robinson (Lex.) supposes. The
general sense is, that sending by his
angel, he made to John a communication
by expressive signs or symbols, ^ By
his angel. That is, an angel was em
ployed to cause these scenic representa
tions to pass before tho mind of the
apostle. The communication was not
made directly to him, but was through
the medium of a heavenly messenger
employed for this purpose. Thus in
Rev. xxii. 6, it is said, "and the Lord
God of tho holy prophets sent his angel
to show unto his servants the things
which must shortly be done." Comp. vs.
8, 9 of that chapter. There is frequent al
lusion in the Scriptures to the fact that
angels have been employed as agents in
making known the divine will, or in the
revelations which have been made to
men. Thus in Acts vii. 53, it is said,
" who have received the law by the dis
position of angels." Heb. ii. 2, " For if
the word spoken by angels was steadfast,"
&c. Gal. iii. 19, " And it was ordained
by angels in the hand of a mediator."
Comp. Notes on Acts vii. 38, 53. There
is almost no further reference to the
agoncy of the angel employed for this
service, in tho book, and there is no dis
tinct specification of what he did, or of
bis great agenoy in the oase. John Is

Jesus Christ, and of all things that
he saw.

everywhere represented as seeing the
symbols himself, and it would seem that
the agency of the angel was, either to
cause those symbols to pass before the
apostle, or to convey their meaning to
his mind. How far John himself under
stood the meaning of these symbols, we
have not the means of knowing with cer
tainty. The most probable supposition
is, that the angel was employed to cause
these visions or symbols to pass before
his mind, rather than to interpret them.
If an interpretation had been given, it is
inconceivable that it "should not have
been recorded, and there is no more pro
bability that their meaning should have
been disclosed to John himself for his
private use, than that it should have
been disclosed and recorded for the use
of others. It would seem probable, there
fore, that John had only that view of
the meaning of what he saw, which any
one else might obtain from the record of
the visions. Comp. Notes on 1 Peter i.
10-12. % Untohis servant John. Nothing
could be learned from this expression as
to what John was the author of the book,
whether the apostle of that name or
some other. Comp. Intr. § 1. It can
not be inferred from the use of the word
servant rather than apostle, that the
apostle John was not the author, for it
was not uncommon for the apostles to
designate themselves merely by the words
serva?ils, or servants of God. Comp.
Notes on Rom. i. 1.
2. Who bare record of the word of
God. Who bore witness to, or testified
of — tpaprvpijat — the word of God. He
regarded himself merely as a witness of
what he had seen, and claimed only to
make a fair and faithful record of it
John xxi. 24 : " This is the disciple
which testifieth — 5 paprvpSv — of these
things, and wrote these things." John
xix. 35 : " And he that saw it bare
record" — pcpapripTjKc. Compare also the
following places, where the apostle nses
the same word of himself, 1 John, i. 2;
iv. 14. The expression here, "the word
of God," is one the meaning of which
has been much controverted, and is
important in its bearing on the ques
tion who was tho author of the book of
Revelation. Tho main enquiry is, whe
ther the writer refers to tho " testimony"

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER I.

53

which he bears in this book respecting
the "word of God;" or whether he refers
to some testimony on that subject in
some other book with which those to
whom he wrote were so familiar that
they would at once recognize him as the
author ; or whether he refers to tho fact
that he. had borne his testimony to the
great truths of religion, and especially
respecting Jesus Christ, as a preacher
who was well known, and who would be
characterized by this expression. The
phrase " the word of God" — rbv Xoyov rbv
ScSv occurs frequently in the New Tes
tament (Comp. John x. 35 ; Acts iv. 31 ;
vi. 2, 7 ; xi. 1 ; xii. 24), and may either
mean the word or doctrine respecting
God — that which teaches what God is ;
or that which he speaks or teaches. It
is more commonly used in the latter
sense (Comp. the passages referred to
above), and especially refers to what
God speaks or commands in the gospel.
The fair meaning of this expression
would be, that John had borne faithful
witness to, or testimony of, the truth
which God had spoken to man in the
gospel of Christ. So far as the language
here used is concerned, this might apply
either to a written or an oral testimony ;
either to a treatise like that of his gospel,
to his preaching, or to the record which
he was then making. Vitringa and
others suppose that the reference here is
to the Gospel which he had published,
and which now bears his name ; Liicke
and others, to the revelation made to
him in Patmos, the record of which he
now makes in this book; Prof. Stuart
and others, to the fact that he was a
teacher or preacher of the gospel, and
that (Comp. ver. 9) the allusion is to
the testimony which he had borne to
the gospel, and for which he was an
exile in Patmos. Is it not possible that
these conflicting opinions may be to
some extent harmonized, by supposing
that in tho use of tho aorist tense —
ipaprvprjoc — the writer meant to refer
to a characteristic of himself, to wit,
that he was a faithful witness of the
word of God and of Jesus Christ,
whenever and however made known to
him? With an eye, perhaps, to the
record which he was about to make in
this book, and intending to include that,
may ho not also refer to what had been
and was his well-known character as a
witness of what God communicated to
5*

him ? He had always borne this testi
mony. He always regarded himself as
such a witness. He had been an eye
witness of what had occurred in the life,
and at the death of the Saviour (See
notes on 2 Pet. i. 17, 18), and had, in all
his writings and public ministrations,
borne witness to what he had seen and
heard; for that (ver. 9), he had been
banished to Patmos ; and he was now
about to carry out the same characteristic
of himself by bearing witness to what he
saw in these new revelations. This
would be much in the manner of John,
who often refers to this characteristic of
himself (Comp. John xix. 35; xxi. 24;
1 John i. 2), as well as harmonize the
different opinions. The meaning then
of the expression " who bare record of
the word of God," as I understand it, is,
that it was a characteristic of the writer
to bear simple but faithful testimony to
the truth which God communicated to
men in the gospel. If this be-the correct
interpretation, it may be remarked (a)
that this is such language as John the
apostle would be likely to use, and yet
(6) that it is not such language as an
author would be likely to adopt if there
was an attempt to forge a book in his
name. The artifice would be too refined
to occur probably to any one, for al
though perfectly natural for John, it
would not be so natural for a forger of a
book to select this circumstance and
weave it thus unostentatiously into his
narrative. . ^f. And of the testimony of
Jesus Christ. That is, in accordance
with the interpretation above, of the
testimony which Jesus Christ bore to the
truth; not of a testimony respecting
Jesus Christ. The idea is, that Jesus
Christ was himself a witness to the
truth, and that the writer of this book
was a witness merely of the testimony
which Christ had borne. Whether the
testimony of Jesus Christ was borne in
his preaching when in the flesh; or
whether made known to the writer by
him at any subsequent period, it was
his office to make a faithful record of
that testimony. As ho had always
before done that, so he was about to do
it now in the new revelation made to
him in Patmos, which he regarded as a
new testimony of Jesus. Christ to the
truth, ver. 1. It is remarkable that, in
confirmation of this view, John so often
describes the Lord Jesus as a witness.

54

REVELATION,

[A. D.

3 Blessed * is he that readeth,
d Lu. 11. 28.
or represents him as having come to
bear his faithful testimony to the truth.
Thus in ver. 5 : "And from Jesus Christ,
who is the faithful and true witness."
John viii. 18, "I am one that bear wit
ness — 6 paprvpHv — of myself." John
xviii. 37 : " To this end was I born, and
for this cause came I into the world, that
I should bear witness — tva paprvptjtroi — to
the truth." Rev. iii. 14 : " These things
saith the Amen, the faithful and true
witness" — b pdprvs h Tttcrrds k. t. X. Of
this testimony which the Lord Jesus
came to bring to man respecting eternal
realities, the writer of this book says
that he regarded himself as awitness. To
the office of bearing such testimony, he
had been dedicated; that testimony he
was now to bear, as he had always done.
^[ And of all things that he saw. So-a
re ciSe. This is the common reading in
tho Greek, and according to this reading
it would properly mean, " and whatso
ever he saw;" that is, it would imply
that he bore witness to "the word of
God," and to "the testimony of Jesus
Christ," and to whatever he saw" —
meaning that the things which he saw,
and to which he refers, were things ad
ditional to those to which he had referred
by "the word of God," and the "testi
mony of Christ." From this it has been
supposed that in the former part of the
verse he refers to some testimony which
he had formerly borne, as in his gospel
or in his preaching, and that here he
refers to what he " saw" in the visions
of the Revelation as something additional
to the former. But, it should be remem
bered that the word rendered and — re —
is wanting in a large number of manu
scripts (see Wetstein), and that it is now
omitted in the best editions of the Greek
Testament — as by Griesbach, Tittmann
and Hahn. The evidence is clear that it
should be omitted, and if so omitted, tho
reference is to whatever he had at any
time borne his testimony to, and not
particularly to what passed before him in
the visions of this book. It is a general
affirmation that he had always borne
a faithful testimony to whatever he
had soon respecting tho word of God, and
tho testimony of Christ. The correct
rendering of tho whole passage, then,
would bo, ' and sending by his angel, he

and they that hear the words of

signifies it to hi., servant John, who bare
record of [i. e. whose character and
office it was to bear his testimony to]
' the word of God,' [the message which
God has sent to me], 'and the testi
mony of Jesus Christ' [the testimony
which Christ bore to the truth], 'what
soever he saw.' He concealed nothing;
he held nothing back ; he made it known
precisely as it was seen by him. Thus
interpreted, the passage refers to what
was ageneral characteristic of the-writer,
and is designed to embrace all that was
made known to him, and to affirm that
he was a faithful witness to it. There
were doubtless, special reasons why John
was employed as the medium through
which this communication was to be
made to the church and the world.
Among these reasons may have been the
following: (a) That he was the "beloved
disciple." (6) That he was the only sur
viving apostle, (c) That his character
was such that his statements would be
readily received. Comp. John xix. 35 ;
xxi. 24; 3 John 12. (d) It may be that
his mind was better fitted-to be the me
dium of these communications than that
of any other of the apostles — even if they
had been then alive. There is almost
no one whose mental characteristics are
less correctly understood than those of
the apostle John. Among the most gen
tle and amiable of men ; with a heart so
fitted for love as to be known as "the
beloved disciple" — he yet had mental
characteristics which made it proper that
he should be called " a son of Thunder"
(Mark iii. 17) ; a mind fitted to preserve
and record the profound thoughts in his
gospel; a mind of high poetic order,
fitted for the magnificent conceptions in
this book.
3. Blessed is he that readeth. That
is, it is to be regarded as a privilege at
tended with many blessings, to be per
mitted to mark the disclosures to be
made in this book ; tho important reve
lations respecting future times. Prof.
Stuart supposes that this refers to a pub-
lio reading, and that tho phrase "those
who hear the words of this prophecy"
refers to those who listened to the publio
reader, and that both the reader and
hearer should regard themselves as highly
favored' It is, however, more in acoord-

A. D. 96.J

CHAPTER I,

55

this propheoy, and keep those
things which are written therein :
for the time " is at hand.
4 John to the seven s churches
which are in Asia : Grace be unto

e Ja. 6. 8, 9.

g ver. 11.

ance with the usual meaning of the word
rendered "read," to suppose that it refers
to the act of one's reading for himself;
to learn by reading. So Robinson (Lex.)
understands it. The Greek word, indeed,
would bear the other interpretation (see
Luke iv. 16 ; Acts xiii, 27 ; xv. 21 ;
2 Cor. iii. 15), but as this book was sent
abroad to be read by Christians, and not
merely to be in the hands of the minis
ters of religion to be read by them to
others, it is more natural to interpret the
word in the usual sense, % And hear
the words of this prophecy. As they
shall be declared or repeated by others ;
or perhaps the word hear is used in a.
sense that -is not uncommon, that of
giving attention to; taking heed to.
The general sense is, that they were
to be regarded as highly favored who
became acquainted in any way with
what is here communicated. The writer
does not say that they were blessed who
understood it, or that they who read or
heard it would fully understand it; but
it is clearly implied, that there would be
so far an understanding of its meaning
as to make it a felioitous condition to
have been made acquainted with it.
An author could not be supposed to say
that one should regard his condition as
a favored one who merely heard words
that he could not understand, or who
had placed before him magnificent sym
bols that had to him no meaning. The
word prophecy is used here in its more
strict sense as denoting the disclosure of
future events — a large portion of the
book being of this .nature. It is here
synonymous with Revelation, in ver. 1.
5f And keep these things which are written
therein. Keep in mind those things
which relate to the future; and obey
thosu things which are required as truth
and duty. The blessing which results
from having in possession the revealed
truth of God is not merely in reading it,
or in hearing it : it results from the fact
that the truth is properly regarded, and
exerts a suitable influence over our lives.
Comp. Ps. six. 11. — "And in keeping

you, and peace, from him * which
is, and which was, and which is to
come ; and from the seven * Spirits
which are before his throne.

h ver. 8.

* Zee. 4. 10. c. 3. 1. and 4. 6.

of them, there is great reward." ^f For
the time is at hand. See ver. 1. Th»
word here used — iyyis — has the same
signification substantially as the word
" shortly" in ver. 1. It would apply to
any event whose beginning was soon to
occur, though the end might be remote,
for the series of events might stretch far
into the future. It cannot be doubted,
however, that the writer meant to press
upon them the importance of attending
to these things, from the fact that either
entirely or in part these things were soon
to happen. — It may be inferred from
this verse, that it is possible so to under
stand this book, as that it may convey
useful instruction. This is the only book
in the Bible of which a special blessing
is pronounced on him who reads it ; but
assuredly a blessing would not be pro
nounced on the perusal of a book which
is entirely unintelligible. While, there
fore, there may be many obscurities in
this book, it is also to be assumed that it
may be so far understood as to be useful
to Christians, in supporting their faith,
and giving them elevated views of the
final triumph of religion, and of the glory
of the world to come. Any thing is a
blessing which enables us with well-
founded hope and joy to look forward to
the Heavenly world. •
4. John to the seven churches which
are in Asia. The word Asia is used ir.
quite different senses by different writers.
It is used (1.) as referring to the whole
eastern continent now known by that
name ; (2.) Hither Asia, or Asia Minor ;
(3.) That part of Asia which Attalus III,
king of Pergamos gave to the Romans,
viz : Mysia, Phrygia, Lycaonia, Lydia,
Caria, Pisidia, and the Southern coast;
that is, all in the Western, South-western,
and Southern parts of Asia Minor ; and
(4.) in the New Testament, usually, the
South-western part of Asia Minor, of
which Ephesus was the capital. See
Notes, Acts ii. 9. The word Asia is not
found in the Hebrew Scriptures, but it
occurs often in the books of Maccabees,
and in the New Testament. In the New

56

REVELATION,

[A. D, 96.

Testament it is not used in the large
sense in which it is now as applied to the
whole continent, but in its largest signi
fication it would include only Asia Minor.
It is also used, especially by Luke, as
denoting tho country that was called
Ionia, or that which embraced the_ pro
vinces of Caria and Lydia. Of this re
gion Ephesus was the principal city, and
it was in this region that the "seven
churches" were situated. Whether there
were more than seven churches in this
region is not intimated by the writer of
this book, and on that point we have no
certain knowledge. It is evident that
these seven were the principal churches,
even if there were more, and that there
was some reason why they should be
particularly addressed. There is men
tion of some other churches in the neigh
borhood of these. Colosse was near to
Laodicea, and from Col. iv. 13, it would
seem not improbable that there was a
church also at Hierapolis. But there
may have been nothing in their circum
stances that demanded particular in
struction or admonition, and they may
have been on that account omitted.
There is, also, some reason to suppose,
that, though there had been other
churches in that vicinity besides the
seven mentioned by John, they had
become extinct at the time when he
wrote the Book of Revelation. It ap
pears from Tacitus (Annal. xiv. 27, comp.
also Pliny N. H. v. 29),. that in the time
of Nero, A. D. 61, the city of Laodicea
was destroyed by an earthquake, in which
earthquake, according to Eusebius, the
adjacent; cities of Colosae and Hierapolis
were involved. Laodicea was, indeed,
immediately rebuilt, but there is no evi
dence of the re-establishment of the
church thero, before the time when John
wrote this book. The earliest mention
we have of a church there, after the one
referred to in the New Testament by
Paul (Col. ii. 1 ; iv. 13, 15, 16), is in the
time of Trajan, when Papias was bishop
there, sometime between A. D. 98, and
117. It would appear, then, to be not
improbable that .at the time when the
Apocalypse was written, there were in fact
but seven churches in the vicinity. 'Prof.
Stuart (i. 219) supposes that "seven, and
only so many, may have been named,
because tho seven-fold divisions and
groups of various objects, constitute a
conspicuous feature in the Apooaiypse

throughout." But this reason seems too
artificial, and it can hardly, be supposed
that it would influence the mind of
John, in the specification by name of the
churches to which the book was sent.
If no names had been mentioned, and if
the statement had occurred in glowing
poetic description, it is not inconceivable
that the number seven might have been
selected for some such purpose, f Grace
be unto you and peace. The usual form
of salutation in addressing a church. See
Notes on Rom. i. 7. % From him which
is, and which was, and which is to come.
From him who is everlastings-embracing
all duration, past, present, and to come.
No expression could more strikingly de
note eternity than this. He now exists;
he has existed in the past; he will ex
ist in the future. There is an evident
allusion here to the name Jehovah, the
name by which the true God is appro
priately designated in the Scriptures.
That name — HTTP — from TIT! to be, to
exist, seems to have been adopted be
cause it denotes existence, or being,
and as denoting simply one who ex
ists ; and has reference merely to the
fact of existence. The word has no
variation of form, and has no reference
to time, and would embrace all time : —
that is, it is as true at one time as
another that he exists. Such a word
would not be inappropriately paraphrased
by the phrase "who is, and who was,
and . who is to come," or who is to
be ; and there can be no doubt that John
referred to him here as being himself the
eternal and uncreated existence, and as
the great and original fountain of all
being. They who desire to find a full
discussion in regard to the origin of the
name Jehovah, may consult an article
by Prof. Tholuck, in the Biblical Reposi
tory, vol. iv. pp. 89-10S. It is remark
able that there are some passages in
heathen inscriptions and writings which
bear a very strong resemblance to the
language here used by John respecting
God. Thus Plutarch (De Is. et Osir. p.
354), speaking of a temple of Isis, at
Sais, in Egypt, says, " It bore this in
scription — 'I am all that was, and is,
and shall be, and my vail no mortal can
remove'" — 'Eyii eiptirav rd yeyovis, sal
ov, Kal caiptvov ' Kai ror Ipov tt/ttXov oii&cti
mk 3ri;r4f AvcKdXv\pev. So Orpheus (in
Auotor. Lib- de Mundo), " Jupiter is the

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER I.

57

nead, Jupiter is the middle, and all
things are made by Jupiter." So in
Pausanias (Phocic. 12), " Jupiter was ;
Jupiter is ; Jupiter shall be." The re
ference in the phrase before us is to
God as such, or to God considered as the
Father. ^ And from the seven spirits
which are before his throne. After all
that has been written on this very diffi
cult expression, it is still impossible to
determine with certainty its meaning.
The principal opinions which have been
held in regard to it are the following :
I. That it refers to God, as such. This
opinion is held by Eichhorn, and is
favored by Ewald. No arguments de
rived from any parallel passages are
urged for this opinion, nor can any such
be found, where God is himself spoken
of under the representation of a seven
fold Spirit. But the objections to this
view are so obvious as to be insuper
able. (1) If it refers to God as such,
then it would be mere tautology, for the
writer had just referred to him in the
phrase "from him who was," &c. i2)
It is difficult to perceive in what sense
"seven spirits" could be ascribed to
God, or how he could be described as a
being of " Seven Spirits." At least, if
he could be spoken of as such, there
would be no objection to applying the
phrase to the Holy Spirit. (3) How
could it be said of God himself that he
was "before the throne ?" He is every
where represented as sitting on the
throne, not as before it. It is easy to
conceive of angels as standing before the
throne; and of the Holy Spirit it is
more easy to conceive as being repre
sented thus as ready to go forth and
convey a heavenly influence from that
throne, but it is impossible to conceive
in what sense this could be applied to
God as such. II. The opinion held by
Grotius and by John Henry Hoinrichs
that it refers to " the multiform Provi
dence. of God," or to God considered as
operating in seven or many different
ways. In support of this, Grotius ap
peals to chs. v. 12, vii. 12. But this
opinion is so far-fetched, and it is so
destitute of support, as to have found, it
is believed, no other advocates, and to
need no further notice. It cannot be
supposed that John meant to personify
tho attributes of the Deity, and thento
unite them with God himself, and with
the Lord Jesus Christ, and to represent

them as real subsistences from which
important blessings descend to men. It
is clear that as by the phrase "who is,
and who was, and who is to come,"
and by "Jesus Christ, the faithful and
true witness," he refers to real sub
sistences, so he must here. Besides,
if the attributes 6f God, or the modes
of divine operation, are denoted, why is
the number seven chosen ? And why
are they represented as standing before
the throne? III. A third opinion is,
that the reference is to seven attending
and ministering presence-angels ; angels
represented as standing before the throne
of God, or in his presence. This opinion
was adopted among the ancients by
Clemens, of Alexandria; Andreas, of
Cesarea, and others ; among the mo
derns by Beza, Drusius, Hammond,
Wetstein, Rosenmiiller, Clarke, Prof.
Stuart, and others. This opinion, how
ever, has been held in somewhat dif
ferent forms; some maintaining that
the seven angels are referred to because
it was a received opinion among the
Hebrews that there were seven angels
standing in the presence of God, as
seven princes stood in the Persian
court before the king ; others, that
the angels of the seven churches are
particularly referred to, represented now
as standing in the presence of God ;
others, that seven angels, represented
as the principal angels employed in
the government of the world, are re
ferred to; and others, that seven
archangels are particularly designated.
Compare Poole, Synop. in loc. The
arguments which are relied on by
those who suppose that seven angels
are here referred to, are briefly these : —
(1) The nature of the expression here
used. The expression, it is said, is such
as would naturally denote beings who
were before his throne — beings who were
different from him who was on the
throne — and beings more than one in
number. That it could not refer to one
on the throne, but must mean those dis
tinct and separate from one on the
throne, is argued from the use of the
phrases " beforo the throne," and " be
fore God," in Rev. iv. 5, vii. 9, 15, viii.
2, xi. 4, 16, xii. 10, xiv. 3, 'xx. 12; in all
which places the representation denotei
those who were in the presence of God,
and standing before him. (2) It is
argued from other passages in the Booh

58

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

of Revelation which, it is said (Prof.
Stuart), go directly to confirm this
opinion. Thus in Rev. viii. 2 : " And I
saw the seven angels which stood before
God." So Rev. iv. 5 : the seven lamps
of fire burning before the throne, are
said to be " the seven Spirits of God."
In these passages, it is alleged that the
article " the" designates the well-known
angels ; or those which had been before
specified, and that this is the first
mention of any such angels after the
designation in the passage before us.
(3) It is said that this is in accordance
with what was usual among the He
brews, who were accustomed to speak of
seven presence-angels, or angels stand
ing in the presence of Jehovah. Thus
in the Book of Tobit (xii. 15), Raphael
is introduced as using this language,
" I am Raphael, one of the seven holy
Angels, which present the prayers of the
gaints, and which go in and out before
the glory of the- Holy One." The
apocryphal Book of Enoch (ch. xx.)
gives the names of the seven angels who
watch ; that is, of the watchers (comp.
Notes on Daniel iv. 13, 17) who stand
:n the presence of God waiting for the
divine commands, or who watch over
the affairs of men. So in the Zendavesta
of Zoroaster, seven amshaspends, or
archangels, are mentioned. See Prof.
Stuart, in loc.
To these views, however, there are
objections of great weight, if they are
not in fact quite insuperable. They are
such as the following : (1) That the
same rank should be given to them as
to God, as the source of blessings. Ac
cording to the view which represents
this expression as referring to angels,
they are placed on the same level, so far
Is the matter before us is concerned,
ki'\ "him who was, and is, and is to
[ ue," and with the Lord Jesus Christ —
u doctrine whioh does not elsewhere
occur in the Scriptures, and which we
cannot suppose the writer designed to
teach. (2) That blessings should be
invoked from angels — as if' they could
impart "grace and peace." It is evi
dent that whoever is referred to here
by the phrase "the seven spirits," he
is placed on the same level with the
others mentioned as the source of
" grace and peaoe." But it cannot be
supposed that an inspired writer would
Invoke that grno^ and peaoe from any

but a divine being. (3) That as two
persons of the Trinity are here men
tioned, it is to be presumed that the
third would not be omitted; or to put
this argument in a stronger form, it
cannot be supposed that an inspired
writer would mention two of the persons
of the Trinity in this connexion, and
then not only not mention the third,
but refer to angels — to creatures — as
bestowing that which would be appro
priately sought from the Holy Spirit.
The incongruity would be not merely in
omitting all reference to the Spirit —
which might indeed occur, as it often
does in the Scriptures — but in putting
in the place which that Spirit would
naturally occupy an allusion to angels
as conferring blessings. (4) H this refer
to angels, it is impossible to avoid the
inference that angel-worship, or invoca
tion of angels, is proper. To all intents
and purposes, this is an act of worship;
for it is an act of solemn invocation. It
is an acknowledgment of the "seven
spirits" as the source of "grace and
pefice." It would be impossible to re
sist this impression on the popular mind;
it would not be possible to meet it if
urged as an argument in favor of the
propriety of angel-invocation, or angel-
worship. And yet, if there is anything
clear in the Scriptures, it is that God
alone is to be worshipped. For these
reasons, it seems to me that this in
terpretation cannot be well founded.
IV. There remains a fourth opinion,
that it refers to the Holy Spirit, and in
favor of that opinion it may bo urged,
(1) that it is most natural to suppose that
the Holy Spirit would be invoked on
such an occasion, in connexion with
him " who was, and is, and is to come,"
and with " Jesus Christ." H two of the
persons of the Trinity were addressed on
such an occasion, it would be properly
supposed that the Holy Spirit would not
be omitted, as one of the persons from
whom the blessing was to descend.
Comp. 2 Cor. xiii. 14. " The grace of
our Lord Jesus Christ, and tho love of
God, and the communion of the Holy
Ghost, be with you all." (2) It would be
unnatural and improper, in such an in
vocation, to unite angels with God as
imparting blessings, or as participating
with God and with Christ, in commu
nicating blessings to man. An invoca
tion to God to send his angjls, or t«

A- D. 96.J

CHAPTER I.

59

Impart grace and favor through angelic
help, would be in entire accordance with
the usage in Scripture, but it is not in
accordance with such usage to invoke
such blessings from angels. (3) It can
not be denied that an invocation of
grace from " him who is, and was, and
is to come," is of the nature of worship.
The address to him is as God, and the
attitude of the mind in such an address
is that of one who is engaged in an act
of devotion. The effect of uniting any
other being with him in such a case,
would be to lead to the worship of one
thus associated with him. In regard to
the Lord Jesus, " the faithful and true
witness," it is from such expressions as
these that we are led to the belief that he
is divine, and that it is proper to worship
him as such. The same effect must be
produced in reference to what is here
called " the seven spirits before the
throne." We cannot well resist the im
pression that some one with divine
attributes is intended ; or, if it refer to
angels, we cannot easily show that it is
not proper to render divine worship to
them. If they were thus invoked by an
apostle, can it be improper to worship
them now? (4) The word used here is
not angels but spirits ; and though it is
true that angels are spirits, and that the
word spirit is applied to them (Heb. i. 7),
yet it is also true that that is not a word
which would be understood to refer to
them without designating that angels
weremeant. Ifangels had been intended
here, that word would naturally have
been used, as is the case elsewhere in
this book. (5) In Rev. iv. 5, where
there is a reference to " the seven lamps
before the throne," it is said of them
that they "are," that is, "they repre
sent, " the seven spirits of God." This
passage may be understood as referring
to the same thing as that before us, but
it cannot be well understood of angels,
for (a) if it did, it would have been
natural to use that language for the
reason above mentioned; (5) the angels
are nowhere called " the spirits of God,"
nor would such language be proper.
The phrase "Spirit of God" naturally
implies divinity, and could not be applied
to a creature. For these reasons, it
seems to me that the interpretation which
applies the phrase to the Holy Spirit is
to be preferred; and though that inter
pretation is not freo from difficulties, yet

there are fewer difficulties in that than
in either of the others proposed. Though
it may not he possible wholly to re
move the difficulties involved in that
interpretation, yet perhaps something
may be done to diminish their force.
(1) First, as to the reason why the
number seven should be applied to the
Holy Spirit, (a.) There would be as
much propriety certainly in applying it
to the Holy Spirit as to God as such.
And yet Grotius, Eichhorn, Ewald, and
others saw no difficulty in such an ap
plication considered as representing a
seven-fold mode of operation of God, or
a manifold divine agency. (A) The
word seven often denotes a full or com
plete number, and may be used to denote
that which is full, complete, or manifold ;
and might thus be used in reference to
an All-perfect Spirit, or to a spirit which
was manifold in its operations, (c) The
number seven is evidently a favorite
number in the book of Revelation, and
it might be used by the author in places,
and in a sense, such as it would not be
likely to be used by another writer.
Thus there are seven epistles to the
seven churches; there are seven seals,
seven trumpets, seven vials of the wrath
of God, seven last plagues ; there are
seven lamps, and seven Spirits of God ;
the Lamb has seven fTorns and seven
eyes. In eh. i. 16, seven stars are men
tioned; in ch. v. 12, seven attributes of
God; ch. xii. 3, the dragon has seven
heads; ch. xiii. 1, the beast has seven
heads, (d) The number seven, there-
fore, may have been given to the Holy
Spirit with reference to the diversity or
the fulness of his operations on the
souls of men, and to his manifold agency
on the affairs of the world, as further
developed in this book. (2) As to
his being represented as "before the
throne," this may be intended to desig
nate the fact that tho Divine Spirit was,
as it were, prepared to go forth, or to bo
sent forth, in accordance with a com
mon representation in the Scriptures,
to accomplish important purposes on
human affairs. The posture does not
necessarily imply inferiority of nature,
any more than the language does re
specting the Son of God, when he is
represented as being sent into the world
to execute an important commission
from the Father.

60

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

5 And from Jesus Christ, who is
the faithful witness, " and the *
first-begotten of the dead, and the
Prince of the kings of the earth.
a Jno. 8. 14. t Col. 1. 18.

Unto him that loved ' us, and
washed * us from our sins in his
own blood,
c Jno. 13. 1. d He. 9. 14

5. And from Jesus Christ, who is the
faithful witness. See Notes on ver. 2.
Ho is faithful in the sense that he is one
on whose testimony there may be entire
reliance, or who is entirely worthy to
bo believed. From him "grace and
peace" are appropriately sought, as one
who bears such a testimony, and as the
first-begotten from the dead, and as
reigning over the kings of the earth.
Thus grace and peace are invoked from
the infinite God in all his relations and
operations : — as the Father, the Source
of all existence; as the Sacred Spirit,
going forth in manifold operations upon
the hearts of men; and as the Son of
God, the one appointed to bear faithful
testimony to the truth respecting God
and future events. ^[ And the first-
begotten of the dead. The same Greek
expression — rpiardroKos — occurs in Col. i.
18. See it explained in the Notes on
that passage. Comp. Notes 1 Cor. xv.
20. % And the Prince of the kings of
the earth. Who has over all the kings
of the earth the preeminence which
kings have over their subjects. He is
tho Ruler of rulers ; King of kings. In
ch. xvii. 14, xix. 16, the same thought is
expressed by saying that he is the
" King of kings." No language could
more sublimely denote his exalted cha
racter, or his supremacy. Kings and
princes sway a sceptre over the millions
of the earth, and the exaltation of the
Saviour is here expressed by supposing
;hat all those kings and princes consti
tute a community over which ho is the
head. The exaltation of the Redeemer
is elsewhere expressed in different lan
guage, but the idea is one that every
where prevails in regard to him in the
Scriptures. Comp. Matt, xxviii. 18, xi.
27 ; John xvii. 2; Eph. i. 20-22; Phil. ii.
9-11; Col.'i. 15-18. The word Prince
— b ipX")* — means properly ruler, leader,
the first in rank. We often apply the
word prince to an heir to a throne who is
not invested with absolute sovereignty.
Tho word here, however, denotes that he
actually exercises dominion over the
rulers of the earth. As this is an autho

rity which is claimed by God (comp. Isa.
x. 5, seq. ; xiv. 1, seq. ; Ps. xlvii. 2, xcix.
1, ciii. 19, Dan. iv. 34), and which can
only appertain to God, it is clear that in
ascribing this to the Lord Jesus it is
implied that he is possessed of divine
attributes. As much of the revelations
of this book pertained to the assertion
of .power over the princes and rulers of
this world, there was a propriety that,
in the commencement, it should be
asserted that he who was to exert that
power was invested with the prerogative
of a ruler of the nations, and that he
had this right of control. ^ Unto him
that loved us. This refers undoubtedly
to the Lord Jesus, whose love for men
was so strong that nothing more was
necessary to characterize him than to
speak of him as the one " who loved us."
It is manifest that the division in the
verses should have been made here, for
this commences a new subject, not
having any special connexion with that
which precedes. In ver. 4, and the first
part of this verse, the writer had invoked
grace from the Father, the Spirit, and
the Saviour. In the latter clause of the
verse there commences an ascription of
praise to the Redeemer ; an ascription to
him particularly, because the whole book
is regarded as a revelation from him
(ver. 1.); because he was the one who
especially appeared to John in the
visions of Patmos ; and because he was
to be the great agent in carrying into
execution the purposes revealed in this
book. ^[ And washed us from our sins
in his own blood. He has removed the
pollution of sin from our souls by his
blood; that is, his blood has been applied
to cleanse us from sin. Blood can he
represented as having a cleansing power
only as ifc makes an expiation for sin, for
considered literally its effect would be
the reverse. The language is such as
would be used only on the supposition
that he had made an atonement, and
that it was by the atonement that we are
cleansed ; for in what sense could it be
said of a martyr that he ' had washed
us from our sins in his blood ?' How

A. D. 96.]

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61

6 And hath made us kings ° and
Sriests unto God and his father ; to
im ' be glory and dominion for
ever and ever. Amen.
7 Behold,he cometh with clouds;"

a. Ex. 19. 6. 1 Pe. 2. 5. 9.
> Da. 7. 13. Mat. 26. 64.

b He. 13. 21.

could this language be used of Paul or
Polycarp ; of Ridley or Cranmer 1 The
dv^trine that the blood of Christ cleanses
us from sin, or purifies us, is one that is
common in the Scriptures. Comp. 1 John
i. 7 ; Heb. ix. 14. The specific idea of
washing, however, — representing that
blood as washing sin away — is one which
does not elsewhere occur. It is evidently
used in the sense of cleansing or purify
ing, as we do this by washing, and as
the blood of Christ accomplishes in
respect to our souls, what washing with
water does in respect to the body.
6. And hath made us kings and priests
unto God. In 1 Pet. ii. 9, the same
idea is expressed by saying of Christians
that they are " a royal priesthood." £
Notes on that verse. The quotation in
both places is from Ex. xix. 6 : " And ye
shall be unto me a kingdom of priests."
This idea is expressed here by saying
that Christ had made us in fact kings
and priests ; that is, Christians are exalt
ed to the dignity, and are invested with
the office, implied in these words. The
word kings, as applied to them, refers to
the exalted rank and di ;uity which they
will have ; to the fact that they, in com
mon with their Saviour, will reign
triumphant over all enemies ; and that,
having gained a victory over sin and
death and hell, they may be represented
as reigning together. The word priests
refers to the fact that they are engaged
in the holy service of God, or that they
offer to him acceptable worship. See
IVotes on 1 Pet. i. 5. ^j And his Father.
Even his Father ; that is, the Saviour has
redeemed them, and elevated them to this
exalted rank, in order that they may thus
be engaged in the service of his Father.
^f To him be glory. To the Redeemer ;
for so the construction (ver. 5) demands.
The word " glory" here means praise, or
honor, implying a wish that all honor
should be shown him. ^[ And dominion.
This word means literally, strength —
Kpdros ; — but it here means tho strength,
power, or authority which is exercised
6

and every eye shall see him, and
they d also which pierced him: and
all kindreds of the earth shall
wail ' because of him. Even so, '
Amen. d Zee 12. 10. e Mat. 24. 30. / c. 22. 20.
over others, and the expression is equiv
alent to a wish that he may reign.
7. Behold, he Cometh with clouds.
That is, the Lord Jesus when he re
turns will come accompanied with clouds.
This is in accordance with the uniform
representation respecting the return of
the Saviour. See Notes on Matt. xxiv.
30. Comp. Matt. xxvi. 64; Mark xiii.
26, xiv. 62; Acts i. 9, 11. Clouds are
appropriate symbols of Majesty, and
God is often represented as appearing
in that manner. See Ex. xix. 18; Ps.
xviii. 11, seq. ; Isa. xix. 1. So, among
the heathen, it was common to repre
sent their divinities as appearing clothed
with a cloud: "tandem venias, precatnnr,
Nube candentea bumeros amiclua
Augur Apollo."
The design of introducing this repre
sentation of the Saviour, and of the man
ner in which he would appear, seems to
be to impress the mind with a sense of
the majeBty and glory of that being from
whom John received his revelations.
His rank, his character, his glory were
such as to demand respect; all should
re'verence him, and all should feel that
his communications about the future were
important to them, for they must soon
appear before him. ^f And every eye
shall see him. He will be made visible
in his glory to all that dwell upon the
earth ; to all the children of men. Every
one, therefore, has an interest in what he
says ; every one has this in certain pros
pect that he shall see the Son cf God
coming as a Judge, % And they also
which pierced him. When he died ; that
is, they who pierced his hands, his feet,
and his side. There is probably an allu
sion here to Zech. xii. 10 : " They shall
look upon me whom they have pierced,
and they shall mourn." The language
here is so general that it may refer to any
act of looking upon the pierced Saviour,
and might be applied to those who
would see him on the cross and to their
compunctious visitings then ; or to their

62

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

.subsequent reflections, as they might
look by faith on him whom they had
crucified; or to the feeling of any sin
ners who should reflect that their sins
had been the cause of the death of the
Lord Jesus ; or it might be applied, as it
is here, more specifically to the feelings
which his murderers will have when
they shall see him coming in his glory.
All sinners who have pierced his heart
by their crimes will then behold him,
and will mourn over their treatment of
him; they, in a special manner, who
imbrued their hands in his blood will
then remember their crime, and be
overwhelmed with alarm. The design
of what is here said seems to be, to show
that the coming of the Saviour will be
an event of great interest to all mankind.
None can be indifferent to it, for all will
see him. His friends will hail his ad
vent (comp. ch. xxii. 20), but all who
were engaged in putting, him to death,
and all who in any manner have pierced
his heart by sin and ingratitude, unless
they shall have repented, will have oc
casion of bitter lamentation when he
shall ccme. There are none who have
a more fearful doom to anticipate than
the murderers of the Son of God, in
cluding those who actually put him to
death, and those who would have en
gaged in such an act had they been
present, and those who, by their con
duct, have done all they could to pierce
and wound him by their ingratitude.
^ And all kindreds of the earth. Gr.,
'All the tribes— ipvXal — of the earth.'
This language is the same which the
Saviour uses in Matt. xxiv. 30. See
Notes on that passage. The word tribes
is that which is commonly applied to
the twelve tribes of Israel, and thus
used, it would describe the inhabitants
of the holy land ; but it may be
used to denote nations and people in
general, as descended from a common
ancestor, and the connexion requires
that it should be understood in this
sense here, since it is said that " every
eye _, shall see him;" that is, all that
dwell on the face of the earth, f Shall
Wail because of him. On account of
him; on account of their treatment of
him. The word rendered wail — k6ktw —
means properly to beat, to cut; then to
beat or cut one's self in the breast as an
expression of sorrow ; and then to
amout, to ory aloud in intense grief. I

The coming of the Saviour will be an
occasion of this, (a) because it will be an
event which will call the sins of men to
remembrance; and (6) because they
will be overwhelmed with the appre
hension of the wrath to eome. Nothing
would fill the earth with greater con
sternation than the eoming of the Son
of God in the clouds of heaven ; nothing
would produce so deep and universal
alarm. This fact, which no one can
doubt, is proof that men feel that they
ere guilty, since, if they were innocent,
they would have nothing to dread by his
appearing. It is also a proof that- they
believe in the doctrine of future punish
ment, since, if they do not, there is no
reason why they should be alarmed at
his coming. Surely men would not
dread his appearing if they really
believed that all will be saved. Who
dreads the coming of a benefactor to
bestow favors on him ? "Who dreads the
appearing of a jailor tp deliver him from
prison ; of a physician to raise him up
from a bed of pain ; of a deliverer to
knock off the fetters of slavery ? And
how can it be that men should be
alarmed at the coming of the Saviour
unless their consciences tell them that
they have much to fear in the future? The
presence of the Redeemer in the clouds
of heaven would destroy all the hopes of
those who believe in the doctrine of uni
versal salvation — as the approach of
death now often does. Men believe that
there is much to be dreaded in the future
world, or they would not fear the
coming of him who shall wind up the
affairs of the human race. % Even so,
A men—vai, apijv. " A double expression
of so be it, assuredly, certainly, one in
Greek and the other in Hebrew." Prof.
Stuart. Comp. Rom. viii. 16, "Abba,
Father" — *a/?j3a, h iranjp. The idea
which John seems to intend to convey
is, that the coming of the Lord Jesus,
and the consequences which he says
will follow, are events which are alto
gether certain. This is not the ex
pression of a wish that it may be so, as
our common translation would seem to
imply, but a strong affirmation that it
will be so. In some passages, howover,
the word (vat) expresses assent to what
is said, implying approbation of it as
true, or as desirable. Matt xi. 26,
" Even so, Father, for so it seems good
in thy sight." Luke x. 21. So in Rev.

A. D. 96.] CHAPTER I. 63
8 I ° am Alpha and Omega, the was, and which is to come, the Al-
beginning and the ending, saith mighty.*

ending,
the Lord, which is, and which

a Is. 41. 4.

xvi. 7, "Even so (vol), Lord God Al
mighty." So in Rev. xxii. 20, "Even
so (vat), Come Lord Jesus." The word
Amen here seems to determine the mean
ing of the phrase, and to make it the
affirmation of a certainty, rather than
the expression of a wish.
8. 1 am Alpha and Omega. These
are the first and the last letters of the
Greek alphabet, and denote properly
the first and the last. So in Rev. xxii.
1 3, when the two expressions are united,
" I am Alpha and Omega, the beginning
and the end, the first and the last." So
in ch. i. 17, the speaker says of himself,
" I am the first and the last." Among
the Jewish Rabbins it was common to
use the first and the last letters of the
Hebrew alphabet to denote the whole of
any thing, from beginning to end. Thus
it is said, " Adam transgressed the Whole
law from x to F\" — from Aleph to Tav.
" Abraham kept the whole law from X
to !\" The language here is that which
would properly denote eternity in the
being to whom it is applied, and could be
used in reference to no one but the true
God. It means that ho is the beginning
and the end of all things ; that he was
at the commencement and will be at the
close ; and it is thus equivalent to sayiiig
that he has always existed, and that he
will always exist. Comp. Isa. xii. 4,
"I the Lord, the first, and with the
last ;" — xliv. 6, " I am the first, and I
am the last; and beside me there is no
God;" — xlviii. 1.2, "I am he; lam the
first, I also am the last." There can
be no doubt that the language here
would be naturally understood as im
plying divinity, and it could be properly
applied to no one but the true God.
The obvious interpretation here would
be to apply this to the Lord Jesus,
for (a) it is he who is spoken of in
the verses preceding; and (fi) there
can be no doubt that the same lan
guage is applied to him in ver. 11.
As there is, however, a difference of
reading in this place in the Greek
text, and as it cannot be absolutely
certain that the writer meant to refer
to the Lord Jesus specifically here,

9 I John, who also am your bro-
b Is. 9. 6.

this cannot be adduced with propriety as
a proof-text to demonstrate his divinity.
Many MSS., instead of " Lord," — Kupios
— read " God" — &ios, and this reading
is adopted by Griesbach, Tittman, and
Hahn, and is now regarded as the correct
reading. There is no real incongruity
in supposing, also, that the writer here
meant to refer to God as such, since the
introduction of a reference to him would
not be inappropriate to his manifest
design. Besides, a portion of the lan
guage here used, " which is, and was, and
is to come," is that which would more
naturally suggest a reference to God as
such than to the Lord Jesus Christ. See
ver. 4. The object for which this passage
referring to the "first and the last; to
him who was, and is, and is to come,"
is introduced here, evidently is, to show
that as he was clothed with omnipotence,
and would continue to exist through all
ages to come as he had existed in all
ages past, there could be no doubt about
his ability to execute all which it is said
he would execute. ^[ Saith the Lord.
Or, saith God, according to what is now
regardedasthe correct reading. ^ Which
is, and which was, &c. See Notes on
ver. 4. ^f The Almighty. An appella
tion often applied to God, meaning that
he has all power, and used here to
denote that he is able to accomplish
what is disclosed in this book.
9. /, John, who am your brother.
Tour Christian brother ; who am a fellow-
Christian with you. The reference here
is doubtless to the members of the seven
churches in Asia, to whom the epistles
in tho following chapters were addressed,
and to whom the whole book seems to
have been sent. In the previous verse,
the writer had closed the salutation, and
he here commences a description of the
circumstances under which the vision
appeared to him. He was in a lonely
island, to which he had been banished
on account of his attachment to religion ;
he was in a state of high spiritual enjoy
ment on tho day devoted to the sacred
remembrance of the Redeemer ; he sud
denly heard a voice behind him, and
turning saw the Son of Man himself in

64

REVELATION,

[A. D.

ther, and companion in tribulation,
and in the kingdom and patience
of Jesus Christ, was in the isle that

is called Patmos, for the word of
God, and for the testimony of Jesus
Christ.

glorious form in the midst of seven
golden lamps, and fell at his feet as
dead, ^f And companion in tribulation.
Tour partner in affliction. That is, he
and they were suffering substantially
the same kind- of trials on account of
their religion. It is evident from this,
that some form of persecution was then
raging in which they were also sufferers,
though in their case it did not lead to
banishment. The leader, the apostle,
the aged and influential preacher, was
banished; but there were many other
forms of trial which they might be called
to endure who remained at home. What
they were we have not the means of
knowing with certainty. \ And in the
kingdom and patience of Jesus Christ.
The meaning of this passage is, that he,
and those whom he addressed, were not
only companions in affliction, but were
fellow-partners in the kingdom of the
Redeemer : that is, that they shared the
honor and the privileges pertaining to
that kingdom ; and also that they were
fellow-partners in the patience of Jesus
Christ : that is, in enduring with patience
whatever might follow from their being
his friends and followers. The general
idea is, that alike in privileges and suf
ferings they were united. They shared
alike in the results of their attachment
to the Saviour. % Was in the isle that
is called Patmos. Patmos is one of the
cluster of islands in the iEgean Sea,
anciently called the Sporades. It lies
between the island of Icaria and the
promontory of Miletus. It is merely
mentioned by the ancient geographers,
Plin. His. Nat. i, 23 ; Strabo 10, 488.
It is now called Patino, or Patmosa. It
is some six or eight miles in length, and
not more than a mile in breadth, being
about fifteen miles in circumference. It
has neither trees nor rivers ; nor has it
any land for cultivation, except some
little nooks among the ledges of rocks.
On approaching the island, the coast is
high, and consists of a succession of
capes, which form so many ports, some
of which are excellent. The only one
in use, however, is a deep bay, sheltered
by high mountains on every side but
one, where it is proteoted by a project

ing cape. The town attached to this
port is situated upon a high rocky
mountain, rising immediately from the
sea, and this with the Scala below upon
the shore, consisting of some ships and
bouses, forms the only inhabited site of
the island. Though Patmos is deficient
in trees, it abounds in flowery plants
and shrubs. Walnuts and other fruit
trees are raised in the orchards, and the
wine of Patmos is the strongest and the
best flavored in the Greek islands.
Maize and barley arc cultivated, but not
in a quantity sufficient for the use of the
inhabitants, and for a supply of their
own vessels, and others which often put
into their good harbor for provisions.
The inhabitants now do not exceed four
or five thousand, many of whom axe
emigrants from the neighboring conti
nent. About half-way up the mountain,
there is shown a natural grotto in a
rock, where John is said to have seen
his visions, and to have written this book.
Near this is a small church, connected
with which is a school or college, where
the Greek language is taught, and on
the top of the hill, and in the centre of
the island, is a monastery, which from its
situation has a very majestic appear
ance. Kitto's Cyclopedia of Bib. Lit.
The cut placed on the next page is
supposed to give a good' representa
tion of the appearance of the island.
It is commonly supposed that John was
banished to this island by Domitian,
about A. D. 94. No place could have
been selected for banishment which would
accord better with such a design than
this. Lonely, desolate, barren, unin
habited, seldom visited, it had all the
requisites which could be desired for a
place of punishment, and banishment to
that place would accomplish all that a
persecutor could wish in silencing an
apostle, without putting him to death.
It was no uncommon thing in ancient
times to banish men from their country ;
either sending them forth at large, or
specifying some particular place to which
they were to go. The whole narrative
leads us to suppose that this place was
designated as that to which John was to
be sent. Banishment to an Island wax

&. P. 96.]

CHAPTER I

85

mB

if^W*;?* -iff1

¦¦¦','¦»¦ I. RlBWtaUjw1

iii

66

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

10 I was in the Spirit * on the *
a 2 Co. 12. 2. b Jno. 20. 20. Ac. 20. 1.
1 Co. 16. 2.
a common mode of punishment; and
there was a distinction made by this act
in favor of those who were thus banished.
The more base, low and vilo of criminals
were commonly condemned to work in
the mines ; the more decent and respect
able were banished to some lonely
island. See the authorities quoted in
Wetstein, in loc. ^f For the word of God.
On account of the word of God ; that is,
for holding and preaching the gospel.
See Notes on ver. 2. It cannot mean
that he was sent there with a view to
his preaching the word .of God ; for it
is inconceivable that he should have
been sent from Ephesus to preach in
such a little, lonely, desolate place,
where indeed there is no evidence that
ih ere were any inhabitants ; nor can it
mean that he was sent there by the
Spirit of God to receive and record this
revelation, for it is clear that the reve
lation could have been made elsewhere,
and such a place afforded no peculiar
Advantages for this. The fair interpre
tation is, in accordance with all the testi
mony of antiquity, that be was sent
there in a time of persecution as a
punishment for preaching the gospel.
^[ And for the testimony of Jesus Christ.
Notes, ver. 2. He did not go there to
bear testimony to Jesus Christ on that
island, either by preaching or recording
the visions in this book, but he went
because he had preached the doctrines
which testified of Christ.
10. J was in the Spirit. This cannot
refer to bis own spirit — for such an ex
pression would be unintelligible. The
language then must refer to some un
usual state, or , to some influence that
had been brought to bear upon him
from without, that was appropriate to
such a day. The word Spirit may refer
either to the Holy Spirit, or to some
state of mind such as the Holy Spirit
produces — a spirit of elevated devotion ;
a state of high and uncommon religious
enjoyment. It is clear that John does
not mean hero to say that he was under
the influence of ths Holy Spirit in such
a sense as that he was inspired, for the
command to make a record, as well as
the visions, came subsequently to the
time referred to The fair meaning of

Lord's day, and heard behind me
a great voice, as of a trumpet.

the passage is, that he was at at that
time favored in a large measure with
the influences of the Holy Spi-it — the
spirit of true devotion ; that he had a
high state of religious enjoyment, and
was in a condition not inappropriate to
the remarkable communications which
were made to him on that day. The state
of mind in which he was at the time here
referred to, is not such as the prophets
are often represented to have been in
when under the prophetic inspiration
(comp. Ezek. L 1, viii. 3, xL 2; Jer.
xxiv. 1), and which was often accom
panied with an entire prostration of
bodily strength (comp. Num. xxiv. 4;
Ezek. L 28; Dan. x. 8-10; 1 Sam. xix.
24; Jer. xx. 7; Sev. i.. 17;, but such
as any Christian may experience when
in a high state of religious enjoyment.
He was not yet under the prophetic
ecstacy (comp. Acts x. 10, xi. 5, xxii.
17), but was, though in a lonely and
barren island, and far away from the
privileges of the sanctuary, permitted to
enjoy in a high degree the consolations
of religion : an illustration of the great
truth that God can meet his people any
where; that, when in solitude and in
circumstances of outward affliction, when
persecuted and cast out, when deprived
of the public means of grace, and the
society of religious friends, he can meet
them with the abundant consolations
of his grace, and pour joy and peace
into their souls. This state was not
inappropriate to the revelations which
were about to be made to John, but this
itself was not that state. It was a state
which seems to have resulted from the
fact, that on that desert island be devoted
the day to the worship of God, and by
honoring the day dedicated to the
memory of the risen Saviour, found,
what all will find, that it was attended
with rich spiritual influences on his
soul. ^ On the Lord's day- The word
here rendered Lord's — svpiarts — occurs
only in this plaoe and in 1-Cor. xi. 20,
where it is applied to the Lord's Supper.
It properly means pertaining to the
Lord ; and, so far as this uiord is con
cerned, it might mean a day pertaining
to the Lord in any sense, or for any
reason — either because he claimed it as

A. D. 96.]

his own and had set it apart for his own
service; or because it was designed to
commemorate some important event
pertaining to him; or because it was
observed in honor of him. It is clear
(1) that this refers to some day which
was distinguished from all other days of
the week, and which would be suffi
ciently designated by the use of this
term. (2) That it was a day which was
for some reason regarded as peculiarly
a day of the Lord, or peculiarly
devoted to him. . (3) It would further
appear that this was a day particularly
devoted to the Lord Jesus, for (a) that
is the natural meaning of the word Lord
as used in the New Testament (comp.
Notes on Acts i. 24), and (6) if the
Jewish Sabbath were intended to be
designated, the word Sabbath would
have been used. The term was used
generally by the early Christians to
denote the first day of the week. It
occurs twice in the Epistle of Ignatius
to the Maguesians (about A. D. 101),
who calls the Lord's day, "the queen
and prince of all days." Chrysostom
(on Ps. cxix.) says, " It was called the
Lord's day because the Lord rose from
the dead on that day." Later Bathe",:
make a marked distinction between the
Sabbath and the Lord's day ; meaning
by the former, the Jewish Sabbath, or
the seventh day of the week, and by the
latter, the first day of the week kept
holy by Christians. So Theodoret (Fab.
Haeret. ii. 1), speaking of-the Ebionites,
says, " They keep the Sabbath according
to the Jewish law, and sanctify the
Lord's day in like manner , as we do."
Prof. Stuart. The strong probability
is, that the name was given to this day
in honor of the Lord Jesus, and because
he rose on that day from the dead. No
one can doubt that it was an appellation
given to the first day of the week, and
the passage therefore proves (1) That
that day was thus early distinguished
in some peculiar manner, so that the
mere mention of it would be sufficient to
identify it in the minds of those to whom
the apostle wrote; (2) that it was in
some sense regarded as devoted to the
Lord Jesus, or was designed, in some
way, to commemorate what he had done ;
and (3) that if this book were written
by the Apostle John, the observance
of that day has the apostolic sanction.
He had manifestly, in accordance with i

CHAPTER L

67

a prevailing custom, set apart this day
in honor of the Lord Jesus. Though
alone, he was engaged on that day in
acts of devotion. Though far away from
the sanctuary, he enjoyed what all
Christians hope to enjoy on such a day
of rest, and what not a few do in fact
enjoy in its observance. We may re
mark in view of this statement, (a) that
when away from the sanctuary, and
deprived of its privileges, we should
nevertheless not fail to observe the
Christian Sabbath. If on a bed of
sickness; if in a land of strangers ; if on
the deep; if in a foreign climo; if on a
lonely island, as John was, where we
have none of the advantages of publio
worship, we should yet honor the Sab
bath. We should worship God alone if
we have none to unite with us; we
should show to those around us, if we
are with strangers, by our dress and our
conversation; by a serious and devout
manner; by abstinence from labor, and
by a resting from travel, that- we
devoutly regard this day as set apart
for God. (b) We may expect, in such
circumstances, and with such a devout
observance of the day, that God will
meet with us and bless us. It was on a
lonely island, far away from the sanc
tuary and from the society of Christian
friends, that the Saviour met " the be
loved disciple," and we may trust it will
be so with us. l?or on such a desert
island ; in a lonely forest ; on the deep,
or amid strangers in a foreign land, hi
can as easily meet us as in the sanctuary
where we have been accustomed to wor-
ship, and when surrounded by all tho
privileges of a Christian land. No man,
at home or abroad; among friends or
strangers; enjoying the privileges of tho
sanctuary, or deprived of those privi
leges, ever kept the Christian Sabbath
in a devout manner without profit to his
own soul; and when deprived of the
privileges of public worship, the visita
tions of the Saviour to the soul may be
more than a compensation for all our
privations. Who would not be willing
to be banished to a lonely island like
Patmos, if he might enjoy such a glorious
vision of the Redeemer as John was
favored with there ? ^f And heard be
hind me a great voice. A loud .voice.
This was of course sudden, and took
him by surprise. \ As of a trumpet.
Loud as a trumpet. This is evidently

68

REVELAT.ION,

«* . D. 98.

11 Saying, I am Alpha and
JDmega, the first and the last : and,
What thou seest, write in a book,
and send it unto the seven churches
which are in Asia; unto Ephesus,"
a c. 2. 1.

the only point in the comparison. It
does not mean that the tones of the
voice resembled a trumpet, but only that
it was clear, loud, and distinct like a
trumpet. A trumpet is 8/ well-known
wind instrument distinguished for the
clearness of its sounds, and was used for
calling assemblies together, for marshal
ling hosts for battle, &c. The Hebrew
word employed commonly to denote a
trumpet — *T3it!/, shopher — means bright
and clear, and is supposed to have been
given to the instrument on account of
its clear and shrill sound, as we now give
the name " clarion" to a certain wind in
strument. The Hebrew trumpet is often
referred to as employed, on account of
its clearness, to summon people toge
ther. Ex. xix. 13; Num. x. 10; Judges
vii. 18 ; 2 Sam. xv. 10.
11. Saying. That is, literally, " the
trumpet saying." It was, however,
manifestly the voice that addressed these
words to John, though they seemed to
come through a trumpet, and hence the
trumpet is represented as uttering them.
^f J am Alpha and Omega. Ver. S.
f The first and the last. An explana
tion of the terms Alpha and Omega.
Notes on ver. 8. ^f And what thou
seest. The voice, in addition to the
declaration " I am Alpha and Omega,"
gave this direction that he should record
what he saw. The phrase "what thou
seest," refers to what would pass before
him in vision : — what he there saw, and
what he would see in the extraordinary
manifestations which were to be made
to him. ^ Write in a book. Make a
fair record of it all — evidently meaning
that he should describe things as they
occurred, and implying that the vision
would be held so long before the eye of
his mind that he would be able to
transfer it to the " book." The fair and
obvious interpretation of this is, that he
was to make the record in the island of
Patmos, and then send it to the churches.
Though Patmos was a lonely and barren
place ; and though probably there were I

and unto Smyrna, " and unto Per-
gamos,' and unto Thyatira, d and
unto Sardis, • and unto Philadel
phia, * and unto Laodicea. *
6 c. 2. 8. c c. 2. 12. d c. 2. 18. e c. 3. L
/c.3.7. g-c.3.14.

few or no inhabitants there, yet there is
no improbability in supposing that John
could have found writing materials there,
nor even that he may have been per
mitted to take such materials with him.
He seems to have been banished for
preaching, not for writing ; and there is
no. evidence that the materials for
writing would be withheld from him.
John Bnnyan in Bedford jail found
materials for writing tho Pilgrim's Pro
gress j and there is no evidence that the
Apostle John was denied the means of
recording his thoughts when in the
island of Patmos. The word book here
— jiiii'Xiov — would more properly mean
a roll or scroll, that being the form in
whieh books were anciently made. See
Notes on Luke iv. 17. ^f And send it
unto the seven churches which are in
Asia. The churches which are imme
diately designated, not implying that
there were no other churches in Asia,
but that there were p&rticclar reasons
for sending it to these. He was to send
all that he should " see," to wit, all that
is recorded in this volume or book of
" Revelation." Part of this (chs. ii. iii.)
would appertain particularly to them;
the remainder (chs. iv.-xxii.) would ap
pertain to them no more than to others,
but still they would have the common
interest in it which all the church would
have, and, in their circumstances of trial,
there might be important reasons why
they should see the assurance that the
church would ultimately triumph over
all its enemies. They were to derive
from it themselves the consolation which
it was fitted to impart in time of trial,
and to transmit it to future times for the
welfare of the church at large. ^ TJnto
Ephesus. Perhaps mentioned first as
being the capital of that portion of
Asia Minor,, the most important city
of the seven, the place where John
had preached, and whence he had been
banished. For a particular description
of these seven churches, see the Notes
on the epistles addressed to them in
chs. ii. iii.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER I.

6'J

12 And I turned to see the voice
that spake with me. And being
turned, I saw seven " golden can
dlesticks. 13 And in the midst of the seven
a Ex. 25. 37. Zek. 4. 2.

12. And 1 turned to see the voice that
spake with me. He naturally turned
ro'jnd to see who it was that spake to
him in this solitary and desolate place,
where he thought himself to be alone.
To see the voice here means to see the
person who spake. ^[ And being turned,
1 saw seven golden candlesticks. These
were the first things that met his eye.
This must have been in vision, of
course ; and the meaning is, that there
seemed to be there seven such lamps or
candelabras. The word rendered can
dlesticks — Xvxvia — means properly a
light-stand ; lamp-stand ; — something to
bear up a light. It would be applied to
any thing that was used for this purpose ;
and nothing is intimated, in the use of
the word, in regard to the form or
dimensions of the light-bearers. Lamps
were more commonly used at that time
than candles, and it is rather to be sup
posed that these were designed to be
lamp-bearers, or lamp-sustainers, than
candlesticks. They were seven in num
ber, not one branching into seven ; but
seven standing apart, and so far from
each other that he who appeared to
John could stand among them. The
la,mp-bearers evidently sustained each a
light, and these gave a peculiar bril
liancy to the scene. It is not improbable
that, as they were designed to represent
the seven churches of Asia, they were
arranged in an order resembling these
churches. The scene is not laid in the
temple, as many suppose, for there is
nothing that resembles the arrange
ments in the temple except the mere
fact of the lights. The scene as yet is
in Patmos, and there is no evidence that
John did not regard himself as there, or
that he fancied for a moment that he
was translated to the temple in Jerusa
lem. There can be no doubt as to the
design of this representation, for it is
expressly declared (ver. 20) that the
seven lamp-bearers were intended to
represent tho seven churches. Light is
often used in the Scriptures as an
omblom of true religion ; Christians are

candlesticks one b like unto the Son
of man, clothed with a garment
down to the foot, and girt about
the paps with a golden girdle.

'6 Eze. 1.26-28.

represented as " the light of the world"
(Math. v. 14; comp. Phil. ii. 15; John
viii. 12) ; and a Christian church may
be represented as a light standing in the
midst of surrounding darkness.
13. And in the midst of the seven
golden candlesticks. Standing among
them, so as to be encircled with them.
This shows that the representation could
not have been like that of the vision of
Zechariah (Zech. iv. 2), where the
probhet sees " a candlestick all of gold
with a bowl upon the top of it, and his
seven lamps thereon." In the vision as
it appeared to John, there was not
one lamp-bearer with seven lamps or
branches, but there were seven lamp-
bearers so arranged that one in the
likeness of the Son of man could stand
in the midst of them, ^f One like unto
the Son of man. This was evidently the
Lord Jesus Christ himself, elsewhere so
often called " the Son of man." That it
was the Saviour himself, is apparent
from ver. 18. The expression rendered
"like unto the Son of man," should
have been " like unto a son of man ;"
that is, like a man — a human being, or
in a human form. The reasons for so
interpreting it are (a) that the Greek is
without the article ; and (b) that, as it is
rendered in our version, it seems to
make the writer say that he was like
himself — since the expression " the Son
of man" is in the New Testament but
another name for the Lord Jesus. The
phrase is often applied to him in the
New Testament, and always, except in
three instances (Acts vii. 56 ; Rev. i. 13,
xiv. 14), by the Saviour himself, evi
dently to denote his warm interest in
man, or his relationship to man ; to sig
nify that he was a man, and wished to
designate himself eminently as such.
See Notes on Matt. viii. 20. In the use
of this phrase in the New Testament,
there is, probably, an allusion to Dan.
vii. 13. The idea would seem to be that
he whom he saw resembled " the Son of
man" — the Lord Jesus as he had seen
him in the days of his flesh, though- it

70

REVELATION,

[A.D.96.

14 His head and his hairs were
white like wool, as white as snow;

would appear that he did not know that
it was he until he was informed of it.
Ver. 18. Indeed, the costume in which
he appeared was so unlike that in which
John, had been accustomed to see the
Lord Jesus in the days of his flesh, that
it cannot be well supposed that he
would at once recognise him as the same.
If Clothed with a garment down to the
feet. A robe reaching down to the feet,
or to the ankles, yet so as to leave the
feet themselves visible. The allusion
here, doubtless, is to a long, loose,
flowing robe, such as was worn by kings.
Comp. Notes on Isa. vi. 1. f An$ girt
about the paps. About the breast. It
was common, and is still, in the East,
to wear a girdle to confine the robe, as
well as to form a beautiful ornament.
This was commonly worn about the
middle of the person, or " the loins ;"
but it would seem also that it was
sometimes worn around the breast. See
Notes on Matt. v. 38-41. fl With a
golden girdle. Either wholly made of
gold, or more probably richly orna
mented with gold. This would natu
rally suggest the idea of one of rank —
probably one of princely rank. The
raiment here assumed was not that
of a priest, but that of a king. It was
very far from being that in which the
Redeemer appeared when he dwelt upon
the earth, and was rather designed to
denote his royal state as he is exalted
in heaven. He is not indeed represented
with a crown and sceptre here, and
perhaps -the leading idea is that of one
of exalted rank ; of unusual dignity , of
one fitted to inspire awe and respect.
In other circumstances, in this book,
this same Redeemer is represented as
wearing a crown, and going forth to
conquest. See ch. xix. 12-16. Here the
representation seems to have been
designed to impress the mind with a
sense of the greatness and glory of the
personage who thus suddenly made his
appearance. 14. His head and his hairs were white
like wool, as white as snow. Exceed
ingly, or perfectly white — the first sug
gestion to the mind of tho apostle being
that of wool, and then the thought oc
curring of its extreme whiteness rosem-

and his eyes a were as a flame of
fire; a c. 2. 18. 19. 12.

bling snow — the purest white of which
the mind conceives. The comparison
with wool and snow to denote any thing
peculiarly white, is not uncommon. See
Isa. i. 18. Prof. Stuart supposes that
this means, not that his hairs were
literally white, as if with age, which he
says would be incongruous to one jnst
risen from the dead, clothed with im
mortal youth and vigor, but that it
means radiant, bright, resplendent —
similar to what occurred on the trans
figuration of the Saviour. Matth. xvii. 2.
But to this it may be replied (a) that
this would not accord well with that
with which his hair is compared — snow
and wool, particularly the latter, (b) The
usnal meaning of the word is more
obvious here, and not at all inappro
priate. The representation was fitted to
signify majesty -and authority; and
this would be best accomplished by the
image of one who was venerable in
years. Thus in the vision that appeared
to Daniel (ch. vii. 9), it is said of him
who is there called the "Ancient of
Days," that his " garment was white as
snow, and the hair of his head like
the pure wool." It is not improbable
that John had that representation in
his eye, and that therefore he would
be impressed with the conviction that
this was a manifestation of a divine
person. We are not necessarily to
suppose that this is the form in which
the Saviour always appears now in
heaven, any more than we are to sup
pose that God appears always in the
form in which he was manifested to
Isaiah (ch. vi. 1), to Daniel (ch. vii. 9),
or to Moses and Aaron, Nadab and
Abihu in the mount. Ex. xxiv. 10, 11.
The representation is, that this form was
assumed for the purpose of impressing
the mind of the apostle with a sense of
his majesty and glory, f JIh<ZAim eyes
were as aflame of fire. Bright, sharp,
penetrating j as if every thing was light
before them, or they would penetrate
into the thoughts of men. Such arepre-
sentation is not uncommon. We speak
of a lightning-glance; a fiery look, Ac.
In Daniel x. G, it is said of the man who
appeared to the prophet on the banks of
the river Hiddekel, that his eyes were

A.. I>. 96.]

CHAPTER I.

71

15 And his feet ° like unto fine
brass, as if they burned in a fur
nace ; and his voice 4 as the sound
of many waters.
16 And he had in his right hand
a Eze. 1. 7. b Eze. 43. 2.
" as lamps of fire." Numerous instances
of this comparison from the Greek and
Latin classics may be seen in Wetstein,
in loc.
15. And his feet like unto fine brass.
Comp. Dan. x. 6, "And his arms and
his feet like in color to polished brass."
See also Ezek. i. 1, "And they" [the
feet of the living creatures] " sparkled
like the color of burnished brass." The
word here used — ^aXwoWiSavav — occurs
in the New Testament only here and in
ch. ii. 18. It is not found in the Septu
agint. The word properly means white
brass (probably compounded of ;^a\;«Ss,
brass, and Xi$av6s, whiteness, from the
Hebrew |3 7, to be white). Others re
gard it as from j^aAKtSs, brass, and
Xnsap6v, clear. The metal referred to
was .undoubtedly a species of brass dis
tinguished for its clearness or white
ness. Brass is a compound metal, com
posed of copper and zinc. The color
varies much according to the different
proportions of the various ingredients.
The vulgate here renders the word
aurichalcum, a mixture of gold and of
brass — perhaps the same as the IjXeKroov
— the electrum of the ancients, composed
of gold and of silver, usually in the pro
portion* of four parts gold and one part
silver, and distinguished for its brilliancy.
See Bobinson, Lex. and Wetstein, in loc.
The kind of metal here referred to,
however, would seem to be some com
pound of brass — of a whitish and bril
liant color. The exact proportion of
the ingredients in the metal here re
ferred to, cannot now be determined.
^ As if they burned in a furnace. That
is, his feet were so bright that they
seemed to be like a beautiful metal
glowing intensely in the midst of a
furnace. Any one who has looked upon
tho dazzling and almost insupportable
brilliancy of metal in a furnace, can
form an idea of the image here pre
sented. If And his voice as the sound
of many waters. As the roar of the
ocean, or of a cataract. Nothing could

seven stars ; and out of his mouth
went a c sharp two-edged sword :
and his countenance was as the
sun * shineth in his strength.

c Is. 49. 2. He. 4. 12.
13.

d Ac.26. 13. c. 26.

be a more sublime description of majesty
and authority than to compare the voice
of a speaker with the roar of the ocean.
This comparison often occurs in tho
Scriptures. See Ezek. xliii. 2, "And
behold the glory of the God of Israel
came from the east, and his voice was
like the sound of many waters, and the
earth shined with his glory." So Bev.
xiv. 2, xix. 6 ; comp. Ezek. i. 24; Dan.
x. 6.
16. And he had in his right hand
seven stars/ Emblematic of the angels
of the seven _ churches. How he held
them is not said. It may be that they
seemed to rest on his open palm ; or ij
may be that he seemed to hold them as
if they were arranged in a certain order,
and with some sort of attachment, so
that they could be grasped. It is not
improbable that, as in the case of the
seven lamp-bearers (Notes ver. 13), they
were so arranged as to represent tho
relative position of the seven churches.
% And out of his mouth went a sharp
two-edged sword. On the form of the
ancient two-edged sword, see Notes
on Ephesians, vi. 17. The two edges
were designed to cut both ways; and
such a sword is a striking emblem of the
penetrating power of truth, or of words
that proceed from the mouth, and this is
designed undoubtedly to be the repre
sentation here — that there was some
symbol which showed that his words,
or his truth, had the power of cutting
i, or penetrating the soul. So in
i. xlix. 2, it is said of the same
personage, " And he hath ' made my
mouth like a sharp sword." See Notes
on that verse. So in Heb. iv. 12,
" The word of God is quick and
powerful, sharper than any two-edged
sword," &c. So it is said of Pericles by.
Aristophanes, " His powerful speech _
Pierced the bearer's soul, and left behind
Deep in his bosom its keen point infixt."
A similar figure often occurs in Arabic
poetry. "As arrows his words enter
into the heart." See Gosnnius, coram.

72

REVELATION,

[A. 1). 96.

17 And when I saw him, I fell
at his feet as dead. And he laid
his right hand upon me, saying
zu Isa. xlix. 2. The 'only difi&culty
here is in regard to the apparently
incongruous representation of a sword
seeming to proceed from the mouth; but
it is not, perhaps, necessary to suppose
that John means to say that he saw
such an image. He heard him speak ;
he felt the penetrating power of his
words; and they were as if & sharp
sword proceeded from his mouth. They
penetrated deep into the soul, and as
he looked on him it seemed as if a sword
came from his mouth. Perhaps it
is not necessary to suppose t&at there
was even any visible representation of
this — either of a sword or of the breath
proceeding from his mouth appearing to
take this form, as Prof. Stuart supposes.
It may be wholly a figurative repre
sentation, as Henrichs and Ewald sup
pose. Though there were visible and
impressive symbols of his majesty and
glory presented to the eyes, it is not
necessary to suppose that there were
visible symbols of his words. ^ And
his countenance. His face. There had
been before particular descriptions of
some parts of his face — as of his eyes —
but this is a representation of his whole
aspect; of the general splendor and
brightness pf his countenance. ^[ "Was
as the sun shineth in his strength. In
his full splendor when unobscured by
clouds ; where his rays are in no way
intercepted. Comp. Judges v. 31 ; " But
let thsm that love him [the Lord] be
as the snn when he goeth forth in his
might." 2 Sam. xxiii. 4, " And he shall
be as the light of the morning, when the
sun ariseth, even a morning without
clouds." Ps. xix. 5, " Which [the sun]
is as a bridegroom coming out of his
chamber, and rejoiceth as a strong man
to run a race." There could be no more
striking description of the majesty and
glory of the countenance than to com
pare it with_ the overpowering splendor
of the sun. — This closes the description
of the personage that appeared to John.
The design was evidently to impress
him with a sense of his majesty and
glory, and to prepare tho way for the
authoritative nature of the communi
cations which he was to make. It is
obvious to remark that this appearance

unto me, Fear not; I am the first
and the last :

must have been assumed. The repre
sentation is not that of the Redeemer as
he rose from the dead — a middle-aged
man ; nor is it clear that it was the same as
on the mount of transfiguration — where,
for any thing that appears, he retained
his usual aspect and form though tem
porarily invested with extraordinary
brilliancy ; nor is it the form in which we
may suppose he ascended to heaven—
for there is no evidence that he was thus
transformed when he ascended ; nor is it
that of a priest — for all the peculiar
habiliments of a Jewish priest ore want
ing in this description. The appearance
assumed is, evidently, in accordance
with various representations of God as
he appeared to Ezekiel, to Isaiah, and
to Daniel — that which was a suitable
manifestation of a divine being — of one
clothed in the majesty and power of
God. We are not to infer from this,
that this is in fact the appearance of the
Redeemer now in heaven, or that this
is the form in which he will appear when
he comes to judge the world. Of his
appearance in heaven we have no know
ledge; of the aspect which he will
assume when he comes to judge men we
have no certain information. We are
necessarily quite as ignorant of this as
we are of what will be our own form
and appearance after the resurrection
from the dead.
17. And when I saw him, 1 fell at
his feel as dead. As if I were dead ;
deprived of sense and conscionsness.
He was overwhelmed with the sudden
ness of the vision ; he saw that this was
a divine being j hut he did not as yet
know that it was the Saviour. It is not
probable that in this vision he would
immediately recognize any of the familiar
features of the Lord Jesus as he had
been accustomed to see him some sixty
years before ; and if he did, the effect
would have been quite as overpowering
as is here described. But the subse
quent revelations of this divine person
age would rather seem to imply that
John did not at once recognize him as
the Lord Jesus. The effect here de
scribed is one that often occurred to
thoso who had a vision of God. See
Daniel viii- 18, " Now as he was speak-

A.. D. 96.J

CHAPTER I.

73

18 lam he that liveth, * and was
lead ; and, behold, I am alive for
4 Ro. 6. 9.

ing with me, I was in a deep sleep on
my face toward the ground; but he
touched me, and set me upright." Ver.
27, " And I Daniel fainted, and was
sick certain days; afterwards I rose up,
and did the king's business." Comp.
Ex. xxxiii. 20; Isa. vi. 5; Ezek. i. 28,
xliii. 3; Dan. x. 7-9, 17. \ And he laid
his right hand upon me. For the pur
pose of raising him up. Comp. Dan.
viii. 17, " He touched me, and set me
upright." We usually stretch out the
right hand to raise up one who is fallen.
\ Saying unto me, Fear not. Comp.
Matt. xiv. 27, "It is I, be not afraid."
The fact that it was the Saviour, though
he appeared in this form of overpower
ing majesty, was a reason why John
should not be afraid. Why that was a
reason, he immediately adds; — that he
'was the first and the last; that though
he bad been dead he was now alive, and
would continue ever to live, and that he
had the keys of hell and of death.' It
is evident that John was overpowered
with that awful emotion which the
human mind must feel at the evidence
of the presence of God. Thus men feel
when God seems to come near them by
the impressive symbols of his majesty —
as in the thunder, the earthquake, and
the tempest. Comp. Hab. iii. 16, Luke
ix. 34. Yet amidst the most awful
manifestations of' divine power, the
simple assurance that our Redeemer is
near us, is enough to allay our fears
and diffuse calmness through tho soul.
^f lam the first and the last. Notes ver. 8.
This is stated to be one of the reasons
why he should not fear— that he was
eternal : — ' I always live ; have lived
through all the past, and will live
through all which is to come, and there
fore I can accomplish all my promises,
and execute all my purposes.'
18. I am he that liveth, and was dead.
<I was indeed once dead, but now I
live, and shall continue to live for
ever. This would at once identify him
who thus appeared as the Lord Jesus
Christ, for to no one else could this
apply. He had been put to death ; but
he had risen from the grave. This also
is given as a reason why John should
not fear ; and nothing would allay his I
7

evermore, Amen; and have the
keys • of hell and of death.
c Ps. 68. 20. c. 20. 1. 2.

fears more than this. He now saw that
he was in the presence of that Saviour
whom moro than half a century before
he had so tenderly loved when in the
flesh, and whom, though now long
absent, he had faithfully served, and
for whose cause he was now in this
lonely island. His faith in his resur
rection had not been a delusion ; he saw
the very Bedeemer before him who had
once been laid in the tomb, f Behold, •
1 am alive for evermore. I am to live
forever. Death is no more to cut me
down, and I am never again to slumber
in the grave. As he was always to live,
he could accomplish all his promises,
and fulfil all his purposes. The Saviour
is never to die again. He can, there
fore, always sustain us in our troubles;
he can be with us in our death. Who
ever of our friends die, he will not die ;
when we die, he will still be on the
throne, % Amen. A word here of
strong affirmation : as if he had said, it
is truly, or certainly so. See Notes
on ver. 7. This expression is one that
the Saviour often used when he wished
to give emphasis, or to express any
thing strongly. Comp. John iii. 3, v. 25.
^j And have the keys of hell and of death.
The word rendered hell — $&ris — hades,
refers properly to the under-world; the
abode of departed spirits; the region of
the dead. This was represented as dull
and gloomy; as enclosed with walls; as
entered through gates which were fast
ened with bolts and bars. For a descrip
tion of the views which prevailed among
the ancients on this subject, see Notes on
Luke xvi. 23, and Job x. 21, 22. To
hold the key of this, was to hold the power
over the invisible world. It was the
moro appropriate that the Saviour should
represent himself as having this autho
rity, as he had himself been raised from
the dead by his own power (comp. John x.
18), thus showing that the dominion over
this dark world was entrusted to him.
^ And of death. A personification.
Death reigns in that world. But to his
wide-extended realms the Saviour holds
the key, and can have access to his em
pire when he pleases, releasing all whom
he chooses, and confining there still such
as he shall please. It is probably in

74

REVELATION,

\A. D. 96.

19 Write the things which thou
hast seen, and the things which
are, and the the things which shall
be hereafter ;
part from such hints as these that Milton
drew his sublime description of the
gates of hell in the Paradise Lost. As
Christ always lives ; as he always retains
this power over the regions of the dead,
and the whole world of spirits, it may
be further remarked that we have
nothing to dread if we put our trust in
him. We need not fear to enter a world
which he has entered and from which
he has emerged, achieving a glorious
triumpb; we need not fear what the
dread king that reigns there can do to
us, for his power extends not beyond
the permission of the Saviour, and in
his own time that Saviour will call us
forth to life to die no more.
19. Write the things which thou hast
seen. An account of the vision which
thou hast had. Ver. 10-18. % And the
things that are. Give an account of
those things which thou hast seen as
designed to represent the condition of
the seven churches. He had seen not
only the Saviour, but he had seen seven
lamp-stands, and seven stars in the
hand of the Saviour, and he is now com
manded to record the meaning of these
symbols as referring to things then
actually existing in the seven churches.
This interpretation is demanded by ver.
20. ^ And the things which shall be
hereafter. The Greek phrase rendered
hereaftei — pera ravra— means "after
these things ;" that is, he was to make a
correot representation of the things which
then were, and then to record what would
occur " after these things :" — to wit, of
the images, symbols, and truths, which
would be disclosed to him after what he
had already seen. The expression re
fers to future times. He does not say
for how long a time ; but the revelations
which were to be made referred to
events which were to ocour beyond those
which were then taking place. Nothing
can be argued from the use of this
language in regard to the length of
time embraced in the revelation — whe
ther it extended only fdr a few years, or
whether it embraced all coming time.
The more natural interpretation, how
ever, would soem to be, that it would

20 The mystery of the seven •
stars which thou sawest in my
right hand, and the seven golden
a ver. 16.

stretch far into future years, and that it
was designed to give at least an outline
of what would be the character of the
future in general.
20. The mystery of the seven stars.
On the word mystery, see Notes on
Eph. i. 9. The word means properly,
that which is hidden, obscure, un
known — until it is disclosed by one
having -the ability to do it, or by the
course of events. When disclosed it
may be as clear, and as capable of com
prehension, as any other truth. The
meaning here as applied to the seven
stars, is, that they were symbols, and
that their meaning as symbols, without
a suitable explanation, would remain
hidden or unknown. They were de
signed to represent important truths,
and John was directed to write down
what they were intended, in the circum
stances, to signify, and to send the ex
planation to the churches. It is evi
dently implied that the meaning of
these symbols would be beyond the
ordinary powers of the human mind to
arrive at with certainty, and hence John
was directed to explain the symbol. The
general and obvious truths which they
would serve to convey would be that
the ministers of the churches, and the
churches themselves', were designed to
be lights in the world, and should burn
clearly and steadily. Much important
truth would be couched under these
symbols, indeed, if nothing had been
added in regard to their signification as
employed here by the Saviour ; but there
were particular truths of great import
ance in" reference to each of these " stars"
and " lamp-bearers," which John was
more fully to explain, f Which thou
sawest in my right hand. Gr. " upon
my right hand" — -l™ i% Sextos pov. —
giving some support to the opinion that
the stars, as they were seen, appeared to
be placed on his hand — that is, on the
palm of his hand as he stretched it out.
The expression in ver. 16, is, that they
were "in (h) his right hand ;" but tho
language here used is not decisive as to
the position of the stars. They may
have been held in some way by tho

A. *D. 96.]

CHAPTER I.

75

candlesticks. The seven stars are
the angels of the seven churches :

hand, or represented as scattered on the
open hand. ^[ Theseven golden candle
sticks. The truth which these emble
matic representations are designed to
convey. \ The seven stars are. That
is, they represent, or they denote — in
accordance with a common usage in the
Scriptures. See Notes on Matt. xxvi.
26. fl The angels of theseven churches.
Gr. " Angels of the seven churches :" —
the article being wanting. This does
not refer to them as a collective or
associated body, for the addresses are
made to them as individuals — an epistle
being directed to "the angel" of each
particular church. Ch. ii. 1, 12, Ac,
The evident meaning, however, is, that
what was recorded should be directed
to them not as pertaining to them ex
clusively as individuals, but as presiding
over, or representing the churches, for
what is recorded pertains to the churches,
and was evidently designed to be laid
before them. It was for the churches,
but was committed to the "angel" as
representing the church, and to be com
municated to the church under his care.
There has been much diversity of
opinion in regard to the meaning of the
word angels here. By the advocates of
Episcopacy, it has been argued that the
use of this term proves that there was a
presiding bishop over a circle or group
of churches in Ephesus, in Smyrna, <fcc,
since it is said that it cannot be sup
posed that there was but a single
church in a city so large as Ephesus, or
in the other cities mentioned. A full
examination of this argument may be
seen in my work on the "Apostolic
Church," pp. 118-127. The word angel,
properly means a messenger, and is
thus applied to celestial beings as mes
sengers sent forth from God to convey
or to do his will. This being the com
mon meaning of the word, it may be
employed to denote any one who is a
messsenger, and hence, with propriety,
any one who is employed to communi
cate the will of another; to transact his
business, or, more remotely, to act in
his place — to be a representative. In
order to ascertain the meaning of the
word as used in this place, and in
reference to these churches, it may be

and the seven candlesticks a which
thou sawest, are the seven churches.
a Mat. 5. 15, 16.
remarked (1) that it cannot mean lite
rally an angel, as referring to a heavenly
being, for no one can suppose that such
a being presided over these churches ,
(2) it cannot be shown to mean, as
Lord (in loc.) supposes, messengers that
the churches had sent to John, and
that these letters were given to them to
be returned by them to the churches, for
(a) there is no evidence that any such mes
sengers had been sent to John ; (b) there
is no probability that while he was a
banished exile in Patmos such a thing
would he permitted j (c) the message
was not sent by them, it was sent to
them — " Unto the angel of the church
in Ephesus, write," &c. (3) It cannot
be proved that, the reference is to a
prelatical bishop presiding over a group
or circle of churches, called a diocese,
for (a) there is nothing in the word
angel, as used in this connection, which
would be peculiarly applicable to such
a personage — it being as applicable to
a pastor of a single church as to a
bishop of many churches ; (b) there ia
no evidence that there were any such
groups of churches then as constitute
an episcopal diocese ; (c) the use of the
word " church" in the singular, as ap
plied to Ephesus, Smyrna, &c, rather
implies that there was but a single
church in each of those cities. Comp.
ch. ii. 1, 8, 12, 18 ; see also similar
language in regard to the church in
Corinth, 1 Cor. i. 1, 2; in Antioch,
Acts xiii. 1; at Laodicea, Col. iv. 16,
and at Ephesus, Acts xx. 28 ,• (d) there
is no evidence, as Episcopalians must
suppose, that a successor to John had
been appointed at Ephesus, if, as they
suppose, he was " bishop" of Ephesus,
and there is no probability that they
would so soon after his banishment
show him such a want of respect as
to regard the see as vacant, and ap
point a successor; (c) there is no im
probability in supposing that there was
a single church in each of these cities —
as at Antioch, Corinth, Rome; (/) if
John was a prelatical "bishop," it is
probable that he was " bishop" of the
whole group of churches embracing the
seven — yet here, if the word "angel"
means " bishop," we have no less than

76

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

seven such bishops immediatelv ap
pointed to succeed him ; and (g) the
supposition that this refers to prelatical
bishops is so forced and unnatural that
many Episcopalians are compelled to
abandon it. Thus Stillingfleet, than
whom an abler man, or one whose praise
is higher in Episcopal churches, as an
advocate of Prelacy, is not to be found,
says of these angels : " If many things
in the epistles be directed to the angels,
but yet so as to concern the whole body,
then, of necessity, the angel must be
taken as a representative of the whole
body ; and then why may not the angel
be taken by way of representation of the
body itself, either of the whole church,
or, which is far more probable, of the
concessors, or order of presbyters in this
church?" (4) If the word does not
mean literally an angel ; if it does not
refer to messengers sent to John in
Patmos by the churches j and if it does
not refer to a prelatical bishop, then it
follows that it must refer to some one
who presided over the church as its
pastor, and through whom a message
might be properly sent to the church.
Thus understood, the pastor or " angel"
would be regarded as the representative
of the church ; that is, as delegated by
the church to manage its affairs, and as
the authorized person to whom com
munications should be made in matters
pertaining to it — as pastors are now.
A few considerations will further con
firm this interpretation, and throw ad
ditional light on the meaning of the
word, (a) The word angel is employed
in the Old Testament to denote a pro
phet ; that is, a' minister of religion
as sent by God to communicate his
will. Thus in Haggai (i. 13), it is said,
" Then spake Haggai, the Lord's mes
senger [Heb. angel — niiT ^K70> Sept.
ayyeXos Kvptov,~\ in the Lord's message
unto the people," <fcc. (6) It is applied
to a priest, as one sent by God to exe
cute the functions of that office, or to
net in the name of the Lord. Mai. ii. 7,
" For the priest's lips should keep know-
lodge, for he is th.Q messenger of the Lord
of hosts"— ni&ov rrirr ^d — that
is, "angel of the Lord of hosts." (c) The
name prophet is often given in the New
Testament to the ministers of roligion,
as being appointed by God to proclaim

or communicate his will to his people,
and as occupying a place resembling, in
some respects, that of the prophets in
the Old Testament, (d) There was no
reason why the word might not be thus
employed to designate a pastor of a
Christian church, as well as to designate
a prophet or a priest under 'the Old
Testament dispensation, (e) The sup
position that a pastor of a church ia
intended, will meet all the circumstances
of the case : — for, (1) it is an appro
priate appellation ; (2) there is no reason
to suppose that there was more than one
church in each of the cities referred to;
(3) it is a term which would designate
the respect in which the office was held;
(4) it would impress upon those to whom
it was applied a solemn sense of their re
sponsibility. Further, it would be more
appropriately applied to a pastor of a
single church than to a prelatical bishop :
— to the tender, intimate, and endearing
relation sustained by a pastor to his
people, — to the blending of sympathy,
interest, and affection, where he is with
them continually, meets them frequently
in the sanctuary, administers to them
the bread of life, goes into their abodes
when they are afflicted, and attends
their kindred to the grave, than to the
union subsisting between the people of
-an extended diocese and a prelate — the
formal, unfrequent, and, in many in
stances, stately and pompous visitations
of a diocesan bishop ; to the un sympa
thising relation between him and a
people scattered in many churches, who
are visited at distant intervals *by one
claiming a " superiority in ministerial
rights and powers," and who must be a
stranger to the ten thousand ties of
endearment which bind the hearts of a
pastor and people together. The con
clusion, then, to which we have come is
that the " angel of the church" was the
pastor or the presiding presbyter in the
church ; the minister who had the pas
toral charge of it, and who was there
fore a proper representative of it He
was a man who, in some respects, per
formed the functions which the angels
of God do; that is, who was appointed
to execute his will, to communicate his
message, and to convey important inti
mations of his purposes to his people.
To no one could the communications
in this book, intended for the churches,
bo more properly entrusted than to suoh

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER II.

77

CHAPTER II.
UNTO the angel of the church
of Ephesus write ; These things

an one ; for to no one now would a com
munication be more properly entrusted
than to a pastor.
Such is the sublime vision under
which this book opens ; such the solemn
commission which the penman of the
book received. No more appropriate
introduction to what is contained in the
book could be imagined ; no more appro
priate circumstances for making such a
sublime revelation could have existed.
To the most beloved of the apostles —
now the only surviving one of the num
ber; to him who had been a faithful
laborer for a period not far from sixty
years after the death of the Lord Jesus,
who had been the bosom friend of the
Saviour when in the flesh, who had seen
him in the mount of transfiguration,
wbo had seen him die, and who had
seen him ascend into heaven ; to him
who had lived while the church was
founded, and while it had spread into
all lands; and to him who was now
suffering persecution on account of
the Saviour and his cause, it was
appropriate that such communications
should be made. In a lonely island;
far away from the abodes of men ; sur
rounded by the ocean, and amid barren
rooks ; on the day consecrated to the
purposes of sacred repose and the holy
duties of religion — the day observed
in commemoration of the resurrection
of his Lord, it was most fit that the
Redeemer should appear to the "beloved
disciple" in the last Revelation which he
was ever to make to mankind. No more
appropriate time or circumstance could
be conceived for disclosing, by a series
of sublime visions, what would occur in
future times : — for sketching out the his
tory of the church to the consummation
of all things. CHAPTER II.
ANALYSIS OP THE CHAPTER.
This chapter comprises four of the
seven epistles addressed to the seven
churches : — those addressed to Ephesus,
Smyrna, Pergamos, and Thyatira. A
particular view of the contents of the
epistles will be more appropriate as tbey
come separately to be considered, than in
7*

saith he that ° holdeth the seven
stars in his right hand, who walk-
eth in the midst of the seven golden
candlesticks ;

a c. 1. 16. 20.

this place. There are some genera]
remarks in regard to their structure,
however, which may be_ properly made
here. (1.) They all begin with a reference to
some of the attributes of the Saviour, in
general some attribute that had been
noted in the first chapter; and while
they are all adapted to make a deep im
pression on the mind, perhaps each one
was selected in such a way as to have a
special propriety in reference to each
particular church. Thus in the address
to the church at Ephesus (ch. ii. 1) the
allusion is to the fact that he who speaks
to them "holds the seven stars in his
right hand, and walks in the midst of
the seven golden candlesticks ;" in the
epistle to the church at Smyrna (ch. ii.
8), it is he who "is the first and the
last, who was dead and is alive ;" in the
epistle to the church at Pergamos (ch. ii.
12), it is he " which hath the sharp
sword with the two edges;" in the
epistle to the church at Thyatira (ch. ii.
18), it is " the Son of God, who hath
his eyes like unto a flame of fire, and his
feet like fine brass ;" in the epistle to
the church at Sardis (ch. iii. 1), it is he
who "hath the seven Spirits of God,
and the severe stars ;" in the epistle to
the church at Philadelphia (ch. iii. 7), it
is "he that is holy, he that is true,
he that hath the key of David, he that
openeth and no man shutteth, and shut-
teth and no man openeth;" in the
epistle to the church at Laodicea (ch. iii.
14), it is he who is the "Amen, the
faithful and true witness, the beginning
of the creation of God."
(2.) These introductions are followed
with the formula, " I know thy works."
The peculiar characteristics then of each
church are referred to, with a sentiment
of approbation or disapprobation ex
pressed in regard to their conduct. Of
two of the churches, that at Smyrna
(ii. 9) and that at Philadelphia (iii. 10),
he expresses his entire approbation ; to
the churches of Sardis (iii. 3) and Lao
dicea (iii. 15-18), he administers a
decided rebuke; to the churches of
Ephesus (ii. 3-6), Pergamos (ii. 13-16),

78

REVELATION,

[A. D. 90.

and Thyatira (iii. 10, 20, 24, 25), he
intermingles praise and rebuke, for he
saw much to commend, but at the same
time not a little that was reprehensible.
In all cases, however, the approbation
precedes the blame: — showing that he
was more disposed to find that which
was good than that which was evil.
(3.) After the statement of their cha
racteristics, there follows in each case,
counsel, advice, admonition, or promises,
such as their circumstances demanded —
encouragement in trial, and injunctions
to put away their sins. The admonitions
are addressed to the churches as if
Christ were at hand, and would ere
long come and sit in judgment on them
and their deeds.
(4.) There is a solemn admonition to
hear what the Spirit has to say to the
churches. This is in each case expressed
in the same manner, " He that hath an
ear, let him hear what the Spirit saith
unto the churches," ch. ii. 7, 11, 17, 29,
iii. 6, 13, 22. These admonitions were
designed to call the attention of the
churches to these things, and at the
same time they seem designed to show
that they were not intended for them
alone. They are addressed to any one
who "has an ear," and therefore had
some principles of general application to
others, and to which all should attend
who were disposed to learn the will of
the Redeemer. What was addressed to
one chnrch, at any time, would be equally
applicable to all churches in the same
circumstances; what was adapted to
rebuke, elevate, or comfort Christians in
any one age or land, would he adapted
to be useful to Christians of all ages and
lands. (5.) There then is, either following or
preceding that call on all the churches to
hear, some promise or assurance de
signed to encourage the church, and
urge it forward in the discharge of duty
or in enduring trial. This is found in
each one of the epistles, though not
always in the same relative position.
THE EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH AT
EPHESUS.
The contents of the epistle to the
church at Ephesus — the first addressed
— are these: — (1) The attribute of the
Saviour referred to is, that he "holds
the slurs in his right hand, and walks
in the midst of tho golden candlesticks,"
oh. ii. 1. (2) He commonds them for

their patience, and for their opposition
to those who are evil, and for their zeal
and fidelity in carefully examining into
the character of some who claimed to be
apostles, but who were in fact impostors;
for their perseverance in bearing up
under trial, and not fainting in his
cause, and for their opposition to the
Nicolaitanes, whom he says he hates,
vs. 2, 3, 6. (3) He reproves them for
having left their first love to him, ver. 4 ;
(4) he admonishes them to remember
whence they had fallen, to repent, and
to do their first works, ver. 5 ; (5) he
threatens them that if they do not re
pent he will come and remove the can
dlestick out of its place, ver. 5; and
(6) he assures them and all others that
whosoever overcomes, he will " give him
to eat of the tree of life which is in the
midst of the paradise of God," ver. 7.
1. Unto the angel. The minister;
the presiding presbyter ; the bishop — in
the primitive sense of the word bishop —
denoting one who had the spiritual
charge of a congregation. See Notes
on ch. i. 20. f Of the church. Not of
the churches of Ephesus, but of the one
church of that city. There is no evi
dence that the word is used in a collec
tive sense to denote a group of churches,
like a diocese ; nor is there any evidence
that there was such a group of churches
in Ephesus, or that there was more than
one church in that city. It is probable
that all who were Christians there were
regarded as members of one church-
though for convenience they may have
met for worship in different places. Thus
there was one Church in Corinth (1 Cor.
i. 1); one church in Thessalonica (1
Thess. i. 1), &c. fl Of Ephesus. On
the situation of Ephesus, see Notes on
Acts xviii. 19, and the Intro, to the
Notes on the Epistle to the Ephesians,
# I., and the engravings there. It was
the capital of Ionia; was one of the twelve
Ionian cities of Asia Minor in the Mythic
times, and was said to have been founded
by the Amazons. It was situated on tho
river Cayster, not far from the Icorian
Sea, between Smyrna and Miletus. It
was one of the most considerable cities of
Asia Minor, and while, about the epoch
when Christianity was introduced, other
cities declined, Ephesus rose more and
more. It owed its prosperity, in part, to
tho fnvor of its governors, for Lysimaohas

A. D. 96-1

CHAPTER II.

2 I know " thy works, and thy
o Ps. 1. 6. ver. 9. 13, 19. c. 3. 1. 8, 15.
named tho city Arsinoe, in honor of his
second wife, and Attains Philadelphus
furnished it with splendid wharves and
docks. Under the Romans it was the
capital not only of Ionia, but of the
entire province of Asia, and bore the
honorable title of the first and greatest
metropolis of Asia. John is supposed
to bave resided in this city, and to have"
preached the gospel there for many
years ; and on this account perhaps it
was, as well as on account of the
relative importance of the city, that the
first epistle of the seven- was addressed
to that churoh. On the present con
dition of the ruins of Ephesus, see Notes
on ver. 5. "We bave no means whatever
of ascertaining the size of the church
when John wrote the book of Revela
tion. From the fact, however, that Paul,
as is supposed (see Intro, to the Epistle
to the Ephesians, g 2), labored there for
about three years ; that there was a body
of" elders" who presided over the church
there (Acts xx. 17) ; and that the Apostle
John seems to have spent a considerable
part of his life there in preaching the
gospel, it may be presumed that there
was a large and flourishing church in
that city. The epistle before us shows
also that it was characterized by dis
tinguished piety. ^ These things saith
he that holdeth the seven stars in his
right hand. See Notes on ch. i. 16. The
object here seems to be to turn the
attention of the church in Ephesus
to some attribute of the Saviour which
deserved their special regard, or which
constituted a special reason for attending
to what be said. To do this, the atten
tion is directed in this case to the fact
that he held the seven stars — emblematic
of the ministers of the churches — in his
hand, and that he walked in the midst
of the lamp-bearers — representing the
churches themselves, intimating that
they are dependent on him ; that he had
power to continue or remove the minis
try, and that it was by his presence only
that those lamp-bearers would continue
to give light. The absolute control over
the ministry, and the faot that he walked
amidst the churches, and that his pre
sence was necessary to their perpetuity
and their welfare, seem to be the prin
cipal ideas implied in this representation.

labor, and thy patience, and ho\i
thou canst not bear them which aro

These truths he would impress on their
minds in order that they might feel how
easy it would be for him to punish any
disobedience, and in order that they
might do what was necessary to secure
his continual presence among them.
These views seem to be sanctioned by
the character of the punishment threat-
ened (ver. 5), ' that he would remove the
candlestick representing their church
out of its place.' See Notes on ver. 5.
^[ Who wal-keth in the midst, <fcc. In
ch. i. 13, he is represented simply as
being seen amidst the golden candle
sticks. See Notes on that place. Here
there is the additional idea of his
"walking" in the midst of them, im
plying perhaps constant and vigilant
supervision. He went from one to
another, as one who inspects and sur
veys what is under his care; perhaps
also with the idea that he went among
them as a friend to bless them.
2. I know thy works. The common
formula with which all the epistles to
the seven churches are introduced. It
is designed to impress upon them deeply
the conviction that he was intimately
acquainted with all that they did, good
and bad, and that, therefore, he was
abundantly qualified to dispense re
wards or administer punishments ac
cording to truth and justice. It may be
observed that, as many of the things
referred to in these epistles were things
pertaining to the heart — the feelings,
the state of the mind — it is implied that
be who speaks here has an intimate
acquaintance with the heart of man — a
prerogative which is always attributed
to the Saviour. See John ii. 25. But
no one can do this who is not divine ;
and this declaration, therefore, furnishes
a strong proof of the divinity of Christ.
See Ps. vii. 9; Jer. xi. 20, xvii. 10;
1 Sam. xvi. 1 ; 1 Kings viii. 39. 1f And
thy labor. The word here used — kotos —
means properly a beating, hence wailing,
grief, with beating the breast ; and then
it means excessive labor or toil adapted
to produce grief or sadness, and is com
monly employed in the New Testament
in the latter sense. It is used in the
sense of trouble in Matt xxvi. 10 :
" Why trouble ye [literally, why give ye
trouble to] the woman," Comp. also

80

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

evil: and thou hast tried ° them
which say they are apostles, and
a 1 Jno. 4. 1.

Mark xiv. 6 ; Luke xi. 7, xviii. 5 ; Gal.
vi. 17; and in the sense of labor, or
wearisome toil, in John iv. 38 ; 1 Cor.
iii. 8, xv. 58 ; 2 Cor. vi. 5, x. 15, xi. 23,
27, et al. The connexion here would
admit of either sense. It is commonly
understood, as in our translation, in the
sense of labor, though it would seem
that the other signification — that of
trouble— would not be inappropriate. If
it means labor, it refers to their faithful
service in his cause, and especially in
opposing error. It seems to me, how
ever, that the word trouble would better
suit the connexion. ^ And thy patience.
Under these trials ; to wit, in relation to
the efforts which had been made by the
advocates of error to corrupt them, and
to turn them away from the truth.
They had patiently borne the opposition
made to the truth ; they had manifested
a spirit of firm endurance amidst many
arts of those opposed to them to draw
them off from simple faith in Christ.
^ And how thou canst not bear them that
are evil. Canst not endure, or tolerate
them. Comp, Notes on 2 John 10, 11.
That is, they had no sympathy with
their doctrines or their practices ; they
were utterly opposed to them. They
had lent them no countenance, but had
in every way shown that they had no
fellowship with them. The evil per
sons here referred to were doubtless
those mentioned in this verse as claim
ing that " they were apostles," and those
mentioned in ver. 6, as the Nicolaitanes.
1f And thou hast tried them which say
they are apostles. Thou hast thoroughly
examined their claims. It is not said
in what way they had done this, but it
was probably by considering attentively
and candidly the evidence on which
they relied, whatever that may have
been. Nor is it certainly known who
these persons were, or on what grounds
they advanced their pretensions to the
apostolic office. It cannot be supposed
that they claimed to have been of the
number of apostles selected by the
Saviour, for that would have been too
absurd; and the only solution would
seem to be that they .claimed either
(1) that they had been called to that
office after the Saviour ascended, as

are not, b and hast found them
liars : b 2 Co. 11. 13.

Paul was ; or (2) that they claimed tho
honor due to this name or office in virtue
of some election to it; or (3) that they
claimed to be the successors of the
apostles, and to possess and transmit
their authority. If the first of these, it
would seem that the only ground of
claim would be that they had been called
in some miraculous way to the rank of
apostles, and, of course, an examination
of their claims would be an examination
of the alleged miraculous call, and of the
evidence on which they wcmld rely that
they had such a call. If the second,
then the claim must have been founded
on some such plea as that the apostolic
office was designed to be elective, as in
the case of Matthias (Acts i. 23-26), and
that they maintained that this arrange
ment was to be continued in th*» church;
and the^a an examination of tbeir claims
would involve an investigation of the
question whether it was contemplated
that the apostolic office was designed to
be perpetuated in that manner, or whe
ther the election of Matthias was only a
temporary arrangement, designed to
answer a particular purpose. If the
third, then the claim must have been
founded on the plea that the apostolic
office was designed to be perpetuated
by a regular succession, and that they,
by ordination, were in the line of that
succession; and then the examination
and refutation of the claim must- have
consisted in showing, from the nature of
the office, and the necessary qualifica
tions for the office of apostle, that it was
designed to be temporary, and that there
could be properly no successors of the
apostles as such. On either of these
suppositions such a line of argument
would, be fatal to all claims to any suc
cession in the apostolic office now. If
each of these points should fail, of
course their claims to the rank of
apostles would cease — just as all claims
to the dignity and rank of apostles must
fail now. Tho passage becomes thus a
strong argument against the claims of
any persons to be "apostles," or to be
the " successors" of the apostles in the
peculiarity of their office, f And are
not. There were never any apostles of
Jesus Christ but. the original twelve

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER II.

81

3 And hast borne, and hast pa
tience, and for my name's sake hast
labored, and hast not fainted.0
a Ga. 6. 9.
whom he chose; Matthias, who was
chosen in the place of Judas (Acts i. 26);
and Paul, who was specially called to
the offiee by the Saviour after his resur
rection. On this point, see my work on
the "Apostolic Church," pp. 47-58.
\ And hast found them liars. Hast
discovered their preteasions to be un
founded and false. In 2 Cor. xi. 13,
"falso apostles" are mentioned; and in
an office of so much honor as this, it is
probable that there would be not a few
-claimants to it in the world. To set up
a claim to what they knew they were
not entitled to, would be a falsehood ;
and as this seems to have been the cha
racter of these men, the Saviour in the
passage before us does not hesitate to
designate them by an appropriate term,
and to"call them liars. The point here
commended in the Ephesian church is,
that they had sought to have a pure
ministry — a ministry whose claims were
well founded. They had felt the im
portance of this ; had carefully examined
the claims of pretenders ; and had refused
to recognize those who could not show
in a proper manner that they had been
designated to their work by the Lord
Jesus. The same zeal in the same
cause would be commended by the
Saviour now. *
3. And hast borne. Hast borne up
under trials; or hast borne with the
evils with which you have been assailed.
That is, you have not given way ta mur
muring or complaints in trial; you have
not abandoned the principles of truth
and yielded to the prevalence of error.
% And hast patience. That is, in this
connexion, hast shown that thou canst
bear up under these things with patience.
is a repetition of what is said in ver. 2,
but in a somewhat different connexion.
There, it rather refers to the trouble
which they had experienced on account
of the pretensions of false apostles — and
the patient, persevering, and enduring
spirit which they had shown in that
form of trial; here, the expression is
more general, denoting a patient spirit
in regard to all forms of trial. ^ And
for my name's sake hast labored.- On
account of me, and in my cause. That

4 Nevertheless I have somewhat
against thee, because thou hast left
thy first love.

is, the labor here referred to, whatever
it was, was to advance the cause of the
Redeemer. In the word rendered " hast
labored11 — KCKo-n-iaKas — there is a refe
rence to the word used in the previous
verse — " thy labor" — koitov gov ; and the
design is to show that the " labor" or
trouble there referred to was on account
of him. ^ And hast not faifited. Hast
not become exhausted, or wearied out,
so as to give over. The word here
used — KUfivix) — occurs in only three places
in the New Testament: — Heb, xii. 3,
"X*estye be wearied, and faint;" James
v. 15, "the prayer of faith shall save
the sick;" and in the passage before us.
It means properly to become weary
and faint from toil, &c, and the idea
here is, that they had not become
so wearied out as to give over from ex
haustion. The sense of the whole pas
sage is thus rendered by Prof. Stuart :
"Thou canst not bear with false teach
ers, but thou canst bear with troubles
and perplexities on account of me ; thou
hast undergone wearisome toil, but thou
art not wearied out thereby." The
state of mind, considered as the state of
mind appropriate to a Christian, here
represented, is, that we should not
tolerate error and sin, but that we
should bear up under the trials which
they may incidentally occasion us ; that
we should have such a repugnance to
evil that we cannot endure it, as evil,
but that we should have such love to
the Saviour and his cause as to be willing
to bear any thing, even in relation to
that, or springing from that, that we
may be called to suffer in that cause;
that while we may be weary in his
work — for our bodily strength may
become exhausted (Comp. Matt. xxvi.
41)— we should not be weary of it ; and
that though we may have many per
plexities, and may meet with much op
position, yet we should not relax our
zeal, but should persevere with an ardor
that never faints, until our Saviour calls
us to our reward.
4. Nevertheless I have somewhat
against thee. Notwithstanding this
general commendation, there are things
which I cannot approve. % Because

82

REVELATION,

[4.D.

5 Remember therefore from
•whence thou art fallen ; and repent

thou hast left thy first love. Thou hast
remitted — &<pr>K<i$ — or let down thy early
love; that is, it is less glowing and
ardent than it was at first. The love
here referred to is evidently love to the
Saviour ; and the idea is, that, as a
church, they had less o£ this than
formerly characterized them. In this
respect they were in a state of declen
sion ; and though they still maintained
the doctrines of his religion, and opposed
the advocates of error, they showed less
ardor of affection towards him directly
than they had formerly done. In regard
to this, we may remark, (1) that what is
here stated of the Church at Ephesus is
not uncommon, (a) Individual Chris
tians often lose much of their first love.
It is true, indeed, that there is often an
appearance of this which does not exist
in reality. Not a little of the ardor of
young converts is often nothing more
than the excitement of animal feeling,
which will soon die away of course,
though their real love may not be
diminished, or may be constantly grow
ing stronger. When a son returns home
after a long absence, and meets his
parents and brothers and sisters, there
is aglow, a warmth of feeling, a joyous-
ness of emotion, which cannot be ex
pected to continue always, and which
he may never be able to recall again,
though he may be ever growing in real
attachment to his friends and to his
home, (b) Churches remit the ardor of
their first love. They are often formed
under the reviving influences of the
Holy Spirit when many are converted,
and are warm-hearted and zealous young
converts. Or they are formed from other
churches that have become cold and
dead, from which the new organization,
embodying the life of the church, was
constrained to separate. Or they are
formed under the influence of some strong
and mighty truth that has taken pos
session of the mind, and that gives a
peculiar character to the church at first.
Or they are formed with a distinct
reference to promoting some one great
object in the cause of the Redeemer.
So tho early Christian churches were
formed. So the church in Germany,
France, Switzerland and England came
out from the Roman communion under

and do the first works ;
a Jo. 2. 2, 3.

or else

the influence of the doctrine of justifi
cation by faith. So the Nestorians in
former ages, and the Moravians in
modern times, were characterized by
warm zeal in the cause of missions. So
the Puritans came out from the esta
blished church of England at one time,
and the Methodists at another, warmed
with a holier love to the cause of evan
gelical religion than existed in the body
from which they separated. So many a
church is formed now amidst the exciting
scenes of a revival of religion, and in the
early days of its history puts to shame
the older and the slumbering churches
around them. But, it need scarcely be
said that this early zeal may die away,
and that the church, once so full of life
and love, may become as cold as those
that went before it, or as those from
which it separated, and that there may
be a necessity for the formation*of new
organizations that shall be fired with
ardor and zeal. One has only to look at
Germany, at Switzerland, at various
portions of the Reformed churches else
where ; at the Nestorians — whose zeal
for missions long since departed, or even
at the Moravians, among whom it has
so much delined ; at various portions of
the Puritan churches ; and at many an
individual church formed under the
warm and exciting feelings of a revival
of religion, to see that what occurred at
Ephesus may occur elsewhere. (2) Tho
same thing that occurred there, may be
expected to follow in all similar cases.
The Saviour governs the church always
on essentially the same principles; and
it is no uncommon thing that when a
ehurch has lost the ardor of its first love,
it is suffered more and more to decline,
until "the candlestick is removed" —
until either the church becomes wholly
extinct, or until vital piety is wholly
gone, and all that remains is the reli
gion of forms.
5. Memember therefore from whence
thou art fallen. The eminence which
you once occupied. Coll to remem
brance the state in which you once
were. The duty here enjoined is, when
religion has declined in our hearts, or in
the church, to call to distinct recollec
tion the former state — the ardor, the
zeal, the warmth of love which onoe

CHAPTER II.

A. D. 96.J

I 'will come unto thee quickly,
and will remove " thy candlestick
a Mat. 21. 41, 43.
characterized us. The reason for this
is, that such a recalling of the former
state will be likely to produce a happy
influence on the heart. Nothing is
better adapted to affect a backsliding
Christian, or a backsliding church, than
to call to distinct recollection the former
condition — the happier days of piety.
The joy then experienced; the good
done ; the honor reflected on the cause
of religion ; the peace of mind of that
period, will contrast strongly with the
present, and nothing will be better fitted
to recall an erring church or an erring
individual from their wanderings than
such a reminiscence of the past. The
advantages of thus " remembering" their
former condition would be many — for
some of the most valuable impressions
which are made on the mind, and some
of the most important lessons learned,
are from the recollections of a former
state. Among those advantages, in this
case, would be such as the following:
(a) It would show how much they might
have enjoyed if they had continued as
they began — how much more real hap
piness they would have had than they
actually bave enjoyed. (6) How much
good they might have done, if they had
only persevered in the zeal with which
they commenced the Christian life.
How much more good might most
Christians do than they actually accom
plish, if they would barely, even without
increasing it, continue with the degree
of zeal with which they begin cheir
course. (c) How much greater attain
ments they might have made in the
divine life, and in the knowledge of
religion, than they have made : — that is,
how much more elevated and enlarged
might have been their views of religion,
and their knowledge of the word of
God. And (<f) such a recollection of
their past state, as contrasted with what
they now are, would exert a powerful
influence in producing true repentance —
for there is nothing better adapted to
do this than a just view of what we
might have been, as compared with what
we now are. If a man has become cold
towards his wife, nothing is better fitted
to reclaim him than to recall to his recol
lection the time when he led her to the

83

out of his place exoept thou
repent.

altar ; the solemn vow then made ; and
the rapture of his heart when he pressed
her to his bosom and called her his
own. ^f And repent. The word here
used means to change one's mind and
purposes, and, along with that, the con
duct or demeanor. The duty of repent
ance here urged would extend to all the
points in which they had erred. ^[.Arad
do the first works. The works which
were done when the church was first
established. That is, manifest the zeal
and love which were formerly evinced
in opposing error, and in doing good.
This is the true counsel to be given
to those who have backslidden, and
have " left their first love," now. Often
such persons, sensible that they have
erred, and that they have not the
enjoyment in religion which they once
had, profess to be willing and desirous to
return, but they know not how to do it
— how to revive their ardor — how to re
kindle in their bosom the flame of ex
tinguished love. They suppose it must
be by silent meditation, or by some
supernatural influence, and they wait
for some visitation from above to call
them back, and to restore to them their
former joy. The counsel of the Saviour
to all such, however, is, to do their first
works. It is to engage at once in doing
what they did in the first and best
days of their piety — the days of then'
"espousals" (Jer. ii. 2) to God. Let
them read the Bible as they did then ;
let them pray as they did then ; let them
go forth in the duties of active benevo
lence as they did then ; let them engage
in teaching a Sabbath-school a? they
did then ; let them relieve the distressed,
instruct the ignorant, raise up the fallen,
as they did then ; let them open their
heart, their purse, and their hand to
bless a dying world. As it was in this
way that they manifested their loyo
then, so this would be better fitted than
all other things to rekindle the flame of
love when it is almost extinguished
The weapon that is used keeps bright ;
that which has become rusty will be
come bright again if it is used. ^ Or
else I will come unto thee quickly
On the word rendered quickly — rdxsi—
see Notes on ch. i. 1. The meaning is,

84

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

that he would come as a Judge, at no dis
tant period, to inflict, punishment in the
manner specified — by removing the can
dlestick out of its place. He does not
say in what way it would he done —
whether by some sudden judgment, by
a direct act of power, or by a gradual
I rocess that would certainly lead to that
result. ^ And will remove thy candle
stick out of his place, except thou repent.
On the meaning of the word candlestick,
see Notes on ch. i. 12. The meaning is,
that the church gave light in Ephesus ;
and that what he would do in regard
to that place, would be like removing
a lamp, and leaving a place in dark
ness. The expression is equivalent to
saying that the church there would
cease to exist. The proper idea of the
passage is, that the church would be
wholly extinct, and it is observable that
this is a judgment more distinctly dis
closed in reference to this church than
to any other of the seven churches.
There is not the least evidence that the
church at Ephesus did repent, and the
threatening has been most signally
fulfilled. Long since the church has
become utterly extinct, and for ages
there was not a single professing Chris
tian there. Every memorial of there
having been a church there has departed,
and there are nowhere, not even in
Nineveh, Babylon, or Tyre, more affect
ing demonstrations of the fulfillment of
ancient prophecy than in the present
state of the ruins of Ephesus. A re
mark of Mr. Gibbon (Dec. & Fall, iv.
260) will show with what exactness the
prediction in regard to this church has
been accomplished. He is speaking of
the conquests of the Turks. " In the
loss of Ephesus, the Christians deplored
the fall of the first angel, the extinction
of the first candlestick of the Revela
tions ; the desolation is complete ; and
the temple of Diana, or the Church of
Mercy, will equally elude the search of
the curious traveller." Thus the city,
with the splendid Temple of Diana, and
the church that existed there in the
time of John, has disappeared, and
nothing remains but unsightly ruins.
These ruins lie about ten days' journey
from Smyrna, and consist of shattered
walls, and remains of oolumns and
temples. The soil on which a large
part of the city is supposed to have
stood, naturally rich, is covered with a

rank, burnt-up vegetation, and is every.
where deserted and solitary, though
bordered by picturesque mountains. 4
few corn-fields are scattered along th|
site of the ancient city. Towards the
sea extends the ancient port, a pesti
lential marsh. Along the slope of the
mountain, and over the plain, are scat.
tered fragments of masonry and detached
ruins, but nothing can now be fixed on
as the great Temple of Diana. There
are ruins of a theatre ; there is a circus,
or stadium, nearly entire ; there are frag
ments of temples and palaces scattered
around, but there is nothing that marks
the site of a church in the time of John;
there is nothing to indicate even that
such a church then existed there. About
a mile and a half from the principal
ruins of Ephesus, there is indeed now a
small village called Asalook — a Turkish
word, which is associated with the same
idea as Ephesus, meaning, The City of
the Moon. A church, dedicated to
John, is supposed to have stood near,
if not on the site of, the present Mosque.
Dr. Chandler (p. 150, 4to.) gives us a
striking description of Ephesus as he
found it in 1764: "Its population con
sisted of a few Greek peasants, living in
extreme wretchedness, dependence, and
insensibility, the representatives of an il
lustrious people, and inhabiting the wreck
of their greatness. Some reside in the
substructure of the glorious edifices which
they raised ; some beneath the vaults of
the stadium, and the crowded scenes of
these diversions ; and some in the abrupt
precipice, in the sepulchres which re
ceived their ashes. Its streets • are
obscured and overgrown. A herd of
goats was driven to it for shelter from
the sun at noon, and a noisy flight of
crows from the quarries seemed to insult
its silence. We heard the partridge
call in tho area of tho theatre and of the
stadium." " Its fate is that of the
entire country — a garden has become a
desert. Busy centres of civilization,
spots where the refinements and delights
of the age were collected, are now a
prey to silence, destruction, and death.
Consecrated first of all to the purposes
of idolatry, Ephesus next had Christian
temples almost rivalling the Pagan in
splendor, wherein the image of the great
Diana lay prostrate before the cress;
after tho lapse of some centuries, Jesus
gives way to Mohammed, and the ores.

CHAPTER II.

85

o But this thou hast, that thou

c mt glittered on the dome of the
recently Christian church. A few more
scores of years, and Ephesus has neither
temple, cross, crescent, nor city, but is
desolation, a dry land, and a wilder
ness." See the article . Ephesus in
Ifitto's Cyclop, and the authorities there
referred to. What is affirmed here of
ISphesus hog often been illustrated in
the history of the world, that when a
church has declined in piety and love,
¦tnd has been called by faithful ministers
to repent, and has not done it, it has
been abandoned more and more until
the last appearance of truth and piety
has departed, and it has been given up
to error and to ruin. And the same
principle is as applicable to individuals
— for they have as much reason to dread

hatestthe deeds of the Nicolaitanes,
a which I also hate.

the frowns of the Saviour as chureher
have. If they who have " left their first
love" will not repent at the call of the
Saviour, they have every reason to ap
prehend some fearful judgment — some
awful visitation of his Providence that
shall overwhelm them in sorrow as a
proof of his displeasure. Even though
they should finally be saved, their days
may be without comfort, and perhaps
their last moments without a ray of con
scious hope. The following cut, repre
senting the present situation of Ephesus,
will bring before the eye a striking illus
tration of the fulfilment of this prophecy
that the candlestick of Ephesus would
\ be removed from its place. See also the
I engravings prefixed to the Notes on tho
| Epistle to the Ephesians, pp. 6, 7.

EPHESUS.

6. But this thou hast. This thou hast
that I approve of, or that I can com
mend. ^[ That thou hatest the deeds- of
the Nicolaitanes. Gr. works — ra epya.
The word Nicolaitanes occurs only in
this place, and in the 15th verse of this
chapter. From the reference -in the
latter place, it is clear thnt the doctrines

which they held prevailed at Pergamos
as well as at Ephesus, but from neither
place can any thing now be inferred in
regard to the nature of their doctrines or
their practices, unless it be supposed
that they held the same doctrine that
was taught by Balaam. See Notes on
ver. 15. From the two passages com-

86

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

pared with each other, it would seem
that they were alike corrupt in doctrine
and in practice, for in the passage
before us their deeds are mentioned,
and in ver. 15, their doctrine. Various
conjectures, however, have been formed
respecting this class of people, and the
reasons why the name was given to
them. I. In regard to the origin of the
name, there have been three opinions :
(1) That mentioned by Irenaeus, and by
some of the other of the fathers, that
the name was derived from Nicolas, one
of the deacons ordained at Antioch,
Acts vi. 5. Of those who have held this
opinion, some have supposed that it was
given to them because he became apos
tate and was the founder of the sect,
and others because they assumed his
name, in order to give the greater credit
to their doctrine. But neither of these
suppositions rests on any certain evi
dence, and both are destitute of proba
bility. There is no proof whatever, that
Nicolas the deacon ever apostatized from
the faith and became the founder of a
sect; and if a name had been assumed
in order to give credit to a sect, and
extend its influence, it is much more
probable that the name of an apostle
would have been chosen, or of some
other prominent man, than the name of
an obscure deacon of Antioch. (2) Vi
tringa, and most commentators since
his time, have supposed that the name
Nicolaitanes was intended to be symbol
ical, and was not designed to designate
any sect of people, but to denote those
who resembled Balaam, and that this
word is used in the same manner as the
word Jezebel, in ch. ii. 20, which is sup
posed to be symbolical there. Vitringa
supposes that the word is derived from
vlicos, victory, and Xads, people, and that
thus it corresponds with the name
Balaam, as meaning either DJ? 7^3,
lord of the people, or DJ? phSt he de
stroyed the people, and that, as the same
effect was produced by their doctrines
as by those of Balaam, that the people
were led to commit fornication and to
join in idolatrous worship, they might
be called Balaamites or Nicolaitanes;
that is, corruption of the people. But
to this it may be replied, (a) that it is
far-fetched, and is adapted only to
remove a difficulty ; (6) that there is

every reason to suppose that the word
here used refers to a class of people who
bore that name, and who were well-
known in the two churches specified;
(c) that in ch. ii. 15, they are expressly
distinguished from those who held the
doctrine of Balaam (ver. 14), " So hast
thou also (/cat) those that hold the doc
trine of the Nicolaitanes." (3) It has
been supposed that some person now
unknown, probably of the name Nicolas,
or Nicolaus, was their leader, and laid
the foundation of the sect. ' This is by
far the most probable opinion, and to
this there can be no objection. It is
in accordance with what usually occurs
in regard to sects, orthodox or heretical,
that they derive their origin from some
person whose name they continue to
bear, and as there is no evidence that
this sect prevailed extensively, or was
indeed known beyond the limits of these
churches, and as it soon disappeared, it
is easily accounted for that the character
and history of the founder were so soon
forgotten. U. In regard to the opinions
which they held, there is as little cer
tainty. Irenaeus, (Adv. Haeres. i. 26),
says that their characteristic tenets were
the lawfulness of promiscuous inter
course with women, and of eating things
offered to idols. Eusebius (Hist. Eccl.
iii. 29), states substantially the same
thing, and refers to a tradition respect
ing Nicolaus, that he hod a beautiful
wife, and was jealous of her, and being
reproached with this, renounced all in
tercourse with her, and made use of an
expression which was misunderstood, as
implying that illicit pleasure was proper.
Tertullian speaks of the Nicolaitanes as
a branch of the Gnostic family, and as,
in his time, extinct. Mosheim (De Re
bus Christian. Ante Con. g 69) says that
"the questions about the Niolaitanes
have difficulties which cannot be solved."
Neander (History of the Christian Reli
gion, as translated by Torrey, I. pp. 452,
453), numbers them with Antinomions ;
though he expresses some doubt whether
the actual existence of such a sect can
be proved, and rather inclines to an
opinion notioed above, that the name is
symbolical, and that it is used in a
mystical sense, according to the usual
style of the book of Revelation, to de
note corrupters or seducers of the
people, like Balaam. He supposes that
the passage relates simply to a class of

A. D. 96.1

PTER II.

87

7 He° that hath an ear, let him
a Matt. 11. 15. ver. 11. 17, 29.
persons who were in the practice of
seducing Christians to participate in the
sacrificial feasts of the heathens, and in
the excesses which attended them — just
as the Jews were led astray of old by
the Moabites, Numb. xxv. What was
the origin of the name, however, Nean-
der does not profess to be able to
determine, but suggests that it was the
custom of such sects to attach them
selves to some celebrated name of an
tiquity, in the choice of which they were
often determined by circumstances quite
accidental. He supposes also that the
sect may have possessed a life of Nico
las of Antioch, drawn up by themselves
or others from fabulous accounts »and
traditions, in which what had been im
puted to Nicolas was embodied. Every
thing, however, in regard to the origin
of this sect, and the reason of the name
given to it, and the opinions which they
held, is involved in great obscurity, and
there is now no hope of throwing light
on the subject. It is generally agreed,
among the writers of antiquity who have
mentioned them, that they were dis
tinguished for holding opinions which
countenanced gross social indulgences.
This is all that is really necessary to be
known in regard to the passage before
us, for this will explain the strong
language of aversion and condemnation
used by the Saviour respecting the sect
in the epistles to the churches of Ephesus
and Pergamos. ^ Which I also hate..
If the view above taken of the opinions
and practices of this people is correct,
the reasons why he hated them are
obvious. Nothing can be more opposed
to the personal character of the Saviour,
or to his reiigion, than such doctrines
and deeds.
7. He that hath an ear let him hear, <&c.
This expression occurs at the close of
each of the epistles addressed to the
seven churches, and is substantially a
mode of address often employed by the
Saviour in his personal ministry, and
quite characteristic of him. See Matt.
xi. 15 ; Mark iv. 23, vii. 16. It is a form
of expression designed to arrest the
attention, and to denote that what was
said was of special intportance. ^ What
the Spirit saith unto the churches. Evi
dently what the Holy Spirit says — for

hear what the Spirit saith unto the
churches ; To him that overcometh

he is regarded in the Scriptures as tho
Source of inspiration, and as appointed
to disclose truth to man. The " Spirit"
may he regarded either as speaking
through the Saviour (comp. John iii.
34), or as imparted to John through
whom he addressed the churches. In
either case it is the same Spirit of inspi
ration, and in either case there would be
a claim that his voice should be heard.
The language here used is of a general
character — " He that hath an ear ;" that
is, what was spoken was worthy of the
attention not only of thefmembers of
these churches, but of all others. The
truths were of so general a character as
to deserve the attention of mankind at
large, f To him that overcometh. Gr.,
" To him that gains the victory, or is a
conqueror" — ry vikZvti. This may re
fer to any victory of a moral character,
and the expression used would be
applicable to one who should triumph in
any of these respects : — (a) over his own
easily -besetting sins ; (6) over the world
and its temptations ; (c) over prevalent
.error; (d) over the ills and trials of life,
so as, in all these respects, to show that
his Christian principles are firm and
unshaken. Life, and the Christian life
especially, may be regarded as a war
fare. Thousands fall in the conflict
with evil; but they who maintain a
steady warfare, and who achieve a
victory, shall be received as conquerors
in the end. ^ Will I give to eat of the
tree of life. As the reward of his
victory. The meaning is, that he would
admit him to Heaven, represented as
Paradise, and permit him to enjoy its
pleasures — represented by being per
mitted to partake of its fruits. The
phrase " the tree of lir*" refers undoubt
edly to the language used respecting the
Garden of Eden (Gen. ii. 9, iii. 22),
where the " tree of life * is spoken of as
that which was adapted to make the life
of man perpetual. Of the nature of that
tree nothing is known, though it would"
seem probable that, like the tree of the
knowledge of good and evil, it was
a mere emblem of life — or a tree
that was set before man in connexion
with the tree of the knowledge of good
and evil, and that his destiny turned on
the question whether he partook of the

88

REVELATION,

f A. D. 96.

will I give to eat of the tree • of
a Ge. 2. 9. c. 22. 2, 14.

one or the other. That God should
make the question of life or death
depend on that, is no more absurd or
improbable than that he should make it
depend on what man does now — it being
a matter of fact that life and death,
happiness and misery, joy and sorrow,
are often made to depend on things
quite as arbitrary apparently, and quite
as unimportant, as an act of obedience
or disobedience in partaking of the fruit
of a designated tree. Does it hot appear
probable tlmt in Eden there were two
trees designated to be of an emblematic
character, of life and death, and that as
man partook of the one or the other he
would live or die? Of all the others
he might freely partake without their
affecting his condition ; of one of these
— the tree of life — he might have par
taken before the fall, and lived forever.
One was forbidden on pain .of death.
When the law forbidding that was
violated, it was still possible that he
might partake of the othei* — but, since
the sentence of death had been passed
upon him, that would not now be
proper, and he was driven from the
garden, and the way was guarded by
the flaming sword of the Cherubim.
The reference in the passage before us
is to the celestial paradise — to heaven —
spoken of under the beautiful image of
a garden ; meaning that the condition
of man, in regard to life, will still be
the same as if he had partaken of the
tree of life in Eden. Comp. Notes on
ch. xxii. 2. f Which is in the midst of
the paradise of God. Heaven, repre
sented as paradise. - To be permitted to
eat of that tree, that is, of the fruit of
that tree, is but another expression im
plying the promise of eternal life, and
of being happy forever. The word
paradise is of Oriental derivation, and
is found in several of the Eastern
languages. In the Sanscrit the word
paradeska and paradisha is used to
denote a land elevated and cultivated;
in the Armenian the word pardes denotos
a garden around the house planted with
grass, herbs, trees for use and ornament;
and in the Hebrew form DT10, and
Greek jraodStiaos, it is applied to the
pleasure gardens and parks, with wild

life, which is in the midst of tho
paradise of God.

animals, around the country residences
of the Persian monarchs and princes,
Neh. ii. 8 ; comp. Eccl. ii. 5 ; Cant. iv.
13 ; Xen. Cyro. i. 3, 14, Bob. Lex. Here
it is used to denote heaven — a world
compared in beauty with a richly cul
tivated park or garden. Comp. 2 Cor.
xii. 4. The meaning of the Saviour is,
that he would receive him that over
came to a world of happiness ; that he
would permit him to taste of the fruit
that grows there imparting immortal
Life, and to rest in an abode fitted up in
a manner that would contribute in every
way to enjoyment. Man, when he fell,
was not permitted to reach forth his
hand and pluck of the fruit of the tree of
life in the first Eden, as he might have
done if he had not fallen ; but he is now
permitted to reach forth his hand and
partake of the tree of life in the paradise
above. He is thus restored to what he
might have been if he had not trans
gressed by eating of the fruit of the tree
of the knowledge of good and evil ; and
in the Paradise Regained, the blessings
of the Paradise Lost will be more than
recovered — for man may now live for
ever in a far higher and more blessed
state than his would have been in
Eden. THE EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH AT
SMYRXA.
The contents of the epistle to the
church at Smyrna are these:] (1) A
statement, as in the address to the
church at Ephesus, of some of the attri
butes of the Saviour, ver. 8. The
attributes here referred to are, that he
was "the first and the last," that "he
had been dead, but was alive" — attri
butes fitted to impress the mind deeply
with reverence for him who addressed
them, and to comfort them in the trials
which they endured. (2) A statement
(ver. 9), as in the former epistle, that he
well knew their works, and all that per
tained to them — their tribulation, their
poverty, and the opposition which they
met with from wicked men. (3) An ex
hortation not to be afraid of any of those
things that were to come upon them,
for, although they were to be persecuted,
and some of them were to be imprisoned,
yet, if they were faithful, they should
have a crown of life, ver. 10. (4) A oom-

A. D. 96.]

HAPTER II.

89

mand to hearrjhx' fi.s // .t^aid to the
churches, as cor.crjr«r.^ rraher of in
terest to all T,eiscn'., -<r'.(\ an assurance
that any who would " j^e'-come" in these
trials would not be bu:c by the second
death, ver.ll. The lur.guage addressed
to the church at Smyrna is throughput
that of commiseration and comfort.
There is no intimation that the Saviour
disapproved of what they had done;
there is no threat that he would
remove the candlestick out of its place.
Smyrna was a celebrated commercial
town of Ionia (Ptolem. v. 2), situated
near the bottom of that gulf of the iEgean
Sea which received its name from it
(Mela i. 17, 3), at the mouth of the
small river Meles, 320 stadia, or about
forty miles north of Ephesus. Strabo
xv. p. 632. It was a very ancient city,
but having been destroyed by the

Lydians, it lay waste four hundred
years to the time of Alexander the
Great, or, according to Strabo, to that of
Antigonus. It was rebuilt at the dis
tance of twenty stadia from the ancient
city, and in the time of the first Roman
emperor it was one of the most flourish
ing cities of Asia. It was destroyed by
an earthquake, A. D. 177, but the em
peror Marcus Aurelius caused it to be re
built with more than its former splendor.
It afterwards, however, suffered greatly
from earthquakes and conflagrations,
and has declined from these causes,
though, from its commercial advantages,
it has always been a city of importance
as the central emporium of the Levantine
trade, and its relative rank among the
cities of Asia Minor is probably greater
than it formerly bore. The following
cut will give a representation of Smyrna

SMTENA.

The Turks now call it Izmir. It is
better built than Constantinople, and
its populatipn is computed at about
130,000, of which the Franks compose a
greater proportion than in any other town
in Turkey, and they are generally in good
circumstances. Next to the Turks, the
Greeks form the most numerous por
tion of the inhabitants, and they have a
bishop and two churches. The un-
8*

usually large portion of Christians in
the city renders it peculiarly unclean
in the eyes of strict Moslems, and they
call it Giaour Izmir, or the Infide?
Smyrna. There are in it about 20,00(1
Greeks, 8,000 Armenians, 1,000 Euro
peans, and 9,000 Jews. It is now th<
seat of important Missionary operationi
in the East, and much has been don«
there to spread, the gospel in modern

90

REVELATION,

[A. JD. 96.

8 And unto the angel of the
church in Smyrna write ; These
things saith the first * and the last,
¦which was dead, and is alive ;

times. Its history during the long tract
of time since John wrote, is not indeed
minutely known, but there is no reason
to suppose that the light of Christianity
there has ever been wholly extinct.
Polycarp suffered martyrdom there, and
the place where he is supposed to have
died is still shown. The Christians of
Smyrna hold his memory in great vene
ration, and go annually on a visit to his
supposed tomb, which is at a short dis
tance from the place of his martyrdom.
See the article Smyrna in Kitto's
Cyclop, and the authorities referred
to there.
8. And unto the angel of the church in
Smyrna write. On the meaning of the
word angel, see Notes on ch. i. 20.
5[ These things saith the first and the
last. See Notes on ch. i. 8, 17. f Which
was dead, and is alive. See Notes on
ch. i. 18. The idea is, that he is a
living Saviour; and there was a pro
priety in referring to that fact here from
the nature of the promise which he was
about to make to the Ghurch at Smyrna;
" He that overcometh shall npt be hurt
of, the second death," ver 11. As he
had himself triumphed over death in all
its forms, and was now olive forever, it
was appropriate that he should promise
to his true friends the same protection
from the second death. He who was
wholly beyond the reach of death could
give the assurance that they who put
their trust In him should come off
victorious. 9. / know thy works. The uniform
method of introducing these epistles,
implying a most intimate acquaintance
with all that pertained to the church.
See Notes on ver. 2. f And tribulation.
This word is of a general signification,
and probably includes all that they suf
fered in any form, whether from perse
cution, poverty, or the blasphemy of
opposors. ^f And poverty. It would
seem that this church at that time,
was eminontly poor, for this is not spe
cified in regard to any one of the others.
No reason is suggested why they were

9 I know thy works and tribu
lation and poverty, (but thou art
rich6) and I know the blasphemy
of them which say they are Jews, -
b 1 Ti. <*, 18. c Eo. 2. 28, 29.

particularly poor. It was not, indeed,
an uncommon cnarocteristic of early
Christians (comp. 1 Cor. i. 26-28), but
there might have been some special rea
sons why that church was eminently so.
It is, however, the only church of tha
seven which has survived, and perhaps in
the end its poverty was no disadvantage.
If But thou art rich. Not in this world's.
jjoods, but in a more important respect
— in the grace and favor of God. These
things are not unfrequently united. Po
verty is no hindrance to the favor of
God, and there are some things in.
it favorable te the promotion of a
right spirit towards God which are not
found where there is abundant wealth.
The. Saviour was eminently poor, and
not a few of his most devoted and useful
followers have had as little of this
world's goods as he had. The poor
should always be cheerful and happy, if
they can hear their Saviour saying unto
them, "I know thy poverty — hut thou
art rich." However keen the feeling
arising from the reflection " I am a poor
man," the edge of the sorrow is token
off if the mind can be turned to a
brighter image — "but thou art rich."
f And I know the blasphemy. The re
proaches; the harsh and bitter revilings.
On the word blasphemy, see Notes on
Matt. ix. 3, xxvi. 65. The word here
does not seem to refer to blasphemy
against God, but to bitter reproaches
against themselves. The reason of these
reproaches is not stated, but it was
doubtless on account of their religion.
^[ Of them which say they are Jews.
Who profess to be Jews. The idea
seems to be, that though they were
of Jewish extraction, and professed to
be Jews, they were not true Jews; they
indulged in a bitterness of reproach, and
a severity of language, which showed
that they had not the spirit of the Jew
ish religion; they had nothing which
became those who were under the guid
ance of the spirit of their own Scriptures.
That would have inculcated and fostered
a milder temper; and the meaning here
is, that although they were of Jewish

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER II.

91

and are not, but are the synagogue
* of Satan.
10 Pear none of those things
a c. 3. 9.
origin, they were not worthy of the
name. That spirit of bitter opposition
was indeed often manifested in their
treatment of Christians, as it had been
of the Saviour, but still it was foreign
to the true nature of their religion.
There were Jews in all parts of Asia
Minor, and the apostles often encoun
tered them in their journeyings, but it
would seem that there was something
which had particularly embittered those
of Smyrna against Christianity. What
this was, is now unknown. It may
throw some light on the passage, how
ever, to remark that at a somewhat later
period — in the time of the martyrdom
of Polycarp — the Jews of Smyrna were
among the most bitter of the enemies of
Christians, and among the most violent
in demanding the death of Polycarp.
Eusebius (Eccl. Hist. iv. 15), says, that
when Polycarp was apprehended, and
brought before the Proconsul at Smyrna,
the Jews were the most furious of ali hi
demanding his condemnation. Wht'ii
the mob, after his condemnation to
death, set about gathering fuel to burn
him, "the Jews," says he, "being espe
cially zealous, as was their custom' —
pdXtara irpo$liffCi)ff, is s^os ahrais — ran to
procure fuel." ' And when, as the burn
ing failed, the martyr was transfixed
with weapons, the Jews urged and be
sought tire magistrate that his body
might not be given up to Christians.
Possibly at the time when this epistle
was directed to be sent to Smyrna, there
were Jews there who manifested the
same spirit which those of their country
men did afterwards, who urged on the
death of Polycarp. \ But are the syna
gogue of Satan. Deserve rather to be
called the synagogue of Satan. The
synagogue was a Jewish place of wor
ship (comp. Notes on Matt. iv. 23), but
the word originally denoted the assem
bly or congregation. The meaning here
is plain, that though they worshipped in
a synagogue, and professed to be the
worshippers of God, yet they were not
worthy of the name, and deserved rather
to be regarded as in the service of Satan.
—Satan is the word that is properly

which thou shalt suffer: behold, the
devil shall cast some of you into
prison, that ye may be tried : and
ye shall have tribulation ten days :
applied to the great evil spirit, elsewhere
called the devil. See Notes on Luke
xxii. 3, and Job i. 6.
10. Fear none of those things which
thou shalt suffer. He did not promise
them exemption from suffering. He saw
that they were about to suffer, and he
specifies the manner in which their af
fliction would occur. But he entreats
and commands them not to be afraid.
They were to look to the "crown of
life," and to be comforted with the as
surance that if they were faithful unto
death, that would be theirs. We need
not dread suffering if we can hear the
voice of the Redeemer encouraging us,
and if he assures us that in a little while
we shall have the erown of life. ^ Be
hold the devil shall cast some of you into
prison. Or, shall cause some of you to
be cast into prison. He had just said
that their persecutors were of the " syn
agogue of Satan." He here represents
Satan, or the devil — another name of
tho same being, as about to throw them
into prison. This would be done un
doubtedly by the hands of men, but
still Satan was the prime mover, or the
instigator in doing it. It was common
to cast those who were persecuted into
prison. See Acts xii. 3, 4, xvi. 23. It
is not said on what pretence, or by what
authority, this would be done, but, as
John had been banished to Patmos from
Ephesus, it is probable that this persecu
tion was raging in the adjacent places,
and there is no improbability in sup
posing that many might be thrown into
prison. ^[ That ye may be tried. That
the reality of your faith may be subjected
to a test to show whether it is genuine.
The design in the case is that of the
Saviour, though Satan is allowed to do
it. It was common in the early periods
of the church to suffer religion to be
subjected to trial amidst persecutions,
in order to show that it was of heavenly
origin, and to demonstrate its value in
view of the world. This is, indeed, one
of the designs of trial at all times, but
this seemed eminently desirable when
a rew system of religion was about to
be given to mankind. Comp. Notes on

93

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

be thou faithful * unto death, and
I will give thee a crown h of life.
11 He that hath an ear, let him
a Mat. 10. 22. b Ja. 1. 12.
1 Peter i. 6, 7. % And ye shall have
tribulation ten days. A short time; a
brief period ; a few days. It is possible,
indeed, that this might have meant lite
rally ten days, but it is much more in
accordance with the general character
of this book in regard to numbers, to
suppose that the word ten here is used
to denote a few. Comp. Gen. xxiv. 55,
1 Sam. xxv. 38, Dan. i. 12, 14. We are
wholly ignorant how long the trial ac
tually lasted, but the assurance was that
it would not be long, and they were to
allow this thought to cheer and sustain
them in their sorrows. Why should not
the same thought encourage us now?
Affliction in this life, however severe,
can be but brief; and in the hope that
it will soon end why should we not
bear it without murmuring or repining?
*[ Be thou faithful unto death. Imply
ing, perhaps, that though, in regard to
the church, the affliction would be brief,
yet that it might be fatal to some of
them, and they who were thus about to
die, should remain faithful to their Sa
viour until the hour of death. In rela
tion to all, whether they were to suffer
& violent death or not, the same injunc
tion and the same promise was appli
cable. It is true of every one who is a
Christian, in whatever manner he is to
die, that if he is faithful unto death, a
erown of life awaits him. Comp. Notes
2 Tim. iv. 8. ^[ And 1 will give thee a
:rown of life. See Notes on James i. 12.
Comp. 1 Pet. v. 4, 1 Cor. ix. 24-27. —
The promise here is somewhat different
from that which was made to the faith
ful in Ephesus (ver. 7), but the same
thing substantially is promised them —
happiness hereafter, or an admission into
heaven. In the former case it is the
peaceful image of those admitted into
the scenes of Paradise; here it is the
triumph of the crowned martyr.
11. He that hath an ear, Ac. See
Notes on ver. 7. % He that overcometh.
See Notes on ver. 7. The particular pro
mise here is made to him that should
"overcome;" that is, that would gain the
victory in the persecutions which were
to come upon them. Tho reference is

hear what the Spirit saith unto the
churches ; He that overcometh shall
not be hurt of the second c death.

to him who would show the sustaining
power of religion in times of persecution;
who would not yield his principles when
opposed and persecuted; who would be
triumphant when so many efforts were
made to induce him to apostatize and
abandon the cause. ^ Shall not be hart
of the second death. By& second death.
That is, he will have nothing to fear in
the future world. The punishment of
hell is often called death, not in the
sense that the sonl will cease to exist,
but (a) because death is the most fear
ful thing of which we have any know- ¦
ledge, and (b) because there is a striking
similarity, in many respects, between
death and future punishment. Death
cuts off from life — and so the second
death cuts off from eternal life ; death
puts an end to all our hopes here, and
the second death to all our hopes for
ever; death is-attendedwith terrors and
alarms — the faint and feeble emblem of
the terrors and alarms in the world of
wo. The phrase, "the second death"
is three times used elsewhere by John in
this book (ch. xx. 6, 14, xxi. 8), but does
not occur elsewhere in the New Testa
ment. The words death and to die,
however, are not nnfrequently used to
denote the future punishment of the
wicked. The promise here made would be all
that was necessary to sustain them in
their trials. Nothing more is requisite
to make the burdens of life tolerable
than an assurance that, when we reach
the end of our earthly journey, we have
arrived at the close of suffering, and that
beyond the grave there is no power that
can harm us. Religion, indeed, does
not promise to its friends exemption
from death in one form. To none of
the race has such a promise ever been
made, and to but two has the favor been
granted to pass to heaven without tast
ing death. It could have been granted
to all the redeemed, but there were good
reasons why it should not be; that is,
why it would be better that even they
who are to dwell in heaven should re
turn to the dust, and shep in the tomb,
than that they should be removed by

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER II.

93

perpetual miracle, translating them to
heaven. Religion, therefore, does not
come to us with any promise that we
shall not die. But it comes with the as
surance that we shall be sustained in the
dying hour ; that the Redeemer will ac
company us through the dark valley;
that death to us will be a calm and
qniet slumber in the hope of awaking in
the morning of the resurrection; that
we shall be raised up again with bodies,
incorruptible and undecaying ; and that
beyond the grave we shall never fear
death in any form. What more is need
ful to enable us to bear with patience
the trials of this life, and to look upon
death when it does come, disarmed as it
is of its sting (1 Cor. xv. 55-57), with
calmness and peace ?
THE EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH AT PER-
OAMOS.
The contents of this epistle (vs. 12-17)
are as follows : i[l) A reference, as is
usual in these epistles, to some attribute
of him who addressed them, fitted to
inspire respect, and adapted to a state
of things existing in the church, ver 12.
That to which the Saviour here directs
their attention is, that he has " the sharp
sword with two edges " — implying (ver.
16) that he had the power of punishing.
(2) A statement, in the usual form, that
he was thoroughly acquainted with the
state of the church; that he saw all
their difficulties ; all that there was to
eommend, and all that there was to re
prove, ver. 13. (3) A commendation of
the church for its fidelity, especially in
a time of °evere persecution, when one
of her faithful friends was slain, ver. 13.
(4) A reproof of the church for tolerating
some who held false and pernicious doc
trines — doctrines such as were taught
by Balaam, and the doctrines of the Ni
colaitanes, vs. Ii, 15. (5) A solemn
threat that, unless they repented, he
would come against them, and inflict
summary punishment on them, ver. 16.
(6) The usual call upon all to hear what
the spirit says to the churches, and a
promise to those who should overcome,
ver. 17.
Pergamos was a city in the southern
part of Mysia, the capital of a kingdom
of that name, and afterwards of the Ro
man province of Asia Propria. It was
on the Doik or th<> river Caicus, which
is formed by the anion of two branches

meeting thirty or forty miles above its
mouth, and watering a valley not
exceeded in beauty and fertility by any
in the world. The city of Pergamos
stood about twenty miles from the sea.
It was on the northern bank of the
river, at the base and on the declivity
of two high and steep mountains. About
two centuries before the Christian era,
Pergamos became the residence of the
celebrated kings of the family of Attalus,
and a seat of literature and the arts.
King Eumenes, the second of the name,
greatly beautified the town, and so in
creased the number of volumes in the
library that they amounted to 200,000.
This library remained at Pergamos after
the kingdom of the Attali had lost its
independence, until Antony removed it
to Egypt, and presented it to Queen
Cleopatra. Pliny, Hist. Nat. iii. 2. It
is an old tradition that, as the papyrus
plant had not begun to be exported from
Egypt (Kitto), or as Ptolemy refused to
sell it to Eumenes (Prof. Stuart), sheep
and goat skins, prepared for the purpose,
were used for manuscripts, and as the
art of preparing them was brought to
perfection at Pergamos, they, from that
circumstance, obtained the name of ' per-
gamena (Ttipyaprivfi) or parchment. The
last king of Pergamos bequeathed his
treasures to the Romans, who took pos
session of the kingdom also, and created
it into a province by the name of Asia
Propria. Under the Romans, it retained
that authority over the cities of Asia
which it had acquired under the suc
cessors of Attalus. The present name
of the place is Bergamos, and it is of
considerable importance, containing a
population of about 14,000, of whom
about 3000 are Greeks, 300 Armenians,
and the rest Turks. Macfarlane de
scribes the approach to the town as very
beautiful. " The approach to this an
cient and decayed city was as impressive
as well might be. After crossing the
Caicus, I saw, looking over three vast
tumuli, or sepulchral barrows, similar to
those on the plains of Troy, the Turkish
city of Pergamos, with its tall minarets,
and its taller cypresses, situated on the
lower declivities and at the foot of the
Acropolis, whose bold grey brow was
crowned by the rugged walls of a bar
barous castle, the usurper of the site of
a magnificent Greek temple. The town
consists, for the most part, of small and

94

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

12 And to the angel of the churoh
in Pergamos write; these things

mean wooden houses, among which ap
pear the remains of early Christian
churches. None of these churches have
any scriptural or apocalyptic interest
connected with them, having been erect
ed several centuries after the ministry
of the apostles, and when Christianity
was not an humble and despised creed,
but the adopted religion of a vast em
pire. The Pagan temples have fared
worse than these Christian churches.
The fanes of Jupiter and Diana, of ^Ra-
culapius and Venus, are prostrate in the

saith " he which hath the sharp
sword with two edges ;

dust; and where they have not been
carried away by the Turks, to cut up
into tombstones, or to pound into mor
tar, the Corinthian and Ionic columns,
the splendid capitals, the cornices and
the pediments, all in the highest orna
ment, are thrown into unsightly heaps."
Visit to the Seven Apocalyptic Churches,
1832. Comp. Missionary Herald for
1839, pp. 228-230.
The following cut will furnish a view
of the present appearance of the town.

PERGAMOS.

12. And to theangel of the church in
Penramos. See Notes on ch. i. 20.
f These things saith he who hath the
sharp sword, &a. See Notes on ch. i. 16.
Comp. Heb. iv. 12, Eccl. xii. 11, Isa.
xlix. 2. Prnf. Stuart suggests that
when tho Saviour, as represented in tho

vision, "uttered words, as they proceed
ed from his mouth, the halitus which
accompanied them assumed, in the view
of John, the form of an igneous two-
edged sword." It is more probablu,
however, that tho words which pro-
ceeded from his mouth did not assum9

A. D. 96.1

CHAPTER II.

95

13 I know" thy works, and where
thou dwellest, even where Satan's
seat is ; and thou holdest fast my
name, and hast not denied * my
» ver. 9. s 2 Ti. 2. 12.
any th'ng like a form or substance, but
John means to represent them as if they
were a sharp sword. His words cut and
penetrate deep, and it was easy to pic
ture him as having a sword proceeding
from his mouth ; that is, his words were
as piercing as a sharp sword. As he
was about to reprove the church at Per
gamos, there was a propriety in referring
to this power of the Saviour. Reproof
cuts deep; and this is the idea repre
sented here.
13. I know thy works. -The uniform
mode of addressing the seven churches
in these epistles. See Notes on ch. ii. 2.
f And where thou dwellest. That is, I
know all the temptations to which you
are exposed ; all the allurements to sin
by which you are surrounded; all the
apologies which might be made for what
has occurred arising from those circum
stances ; and all that could be said in
commendation of you for having been as
faithful as you bave been. The sense
of the passage is, that it does much to
enable us to judge of character to know
where men live. It is much more easy
to be virtuous and pious in some cir
cumstances than in others, and in order
to determine how much credit is due to
a man for his virtues, it is necessary to
understand how much be has been called
to resist ; how many temptations he has
encountered ; what easily-besetting sins
he may have ; or what allurements may
have been presented to his mind to draw
him from the path of virtue and religion.
In like manner, in order to judge cor
rectly of those who have embraced error,
or have been led into sin, His necessary
to understand what there may have
been in their circumstances that gave to
error what was plausible, and to sin
what was attractive ; what there was in
their situation in life that exposed them
to these influences, and what arguments
may have been employed by the learned,
the talented, and the plausible advocates
of error, to lead them astray. We often
judge harshly where the Saviour would
be far less severe in his judgments ; we
often commend much where in fact there

faith, even in those days wherein
Antipas was my faithful martyr,
who was slain among you, where
Satan dwelleth.

has been little to commend. It is pos
sible to conceive that in the strugglings
against evil of those who have ultimately
fallen, there may be more to commend
than in cases where the path of virtue
has been pursued as the mere result of
cireumstances, and where there never
has been a conflict with temptation.
The adjudications of the great day will
do much to reverse the judgments of
mankind, f Even where Satan's seat
is. A place of peculiar wickedness, as
if Satan dwelt there. Satan is, as it were,
enthroned there. The influence of Satan
in producing persecution, is that which
is particularly alluded to, as is apparent
from the reference which is immediately
made to the case of Antipas, the " faithful
martyr." \ And thou holdest fast my
name. They had professed the name of
Christ; that is, they had professed to be
his followers, and they had steadfastly
adhered to him and his cause in all the
opposition made to him. The name
Christian, given in honor of Christ, and
indicating that they were his disciples,
they had not been ashamed of or denied.
It was this name that subjected the
early Christians to reproach. See 1 Pet.
iv. 14. ^f And hast not denied my faith.
That is, hast not denied my religion. The
great essential element in the Christian
religion is faith, and this, since it is so
important, is often put for the whole of
religion. ^[ Even in those days wherein
Antipas was my faithful martyr. Of
Antipas we know nothing more than is
here stated. " In the Acta Sanctorum
(II. pp. 3, 4) is a martyrology of Anti
pas from a Greek MS.; but it is full of
fable and fiction, which a later age had
added to the original story." Prof.
Stuart, in loc. % Who was slain among
you. It would seem from this, that,
though the persecution had raged there,
but one person had been put to death.
It would appear also that the persecu
tion was of a local character, since Per
gamos is described as "Satan's seat;"
and the death of Antipas is mentioned
in immediate connexion with that fact.
All the circumstances referred to would

96

REVELATION,

[A. I>. 96

14 But I have a few things
against thee, because thou hast
there them that hold the doctrine

load us to suppose that this was a
popular outbreak and not a persecution
carried on under the authority of gov
ernment, and that Antipas was put to
death in a popular excitement. So
Stephen (Acts vii.) was put to death,
and so Paul at Lystra was stoned until
it was supposed he was dead. Acts.
xiv. 19. If Where Satan dwelleth. The
repetition of this idea — very much in
the manner of John — showed how in
tensely the mind was fixed on the
thought, and how much alive the feel
ings were to the malice of Satan as
exhibited at Pergamos.
14. But I have a few things against
thee. As against the church at Ephesus,
ch. ii. 4. The charge against this
church, however, is somewhat different
from that against the church at Ephesus.
The charge there was, that they had
"left their first love," but it is spoken in
commendation of them that they "hated
the deeds of the Nicolaitanes" (ch. ii. 6);
here the charge is, that they tolerated
that sect among them, and that they
had among them also those who held
the doctrine of Balaam. Their general
course had been such that the Saviour
could approve it j he did not approve,
however, of their tolerating those who
held to pernicious practical error — error
that tended to sap the very foundation
of morals. % Because thou hast those
there that hold the doctrine of Balaam.
It is not necessary to suppose that they
professedly held to the same opinion as
Balaam, or openly taught the same
doctrines. The meaning is, that they
taught substantially the same doctrine
which Balaam did, and deserved to be
classed with him. What that doctrine
was is stated in the subsequent part of
the verse. % Who taught Balac to cast
a stumbling-block before the children of
Israel. The word stumbling-block pro
perly means any thing over which one
falls or stumbles, and then any thing
over which any one may fall into sin, or
which becomes the occasion of one's
falling into sin. The meaning here is,
that it was through the instructions of
Balaam, that Balak learned tho way by
which tho Israelites might be led into

of Balaam, who ° taught Balac to
cast a stumbling-block before the
children of Israel, to eat * things
a Nu 31. 16. b Ac 15. 29.

sin, and might thus bring upon them
selves the divine malediction. The main
circumstances in the case were these:—
(1) Balak, king of Moab, when the child
ren of Israel approached his borders, felt
that he could not contend successfully
against so great a host, for his people
were dispirited and disheartened at their
numbers, Num. xxii. 3, 4. (2) In these
circumstances he resolved to send for
one who had a distinguished reputation
as a prophet, that he might "curse"
that people, or might utter a maledic
tion over them, in order at the same
time to ensure their destruction, and to
inspirit his own people in making war
on them : in accordance with a prevalent
opinion of ancient times, that prophets
had the power of hlighting anything by
their curse. Comp. Notes on -Job iii. S.
For this purpose, he sent messengers to
Balaam to invite him to eome and per
form this service. Num. xxii. 5, 6.
(3) Balaam professed to be a prophet of
the Lord, and it was obviously proper
that he should enquire of the Lord
whether he should comply with this
request. He did so, and was positively
forbidden to go. Num. xxii. 12. (4)
When the answer of Balaam was re
ported to Balak. he supposed that he
might be prevailed to come by the offer
of rewards, and he sent more dis
tinguished messengers, with an offer of
ample honor if he would come. Num.
xxii. 15-17. (5) Balaam was evidently
strongly inclined to go, but, in accord
ance with his character as a prophet, he
said that if Balak would give him his
house full of silver and gold he could
do no more, and say no more, than the
Lord permitted, and he proposed again
to consult the Lord to see if he could
obtain permission to go with the mes
sengers of Balak. He -obtained per
mission, but with the express injunction
that he was only to utter what God
should say, and when he came to Balak,
notwithstanding his own manifest desire
to comply with the wish of Balak, and
notwithstanding all the offers whioh
Balak made to him to induce him to
do the contrary, he only continued to
bless the Hebrew people, until, in dis-

CHAPTER II.

A. D. 96.J

sacrificed unto idols, and to com
mit fornication. "
a 1 Co. 6. is, 18.
gust and indignation, Balak sont him
away again to his own land. Num.
xxii. xxiii. xxiv. 10, Beq. (6) Balaam
¦oturned to his own bouse, but evidently
with a desire still to gratify Balak.
Being forbiddon to curse the people of
Israel ; having been ovorruled in all his
purposes to do it ; having been, contrary
to his own desires, constrained to bless
them when he was himself moro than
willing to curse them ; and having still
a desiro to comply with the wishes of
the king of Moab, he cast about for
somo way in which tho objeot might
yet bo accomplished ; that is, in which
the ourse of God might in fact rest
upon tho Hebrew people, and they
might booome exposed to the divine dis
pleasure. To do this, no way oocurred
so plausibre, and that had such proba
bility of succoss, as to load them into
idolatry, and into the sinful and corrupt
practioes connected with idolatry. It
was, therefore, rosolvod to make use of
the oharms of tho foinalos of Moab, that
through their influence, tho Hebrews
might be drawn into licentiousness.
This was done. The abominations of
idolatry spread through tho oamp of
Israel; licentiousness everywhere pro-
vailed, and God sont a plague upon thorn
to punish them. Num. xxv. 1, soq.
That also this was planned and insti
gated by Balaam, is apparent from
Num. xxxi. 16 : "Behold those [women]
caused tho ohildrcn of Israel, through
tho counsel of Balaam, to commit tres
pass against the Lord, in tho matter of
Peor, and thero was a. plague among the
congregation of the Lord." The attitude
of Balaam's mind in the matter was this :
I. He had a strong desiro to do that
which ho knew was wrong, and whioh
was forbidden expressly by God. II. He
was restrained by internal chocks and
remonstrances, and prevented from doing
what he wished to do. III. Ho oast
about for somo way in which ho might
do it, notwithstanding those intornal
ohooks and remonstranoes, and finally
accomplished the same thing, in faot,
though in form different from that whioh
he had first prepared. This, is not an
unfair description of what often ooours
9

97

15 So hast thou also them that
hold the doctrine of the Nico
laitanes, which thing I hate.

in the plans and purposes of a wicked
man. The meaning in the passage be
fore us is, that in the church at Per
gamos thero were those who taught,
substantially, the same thing that Balaam
did ; that is, the tendency of whose teach
ing was, to lead men into idolatry, and
tho ordinary accompaniment of idolatry
— licentiousnoss. If To eat things sacri
ficed unto idols. Balaam taught the
Hebrews to do this — perhaps in some
way securing thoir attendance on the
riotous and gluttonous feasts of idolatry
celebrated among the people among
whom they sojourned. Such feasts wore
commonly held in idol temples, and
thoy usually led to scenos of dissipation
and corruption. By plausibly teaching
that thero could be no harm in eating
what had been offered in sacrifice — since
an idol was nothing, and the flesh of
animals offored in sacrifice was tho samo
as if slaughtered for some othor pur
pose — it would seem that those tcaohors
at Pergamos had induced professing
Christians to attond on those feasts —
thus lending their countenanco to idol
atry, and oxposing thomsolvos to all
the corruption and licentiousness that
commonly attended such celebrations.
See tho banefulness of thus eating the
meat offored in saorifico to idols, con
sidered in tho Notes on 1 Cor. viii.
^f And to commit fornication. Balaam
taught this ; and that was tho tendenoy
of tho dootrines inculcatodat Pergamos.
On what pretenco this was dono is not
said; but it is clear that the churoh
had regarded this in a lenient manner.
So acoustomed had tho hoathon world
boen to this vice, that many who had
been converted from idolatry might bo
disposod to look on it with less severity
than we do now, and there was a neces
sity of inoossant watchfuiuoss lest the
members of the church should fall into
it. Comp. Notes on Acts xv. 20.
15. So hast thou also them, &<s. That
is, thero are thoso among you who hold
those dootrinos. Tho moaning here
may bo, either that, in addition to thoso
who hold tho doctrine of Balaam, they
had also anothor olnss who held the
doctrine of the Nicolaitanes ; or that the

98

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

16 Repent; or eke I will come
unto thee quickly, and ° will fight
against them with the sword of my
mouth.

a Is. 11. 4.

Nicolaitanes held the same doctrine, and
taught the same thing as Balaam. If
but one class is referred to, and it is
meant that the Nicolaitanes held the
doctrines of Balaam, then we know what
constituted then: teaching ; if two classes
of false teachers are referred to, then we
have no means of knowing what was the
peculiarity of the teaching of the Nico
laitanes. The more natural and obvious
construction, it seems to me, is, to sup
pose that the speaker means to say that
the Nicolaitanes taught the same things
which Balaam did :- — to wit, that they
led the people into corrupt and licen
tious practices. This interpretation
seems to be demanded by the proper
use of the word "so" — oBrws — meaning,
in this manner, on this wise, thus; and
usually referring to what precedes. If
this be the correct interpretation, then
we have, in fact, a description of what
the Nicolaitanes held, agreeing with all
the accounts given of them "by the
ancient fathers. See Notes on ver. 6.
If this is so, also, then it is clear that
the same kind of doctrines was held at
Smyrna, at Pergamos, and at Thyatira
(ver. 20), though mentioned in Somewhat
different forms. It is not quite certain,
however, that this is the correct inter
pretation, or that the writer does not
mean to say that in addition to those
who held the doctrine of Balaam, they
had also another class of errorists who
held the doctrine of the Nicolaitanes.
\ Wldch thing 1 hate. So the common
Greek text — 8 /xicia. But the best sup
ported reading, and the one adapted by
Glriesbach, Tittmann, and Hahn, is bfivtuis
— in like manner; that is, 'as Balak
retained a false prophet who misled the
Hebrews, so thou retainest • those who
teach things like to those which Balaam
taught.' 16. Hepent. See ver. 5. ^ Or else I
will come unto thee quickly. On the word
quickly, see Notes on ch. i. 1. The
meaning here is, that he would come
against them in judgment, or to punish
them. ^ And will fight against them.
Against the Nicolaitanes. He would

17 He b that hath an ear, let him
hear what the Spirit saith unto the
churches ; to hirn that overcometh
o ver. 7. c. 3. 6, 13, 22.

come against the church for tolerating
them, but his opposition would be prin
cipally directed against the Nicolaitanes
themselves. The church would excite
his displeasure by retaining them in its
bosom, but it was in its power to save
them from destruction. If the church
would repent, or if it would separate
itself from the evil, then the Saviour
would not come against them. If this
were not done, they would feel the
vengeance of his. sword, and be sub
jected to punishment. The church
always suffers when it has offenders in
its bosom ,• it has the power of saving
them if it will repent of its own'unfaith-
fulness, and will strive for their con
version. ^[ With the sword of my mouth.
Notes, ch. i. 16, ii. 12. That is, he would
give the prder and they would be cut
as if by a sword. Precisely in what way
it would- be done, he does not sayj but
it might be by persecution, or by heavy
judgments. To see the force of this, we
are to remember the power which Christ
has to punish the wicked by a word of
his mouth. By a word in the last day
he will turn all the wicked into hell.
17. He that hath an ear, &c. Notes
on ver. 7. % To him that overcometh.
Notes on ver. 7. ^ Will I give to eat
of the hidden manna. The true spiritual
food ; the food that nourishes the soul.
The idea is, that the souls of those who
" overcame," or who gained the victory
in their conflict with sin, and in the
persecutions and trials of the world,
would be permitted to partake of that
spiritual food which is laid up for the
people of G-od, and by which they will
be nourished forever. The Hebrews
were supported by manna in the desert
(Ex. xvi. 16-35); a pot of that manna
was laid up in the most holy place to be
preserved as a memorial (Ex. xvi. 32-
34) j it is called " angers food" ( Vs.
lxxviii. 25), and " corn of heaven" (Ps.
lxxviii. 24) ; and it would seem to have
been emblematical of that spiritual food
by which the people of God are to be
fed from heaven, in their journej
through this world. By the word " kid

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER II.

99

will I give to eat of the hidden ° | manna, and will give hi:n a white
a Ps. 25. 14.

den," there would seem to be an allusion
to that which was laid up in the pot
before th3 Ark of the Testimony, and
the blessing which is promised here is
that they would be nourished as if they
were sustained by that manna thus laid
up before the ark : — by food from the
immediate presence of God. The lan
guage thus explained would mean that
they who overcome will be nourished
through this life as if by that "hidden
manna ;" that is, that. they will be sup
plied all along through the " wilderness
of this world" by that food from the im
mediate presence of God which their
souls require. As the parallel places
in the epistles to the churches, however,
refer rather to the heavenly world, and
to the rewards which they who are vic
tors shall have there, it seems probable
that this has immediate reference to that
world also, and that the meaning is,
that, us the Most Holy place was a type
of heaven, they will be admitted into the
immediate presence of God, and nou
rished forever by the food of heaven —
that which the angels have j that which
the soul will need to sustain it there.
Even in this world their souls may be
nourished with this "hidden manna ;"
in heaven it will be their constant food
forever. ^[ And I will give him a while
stone. There has been .a great variety
of opinion in regard to the meaning of
this expression, and almost no two ex
positors agree. Illustrations of its
meaning have been sought from Grecian,
Hebrew, and Roman customs, but none
of these have removed all difficulty from
the expression. The general sense of
tho language seems plain, even though
tile allusion on which it is founded is
obscure or even unknown. It is, that
the Saviour would give him who over
came, a token of his favor which would
have some word or name inscribed on
it, and which would be of use to him
alone, or intelligible to him only : — that
is, some secret token which would make
him sure of the favor of his Redeemer,
and which would be unknown to other
men. The idea here would find a cor
respondence in the evidences of his favor
granted to the soul of the Christian him
self; in the pledge of heaven thus made
to him, and which he would understand,

but which no one else would understand.
The things, then, which we are to look
for in the explanation of the emblem
are two: — that which would thus be a
token of his favor; and that which
would explain the fact that it would be
intelligible to no one else. The question
is, whether there is any k,nown thing
pertaining to ancient customs which
would convey these ideas. The word
rendered stone — \pi)<pos— means properly
a small stone, as worn smooth by water
— a gravel-stone, a pebble; then any
polished stone, the stone of a gem or
ring. Mob. Lex. Such a stone was
used among the Greeks for various pur- .
poses, and the word came to have a sig
nification corresponding to these uses.
The following uses are enumerated by
Dr. Robinson (Lex.) ; the stones or
counters for reckoning ; dice, lots, used
in a kind of magic; a vote, spoken of
the black and white stones or pebbles
anciently used in voting; that is, the
white for approval, and the black for
condemning. In regard to the use of
the word here, some have supposed that
the reference is to a custom of the
Roman emperors, who, in the games and
spectacles which they gave to the
people in imitation of the Greeks, are
said to have thrown among tho popu
lace dice or tokens inscribed with the
words "Frumentum, vestes," &c. ; that
is, "corn, clothing," &c, and whosoever
obtained one of these received from the
emperor whatever was marked upon it.
Others suppose that allusion is made to
the mode of casting lots, in which some
times dice or tokens were used with
names inscribed on them, and the lot
fell to him whose name first came out.
The " white stone" was a symbol of good-
fortune and prosperity, ¦ and it is a
remarkable circumstance that among the
Greeks persons of distinguished virtue
were said to receive a ^r}<pos — stone —
from the gods, i. e. as an approving
testimonial of their virtue. See Robin
son's Lex., and the authorities there
referred to ; "Wetstein, N. T., in loc, and
Stuart, in loc. Prof. Stuart supposes
that Che allusion, is to the fact that
Christians are said to be kings and
priests to God, and that as the Jewish
high priest had a mitre or turban, on the

100

REVELATION,

[A. D, 96.

stone, and in the stone a new a
name written, which no man
a Is. 56. 4; 66. 15. c. 3. 12; 19. 12, 13.
front of which was a plate of gold
inscribed "Holiness to the Lord," so
they who were kings and priests under
the Christian dispensation would have
that by which they would be known,
but that, instead of a plate of gold, they
would have a pellucid stone, on which
the name of the Saviour would be
engraved as a token of his favor. It is
possible, in regard to the explanation of
this phrase, that there has been too
much effort to find all the circumstances
alluded to, in some ancient custom.
Some well-understood fact or custom
may have suggested the general thought,
and then the filling up may have been
applicable to this case alone. It is quite
clear, I think, that none of the customs
to which it has been supposed there is
reference, correspond fully with what is
stated here, and that though there
may have been a general allusion of
that kind, yet something of the par
ticularity in the circumstances may be
regarded as peculiar to this alone. In
accordance with this view, perhaps the
following points will embody all that
need be said : (1) A white stone was re
garded as a token of favor, prosperity,
or success, everywhere — whether con
sidered as a vote, or as given to a
victor, &c. As such, it would denote
that the Christian to whom it is said to
be given would meet with the favor of
the Redeemer, and would have a token
of his approval. (2) The name written
on this stone would be designed also as
a token or pledge of his favor — as a
name engraved on a signet or seal would
be a pledge to him who received it of
friendship. It would be not merely a
white stone — emblematic of favor and
approval, but would be so marked as to
indicate its origin — with the name of
tho giver on it. This would appro
priately denote, when explained, that
the victor Christian would receive a
token of th« Redeemer's favor, as if
his name were engraven on a stone, and
given to him as a pledge of his friend
ship ; that is, that he would be as certain
of his favor as if he had such a stone.
In other words, the victor would be

knoweth b saving he that receiv-
eth it b 1 Co. 2. 14

assured from the Redeemer who dis
tributes rewards, that his welfare would
be secure. (3) This would be to him as
if he should receive a stone so marked
that its letters were invisible to all
others, but apparent to him who re
ceived it. It is not needful to suppose
that in the Olympic games, or in the
prizes distributed by Roman emperors,
or in any other custom, such a case had
actually occurred, but it is conceivable
that a name might be so engraved — with
characters so small, or in letters so un
known to all others, or with marks so
unintelligible to others, that no other
one into whose hands it might fall would
understand it. — The meaning then pro- *
bably is, that to the true Christian — the
victor over sin — there is given some
pledge of the divine favor which has to
him all the effect of assurance, and which
others do not perceive or understand.
This consists of favors shown directly to
the soul — the evidence of pardoned sin;
joy in the Holy Ghost; peace with God;
clear views of the Saviour; the posses
sion of a spirit which is properly that of
Christ, and which is the gift of God to
the soul. The true Christian under
stands this ; the world perceives it not.
Tho Christian receives it as a pledge of
the divine favor, and as on evidence that
he will be saved; to the world that on
which he relies seems to be enthusiasm,
fanaticism, or delusion. The Christian
bears it about with him as he would a
precious stone given to him by his Re
deemer, and on which the name of his
Redeemer is engraved, as a pledge that
he is accepted of God, and that the re
wards of heaven shall be his ; the world
does not understand it, or attaches no
value to it. ^f And in the stone a new
name written. A name indicating a new
relation, new hopes and triumphs. Pro
bably the name here referred to is the
name of the Redeemer, or the name
Christian, or some such appellation. It
would be some name which he would
understand and appreciate, and which
would be a pledge of acceptance.
% Which no man knoweth, &c. That is,
no one wtmld understand its import, as

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER II.

101

no one but the Christian estimates the
valuo of that on which he relies as the
pledge of his Redeemer's love.
THE EPISTLE TO THE CHUECH AT
THYATIRA.
The contents of this epistle (18-29),
are as follows : (1) A reference, as is
. usual in these epistles, to some attribute
of the Saviour which demanded their
particular attention, or which was espe
cially appropriate to the nature of the
message which he was about to send to
them, ver. 18. The attributes which he
fixes on here are, that his eyes are like
aflame of fire — as if they would pierce
and penetrate to the recesses of the
heart; and that his feet are like fine
brass — perhaps indicative of majesty as
he moved among the churches. (2) A
statement, in the usual form, that he
was entirely acquainted with the church,
and that, therefore, the judgment which
he was about to pronounce was founded
on a thorough knowledge of what the
church was ; and a general commenda
tion of them for their charity, service,
faith, and patience, ver. 19. (3) A
severe reproof of the church, notwith
standing, for their tolerating a teacher
of dangerous doctrine, whom he calls
Jezebel, with the assurance that she and
her children should not go unpunished,
vs. 20-23. (4) An assurance to all the
rest in Thyatira that no other calamity
or burden would come upon the church
than what was inevitable in delivering
it from the dangerous influence of these
doctrines, and a solemn charge to them
to hold fast all the truth which they had
until he should come, vs. 24, 25. (5) A
promise, as usual, to those who should
overcome, or who should be victoriouSj
vs. 26-29. They would have power over
the nations ; they would be associated
with the Redeemer in ruling them ; they
would have the morning star. (6) A
call, as usual, on all who had ears to
hear, to attend to what the Spirit said
to the churches.
Thyatira was a city of Asia Minor, on
the northern border of Lydia, and com
monly reckoned as belonging to Lydia.
It was about twenty-seven miles from
Sardis; about a day's journey from
Pergamos, and about the same distance
from the sea-coast. Its modern name is
Ak-hissar, or the white castle. Accord
ing to Pliny, it was known in earlier
9*

times by the name of Pelopia, Hist.
Nat. v. 29. Strabo says that it was
a Macedonian colony; .xiii. p. 928.
The Roman road from Pergamos to
Sardis passed through it. It was noted
for the art of dyeing (Acts xvi. 14), and
Luke's account in the Acts has been
confirmed by the discovery of an inscrip
tion in honor of Antonius Claudius
Alphenus, which • concludes with the
words ol pa<pet$~the dyers. The Rev.
Pliny Fisk, the American missionary,
who visited the city, thus describes it : —
" Thyatira is situated near a small
river, a branch of the Caicus, in the
centre of an extensive plain. At the
distance of three or four miles, it is al
most completely surrounded by moun
tains. The houses are low; many of
them of mud or earth. Excepting the
motsellim's palace, these is scarcely a
decent house in the place. The streets
are narrow and dirty, and everything
indicates poverty and degradation. "We
had a letter of introduction to Bconomo,
the bishop's procurator, and a principal
man among the Greeks of this town. . .
He says, the Turks have destroyed all
remnants of the ancient church; and
even the place where it stood is now
unknown. At present, there are in the
town one thousand houses, for which
taxes are paid to the government." —
Memoir of the Rev. P. Fisk. Boston,
Mass., 1 828.
The following description, by the Rev.
Mr. Schneider, Missionary of the Ame
rican Board, will give a correct view of
Thyatira, as it existed in 1848 : —
"From Magnesia, we proceeded to
Thyatira, the site of one of the Apoca
lyptic churches, now called Akhissar.
The population consists of about seven
hundred Mussulman houses, two hun
dred and fifty Greek, and fifty Armenian.
The town is located in a plain of consi
derable size, and is hardly visible on be
ing approached, by reason of the pro
fusion of foliage. The plain itself is
bounded on all sides by mountains, and
cotton and a kind of reddish root [mad
der], used for dyeing red, are raised
abundantly. I observed, thai this root
is extensively cultivated in all that re
gion, and forms an important article of
export to England, where it is used for
dyeing purposes. In Acts xvi. 14, we
read of Lydia, a seller of purple of the
city of Thyatira. May not this root be

102

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

the very article with which her purple
was colored, which she was selling at
Philippi, when the Lord opened her
heart to attend to the things spoken
by Paul? It seems to me probable.
But, if it was so, this art of coloring
appears to have been lost, for I could
not find that it is now at all practised
in that place or that region.
" The Christian traveller and mission
ary naturally looks for. something inte
resting in a place where once existed a
true church of Christ. But, alas ! how
sadly is he disappointed ! The place
presents an appearance in nothing dif
ferent from other Turkish towns. Every
thing wears a Mussulman aspect. The
houses, streets, dress, occupation, and
language of the inhabitants, all indi
cate a predominating Turkish influence.
Christianity exists there in name, but it
is the bare name. Its spirit has long
since fled.. The Greeks, especially, seem
to be peculiarly superstitious. I visited
their church, and found it full of pic
tures and other marks of degenerate

Christianity. A long stringy of these
images, extending from one side of the
church to the other, was suspended so
low as to permit the worshipper to ap
proach and kiss them ; and so frequently
had this adoration been bestowed on
them, that all appeared soiled from the
frequent contact of the lips. Over the
entrance of the church, I observed a re
presentation of a grave old man, with a
silvery beard, surrounded by angels.
Suspecting the object designed to he
shadowed forth, I inquired of a lad
standing by, what that figure meant?
He instantly replied, ' It is God.' I ob
served two similar representations of the
Deity in the interior of the churoh. The
church -yard is used as a burying-plaee ;
but only those, whose friends are able to
pay for the privilege of entombing their
dead there, can enjoy it. Candles ore
lighted at the heads of the graves in the
night, and incense is often burned
When the process of decay has pro
ceeded so far as to leave nothing bu»
the bones, these are taken up and thrown

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THYATIEA.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER II.

103

18 And unto the angel of the
church in Thyatira write ; These
things saith the Son of God, who
hath his eyes * like unto a flame of
fire, and his feet are like fine brass;
a c. 1. 14, 15.
into a sealed vault, over which a chapel is
fitted up, in which mass is said over these
relics of the dead for the benefit of their
souls. A feeling of abhorrence came
over me, as I stood in the place where
such abominations are committed.
" The Armenians are far less supersti
tious. Comparatively only a few pic
tures are to be seen in their church, and
three or four individuals are more or less
enlightened, and in an inquiring state of
mind. "We had a long interview with
one of them, the teacher, and left some
books with him. I am not without
hopes, that a little gospel leaven has
been deposited here, the effects of which
will appear at some future day." — Mies.
Herald, Feb. 1848.
The annexed cut will give a represen
tation of this city as it now exists.
18. And unto the angel of the church.
See Notes on ch. i. 20. ^[ These things
saith the Son of God. This is the first
time, in these epistles, that the name of
the speaker is referred to. In each other
instance, there is merely some attribute
of the Saviour mentioned. Perhaps the
severity of the rebuke contemplated here
made it proper that there should be a
more impressive reference to the autho
rity of the speaker; and hence, he is in
troduced as the " Son of God." It is not
a reference to him as the " Son of man"
— the common appellation which he gave
to himself when on earth; — for that
might have suggested his humanity only,
and would not have conveyed the same
impression in regard to his authority —
but it is to himself as sustaining the
rank, and having the authority of the
Son of God — one who, therefore, has a
right to speak, and a right to demand
that what he says shall he heard.
^[ Who hath his eyes like unto a flame
of fire. Comp. Notes on ch. i. 14. Be
fore the glance uf his eye all is light,
and nothing can be concealed from his
view. Nothing would be better fitted to
inspire awe then, as nothing should be
now, than such a reference to the Son
of God as being able to penetrate the

19 I h know thy works, and cha
rity, and service, and faith, and thy
patience, and thy works; and the
last to be more than the first.

secret recesses of the heart. ^ And his
feet are like fine braes. See Notes on
ch. i. 15. Perhaps indicative of majesty
and glory as he walked in tho midst of
the churches.
19. i" know thy works. See Notes on
ch. ii. 2. He knew all thev had done,
good and bad. <[ And charity. Love: —
love to God, and love to man. There is
no reason for restricting this word here
to the comparatively narrow sense which
it now bears. Comp. Notes on 1 Cor.
xiii. 1. ^[ And service. Gr. ministry —
biciKoviav. The word would seem to in
clude all the service which the church
had rendered in the cause of religion ;
all which was the proper fruit of love,
or which would be a carrying out of the
principles of love to God and man.
^ And faith. Or, fidelity in the cause
of the Redeemer. The word here would
include not only trust in Christ for sal
vation, but that which is the proper re
sult of such trust — fidelity in his service.
^[ And thy patience. Patient endurance
of the sorrows of life, — of all that God
brought upon them in any way, to test
the reality of their religion. ^[ And thy
works. Thy works as the fruit of the
virtues just mentioned. The word is
repeated here, from the first part of the
verse, perhaps, to specify more particu
larly that their works had been recently
more numerous and praiseworthy even
than they had formerly been. In the
beginning of the verse, as in the com
mencement of each of the epistles, the
word is used, in the most general sense,
to denote all that they had done ; mean
ing that he had so thorough an acquaint
ance with them in all respects, that he
could judge of their character. In the
latter part of the verse, the word seems
to be used in a more specific sense, as
referring to good works, and with a view
to say that they had latterly abounded
in these more than they had formerly.
^[ And the last to be more than the first.
Those whieh have been recently per
formed ore more numerous, and mora
commendable, than those which have

104

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

20 Notwithstanding, I have a few
things against thee, because thou
Bufferest that woman Jezebel,*which
calleth herself a prophetess, to teach
a 1 K. 16. 31.

been rendered formerly. That is, they
were making progress; they had been
acting more and more in accordance
with the nature and claims of the Chris
tian profession. This is a most honor
able commendation, and one which every
Christian, and every church, should seek.
Religion in the soul, and in a commu
nity, is designed to be progressive ; and,
while we should seek to live in such a
manner always that we may have the
commendation of the Saviour, we should
regard it as a thing to be greatly desired
that we may be approved as making ad
vances in knowledge and holiness; that
as we grow in years we may grow alike
in the disposition to do good, and in the
ability to do it; that as we gain in ex
perience, we may also gain in a readiness
to apply the results of our experience in
promoting the cause of religion. He
would deserve little commendation in
religion, who should be merely station
ary; he alone properly developes the
nature of true piety, and shows that it
has set up its reign in the soul, who is
constantly making advances.
20. Notwithstanding, I have a few
things against thee. Comp. Notes on
ver. 4. ^[ Because thou sufferest that
woman Jezebel. Thou dost tolerate, or
countenance her. Comp. Notes on ver.
14. , Who the individual here referred to
by the name Jezebel was, is not known.
It is by no means probable that this was
her real name, but it seems to have been
given to her as expressive, of her cha
racter and influence. Jezebel was the
wife of Ahab — a woman of vast influ
ence over her husband, — an influence
which was uniformly exerted for evil.
She was a daughter of Ethbaal, king of
Tyre and Sidon, and lived about 918 years
before Christ. She was an idolater, and
induced her weak husband not only to
connive at her introducing the worship
of her native idols, but to become an
idolater himself, and to use all the
means in his power to establish the
worship of idols instead of the worship
of the true God. She was highly gifted,
persuasive, and artful; was resolute in

and to seduce my servants to com
mit fornication, and to eat * things
sacrificed unto idols.
&Ex. 34. 15. 1 Co. 10. 20,28.

the accomplishment of her purposes;
ambitious of extending and perpetuating
her power, and unscrupulous in the
means which she employed to execute
her designs. See 1 Kings xvi. 31, seq.
The kind of character, therefore, which
would be-designated by the term as used
here, would be, that of a woman who
was artful and persuasive in her man
ner ; who was capable of exerting a wide
influence over others; who had talents
of a high order; who was a thorough
advocate of error ; who was unscrupu
lous in the means which she employed
for accomplishing her ends, and the
tendency of whose influence was to lead
the people into the abominable practices
of idolatry. The opinions which she
held, and the practices into which she
led others, appear to have been the same
which are referred to in ver. 6, and vs. 14,
15, of this chapter. The difference was,
that the teacher in this case was a wo
man — a circumstance which by no means
lessened the enormity of the offence ; fur,
besides the fact that it was contrary to
the whole genius of Christianity that a
woman should be a public teacher, there
was a special incongruity that she should
be an advocate of such abominable opi
nions and practices. Every sentiment
of our nature makes us feel that it is
right to expect that if a woman teaches
at all in a public manner, she should in
culcate only that which is true and holy
— she should be an advocate of a pure
life. "We are shocked ; we feel that thera
is a violation of every principle of oui
nature, and an insult done to our com
mon humanity, if it is otherwise. W(
have in a manner become accustomed to
the fact that man should be a teacher of
pollution and error, so that we do not
shrink from it with horror; we never
can be reconciled to the fact that a zco-
man should. <j[ Which calleth herself a
prophetess. Many persons set up the
claim to be prophets in the times when
the gospel was first preached, and it is
not improbable tbat many females would
lay claim to such a character, after the
example of Miriam, Deborah, Huldah.&o.

A. D. 96.]

21 And I gave her space " to re
pent of her fornication ; and she
repented not.*
22 Behold, I c will cast her into
a Eo. 2. 4. 2 Pe. 3. 9. 4 c 9. 20.
c Eze. 16. 37 ; 23. 29.

CHAPTER II.

105

^[ To teach and seduce my servants to
com mit fornication. Comp. ver. 14.
Whether she herself practised what she
taught, is not expressly afBrmed, but
seems to be implied in ver. 22. It is
not often that persons teach these doc
trines without practising what they
teach ; and the fact that they desire and
design to live in this manner will com
monly account for the fact that they in
culcate such views. ^[ And to eat things
sacrificed to idols. See Notes on ver. 14.
The custom of attending on the festivals
of idols led commonly to licentiousness,
and they who were gross and sensual in
their lives were fit subjects to be per
suaded to attend on idol feasts— for no
where else would they find more unli
mited toleration for the indulgence of
their passions.
21. And I gave her space to repent of
her fornication. Probably after some
direct and solemn warning of the evil
of her course. The error and sin had
been of long standing, but he now re
solved to bear with it no longer. It is
true of almost every great sinner, that
sufficient time is given for repentance,
and that vengeance is delayed after
crime is committed. But it oannot al
ways be deferred, for the period must
arrive when no reason shall exist for
longer delay, and when punishment must
come upon the offender. % And she re
pented not. As she did not do it; as
she showed no disposition to abandon
her course; as all plea of having had
uo time to repent would now be taken
away, it was proper that he should rise
in his anger, and cut her down.
22. Behold, I will cast her into a bed.
Not into a bed of ease, but a bed of
pain. There is evidently a purpose to
contrast this with her former condition.
The harlot's bed and a sick-bed are thus
brought together, as they are often in
fact in the dispensations of Providence
and the righteous judgment of God.
One cannot be indulged without lead
ing on, sooner or later, to the horrid
sufferings of tbe ether: — and how

a bed, and them that commit adul
tery with her into great tribulation,
except they repent of their deeds.
24 And I will killd her children

d c. 6. 8.

soon, no one knows. ^[ And them that
commit adultery with her. Those who
are seduced by her doctrines into this
sin ; either they who commit it with
her literally, or who are led into the
same kind of life, f Unto great tri
bulation. Great suffering; disease of
body or tortures of the soul. How often
— how almost uniformly is this the case
with those who thus live ! Sooner or
later, sorrow always comes upon the li
centious ; and God has evinced by some
of his severest judgments, in forms of
frightful disease, his displeasure at the
violation of the laws of purity. There
is not sin that produces a more withering
and desolating effect upon the soul than
thatwhich is here referred to; none which
is more certain to be followed with sor
row. ^[ Except they repent of their deeds.
It is only by repentance that we can
avoid the consequences of sin. The
word repent here evidently includes both
sorrow for the past, and abandonment
of the evil course of life.
23. And I will kill her children with
death. A strong Hebraistic mode of ex
pression, meaning that he would cer
tainly destroy them. It has been made
a question whether the word children.
here is to he taken literally or figura
tively. The word itself would admit of
either interpretation ; and there is no
thing in the connexion by which its
meaning here can be determined. If it
is. to be taken literally, it is in accord
ance with what is often threatened in
the Scriptures, that children shall be
visited with calamity for the sins of pa
rents, and with what often occurs in
fact, that they do thus suffer. For, it
is no uncommon thing that whole fami
lies are made desolate on account of the
sin and folly of the parent. Seo Notes
on Rom. v. 19. If it is to betaken figu
ratively, then it refers to those who bad
imbibed her doctrines, and who, of course,
would suffer in the punishment wbich
would follow from the propagation of
such doctrines. — The reference in the
word " death" here would seem to be to

106

REVELATION,

[A D. 96

with death ; and all the churches °
shall know that I* am he which
searcheth the reins and hearts ; and
I c will give unto every one of you
according to your works.
a Zeph 1. 11. b 1. Ch. 28. 9 ; 2 Ch. 6. 30 ;
Ps. 7. 9 ; Je. 17. 10. c Pb. 62. 12.

some heavy judgment — by plague, fa
mine, or sword, by which they would be
cut off. fl And all the churches shall
know, &c. That is, the design of this
judgment will be so apparent, that it
will convince all that I know what is in
the hearts of men, even the secret acts
of wickedness that are concealed from
human view, \ / am he which searcheth
the reins and hearts. This is clearly a
claim to omniscience, and as it is the
Lord Jesus who speaks in all these epis
tles, it is a full proof that he claims this
for himself. There is nothing which
more clearly appertains to God than the
power of searching the heart, and no
thing that is more constantly claimed
by him as his peculiar prerogative.
I Chron. xxviii. 9; Ps. vii. 9; xi. 4;
xliv. 21 ; cxxxix. 2 ; Prov. xv. 3 ; Jer.
xi. 20; xvii. 10; xx. 12; xxxii. 19;
Heb. iv. 13. — The word reins — vetpods —
means, literally, the kidney, and is com
monly used in the plural, to denote the
kidneys, or the loins. In the Scriptures,
it is used to denote the inmost mind, the
secrets of the soul — probably because
the parts referred to by the word are as
hidden as any other part of the frame,
and would seem to be the repository of
tho more secret affections of the mind.
It is not to be supposed that it is taught
in the Scriptures that the reins are the
real seat of any of the affections or pas
sions ; but there is no more impropriety
in using the term in a popular significa
tion than there is in using the word
heart, which all continue to use, to de
note tho seat of love. ^[ And I will give
unto every one of you according to your
work*. To every one of you ; not only
to those wh: have embraced these opi
nions, but to all the church. This is the
uniform rule laid down in the Bible, by
which God will judgo men.
24. But unto you I say, and unto the
rest, in Thyatira. The word "and" —
tot — is omitted in many MSS. and ver
sions, and in the critical editions of
ftrioabacb, Tittmann, ami Hahn, and the

24 But unto you I say, and unto
the rest in Thyatira, as many as
have not this doctrine, and which
have not known the depths d of
Satan, as they speak; I will put
upon you none other burden.
d 2 Th. 2. 9-12.

connexion demands that it should be
omitted. As it stands in the received
text, it would seem that what he here
says was addressed to those who had
received that doctrine, and. to all others
as well as to them ; whereas the decla
ration here made pertains manifestly to
those who had not received the doctrine.
With that particle omitted, the passage
will read, as rendered by Prof. Stuart,
" But I say unto yon, the remainder in
Thyatira, so many as hold not this doc
trine," <fcc. That is, he addresses now
all the members of the church who were
not involved in the charges already
made. He does not say how large a
portion of the church had escaped
the contaminating influence of those
opinions, but to that portion, whether
great or small, he addresses only words
of exhortation and comfdrt. % As many
as have not this doctrine. To all who
have not embraced it, or been con
taminated with it. It may be presumed
that there was a considerable portion of
the church which had not. ^ And which
have not known the depths of Satan.
The deep art and designs of Satan.
Deep things are those which are hidden
from view — as of things which are far
under ground, and hence the word is
used to denote mysteries, or profound
designs and purposes. The allusion here
is not to any trials or sufferings that
Satan might bring upon any one, or to
any temptations of which he might be
the author, but to his profound art in
inculcating error and leading men astray.
There are doctrines of error, and argu
ments for sin, to originate which seems
to lie beyond the power of men, and
which would appear almost to have
exhausted the talent of Satan himself.
They evince such a profound knowledge
of man; of the divine government; of
the course of events on earth ; and of
what our race needs, and "they ore
defended with so much eloquence, skill,
learning, and subtil ty of argumentation,
that they appear to lie beyond the com-

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER II
have

107

25 But that " which ye
already hold fast till I come.
26 And he that overcometh, * and
a c. 3. 11. b ver. 7, 11, 17. c 3. 5, 12'
21; 21.7.
pass of the human powers. ^ As they
speak. This cannot mean that the
defenders of these errors themselves
called their doctrines "the depths of
Satan," for no teachers would choose so
to designate their opinions ; hut it must
mean, either that they who were opposed
to those errors characterized them as
" the depths of Satan," or that they who
opposed them said that they had not
known "the depths of Satan." — Prof.
Stuart understands it in the latter sense.
A somewhat more natural interpretation,
it seems to me, however, is to refer it to
what the opposers of these heretics said
of these errors. They called them " the
depths of Satan," and they professed not
to bave known any thing of them. The
meaning perhaps would bo expressed by
the familiar words, " as they say," or as
" they call them," in the following man
ner : — c As many as have not known the
depths of Satan, as they say,' or,' to
use, their own language.' Doddridge
paraphrases it, "As they proverbially
speak." Tyndal encloses it in a paren
thesis. If / will put upon you none
other burden. That is, no other than
that which you now experience from
having these persons with you, and that
which must attend the effort to purify
the churoh. He had not approved their
conduct for suffering these persons to
remain in the church, and he threatens
to punish all those who had become
contaminated with these pernicious doc
trines. He evidently designed to say
that there was some token of his dis
pleasure proper in the case, but he was
not disposed to bring upon them any
other expression of his displeasure than
that which grew naturally and neces
sarily out of the fact that they had been
tolerated among them, and those trou
bles and toils which must attend the
effort to deliverthe church from these
errors. Under 'any circumstances the
church must suffer. It would suffer in
reputation. It would suffer in respect
to its internal tranquillity. Perhaps
also, these were those who were impli
cated in these errors, and who would be

keepeth my works * unto the end,
to him will I give power over the
nations : c Jno. 6. 29. Ja. 2. 20.

implicated in the punishment, who had
friends and kindred in the church, and
the judgments which were to como
upon the advocates of these errors must,
therefore, come in a measure upon the
church. A kind Saviour says, that he
would bring upon them no other, and no
weightier burden, than must arise from
his purpose to inflict appropriate ven
geance on the guilty themselves. The
trouble which would grow out of that
would be a sufficient expression of his
displeasure. This is in fact often now
all that is necessary as a punishment
on a church for harboring the advocates
of error and of sin. The church has
trouble enough ultimately in getting rid
of them; and the injury which such
persons do to its piety, peace, and repu
tation, and the disorders of which they
ore the cause, constitute a sufficient
punishment for having tolerated them
in its bosom. Often the most severe
punishment that God can bring upon
men is, to "lay upon them.no other
burden" than to leave them to the
inevitable consequences of their own
folly, or to the trouble and vexation
incident to the effort to free them
selves from what they had for a long
time tolerated or practised.
25. But that which ye have, &c. All
that there is of truth and purity remain
ing among you, retain faithfully. Comp.
ch. iii. 11. If Till I come. To receive
you to myself. John xiv. 3.
26. And he that overcometh. Notes
ch. ii. 7. % And keepeth my works unto
the end. The works that I command
and that I require, to the end of hie
life. Comp. John xiii. 1. f To him will
I give power over the nations. The evi
dent meaning of what is said here, and
in the next verse, is, that in accordance
with the uniform promise made to the
redeemed in the New Testament, they
would partake of the final triumph and
glory of the Saviour, and be associated
with him. It is not said that they
would have exclusive power over the
nations, or that they would hold offices
of trust under him during a personal

108

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

27 And a he shall rule them with
a rod of iron ; as the vessels of a
potter shall they be broken to
a Vs. 49. 14 ; 149. 5-9,
reign on the earth, but the meaning is
that they would be associated with him
in his future glory. Comp. Notes on
Rom. viii. 17 ; 1 Cor. vi. 2, 3.
27. And he shall rule them with a rod
of iron. There is an allusion here to
Ps. ii. 9 : " Thou shalt break them with
a rod of iron ; thou shalt dash them in
pieces like a potter's vessel." There is
a slight change in the passage, " he
shall rule," instead of " thou shalt
break ;" in order to adapt the language to
the purpose of the speaker here. The
allusion in the Psalm is to the Messiah
as reigning triumphant over the nations,
or subduing them under him, and the
idea here, as in the previous verse, is,
that his redeemed people will be asso
ciated with him in this dominion. To
rule with a sceptre of iron, is not to rule
with a harsh and tyrannical sway, but
with power that is firm and invincible.
It denotes a government of strength, _or
one that cannot be successfully opposed;
one in which the subjects are effectually
subdued. % As the vessels of a potter
shall they be broken to shivers. The
image here is that of the vessel of a
potter — a fragile vessel of clay — struck
with a rod of iron, and broken into
fragments. That is, as applied to the
nations, there would be no power to
oppose his rule ; the enemies of his gov
ernment would be destroyed. Instead
of remaining firm and compacted toge
ther, they would be broken like the
clay vessel of a potter when struck with
a rod of iron. The speaker does not
intimate when this would be, but all that
is said here would be applicable to that
time when the Son of God will come to
judge the world, and when his saints
will be associated with him in his
triumphs.1 As, in respect to all the
others of tho seven epistles to the
churches, the rewards promised refer to
heaven, and to the happy state of that
blessed world, it would seem also that
this should have a similar reference, for
there is no reason why "to him that
overcame" in Thyatira a temporal re
ward and triumph should be promised

shivers : even as I b received of my
Father. 28 And I will give him the
morning star. c
b Ps. 2. 9. c c 22. 16.
more than in the cases of the others.
If so, then this passage should not be
adduced as having any reference to an
imaginary personal reign of the Saviour
and of the saints on the earth. ^[ Even
as I received of my Father. As he has
appointed me. Ps. ii. 6-9.
28. And I will give him the morning
star. The " morning star" is that bright
planet — Venus — which at some seasons
of the year appears so beautifully in the
east, leading on the morning — the har
binger of the day.. It is one of the most
beautiful objects in nature, and is sus
ceptible of a great variety of uses for
illustration. It appears as the dark
ness passes away; it is an indication
that the morning comes; it is inter
mingled with the first rays of the light
of the sun ; it seems to be a herald to
announce the coming of that glorious
luminary ; it is a pledge of the faithful
ness of God. In which of these senses,
if any, it is referred to here, is not
stated; nor is it said what is implied by
its beings given to him that overcomes.
It would seem to be used here to denote
a bright and brilliant ornament; some
thing with which he who " overcame"
would be adorned, resembling the bright
star of the morning. It is observable
that it is not said that he would make
him like the morning star, as in Ban.
xii. 3 ; nor that he would be compared
with the morning star, like the king of
Babylon, Isa, xiv. 12 ; nor that he would
resemble a star which Balaam says he
saw in the distant future, Num. xxiv.
17. The idea seems to be, that the
Saviour would give him something that
would resemble that morning planet in
beauty and splendor — perhaps meaning
that it would be placed as a gem in his
diadem and would sparkle on his brow —
bearing some such relation to him who
is called " the Sun of Righteousness," as
the morning star does to the glorious sun
on his rising. If so, the meaning wculd
be, that he would receive a beautiful
ornament, bearing a near relation to the
Redeemer himself as a bright sun — a
pledge that the darkness was past — but

A.. D. 96.]

CHAPTER III.

109

29 He that hath an ear, let him
hear what the Spirit saith unto the
churches.

one whose loams would melt away into
the superior light of the Redeemer him
self, as the beams of the morning star
are lost in the superior glory of the
sun. 29, He that hath an ear, Ac. See
Notes on ver. 1.
CHAPTER III.
THE EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH AT SARDIS.
The contents of the epistle to the
church at Sardis (vs. 1-6) are, (1) The
usual salutation to the angel of the
church, ver. 1. (2) The usual reference
to the attributes of the Saviour — those
referred to here being that he had the
seven Spirits of God, and the seven
stars, ver. 1. (3) The assurance that he
knew their works, ver. 1. (4) The
statement of the peculiarity of the
church, or what he saw in it — -that it
had a name to live and was dead, ver. 1.
(5) A solemn direction to the members
of the church, arising from their cha
racter and circumstances, to be watch
ful, and to strengthen the things which
remained, but which were ready to die- ;
torernember what they had received,
and to hold fast that which had been
communicated to them, and to repent
of all their sins, vs. 2, 3. (6) A threat
that if they did not do this, he would
come suddenly upon them, at an hour
which they could not anticipate, ver. 3.
(7) A commendation of the church as
far as it could be done, for there were
still a few among them who had not
defiled their garments, and a promise
that they should walk before him in
white, ver. 4. (8) A promise, as usual,
to him that should be victorious. The
proml39 here is, that he should walk
befors him in white; that his name
shouli not be blotted eut of the book
of life ; that he should be acknowledged
before the Father, and before the
angels, ver. 5. (9) The usual call on
all persons to hear what the Spirit said
to the churches.
Sardis was the capital of the ancient
kingdom of Lydia, one of the provinces
of Asia Minor, and was situated at the
foot of Mount Tmolus, in a fine plain
watered by the river Pactolus. famous
10

CHAPTER III.
AND unto the angel of the chut-.1))
in Sardis write ; These things

for its golden sands. It was the capital
where the celebrated Croesus, proverbial
for his wealth, reigned. It was taken
by Cyrus (B. C. 548), when Croesus was
king, and was at that time one of the
most splendid and opulent cities of the
East. It subsequently passed into tha
hands of the Romans, and under them
sank rapidly in wealth and importance.
In the time of Tiberius it was destroyed
by an earthquake, but was rebuilt by
order of the emperor. The inhabitants
of Sardis bore an ill repute among the
ancients for their voluptuous modes of
life. Perhaps there may be an allusion
to this fact, in the words which are used
in the address to the church there,
" Thou hast a few names even in Sardis
which have not defiled their garments."
Successive earthquakes, and the ravages
of the Saracens and the Turks, have
reduced this once celebrated city to a
heap of ruins, though exhibiting still
many remains of former splendor. The
name of the village which now occupies
the place of this ancient capital, is Sart.
It is a miserable village, comprising
only a few wretched cottages, occupied
by Turks and Greeks. There are ruins
of the theatre, the Stadium, and of some
ancient churches. The most remarkable
of the ruins are two pillars supposed to
have belonged to the temple of Cybele,
and, if so, they are among* the most
ancient in the world, the temple of
Cybele having been built only three
hundred years after that of Solomon.
The Acropolis serves well to define the
site of the city. Several travellers have
recently visited the remains of Sardis,
and its appearance will be indicated by
a few extracts from their writings.
Arundell, in his "Discoveries in Asia
Minor," says, "If I were' asked whni
impresses the mind most strongly in
beholding Sardis, I should say, its in
describable solitude, like the darkness
of Egypt, darkness that could be felt.
So the deep solitude of the spot, once
the ' lady of kingdoms,' produces a cor
responding feeling of desolate abandon
ment in the mind, which can never bi
forgotten." The Rev, J. Hartley, in regard to

no

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

these ruins, remarks — " The ruins are,
with one exception, more entirely gone
to decay than those of most of the an
cient cities which we have visited. No
Christians reside on the spot: two Greeks
only work in a mill here, and a few
wretched Turkish huts are scattered
among the ruins. "We saw the churches
of St. John and the Virgin, the theatre,
and the building styled the Palace of
Croesus ; but the most striking object at
Sardis is the temple of Cybele. I was
filled with wonder and awe at beholding
the two stupendous columns of this edi
fice, *ihich are still remaining: they are
silent but impressive witnesses of the
power and splendor of antiquity."
The impression produced on the mind,
is vividly desscribed in the following
language of a recent traveller, who
lodged there for a night : — " Every ob
ject was as distinct as in a northern
twilight; the snowy summit of the
mountain [Tmolus], the long sweep of
the valley, and the flashing current of
the river [Pactolus]. I strolled along
towards the banks of the Pactolus, and
seated myself by the side of the half-
exhausted stream.
" There are few individuals, who can
not trace on the map of their memory

some moments of overpowering emotion,
and some scene, which, once dwelt upon,
has become its own painter, and left be
hind it a memorial that time could not
efface. I can readily sympathize with
the feelings of him who wept at the base
of the pyramids ; nor were my own less
powerful, on that night, when I sat be
neath the sky of Asia to gaze upon the
ruins of Sardis, from the banks of the
golden-sanded Pactolus. Beside me
were the cliffs of the Acropolis, which,
centuries before, the hardy Median
scaled, while leading on the conquering
Persians, whose tents had covered the
very spot on which I was reclining.
Before me were the vestiges of what
had been the palace of the gorgeous
Croesus; within its walls were once con
gregated the wisest of mankind, Thales,
Cleobulus, and Solon. It was here that
the wretched father mourned alone the
mangled corse of his beloved Atys; it
was here that the same humiliated mon
arch wept at the feet of the Persian boy,
who wrung from him his kingdom. Far
in the distance were the gigantic tumuli
of the Lydian monarch?, Candaules,
Halyattys, and Gyges; and around them
were spread those very plains, once
trodden by the countless hosts of Xerxes

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER III.

Ill

Baith he that hath the seven • Spi
rits of God, and the seven stars ;
I know * thy works, that thou hast
a c. 5. 6. b c. 2. 2. &o.
when hurrying on to find a sepulchre at
Marathon. "There were more varied and more
vivid remembrances associated with the
sight of Sardis, than could possibly be
attached to any other spot of earth ; but
all were mingled with a feeling of dis
gust at the littleness of human glory;
all — all had passed away ! There were
before me the fanes of a dread religion,
the tombs of forgotten monarchs, and
the palm-tree that waved in the banquet-
hall of kings ; while the feeling of deso
lation was doubly heightened by tho
calm sweet sky above me, which, in its
unfading brightness, shone as purely
now as when it beamed upon the golden
dreams of Croesus." — Emerson1 s Letters
from the Mgean, p. 113 seq.
The present appearance of the ruins
is indicated by the preceding cut.
1. And unto the angel of the church in
Sardis. Notes on oh. i. 20. ^f These
things saith he that hath the seven Spirits
of God. See Notes on ch. i. 4. If the
phrase, " the seven spirits of God," as
there supposed, refers to the Holy Spirit,
thore is great propriety in saying of the
Saviour, that he has that spirit, inasmuch
as the Holy Spirit is represented as sent
forth by him into the world. John xv.
26, 27 ; xvi. 7, 13, 14. It was one of
the highest characteristics that could be
given of the Saviour, to say, that the
Holy Ghost was his to send forth into
the world, and that that great Agent, on
whose gracious influences all were de
pendent for tho possession of true reli
gion, could bo given or withheld by him
at his pleasure. *[f And the seven stars.
Bee Notes on ch. i. 16. These repre
sented the angels of the seven churches
(Notes, oh. i. 20), and the idea which
the Saviour would seem to intend to
convoy here is, that he had entire con
trol over the ministers of the churches,
and could keep or remove thorn at plea
sure, ^f / know thy works. See Notes
on ch. ii. 2. ^[ That thou hast a name
that tlmn liveet. Thou dost profess at
tachment to me and my cause. The
word life is a word that is commonly em
ployed, in the New Testament, to den »te

a name that thou live&t, ' and art
dead. 2 Be watchful, and strengthen"
c 1 Ti. 5. 6. d o. 2. 4.
religion, in contradistinction from the
natural state of man, which is described
as death in sin. By the profession of
religion, they expressed the purpose to
live unto God, and for another world;
they professed to have true, spiritual
life. ^ And art dead. That is, spiritu
ally. This is equivalent to saying, that
their profession was merely in name;
and yet, this must be understood com
paratively, for there were some even in
Sardis who truly lived unto God. Ver. 4.
The meaning is, that, in general, the
profession of religion among them was
a mere name. The Saviour does not,
as in the case of tho churches of Ephe
sus and Thyatira, specify any prevailing
form of error or false doctrine; but it
would seem that here it was a simple
want of religion.
2. Be watchful.' Be wakeful; be at
tentive and earnest — in contradistinc
tion from the drowsy condition of the
church, f" Strengthen the things which
remain. The true piety that still lives
and lingers among you. Whatever there
was of religion among them, it was of
importance to strengthen it, that the
love of the Saviour might not become
wholly extinct. An important duty in
a low and languishing state of religion,
is, to " strengthen the things that still
survive." It is to cultivate all the graces
which do exist; to nourish all the love
of truth which may linger in the church ;
and to confirm, by warm exhortation,
and by a reference to the gracious pro
mises of God's word, tho few who may
be endeavouring to do their duty, and
who, amidst many discouragements, are
aiming to he faithful to the Saviour. In
the lowest stato of religion in a church,
thero may be a few, perhaps quite ob
scure and of humble rank, who are mourn
ing over the desolations of Zion, and
who are sighing for better times. All
such it is the duty of tho ministers of
roligion to comfort and encourage; for,
it is in their hearts that piety inny be
kept alive in the church ; it is through
them that it may be hoped religion may
yet be revived. In the apparent hope
lessness of doing much good to others,

112

REVELATION,

[A. D. *

the things which remain, that are
ready to die : for I have not found
thy works perfect ° before God.
3 Remember* therefore how thou
hast received and heard ; and hold
a Da. 5. 27. 6 He. 2.1.
good may always be done to the cause
itself by preserving and strengthening
what there may be of life among those
few, amidst the general desolation and
death. It is much to preserve life in
grain sown in a field through the long
and dreary winter, when ail seems to be
dead — for it will burst forth, with new
life and beauty, in the spring. When
the body is prostrate with disease, and
life just lingers, and death seems to be
coming on, it is much to preserve the
little strength that remains ; much to
keep the healthful parts from being in
vaded, that there may be strength yet
to recover. ^[ That are ready to die.
That seem just ready to become extinct.
So, sometimes, in a plant, there seems
to be but the least conceivable life re
maining; and it appears that it must
die. So, when we are sick, there seems
to be but the feeblest glimmering of life,
and it is apparently just ready to go out.
So, when a fire dies away, there seems
but a spark remaining, and it is just
ready to become extinct. And thus, in
religion in the soul ; religion in a church;
religion in a community — it often seems
as If it were just about to go out for
ever. ^[ For I have not found thy works
perfect before God. I have not found
them complete or full. They come short
of that which is required. Of what
church, of what individual Christian, is
not this true? Whom might not the
Saviour approach with the same lan
guage? It was true, however, in a
marked and eminent sense, of the
church at Sardis.
3. Remember, therefore, how thou hast
received. This may refer either to some
peculiarity in the manner in which the
gospel was conveyed to them — as, by
the labors of the apostles, and by the re
markable effusions of the Holy Spirit;
or to the ardor and love with which they
embraced it; or to the greatness of the
favors and privileges conferred on them ;
or to their own understanding of what
the gospel required, wh/m they were con
verted. It is not possible to d-Vermine

fast, and repent." Tf therefore thou
shalt not watch, I will come on
thee as a thief, d and thou shalt not
know what hour I will come upon
thee.

c ver. 19.

d c. 16. 15.

in which sense the language is used,
but the general idea is plain, that there
was something marked and unusual in
the way in which they had been led to
embrace the gospel, and that it was
highly proper in these circumstances to
look back to the days when they gave
themselves to Christ. — It is always well
for Christians to call to remembrance
the " day of their espousals," and their
views and feelings when they gave their
hearts to the Saviour, and to compare
those views with their present condition,
especially if their conversion was marked
by any thing unusual. ^ And heard.
How thou didst hear the gospel in for
mer times; that is, with what earnest
ness and attention thou didst embrace
it. This would rather seem to imply that
the reference in the whole passage is to
the fact that they embraced the gospel
with great ardor and zeal, r And hold
fast. (1) Hold fast the truths which
thou didst then receive: (2) hold fast
what remains of true religion among
you. f And repent. Repent in regard
to all that in which you have departed
from your views and feelings when you
embraced the gospel, ^ If therefore thou
shalt not watch. The speaker evidently
supposed that it was possible that they
would not regard the warning; that they
would presume that they would be safe
if they refused to give heed to it, or that
by mere inattention andindiffcrence they
might suffer the warning to pass by un
heeded. Similar results have been so
common in the world as to moke such
a supposition not improbable, and to
make proper, in other cases as well as
that, the solemn threatening that he
would come suddenly upon them. ]\ I
will come on thee as a thief. In a sud
den and unexpected manner. See Notes
on 1 Thess. v. 2. ^f And ye shall not
know what hour I icill come upon thee.
You shall not know beforehand; y.-jy
shall have no warning of my immediate
approach. This is often ihe'w&y in
which God comes to men in his heavy
judgments. Long beforehand, he admo-

A. D. 96.]

4 Thou hast a few names even
in Sardis which have not defiled
their garments; and they shall walk
with me in white ; a for they are
worthy. ac.7. 9; 19.8
nishes us, indeed, of what must be the
consequences of a course of sin, and
warns us to turn from it; but when sin
ners refuse to attend to his warning, and
still walk in the way of evil, he comes
suddenly, and cuts them down. Every
man who is warned of the evil of his
course, and who refuses or neglects to
repent, has reason to believe that God
will come suddenly in his wrath, and
coll him to his bar. Prov. xxix. 1. No
such man can presume on impunity ; no
one who is warned of his guilt and dan
ger can feel that he is for one moment
safe. No one can have any basis of cal
culation that he will be spared ; no one
can flatter himself with any probable
anticipation that he will have time to
repent when God comes to take him
away. Benevolence has done its appro
priate work in warning him ; — how can
the Great Judge of all be to blame, if he
comes then, and suddenly cuts the sin
ner off?
4. Thou hast a few names ei)en in Sar
dis. See the Analysis of the chap
ter. The word names here is equivalent
to persons, and the idea is, that even
in a place so depraved, and where reli
gion had so much declined, there were
a few persons who had kept themselves
free from the general contamination. In
most cases where error and sin prevail,
there may be found a few who are worthy
of the divine commendation ; a few who
show that true religion may exist even
when the mass are evil. Comp. Notes
on Rom. xi. 4. ^[ Which have not de
filed their gai"ments. Comp. Notes on
Jude 23. The meaning is, that they had
not defiled themselves by coming in con
tact with the profane and the polluted ;
or, in other words, they had kept them
selves free from the prevailing corrup
tion. They were like persons clothed
in white walking in the midst of the de
filed, yet keeping their raiment from be
ing soiled. ^ And they shall walk with
me in white. White is the emblem of
innocence, and is hence appropriately
represented as the color of the raiment
10*

CHAPTER III,

113

5 He that overcometh, the same
shall be clothed in white raiment ;
and I will not blot out his name
out of the b book of life, but I will

of the heavenly inhabitants. The per
sons here referred to had kept their gar
ments un contaminated on the earth, and
as an appropriate reward, it is said that
they would appear in white raiment in
heaven. Comp. ch. vii. 9 ; xix. 8. f For
they are worthy. They have shown them
selves worthy to be regarded as follow
ers of the Lamb ; or, they have a cha
racter that is fitted for heaven. The
declaration is not that they have any
claim to heaven on the ground of their
own merit, or that it will he in virtue
of their own works that they will be re
ceived there; but that there is & fitness
or propriety that they should thus ap
pear in heaven. We are all personally
unworthy to be admitted to heaven, but
we may evince such a character as to
show that, according to the arrange
ments of grace, it is fit and proper that
we should be received there. We have
the character to which God has promised
eternal life.
5. He that overcometh. See Notes on
ch. ii. 7. ^[ The same shall be clothed in
white raiment. Whosoever he may be
that shall overcome sin and the tempta
tions of this world, shall be admitted to
this glorious reward. The promise is
made not only to those in Sardis who
should be victorious, but to all in every
age and every land. The hope that is
thus held out before us, is that of ap
pearing with the Redeemer in his king
dom, clad in robes expressive of holi
ness and joy. ^[ And I will not blot out
his name out of the book of life. The
book which contains the names of those
who are to live with him for ever. The
names of his people are thus represented
as enrolled in a book which he keeps —
a register of those who are to live for
ever. The phrase "book of life" fre
quently occurs in the Bible, representing
this idea. See Notes on Phil. iv. 3.
Comp. Rev. xv. 3; xx. 12, 15; xxi. 27;
xxii. 19. The expression "I will not
blot out" means, that the names would
be found there on the great day of final
account, and would be found there for-

114

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

confess0 his name before my Father,
and before his angels.
a Lu. 12. 8.
ever. It may be remarked, that as no
one can have access to that book but he
who keeps it, there is the most positive
assurance that it will never be done, and
the salvation of the redeemed will be,
therefore, secure. And let it be remem
bered that the period is coming when it
will be felt to be a higher honor to have
the name enrolled in that book than in the
books of heraldry — in the most splendid
catalogue of princes, poets, warriors,
nobles, or statesmen, that the world has
produced. ^[ But I will confess his name,
&c. I will acknowledge him to be my
follower. See Notes on Matt. x. 32.
6. He that hath an ear, &c. See Notes
on ch. ii. 7.
THE EPISTLE TO THE CHTJBCH IN
PHILADELPHIA.
This epistle (vs. 7-13) comprises the
following subjects : — (1) The usual ad
dress to the angel of the church, ver. 7.
(2) The reference to some attribute, or
characteristic of the speaker, ver. 7. He
here addresses the church as one who is
holy and true, as he who has the key of
David, and who can shut, and no one
can open, and open, and no one can
shut. The representation is that of
one who occupies a royal palace, and
who can admit or exclude any one whom
he pleases. The reference to such a
palace is continued through the epistle.
(3) The usual declaration that he knows
their works, and that he has found that
they had strength, though but a little,
and had kept his word, ver. 8. (4) A
declaration that he would constrain some
who professed that they were Jews, but
who were of the synagogue of Satan, to
come and humble themselves before
them, ver. 9. (5) The particular pro
mise to that church. He would keep
them in the hour of temptation that was
coming to try all that dwelt upon the
earth, ver. 10. (6) The command ad
dressed to them as to the other churches.
Ho solemnly enjoins it on them to see
that no one should take their crown, or
deprive them of the reward which he
would give to his faithful followers, ver.
11. (7) A general promise, in view of

6 He that hulii an ear, let him
hear what the Spi. s saith unto the
churches.

the circumstances in ILiladelphia, to all
who should overcome, ver. 12. They
would be made a pillar in the temple of
God, and go no more oat. They would
have written on themselves the name of
his God, and the name of the holy city
— showing that they were inhabitants
of the heavenly world. (8) The usual
call on all to attend to what was said to
the churches, ver. 13.
Philadelphia stood about twenty-five
miles southeast from Sardis, in the
plain of Hermus, and about midway be
tween the river of that name and the
termination of Mount Tmolns. It was
the second city in Lydia, and was built
by king Attains Philadelphus, from whom
it received its name. In the year 133,
B. C, the place passed, with the country
in the vicinity, under the dominion of
the Romans. The site is reported by
Strabo to be liable to earthquakes, but
it continued to be a place of importance
down to the Byzantine age ; and, of all
the towns in Asia Minor, it withstood
the Turks the longest. It was taken by
Bajazat, A. D. 1392. "It still exists as
a Turkish town, under the name of Al
lah Shehr, < City of God/ i. e., the 'High
Town.' It covers a considerable extent
of ground, running up the slopes of four
hills, or rather of one hill, with four flat
summits. The country as viewed from
these hills is extremely magnificent —
gardens and vineyards lying at the back
and sides of the town, and before it one
of the most beautiful and extensive
plains of Asia. The missionaries, Fisk
and Parsons were informed by the Greek
bishop, that the town contained 3000
houses, of which he assigned 250 to the
Greeks, and the rest to the Turks. On
the same authority, it is stated that
there are five churches in the town, be
sides twenty others which were too old
or too small for use. Six minarets, in
dicating as many mosques, are seen in
the town, and one of these mosques is
believed by the native Christians to
have been the church in which assem
bled the primitive Christians addressed
in the Apocalypse. There aro few ruins ;
but in one part are four pillars, which
are supposed to have been columns of a

A D. 96.]

CHAPTER III.

115

V And to the angel of the church
in Philadelphia write ; These things

church. One solitary pillar has been
often noticed, as reminding beholders
of the remarkable words in the Apoca
lypse, 'Him that overcometh will I
make a pillar in the temple of my
God.'" — Kitto's Ency. See, also, the
Missionary Herald for 1821, p. 253;

saith he that is holy, " he that is
,a Ac. 3. 14.
1839, pp. 210-212. The town is the
seat of a Greek Archbishop, with about
twenty inferior clergy. The streets are
narrow, and are described as remark
ably filthy. The annexed cut will give
a representation of the town as it now
appears.

PHILADELPHIA.

1. And to the angel of the church in
Philadelphia. See Notes on ch. i. 20.
If These things saith he that is holy.
This refers undoubtedly to the Lord
Jesus. The appellation holy, or the
holy one, is one that befits him, and is
not unfrequently given to him in the
New Testament. Luke i. 35; Acts i.
27, iii. 14-. It is not only an appellation
appropriate to the Saviour, but well
adapted to be employed when he is
addressing the churches. Our impres
sion of what is said to us will often
depend much on our idea of the charac
ter of him who addresses us, and solem
nity and thoughtfulness always become
us when we are addressed by a holy
Redeemer, f He that is true. Another
characteristic of the Saviour well-fitted

to be referred to when he addresses
men. It is a characteristic often ascribed
to him in the New Testament (John. i.
9, 14, 17 ; viii. 40, 45 ; xiv. 6 ; xviii. 37;
1 John v. 20), and one which is emi
nently adapted to impress the mind with
solemn thought in view of the fact that
he is- to pronounce on our character, and
to determine our destiny. ^[ He that
hath the key of David. This expression
is manifestly taken from Isa. xxii. 22,
"And the key of the house of David
will I lay upon his shoulder." See the
passage explained in the Notes on that
place. As used by Isaiah, the phrase
is applied to Eliakim, and it is not to bi'
inferred that because the language her«.'
is applied to the Lord Jesus, that origin
ally it had any such reference. "Ths

116

REVELATION,

LA. D 96.

true, ° he that hath the key b of
David, he that openeth, and no man
shutteth ; and shutteth, c and no
man openeth ;
a Uno.5.20. &Ib. 22.22. c Job. 12. 14.
application of the same terms," says
Prof. Alexander on Isa. xxii. 22, "to
Peter (Matt. xvi. 19), and to Christ
himself (Rev. iii. 7) does not prove that
they here refer to either, or that Eliakim
was a type of Christ, but merely that
the same words admit of different appli
cations." The language is that which
properly denotes authority or control —
as when one has the key of a house, and
has unlimited access to it; and the
meaning here is, that, as David is repre
sented as the king of Israel residing in
a palace, so he who had the key to that
palace had regal authority. ^ He that
openeth, and no man shutteth, Ac. He
has free and unrestrained access to the
house; the power of admitting any one,
or of excluding any one. Applied here
to the Saviour, as king in Zion, this
means that in his kingdom he has the
absolute control in regard to the ad
mission or exclusion of any one. He
can prescribe the terms ; he can invite
whom he chooses ; he can exclude
those whom he judges should not be
admitted. A reference to this absolute
control was every way proper when he
was addressing a church, and is every
way proper for us to reflect on when we
think of the subject of our personal
salvation. 8. I know thy works. See Notes on
ch. ii. 2. ^[ Behold I have set before
thee an open door. Referring to his
authority as stated in ver. 7. The
" open door" here evidently refers to
the enjoyment of some privilege or
honor, and so far as the language is
concerned, it may refer to any one of
the following things, either (1) the
ability to do good — represented as the
" opening of the door." Comp. Acts
xiv. 27; 1 Cor. xvi. 9; 2 Cor. ii. 12;
Col. iv. 3. (2) The privilege of access
to the heavenly palace; that is, that
they had an abundant opportunity of
securing their salvation, the door being
never closed against them by day or
by night. Comp. He v. xxi. 25. Or,
(3) it may moan that they had before
thorn an open way of egress from dan-

8 I know thy works-, hehold, I
have set before thee an open d door,
and no man can Bhut it : for thou
hast a little strength, and hast kept
if 1 Co. 16. 19.

ger and persecution. This latter, Prof,
Stuart supposes to be the true meaning,
and argues this because it is immedi
ately specified that those Jewish perse
cutors would be made to humble them
selves, and that the church would but
lightly experience the troubles which
were coming upon the world around
them. But the more natural interpre
tation of the phrase "an open door," is
that it refers to access to a thing rather
than egress from a thing; that we may
come to that which we desire to ap- .
proach, rather than escape from that
which we dread. There is no objection,
;t seems to me, to the supposition that
the language may be used here in the
largest sense — as denoting that, in re
gard to the church at Philadelphia, there
was no restraint. He had given them
the most unlimited privileges. The
temple of salvation was thrown open to
them; the celestial city was accessible;
the whole world was before them as a
field of usefulness, and any where, and
every where, they might do good, and at
all times they might have access to the
kingdom of God. ^[ And no man can
shut it. No one has the power of pre
venting this, for he who has control
over all things, concedes these privi
leges to you. ^ For thou hast a little
strength. This would imply that they
had not great vigor, but still that, not
withstanding there were so many ob
stacles to their doing good, and so many
temptations to evil, there still remained
with them some degree of energy.
They were not wholly dead; and, as
long as that was the case, the door was
still open for them to do good. The
words " little strength" may refer either
to the smallness of the number — mean
ing that they were few ; or it may rofer
to the spiritual life and energy of the
church — meaning that, though feeble,
their vital energy was not wholly gone.
The more natural interpretation seems
to bo to refer it to the latter ; and the
sense is, that although they had not
the highest degree of energy, or had
not all that the Saviour desired they

A.. D. 96.]

my word, and hast not denied my
name. 9 Behold, I will make them of
the synagogue of Satan, whioh say"
they are Jews, and are not, hut do
lie ; behold, I will make them to
a c. 2. 9.

CHAPTER III.

J17

should have, they were not wholly dead.
The Saviour saw among them the evi
dences of spiritual life, and in view of
that he says he had set before them an
open door, and there was abundant
opportunity to employ all the energy
and zeal which they had. It may be
remarked that the same thing is true
now, that wherever there is any vitality
in a church the Saviour will furnish
ample opportunity that it may be em
ployed in his service. % And hast not
denied my name. "When Christians were
brought before heathen magistrates in
times of persecution, they were required
to renounce the name-of Christ, and to
disown him in a public manner. It is
possible that, amidst the persecutions
that raged in the early times, the mem
bers of the church at Philadelphia had
been summoned to such a trial, and they
had stood the trial firmly. It would
seem from the following verse, that the
efforts which had been made to induce
them to renounce the name of Christ
had been made by those who professed
to be Jews, though they evinced the
spirit of Satan. If so, then the attempt
was probably to convince them that
Jesus was not the Christ. This attempt
would be made in all places where
there were Jews.
9. Behold I will make. Greek, " I
give" — Slhhjjxi — that is, I will arrange
matters so that this shall occur. The
word implies that he had power to do
this, and consequently proves that he
has power over the heart of man, and
can secure such a result as he chooses.
^f Them of Vie Sy?iagogue of Satan,
which say that they are Jews. Who
profess to be Jews, but are really of the
synagogue of Satan. See Notes on ch.
ii. 9. The meaning is, that, though they
tfore of Jewish extraction, and boasted
much of being Jews, yet they were
really under the influence of Satan, and
their assemblages deserved to be called
his "synagogue." ^ And are not, but
lo lie. It is a false profession alto-

come * and worship before thy feet,
and to know that I have loved
thee. 10 Because thou hast kept the
word of my patience, I c also will

b Ib. 60. 14.

c 2 Pe. 2. 9.

get-her. Comp. Notes on 1 John i. 6.
^ Behold I will make them to come and
worship before thy feet. The word ren
dered worship here, means properly to
fall prostrate, and then to do homage,
or to worship in the proper sense, as this
was commonly done by falling prostrate.
See Notes on Matt. ii. 2. So far as the
word is concerned, it may refer either to
spiritual homage, that is, the worship
of God; or it may mean respect as
shown to superiors. If it is used here
in the sense of divine worship properly
so called, it means that they would be
constrained to come and worship the
Redeemer "before them," or in their
very presence ; if it is used in the more
general signification, it means that they
would be constrained to show them
honor and respect. The latter is the
probable meaning; thut is, that they
would be constrained to acknowledge
that they were the children of God, or
that God regarded them with his favor.
It does not mean necessarily that they
would themselves be converted to Christ,
but that, as they had been accustomed
to revile and oppose those who were
true Christians, they would be con
strained to come and render them the
respect due to those who were sincerely
endeavoring to serve their Maker. The
truth taught here is, that it is in the
power of the Lord Jesus so to turn the
hearts of all the enemies of religion
that they shall be brought to show
respect to it ; so to incline the minds of
all people that they shall honor the
church, or be at least outwardly its
friends. Such homage the world shall
yet be constrained to pay to it. ^[ And
to know that I have loved thee. This ex
plains what he had just said, and shows
that he means that the enemies of his
church will yet be constrained to ac
knowledge that it enjoys tho smiles of
God, and that instead of being perse
cuted and reviled, it should be respected
and loved.
10. Because thou hast sept the word

118

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

keep thee from the hour of tempta
tion, which shall come upon all the
world, to try them that dwell upon
the earth.
11 Behold, I come ° quickly;*
a Zep. 1. H. b ver. 3.

of my patience. My word commanding
or enjoining patience ; that is, thou hast
manifested the patience which I require.
They had shown this in the trials which
they had experienced; he promises now
that in return he will keep them in the
future trials that shall come upon the
world.. One of the highest rewards of
patience in one trial is the grace that
God gives us to bear another. The fact
that we have been patient and submissive
may be regarded as proof that he will
give us grace that we may be patient
and submissive in the trials that are to
come. God does not leave those who
have shown that they will not leave him.
^ I also will keep thee. That is, I will
so keep you that you shall not sink
under the trials which will prove a severe
temptation to many. This does not
mean that they would be actually kept
from calamity of all kinds, but that they
would be kept from the temptation to
apostacy in calamity. He would give
them grace to bear up under trials with
a Christian spirit, and in such a manner
that their salvation should not be
endangered. *][ From the hour of temp-
tation. The season; the time; the
period of temptation. You shall be so
kept that that which will prove to be a
time of temptation to so many shall not
endanger your salvation. Though others
fall, you shall not; though you may be
afflicted with others, yet you shall have
grace to sustain you. ^ Which shall
come upon all the world. The phrase
hero used — " all the world" — may either
denote the whole world; or the whole
Roman empire ; or a large district of
country; or the land of Judea. See
Notes on Luke ii. 1. Here, perhaps, all
that is implied is, that the trial would be
very extensive or general — so much so
as to embrace the world as the word was
understood by those to whom the epistle
was addressed. It need not be supposed
that the whole world literally was in
cluded in it, or even all the Roman
empire,' but what was the world to them
— tho region which they would embrace
in that term. If there were some far-

hold that fast which thou hast, that
no man take thy crown.
12 Him that overcometh will I
make a pillar in the temple of my
God ; and he shall go no more out :
and I will write upon him the name
spreading calamity in the country where
they resided, it would probably be all
that would be fairly embraced in the
meaning of the word. It is not known
to what trial the speaker refers. It may
have been some form of persecution, or
it may have been some calamity by dis
ease, earthquake, or famine that was to
occur. Tacitus (see Wetstein, in loc.)
mentions an earthquake that sank twelve
cities in Asia Minor in one night, by
which, among others, Philadelphia was
deeply affected, and it is possible that
there may have been reference here to
that overwhelming calamity. But no ¦
thing can be determined with certainty
in regard to this, f To try them that
dwell upon the earth. To test their
character. It would rather seem from
this that the affliction was some form of
persecution as adapted to test the fidelity
of those who were affected by it. The per
secutions in the Roman empire would fur
nish abundant occasions for such a trial.
11. Behold I come quickly. That is,
in the trials referred to. Comp. Notes
on ch. i. 1, 11, 16. % Hold that fast
which thou hast. That is, whatever of
truth and piety you now possess. See
Notes on ver. 3. ^f That no man take
thy crown. The crown of life appointed
for all who are true believers. See
Notes on 2 Tim. iv. 8. The truth which
is taught here is, that by negligence or
unfaithfulness in duty, we may be de
prived of the glory which we might have
obtained if we had been faithful to our
God and Saviour. We need to be on
our constant guard, that, in a world of
temptation, where the enemies of truth
abound, we may not be robbed of the
crown that we might have worn for
ever. Comp. Notes on 2 John 8.
12. Him that, overcometh. See Notes
on ch. ii. 7. ^ Will 1 make a pillar in
the temple of my God. See the intro
ductory remarks to this epistle. The
promised reward of faithfulness here is,
that he who was victorious would be
honored as if he were a pillar or column
in the temple of God. Such a pillar or
column was partly for ornament, and

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER III.

m

of my God, and- the name of the
city of my God, which is New*
a c 21. 2, 10.
partly for support, and the idea here is,
that in that temple he would contribute
to its beauty and the justness of its pro
portions, and would at the same time be
honored as if he were a pillar which was
necessary for the support of the temple.
It is not uncommon in the New Testa
ment to represent the church as a
temple, and Christians as parts of it.
See 1 Cor. iii. 16, 17 ; vi. 19 ; 2 Cor. vi.
16 ; 1 Pet. ii. 5. f And he shall go no
more out. He shall be permanent as a
part of that spiritual temple. The idea
of " going out" does not properly belong
to a pillar, but the speaker here has in
his mind the man though represented as
a column. The description of some
parts would be applicable more directly
to a pillar; in others more properly to a
man. Comp. John vi. 37 ; x. 28, 29 ;
1 John ii. 19, for an illustration of the
sentiment here. The main truth here is,
that if we reach heaven, our happiness
will he secure forever. We shall have
the most absolute eertainty that <the
welfare of the soul will no more be
perilled ; that we shall never be in dan
ger of falling into temptation ; that no
artful foe shall ever have power to
alienate our affections from God; that
we shall never die. Though we may
change our place, and may roam from
world to world, till we shall have sur
veyed all the wonders of creation, yet
we shall never " go out of the temple of
God." Comp. Notes on John xiv. 2.
When we reach the heavenly world, our
conflicts will be over ; our doubts at an
end. As soon as we cross the threshold,
we shall be greeted with the assurance,
"he shall go no more out forever."
That is to be our eternal abode, and
whatever of joy or felicity or glory that
bright world can furnish, is to be ours.
Happy moment when, emerging from a
world of danger and of doubt, the soul
shall settle down into the calmness and
peace of that state where there is the
assurance of God himself^ that that
world of bliss is to be its eternal abode.
^ And I will write upon him the name of
my God. Considered as a pillar or
column in the temple. The name of
God would he conspicuously recorded
on it to show that he belonged to God.

Jerusalem, which cometh down out
of heaven from my God : and I will
write upon him my new name.

The allusion is to a public edifice on tho
columns of which the names of dis
tinguished and honored persons were
recorded; that is, where there was a
public testimonial of the respect in
which one whose name was thus re
corded was held. The honor thus con
ferred on him " who should overcome,"
would be as great as if the name of that
God whom he served, and whose favor
and friendship he enjoyed, were inscribed
on him in some conspicuous manner.
The meaning is, that he would be known
and recognized as belonging to God ; the
God of the Redeemer himself — indicated
by the phrase "the name of my God."
% And Ike name of the city of my God.
That is, indicating that he belongs to
that city, or that the New Jerusalem is
the city of his habitation. The idea
would seem to be, that in this world, and
in all worlds wherever he goes and
wherever he abides, he will be recog
nized as belonging to that holy city ; as
enjoying the rights and immunities of
such a citizen. ^[ Which is New Jeru
salem. Jerusalem was the place where
the temple was reared, and where the
worship of God was celebrated. It thus
came to* be synonymous with the church
— the dwelling-place of God on earth.
fl Which cometh down out of heaven
from my God. See this explained in
the Notes on ch. xxi. 2, seq. Of course,
this must be a figurative representation,
but the idea is plain. It is (1) that the
church is, in accordance with settled
Scripture language, represented as a city
— the abode of God on earth. (2) That
this, instead of being built here, or
having an earthly origin, has its origin
in heaven. It is as if it had been con
structed there,' and then sent down to
earth ready formed. The type, the
form, the whole structure is heavenly.
It is a departure from all proper laws of
interpretation to explain this literally,
as if a city should be actually let down
from heaven ; and equally so to infer
from this passage and the others of
similar import in this book, that a city
will be literally reared for the residence
of the saints. If the passage proves
any thing on either of thsse points, it
is, that a great and splendid city, such

120

REVELATION,

[A. I), %.

13 He that hath an ear, let him
hnaT what the Spirit saith unto the
churches.

as that described in ch. xxi. will literally
Tome down from heaven. But who can
believe that? Such an interpretation,
however, is by no means necessary.
The comparison of the church with a
beautiful city, and the fact that it has
its origin in heaven, is all that is fairly
implied in the passage. ^[ A7id I will
write upon him my new name. See
Notes on ch. ii. 17. The reward, there
fore, promised here is, that he who by
persevering fidelity showed that he was a
real friend of the Saviour, would be hon
ored with a permanent abode in the holy
city of his habitation. In the church
redeemed and triumphant he would have
a perpetual dwelling, and wherever he
should be, there would be given him sure
pledges that he belonged to him, and was
recognized as a citizen of the heavenly
world. To no higher honor could any
man aspire ; and yet that is an honor to
which the most humble and lowly may
attain by faith in the Son of God.
THE EPISTLE TO THE CHURCH AT
LAODICEA.
The contents of the epistle to the
church at Laodicea (vs. 14r-22), are as
follows: (1) The usual salutation to the
angel of the church, ver. 14. (2) The
reference to the attributes of the speaker
— tho one here referred to being that he
was the "Amen," "the faithful and true
witness," and "the beginning of the
creation of God," ver. 14 (3) The claim
that he knew all their works, ver. 15.
(4) The characteristic of the church : it
was "lukewarm" — "neither cold nor
hot," ver. 15. (5) The punishment
threatened, that he would " spue them
out of his mouth," ver. 16. (6) A so
lemn reproof of their self-confidence, of
their ignorance of themselves, and of
their pride, when they were in fact poor,
and blind, and naked; and a solemn
counsel to them to apply to him for
those things which would make them
truly rich — which would oover up the
shame of their nakedness, and which
would give them clear spiritual vision,
vs. 17, 18. (7) A command to repent,
in view of the fact that he rebukes and
chastens those wbom ho loves. (8) An
assurance that an opportunity is still

14 And unto the angel of the
church a of the Laodiceans write ;
a Or, in Laodicea.

offered for repentance, represented by
his standing at the door and praying for
admittance, ver. 20. (9) Apromise to him
that should be victorious — in this case
that he should sit down with him on his
throne, ver. 21 ; and (10) the usual call
on those who had ears to hear, to attend
to what the Spirit said to the churches.
Laodicea was situated in the southern
part of Phrygia, near the junction of the
small rivers Asopus and Carpus, on a
plain washed at its edges by each. It
was about forty miles from Ephesus, and
not far from Colosse and Hierapolis. In
the time of Strabo it was a large city,
but the frequency of earthquakes, to
which this district has been always
liable, demolished, long since, 'a. large
part of the city, and destroyed many of
the inhabitants, and the place was aban
doned, and now lies in ruins. It is now
a deserted place, called by the Turks
Eski-hissar, or Old Castle. Prom its
ruins, which are numerous, consisting
of the remains of temples, theatres, &c,
it seems to have been situated on six or
seven hills, taking up a large space of
ground. The whole rising ground on
which the city stood is one vast tumulus
of ruins, abandoned entirely to the owl
and the fox. Col. Leake says, "There
are few ancient sites more likely than
Laodicea to preserve many curious re
mains of antiquity beneath the surface
of the soil ; its opulence, and the earth
quakes to which it was subject, render
ing it probable that valuable works of
art were there buried beneath the ruins
of the public and private edifices." The
neighboring village contains some fifty
or sixty people, among whom, on a visit
of a recent traveller there, there were
but two nominal Christians. " The name
of Christianity," says Emerson (p. 101),
"is forgotten, and the on If sounds that
disturb the silence of its desertion ore
the tones of the Muezzin, whose voice
from the distant village (Eski-hissar)
proclaims the ascendenoy of Mohammed.
Laodicea is even more solitary than
Ephesus; for the latter has the prospect
of the rolling sea, or of a whitening sail
to enliven its decay; while the former
sits in widowed loneliness, its walls are
grass-grown, its temples desolate, its

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTEK III.

121

These things saith the Amen, • the
a Is. 65. 16.
very name has perished." A thunder
storm gathered on the mountains at a
distance while this traveller was exam
ining the ruins of Laodicea. He returned
to Eski-hissar, and waited until the. fury
of the storm had abated, but set off on
his journey again before it had entirely
ceased to blow and to rain. "We pre
ferred," says he, "hastening on, to a
farther delay in that melancholy spot,
where everything whispered desolation,
and where the very wind that swept im-

faithful and true Witness, the be
ginning of the creation of God :

petuously through the valley, sounded
like the fiendish laugh of time exulting
over the destruction of man and his
proudest monuments." See Prof. Stuart,
vol. ii. pp. 44, 45 ; Kitto's Bncy. ; Smith's
Journey to the Seven Churches, 1671 ;
Leake, Arundell, Hartley, MoFarlane,
Pocoke, &c.
The following cut, from McFarlane's
" Seven Apocalyptic Churches," will
furnish a representation of the ruins of
Laodicea.

LAODICEA.

14. And unto the angel of the church
of the Laodiceans, write. See Notes on
ch. i. 20. If These things saith the
Amen. Keferring, as is the case in
every epistle, to some attribute of the
speaker adapted to impress their minds,
or to give peculiar force to what he was
about to say to that particular church.
Laodicea was characterized by luke-
warmncss, and the reference to the fact
that he who was about to address them
was the "Amen" — >that is, was charac
terized by the simple earnestness and
sincerity denoted by that word — was
eminently fitted to make an impression
on the minds of snch a people. The
11

word amen means true, certain, faith
ful; and, as used here, it means that
he to whom it is applied is eminently
true and faithful. What he affirms is
true ; what he promises or threatens is
certain. Himself characterized by sin
cerity and truth (Notes on 2 Cor. i. 20),
he can look with approbation only on
the same thing in others : and hence he
looks with displeasure on the lukewarm-
ness which, from its very nature, always
approximates insincerity. This was an
attribute, therefore, every way appro
priate to be referred to in addressing a
lukewarm church. \ The faithful and
I true Witness. This is presenting the

122

REVELATION,

[A. Jt>. 98

15 I know thy works, that thou
sU. 18. 21.

idea implied in the word amen in a more
complete form, but substantially the
same thing is referred to. He is a wit
ness for God and his truth, and he can
approve of nothing which the God of
truth would not approve. See Notes on
ch. i. 5. f The beginning of the creation
of God. This expression is a very im
portant one in regard to the rank and
dignity of the Saviour, and, like all si
milar expressions respecting him, its
meaning has been much controverted.
Comp. Notes on Col. i. 15. The phrase
here used is susceptible, properly, of
only one of the following significations,
viz. : either (a) that he was the beginning
of the creation in the sense that he
caused the universe to begin to exist,
that is, that he was the author of all
things ; or (6) that he was the first cre
ated being ; or (c) that he holds the pri
macy over all, and is at the head of the
universe. It is not necessary to exam
ine any other proposed interpretations,
for the only other senses supposed to be
conveyed by the words, that he is the
beginning of the creation in the sense
that he rose from the dead as the first-
fruits of them that sleep, or that he is
the head of the spiritual creation of God,
are so foreign to the natural meaning of
the words as to need no special refuta
tion. As to the three significations sug
gested above, it may bo observed, that
the first one — that he is the author of
the creation, and in that sense the be
ginning, though expressing a scriptural
doctrine (John i. 3 ; Eph. iii. 9 ; Col. i.
16), is not in accordance with the proper
meaning of the word here used — dpxtf*
The word properly refers to the com
mencement of a thing, not its authorship,
and denotes properly primacy in time,
and primacy in rank, but not primacy
in the sense of causing anything to ex
ist. The two ideas which run through
the word as it is used in the New Testa
ment are those just suggested. Eor the
former — primacy in regard to time — that
is properly the commencement of a thing,
see the following passages where the
word occurs, Matt. xix. 4, 8, xxiv. 8, 21 ;
Mark i. 1, x. 6, xiii. 8, 19 ; Luke i. 2 ;
John i. 1, 2, ii. 11, vi. 64, viii. 25, 44, xv.
17, xvi. 4; Acts xi. 15; 1 John i. 1, ii. 7,
13, 14, 24, iii. 8, 11 ; 2 John 5, 6. For
the latter signification, primacy of rank.

art neither cold nor hot: I would
* thou wert cold or hot. 
or authority, see the following places,
Luke xii. 11, xx. 20 ; Bom. viii. 38 , 1
Cor. xv. 24; Eph. i. 21, iii. 10, vi. 12 ;
Col. i. 16, 18, ii. 10, 15; Tit. iii. 1. The
word is not, therefore, found in the sense
of authorship, as denoting that one is
the beginning of anything in the sense
that he caused it to have an existence.
As to the second of the signification sug
gested, that it means that he was the
first created being, it may be observed
(a) that this is not a necessary significa
tion of the phrase, since no one can show
that this is the only proper meaning
which could be given to the words, and
therefore the phrase cannot be adduced
to prove that he is himself a created
being. If it were demonstrated from
other sources that Christ was, in fact, a
created being, and the first that God had
made, it cannot be denied thagj^this
language would appropriately express
that fact. But it cannot be made out
from the mere use of the language here ;
and as the language is susceptible of
other interpretations, it cannot be em
ployed to prove that Christ is a created
being. (5) Such an interpretation would
be at variance with all those passages
which speak of him as uncreated and
eternal; which ascribe divine attributes
to him ; which speak of him as himself
the Creator of all things. Comp. John
i. 1-3; Col. i. 1ft; Heb. i. 2, 6, 8, 10-12.
The third signification, therefore, re
mains, that he is " the beginning of the
creation of God," in the sense that be is
the head or prince of the creation; that
is, that he presides over it so far as the
purposes of redemption are to be accom
plished, and so far as is necessary for
those purposes. This is (a) in accord
ance with the meaning of the word,
Luke xii. 11, xx. 20, et ah ut supra, and
(6) in accordance with the uniform state
ments respecting the Redeemer, that
" all power is given unto him in heaven
and in earth" (Matt xxviii. 18); that
God has "given him power over all
flesh" (John xvii. 2) ; that all things are
"put under his feet" (Heb. ii. 8 ; 1 Cor.
xv. 27); that he is exalted over all
things, Eph. i. 20-22. Having this rank,
it was proper that be should speak with
authority to the church at Laodicea.
15. I know thy works. Notes, ch. ii. 2.
^f That thou art neither cold nor hot. The

A. D. 96 J

CHAPTER III.

123

word cold here would seem to denote the
state where there was no pretension to
religion ; where every thing was utterly
lifeless and dead. The language is ob
viously figurative, but it is such as is
often employed, when we speak of one
as being cold towards another, as having
a cold or icy heart, <fcc. The word hot
would denote, of course, the opposite —
warm and zealous in their love and ser
vice. The very words that we are con
strained to use when speaking on this
subject — such words as ardent (i. e. hot,
or burning) ; fervid (i. e. very hot, burn
ing, boiling), show how necessary it is
to use such words, and how common it
is. The state indicated here, therefore,
would be that in which, there was a pro
fession of religion, but no warm-hearted
piety ; in which there was not, on the
one hand, open and honest opposition
to him, and, on the other, such warm
hearted and honest love as he had a
right to look for among his professed
friends ; in which there was a profession
of that religion which ought to warm the
heart with -love, and fill the soul with
zeal in the cause of the Redeemer ; but
where the only result, in faot, was dead-
ness and indifference to him and his
cause. Among those who made no pro
fession, he had reason to expect nothing
but coldness ; among those who made a
profession, he had a right to expect the
glow of a warm affection, but he found
nothing but indifference, ^f I would thou
wert cold or hot. That is, I would prefer
either of those states to that which now
exists. Any thing better than this con
dition, where love is professed, but where
it does not exist; where vows have' been
assumed which are not fulfilled. Why
he would prefer that they should be
"hot," is clear enough; but why would
he prefer a state of utter coldness — a
state where there was no profession of
real love ? To this question the follow
ing answers may be given : — (1) Such a
state of open and professed coldness or
indifference is more honest. There is no
disguise; no concealment; no pretence.
We know where one in this state "may
be found ;" we know with whom we are
dealing; we know what to expect. Sad
as the state is, it is at least honest; and
we are so made, that we all prefer such
a character to one where professions are
made which are never to be realized — to
a state of insincerity and hypocrisy. (2)

Such a state is more honorable. It is
a more elevated condition of mind, and
marks a higher character. Of a man
who is false to his engagements; who
makes professions and promises never
to be realized, we can make nothing.
There is essential meanness in such a
character, and there is nothing in it
which we can respect. But, in the cha
racter of the man who is openly and
avowedly opposed to any thing; who
takes his stand, and is earnest and zeal
ous in his course, though it be wrong,
there are traits which may be, under
a better direction, elements of true
greatness and magnanimity. In the
character of Saul of Tarsus, there were
always the elements of true greatness ;
in that of Judas Xscariot, there were
never. The one was capable of becoming
one of the noblest men that has ever
lived on the earth ;_the other, even un
der the personal teaching of the Re
deemer for years, was nothing but a
traitor — a man of essential meanness.
(3) There is more hope of conversion
and salvation in such a case.. There
could always have been a ground of
hope that Saul would be converted and
saved, even when ""breathing out threat
ening and slaughter;" of Judas, when
numbered among the professed disciples
of the Saviour, there was no hope. The
most hopeless of all persons, in regard
to salvation, ore those who are members
of the church without any true religion ;
who have made a profession without any
evidence of personal piety; who are
content with a name to live. This is
so, because (a) The essential character
of any one who will allow himself to do
this, is eminently unfavorable to true
religion. There is a lack of that thorough
honesty and sincerity which is so neces
sary for true conversion to God. He
who is content to profess to be what he
really is not, is not a man on whom the
truths of Christianity are likely to make
an impression. (6) Such a man never
applies the truth to himself. Truth that
is addressed to impenitent sinners, he
does not apply to himself, of course, for
he does not rank himself in that class
of persons. Truths addressed to hypo
crites, he will not apply to himself, for
no one/ however insincere and hollow
he may be, chooses to act on the pre
sumption that he is himself a hypocrite,
or so as to leave others to suppose that

124

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96,

16 So then because thou art luke
warm, and neither cold nor hot, I
will spue thee out of my mouth.

he regards himself as such. The means
of grace adapted to save a sinner, as
such, he will not use, for he is in the
churoh, and chooses to regard himself
as safe. Efforts made to reclaim him
he will resist, for he will regard it as
proof of a meddlesome spirit, and an un
charitable judging in others, if they con
sider him to he any thing different from
what he professes to be. What right
have they to go back of his profession,
and assume that he is insincere ? As a
consequence, there are probably fewer
persons by far converted of those who
come into the church without any reli
gion, than of any other class of persons
of similar number, and the most hopeless
of all conditions, in respect to conversion
and salvation, is when one enters the
church deceived, (c) It may be pre
sumed that, for these reasons, God him
self will make less direct effort to con
vert and save such persons. As there
are fewer appeals that can be brought
to bear on them ; as there is less in their
character that is noble and that can be
depended on in promoting the salvation
of a soul ; and as there is special guilt
in hypocrisy, it may be presumed that
God will more frequently leave such
persons to their chosen course, than he
will those who make no professions of
religion. Comp. Ps. cix. 17, 18; Jer.
vii 16 ; si. 14= ; xiv. 11 ; Isa. i. 15 ; Hos.
iv. 17.
16. So then because thou art lukewarm
— I will spue thee out of my mouth. Re
ferring, perhaps, to the well-known fact
that tepid water tends to produce sick
ness at the stomach and an inclination
to vomit. The image is intensely strong,
and denotes deep disgust and loathing
at the indifference which prevailed in
tho church at Laodicea. The idea is,
that they would be utterly rejected and
cast off as a church : — a threatening of
which there has been an abundant ful
filment in subsequent times. It may
be remarked, also, that what was threat
ened to that church may be expected to
occur to all churches, if they are in the
same condition, and that all professing
Christians, and Christian churches, that

17 Because thou sayest, I a am
rich, and increased with goods,
a Hos. 12. 8,

are lukewarm, have special reason to
dread the indignation of the Saviour.
17. Because thou sayest, I am rich.
So far as the language here is concerned,
this may refer either to riches literally,
or to spiritual riches ; that is, to & boast
of having religion enough. Prof. Stuart
supposes that it refers to the former, and
so do Wetstein, Vitringa, and others.
Doddridge, Rosenmiiller, and others, un
derstand it in the latter sense. There if
no doubt that there was much wealth in
Laodicea, and that, as a people, they
prided themselves on their riches. See
the authorities in Wetstein, on CoL ii. 1,
and Vitringa, p. 160. It is not easy to
determine which is the true sense; but
may it not have been that there was an
allusion to both, and that, in every re
spect, they boasted that they had enough?
May it not have been so much the cha
racteristic of that people to boast of their
wealth, that they carried the spirit into
every thing, and manifested it even in
regard to religion ? Is it not true, that
they who have much of this world's
goods, when they make a profession of
religion, are very apt to suppose that
they are well off in every thing, and to
feel 'self-complacent and happy? And
is not the possession of much wealth by
an individual Christian, or a Christian
church, likely to produce just the luke-
warmness which it is said existed in the
church at Laodicea ? If we thus under
stand it, there will be on accordance
with the well-known fact that Laodicea
was distinguished for its riches, and, at
the same time, with another fact, so
common as to be almost universal, that
the possession of great wealth tends to
make a professed Christian self-compla
cent and satisfied in every respect ; to
make him feel that, although he may
not have much religion, yet he is on the
whole well off; and to produce, in reli
gion, a state of just such lukewarmness
as the Saviour here says was loathsome
and odious. ^[ And increased with goods,
— ncirXovKt/Ka, "I am enriched." This is
only a more emphatic and intensive way
of saying the same thing. It has no
reference to the kind of riches referred

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER 111.

125

and have need of nothing; and
knowest not that thou artwretched,

to, but merely denotes the confident
manner in which they affirmed that they
were rich. ^[ And have need of nothing.
Still an emphatic and intensive way of
saying that they were rich. In all re
spects, their wants were satisfied ; they
had enough of every thing. They felt,
therefore, no stimulus to effort; they sat
down in contentment, self-complacency,
and indifference. It is almost unavoid
able that those who are rich in this
world's goods should feel that they bave
need of nothing. There is no more com
mon illusion among men than the feel
ing that if one has wealth, he has every
thing ; that there is no want of his na
ture which cannot be satisfied with that ;
and that he may now sit down in con
tentment and ease. Hence the almost
universal desire to be rich ; hence the
common feeling among those who are
rich that there is no occasion for solici
tude or care for any thing else. Comp.
Luke xii. 19. % And knowest not. There
is no just impression in regard to the
real poverty and wretchedness of your
condition. ^f That thou art wretched.
The word wretched we now use tb de
note the actual consciousness of being
miserable, as applicable to one who is
sunk into deep distress or affliction. The
word here, however, refers rather to the
condition itself than to the consciousness
of that condition, for it is said that they
did not know it. Their state was, in
fact, a miserable state, and was fitted to
produce actual distress if they had had
any just sense of it, though they thought
that it was otherwise. ^ And miserable.
This word has,.with us now, a similar
signification ; but the term here used
IXtuvbs — rather means a pitiable state
than one actually felt to be so. The
meaning is, that their condition was one
that was fitted to excite pity or compas
sion; not that they were actually mise
rable. Comp. Notes on 1 Cor. xv. 19.
If And poor. Notwithstanding all their
boast of having enough. They really
had not that which was necessary to
meet the actual wants of their nature,
and, therefore, they were poor. Their
worldly property could not meet the
wants of their souls ; and, with all their
pretensions to piety, they had not reli
gion enough to meet the necessities of
11 *

and miserable, and poor, and blind,
and naked :
their nature when calamities should
come, or when death should approach ;
and they were, therefore, in the strictest
sense of the term, poor. %And blind.
That is, in a spiritual respect. They
did not see the reality of their condition;
they had no just views of themselves,
of the character of God, of the way of
salvation. This seems to be said in
connection with the boast which they
made in their own minds — that they had
every thing; that they wanted nothing.
One of the great blessings of life is clear
ness of vision, and their boast that they
had every thing must have included
that; but the speaker here says that
they lacked that indispensable thing to
completeness of character and to full
enjoyment With all their boasting, they
were actually blind, — and how could one
who was in that state say that he ¦•' had
need of nothing?" If And naked. *0f
course, spiritually. Salvation is often
represented as a garment (Matt. xxii.
11, 12; Kev. vi. 11; vii. 9, 13, 14), and
the declaration here is equivalent to say
ing that they had no religion. They
had nothing to cover the nakedness of
the soul, and in respeot to the real
wants of their nature they were like
one who had no clothing in reference to
cold, and heat, and storms, and to the
shame of nakedness. How could such
an one be regarded as rich ? — We may
learn from this instructive verse, (1)
That men may think themselves to be
rich, and yet, in fact, be miserably poor.
They may have the wealth of this world
in abundance, and yet have nothing that
really will meet their wants in disap
pointment, bereavement, sickness, death ;
the wants of the never-dying soul; their
wants in eternity. What had the " rich
fool," as he is commonly termed, in the
parable, when he came to die? Luke
xii. 16, seq. What had " Dives," as he
is commonly termed, to meet the wants
of his nature when he went down to
hell? Luke xvi. 19, seq. (2) Men may
have much property, and think that they
have all they want, and yet be wretched.
In the sense that their condition is a
wretched condition, this is always true,
and in the sense that they are consciously
wretched, this may be and often is true
also. (3) Men may have great property,

126

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

18 I counsel thee to buy " of me
gold tried in the fire, that thou
mayest be rich; and white raiment,
that thou mayest be clothed, and

a Is. 55. 1.

and yet be miserable. This is true in
the sense that their condition is a piti
able one, and in the sense that they are
actually unhappy. There is no more
pitiable condition than that where one
has great property, and is self-compla
cent and proud, and who has neverthe
less no God, no Saviour, no hope of
heaven, and who perhaps that very day
may " lift up his eyes in hell, being in
torments ;" and, it neednot be added, that
there is no greater actual misery in this
world than that which sometimes finds
its way into the palaces of the rich. He
greatly errs, who thinks that misery is
confined to the cottages 'of the poor.
(4) Men may be rich, and think they
have all that they want, and yet be
blind to their condition. They really
have no distinct vision of any thing.
They have no just views of God, of
themselves, of their duty, of this world,
or of the next. In most important re
spects, they are in a worse condition
than the inmates of an asylum for the
blind, for they may have clear views
of God and of heaven. Mental darkness
is a greater calamity than the loss of
natural vision ; and there is many an
one who is surrounded by all that afflu
ence can give, who never yet had one
correct view of his own character, of his
God, or of the reality of his condition,
and whose condition might have been
far better if he had actually been born
blind. (5) There may be gorgeous robes
of adorning, and yet real nakedness.
With all the decorations that wealth can
impart, there may be a nakedness of the
soul as real as that of the body would be
if, without a rag to cover it, it were
exposed to cold, and storm, and shame.
The soul, destitute of the robes of salva
tion, is in a worse condition than the
body without raiment : — for, how can it
bear the storms of wrath that shall beat
npon it forovcr, and the shame of its
exposure in the last dread day ?
18. / counsel thee to buy of me gold
tried in the fire. Pure gold ; such as
has been subjected to the action of heat
to purify it from dross. See Notes on

that the shame of thy nakedness *
do not appear; and anoint thine
eyes with eye-salve, that thou may
est see.

s c. 16. 15.

1 Peter i. 7. Gold here is emblematio
of religion — as being the most precious
of the metals, and the most valued by
men. They professed to be rich, but
were not; and he counsels them to ob
tain from him that which would make
them truly rich. % That thou mayest be
rich. In the true and proper sense of
the word. With true religion; with
the favor and friendship of the Re
deemer, they would have all that they
really needed, and would never be in
want, ^f And white raiment. The em
blem of purity and salvation. See Notes
on ver. 4. This is said in reference to
the fact (ver. 17) that they were then
naked, ^f That thou mayest be clothed.
With the garments of salvation. This
refers, also, to true religion, meaning
that that which the Redeemer furnishes
will answer the same purpose in respect
to the soul which clothing does in refer
ence to the body. Of course, it cannot
be understood literally, nor should the
language be pressed too closely, as if
there was too strict a resemblance.
^f And that the shame of thy nakedness
do not appear. We clothe the body as
well for decency as for protection against
cold, and storm, and heat. The soul is to
be clothed that the " shame" of its sin
fulness may not be exhibited, and that
it may not be offensive and repellant in
the sight, ^f And anoint thine eyes with
eye-salve. In allusion to the fact that
they were blind, ver. 17. The word eye-
salve — KoXXavptov, occurs nowhere else in
the New Testament. It is a diminutive
from KoXXtipa — collyra, a coarse bread or
cake, and means properly a small cake
or cracknel. It is applied to eye-salve
as resembling suoh a cake,, and refers to
a medicament prepared for sore or weak
eyes. It was compounded of various
substances supposed to have a healing
quality. See Wetstein in loc. The re
ference here is to a spiritual bearing, —
meaning that, in respect to their spiri
tual vision, what be would furnish would
produce the same effect as the collyrium
or eye-salve would in diseased eyes.
The idea is, that the grace of the gospel

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER III.

127

19 As ° many as I love, I rebuke
and chasten: be zealous therefore,
and repent.
20 Behold, I- stand at the door,
a He. 12. 5, 6.

enables men who were before blind to
see clearly the character of God, the
beauty of the way of salvation, the
loveliness of the person and of work of
Christ, &o. See Notes on Eph. i. 18.
19. As many as Hove, 1 rebuke and
chasten. Of course, only on the suppo
sition that they deserve it. The mean
ing is, that it is a proof of love on bis
part, if his professed friends go astray,
to recall them by admonitions and by
trials. So a father calls back his chil
dren who are disobedient, and there is
no higher proof of his love than when,
with great pain to himself, he adminis
ters such chastisement as shall save his
child. See the sentiment here expressed
fully explained in the Notes on Heb.
xii. 6, seq. The language is taken from
Prov. iii. 12. % Be zealous, therefore,
and repent. Be earnest, strenuous,
ardent in your purpose to exercise true
repentance, and to turn from the error
of your ways. Lose no time ; spare no
labor, that you may obtain such a state
of mind that it shall not be necessary to
bring upon you the severe discipline
which always comes on those who con
tinue lukewarm in religion. — The truth
taught here is, that when the professed
followers of Christ have become luke
warm in his service, they should lose no
time in returning to him, and seeking
his favor again. As sure as he has any
true love for them, if this is not done,
he will bring upon them some heavy
calamity, alike to rebuke them for their
errors, and to recover them to himself.
20. Behold I stand at the door and
knock. Intimating that, though they
had erred, the way of repentance and
hope was not closed against them. He
was still willing to be gracious, though
their conduct had been such as to he
loathsome, ver. 16. To see the real
force of this language, we must remem
ber how disgusting and offensive their
conduct had been to him. And yet he
was willing, notwithstanding this, to
receive them to his favor; nay more,
he stood and plead with them that he
might be received with the hospitality

and knock: * If c any man hear my
voice, and open the door, I will corns
in to him, and will sup with him,
and he with me.
6Ca.5. 2. Lu.12. 86. c Jno. 14. 23.

that would be shown to a friend or
stranger. The language here is so plain
that it scarcely needs explanation. It
is taken from an act when we approach
a dwelling, and, by a well-understood
sign — knocking — announce our presence,
and ask for admission. The act of
knocking implies two things: (a) that
we desire admittance ; and (6) that we
recognize the right of him who dwells
in the house to open the door to us or
not as he shall please. We would not
obtrude upon him ; we would not force
his door ; and if, after we are sure that
we are heard, we are not admitted, we
turn quietly away. Both of these things
are implied here by the language used
by the Saviour when he approaches man
as represented under the image of
knocking at the door : — that he desires
to be admitted to our friendship; and
that he recognizes our freedom in the
matter. He does not obtrude himself
upon us, nor does he employ force to
find admission to the heart. If admitted,
he comes and dwells with us ; if reject
ed, he turns quietly away — perhaps to
return and knock again ; perhaps never
to come back. The language here used,
also, may be understood as applicable to
all persons, and to all the methods by
which the Saviour seeks to come into
the heart of a sinner. It would properly
refer to any thing which would announce
his presence : — his word ; his Spirit; the
solemn events of his Providence; the
invitations of his gospel. In these, and
in other methods he comes to man,
and the manner in which these invita
tions ought to be estimated, would be
seen by supposing that he came to us
personally and solicited our friendship,
and proposed to be our Redeemer. It
may be added here, that this expression
proves that the attempt at reconciliation
begins with the Saviour. It is not that
the sinner goes out to meet him, or to
seek for him ; it is that the Saviour pre
sents himself at the door of the heart as
if he were desirous to enjoy the friend
ship of man. This is in accordance with
the uniform language of the New Testa-

128

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

21 To him that overcometh ° •will
alJno. 5. 4, 5. c. 12.11.
tnent, that " God so loved the world as
to give his only-begotten Son ;" that
"Christ came to seek and to save the
lost;" that the Saviour says, "Come unto
me, all ye that labor and are heavy-
laden," &c. Salvation, in the Scriptures,
is never represented as originated hy man.
*H If any man hear my voice. Perhaps
referring to a custom then prevailing,
that he who knocked spake, in order to
let it be known who it was. This might
be demanded in the night (Luke xi. 5),
or when there yns apprehension of
danger, and it may have been the cus
tom when John wrote. The language
here, in accordance with the uniform
usage in the Scriptures (Comp. Isa. Iv.
1; John vii. 37; Rev. xxii. 17), is uni
versal, and proves that the invitations
of the gospel are made, and are to be
made, not to a part only, but fully and
freely to all men; for, although this
originally had reference to the members
of the church in Laodicea, yet the lan
guage chosen seems to have been of de
sign so universal {t&v ri$) as to be appli
cable to every human being; and any
one, of any age, and in any land, would
be authorized to apply this to himself,
and, under the protection of this invita
tion to come to the Saviour, and to plead
this promise as one that fairly included
himself. It may be observed farther,
that this also recognizes the freedom of
man. It is submitted to him whether
he will hear the voice of the Redeemer
or not, and whether he will open the
door and admit him or not. He speaks
loud enough, and distinctly enongh, to
be heard, but he does not force the door
if it is not voluntarily opened. % And
open the door. As one would when a
stranger or friend stood and knocked.
The meaning here is simply, if any one
will admit me ; that is, receive me as a
friend. The act of receiving him is
as voluntary on our part as it is when
we rise and open the door to one who
knocks. It may be added (1) that
this is an easy thing. Nothing is more
easy than to open the door when one
knocks; and so everywhere in the
Scriptures it is represented as an easy
thing, if the heart is willing, to secure
the salvation of the soul. (2) This is a
-easonable thing. Wo invite him who

I grant to sit b with me in my throne,
b Lu. 22. 30.
knocks at the door, to come in. We al
ways assume, unless there is reason to
suspect the contrary, that he applies for
peaceful and friendly purposes. We
deem it the height of rudeness to let
one stand and knock long; or to let him
go aWay with no friendly invitation to
enter our dwelling. Yet, how different
does the sinner treat the Saviour ! How
long does he suffer him to knock at the
door of his heart, with no invitation to
enter — no act of common civility such
as that with which he would greet even
a stranger ! And with how much cool
ness and indifference does he see him
turn away — perhaps to come back no
more, and with no desire that he ever
should return ! ^[ 1 will come in to him,
and will sup with him, and he with me.
This is an image denoting intimacy and
friendship. Supper, with the ancients,
was the principal social meal ; and the
idea here is, that between the Saviour
and those who would receive him, thero
would be the intimacy which subsists
between those who sit down to a friendly
meal together. In all countries and
times, to eat together, to break bread
together, has been the symbol of friend
ship, and this the Saviour promises here.
The truths, then, which are taught in
this verse, are (1) that the invitation of
the gospel is made to all — " if any man
hear my voice ;" (2) that the movement
towards reconciliation and friendship is
originated by the Saviour — -"behold, I
stand at the door and knock;" (3) that
there is a recognition of our own free
agency in religion — "if any man will
hear my voice, and open the door;*' (4)
the ease of the terms of salvation, re
presented by "hearing his voice," and
"opening tho door;" and (5) the bless
edness of thus admitting him, arising
from his friendships — "I will sup with
him, and he with me." What friend
can man have who would confer so
many benefits on him as the Lord Jesus
Christ? Who is there that he should
so gladly welcome to his bosom ?
21. To him that overcometh. See
Notes on ch. ii. 7. % Will I grant to
sit withme in my throne. That is, they
will share his honors and his triumphs.
See Notes ch, ii. 26, 27; comp. Notes on
Rom. viii. 17. f j£ven as I wh$ over'

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER III.

129

even as I also overcame, • and am
set down with my Father in his
throne. a Jno. 16. 33.

came. As I gained a victory over the
world, and over the power ^of the
Tempter. As the reward of this, he is
exalted to the throne of the universe
(Phil. ii. 6-11), and in these honors
achieved by their great and glorious
Head, all the redeemed will share.
^ And am set down with my Father in
his throne. Comp. Notes on Phil. ii.
6-11. That is, he has dominion over
the universe. All things are put under
his feet, and in the strictest unison, and
with perfect harmony, he is united with
the Pather in administering the affairs
of all worlds. The dominion of the
Father is that of the Son ; that of the
Son is that of the Father— for they are
one. See Notes on John v. 19 ; comp.
Notes on Eph. i. 20-22; 1 Cor. xv.
24-28. 22. He that hath an ear, &e. See
Notes on ch. ii. 7.
This closes the epistolary part of this
book, and the "visions" properly com
mence with the next chapter. Two
remarks may be made in the conclusion
of this exposition. (1) The first relates
to the truthfulness of the predictions in
these epistles. As an illustration of that
truthfulness, and of the present cor
respondence of the condition of those
churches with what the Saviour said to
John they would be, the following
striding passage may be introduced
from Mr. Gibbon. It occurs in his de
scription of the conquests of the Turks
(Dec. & Fall, iv. 260, 261) :— " Two
Turkish chieftains, Sarukhan and Aidiu,
left their names to their conquests, and
their conquests to their posterity. The
captivity or ruin of the seven churches
of Asia was consummated ; and the bar
barous lords of Ionia and Lydia still
trample on the monuments of classic
and Christian antiquity. In the loss of
Ephesus, the Christians deplored the
fall of the first angel, the extinction of
the first candlestick of the Revelations :
the destitution is complete ; and the
temple of Diana, or the church of Mary,
will equally elude the search of the
curious traveller. The circus and three
stately theatres of Laodicea are now

22 He * that hath an ear, let him
hear what the Spirit saith unto the
churches. b c. 2. 7.

peopled with wolves and foxes ; Sardis
is reduced to a miserable village ; the
God of Mahomet, without a rival or a
son, is invoked in the mosques of
Thyatira and Pergamos ; and the popu-
lousness of Smyrna is supported by the
foreign trade of Franks and Armenians.
Philadelphia alone has been saved by
prophecy or courage. At a distance
from the sea, forgotten by the emperors,
encompassed on all sides by the Turks,
her valiant citizens defended their reli
gion and freedom above fourscore years,
and at length capitulated with the
proudest of the Ottomans. Among the
Greek colonies and churches of Asia,
Philadelphia is still erect, a column
in a scene of ruins ; a pleasing example
that the paths of honor and safety may
sometimes be the same."
(2) The second remark relates to the
applicability of these important truths
to us. There is perhaps no part of the
New Testament more searching than
these brief epistles to the seven churches;
and though those to whom they were
addressed have long since passed away,
and the churches have long since become
extinct; though darkness, error, and
desolation have come over the places
where these churches once stood, yet
the principles laid down in these epistles
still live, and they are full of admonition
to Christians in all ages and all lands.
It is a consideration of as much import
ance to us as it was to these churches,
that the Saviour now knows our works ;
that he sees in the church and in any
individual, all that^there is to commend
and all that there is to reprove; that ho
has power to reward or punish now as
he had then ; that the same rules in ap
portioning rewards and punishments will
still be acted on ; that he who overcomes
the temptations of the world will find an
appropriate reward, that those who live
in sin must meet with the proper re
compense, and that those who are luke
warm in his service will be spurned with
unutterable loathing. His rebukes are
awful ; but his promises are full of ten
derness and kindness. While they who
have embraced error, and they who are

130

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

living in sin, have occasion to tremble
before him, they who are endeavoring to
perform their duty, may find in these
epistles enough to cheer their hearts, and
to animate them with the hope of final
victory, and of the most ample and glo
rious reward. CHATTER IV.
ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.
This chapter properly commences
the series of visions respecting future
events, and introduces those remarkable
symbolical descriptions which were de
signed to cheer the hearts of those to
whom the book was first sent, in their
trials, and the hearts of all believers in
all ages, with the assurance of the final
triumph of the gospel. See the Intro
duction. In regard to the nature of these visions,
¦jx the state of mind of the writer, there
have been different opinions. Some.have
supposed that all that is described was
made only to pass before the mind, with
no visible representation ; others, that
there were visible representations so
made to him that he could copy them ;
others, that all that is said or seen was
only the production of the author's ima
gination. The latter is the view princi
pally entertained by German writers on
the book. All that would seem to be
apparent on the face of the book, — and
that is all that we can judge by — is,
that the following things occurred: — (1)
The writer was in a devout frame of
mind— a state of holy contemplation —
when the scenes were represented to
him, ch. i. 10. (2) The representations
were supernatural, — that is, they were
something which was disclosed to him,
in that state of mind, beyond any na
tural reach of his faculties. (3) These
things were so made to pass before him
that they had the aspect of reality, and
he could copy and describe them as real.
It is not necessary to suppose that there
was any representation to the bodily
eye ; but they had, to his mind, such a
reality that he could describe them as
pictures or symbols — and his office was
limited to that. He does not attempt to
explain them— nor does he intimate that
he understood them; but his office per
tains to an accurate record — a fair tran
script — of what passed before his mind.
For any thing that appears, he may
uave been as ignorant of their significa

tion as any of his readers, and may have
subsequently studied them with the same
kind of attention which we now give to
them (comp. Notes on 1 Pet. i. 11, 12),
and may have, perhaps, remained igno
rant of their signification to the day of
his death. It is no more necessary to
suppose that he understood all that was
implied in these symbols, than it is that
one who can describe a beautiful land
scape understands all the laws of the
plants and flowers in the landscape ; or,
that one who copies all the designs and
devices of armorial bearings in heraldry
should understand all that is meant by
the symbols that are used; or, that one
who should copy the cuniform inscrip
tions of Persepolis, or the hieroglyphics
of Thebes, should understand the mean
ing of the symbols. All that is demanded
or expected, in such a case, is, that the
copy should be accurately made; and,
when made, this copy may he as much
an object of study to him who made it
as to any one else. (4) Yet, there was
a sense in which these symbols were
real; that is, they were a real and pro
per delineation of future events. They
were not the mere workings of the ima
gination. He who saw them in vision,
though there may have been no repre
sentation to the eye, had before him
what was a real and appropriate re
presentation of coming events. If not,
the visions are as worthless as dreams
are. Tho visions open (ch. \y.) with a
Theophany, or a representation of Go£
John is permitted to look into hea
ven, and to have a view of the throne
of God, and of the worship celebrated
there. A door (&vpa) or opening is made
into heaven, so that he, as it were, looks
through the concave above, and sees
what is beyond. He sees the throne of
God, and him who sits on the throne,
and the worshippers there ; he sees the
lightnings play around the throne, and
hears the thunder's roar; he sees the
rainbow that encompasses the throne,
and hears the songs of the worshippers.
In reference to this vision, at the com
mencement of the series of symbols
which he was about to describe, and
the reason why this was vouchsafed
to him, the following remarks may be
suggested : —
(1) There is, in some respeets, a striking
resemblance between this and the visiona

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IV.

131

of Isaiah (ch. vi.) and Ezekiel (ch. i.).
As those prophets, when about to enter on
their office, were solemnly inaugurated
by being permitted to have a vision of
the Almighty, so John was inaugurated
to the office of making known future
things — the last prophet of the world —
by a similar vision. We shall see, in
deed, that the representation made to
John was not precisely the same as that
which was made to Isaiah, or that which
was made to Ezekiel; but the most
striking symbols are retained, and that
of John is as much adapted to impress
the mind as either of the others. Each
of them describes the throne, and the
attending circumstances of sublimity and
majesty; each of them speaks of one on
the throne, but neither of them has at
tempted any description of the Almighty.
There is no delineation of ah image, or a
figure representing God, but every thing
respecting him is veiled in such obscu
rity as to fill the mind with awe.
(2) The representation is such as to
produce deep solemnity on the mind of
the writer and the reader. Nothing
could have been better adapted to pre
pare the mind of John for the important
communications which he was about to
make than to be permitted to look, as it
were, directly into heaven, and to see
the throne of God. And nothing is better
fitted to impress the mind of the reader
than the view which is furnished, in the
opening vision, of the majesty and glory
of God. Brought, as it were, into his
very presence ; permitted to look upon
his burning throne ; seeing the reverent
and profound worship of the inhabitants
of heaven, we feel our minds awed, and
our souls subdued, as we hear the God
of heaven speak, and as we see seal
after seal opened, and hear trumpet
after trumpet utter its voice.
(3) The form of the manifestation —
the opening vision — is eminently fitted
to show us that the communications in
this book proceed from heaven. Look
ing into heaven, and seeing the vision
of the Almighty, we are prepared to feel
that what follows has a higher than any
human origin; that it has come direct
from the throne of God. And,
(4) There was a propriety that the vi
sions should open with a manifestation
of the throne of God in heaven, or with
a vision of heaven, because that also is
the termination of the whole; it is that

to which all the visions in the book
tend. It begins in heaven, as seen by
the exile in Patmos; it terminates in
heaven, when all enemies of the church
are subdued, and the redeemed reign
triumphant in glory.
The substance of the introductory
vision in this chapter can be stated in
few words : — (a) A door is opened, and
John is permitted to look into heaven,
and to see what is passing there, vs. 1, 2.
(b) The first thing that strikes him is a
throne, with one sitting on the throne, ver.
2. (c) The appearance of him who sits
upon the throne is described, ver. 3. He
is like "a jasper and a sardine-stone."
There is no attempt to portray his form;
there is no description from which an
image could be formed that could become
an object of idolatrous worship — for who
would undertake to chisel any thing
so indefinite as that which is merely
" like a jasper or a sardine-stone ?" And
yet, the description is distinct enough to
fill the mind with emotions of awe and
sublimity, and to leave the impression
that he who sat on the throne was a
pure and holy God. (d) Round about
the throne there was a bright rainbow —
a symbol of peace, ver. 3. (c) Around
the throne are gathered the elders of the
church, having on their heads crowns
of gold : — symbols of the ultimate tri
umph of the church, ver. 4. (/) Thun
der and lightning, as at Sinai; announce
the presence of God, and seven burning
lamps before the throne represent the
Spirit of God, in his diversified opera
tions, as going forth through the world
to enlighten, sanctify, and save, ver. S.
(g) Before the throne, there is a pellucid
pavement, as of crystal, spread out like
a sea: — emblem of calmness, majesty,
peace, and wide dominion, ver. 6. (A)
The throne is supported by four living
creatures, full of eyes : — emblems of the
all-seeing power of him that sits upon
the throne, and of his ever-watchful
Providence, ver. 6. (?) To each one of
these living creatures there is a peculiar
symbolic face : — respectively emblematic
of tne authority, the powder, the wis
dom of God, and of the rapidity with
which the purposes of Providence are
executed, ver. 1. All are furnished with
wings : — emblematic of their readiness to
do the will of God, ver. 8, but each one
individually with a peculiar form, (j)
All these creatures pay ceaseless homage

132

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

CHAPTER IV.
AFTER this I looked, and, be
hold, a door was opened in
heaven ; and the first voice ¦ which
o c. 1. 10.

to God, whose throne they are repre
sented as supporting: — emblematic of the
fact that all the operations of the divine
government do, in fact, promote his
glory, and, as it were, render him praise,
vs. 8, 9. (k) To this the elders, the re
presentatives of the church, respond : —
representing the fact that the church
acquiesces in all the arrangements of
Providence, and in the execution of all
the divine purposes, and finds in them
all ground for adoration and thanks
giving, vs. 10, 11.
1. After this. Gr. "after these things;"
that is, after what he had seen, and after
what he had been directed to record in
the preceding chapters. How long after
these things this occurred, he does not
say — whether on the same day, or at
some subsequent time; and conjecture
would be useless. The scene, however,
is changed. Instead of seeing the Sa
viour standing before him (ch. i.), the
scene is transferred to heaven, and he is
permitted to look in upon the throne of
God, and upon the worshippers there.
f / loohea\. Gr. I saw — iUov. Our word
look would rather indicate purpose or
attention, as if he had designedly directed
his attention to heaven, to see what
could be discovered there. The mean
ing, however, is simply that he saw a
new vision, without intimating whether
there was any design on his port, and
without saying how his thoughts came
to be directed to heaven, ^f A door was
opened. That is, there was apparently
an opening in the sky, like a door, so
that he could: look into heaven. ^[ In
heaven. Or, rather, in the expanse
above — in the visible heavens as they
appear to spread out over the earth. So,
Ezek. i. 1, "The heavens were opened,
and I saw visions of God." The He
brews spoke "of the sky above as a solid
expanse; or, as a curtain stretched out;
or, as an extended arch above the earth
— describing it as it appears to the eye.
In that expanse, or arch, the stars are
set as gems (comp. Notes on Isa. xxxiv,
4); through apertures or windows ir.

I heard was as it -were of a trum
pet talking with me ; which said,
Gome l up hither, and I will shew
thee things which must be hereafter.
b c. 11. 12.

:hat expanse the rain comes down, Gen.
vii. 11; and that is opened when a hea
venly messenger comes down to the
earth, Matt. iii. 16. Comp. Luke iii. 21;
Acts vii. 56 ; x. 11. Of course, all this
is figurative, but it is such language aa
all men naturally use. The simple mean
ing here is, that John had a vision of
what is in heaven as if there had been
such an opening made through the sky,
and he had been permitted to look into
the world above, ^f And the first voice
which I heard. That is, the first sound
which he heard was a command to come
up and see the glories of that world.
He afterwards heard other sounds — the
sounds of praise; but the first notes that
fell on his ear were a direction to come
up there and to receive a revelation re
specting future things. This does not
seem to me to mean, as Prof. Stuart,
Lord, and others, suppose, that he now
recognized the voice which had first, or
formerly, spoken to him (ch. i. 10), but
that this was the first in contradistinc
tion from other voices which he after
wards heard. It resembled the former
"voice" in this that it was "like the
sound of a trumpet," but besides that
there does not seem to have been any
thing that would suggest to him that it
came from the same source. It is cer
tainly possible that the Greek would
admit of that interpretation, but it is not
the most obvious or probable, f Was as
it were of a trumpet. It resembled the
sound of a trumpet, ch. i. 10. ^f Talking
with me. As of a trumpet that seemed
to speak directly to me. ^ Which said.
That is, the voice said. ^ Come up
hither. To the place whence the voice
seemed to proceed — heaven, ^f And J
will shew thee things which must be here
after. Gr. " after these things." The
reference is to future events; and the
meaning is, that there would be dis
closed to him events that were to occur
at some future period. There is no inti
mation here when they would occur, or
what would be embraced in the period
referred to. All that the words would

A. D. 90.]

CHAPTER IV.

133

2 And immediately I was in ° the
Spirit ; and, behold, a throne b was
set in heaven, and one sat c on the
throne.

uEz.3. 12-14; c.17.3;
Je. 17. 12; Ez. 1.26,28.

21.10. 6 In. 6.1;
c Da. 7.9; He. 8.1.

properly convey would be, that there
would be a disclosure of things that
were to occur in some future time.
2. And immediately I teas in the Spirit.
See Notes on ch. i. 10. He does not
affirm that he was caught up into hea
ven, nor does he say what an impression
was on his own mind, if any, as to the
place where he was, but he was at once
absorbed in the contemplation of the
visions before him. He was doubtless
still in Patmos, and these things were
made to pass before his mind as a
reality; that is, they appeared as real
to him as if he saw them, and they were
in fact a real symbolical representation
of things occurring in heaven, f And,
behold, a throne was set in heaven. That
is, a throne was placed there. The first
thing that arrested his attention was a
throne. This was "in heaven" — an ex
pression which proves that the scene of
the vision was not the temple in Jeru
salem, as some have supposed. There
is no allusion to the temple, and no
imagery drawn from the temple. Isaiah
iad his vision (Isa. vi.) in the holy of
holies of the temple; Ezekiel (ch. i. 1),
by the river Chebar ; but John looked
directly into heaven, and saw the throne
of God, and the encircling worshippers
there. ^[ And one sat on the throne. It
is remarkable that John gives no de
scription of him who sat on the throne,
nor does he indicate who he was by
name. Neither do Isaiah or Ezekiel
attempt to describe the appearance of
the Deity, nor are there any intimations
of that appearance given from which a
picture or an image could be formed.
So much do their representations accord
with what is demanded by correct taste;
and so sedulously have they guarded
against any encouragement of idolatry.
3. And he that sat icas to look upon.
"Was in appearance ; or, as I looked upon
him, this seemed to be his appearance.
He does not describe his form, but his
splendor. ^[ Like a jasper — Idtncibt. The
jasper, properly, is "an opaque, impure
variety of quartz, of red, yellow, and
12

3 And he that sat was to look
upon like a jasper and a sardine-
stone : and there was a rainbow
round about the throne, in sight
like unto an emerald.

also of some dull colors, breaking with
a smooth surface. It admits of a high
polish, and is used for vases, seals, snuff
boxes, Ac. When the colors are in
stripes or bands, it is called striped jas
per." — Dana, in Webster's Die. The co
lor here is not designated, whether red
or yellow. As the red was, however, the
common color worn by princes, it is
probable that that was the color that
appeared, and that John means to say
that he appeared like a prince in his
royal robes. Comp. Isa. vi. 1. \ And
a sardine-stone — txapiivtp. This denotes
a precious stone of a, blood-red, or some
times of a flesh-color, more commonly
known by the name of carnelian. — Bob.
Lex. Thus it corresponds with the jas
per, and this is only an additional cir
cumstance to convey the exact idea in
the mind of John, that the appearance
of him who sat on the throne was that
of a prince in his scarlet robes. This is
all the description which he gives of
his appearance; and this is (a) entirely
appropriate, as it suggests the idea of a
prince or a monarch; and (b) it is well
adapted to impress the mind with a
sense of the majesty of him who cannot
be described, and of whom no image
should be attempted. Comp. Deut. iv.
12. " Ye heard the voice of his words,
but saw no similitude." ^f And there
was a rainbow round about the throne.
This is a beautiful image, and was pro
bably designed to be emblematical as
well as beautiful. The previous repre
sentation is that of majesty and splen
dor ; this is adapted to temper the ma
jesty of the representation. The rain
bow has always, from its own nature,
and from its associations, been an em
blem of peace. It appears on the cloud
as the storm passes away. It contrasts
beautifully with the tempest that has
just been raging. It is seen as the rays
of the sun again appear clothing all
things with beauty — the more beautiful
from the fact that the storm has come,
and that the rain has fallen. If the rain
has been gentle, nature smiles serenely,

134

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

4 And round about the throne
were four and twenty seats : a and
upon the seats I saw four and
a c. 11. 16.
and the leaves and flowers refreshed
appear clothed with new beauty ; if the
storm has raged violently, the appear
ance of the rainbow is a pledge that the
war of the elements has ceased, and that
God smiles again upon the earth. It
reminds us too of the " covenant," when
God did " set his bow in the cloud," and
solemnly promised that the earth should
no more be destroyed by a flood. Gen.
ix. 9-16. The appearance of the rain
bow, therefore, around the throne was a
beautiful emblem of the mercy of God,
and of the peace that was to pervade the
world as the result of the events that
were to be disclosed to the vision of
John. True, there were lightnings and
thunderings and voices, but there the
bow abode calmly above them all, assur
ing him that there was to be mercy and
peace. ^[ In sight like unto an emerald.
The emerald is green, and this color so
predominated in the bow that it seemed
to be made of this species of precious
stone. The modified and mild color of
green appears to every one to predomi
nate in the rainbow. Ezekiel (i. 28) has
introduced the image of the rainbow also
in his description of the vision that ap
peared to him, though not as calmly en
circling the throne, but as descriptive
of the general appearance of the scene.
" As is the appearance of the bow that
is on the cloud in the day of rain, so
was the appearance of the brightness
round about." Milton also has intro
duced it, but it is also as a port of the
coloring of the throne : —
11 Over their beads a crystal firmament,
Whereon a sapphire throne, inlaid with pure
Amber, and colors of the showery arch."
Par. Lost, D. vii.
4. And round about the throne were
four amd twenty seats Or rather
thrones — Spdvot — the same word being
used as that which is rendered throne —
&fi6vo$. The word, indeed, properly de
notes a seat, but it came to be employed
to denote particularly the seat on which
a monarch sat, and is properly translated
thus in vs. 2, 3. So it is rendered in
Matt. v. 34, xix. 28, xxiii. 22, xxv. 31;
Luke i. 32, and uniformly elsewhere in
the Now Testament (fifty-three places

twenty elders sitting, clothed in
white * raiment ; and they had on
their heads crowns c of gold.
b c. 3. 4, 5. c ver. 10.

in all), except in Luke i. 52 ; Kom. ii.
13, iv. 4, xi. 16, xvi. 10, where it is ren
dered seat and seats. It should have
been rendered throne here, and is so
translated by Prof. Stuart Coverdale
and Tyndall render the word seat in
each place in vs. 2, 3, 4, 5. It was un
doubtedly the design of the writer to
represent those who eat on those seats
as, in some sense, kings, for they have
on their heads crowns of gold, and that
idea should have been retained in the
translation of this word. •[ And upon
the seals I saw four and twenty elders
sitting. Very various opinions have
been entertained in respect to those who
thus appeared sitting around the throne,
and to the question why the number
twenty-four is mentioned. Instead of
examining those opinions at length, it
will be better to present, in a summary
manner, what seems to he probable in
regard to the intended reference. The
following points, then, would appear to
embrace all that can be known on this
subject: (1) These elders have a regal
character, or are of a kingly order. This
is apparent (a) because they are repre
sented as sitting on " thrones," and (6)
because they have on their heads
" crowns of gold." (2) They are em
blematic. They are designed to sym
bolize or represent some class of per
sons. This is clear because (a) it cannot
be supposed that so small a number
would compose the whole of those who
are in fact around the throne of God,
and (o) because there are other symbols
there designed to represent something
pertaining to the homage rendered to
God, as the four living creatures and
the angels, and this supposition is ne
cessary in order to complete the sym
metry and harmony of the representa
tion. (3) They are human beings, and
are designed to have some relation to
the race of man, and somehow to con
nect the human race with the worship
of heaven. The four living creatures
have another design; the angels (ch.
v.) have another; but these are mani
festly of our race — persons from this
world before the throno. (4) They are

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IV.

135

5 And out of the throne proceeded

designed in some way to be symbolic
of the church as redeemed. Thus they
say (ch. v. 9), "Thou hast redeemed us
to God by thy blood." (5) They are
designed to represent the whole church
in every land and every age of the world.
Thus they say (ch. v. 9), "Thou hast
redeemed us to God by thy blood, out
of every kindred, and tongue, and people,
and nation." This shows further that
the whole representation is emblematic;
for otherwise in so. small a number —
twenty-four — there could not be are-
presentation out of every nation. (6)
They represent the church triumphant;
the church victorious. Thus they have
crowns on their heads ; they have harps
in their hands (ch. v. 8); they say that
they are "kings and priests," and that
they will " reign on the earth" (ch. v. 10).
(7) The design, therefore, is to represent
the church triumphant — redeemed —
saved — as rendering praise and honor
to God; as uniting with the hosts of
heaven in adoring him for his perfec
tions and for the wonders of his grace.
As representatives of the church they
are admitted near to him ; they encircle
his throne ; they appear victorious over
every foe; and they come, in unison
with the living creatures, and the angels,
and the whole universe (ch. v. 13), to
ascribe power and dominion to God,
(8) As to the reason why the number
"twenty-four" is mentioned, perhaps
nothing certain can be determined,
Ezekiel, in his vision (Ezek. viii. 16, xi.
1), saw twenty-five men between the
porch and the altar, with their backs
toward the temple, and their faces to
ward the earth — supposed to be repre
sentations of the twenty-four "courses'
into which the body of priests was di
vided (1 Chron. xxiv. 3-19), with the
high priest among them, making up the
number twenty-five. It is possible that
John in this vision may have designed
to refer to the church considered as a
priesthood (comp. Notes on 1 Pet. ii. 9),
and to have alluded to the fact that the
priesthood under the Jewish economy
was divided into twenty-four courses,
each with a presiding officer, and who
was a representative of that portion of
the priesthood over which he presided.
If so, then the ideas which enter into

lightnings a and thunderings and
a c. 8. 5. 16. 18.

the representation are these: — (a) that
the whole church may be represented as
a priesthood, or a community of priests —
an idea which frequently occurs in the
New Testament, (b) That the church,
as such a community of priests, is em
ployed in the praise and worship of
God — an idea, also, which finds abun
dant countenance in the New Testament.
(c) That, in a series of visions having a
designed reference to the church, it was
natural to introduce some symbol or
emblem representing the church, and
representing the fact that this is its of
fice and employment. And (d) that this
would be well expressed by an allusion
derived from the ancient dispensation —
the division of the priesthood into classes,
over each one of which there presided
an individual who might be considered
as the representative of his class. It is
to be observed, indeed, that in one re
spect they are represented as " kings "
but still this does not forbid the suppo
sition that there might have been inter
mingled also another idea, that they
were also "priests." Thus, the two
ideas are blended by these same elders
in ch. v. 10 : — "And hath made us unto
our God kings and priests." — Thus un
derstood, the vision is designed to denote
the fact that the representatives of the
church, ultimately to be triumphant,
are properly engaged in ascribing praise
to God. The word elders here seems to
be used in the sense of aged and vene
rable men, rather than as denoting office.
They were such as by their age were
qualified to preside over the different
divisions of the priesthood. ^ Clothed
in while raiment. Emblem of purity,
and appropriate therefore to the repre
sentatives of the sanctified church.
Comp. ch. iii. 4, vi. 11, vii. 9. ^ And
they had on their heads crowns of gold.
Emblematic of the fact that they sus-
tainedakinglyoffice. Therewas blended
in the representation the idea that they
were both "kings and priests." Thus
the idea is expressed by Peter (1 Pet.
ii. 9), "a royal priesthood" — BaalXeiov
updrcvpa. 5. And out of the throne proceed
ed lightnings and thunderings ana
voices. Expressive of the majesty and
glory of him that sat upon it. We are

136

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

voices : and there were seven lamps
• of fire burning before the throne,
which are the seven Spirits * of God.
oGc. 15.17. Ex.37. 23. Zee. 4. 2. 6 c. 1.4.

at once reminded by this representation
of the sublime scene that occurred at^,
Sinai (Ex. xix. 16), where " there were
thunders and lightnings, and a thick
cloud upon the Mount, and the voice of
the trumpet exceeding loud." Comp.
Ezek. i. 13, 24. So Milton,
"Forth rushed with whirlwind sound
The chariot of Paternal Deity,
Flashing thick flames."
'* And from about him fierce effusion rolled
Of smoke, and lightning flame, and sparkles dire."
Par. Lost. B. vi.
The word "voices" here connected with
"thunders" perhaps means "voices even
thunders"— referring to the sound made
by the thunder. The meaning is, that
these were echoing and re-echoing
sounds, as it were a multitude of voices
that seemed to speak on every side.
^f And there were seven lamps of fire
burning before the throne. Seven burn
ing lamps that constantly shone there,
illuminating the whole scene. These
steadily burning lamps would add much
to the beauty of the vision* f Which
are the seven Spirits of God. Which re
present, or are emblematic of the seven
Spirits of God. On the meaning of the
phrase, "the seven Spirits of God," see
Notes on ch. i. 4. If these lamps are de
signed to be symbols of the Holy Spirit,
according to the interpretation proposed
in ch. i. 4, it may be perhaps in the fol
lowing respects: — (1) They may repre
sent the manifold influences of that
Spirit in the world — as imparting light;
giving consolation; creating the heart
anew ; sanctifying the soul, Ac. They
may denote that all the operations of
that Spirit are of the nature of light,
dissipating darkness, and vivifying and
animating all things. (3) Perhaps their
being placed here before the throne, in
the midst of thunder and lightning, may
be designed to represent the idea that
amidst all the scenes of magnificence
and grandeur; all the storms, agitations,
and tempests on the earth ; all the politi
cal changes, all the convulsions of empire
under the providence of God, and all
tho commotions in the soul of man pro
duced by the thunderB of the law, the

6 And before the 'throne there
was a sea c of glass like unto crys
tal : and in the midst of the throne,
c c. 15. 2.

Spirit of God beams calmly and serenely
— shedding a steady influence over all
— like lamps burning in the very midst
of lightnings, and thunderings, and
voices. In all the scenes of majesty and
commotion that occur on the earth, the
Spirit of God is present, shedding a
constant light, and undisturbed in his
influence by all the agitations that are
abroad. 6. And before the throne there was a
sea of glass. An expanse spread out
like a sea composed of glass : — that is,
that was pellucid and transparent like
glass. It is not uncommon to compare
the sea with glass. See numerous ex
amples in Wetstein, in loc. The point
of the comparison here seems to be
its transparent appearance. It was
perfectly clear — apparently stretch
ing out in a wide expanse, as if it
were a sea. ^[ Like a crystal. The
word crystal means properly any thing
congealed and pellucid, as ice; then
any thing resembling that, particu
larly a certain species of stone dis
tinguished for its clearness — as the
transparent crystals of quartz; limpid
and colorless quartz ; rock or mountain
quartz. The word crystal now, in
mineralogy, means an inorganic body
which, by the operation of aflinity, has
assumed the form of a regular solid, by
a certain number of plane and smooth
faces. It is here used manifestly in its
popular sense to denote any thing that
is perfectly clear like ice. The com
parison, in the representation cf the
expanse spread around the throne, turns
on these points : — (a) it appeared like a
sea — stretching afar ; (6) it resembled,
in its general appearance, glass, and
this idea is strengthened by the addition
of another image of the same character
— that it was like an expanse of crystal,
perfectly clear and pellucid. This would
seem to be designed to represent the
floor or pavement on which the throno
stood. If this is intended to be em
blematical it may denote (a) that the
empire of God is vast — as if it were
spread out like the sea; — or (b) it may
be emblematic of the calmness — the

A. D. 96.J

CHAPTER IV.

137

and round about the throne, were
a Ezek. 1. 5, &c. 10. 14.
placidity of the divine administration —
like an undisturbed and unruffled ocean
of glass. Perhaps, however, we should
not press such circumstances too far to
find a symbolical meaning. ^ And in
the midst of the throne, iv utvif rov
SoSvov. Not occupying the throne, but
so as to appear to be intermingled with
the throne, or "in the midst" of it, in
the sense that it was beneath the centre
of it. The meaning would seem to be,
that the four living creatures referred to
occupied such a position collectively
that they at the same time appeared to
be under the throne, so that it rested
on them, and around it, so that they
could be seen from any quarter. This
would occur if their bodies were under
the throne, and if they stood so that
they faced outward. To one approaching
the throne they would seem to be around
it, though their bodies were under,
or "in the midst" of it as a support.
The form of their bodies is not specified,
but it is not improbable that though
their heads were different, their bodies,
that were under the throne, and that
sustained it, were of the same form,
^[ And round about the throne. In the
sense above explained — that, as they
stood, they would be seen on every side
of the throne, ^f Were four beasts. This
is a very unhappy translation, as the
word Leasts by no means conveys a
correct idea of the original word. The
Greek word — Jffiov — means properly a
living thing; and it is thus indeed
applied to animals, or to the living
creation, but the notion of their being
living things, or living creatures should
be retained in the translation. Prof.
Stuart renders it, " living creatures."
Isaiah (vi.), in his vision of Jehovah, saw
two Seraphim ; Ezekiel, whom John
more nearly resembles in his descrip
tion, saw four " living creatures" —
n^n (ch. i. 5), that is, living, animated,
moving beings. The words "living
beings" would better convey the idea
than any other which could be em
ployed. They are evidently, like those
which Ezekiel saw, symbolical beings ;
but the nature and purpose of the
symbol is not perfectly apparent. The
" four and twenty elders" are evidently
12*

four <¦ beasts, full of eyes, before
and behind.

human beings, and are representatives,
as above explained, of the church.- In
ch. v. 11, angels are themselves intro
duced as taking an important part in
the worship of heaven, and these living
beings, therefore, cannot be designed to
represent either angels or men. In
Ezekiel, they are either designed as
poetic representations of the majesty
of God, or of his providential govern
ment, showing what sustains his throne :
— symbols denoting intelligence, vigi
lance, the rapidity and directness with
which the divine commands are exe
cuted, and the»energy and firmness with
which the government of God is ad
ministered. The nature of the case,
and the similarity to the representa
tion in Ezekiel, would lead us to suppose
that the same idea is to be found sub
stantially in John, and thero would be
no difficulty in such an interpretation,
were it not that these " living creatures"
are apparently represented in ch. v. 8,
9, as uniting with the redeemed from
the earth, in such a manner as to imply
that they were themselves redeemed.
But perhaps the language in ch. v. 9,
"And they sung a new song," &q.,
though apparently connected with the
"four beasts" in ver. 8, is not designed
to be so connected. John may intend
there merely to advert to the fact
that a new song was sung, without
meaning to say that the "four living
beings" united in that song. For, if he
designed merely to say that the " four
living beings," and the "four and twenty
elders" fell down to worship, and then
that a song was heard, though in fact
sung only by the four and twenty elders,
he might have employed the language
which he actually has done. If this
interpretation be admitted, then the
most natural explanation to be given
of the " four living beings" is to sup
pose that they are symbolical beings
designed to furnish some representa
tion of the government of God — to illus
trate, as it were, that on which the
divine government rests, or which con
stitutes its support — to wit, power,
intelligence, vigilance, energy. This
is apparent (a) because it was not
unusual for the thrones of monarchs
to be supported by carved animals of

138

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

various forms, which were designed un
doubtedly to be somehow emblematic of
government — either of its stability, vigi
lance, boldness, or firmness. Thus Solo
mon had twelve lions carved on each
side of his throne — no improper em
blems of government. 1 Kings x. 19,
20. (6) These living beings are de
scribed as the supports of the throne
of God, or as that on which it rests, and
would be, therefore, no improper sym
bols of the great principles or truths
which give support or stability to the
divine administration, (c) They are, in
themselves, well adapted to be repre
sentatives of the great principles of the
divine government, or of the divine
providential dealings, as *we shall see in
the more particular explanation of the
symbol, (d) Perhaps it might be added,
that, so understood, there would be com
pleteness in the vision. The "elders"
appear there as representatives of the
church redeemed ; the angels in their
own proper persons render praise to
God. To this it was not improper to
add, and the completeness of the repre
sentation seems to make it necessary to
add, that all the doings of the Almighty
unite in his praise ; his various acts in
the government of the universe har
monize with redeemed and unfallen in
telligences in . proclaiming his glory.
The vision of the "living beings,"
therefore, is not, as I suppose, a repre
sentation of the attributes of God as
such, but an emblematic representa
tion of the divine government — of the
throne of Deity resting upon, or sus
tained by, those things of which these
living beings are emblems — intelligence,
firmness, energy, &c. This supposition
Beems to combine more probabilities
than any other which has been proposed,
for according to this supposition all the
acts, and ways, and creatures of God
unite in his praise. It is proper to add,
however, that expositors are by no
means agreed as to the design of this
representation. Prof. Stuart supposes
that the attributes of God are referred
to; Mr. Elliott (i. 93) that the "twenty-
four elders and the four living creatures
symbolize the church, or the collective
body of tho saints of God ; and that as
there are two grand divisions of the
church, tho larger one that of the de
parted in Paradise, and tho other that
militant on earth, tho former is depleted

by the twenty-four elders, and the latter
by the living creatures ;" Mr. Lord (pp.
53, 54;) that the living creatures and the
elders are both of one race, the former
perhaps denoting those like Enoch and
Elijah, who were translated, and those
who were raised by the Saviour after his
resurrection, or those who have been
raised to special eminence, the latter
the mass of the redeemed ; Mr. Mede
that the living creatures are symbols of
the church worshipping on earth ; Mr.
Daubuz that they are symbols of the
ministers of the church on earth ;
Vitringa that they are symbols of emi
nent ministers and teachers in every
age; Dr. Hammond regards him who
sits on the throne as the Metropolitan
Bishop of Judea, the representative of
God, the elders as diocesan bishops of
Judea, and the living creatures as four
apostles, symbols of the saints who are
to attend the Almighty as assessors in
judgment! See Lord on the Apoca
lypse, pp. 58, 59. If Full of eyes.
Denoting omniscience. The ancients
fabled Argus as having one hundred
eyes, or as having the power of seeing
in any direction. The emblem here
would denote an ever-watchful and ob
serving Providence ; and in accordance
with the explanation proposed above, it
means that, in the administration of the
divine government, every thing is dis
tinctly contemplated; nothing escapes
observation ; nothing can be concealed.
It is obvious that the divine govern
ment could not be administered unless
this were so; and it is the perfection of
the government of God that all things
are seen just as they are. In the vision
seen by Ezekiel (ch. i. 18), the " rings"
of the wheels on whioh the living crea
tures moved, are represented as " full of
eyes round about them," emblematic of
the same thing. So Milton,
" As with stars their bodies all,
And wings were set with eyes ; with eyes the wheels
Of beryl, and careening fires between."
If Before. In front. As one looked on
their faces, from whatever quarter the
throne was approached, he eould see a
multitude of eyes looking upon him.
^f And behijid. On the parts of their
bodies which were under the throne.
The meaning is, that there is universal
vigilance in the government of God.
Whatever is the form of the divine ad

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IV.

139

7 And the first beast was like a lion, and the second beast like a

ministration ; whatever part is contem
plated ; however it is manifested — whe
ther as activity, energy, power, or intelli
gence, it is based on the fact that all
things are seen from every direction.
There is nothing that is the result of
blind fate or of chance.
7. And the first beast was like a lion.
A general description has been given,
applicable to all, denoting that in what
ever form the divine government is ad
ministered, these things will be found ; a
particular description now follows, con
templating that government under par
ticular aspects, as symbolized by the
living beings on which the throne rests.
The first is that of a lion. The lion is
the monarch of the woods, the king of
beasts, and he becomes thus the emblem
of dominion, of authority, of govern
ment in general. Comp. Gen. xlix, 9 ;
Amos iii. 8 ; Joel iii. 16 ; Dan. vii. 4.
As emblematic of the divine administra
tion, this would signify that he who sits
on the throne is the ruler over all, and
that his dominion is absolute and entire.
It has been made a question whether
the whole body had the form of a lion,
or whether it had the appearance of a
lion only as to its face or front part. It
would seem probable that the latter only
is intended, for it is expressly said of
the " third beast" that it had " the face
of a man," implying that it did not re
semble a man in other respects, and it
is probable, that, as these living crea
tures were the supports of the throne,
they had the same form in all other par
ticulars except the front part. The wri
ter has not informed us what was the
appearance of these living creatures in
other respects, but it is most natural to
suppose that it was in the form of an ox,
as being adapted to sustain a burden.
It is hardly necessary to say that the
thing supposed to be symbolical here in
the government of God — his absolute
rule — actually exists, or that it is im
portant that this should be fairly exhi
bited to men. ^f And the second beast
was like a calf. Or, more properly, a
young bullock, for so the word — u6ax«s
— means. The term is given by Hero
dotus (ii. 41; iii. 28) to the Egyptian
god Apis, that is, a young bullock.
Such an emblem, standing under a
Jirone as one of its supports, would

symbolize firmness, endurance, strength
(comp. Prov. xiv. 4); and, as used to
represent qualities pertaining to him
who sat on the throne, would denote
stability, firmness, perseverance : — qua
lities that are found abundantly in the
divine administration. There was clearly,
in the apprehension of the ancients, some
natural fitness or propriety in such an
emblem. A young bullook was worship
ped in Egypt as a god. Jeroboam set
up two idols in the form of a calf, the
one in Dan, and the other in Bethel.
1 Kings xii. 28, 29. A similar object of
worship was found in the Indian, Greek,
and Scandinavian mythologies, and the
image appears to have been adopted
early and extensively to represent the
divinity. — The following figure is a re
presentation of a calf-idol, copied from
the collection made by the artists of the
French Institute at Cairo. It is .recum
bent, with human eyes, the skin flesh-
colored, and the whole afterparts covered
with a white and sky-blue drapery : the
horns not on the head, but above it, and
containing within them the symbolical
globe surmounted by two feathers. The
meaning of the emblems on the back is
not known. It is copied here merely to
show that, for some cause, the calf was
regarded as an emblem of the divinity.

It may illustrate this, also, to remark
that among the sculptures found by Mr.
Layard, in the ruins of Nineveh, were
not a few winged bulls, some of them of
large structure, and probably all of them
emblematic. One of these was removed
with great difficulty, to be deposited in

140

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

calf, and the third beast had a face

the British Museum. See Mr. Layard's
" Nineveh and its Remains," vol. ii. pp.
64^75. Such emblems were common in
the East j and, being thus common, they
would be readily understood in the time
of John. ^[ And the third beast had a
face as a man. There is no intimation
as to what was the form of the remain
ing portion of this living creature, but
as the beasts were " in the midst of the
throne," that is, under it as a support,
It may be presumed that they had such a
form as was adapted to that purpose — as
supposed above_perhaps the form of an
ox. To this living creature there was
Mtached the head of a man, and that
would be what would be particularly
visible to one looking on the throne.
The aspect of a man here would denote
intelligence — for it is this which distin
guishes man from the creation beneath
him ; and, if the explanation of the sym
bol above given be correct, then the
meaning of this emblem is, that the ope
rations of the government of God are
conducted with intelligence and wisdom.
That is, the divine administration is not
the result of blind fate or chance ; it is
founded on a clear knowledge of things,
on what is best to be done, on what will

as a man, and the fourth beast was
like a flying eagle.

most conduce to the common good. Of
the truth of this there can be no doubt;
and there was a propriety that in a vi
sion designed to give to man a view of
the government of the Almighty, this
should be appropriately symbolized. It
may illustrate this to observe, that in
ancient sculptures it was common to
unite the head of a man with the figure
of an animal, as combining symbols.
Among the most remarkable figures dis
covered by Mr. Layard, in the ruins of
Nineveh, were winged, human-headed
lions. These lions are thus described
by Mr. Layard : — " They were about
twelve feet in height, and the same num
ber in length. The body and limbs were
admirably portrayed; the muscles and
bones, although strongly developed, to
display the strength of the animal,
showed, at the same time, a correct
knowledge of its anatomy and form.
Expanded wings sprung from the shoul
der and spread over the back ; a knotted
girdle, ending in tassels, encircled the
loins. These sculptures, forming an en
trance, were partly in full, and partly in
relief. The head and forepart, facing
the chambers, were in full; but only
one side of the rest of the slab was sculp-

A. I). OG.]

CHAPTER IV.

141

tured, the back being placed against the
wall of sun-dried bricks." — Nineveh and
its Remains, vol. i. p. 75. The preceding
cut will give an idea of one of these hu
man-headed animals, and will serv* to
Illustrate the passage before us — alike
in reference to the head, — indicating in
telligence, and the wings, denoting ra
pidity. On the use of these figures,
found in the ruins of Nineveh, Mr. La
yard makes the following sensible re
marks — remarks admirably illustrating
the view which I take of the symbols
before us : — "I used to contemplate for
hours these mysterious emblems, and
muse over their intent and history.
What more noble forms could haye ush
ered the people into the temple of their
gods ? "What more sublime images could
have been borrowed from nature by men
who sought, unaided by the light of re
vealed religion, to embody their concep
tions of the wisdom, power, and ubiquity
of a Supreme Being ? They could find
no better type of intellect and knowledge
than the head of a man; of strength,
than the body of the lion ; of rapidity
of motion, than the wings of a bird.
These winged, human-headed lions were
not idle creations, the offspring of mere
fancy ; their meaning was written upon
them. They had awed and instructed
races which flourished 3000 years ago.
Through the portals which they guarded,
kings, priests, and warriors had borne
sacrifices to their altars, long before the
wisdom of the East had penetrated into
Greece, and had furnished its mythology
with symbols long recognized by the As
syrian votaries." — Nineveh and its Re
mains, i. 75, 76. fl And the fourth beast
was like a flying eagle. All birds, in
deed, fly ; but the epithet flying is here
employed to add intensity to the de
scription. The eagle is distinguished,
among the feathered race, for the rapi
dity, the power, and the elevation of its
flight. No other bird is supposed to fly
so high ; none ascends with so much
power ; none is so majestic and grand in
his ascent towards the sun. Thatwhich
would be properly symbolized by this
would be the rapidity with which the
commands of God are executed; or this
characteristic of the divine government,
that the purposes of God are carried into
prompt execution. There is, as it were,
a vigorous, powerful, and rapid flight
tc wards the accomplishment of the de

signs of God — as tho eagle ascends un
molested towards the sun. Or, it may
be that this symbolizes protecting care,
or is an emblem of that protection which
God by his Providence extends over
those who put their trust in him. Thus
in Ez. xix. 4: "Ye have seen how I
bore you on eagles' wings." Ps. xvii.
8 : "Hide me under the shadow of thy
wings." Ps. Ixiii. 7 : "In the shadow
of thy wings will T rejoice." Deut. xxxii.
11, 12 : " As an eagle stirreth up her nest,
fluttereth over her young, spreadeth
abroad her wings, taketh them, heoreth
them on her wings, so the Lord alone did
lead him," &c. As in the case of the other
living beings, so it is to he remarked of
the fourth living creature, also, that the
form of the body is unknown. There is
ncr impropriety in supposing that it is
only its front aspect that John here
speaks of, for that was sufBcient for the
symbol. The remaining portion "in the
midst of the throne," may have corre
sponded with that of the other living
beings, as being adapted to a support.
In further illustration of this it 'may be
remarked, that symbols of this descrip
tion were common in the Oriental world.
Figures in the human form, or in the
form of animals, with the head of an
eagle or a vulture, are found in the ruins
of Nineveh, and were undoubtedly de
signed to be symbolic. " On the earliest
Assyrian monuments," says Mr. Layard
(Nineveh and its Ruins, ii. 348, 34-9),
" one of the most prominent sacred types
is the eagle-headed, or the vulture-
headed, human figure. Not only is it
found in colossal proportions on the
walls, or guarding the portals of the
chambers, but it is also constantly re
presented in the groups on the embroi
dered robes. When thus introduced, it
is generally seen contending with other
mythic animals, — such as the human-
headed lion or hull ; and in these con
tests it is always the conqueror. It may
hence be inferred that it was a type of
the Supreme Deity, or of one of his prin
cipal attributes, A fragment of the Zo-
roastrian oracles, preserved by Eusebius,
declares that ' God is he that has the
head of a hawk. He is the flrst, inde
structible, eternal, unbegotten,. indivi
sible, dissimilar; the dispenser of all
good; incorruptible; the best of the
good, the wisest of the wise; he is the
father of equity and justice, self-taught.

142

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

8 And the four beasts had each
of 'them six a wings about him;
a Is. 6. 2, &c.

physical and perfect, and wise, and the
only inventor of the sacred philosophy.'
Sometimes the head of this bird is added
to the body of a lion. Under this form
of the Egyptian hieraco-sphinx it is the
conqueror in combats with other sym
bolical figures, and is frequently repre
sented as striking down a gazelle or wild
goat. It also clearly resembles the
gryphon of the Greek mythology, avow
edly an eastern symbol, and connected
with Apollo, or with the sun, of which
the Assyrian form was probably an
emblem." The following figure found
in Nimroud, or ancient Nineveh, may
furnish an illustration of one of the
usual forms.

If these views' of the meaning of
these symbols are correct, then the
idea which would be conveyed to the
mind of John, and the idea, therefore,
which should be conveyed to our minds,
is, that the government of God is
energetic, firm, intelligent, and that in
the execution of its purposes it is rapid
like the unobstructed flight of an eagle,
or protective like the care of the eagle
for its young. When, in the subsequent
parts of the vision, these living creatures
are represented as offering praise and
adoration to Him that sits on the throne
(ver. 8. ch. v. 8, 14), the meaning would
be, in accordance with this representa
tion, that all the nets of divine govern
ment do, as if the\ were personified,
unite in mq praise whuh the redeemed
and the angels ascribe to God. All
living things, and all acts of the Al

and they were fuU of eyes within :
and they b rest not day and night,
b bave no rest.

mighty, conspire to proclaim his glory.,
The church by her representatives the
" four and twenty elders" honor God ;
the angels without number, unite in the
praise ; all creatures in heaven, in earth,
under the earth, and in the sea (ch. v.
13) join in the song; and all the acts
and ways of God declare also his
majesty and glory: — for around his
throne, and beneath his throne, are ex
pressive symbols of the firmness, en
ergy, intelligence and power with which
his government is administered.
8. And the four beasts had each of them
six wings about him. An emblem com
mon to them all, denoting that, in refe
rence to each and all the things here
symbolized, there was one common cha
racteristic — that in heaven there is the
utmost promptness in executing the
divine commands. Comp. Isa. vi. 2;
Ps. xviii. 10, civ. 3 ; Jer. xlviii. 40. No
mention is made of the manner in which
these wings were arranged, and conjec
ture in regard to that is vain. The
Seraphim, as seen by Isaiah, had each
one six wings, with two of which the
face was covered, to denote profound
reverence ; with two the feet, or lower
ports — emblematic of modesty ; and with
two they flew — emblematic of their cele
rity in executing the commands of God.
Isa. vi. 2. Perhaps without impropriety
we may suppose that in regard to these
living beings seen by John, two of the
wings of each were employed, as in
Isaiah, to cover the face — token of pro
found reverence ; and that the remainder
were employed in flight — denoting the
rapidity with which the divine com
mands ore executed. Mercury, the
messenger of Jupiter among the hea
then, was represented with wings, and
nothing is more common in the paint
ings and bas-reliefs of antiquity than such
representations. ^ And they vr ere full of
eyes within. Prof. Stuart more correctly
renders this — " around and within are
full of eyes;" — connecting the word
" around," not with the wings, as in our
version, but with the eyes. The mean
ing is, that the portions of the beasts
that were visible from the outside of the
throne, and the portions under or within

A. D. 96\]

CHAPTER IV.

143

Baying, Holy, holy, holy, Lord God
Almighty, which was, and is, and
is to come.
9 And when those beasts give
glory, and honor, and thanks to
him that sat on the throne, who
• liveth for ever and ever,
ac.5. 14.
the throne, were covered with eyes. The
obvious design of this is to mark the
universal vigilance of divine providence.
•[ And they rest not. Morg. have no
rest. That is, they ore constantly em
ployed ; there is no intermission. The
meaning, as above explained, is, that
the works and ways of God are con
stantly bringing praise to him. r Day
and night. Continually. They who
are employed day and night fill up the
whole time — for this is alL ^f Saying,
Holy, holy, holy. For the meaning of
this, see Notes on Isa. vi. 3. ^ Lord
God Almighty. Isaiah (vi.3) expresses
it, " Jehovah of hosts." The reference
is to the true God, and the epithet
Almighty is one that is often given him.
It is peculiarly appropriate here, as there
were to be, as the sequel shows, remark
able exhibitions of power in executing
the purposes described .in this book.
^TVhich was, and is, and is to come.
Who is eternal — existing in all post
time ; existing now ; and to continue to
exist forever. See Notes on ch. i. 4.
9. And when those beasts give glo
ry, <fcc As often as those living beings
ascribe glory to God. They did this
continually (ver. 8), and, if the above
explanation be correct, then the idea
is, that the ways and acts of God
in his providential government are
continually of such a nature as to honor
him. 10. The four and twenty elders fall
down before him, Ac. The representa
tives of the redeemed church in heaven
(Notes, ver. 4) also unite in the praise.
The meaning, if the explanation of the
symbol be correct, is, that the church
universal unites in praise to God for all
that characterizes his administration.
In the connexion, in which this stands
here, the sense would be, that as often
as there is any new manifestation of the
principles of the divine government, the
church ascribes new praise to God.

10 The four and twenty elders
fall ddwn before him that sat on
the throne, and worship him that
liveth for ever and ever, and cast
their crowns * before the throne,
saying, 11 Thou art worthy, e 0 Lord,
b ver. 4. c c 5. 12.

Whatever may be thought of this ex
planation of the meaning of the sym
bols, of the fact here stated there can
be no doubt. The church of God always
rejoices when there is any new mani
festation of the principles of the divine
administration. As all these acts, in
reality bring glory and honor to God,
the church as often as there is any new
manifestation of the divine character
and purposes, renders praise anew.
Nor can it be doubted that the view
here taken is one that is every way ap
propriate to the general chara-cter of this
book. The great design was to disclose
what God was to do in future times, in
the various revolutions that were to take
place on the earth, until his govern
ment should he firmly established, and
the principles of his administration
should everywhere prevail; and there
was a propriety, therefore, in describing
the representatives of the church as
taking part in this universal praise, and
as casting every crown at the feet of
him who sits upon the throne. 5[ And
cast their crowns before the throne.
They are described as " crowned" (ver.
4), that is as triumphant, and as kings
(comp. ch. v. 10), and they are here
represented as casting their crowns at
his feet in token that they owe their
triumph to him. To his providential
dealings, to his wise and merciful go
vernment, they owe it that they are
crowned at all, and there is, therefore, a
propriety that they should acknowledge
this in a proper manner by placing their
crowns at his feet.
11. Thou art worthy, O Lord. In
thy character, perfections, and govern
ment there is that which makes it
proper that universal praise should be
rendered. The feeling of all true wor
shippers is, that God is worthy of the
praise that is ascribed to him. No man
worships him aright who does not feel
that there is that in his nature and

144

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

to receive gtory and honor and
power : * for thou hast created all
a Col. 1. 16.

his doings which makes it proper that he
should receive universal adoration. If To
receive glory. To have praise or glory
ascribed to thee, % And honor. To be
honored : — that is, to he approached and
adored as worthy of honor. ^ And power.
To have power ascribed to thee, or to be
regarded as having infinite power. Man
can confer no power on God, but he may
acknowledge that which he has, and
adore him for its exertion in his behalf
and in the government of the' world.
^[ For thou hast created all things. Thus
laying the foundation for praise. No
one can contemplate this vast and won
derful universe without seeing that he
who has made it is worthy to "receive
glory and honor and power. Comp.
Notes on Job xxxviii. 7. . f And for thy
pleasure they are. They exist by thy
will — Sia rd SfoTjud. The meaning is,
that they owe their existence to the will
of God, and therefore their creation lays
the foundation for praise. " He spake,
and it was done ; he commanded, and it
stood fast." " He said, Let there be
light, and there was light." There is no
other reason why the universe exists at
all than that such was the will of God;
there is nothing else that is to be ad
duced as explaining the fact that any
thing has now a being. The putting forth
of that will explains all; and consequently
whatever wisdom, power, goodness is
manifested in the universe, is to be
traced to God, and is the expression of
what was in him from eternity. It is
proper, then, to " look up through nature
to nature's God," and wherever we see
greatness or goodness in the works of
creation to regard them as the faint ex
pression of what exists essentially in the
Creator. ^ And were created. Bring
ing more distinctly into notice the fact
that they owe their existence to his will.
They are not eternal; they are not
self-existent; they were formed from
nothing. This concludes the magnificent intro
duction to tho principal visions in this
book. It is beautifully appropriate to
tho solemn disclosures which are to bo
made in tho following portions of tho
book, and as in the case of Isaiah and

things, and for thy pleasure they
are and were created.

Ezekiel, was eminently adapted to im
press the mind of the holy seer with
awe. HeavCn is opened to his view ; the
throne of God is seen ; there is a vision
of Him who sits upon that throne ; thun
ders and voices are heard around the
throne ; the lightnings play, and a rain
bow, symbol of peace, encircles all ; the
representatives of the redeemed church,
oocupying subordinate thrones, and in
robes of victory, and with crowns on
their heads, are there ; a vast smooth ex
panse like the sea is spread out before
the throne; and the emblems of the
wisdom, the power, the vigilance, the
energy, the strength of the divine ad
ministration are there, represented as in
the act of bringing honor to God, and
proclaiming his praise. The mind of
John was doubtless prepared by these
august visions for the disclosures which
follow ; and the mind of the reader should
in like manner be deeply and solemnly
impressed when he "Contemplates them,
as if he looked into heaven, and saw the
impressive grandeur of the worship there.
Let us fancy ourselves, therefore, with
the holy seer looking into heaven, and
listen with reverence to what the Great
God discloses respecting the various
changes that are to occur until every
foe of the church shall be subdued, and
the earth shall acknowledge his sway,
and the whole scene shall close in the
triumphs and joys of heaven.
CHAPTER V.
ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.
This chapter introduces the disclo
sure of future events. It is done in a
manner eminently fitted to impress the
mind with a sense of the importance of
the revelations about to be made. The
proper state of mind for appreciating
this chapter is that when we look on the
future and are sensible that important
events are about to occur; when we
feel that that future is wholly impene
trable to us; and when tho efforts of
the highest oreated minds foil to lift
the mysterious veil which hides those
events from our view. It is in ac
cordance with our nature that tho

A. D 96.]

CHAPTER V.

146

mind should be impressed with solemn
awe on snch circumstances ; it is not a
violation of the laws of our nature that
one who had an earnest desire to pene
trate that future, and who saw the
volume before him which contained the
mysterious revelation, and who jet felt
that there was no one in heaven or
earth who could break the seals, and
disclose what was to come, should weep.
Comp. ver. 4. The design of the whole
chapter is, evidently, to honor the Lamb
of God, by showing that the power was
entrusted to him which was confided to
no one else in heaven or earth, of dis
closing what is to come. Nothing else
would better illustrate this than the fact
that he alone could break the mysterious
seal which barred out the knowledge of
the future from all created eyes; and
nothing would be better adapted to im
press this on the mind than the repre
sentation in this chapter — the exhibition
of a mysterious book in the hand of
God; the proclamation of the angel,
calling on any who could do it to open
the book ; the fact that no one in hea
ven or earth could do it ; the tears shed
by John when it was found that no one
could do it ; the assurance of one of the
elders that the Lion of the tribe of
Judah had power to do it ; and the pro
found adoration of all in heaven and
in earth and under the earth, in view of
the power entrusted to him of breaking
these mysterious seals.
The main points in the chapter are
these : — (1) Having in ch. iv. described
God as sitting on a throne, John here
(ver. 1) represents himself as seeing in
his right hand a mysteriouB volume —
written all over on the inside and the
outside, yet sealed with seven seals — a
volume manifestly referring to the fu
ture, and containing important disclo
sures respecting coming events. (2) A
mighty angel is introduced making a
proclamation, and asking who is worthy
to open that book, and to break those
seals — evidently implying that none
unless of exalted rank could do it, ver. 2.
(3) There is a pause : — no one in hea
ven, or in earth, or under the earth,
approaches to do it, or claims the right
to do it, ver. 3. (4) John, giving way
to the expressions of natural1 emotion —
indicative of the longing and intense
desire in the human soul to be made
acquainted with the secrets of the fu-
13

tare — pours forth a flood of tears because
no one is found who is worthy to open
the seals of this mysterious book, or to
read what was recorded there, ver. 4.
(5) In his state of suspense and of grief,
one of the elders — the representatives of
that church for whose benefit these re
velations of the future were to be made
(Note on ch. iv. '4) — approaches him and
says that there is one who is able to
open the book ; one who has the power
to loose its seals, ver. 5. This is the
Messiah — the Lion of the tribe of Judah,
the Root of David — coming now to make
the disclosure for which the whole book
was given, ch. i. 1. (6) Immediately
the attention of John is attracted by the
Messiah, appearing as a Lamb in the
midst of the throne — with horns, the
symbols of strength, and eyes, the sym
bols of all-pervading intelligence. He
approaches and takes the book from the
hand of him that sits on tho throne —
symbolical of the fact that it is the pro
vince of the Messiah to make known to
the church and the world the "vents
which are to occur, vs. 6, 7. He ap
pears here'in a different form from that
in which he manifested himself in oh. i.,
for the purpose is different. There he
appears clothed in majesty, to impress
the mind with a sense of his essential
glory. Here he appears in a form that
recalls the memory of his sacrifice ; — to
denote perhaps that it is in virtue of his
atonement that the future is to be dis
closed; and that therefore there is a
special propriety that he should appear
and do what no other one in heaven or
earth could do. (7) The approach of
the Messiah to unfold the mysteries in
the book; the fact that he had "pre
vailed" to accomplish what there was so
strong a desire should be accomplished,
furnishes an occasion for exalted thanks
giving and praise, vs. 8-10. This as
cription of praise in heaven is instantly
responded to, and echoed back, from all
parts of the universe — all joining in ac
knowledging the Lamb as worthy of the
exalted office to which he was raised,
vs. 11-13. The angels around the
throne — amounting to thousands of
myriads — unite with the living crea
tures and the elders; and to these
are joined the voices of every crea
ture in heaven, on the earth, under
the earth, and in the sea, ascribing to
him that site upon the throne and the

146

REVELATION,

[A. D.

A

CHAPTER V.
ND I saw in the right hand of
him that sat on the throne a

Lamb universal praise. (9) To this loud
ascription of praise from far-distant
worlds, the living creatures respond a
hearty Amen, and the elders fall down
and worship him that lives forever and
ever, ver. 14. The universe is held in
wondering expectation of the disclosures
which are to be made, and from all
parts of the universe there is an ac
knowledgment that the Lamb of God
alone has the right to break the mysr
terious seals. The importance of the
developments justifies the magnificence
of this representation; and it would
not be possible to imagine a more
sublime introduction to these great
events. 1. And I saw in the right hand of
him that sat on the throne. Of God.
Ch, iv. 3, 4. His form is not described
there, nor is there .any intimation of it
here except the mention of his "right
hand." The book or roll seems to have
been so held in his hand that John
could see its shape, and see distinctly
how it was written and sealed. ,^f A
book (fiifiXtov). This word is properly a
diminutive of the word commonly ren
dered book (0i{SXos), .and would strictly
mean a small book, or a book of diminu
tive size — a tablet, or a letter. Liddell
and Scott, Lex. -It is used, however, to
denote a book_of any size— a roll, scroll,
or volume; and is thus used (a) to de
note the Pentateuch, or the Mosaic
law, Heb. ix. 19, x. 7; (5) the book
of life, Rev. xvii. 8, xx. 12, xxi, 27 ;
(c) epistles, which were also rolled up,
Rev. i. 11 ; (d) documents, as a bill of
divorce, Matt. xix. 7, Mark x, 4. When
it is the express design to, speak of
a small book, another word is used
($tPXaotiiov), Rev; x. 2, 8, 9, 10. The
book or roll referred to here was that
which contained the revelation in- the
subsequent chapters, to the end. of the
description of the opening of the seventh
seal — for the communication that was to
bo made was all included in the seven
seals ; and to conceive of the size of the
book, therefore, we are only to reflect on
the amount of parchment, that would
naturally be written over by the com
munications here made. The form of

book " written within and on the
back side, * sealed with seven seals.
a Eze. 2. 9, 10. b Is. 29. 11.

the book was undoubtedly that of a
scroll or roll; for that was the usual
form of books among the anblents, and
such a volume could be more easily
sealed with a number of seals, in the
manner here described, than a volume in
the form in which books are made now.
On the ancient form of books, see Notes
on Luke iv. 17. The following cut will
furnish an additional illustration of their

usual form. ^[ Written within and on
the back side. Gr. ' Within and behind.'
It was customary to write only on one
side of the paper or vellum, for the sake
of convenience in reading the volume as
it was unrolled. IT, as sometimes was
the case, the book was in the same form
as books are now — of leaves bound
together — then it was usual to write on
both sides of the leaf, as both sides of a
page are printed now. But in the other
form it was a very uncommon thing to
write on both sides of the parchment,
and was never done unless there was a
scarcity of writing material ; or unless
there was an amount of matter beyond
what was anticipated; or unless some
thing had been omitted. It is not
necessary to suppose that John saw
both sides of the parchment as it was
held in the hand of him that sat on the
throne. That it was written on the
hack side he would naturally see, and, at,
the book was sealed he would infer that
it was written in the usual manner on
the inside. U Sealed with seven seals.

M D. 96-]

QHAPTER V.

147

2 And I saw a, strong angel pro
claiming with a loud voice, who is
worthy to open the book, and to
loose fiie seals thereof?
On the ancient manner of sealing, see
Notes on Matt, xxvii. 66;; comp. Notes
on Job xxxviii, 14. 3318 fact that there
were seven seals— an unusual number in
fastening a volume — would naturally
attract the attention of John, though it
might not occur to .him at onoe that
there was any thing significant in the
number. It is not stated in what man
ner the seals were attached to the
volume, but it is clear that they were so
attached that each seal closed one part
of the volume, and that when one was
broken and the portion which that was
designed to fasten was unrolled, a second
would be come to, which it would be
necessary to break in order to read the
next portion. The outer seal would in
deed bind the whole; but when that was
broken it would not give access to the
whole volume unless each successive
seal were broken. May it not have
been intended by this arrangement to
suggest the idea that the whole future is
unknown to us,, and that the disclosure
of any one portion, though necessary if
the whole would be known, does not
disclose all, but leaves seal after seal
still unbroken, and that they are all to
be broken one after another if we would,
know all? ' How these were arranged,
John does not say. All that is neces
sary to be supposed is, that the seven
seals were put successively upon the
margin of the volume as it was rolled
up, so that each opening would extend
only as far as the next seal, when
the unrolling would be arrested. Any
one by rolling up a sheet of paper could
so fasten it with pins, or with a suc
cession of seals, as to represent this with
sufficient accuracy.
2. And I saw a strong angel. An
angel endowed with great strength, as
if such strength was necessary to enable
him to give utterance to the loud voice
of the enquiry. " Homer represents
his heralds as powerful, robust men, in
order consistently to attribute to them
deep-toned and powerful voices." Prof.
Stuart. The enquiry to be made was
ono of vast importance; it was to be
made of all in heaven, all on the earth,

3 And no man in heaven, nor in
earth, neither under the tjarih, was
able to open the book, neither to
look thereon.

and all under the earth, and hence an
angel is introduced so mighty that his
voice could be heard in all those distant
worlds. ^ Proclaiming with a loud
voice. That is, as a herald or crier.
He is rather introduced here as appoint
ed to this office than as self-moved. The
design undoubtedly is to impress the
mind with a sense of the importance of
the disclosures about to be made, and at
the same time with a sense of the impos
sibility of penetrating the future by any
created power. That one of the highest
angels should make, such a proclama
tion would sufficiently shpw its impor
tance; that such an one, by the mere
act of making such a proclamation,
should practically confess his own ina
bility, and consequently the inability of
all of similar rank, to make the dis
closures, would show that the revela
tions of the future were beyond mere
created- power, 1 Who is worthy to
open the book, &c. That is, who is
"worthy" in the sense of having arank
so exalted, and attributes so compre
hensive, as to authorize and enable him
to do it. In other words, Who has the
requisite endowments of all kinds to
enable him to do it 1 It would require
moral qualities of an exalted character
to justify him in approaching the seat of
the holy God to take the book from his
hands; it would require an ability be
yond that of any created being to pene
trate the future, and disclose the mean
ing of the symbols which were employed.
The fact that the book was held in the
hand of him that was on the throne, and
sealed in this manner, was in itself a
sufficient proof that it was not his pur
pose to make the disclosure directly, and
the natural enquiry arose whether there
was any one in the wide universe who,
by rank, or charaoter, or office, would
be empowered to open the mysterious
volume. 3. And no man in heaven. No one —
ovIeIs. There is no limitation in the
original to man. The idea is, that there
was no one in heaven — e^dently allude
ing to the created beifigF there — who
aould open the volume. Is it not taught

148

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

4 And I wept much, because no
man was found -worthy to open and
to read the book, neither to look
thereon.
here that angels cannot penetrate the
future, and disclose what is to come?
Are not their faculties limited in this
respect like those of man ? tf Nor in
earth. Among all classes of men —
sages, divines, prophets, philosophers,
who among those have ever been able
to penetrate the future, and disclose
what is to pome ? ^[ Neither under the
earth. These divisions compose, in com
mon language, the universe : — what is
in heaven above ; what is on the earth;
and whatever there is under the earths
tho abodes of the dead. May there not
be an allusion here to .the supposed
science of necromancy, and an assertion
that even the dead cannot penetrate the
future, and disclose what is to come ?
Comp. Notes on Isa. viii. 19. In all
these great realms no one advanced who
was qualified to undertake the office of
making a disclosure of what the mys
terious scroll might contain. ^[ Was
able to open the book. Had ability —
i)8tivaro — to do it. It was a task beyond
their power. Even if any one had been
found who had a rank and a moral cha
racter which might have seemed to
justify the effort, there was no one
who had the power of reading what
was recorded respecting coming events.
f Neither to look thereon. That is, so
to open the seals as to have a view of
what was written therein. That it was
not beyond their power merely to. see the
book, is apparent from the fact that John
himself" saw it in the hand of him that
sat on the throne, and it is evident also
(ver. 5), that in that sense the elders
saw it. But no one could prevail to
inspect the contents, or so have access
to the interior of the volume as to be
able to see what was written there. It
could be seen, indeed, (ver. 1) that it was
written on both sides of the parchment,
hut what the writing was no one could
know. 4. And I wept much, because no man
was found, Worthy, &o. Gr., as in ver. 3,
no one. It would seem as if there was a
pause to see if thero were any response
to the proclamation of the angel. There
being none, John gavo way to his deep

5 And one of the elders saith
unto me, "Weep not: behold, the
Lion a of the tribe of Juda, the
a Ge. 49. 9, 10. Nu.24.9. He. 7. 14.

emotions in a flood of tears. The tears
of the apostle here may be regarded as
an illustration of two things which are
occurring constantly in the minds of
men: — (1.) The strong desire to pene
trate the future ; to lift the mysterious
veil which shrouds that which is to
come ; to find some way to pierce the
dark wall which seems to stand up
before ns, and which shuts from our
view that which is to he hereafter.
There have been no more earnest efforts
made by men than those which have
been made to read the sealed volume
which contains the record of what is
yet to come. By dreams, and omens^
and auguries, and astrology, and the
flight of birds, and necromancy, men have
sought anxiously to ascertain what is to
he hereafter. Compare, for on expression
of that intense desire, Foster's Life and
Correspondence, vol. i. p. Ill, and vol.
ii. pp. 237, 238. (2.) The weeping of the
apostle may be regarded as an instance
of the deep grief which men often
experience when all efforts to pene
trate the future fail, and they feel that
after all they are left completely in the
dark. Often is the soul overpowered
with grief, and often ore the eyes filled
with sadness at the reflection that there
is an absolute limit to the human powers j
that all that man can arrive at by his
own efforts is uncertain conjecture ; and
that there is no way possible by which
he can make nature speak out and dis
close what is to come. No where does
man find himself more fettered and
limited in his powers than here; no
where does he feel that there is such an
intense disproportion between his desires
and his attainments. In nothing do we
feel that we are more absolutely in need
of divine help than in our attempts to
unveil tho future, and were it not for
revelation man might weep in despair.
5. And one of the elders saith unto
me. See Notes on ch. iv. 4. No par
ticular reason is assigned why this mes
sage was delivered by one of the elders
rather than by an angel. If the elders
were, however, (Soo Nutcs on oh. iv. 4)
the representatives of the churoh, there

A. B. 96.]

CHAPTER V

149

Root " of Pavidj hath prevailed; to
open the book, and to loose the
seven seals thereof.
6 And I beheld,i and lo, in the
a ^s. 11.1, 10. c. 22.16.
was a propriety that they should address
, J,ohn in his trouble. Though they were
in heaven, they were deeply interested in
all that pertained to the welfare of the
church, and they had been permitted to
understand what as yet was unknown to
him, that the power of opening the mys
terious volume which contained the
revelatipn of the future, was entrusted
particularly to the Messiah. Having
this knowledge they were prepared to
comfort him with the hope that. what
was ¦ so mysterious would be made
known, fl Weep not. That is, there is
no occasion for tears. The object which
you so much desire, can be. obtained.
There is one who can break .those seals,
and who can unroll, tlTat volume and
read what is recorded there. ^[ Behold,
¦the Lion of the tribe of Juda. This un
doubtedly refers to the Lord, Jesus;
and the points needful to be explained
•ar% why he is called a Lion, and why
he is spoken of as the Lion of the tribe
of Juda. (a) As to the first: — This ap
pellation is not elsewhere given to the
Messiah, but it is not difficult to see its
propriety as used in this place. The
lion is the king of beasts, the monarch
of the forest^ and thus becomes -an em
blem of one'of kingly authority and of
power (see Notes on ch. iv. 7), and as
such the appellation is. used in this
place. It is because Christ has power to
open tho seals — as if he ruled over the
universe, and all events were under his
control, as the lion rules in the forest —
that the name is here given to him.
(6) As to the other point : — He is called
the " Lion of the tribe, of Juda," doubt
less with reference to the propheoy in
Gen. xlix. 9, " Judah is a lion's whelp ;
from the prey, my son, thou art gone
up : he stooped down, he couched as a
lion, and as an old lion ;" and from the
fact that the Messiah was of the tribe of
Judah. Comp. Gen. xlix. 10. This use
of the term would connect him in the
apprehension of John with the propliecy,
and would suggest to him the idea pf
his being a ruler, or having dominion.
As such, therefore, it would be appro-
13*

midst of iihe throne and of the four
beasts, and in the midst of the
elders, stood a Lamb, 'as it had
been slain, having seven horns
bin. 53.7. Jno. 1.29, 36.

priate that the power of breaking these
seals should be committed to him.
f The Soot of David. Not the Hoot of
David in the sense that David sprung
from him as a tree does from a root, but
in the sense that he himself was a " root-
shoot" or sprout from David, and had
sprung from him as a shoot or sprout
springs up from a decayed and fallen
tree. See Notes on Isa. xi. %. This ex
pression would connect him directly with
David, the great and glorious monarch
of Israel, and as having a right to occupy
his throne. As one thus ruling over the
people of God, there was a propriety that
to him should be entrusted the task of
opening these seals. % Hath prevailed.
That is, he has acquired this power as
the result of a conflict or struggle. ~ The
word used here — IviKtiaev— -refers to such
a conflict or struggle, prpperly meaning
to come off victor ; to overcome ; to con
quer; to subdue; and the idea here is
that his power to do this, or the reason
why he does this, is the result of a con
flict in which he was a victor. As the
series of events to bo disclosed, resulting
in the final triumph of religion, was the
effect of his conflicts with the powers of
evil, there was a special propriety that
the disclosure should be made by him.
The truths taught in this verse are,
(1) That the power of making disclo
sures in regard to the future is entrusted
to the Messiah ; and (2) that this, so far
as he is concerned, is the result of a
conflict or struggle on his part.
6. And I beheld, and lo, in the midst
of the throne. We are not to suppose
that he was in the centre of the throne
itself, but he was a conspicuous object
when the throne and the elders and the
living beings were seen. He was so
placed as to seem to be in the midst of
the group. made up of the throne, the
Uying, beings, and the elders., f And of
the four beasts. See Notes, ch. iv. 6.
^[ Stood a Lamb. An appellation often
given to the Messiah, for two reasons :
(1) because the lamb was an emblem
of innocence ; and (2) because a lamb
was offered commonly in sacrifice. Comp.

150and seven eyes, '
seven Spirits of
into all the earth.

REVELATION,

LA. D; 96.

¦ which are the
<5k>d sent forth

a Zee. 4. 10.

Notes on John i. 29. ^[ As it had been
slain. That is, in some way having the
appearance of having been slain!; having
some marks orindications about it that
it had beeh slain. What those were, the
Writer does not specify. If it were
covered with blood, or there were marks
of mortal w&uttds, it would be all that
the representation demands. The great
work which the Redeemer performed —
that of making an atonement for sin-
was thus represented to John in such a
Way that he at once . recognized him,
and saw the reason "why the office of
breaking the s"eals was entrusted to him.
It should be remarked* that this repre
sentation is merely symbolic, and we are
tiot to suppose that the Redeemer really
assumed this form, or that he appears in
this form in heaven. We should no
more suppose" that the Redeemer ap
pears literally as a lamb in heaven with
numerous eyes and horns, than that
there is a literal throne and a sea of
g^ass there; that there are "seats" there
and " elders," and " crowns of gold."
^f Having seven horns. Emblems of
authority and power — for the horn is
a symbol of power and dominion.
Comp. Deut. xxxiii. 17; 1 Kings xxii.
11; Jer. xlviii. 25; Zeeh. i. 18; Dan.
vii. 24. The propriety of this symbol is
laid in the fact that the strength of an
animal is in the horn, and that it is by
this that he obtains a victory Over
other animals. The number seven here
seems to be designed, as in other places,
to denote completeness. See Notes on
ch. i. 4. The meaning is, that he had so
large a number as to denote complete
dominion, % And seven eyes. Symbols
of intelligence. The number seven here
also denotes completeness, and the idea
is, that he is able to survey all things.
John does hot say any thing as to the
relative arrangement of the horns and
eyes on the " Lamb," and it is vain to
attempt to obhjecture how it was. The
whole representation is symbolical, and
we may Understand the meaning Of the
symbol without being able to form an
exact conception of the figure as it ao-

7 And he came and took the
book out of the right hand of hifn
that sat upon the throne.

peared to him. % Which are the seven
Spirits of God sent forth into all the
earth. See Notes oh ch. i. 4. That is,
which represent the seven Spirits of
God; or the manifold operations of the
one divine Spirit. As the eye is the
symbol of intelligence— outward objects
being made visible to us by that — so it
may well represent an all-pervading
spirit that surveys and sees all things.
The eye, in this view, among the Egyp
tians was an emblem of the Deity. By
-the " Seven Spirits" here the same thing
is doubtless intended as in ch. i. 4 ; and
if, as there supposed; the reference'is to
the Holy Spirit considered with respect
to his manifold operations, the meaning
here is,- that the operations of that Spirit
are to be regarded as connected with the
work of the Redeemer. Thus, all the
operations of the Spirit are connected
with, and are a part of, the work of re
demption. The expression "sent forth
into all the 'earth," refers to the fact
that that Spirit pervades all things.
The Spirit of God is often represented
as sent or poured out ; and the meaning
here is, that his operations are as if he was
sent out to survey all things and to ope
rate everywhere. Comp. 1 Cor. xii.6-11.
7. And he came and took the book out
of the right hdnd, &c. As if it pertained
to him by virtue of rank or office. There
is a difficulty here arising from the
incongruity of what is said of a lamb,
which it is not easy to solve. The diffi
culty is in conceiving how a lamb could
take the book from the hand of him who
held it. To meet this several solutions
have been proposed. (1) Vitringa sup
poses that the Messiah appeared as a
lamb only in some such sense as the four
living beings (ch. iv. 7) resembled a lion,
a calf, ami an eagle ; that is, that they
bore this resemblance only in respect to
the head, while the body was that of a
man. He thus supposes that, though in
respect to the upper part, the Saviour
resembled a lamb, yet that to the front
part of the body hands were attached
by whioh he could take the book. But
there are great difficulties in this suppo-

A. "IX 96/|

CHAPTER V.

151

sition. Besides that nothing of this
kind is intimated by John, it is contrary
to every appearance of probability that
the Redeemer would be represented as a
monster. In his being represented as a
Iamb there is nothing that strikes the
mind as inappropriate or unpleasant,
for he is often spoken of in this man
ner, and the image is one that is
agreeable to the mind. But all this
beauty and fitness of representation is
destroyed> if we think of Mm as having
human hands proceeding from his breast
or sides, or as blending the form of a
man and an animal together. The re
presentation of having an unusual num
ber of horns and eyes does not strike
us as being incongruous in the same
sense ; for, though the number is increas
ed, they are such as pertain properly to
the animal to which they are attached.
(2) Another supposition is that sug
gested by Prof. Stuart, that the form
was changed, and a human form resumed
when the Saviour advanced to take the
book' and open it. This would relieve
the whole difficulty, and the only ob
jection to it is, that John has not given
any express notice of such a change
in the form ; and the only question oan
be whether it is tight to suppose it in
order to meet the difficulty in the case.
In support of this it is said that all is
symbol ; that the Saviour is represented
in the book in various forms ; that as his
appearing as a lamb was designed to
represent in a striking manner the fact
that he was slain; and that all that he
did was based on the atonement, so
there would be no impropriety in sup
posing that when an- action was at
tributed to him he assumed the form in
which that act would be naturally or is
usually done. And as in taking a book
from the hand of another it is wholly
incongruous to think of its being done by
a lamb, is it not most natural to suppose
that the usual form in which the Saviour
is represented as appearing would be
resumed, and that he would appear
again as a man ? — But, is it absolutely
certain that he appeared in the form of
a lamb at all ? May not all that is meant
be, that John saw him near the throne,'
and among the elders, and was struck
at once with his appearance of meekness
and innocence, and with the marks of
his having been slain as a sacrifice, and

spoke of him in strong figurative lan
guage as a lamb 1 And where his " seven
horns" and "seven eyes" are spoken of,
is it necessary to suppose that there was
any real assumption of such horns and
eyes ? May not all that is meant be
that John was struck with that in the
appearance of the Redeemer of which
these would be the appropriate symbols,
and described him as if these had been
visible? When John the Baptist saw
the "Lord Jesus on the banks of the
Jordan, and said, " Behold the Lamb of
God which taketh away the sin of' the
world" (John i. 29), is it necessary to
suppose that he actually appeared in the
form of a lamb ? Donot all at once un
derstand him as referring to traits in his
character, and to the work which he was
to accomplish, which made it proper to
speak of him as a lamb ? And why, there
fore, may we not suppose that John in the
Apocalypse designed to use language in
the same way, and that he did not
intend to present so incongruous a
description as that of a lamb approach
ing a throne and taking a book from the
hand of him that sat on it, and a lamb
too with many horns and eyes ? If this
supposition is correct, then all that is
meant in this passage would be ex
pressed in some such language as the
following : ' And I looked, and lo there
was one in the midst of the space occu
pied by the throne, by the living creft-
tures, and by the elders, who, in aspect,
and in the emblems that represented his
work on the earth, was spotless, meek,
and innocent as a lamb; — one with
marks on his person which brought to
remembrance the fact that he had been
slain for the sins of the world, and yet
one who had most striking symbols of
power and intelligence, and who was
therefore worthy to -approach and take
the book from the hand of him that sat
on the throne.' It may do something to_
confirm this view to recollect that when
we use the term " Lamb of God" now,
as is often done in preaching and in
prayer, it never suggests to the mind the
idea of a lamb. We think of the Re
deemer as resembling a lamb in his
moral attributes and in his sacrifice, but
never as to form. This supposition
relieves the passage of all that is incon
gruous and unpleasant, and may be all
that John meant.

152

REVELATION,

| A. D. 96.

8 And when he had taken the
book, the four " beasts and four
and twenty elders, fell down before
the Lamb, having every one of

a c. 4. 4, 8, 10.

8. And when he had taken the book,
the four beasts, &c. The acts of adora
tion here described as rendered by the
four living creatures and the elders, are,
according to the explanation given in
ch. iv. 4-7, emblematic of the honor
done to the Redeemer by the church
and by the course of providential events
in the government of the world. ^ Fall
down before the Lamb. The usual pos
ture of, profound worship. Usually in
such worship there was entire prostra
tion on the earth. See Notes on Matt.
ii. 2 ; 1 Cor. xiv. 25. ^j Having every
one oft them harps. That is, as the con
struction, and the propriety of the case
would seem to demand, the elders had
each . one of them harps. The whole
prostrated themselves with profound
reverence; the elders had harps and
censers, and broke out into a song of
praise for redemption. This construc
tion is demanded, because (a) the Greek
word — sx^vrcs — more properly agrees
with the word elders T-npe<rl3tiTcpoi — and
not with the word beasts — tfia; (6) there
is an incongruity in the representa
tion that the living creatures — in the
form of a lion, a calf, an eagle, should
have harps and censers ; and (c) the song
of praise that is sung (ver. 9) is one that
properly applies to the elders as the re
presentatives of the church, and not to
the living creatures, "Thou hast re
deemed us to God by thy blood." The
harp was a well-known instrument used
in the service of God. Josephus describes
it as having ten strings, and as struck
with a key. Ant. 7. 12. 3. See Notes
on Isa. v. 12. \ And golden vials. The
word vial with us, denoting a small
slender bottle with a narrow neck, evi
dently does not express the idea here.
The article here referred to was used for
offering incense, and must have been a
vessel with a large open mouth. The
word bowl or goblet would better ex
press the, idea, and it is so explained by
Prof. Robinson, Lex., and by Prof.
Stuart, in loc The Greek word — <j>idXii
— occurs in the New Testament only in
Revelation (v. 8, xv. 7, xvi. 1, 2, S, 4,

them harps, ' and golden vials full
of ' odors, which are the prayers d
of saints.
b c. 15. 2. c Or, incense. d Ps. 141. 2.

8, 10, 12, 17, xvii. 1, xxi. 9), and is uni
formly rendered vial and vials, though
the idea is always that of a bowl or gob
let. K Full of odors. Or rather, as in
the margin, full of incense — Svuidrtav.
See Notes on Luke i. 9. ^[ Which are
the prayers of saints. Which represent
or denote the prayers of saints. Comp.
Ps. cxli. 2, "let my prayer be set forth
before thee as incense." The meaning
is, that incense was a proper emblem of
prayer. This seems to have been in
two respects : (a) as being acceptable to
God — as incense produced an agreeable
fragrance ; and (b) in its being wafted
towards heaven — ascending towards the
eternal throne. In ch. viii. 3, an angel
is represented as having a golden censer ;
"And there was given onU dim much
incense, that he should offei n with the
prayers of all saints upon iue golden
altar which was before tho throne."
The representation there, undoubtedly
is; that .the angel is employed in pre
senting the prayers of the saints which
were offered on earth before the thront.
See Notes on that passage. It is most
natural to interpret the passage beforo
us in the same way. The allusion is
clearly to the temple service, and to the
fact that incense was offered by the
priest in the temple itself at the time
that prayer was offered by the people in
the courts of the temple. See Luke i.
9, 10. The idea here is, therefore, that
the representatives of the church in hea
ven — the elders — spoken of as "priests"
(ver. 10), are desoribed as officiating in
the temple above in behalf of the church
still below, and as offering incense while
the church is engaged in prayer. It is
not said that they offer the prayers
themselves, but that they offer incense as
representing the prayers of the saints.
If this be the correct interpretation, as
it seems to be the obvious- one, then the
passage lays no foundation for the opinion
expressed by Prof. Stuart, as derived
from this passage (in loc.), that prayer
is offered by the redeemed in heaven.
Whatever may be the truth on that
point — on which the Bible seems to be

A. D 96.]

CHAPTER V.

153

9 And they sung a new
saying, Thou art worthy to take

a, c 14. 3.

silent — it will find no support from the
passage before us. Adoration, praise,
thanksgiving, are represented as the em
ployment of the saints in heaven ; the
only representation respecting prayer
as pertaining to that world is, that there
are emblems there which symbolize its
ascent before the throne, and which
show that it is acceptable to God. It is
an interesting and beautiful representa
tion that there are in heaven appro
priate symbols of ascending prayer, and
that while , in the outer courts here
below we offer prayer, incense, emble
matic of it, ascends in the holy of
holies above. The impression which
this should leave on our minds ought to
be, that our prayers are wafted before
the throne, and are acceptable to God.
' 9. And they sung a new song. Comp.
ch. xiv. 3. New in the sense that it is
a song consequent on redemption, and
distinguished therefore from the songs
sung in heaven before the work of re
demption was consummated. We may
suppose that . songs, of adoration have
always been sung in heaven; we know
that the praises of God were celebrated
by the angelic choirs when the founda
tions of the earth were laid (Job xxxviii.
7) ; but the song of redemption was a
different song, and is one that would
never have been sung there if man had
hot fallen, and if the Redeemer had not
died. Tliis song strikes notes which the
other songs do not strike, and refers to
glories of the divine character, which
but for the work of redemption would
not have been brought into, view. In
this sensggthjdi&ong was new; it will
continue to be new in the sense that it
will be sung afresh as redeemed millions.
continue to ascend to heaven. Comp.
Ps. xl. 3, xcvi. 1, cxliv. 9 ; Isa. xiii. 10.
^| Thuv art worthy to take the book, &c.
This was the occasion or ground of the
"ne\r song," that by his coming and
deati he had acquired a right to ap
proach where no other one could ap
proach, and to do what no other one
oould dp. ^f For thou wast slam. The
language here is such as would be ap
propriate to a lamb slain as a sacrifice ;
(he idea is, that the faot that he was thus

the book, and to open the seals
thereof: for thou wast slain, and
hast redeemed us to God by thy

slain constituted the ground of his
worthiness to open the hook. It could not
be meant that there was in him no other
ground of worthiness, but that this was
that whioh was most conspicuous. It is
just the outburst of the grateful feeling
resulting from redemption, that he who
has died to save the soul is worthy of
all honor, and is fitted to accomplish
what no other being in the universe can
do. However this may appear to the
inhabitants of other worlds ; or however
it may appear to the dwellers on the
earth who have no interest in the work
of redemption, yet all who are redeemed
will agree in the sentiment that he who
has ransomed them with his blood has
performed a work to do which every
other being was incompetent ; and that
now all honor in heaven and on earth
may appropriately be conferred on him.
If And. hast redeemed us. The word
here used^<iyop<f£w — means properly to
purchase, to buy, and is thus employed
to denote redemption, because redemp
tion was accomplished by the payment
of a price. On the meaning of the
word, see Notes on 2 Peter ii. 1. If To
God. That is, so that we become his,
and are to be henceforward regarded as
such ; or so, that he might possess us
as his own. See Notes on 2 Cor. v. 15.
This is the true nature of redemption,
that by the price paid we are rescued
from the servitude of Satan, and are
"henceforth to regard ourselves as be
longing unto God. If By thy blood. See
Notes on Acts xx. 28. This is such
language as they use who believe in the
doctrine of the atonement ; and is such as
would be used by them alone. It would
not be employed by those who believe
that Christ was a mere martyr, or that
he lived and died merely as a teacher of
morality. If he was truly an atoning
sacrifice, the language is full of mean
ing; if not, it has no significance, and
could not be understood, ^J Out of
every kindred. Literally, ' of every
tribe' — <pvXijs. The word tribe means
properly a comparatively small division
or class of people associated together.
Prof. Stuart. It refers to a family, or
race, having a common ancestor, and

154

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

blood, * out of every * kindred, and
tongue, and people, and nation ;
a ke. 20. 28. Ep. 1. 7. He. 9. 12. 1 Pe.
1. 18-, 19. - b c. t. 9.

usually associated or banded together—
as one of the tribes of Israel; a tribe of
Indians ; a tribe of plants ; a tribe of
-animals, &a. This is such language as
a Jew would use, denoting one of the
Smaller divisions that made up a nation
of people ; and the meaning would seem
to be, that it will be found ultimately to
be true that the redeemed will have been
taken from all such minor divisions of
the human family — not only from the
different nations but from the smaller
divisions of those nations. This can
only be true from the fact that the
knowledge Of the true religion will yet
be diffused among all those smaller por
tions; of the human race; that is, . that
its- diffusion will be universale %And
tongue. People speaking all languages.
The word here used would seem to
denote a division of the human family
larger than a tribe but smaller than a
nation. It was frrmerly a fact that a
nation might be made up of those who
spoke many different languages — as, for
example, the Assyrian, the Babylonian,
or the Roman nations. Comp. Dan. iii.
29, iv. 1. The meaning here is, that no
matter what language the component
parts of the nations speak, the gospel
will be conveyed to them; and in their
own tongue they will learn the wonder
ful works of God. Comp. Acts ii. 8-11.
^f And people. The word here used —
XmSs — ¦- properly denotes a people con
sidered as a mass, made up of smaller
divisions — as an association of smaller
bodies, — or as a multitude of such bodies
united, together. It is distinguished
from another word commonly applied to
a people — iHuos — for that is applied to a
community of free citizens, considered as
on a level, or without reference to any
minor divisions' or distinctions. The
words here used would apply to an
army, considered as made, up of regi-
meuts, battalionsj or tribes; to a mass-
meeting, made up of societies of different
trades or professions ; to a nation, made
up of different associated communities,
4c. It denotes a larger body of people
than the previous words, and the ilea

10 And hast made us unto our
God kings c and priests : and we
shall d reign on the earth.

c c. 1. 6.

d c. 22. 5.

is, that no matter of what people or
nation, considered as made up of such
separate portions, one may be, he will
not be excluded from the blessings of
redemption. The sense would be well
expressed by saying, for instance; that
there will be found there tbose of
the Gaelic race, the Celtic> the Anglo-
Saxon, the Mongolian, the African, Ac.
% And nation. £$vos. A word of still
larger signification ; the people in a still
wider sense ; & people or nation con
sidered as distinct from all others. The
Word would embrace all who come
under one sovereignty or rule— as, for
example, the British nation, however
many minor tribes there may be ; how
ever many different languages may be
spoken; and however many separate
people there may be — as the Anglo-
Saxon, the Scottish, the Irish, the people
of Hindustan, of Labrador, of New South
Walest &c. The words here used by
John 'would together denote nations of
every kind, great and small; and the
sense is, that the blessings of redemp
tion will be extended to all parts of the
earth. 10. And hast made us unto our God
kiiigs and priests. See Notes on ch. i.
6. f And we shall reign on the earth.
The redeemed, of whom we are the
representatives. The idea clearly is, in
accordance with what is so frequently
said in the Scriptures, that the dominion
on the earth will be given to the
saints ; that is, that there will be such a
prevalence of true religro*,,Jarid the re
deemed will be so much in the ascend
ency, that the- affairs of the nations will
be in their hands. Righteous men will
hold the offices ; will fill places of trust
and responsibility; will have a con
trolling voice in all that pertains to
human affairs. See Notes on Dan. vii.
27, and Rev. xx. 1-6. To such a pre
valence of religion all things are tond-
ing ; and to this, in all the disorder and
sin whioh now exist, are we permitted to
look forward. It is not said that this
will be a reign under the Saviour in a
literal kingdom on tho earth ; nor is it

A.D.96.]

CHAPTER V.

155

11 And I beheld, and I heard
the voice of many angels round
about the throne and the beasts
and the elders : and the " number
of them was ten thousand times
a Da. 7. 10. He. 12. 22.

said that the saints will descend from
heaven, and occupy thrones Of power
under Christ as a visible king. The
simple affirmation is, that they will
reign on the earth; and as this seems
to be spoken in the name of the re
deemed, all that is necessary to be un
derstood is, that there will be such a
prevalence of true religion on the earth
that it will become a vast kingdom of
holiness', and that, instead of being in
the minority, the saints will everywhere
have the ascendency.
11. And I beheld. And I looked
again, ^f And Theard the voice of many
angels. The Inhabitants of heaven
uniting with the representatives of the
redeemed church, in ascribing honor to
the Lamb of God. The design is to
show that there is universal sympathy
and harmony in heaven, and that all
worlds will unite in1 ascribing honor to
the Lamb of God. f Round about the
throne and the beasts and the elders. In
a circle or area beyond that which was
occupied by the throne, the living crea
tures, and the elders. They occupied
the centre as it appeared to John, and
this innumerable company of angels sur
rounded them. The angels are repre
sented here, as they are everywhere in
the Scriptures, as taking a deep interest
in all that pertains to the redemption of
men, and it is not surprising that they
are here described as uniting with the
representatives of the church in ren
dering honor to the Lamb of God. Comp.
Notes On 1 Pet. i. 12. ^f And the num
ber of them was ten thousand times
ten thousand. One hundred millions — a
general term to denote either a count*
less number, or an exceedingly great
number. We are not to suppose that it
is to be taken literally. 1f And thou
sands of thousands. Implying that the
number before Specified was not large
enough to comprehend all. Besides the
"ten thousand times ten thousand"
there was a vast, uncounted host which
¦roe could not attempt to enumerate.

ten thousand, and thousands of
thousands ;
12 Saying with a loud voice,
Worthy * is the Lamb that was
slain to receive power; and riches,
t c. 4. 11.

The language here would seem to be
taken from Dan. vii. 10 : " Thousand
thousands ministered unto him, and ten
thousand times ten thousand stood be
fore him." Comp. Ps. Ixviii. 17 : "The
chariots of God are twenty thousand,
even thousands of angels." See also
Deut. xxxiii. 2 ; 1 Kings xxii. 19.
12. Saying with a loud voice, Worthy
is the Lamb that was slain. See Notes
on vs. 2, 9. The idea here is, that the
fact that he was slain, or was made a
sacrifice for sin, was the ground or
reason for what is here ascribed to him.
Comp. Notes on ver. 5. f To receive
power. Power or authority to rule over
all things. Comp. Notes on Matt.
xxviii. 18. The meaning here is, that
he was -worthy that these things should
be ascribed to him, or to be addressed
and acknowledged as possessing them.
A part of these things were his in virtue
of his very nature — as wisdom, glory,
riches ; a part were conferred on him as
the result of his work — as the media
torial dominion over the universe, the
honor resulting from his work, <£cr In .
view of all that he was, and of all that
he has done, he is here spoken of as
"worthy" of all these things. % And
riches. Abundance. That is, he is
worthy that whatever contributes to
honor, and glory, and happiness, should
be conferred on him in abundance.
Himself the original proprietor of all
things, it is fit that he should be recog
nized as such ; and having performed
the work which he has, it is proper that
whatever may be made to contribute to
his honor should be regarded as his.
f And wisdom. That he should be
esteemed as eminently wise ; that is,
that as the result of the work whici
he has accomplished, he should be re
garded as having ability to choose the
best ends, and the best means to accom
plish them. The feeling here referred
to is that which arises from the contem
plation of the work of salvation by the
Redeemer; as a work eminently eharac-

156

REVELATION,

and "wisdom, and strength, and
honor, and glory, and blessing.
13 And ° every creature which
is in heaven, and on the earth, and
under the earth, and such as are in
the sea, and all that are in them,
a Ph. 2. 10.
terized by wisdom — wisdom manifested
in meeting the evils of the fall ; in hon
oring the law ; in showing that mercy is
consistent with justice ; and in adapting
the whole plan to the character and
wants of man. If wisdom was any
where demanded, it was in reconciling
a lost world to God ; if it has been any
where displayed, it has been \n the
arrangements for that work, and in its
execution by the Redeemer. See Notes
on 1 Cor. i. 24; comp. Matt. xiii. 54;
Luke ii. 40, 52; 1 Cor. i. 20, 21, 30;
Eph. i. 8, iii. 10. ^ And strength.
Ability to accomplish his purposes.
That is, it is meet that he should be
regarded as having such ability. This
strength or power was manifested in
overcoming the great enemy of man ; in
his control of winds, and storms, and
diseases and devils ; in triumphing over
death; in saving his people. % And
honor. He should be esteemed and
treated with honor for what he has
done, ^f And glory. This word refers
to a higher ascription of praise than the
word honor. Perhaps that might refer
'to the honor which we feel in our
hearts ; this to the expression of that by
the language of praise, ^f And blessing.
Every thing which would express the
desire that he might be happy, honored,
adored. . To bless one is to desire that
he may have happiness and prosperity;
that he may be successful, respected
and honored. To bless God, or to as
cribe blessing to him, is that state where
the heart is full of love and gratitude,
and where it desires that he may be
every where honored, loved, and obeyed
as he should be. The words here ex
press the wish that the universe would
ascribe to the Redeemer all honor, and
that he might be every where loved and
adored. ,
13. And every creature whlxh is in
heaven. The meaning of this verso is,
that all created 'things seemed to unite
In rendering honor to him who sat on
re throne and to the Lamb. In the

[A- D.96.

heard I saying, . Blessing, * .and
honor, and glory, and power, , be
unto him that sitteth upon the
throne, and unto the Lamb for
ever and ever.
b 1 Ch. 29. 11. 1 Ti. 6. 16. 1 Pe. 4. 11.

previous verse, a certain number-^a vast
host — of angels are designated as ren
dering praise as they stood round the
area occupied by the throne, the elders,
and the living creatures; here it is
added that all who were in heaven
united in this ascription of praise.
^[ And on the earth. All the universe
was beard by John ascribing praise to
God. A voice was heard from the hea
vens, from all parts of the earth, from
under the earth, and from the depths of
the sea, as if the entire universe joined
in the adoration. It is not necessary
to press the language literally, and still
less is it necessary to understand by it,
as Prof. Stuart does, that the angels
who presided over the earth, over the
under-world, and oyer the sea, are in
tended ; it is e viden tly popu la r language,
and the sense is that John heard a uni
versal ascription of praise. All worlds
seemed to join in it; all the dwellers-on
the earth and under the earth and in
the sea partook of the spirit of heaven
in rendering honor to the Redeemer.
,^f Under the earth. Supposed to be
inhabited by the shades of the dead.
See Notes on Job x. 21, 22 ; Isa. xiv. 9.
1f And such as are in the sea. All that
dwell in the ocean. In Ps. cxlviii. 7-
10, "Dragons and all deeps; beasts and
all cattle ; creeping things, and flying
fowl," are called on to praise -the Lord :
and there is no more incongruity or im
propriety in one description than in the
other. In the Psalm, the universe is
called on to render praise ; in the pas
sage before us it is described -as actually
doing it. The hills, the streams, the
floods ; the fowls of the air, the dwellers
in the deep, and the beasts that roam
over the earth ; the songsters in the
grove, and the insects that play in the
sunbeam, in faot declare the glory of
their Creator, and it requires no very
strong effort of the fancy to imagine the
universe as sending up a constant voice
of thanksgiving. <f Blessing and honor,
&a. There is a slight ohange here from

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER V.

157

14 And ° the four beasts said,
Amen. And the four and twenty
a c 19. 4.
ver. 12, but it is the same thing sub
stantially. It is an ascription of all
glory to. God and to the Lamb.
14. And the four oea&ts said, Amen.
The voice of universal praise came to
them from abroad, and they accorded
with it, and ascribed honor to God.
% And the four and twenty elders fell
dou.n, Ac The living creatures and the
elders began the work of praise (ver. 8),
and it was proper that it shoiild con
clude with them ; that is, they give the
last and final response. Prof. Stuart.
The whole universe, therefore, is sub
limely represented as in a state of
profound adoration, waiting for the
developments to follow on the opening
of the mysterious volume. All feel an
interest in it; all feel that the secret is
with God; -all feel that there is but one
who can open this volume; and all gather
around, in the most reverential posture,
awaiting the disclosure of the great
mystery. The truths taught in this chapter are
the following : —
1. The knowledge of the future is. with
Qod, ver. 1. It is as in a book held in
his hand, fully written over, yet sealed
with seven seals.
2. It is impossible for man or angel
to penetrate the future, vs. 2, 3. It
seems to be a law of created being,
that the ability to penetrate the future
is placed beyond the reach of any
of the faculties by which a creature is
endowed. Of the past we have a record
and we can remember it; but no created
being seems to have been formed with a
power in reference to the future cor
responding with that in reference to the
past: — with no faculty of foresight cor
responding to memory.
3. It is natural that the mind should
be deeply affected by the fact that we
cannot penetrate the future, ver. 4.
John wept in view of this; and how
often is the mind borne down with heavi
ness in view of that fact. What things
there are, there must be, in that future
of interest to us ! What changes there
maybe for us to experience; what trials
to pass through; what happiness to
enjoy; what scenes of glory to witness !
What progress may we make in know-
14

elders fell down and worshipped
him that liveth for ever and ever.

ledge; what new friendships may we
form ; what new displays of the divine
perfections may we witness! All our
great interests are in the future; in that
which is to us now unknown. There is
to be all the happiness which we are to
enjoy, all the pain that we are to suffer;
all that we hope, all that we fear. All
the friends that we are to have are to ho
there ; all the sorrows that we are to ex
perience are to he there. Yet an im
penetrable veil is set up to hide all
that from our view. We cannot re
move it; we cannot penetrate it. Thero
it stands to mock all our efforts, and in
all our attempts to look into the future,
we soon come to the barrier, and are
repelled and driven back. Who has not
felt his heart sad that he cannot look
into that which is to come !
4. The power of laying open the
future to mortals has been entrusted to
the Redeemer, vs. 5-7. It is a part of
the work which was committed to him to
make known to men as much as it was
proper to be known. Hence he is at
once a prophet, and is the inspirer of the
prophets. Hence he came to teach men
what is to he in the future pertaining
to them, and hence he has caused to
be recorded by the sacred writers all
that is to be known of what is to
come until it is slowly unfolded as
events develop themselves. The Saviour
alone takes the mysterious book and
opens the seals; he only unrols the
volume and discloses to man what is
to come.
5. The fact that he does this is the
foundation of joy and gratitude for the
church, vs. $-10. It is impossible that
the church should contemplate what the
Saviour has revealed of the future with
out gratitude and joy ; and how often in
times of persecution and trouble has the
church joyfully turned to the develop
ments made by the Saviour of what is
to be when the gospel shall spread oyer
the world, and when trnth and righteous
ness shall be triumphant
6. This fact is of interest to the an
gelic beings, and for them also it lays
the foundation of praise, vs. 11-12. This
may arise from these causes : — (a) from
the interest which they take in the

158

REVELATION,

[A. 1). 96

church, and the happiness which they
have from afly thing that increases its
numbers or augments its joy; (b) from
the fact that in the disclosures of the
future made by the Redeemer, there may
be much that is new, anf of interest
to them (comp. Notes on I Pet. i. 12);
(tnd. (c) from the fact that they cannot
but rejoice, in the revelations which are
made of the final triumphs of truth in
the Universe.
7. The universe at large has an in
terest in these disclosures,' and the fact
that they are to be made by the Re
deemer lays the foundation for universal
joy, vs. 13, 14. These events pertain to
ill worlds, and it is proper that all the
inhabitants of the universe should join
in the expressions of adoration and
thanksgiving. The universe is one ; and
what affects one portion of it really per
tains to every part of it. Angels and
men have one and the same God and
Pather, and may unite in the same ex
pressions of praise.
CHAPTER VI.
ANALYSIS OF THE CHASTER.
This chapter contains ah account of the
openingof six of the seven seals. It need
hardly be said to any one who is at all
familiar With the numerous — not to say
numberless — expositions of the Apoca
lypse, that it is at this point that inter
preters begin to differ, and that here
commences the divergence towards those
various, discordant, and many of them
wild and fantastic theories, which have
been proposed in the exposition of this
wonderful book. Up to this point,
though there may be unimportant diver
sities in the exposition of words and
phrases, there is no material difference
of opinion as to the general meaning of
the writer. In the epistles to the seven
churches, and in the introductory scenes
to ' the main visions, there can be no
doubt, in the main, as to what tho
Writer had in view, and what he meant
to describe. He addressed churches
then existing (chs. i.-iii.), and set before
them their sins and their duties ; and he
described scenes passing before his eyes
as then present (chs. iv., v.), whioh
were merely designed to impress his
own mind with the importance of what
was to be disclosed, and tb bring the
groat actors on the stage, and in refe-
ronco to whioh there could bo little

ground for diversity in the interpre
tation. Here, however, the scene opens
into the future, comprehending all the
unknown period until there shall be
a final triumph of Christianity, and all
its foes shall be prostrate.. The actors
are the Son of God, angels,' men, Satan,
— storms, tempests, earthquakes, — the
pestilence and fire ; the scene is heaven,
earth, hell. There is no certain desig
nation pf places ; there are no mention
of names — as there 'is in Isaiah (xiv.
1), of Cyrus, or as there is in Daniel
(viii. 21, x. 20, xi. 2), of the " king of
Grecia ;" there is no designation "of time
that is necessarily unambiguous; and
there are no characteristics, of the sym
bols used that make it antecedently
certain that they could be applied only
to one class of events. In the boundless
future that was to succeed the times of
John there would be, of necessity, many
events to which these symbols might be
applied, and the result has'showh that
it has required but a moderate share of
pious ingenuity to apply them, by dif
ferent expositors, to events differing
widely from each other in their charac
ter, and in the times when they would
occur. It would be too long to glance
even at the various theories which have
been proposed and maintained in regard
to the interpretation of the subsequent
portions of the Apocalypse, and wholly
impossible to attempt to examine those
theories. Time, in its developments,
has already exploded many of them;
and time, in its future developments,
will doubtless explode many more, and
each one must stand or fall as in the dis
closures of the future it shall be found to
be true or false. It would be folly to
add another to those numerous theories,
even if I had any such theory (see the
Preface), and perhaps equal folly to pro
nounce with certainty on any one of
those which have been advanced. Yet
this seems to be an appropriate place to
state, in few words, what principles it is
designed to pursue in the interpretation
of the remainder of the book.
1. It may be assumed that large por
tions of the book relate to the future
that is, to that which was future when
John wrote. In this all expositors are
agreed, and this is manifest indeed on
the very face of the representation. It
would be impossible to attempt «u intei
pretation on any other supposition, and

A. D. 96.J

CHAPTER VI.

159

somewhere in that vast future the events
are to be found to which the symbols
here used had reference. This is as
sumed, indeed, on the supposition that
the book is inspired! — a fact which is
assumed all along in this exposition, and
which should be allowed to control our
interpretation. But assuming that the
book relates to the future, though that
supposition will do something to deter
mine the true method of interpretation,
yet it leaves many -questions still un
solved. Whether it refers to the destruc
tion of Jerusalem, on the supposition
that the work Was written before that
event, or to the history of the church
subsequent to that; whether it is de
signed to describe events minutely,
or only in the most general manner;
whether it is intended to furnish a
syllabus of civil and ecclesiastical his
tory, or only a very general outline of
future events ; whether the times are so
designated that we Can fix them with
entire certainty; or whether it was in
tended to furnish any certain indication
of the periods of the world when these
things should occur ; all these are still
open questions, and it need not be said
that on these the opinions of expositors
have been greatly divided.
2. It may be assumed that there is
meaning in these symbols, and that they
were not used Without an intention to
'convey some important ideas to the
mind of John and to the minds of his
readers — to the church then, and to the
church in future times. t3omp. Notes
on ch. i. 3. The book is indeed sur
passingly sublime. It abounds with the
highest flights of poetic language. It is
Oriental in its character, and exhibits
everywhere the proofs of a most glowing
imagination in the writer. But it is also
to be borne in mind that it is an inspired
book, and this1 fact is to determine the
character of the exposition. If inspired,
it is to be assumed that there is a mean
ing in these symbols ; an idea in each
one of them, and in all combined, of
importance to the church and the world.
"Whether we can ascertain the meaning
is another question; but it is never to be
doubted by an expositor of the Bible that
there is a meaning in the words and
images employed, and that to find out
that meaning is worthy of earnest study
md prayer.
S. Predictions respecting the future

are often necessarily obscure to mail.
It cannot be doubted, indeed, that God
could have foretold future events in the
most clear and unambiguous language.
He who knows all that is to come as
intimately as h* does all the past, could
have caused a record to have been made,
disclosing names, and dates, and places,
so that the most minute statements of
what is to occur might have been in the
possession of man as clearly as the re
cords of the past now are. But, there
were obvious reasons why this should
not occur, and in the prophesies it is
rare that there is any such Specification.
To have done this might have been to
defeat the very end in view ; for it would
have given to man, a free agent, the
power Of embarrassing or frustrating the
divine plans. But if this course is not
adopted, then prophecy must, from the
nature of the case, be obSeUre. The
knowledge of any one particular fact in
the future is so connected with many
other facts, and often implies So much
knowledge of other things, that without
that other knowledge it could not be un
derstood. Suppose that it had been
predicted, in the time of John, that at
some future period, some contrivance
Should be found out by which what waB
doing in one part of the world could be
instantaneously known in another re
mote part of the world, and spread
abroad by thousands of Copies in an
hour to be read by a nation. Suppose,
for instance, that there had been some
Bymbol or emblem representing what
actually occurs now, when in a morniDg
newspaper we read what occurred last
evening at St. Louis, Dubuque, Galena,
Chicago, Cincinnati, Charleston^ New
Orleans. It is clear that at a time when
the magnetic telegraph and the printing-
press were unknown, any symbol or
language describing it that could be
employed must be obscure, and the im
pression must haye been that this could
be accomplished only by miracle — and
it Would not be difficult for one who was
disposed to scepticism to make out an
argument to prove that this could not
Occur. It-would be impossible to explain
any symbol that could be employed to
represent this until these wonderful
descriptions should become reality, and
in the mean time the book in which the
symbols were found might be regarded
as mado up of mere riddles add enigmas;

160

REVELATION,

[A. D.

but when these inventions should be
actually found out, however much ridi
cule or contempt had been poured on
the book before, it might be per
fectly evident that the symbol was the
most appropriate that could be used,
and no one could doubt that it was a
divine communication of what was to be
in the future. Something of the same
kind may have occurred in the symbols
used by the writer of the book be
fore us.
i. It is not necessary to suppose that
a prophecy will be understood in all its
details until the prediction is accom
plished. In the case just referred to,
though the fact of the rapid spread of
intelligence might be clear, yet nothing
would convey any idea of the mode, or
of the actual meaning of the symbols
used, unless the inventions were them
selves anticipated by a direct revelation.
The trial of faith in the case would be
the belief that the fact would occur,
but would not relate the mode in
which it was to be accomplished, or
to the language employed to describe
it. There might be great obscurity in
regard to the symbols and language,
and yet the knowledge of the fact be per
fectly plain. When, however, the fact
should occur as predicted, all would be
clear. So it is in respect to prophecy.
Many recorded predictions that are now
clear as noon-day, were once as am
biguous and uncertain in respect to
their meaning as in .the supposed case of
the press and the telegraph. Time has
made them plain ; for the event to which
they referred has so entirely correspond
ed with the symbol as to leave no doubt
in regard to the meaning. Thus many
of the prophecies relatingjo the Messiah
were obscure at the time when they were
uttered; were apparently so contradic
tory that they could not be reconciled ;
were so unlike any thing that then ex
isted, that the fulfilment seemed to be
impossible ; and were so enigmatical in
the symbols employed, that it seemed in
vain to attempt to disclose their mean
ing. The advent of the long-promised
Messiah, however, removed the obscu
rity, and now they are read with no
uncertainty as to their meaning, and
with no doubt that those predictions,
onoe so obscure, had a divine origin.
The view just suggested may lead us
to some just conceptions of what is

necessary to be done in attempting to
explain the prophecies. Suppose then,
first, that there had been, say in the
dark ages, some predictions that claimed
to be of divine origin, of the invention
of the art of printing and of the magnetic
telegraph. The proper business of an
interpreter, if he regarded this as a
divine communication, would have con
sisted in four things : — (1) to explain, as
well as he could, the fair meaning of the
symbols employed, and the language
used;^(2) to admit ihe fact referred to,
and implied in the fair interpretation
of the language employed, of the rapid
spread of intelligence in that future
period, though he could not explain Jots
it was to be done ; (3) in the mean time
it would be a perfectly legitimate object
for him to inquire whether there wsre
any events occurring in the world, or
whether there had been any, to which
these symbols were applicable, or which
would meet all the circumstances in
volved in them ; (4) if there were, then
his duty would be ended; if there
were not, then the symbols, with such
explanation as could be furnished of
their meaning, should be banded on to
future times to be applied when the pre
dicted events should actually occur.
Suppose, then, secondly, the case of the
predictions respecting the Messiah, scat
tered along through many books, and
given in various forms, and by various
symbols. The proper business of aD
interpreter would have been, as in the
other case, (1) to explain the fair mean
ing of the language used, and to bring
together all the circumstances in one
connected whole, that a distinct con
ception of the predicted Messiah might
be before the mind; (2) to admit the
facts referred to, and thus predicted,
however incomprehensible and appa
rently contradictory they might appear
to be ; (3) to enquire whether any one
bad appeared who oombined within
himself all the characteristics of tho
description ; and (4) if no one had thus
appeared, to send on the prophecies,
with such explanations of words and
symbols as could be ascertained to be
correot, to future times, to have their
full meaning developed when the object
of all the predictions should be accom
plished, and the Messiah should appear.
Then the meaning of all would be plain;
and then the argument from prophecy

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VI.

161

would be complete. This is obviously
now the proper state of the mind in
regard to the predictions in the Bible,
and these are the principles which
should be applied in examining the
book of Revelation.
5. It may be assumed that new light
will he thrown upon the prophecies by
time, and by the progress of events. It
cannot be supposed that the investiga
tions Of the meaning of the prophetic
symbols will ' all be "in vain. Diffi
culties, it is reasonable to hope, may be
cleared up; errors may be detected in
regard to the application of the prophe
cies to particular events; and juster
views on the prophecies, as on all other
subjects, will prevail as the world grows
older. We become wiser by seeing the
errors of those who haye gone before us,
and an examination of the causes which
led them astray may enable us to avoid
such errors in the future. ~ Especially
may it be supposed that light will be
thrown on the prophecies as they shall
be in part, or wholly fulfilled. The pro
phecies respecting the destruction of
Babylon, of Petra, of Tyre, of Jeru
salem, are now fully understood; the
prophecies respecting the advent of the
Messiah, and his character and work,
once so obscure, 'are now perfectly
clear. So, we have reason to suppose,
it will be with all prophecy in the pro
gress of events, and sooner or later the
world will settle down into some uniform
belief in regard tb the design and mean
ing of these portions of the sacred
writings. . Whether the time has yet
come for this, or whether numerous
other failures are to be added to the
melancholy catalogue of past failures on
this subject, is another question; but
ultimately all the now unfulfilled pro
phecies will be as clear as to their
meaning as are those which have been
already fulfilled.
6. The plan, therefore, whioh I pro
pose in the examination of the remaining
portion of the Apocalypse, is the follow
ing : — (1) To explain the meaning of the
symbols ; that is, to show, as clearly as
possible, what those symbols* properly
express, independently of any attempt
to apply them.' This opens, of itself,
an interesting field of investigation, and
one where essential service 'may bo done,
even if nothing further is intended.
Without any -reference to the applica-
14*

tion of those symbols, this, of itself, is
an important work of criticism, and, if
successfully done, would be rendering a
valuable service to the readers of the
sacred volume. (2). To state, as briefly
as possible, what others who have written
on this ' book, and who have brought
eminent learning and talent to bear on
its interpretation, have supposed to be
the true interpretation of the symbols
employed by John, and in regard to the
times in which the events referred to
would oocur. It is in this way only that
we can , be made acquainted with the
real progress made in interpreting this
book, and it will be useful at least to
know how the subject has struck other
minds, and how, and why they have
failed to perceive the truth. I propose,
therefore, to state as I go along) some
of tie theories which have been held as
to the meaning of the Apocalypse, and
as to the events which have been sup
posed by others to be referred to. My
limits require, however, that this should
be briefly done, and forbid my attempt
ing to examine those opinions at length.
(8) To state, in as brief and clear a
manner as possible, the view which I
have been led to entertain as to the
proper application of the symbols em
ployed in the book, with such historical
references as shall seem to mejto confirm
the interpretation proposed. (4) Where
I cannot form ah opinion as to the
meaning, to confess my ignorance. He
does no service in a professed interpre
tation of the Bible, who passes over a diffi
culty, without attempting to remove it,
or who, to save his own reputation, con
ceals the fact that there is a real diffi
culty ; and he does as little service who
is unwilling to confess his ignorance on
many points, or who attempts an ex
planation where he has no clear and
settled views. As his opinion can be of
no value to , any one else unless it is
based on reasons in his own mind that
will bear examination, so it can usually
be of little value unless those reasons
are stated. It is as' important' for his
readers to have those reasons before
their own minds as it is for him, and
unless he has it in his power to state
reasons for what he advances, his
opinions can be worth nothing, to the
world. He who lays down this rule of
interpretation may expect to have ample
opportunity in interpreting such a book

162

REVELATION,

[A. D.

A

CHAPTER VI.
ND I saw when the Lamb open
ed one of the seals; ° and I
a c. 6. 5. • 
as the Apocalypse to confes's his igno
rance ; but he who interprets a book
which he believes to be inspired, may
console himself with the thought that
what is now obscure will be clear here
after, and that he performs the best
service which he can, if he endeavors to
explain the book up to the time in which
he lives. There will be developments
hereafter which will make that clear
which is now obscure; developments
which will make this book, in all past
ages apparently so enigmatical, as clear
as any other portion of the inspired
volume, as it is now, even with the
imperfect view which we may have of
its meaning, beyond all question one of
the most sublime books that has ever
been written.
This chapter describes the opening of
the first six seals.
1. The first discloses a white horse
with a rider armed with a bow. A
crown is given to him, symbolical of
triumph and prosperity, and he goes
forth to conquer, vs. 1, 2.
2. The second discloses a red-colored
horse with a rider. The, emblem is that
of blood— of sanguinary War. Power is
given him to take peace from the earth,
and a sword is given him — emblem of
war, but not of certain victory. Triumph
' and prosperity are denoted by the former
symbol ; War, discord, bloodshed by this,
vs. 3, 4.
3. The third discloses a black horse
with a rider. He has a pair of balances
in his hand, as if there were Scarcity in
the earth, and he announces the price
of grain in the times of this calamity,
and a command is given not to hurt the
oil and the wine, vs. 5, 6. The emblem is
that of SCaroity — as if there were op
pression, or as a consequence of war or
discord, while at the same time there is
care bestowed to preserve certain portions
of the produce of the earth frbm injury.
4. The fourth discloses a pale horse
with a rider. The name of this rider is
Death, and Hell, or Hades, follows him
—as if the hosts of the dead came again
on the earth. Power is given to the
rider ove* the fourth part of the earth,
to kill with sword, With hdnger, with

heard, as It were the noise of thun
der, one of the four beaste, saying,
Come, a,nd see.

death, and with wild beasts. This em
blem would seem to denote war, wide.
wasting pestilence, famine, and desola
tion — as if wild beasts were suffered to
roam over lands that had been inha
bited: — something of Which paleness
would be an emblem. Here ends the
array of horses — and it is evidently in
tended by these four symbols to refer to
a series of events that have a general
resemblance — something that could be
made to stand by themselves, and that
could be grouped together.
5. The fifth seal opens a new scene.
The horse and the rider no longer ap
pear. It is not a scene of war, and of
the consequences of war, but a scene of
persecution. The souls of those who
were slain for the word of God and the"
testimony which they held, are seen
under the altar, praying to God that he
would avenge their- blood. White robes
are given them — tokens of the divine
favor, and emblems of their ultimate
triumph — and they are commanded to
" rest for a little season, till their fellow-
servants and their biethren that should
be killed as they were, should be ful
filled;" — that is, tliat they should be
patient until the number of the martyrs
was filled up. In other words, there was
(a) the assurance of the divine favor
towards them ; 0) vengeance, or the
punishment of those who had perse
cuted them, wuuld not be immediate;
but (c) there was the implied assurance
that just pun;.4unient would be inflicted
on their persecutors, and that the cause
for which they had suffered would ulti
mately triumph/ vs. 9-11.
6. The opening of the Sixth seal, vs.
12-17. There was an earthquake, and
the sun became dark, and the moon
was turned to blood, and the stars
fell, and all kings and people Were
filled with consternation. This symbol
properly denotes a time of public com
motion, or revolution, of calamity; and
it was evidently to be fulfilled by some
great changes on the earth, or by the
overturning of the seats of power, and
by such sudden revolutions as would fill
the nations with alarm.
1. And I saw. Or, 1 looked. He

A D. 96.]

CHAPTER VI.

163

2 And I saw, and behold a

fixed his eye attentively on what was
passing, as promising important dis
closures. No one had been found in the
universe who could open the seals but
the Lamb of God (ch. v. £-4), and it
was natural for John, therefore, to look;
upon the transaction with profound
interest. If When the Lamb opened one
of the seals. See Notes on ch. v. 1, 5.
This was the first or outermost of the
seals, and its being broken would pet-
mi t a certain portion of the volume to
be unrolled and read. See Notes on ch.
v. 1. The representation in this place
is, therefore, that of a volume With a
small portion unrolled, and written on
both sides of the parchment. If And I
heard, as it were, the noise of thunder.
One of the four living creatures speak
ing as with a voice of thunder, or with
a loud voice, f One of the four beasts.
Notes ch. iv. 6, 7. The particular one
is hot mentioned, though "what is said
in the subsequent verses leaves no doubt
that it was the first in order as seen by
John — the one like a lion, ch. iv. 7. In
the opening of the three following seals,
it is expressly said that it 'was the
second, the third, and' the fourth of the
living creatures that drew near, and
hence the Conclusion is certain that the
one here referred to was the first. If
the four living creatures be understood
to be emblematic of the divine provi
dential administration, then there Was a
propriety that they should be repre
sented as summoning John to witness
what was to be disclosed. These events
pertained 'to the developments of the
divine purposes, and these emblematic
beings would therefore be interested in
what was occurring, f Come and see.
Addressed evidently to John. He was
requested to approach and see with his
own eyes what was disclosed in the
portion of the volume now Unrolled;
He had wept much (ch. v. 4) that no
one was found who was worthy to open
that book, but he was now called on to
approach and see for himself. Some
have supposed (Lord, in loc.) that the,
address here was not to John, but to the
horse and his rider, and that the com
mand to them was not to " come and
see," but to come forth, and appear on
the stage, and that the act of the' Re-

white " horse, and he that sat on
a Zee. 6.3, &c.

deemer in breaking the seal, and un
rolling the scroll, was nothing more than
an emblem signifying that it was by his
act that the divine purposes were to be
-unfolded. But, in order to this inter
pretation, it would be necessary to omit
ffonV the received text the words km
fiXfn — " and see." This is done indeed
by Hahn and Tittmann, and this reading
is followed by Prof. Stuart, though he
Says that the received text has " proba
bility" in its favor, and is followed by
some of the critical editions. The most
natural interpretation, however, is that
the words were addressed to John.
John saw the Lamb open the seal; he
heard the loud voice; he looked and
beheld a white horse ; that is, evidently,
he looked on the unfolding volume and
saw the representation of a horse and
his rider. That the voice was addressed
to John is the common interpretation ;
is the most natural; and is liable to no
real Objection.
2. And I saw, and behold. A ques
tion has arisen as to the mode of repre
sentation here; whether what John
saw in these visions was a series of
pictures, drawn on successive portions
of the volume as one seal was broken
after another ; or whether the descrip
tion of the horses and of the events was
written on the volume, so that John
read it himself or heard it read by
another; or whether the opening of the
seal Was merely the occasion of a scenic
representation, in whicli a succession of
horses Was introduced, with a written
statement of the events which are re
ferred to. ' Nothing is indeed said by
which this can be determined with cer
tainty ; but the most probable suppo
sition would seem to be that there Was
some pictorial representation in form
and appearance, such as he describes in
the opening of the six seals. In favor
of this it may be observed (1) That, ac
cording to the interpretation of ver. 1, it
was BOthething in or on the volume —
since he was invited to draw nearer, in
order that he might contemplate it.
(2) Each one of the things under the
five first seals where John uses the word
" saw," is capable of being represented
by a picture or painting. (3) The lan
guage used is not such as would have

164

REVELATION,

[A. D. 90

him had a bow ; and a crown was
a Vs. 45. 3-6.

been employed if he had merely, read
the description, or had heard it read.
(4) The supposition that the pictorial
representation was not in the volume,
but that the opening of the seal was the
occasion merely of causing a scenic re
presentation to pass before his mind, is
unnatural and forced. What would be
the use of a sealed volume in that case ?
What the use of the writing within and
without? On this supposition the re
presentation would be that, as the suc
cessive seals were broken, nothing was
disclosed in the volume but a succession
of blank portions, and that the mystery
or the difficulty was not in any thing in
the volume, but in the want of ability to
summon forth these successive scenic
representations. The most obvious in
terpretation is, undoubtedly, that what
John proceeds to describe was in some
way represented in the volume; and the
idea of a succession of pictures or draw
ings, better accords with the whole
representation than the idea that it was
a mere written description. In fact these
successive scenes could be well repre
sented now in a pictorial form on a
scroll, f And behold a xohite horse. In
order to any definite understanding of
what was denoted by these symbols, it
is proper, to form in our minds, in the
first place, a clear conception of what
the symbol properly represents, or an
idea of what it would naturally convey.
It may be assumed that the symbol was
significant, and that there was some
reason why that was used rather than
another; why, for instance, a horse was
employed rather than an eagle or a
lion ; why a white horse was employed
in one case, and a red one, a black one,
a pale one in the. others; why in this
case a bow was in the hand of the
rider, and a crown was placed on his
head. Each one of these particulars
enters into the constitution of the sym
bol ; and we must find something in
the event which fairly corresponds with
each — for the symbol is made up of
all these things grouped together. It
may be farther observed, that where
the general symbol is the same — as
in the opening of, the first four seals —
it may be assumed that the same

given unto him : and he went forth
conquering a and to conquer.

object or class of objects is referred
to; and the particular thing? denoted,
or the diversity in the general . appli
cation, is to he found in . the variety
in the representation — the color, Ac, of
the horse, and the arms, apparel, Ac, of
the rider. The specifications under the
first seal are four: — (1) The general
symbol of the horse — common to the
first four seals; (2) the color of the
horse ; (3) the fact that he that sat on
him had a bow; and (4) that a crown
was given him by some one as indica
tive of victory. The question now is,
what these symbols would naturally
denote. (1) The horse. The meaning of this
symbol must be drawn from the natural
use to which the symbol is applied,
or the characteristics which it is known
to have;~ and, it may be added, that
there might have been something for
which that wa-s best known in the
time of the writer who uses it, which
(would not be so prominent at another
period of the world, or in another
country, and that it is necessary to have
that before the mind in order to obtain
a correct understanding of the symbol
The use of the horse, for instance, may
have varied at different times to some
degree — at one time the prevailing use
of the horse may have been for battle;
at another for rapid marches — as of
cavalry; at another for draught; at
another for races; at another for con
veying messages by the establishment
of posts or the appointment of couriers.
To an ancient Roman the horse might
suggest prominently one idea; to a mo
dern Arab another; to a teamster in
Holland another. The things which
would be most naturally suggested by
the horse as a symbol, as distinguished,
for instance, from an eagle, a lion, a
serpent, Ac, would be the following:
(a) war, as this was probably one of the
first uses to which the horse was applied.
So in the magnificent description of the
horse in Job xxxix. 19-25,' no notice is
taken of any of his qualities but those
which pertain to war. See, for a full
illustration of this passage, and of the
frequent referenoe in tbe classic writers
to the horse as connected with war,

A.. D. 96.1

CHAPTER VI.

165

Bochart, Hieroz. lib. ii. c. viii., par
ticularly p. 149. Comp. Virg. Geor. iii.
83, 84 :

" Si qua sonum jjrocul irma dedSre,
Stare loco nescit, mint auribus, et tremit artua. "
Ovid. Me tarn. iii. :
11 Ut fremit acrr equus, cum bellicua acre caporo
Signa dedit tubicen, pugnaeque assumit amorem."
Silius, lib. xiii. :
" Is trepido alituum linnitu, et stare negawti,
Imperilaiis viol enter equo."
So Solomon says (Prov. xxi. 31), "The
horse is prepared against, tho day of
battle." So in Zech. x. 3, the prophet
says, " God had made the house of
Judah as his goodly horse in the battle;"
that is, he had made them, like the vic
torious war-horse, (b) As a consequence
of this, and of the conquests achieved
by the horse in war, he became the sym
bol of conquest — of a people that could
not be overcome. Comp. the above
reference in Zech. Thus in Carthage
the horse was an image of victorious
war, in contradistinction to the ox, which
was an emblem of the arts of peaceful
agriculture. This was based on a tra
dition respecting the foundation of the
city, referred to by Virgil, Mia. i. 441-
444: " Quo Tiriinilm jactati undis et turbine Poem
EffoJere loco signum, quod regia Judo
M o nstr.lrat, caput aerii equi : sic nam fore bello
Egregiam, et facilem victu por Sicula gentem."
In reference to this circumstance, Jus
tin, lib. xviii. 5, remarks; that " in
laying the foundations of the city the
head of an ox was found, which was re
garded ae an emblem of a fruitful land,
but of the necessity of labor, and of
dependence; on which account, the city
was transferred to another place. Then
the head of a horse was found, and this
was regarded as a happy omen that the
city would be warlike and prosperous."
Comp. Creuzer, Symbolik, vol. ii. p. 456.
(c) The horse was an emblem of fleet-
ness, and, consequently, of the rapidity
of conquest. Comp. Joel ii. 4 : " The
appearance of them is as the appearance
of horses ; and as horsemen, so shall they
run." Jer. iv. 13 : " Behold he shall
come up as clouds, and his chariots shall
be as a whirlwind; his horses are swifter
than eagles." Compare Job xxxix. 18.
[d) The hdrse is an emblem of strength,
and consequently of safety, Ps. cxlvii.
10: "Ho delighteth hot in the strength
of the horse." In general, then, the

horse would properly symbolize war,
conquest, or the rapidity with which a
message is conveyed. The particular
character or complexion1 of the event —
as peaceful or warlike; prosperous or
adverse, is denoted by the color of The
horse, and by the character of the
rider. (2) The color of the horse : — " a white
horse." It is evident that this is de
signed . to be significant, because it is
distinguished from the red, the black,
and the pale horse, referred to in the fol
lowing verses. In general, it may bo
observed that white is the emblem of
innocence, purity, prosperity — as the
opposite is of sickness, sin, calamity.
If the significance of the emblem turned
alone on the color, we should look to
something cheerful, prosperous, happy
as the thing that was symbolized. But
the significance in the case is to be found
not only in the color — white — but in the
horse that was white ; and the enquiry
is, what would a horse of that color
properly denote ; that is, on what oc
casions, and with reference to what
ends, was such a horse used? Now,
the general notion attached to the
mention of a white horse, according
to ancient usage, would be that of
state and triumph, derived from the
fact that white horses were rode by
conquerors on the days of their triumph ;
that they were used in the marriage
cavalcade ; that they were employed on
coronation occasions, Ac. In the tri
umphs granted by the Romans to their
victorious generals, after a procession
composed of musicians, captured princes,
spoils of battle, Ac, came the conqueror
himself, seated on a high chariot drawn
by four white horses, robed in purple,
and wearing a wreath of laurel. Escheh-
burg, Man. of Class. Literature, p. 283.
Comp. Ovid de Arte Amandi, lib. v. 214.
The name of Xeticnriros — leucippos — was
given to Proserpine, because she was
borne from Hades to Olympos in a cha
riot drawn by white horses. Scol. Pind
01. vi. 161. See Creuzer's Symbol, iv
253. White horses are supposed, also,
to excel others in fleetness. So Horace,
Sat lib. i. vii. 8 :
14 Siseunaa, Barrosque ut equis proocurreret albis."
So Plaut. Asin. ii. 2, 12. So Homer,
II. K. 437 :
AevKoreoot %vdvos, Ssittv &' aviur'rtv i/wiot,

166

REVELATION,

[A. D.. I

— "Whiter than the snow, and swifter
thanHhe winds." And in the -2Eneid,
where Turnus was about to contend with
JSneas, he demanded horses :
JiQui candore una anteirent curaibua sunn,"
—"Which would surpass the snow in
whiteness, and the wind in fleetness."
iEn. xii. 84.
go the poets everywhere describe the
chariot of the sun as drawn by white
horses. Bochart, ut supra. So con
querors and princes are everywhere
¦represented as borne on white horses.
Thus Propertius, lib. iv. eleg. i. :
" Qnatuor huic alboB Romulus egit equos."
So, Claudian, lib. ii., de Laudibus Sti-
lichonis :
" Deposito mitia' clypeo, candentibus urbem
Iugreditur trabeatua equis."
And thus Ovid (Lib. i. de Arte) addresses
Augustus, auguring that he would re
turn a victor :
" Ergo erit ilia diea, qua tu, Pulchcmme rerum,
Quattuor in niveis aureus ibis equia."
The preference of white to denote tri
umph or victory, was early referred to
among the Hebrews. Thus Judges v.
10, in the Song of Deborah :
"Speak ye that ride on white asses,
Ye that ait in judgment,
And walk by the way."
The expression, then, in the passage
before us, would properly refer to some
kind of triumph ; to some joyous occa
sion; to something where there was
success or victory — and so far as this
expression is concerned, would refer to
any kind of triumph, whether of the
gospel, or of victory in war.
(3) The bow :—And he that sat on him
had a bow. The bow would be a natural
emblem of war — as it was used in war ;
or of hunting — as it was used for that
purpose. It was a common, instrument
of attack or defence, and seems to have
been early invented, for it is found in
all rude nations. Comp. Gen. xxvii, 3,
xlviii. 22, xlix. 24; Josh. xxiv. 12; 1
Sam. xviii. 4; Ps. xxxvii. 15; Isa. vii.
24. The bow would be naturally em
blematic of the following things: —
(a) War. See the passages above, (b)
Hunting. Thus it was one of the em
blems of Apollo as the god of hunting.
(c) The effect of truth — as that whioh
secured conquest, or overoanie oppo
sition in the heart. So far as this

emblem is concerned, it might denote a
warrior, a hunter, a preacher, a ruler-jr-..
any one who exerted power over others,
or who achieved any kind of conquest
over them.
(4) The crown : — And a crown was
given unto him. The word here used —
ore^avos — means a circlet, chaplet* °r
crown — usually such as was givsn to a
victor, 1 Cor. ix. 25. It would properly
be emblematic of victory or conquest—
as it was given to victors in war, or to
the victors at the Grecian games, and a?
it is given to the saints in heaven re
garded as victors, Kev. iv. 4. 10 ; 2 Tim.
iv. 8. The crown or chaplet here was
" given" to the rider as significant that
he would be victorious, not that he had
been; and the proper reference of the
emblem was to some conquest yet to be
made, not to any which had been made.
It is not said by whom this was given to
the rider ; the material fact being only-
fhat such a diadem was conferred on
him. (5) The going forth to conquest: —
And he went forth conquering, and to
conquer. He went forth as a- conqueror,
and that he might conquer, (That is, he
went forth with the spirit, life, energy,
determined purpose, of one who was con
fident that he would conquer, and who
had the port and bearing of a conqueror.
John saw in him two things : — one, that
he had the aspect or port of a con
queror — that is, of one who had been
accustomed to conquest and who was
confident that he, could conquer; the
other was, that this was clearly the
design for which he went forth, and
this would be the result of his going
forth. Having thus enquired into the natural
meaning of the emblems used, perhaps
the proper work of an expositor is .done,
and the subject might be left here.
But the mind naturally asks what was
this designed to signify, and to what
events are these things to be applied?
On this point, it is scarcely necessary to
say, that the opinions of expositors have
been almost as numerous as the expo
sitors themselves, and that it would be a
hopeless task, and as useless as hopeless,
to attempt to enumerate all the opinions
entertained. They who are desirous of
examining those opinions, must be re
ferred to the various books on the Apoca
lypse where they may be found. Perhaps

A.Df196.]

CHAPJER VI.

167

all the opinions entertained, though pre
sented by their authors under a great
y,ariety of forms, might be referred to
three: — (1) That the whole passage in
chs. vi.-xi. refers to the destruction of
Jerusalem and the wasting of Judea,
principally by the Romans — and par
ticularly the humiliation and prostration
of the Jewish persecuting enemies of the
church : — on the supposition that the
book was written before the destruction of^
Jerusalem. This is the, opinion of Prof.
Stuart, and of those generally who hold
that the book was written at that time,
(2) The opinion of those who suppose
that the book was written in the time of
Domitian, about A. D. 95, or 96, and
that the symbols refer to the Roman
affairs subsequent to that time. This is
the opinion of Mede, Elliott, and others.
(3) The opinions of those who suppose that
the different horses and horsemen refer
to the Saviour, to ministers of the gospel,
and to the various results of the ministry.
This is the opinion of Mr. David C. Lord
and, others. My purpose does not re
quire me to examine these opinions in
detail. Justice could not be done
to them in the limited compass which
I have; ami it is better to institute
a direct enquiry whether any events
are known which can be regarded as
corresponding with the symbols here
employed. In regard to this, then, the
following things may be referred to : —
(a) It will be assumed here, as else
where in these Notes, that the Apoca
lypse was written in the time of Domi
tian, about A. D. 95 or 96. For the
reasons for this opinion, see Intro, f! 2.
Comp. an article by Dr. Geo. Duffield in
the Biblical Repository, July, 1847, pp.
385-411. It will also be assumed that
the book is inspired, and that it is not
tp be regarded and treated as a work of
mere human origin. These suppositions
will preclude the necessity of any refer
ence in the opening of the seals to the
time of Nero, or to the., events pertaining
to the destruction of Jerusalem and the
overthrow of the Jewish persecuting
enemies of the church — for the opinion
that those events are referred to can be
held only on one of two suppositions ; —
either that the work was written in the
time of Nero, and before the Jewish
wars, as held by Prof. Stuart, and
others ; or that it was penned after the
over.ts referred to had occurred, and

is such a description of the paa t as could
have been made by one who was un
inspired. (6) It is to be presumed that the
events referred to, in the opening of the
first seal, would occur soon after the
time when the vision appeared to John
in Patmos. This is clear, not only
because that would be the most natural
sup' -ition, but because it is fairly im-
pliea in ch. i. 1: "The Revelation of
Jesus Christ, which God gave unto him,
to show unto his servants, things which
must shortly come to pass." See Notes
on that verse. Whatever may be said
of some of those events — those lying
most remotely in the series — it would
not accord with the fair interpretation
of the language to snppose that the
beginning of the series would be far
distant, and we therefore naturally look
for that beginning in the age succeed
ing the time of the apostle, or the reign
of Domitian.
(c) The enquiry then occurs whether
there were any such events, in that age
as would properly he symbolized by the
circumstances before us — the horse ; the
color of the horse ; the bow in the hand
of the rider ; the "crown given him ; the
state and bearing of a conqueror.
(d) Before, proceeding to notice what
seems to me to be the interpretation
which best accords with all the circum
stances of the symbol, it may be proper,
to refer to the only other one which
has any plausibility, and which, is
adopted by Grotius, by the author of
"Hyponia," by Dr. Keith (Signs of the
Times, i. 181, Seq.), by Mr. Lord and
others, that this refers to Christ and his
church — to Christ and his ministers in
spreading the gospel. The objections to
this class of interpretations seem to me
to be insuperable: (1) The whole de
scription, so far as it is. a representation
of triumph,, is a representation of the
triumph of war, not of the gospel of
peace. All the symbols in the opening
of the first four seals are warlike; all
the consequences in the opening of each
of the seals where the horseman appears,
are such as are usually connected with
war. It is the march of empire; the
movement of military power. (2) A
horseman thus armed is not the usual
representation of Christ, much less of his
ministers or of his church. Once indeed
(ch. xix. 14-16) Christ himself is thus

168

REVELATION,

[A. IX 96

represented; but the ordinary repre
sentation of the Saviour in this book is
either that of a man — majestic and glo
rious, holding the stars in his right hand
—or of .1 lamb. Besides, if it were the
design of the emblem to refer to Christ,
it m ast be a representation of him per-
tonally and literally going forth in this
mann ar ; for it would be incongruous to
suppose that this relates to him, and then
to give it a metaphorical application,
referring it not to himself but to his
truth, his gospel, his ministers. (3) If
there is little probability that this refers
to Christ, there is still less that it refers
to ministers of the gospel — as held by
Lord and others — for such a symbol is
employed nowhere else to represent an
order of ministers, nor do the circum
stances find a fulfilment in them. The
minister of the gospel isa herald of peace,
and is employed in the service of the
Prince of Peace. He cannot well be re
presented by a warrior, nor is he in the
Scriptures. In itself considered, there is
nothing more unlike or incongruous than
a warrior going forth to conquest with
hostile arms, and a minister of Christ.
Besides, (4) this representation of a
horse and his rider, when applied in
the following verses, on this principle
becomes most forced and unnatural.' If
the warrior on the white horse denotes
the ministry, then the Warrior on the red
horse, the black horse, the pale horse,
must denote the ministry also, and no
thing is more fanciful and arbitrary than
to attempt to apply these to teachers of
various kinds of error—error denoted by
the red, olack, and pale color — as must
be done on that supposition. It seems
plain, therefore, to me, that the repre
sentation was not designed to symbolize
the ministry, or the state of the church
considered with reference to its exten
sion, or the various forms of belief which
prevailed. But, if so, it only remains to
enquire whether a state of things existed
in the Roman world of which these
would be appropriate symbols. We
have, then, the following facts, which
are of suoh a nature as would properly
be symbolized by the horse of the first
seal; that is, they are such facts that if
one were to undertake to devise an ap-
propiate symbol of them since they
occurred, they would be well represent
ed by tho image here employed.
1. It was in general a period of pros

perity, of triumph, of conquest — well
represented by the horseman on. the
white horse going forth to conquest. I
refer now to the period immediately
succeeding the time of John's banish
ment, embracing some ninety years,
and extending through the successive
reigns of Nerva, Trajan, Adrian, and
the two Antonines, from the death of
Domitian, A. D. 96, to the accession of
Commodus, and the peace made by him
with the Germans, A. D. . 180. As an
illustration of this period, and of the per
tinency of the symbol, I will first copy
from an historical chart drawn up .with
no reference to the symbol here, and in
the mind of whose author the applica
tion to this symbol never occurred.' The
chart, distinguished for accuracy, is that
of A. S. Lyman, published-A. D. 1845.
The following is the account of this
period, beginning at the death of Domi
tian : — " Domitian, a cruel tyrant, the
last of the twelve CeSars." (His death,
therefore, was an important epoch.)
" A. D. 96, Nerva, noted for his virtues
but enfeebled by age." "A. D. 98,
Trajan, a great general, and popular em
peror ; under him the empire attains its
greatest extent." "A. D. 117, Adrian,
an able sovereign ; spends thirteen years
travelling through the empire, reforming
abuses, fihd rebuilding cities." "A. D.
138, Antoninus Pius, celebrated for his
wisdom, virtue and humanity." " A. D.
161, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, the
Stoic philosopher, noted for his virtues."
Then begins anew era — a series of wicked
princes, and of great calamities. The
next entry in the series,isj "A. D. 180,
Commodus, profligate and cruel." Then
follows a succession of princes of the
same general description. Their charac
ter will be appropriately considered under
the succeeding seals. But in regard to
the period now supposed to be repre
sented by the opening of the first seal,
and the general applicability of the
description here to that period, we have
the fullest testimony in Mr. Gibbon, in
his Decline and Fall of the Roman Em
pire : — a writer who, sceptic as he was,
seems to have been raised up by Divine
Providence to search deeply into historic
records, and to furnish an inexhaustible
supply of materials in confirmation of
the fulfilment of the prophecies, and of
tho truth of revelation. For (1 ) he was
eminently endowed by talent, and learn-

A D. 96.]

CHAPTER VI.

169

ng, and patience, and general candor,
and accuracy, to prepare a history of that
period of the world, and to place his
name in the very first rank of historians.
His history commences at about the
period supposed in this interpretation to
be referred to by these symbols, and ex
tends over a very considerable portion
of the time embraced in the book of
Revelation. (3) It cannot be alleged
that he was biassed in his statements
of facts by a desire to favor reve
lation; nor can it be charged on him
that he perverted facts with a view to
overthrow the authority of the volume
of inspired truth. He was, indeed,
thoroughly sceptical as to the truth of
Christianity, and he lost no opportunity
to express his feelings towards it by a
sneer — for it seems to have been an un
fortunate characteristic of his mind to
sneer at every thing — but there is no
evidence that he ever designedly per
verted a fact in history to press it into
the service of infidelity, or that he de
signedly falsified a statement for the
purpose of making it bear against Chris
tianity. It cannot be suspected that he
had any design by the statements which
he makes, to confirm the truth of Scrip
ture prophecies. Infidels, at least, are
bound to admit his testimony as impar
tial. (4) Not a few of the most clear
and decisive proofs of the fulfilment of
prophecies are to be found in his history.
They are frequently such statements as
would be expected to occur in the
writings of a partial friend of Chris
tianity who was endeavoring to make
the records of history speak out in favor
of his religion, and if they had been
found in such a writer, they would be
suspected of having been shaped with a
view to the confirmation of the prophe
cies, and, it may be added also, with an
intention to defend some favorite inter
pretation of the Apocalypse. In regard
to the passage before us — the opening
of the first seal, and the general ex
planation of the meaning of that seal,
above given, there is a striking re
semblance between that representation
and the state of the Roman empire
as given by Mr. Gibbon at the period
under consideration — from the end of
the reign of Domitian to the accession
of Commodus. By a singular coinci
dence, Mr. Gibbon begins his history at
about the period supposed to be referred
15

to by the opening of the seal — the
period following the death of Domitian,
A. D. 96. Thus in the opening sen
tences of his work, he says, "In tho
second century of the Christian era, the
empire of Rome comprehended the fair
est part of the earth, and the most civil
ized portion of mankind. During a
happy period of more than four-score
years, the public administration was
conducted by the virtue and abilities of
Nerva, Trajan, Adrian, and the two
Antonines. It is the design of this, and
the two succeeding chapters, to describe
the prosperous condition of their em
pire ; and afterwards, from the death of
Marcus Antoninus, to deduce the most
important circumstances of its decline
and fall ; a revolution which will ever be
remembered, and is still felt by the
nations of the earth," vol. i. 1. Before
Mr. Gibbon proceeds to give the history
of the fall of the empire, he pauses to
describe the happy condition of the Ro
man world during the period now re
ferred to — for this is substantially his
object in the first three chapters of his
history. The titles of these chapters
will show their object. They are re
spectively the following: — Chapter I.,
" The Extent and Military Force of the
Empire, in the Age of the Antonines ;"
Ch. II., " Of the Union and Internal
Prosperity of the Roman Empire, in the
Age of the Antonines ;" Ch. III., "Ofthe
Constitution of the Roman Empire, in
the Age of the Antonines." -In the lan
guage of another, this is "the bright
ground of his historic picture, from
which afterwards more effectively to
throw out in deep coloring, the succes
sive traits of the empire's corruption
and decline." Elliott. The introduc
tory remarks of Mr. Gibbon, indeed,
professedly refer to " the age. of the
Antonines" (A. D. 138-180), but that he
designed to describe, under this general
title, the actual condition of the Roman
world during the period which I sup
pose to be embraced under the first seal,
as a time of prosperity, triumph, and
happiness — from Domitian to Commo
dus — is apparent (o) from a remarkable
statement which there will be occasion
again to quote, in which he expressly
designates this period, in these words :-
" If a man were called to fix the period
in the history of the world, during which
the condition of the human race wa*

170

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96*

most happy and prosperous, he would,
without hesitation, name that which
elapsed from the death of Domitian
to the accession of Commodus," i. 47.
The same thing is apparent also from a
remark of Mr. Gibbon in the general
summary which he makes of the Roman
affairs, showing that this period con
stituted, in his view, properly an era in
the condition of the world. Thus he
says (i. 4), " Such was the state of the
Roman frontiers, and such the maxims
of imperial policy, from the death of
Augustus t; the accession of Trajan."
This, was A. D. 98. The question now
is, whether during this period the events
in the Roman empire were such as ac
cord with the representation in the first
seal. There was nothing, in the first
century that could accord, with this, and
if John wrote the Apocalypse at the
time supposed (A. D. 95 or 96), of course
it does not refer to that. Respecting
that century, Mr. Gibbon remarks, " The
only accession which the Roman empire
received, during the first century of the
Christian era, was the province of
Britain. In this single instance, the
successors of Caesar and Augustus were
persuaded to follow the example of the
former rather than the precept of the
latter. After a war of about forty years,
undertaken by the most stupid, main
tained by the most dissolute, and termi
nated by the most timid of all the
emperors, the far greater part of the
island submitted to the Roman yoke,"
i. 2, 3. Of course, the representation in
the first seal could not be applied to such
a period as this. In the second century,
however, and especially in the early
part of it — the beginning of the period
supposed to be embraced in the opening
of the first seal — & different policy began
to prevail, and though the main charac
teristic "of the period, as a whole, was
comparatively peaceful, yet it began with
a career of, conquests, and its general
state might be characterized as triumph
and prosperity. Thus Mr. Gibbon speaks
of Trajan on his accession after the death
of Nerva : — " That virtuous and active
prince had received the education of a
soldier, and possessed the talents of a
general. The peaceful system of his
predecessor was interrupted by scenes of
war and conquest ; and the legions, after
a long interval, beheld a military leader
at their head. The first exploits of

Trajan were against the Dacians, the
most warlike of men, who dwelt beyond
the Danube, and who during the reign
of Domitian had insulted the majesty
of Rome. This memorable war, with
a very short suspension of hostilities,
lasted five years; and as the emperor
could exert, without control, the whole
force of the state, it was terminated by
an absolute submission of the barba
rians. The new province of Dacia,
which formed a second exception to the
precept of Augustus, was about thirteen
hundred miles in circumference," i. 4.
Speaking of Trajan (p. 4), he says
farther, " The praises of Alexander,
transmitted by a succession of poets and
historians, had kindled a dangerous
emulation in the mind of Trajan. Like
him, the Roman emperor undertook an
expedition against the nations of the
East, but he lamented with a sigh, that
his advanced age scarcely left him any
hopes of equalling the renown of the son
of Philip. Yet the success of Trajan,
however transient, was rapid and spe
cious. The degenerate Parthians, broken
by intestine discord, fled before his arms.
He descended the river Tigris in triumph,
from the mountains of Armenia to the
Persian gulf. He enjoyed the honor of
being the first, as he was the last, of the
Roman generals who ever navigated that
remote sea. His fleets ravaged the
coasts of Arabia; and Trajan vainly
flattered himself that he was approach
ing towards the confines of India. Every
day the astonished senate received the
intelligence of new names and new
nations, that acknowledged his sway.
They were informed that the kings of
Bosphorus, Colchos, Iberia, Albania,
Osrhoene, and even the Parthian mo
narch himself, had accepted their dia
dems from the hand of the emperor;
that the independent tribes of the Me
dian and Carduchian hills had implored
his protection ; and that the rich coun
tries of Armenia, Mesopotamia and
Assyria were reduced into the state of
provinces." Of such a reign what more
appropriate symbol could there be than
the horse and the rider of the first seal ?
If Mr. Gibbon had been writing a de
signed commentary on thiSj what more
appropriate language could he have used
in illustration of it? The reign of
Hadrian, the, successor of Trajan (A. D.
117-138), was comparatively a reign of

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VI.

171

peace — though one of his first acts was
to lead an expedition into Britain ; but
though comparatively a time of peace, it
was a reign of prosperity and triumph.
Mr. Gibbon, in the following language,
gives a general characteristic of that
reign : " The life of [Hadrian] was
almost a perpetual journey ; and as he
possessed tho various talents of the
soldier, the statesman, and the scholar,
he gratified his curiosity in the dis
cbarge of his duty. Careless of the
difference of seasons and of climates, he
marched on foot, and bareheaded, over
the snows of Caledonia, and the sultry
plains of Upper Egypt; nor was there a
province of the empire, which in the
course of his reign was not honored with
the presence of the monarch," p, 5. On
p. 6, Mr. Gibbon remarks of this period,
" The Roman name was revered amongst
the most remote nations of » the earth.
The fiercest barbarians frequently sub
mitted their differences to the arbitra
tion of the emperor j and we are inform
ed by a contemporary historian, that he
had seen ambassadors who were refused
the honor which they came to solicit, of
being admitted into the rank of sub
jects." And again, speaking of the
reign of Hadrian, Mr. Gibbon remarks
(i. 45), "Under his reign, as has been
already mentioned, the empire flourished
in peace and prosperity. He encouraged
the arts, reformed the laws, asserted
military discipline, and visited all the
provinces in person." Hadrian was suc
ceeded by the Antonines, Antoninus
Pius, and Marcus Aurelius (the former
from A. D. 138 to 161, the latter from
A. D. 161, to the accession of Com
modus, A. D. 180). The general cha
racter of their reigns is well known. It
is thus stated by Mr. Gibbon: "The
two Antonines governed the world forty-
two years with the same invariable spirit
of wisdom and virtue. Their united
reigns are possibly the only period of
history in which the happiness of a
great people was the sole object of go
vernment," i. 46. And, after describing
the state of the empire in respect to its
military and naval character, its roads,
and architecture, and constitution, and
laws,* Mr. Gibbon sums up the whole
description of this period in the follow
ing remarkable words (vol. i. p. 47) :
*' If a man were called to fix a period in
the history of the world, during which the I

condition of the human race was most
happy and prosperous, he would, without
hesitation, name that which elapsed
from the death of Domitian to the ac
cession of Commodus. The vast extent
of the Roman empire was governed by
absolute power, under the guidance of
virtue and wisdom. The armies were
restrained by the firm but gentle hands
of four successive emperors, whose cha
racters and authority commanded uni
versal respect. The forms of the civil
administration were carefully preserved
by Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian, and the
Antonines, who delighted in the image
of liberty, and were pleased with con
sidering themselves as the accountable
ministers of the laws. Such princes de
served the honor of restoring the republic,
had the Romans of their days been
capable of enjoying a rational freedom."
If it be supposed now that John designed
to represent this period of the world,
could he have chosen a more expressive
and significant emblem of it than occurs
in the horseman of the first seal ? If Mr.
Gibbon had intended to prepare a com
mentary on it, could he, have shaped the
facts of history so as better to furnish an
illustration ?
2. The particular things represented
in the symbol, (a) The bow — a symbol
of war. Mr. Eliott has endeavored to
show that the how at that period was
¦peculiarly the badge of the Cretians, and
that Nerva, who succeeded Domitian,
was a Cretian by birth. The argument
is too long to be abridged here, but, if
well founded, the fulfilment is remark
able; for, although the sword or the
javelin was usually the badge of the Ro
man emperor, if this were so, there
would be a peculiar propriety in making
the bow the badge during this period.
See Eliott, vol. i. pp. 133-140. But,
whatever may be said of this, the bo,w was
so generally the badge of a warrior that
there would be no impropriety in using
it as a symbol of Roman victory. (6) The
crown— eriipavos — was up to the time of
Aurelian, A. D. 270 (see Spanheim, p.
60), the distinguishing badge of the Ro
man emperor; after that, tho diadem
set with pearls and other jewels, was
adopted and worn. The crown, com
posed usually of laurel, was properly tho
badge of the emperor considered as a
military leader or commander. See
Eliott, i. 130. At the period now under

172

BEVELATION,

[A. D. 96,

3 And when he had opened the
second seal, I heard the second
beast say, Come and see.
consideration, the proper badge of the
Roman emperor would be the crown;
after the time of Aurelian, it would have
been the diadem. In illustration of

(c) The fact that the crown was given to
the rider. It was common among the
Romans to represent an emperor in this
manner ; either on medals, bas-reliefs, or
triumphal arches. The emperor ap
pears going forth on horseback, and
with Victory represented as either crown
ing him, or as preceding him with a
crown in her hand to present to him.
The following cut, copied from one of
the bas-reliefs on a triumphal arch
erected to Claudius Drusus on occasion

4 And there went out another
horse that was red: and power
was given to him that sat thereor
this, two cuts may be introduced, the
one representing the emperor Nerve
with the crown, or artyavos, the other thi
emperor Valentinian, with the diadem.

of his victories over the Germans, will
furnish a good illustration of this, and,
indeed, is so similar to the symbol
described by John, that the one seems
almost a copy of the other. Except that
the bow is wanting, nothing could have
a closer resemblance, and the fact that
such symbols were employed, and were
well understood by the Romans, may
be admitted to be a confirmation of
the view above taken of the meaning
of the first seal. Indeed, so many
things combine to confirm this, that
it seems impossible to be mistaken in
regard to it : for if it should be supposed
that John lived after this time, and that
he meant to furnish a striking emblem of
this period of Roman history, he could
not have employed a more significant
and appropriate symbol than he has
done. 3. And when he had opened the second
seal. So as to disclose another portion
of the volume, -votes ch. v. 1. ^f Iheard
the second beast say. The second beast
was like a calf or an ox. Notes ch. iv.
7. It cannot be supposed that there is
any speoial significancy in the fart that
the second beast addressed the seer on
the opening of the second seal, or that,
so far as the symbol was concerned,
there was any reason why this living

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VI.

173

to take peace from the earth, and
that they should kill one another :
creature should approach_ on the open
ing of this seal rather than on either of
the others. All that seems to be de-
Signed is, that as the living creatures
are intended to be emblems of the Pro
vidential government of God, it was
proper to represent that government as
concerned in the opening of each of these
four seals indicating important events
among the nations, f Come and see.
See Notes on ver. 1.
4. And there went out another horse.
In this symbol there were, as in the others,
several particulars which it is proper to
explain in order that we may be able to
understand its application. The par
ticular things in the symbol are the
following : —
(a) The horse. See this explained in
the Notes on ver. 2.
(b) The color of the horse : — Another
horse that was red. This symbol cannot
be mistaken. As the white horse denoted
prosperity, triumph, and happiness, so
this would denote carnage, discord,
bloodshed. This is clear, not only from
the nature of the emblem, but from the
explanation immediately added : — " And
power was given to him that sat thereon
to take peace from the earth, and that
they should kill one another." On the
color, compare Bochart, Hieroz. P. 1.
lib. ii. c. vii. p. 104. See also Zech. i. 8.
There is no possibility of mistaking this,
that a time of slaughter is denoted by
this emblem.
(c) The power given to him that sat
on the horse : — And power was given to
him that sat thereon to take peace from
the earth, and that they should kill one
another. This would seem to indicate
that the condition immediately pre
ceding this was a condition of tran
quillity, and that this was now disturbed
by some cause producing discord and
bloodshed. This idea is confirmed by
the original words — rhv tipfivvv — " the
peace ;" that is, the previously existing
peace. When peace in general is referred
to, the word is used without the article :
Matt. x. 34, " Think not that I came to
Bend peace — fiaXtiv thfjuriv — upon the
earth." Comp. Luke i. 79, ii. 14, xix. 38 ;
Mark v. 34 ; John xiv. 27, xvi. 33 ; Acts
vii. 26, ix.»31, et ah in the Greek. In
15*

and there was given unto him a
great sword.

these cases the word peace is without the
article. The characteristics of the period
referred to by this, are (a) that peace
and tranquillity existed before ; (6) that
such peace and tranquillity were now
taken away, and were succeeded by
confusion and bloodshed; and (c) that
the particular form of that confusion
was civil discord, producing mutual
slaughter : — " that they should kill one
another." (<?) The presentation of a sword : —
And there was given unto him a great
sword. As an emblem of what he was
to do, or of the period that was referred
to by the opening of the seal. The
sword is an emblem of war; of slaughter;
of authority (Rom. xiii. 4), and is here
used as signifying that that period
would be characterized by carnage.
Comp. Isa. xxxiv. 5 ; Rev. xix. 17, 18 ;
Lev. xxvi. 25; Gen. xxvii. 40; Matt.
xxvi. 52, x. 34. It is not said by whom
the sword was presented, but the fact is
merely referred to, that the rider was
presented with a sword as a symbol of
what would occur.
In enquiring now into the period re
ferred to by this symbol, we naturally
look to that which immediately suc
ceeded the one which was represented
by the opening of the first seal ; that is*
the period which followed the accession
of Commodus, A. D. 180. We shall
find, in the events which succeeded his
accession to the empire, a state of things
which remarkably accords with the ac
count given by John in this emblem — so
much so that, if it were supposed that
the book was written after these events
had occurred, and that John had de
signed to represent them by this symbol,
he could not have selected a more ap
propriate emblem. The only authority
which it is necessary to refer to here is
Mr. Gibbon; who, as before remarked,
seems to have been raised up by a Special
Providence to make a record of those
events which were referred to by some
of the most remarkable prophecies in the
Bible. As he had the highest qualifi
cations for an historian, his statements
may be relied on as accurate; and as he
had no belief in the inspiration of the
prophetic records, his testimony will not

174

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

be charged with partiality in their
favor. The following particulars, there
fore, will furnish a full illustration of the
opening of the second seal : —
(a) The previous state of peace. This
is implied in the expression, " and power
was given to him to take peace from the
earth." Of this we have had a full con
firmation in the peaceful reign of Hadrian
and the Antonines. See the Notes on
the exposition of the first seal. Mr.
Gibbon, speaking of the accession of
Commodus to the imperial throne, says
that he " had nothing to wish, and
every thing to enjoy. The beloved son
of Marcus [Commodus] succeeded his
father amidst the acclamations of the
senate and armies ; and when he ascend
ed the throne, the happy youth saw
around him neither competitor to re
move, nor enemies to punish. In this
calm elevated station it was surely
natural that he should prefer the love
of mankind to their detestation, the
mild glories of his five predecessors to
the ignominious fate of Nero and Domi
tian," i. 51. So again, on the same
page, he says of Commodus, " His grace
ful person, popular address, and undis
puted virtues, attracted the public favor ;
the honorable peace which he had re
cently granted to the barbarians, dif
fused an universal joy." No one can
doubt that the accession of Commodus
was preceded by a remarkable preva
lence of peace and prosperity.
(ft) Civil war and bloodshed: — Totake
peace from the earth, and they should kill
one another. Of the applicability of this
to the time supposed to be represented
by this seal, we have the fullest con
firmation in the series of civil wars com
mencing with the assassination of the
emperor Commodus, A. D. 193, and con
tinued with scarcely any intervals of
intermission for eighty or ninety years.
So Sismondi, on the fall of the Roman
empire (i. 36), says, "With Commodus*
death commenced the third and most
calamitous period. It lasted ninety-two
years, from 193 to 284. During that
time, thirty-two emperors, and twenty-
seven pretenders to the empire, alter
nately hurlod each other from the
throne, by incessant civil warfare.
Ninety-two years of almost incessant
civil warfare taught the world on what a
frail foundation the virtue of the Anto
nines had reared the felicity of the em

pire." The full history of this period
may be seen in Gibbon, i. pp. 50-197-.
Of course it ia impossible in these Notes
to present anything like a complete ac
count of the characteristics of those times.
Yet the briefest summary may well show
the general condition of the Roman em
pire then, and the propriety of repre
senting it by the symbol of a red horse,
as a period when peaeewould be taken
from the earth, and when men would
kill one another. Commodus himself is
represented by Mr. Gibbon in the fol
lowing words : " Commodus was not, as
he has been represented, a tiger borne
with an insatiate thirst of human blood,
and capable, from his infancy, of the
most inhuman actions. Nature had
formed him of a weak rather than a
wicked disposition. His simplicity and
timidity rendered him the slave of his
attendants, who gradually corrupted his
mind. His cruelty, which at first obeyed
the dictates of others, degenerated into
habit, and at length became the ruling
passion of his soul," i. 51. During the
first three years of his reign, " his hands
were yet unstained with blood" (ibid.),
but he soon degenerated into a most
severe and bloody tyrant, and " when
Commodus had once tasted human
blood, he was incapable of pity or re
morse," i. 52. " The tyrant's rage," says
Mr. Gibbon (i. 52), "after having shed
the noblest blood of the senate, at
length recoiled on the principal instru
ment of his cruelty. While Commodus
was immersed in blood and luxury he
devolved the detail of public business on
Perennis, a servile and ambitious minis
ter, who had obtained his post by t\e
murder of his predecessors," &c. " Every
sentiment of virtue and humanity was
extinct in the mind of Commodus," i. 55.
After detailing the history of his crimes,
his follies, and his cruelties, Mr. Gibbon
remarks of him : " His cruelty proved at
last fatal to himself. He had shed with
impunity the best blood of Rome; he
perished as soon as he was dreaded by
his own domestics. Marcia, his favorite
concubine, Eclectus, his chamberlain,
and Lsetus, his Pretorian prsefect, alarm
ed by the fate of their companions and
predecessors, resolved to prevent the
destruction which every hour hung over
their heads, either from the mad caprice
of the tyrant, or the sudden indignation
of the people. Marcia seized the occa

A. D. 96. ]

CHAPTER VI.

175

sion of presenting a draught of wine to
her lover, after he had fatigued himself
with hunting some wild beasts. Com
modus retired to sleep ; but while he was
laboring with the effects of poison and
drunkenness, a robust youth, by pro
fession a wrestler, entered his chamber,
and strangled him without resistance,"
i. 57. The immediate consequence of
the assassination of Commodus was the
elevation of Pertinax to the throne, and
his murder eighty-six days after. Dec.
and Fall, i. 60. Then followed the pub
lic setting-up of the empire to sale by
the Pretorian guards, and its purchase
by a wealthy Roman senator, Didius
Julianus, or Julian, who, " on the throne
of the world, found himself without a
friend and without an adherent," i. 63.
" The streets and public places in
Rome resounded with clamors and im
precations." " The public discontent
was soon diffused from the centre to the
frontiers of the empire," i. 63. In the
midst of this universal indignation, Sep-
timius Severus, who then commanded
the army in the neighborhood of the
Danube, resolved to avenge the death of
Pertinax, and to seize upon the imperial
crown. He marched to Rome, over
came the feeble Julian, and placed him
self on the throne. Julian, after having
reigned sixty-six days, was beheaded in
a private apartment of the baths of the
palace, i. 67. '"In less than four years,
Severus subdued the riches of the East,
and the valor of the West. He van
quished two competitors of reputation
and ability, and defeated numerous
armies, provided with weapons and dis
cipline equal to his own," i. 68. Mr.
Gibbon then enters into a detail of
' ' the two civil wars against Niger and
Albinus" — rival competitors for the em
pire (i. 68-70), both of whom were van
quished, and both of whom were put to
death ' ' in their flight from the field of
battle." Yet he says, "Although the
wounds of civil War were apparently
healed, its mortal poison still lurked in
the vitals of the constitution," i. 71.
After the death of Severus, then follows
an account of the contentions between
his sons, Geta and Caracalla, and of the
death of the former by the instigation of
the latter (i. 77) ; then of the remorse of
Caracalla, in which it is said that " his
disordered fancy often beheld the angry
forms of his father and his brother

rising into life to threaten and upbraid
him" (i. 77) ; then of the cruelties which
Caracalla inflicted on the friends of Geta,
in which "it was computed that, under
the vague appellation of the friends of
Geta, above twenty thousand persons cf
both sexes suffered death" (i. 78) ; then
of the departure of Caracalla from the
capital, and his cruelties in other parts
of the empire, concerning which Mr.
Gibbon remarks (i. 78, 79), that " Cara
calla was the common enemy of man
kind. Every province was by turns the
scene of his rapine and cruelty. In the
midst of peace and repose, upon the
slightest provocation, he issued his com
mands at Alexandria in Egypt, for a
general massacre. From a secure post
in the temple of Serapis, he viewed and
directed the slaughter of many thou
sand citizens, as well as strangers, with
out distinguishing either the number or
the crime of the sufferers," &c. Then
follows the account of the assassination
of Caracalla (i. 80); then, and in con se
quence of that, of the civil war which
crushed Macrinus, and raised Elaga-
balus to the throne (i. 83) ; then of the
life and follies of that wretched volup
tuary, and of his massacre by the Pre
torian guards (i. 86), then, after an
interval of thirteen years, of the murder
of his successor, the second Severus, on
the Rhine ; then of the civil wars excited
against his murderer and successor,
Maximin, in which the two emperors of
a day, the Gordians, — father and son —
perished in Africa, and Maximin himself
and his son in the siege of Aquileia;
then of the murder at Rome of the two
joint emperors Maximus and Balbinus ;
and quickly after that an account of the
murder of their successor in the empire,
the third and youngest Gordian, on the
banks of the river Aboras ; then of the
slaughter of the next emperor Philip,
together with his son and associate in
the empire, in the battle near Verona ; —
and this state of things may be said to
have continued until the accession of
Diocletian to the empire, A. D. 284.
See Dec. and Fall, i. 110-197. Does any
portion of the history of the world
present a similar period of connected
history that would be so striking a ful
filment of the symbols used here of
"peace being taken from the earth/1
and "men killing one another?" In
regard to this whole period it is suffi-

176

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

5 And when he had opened the
third seal, I heard the third beast
say, Come and see. And I beheld,
cient, after reading Mr. Gibbon's ac
count, to ask two questions, (1) If it
were supposed that John lived after this
period, and designed to represent this
by an expressive symbol, could he have
found one that would have characterized
it better than this does ? And (2) If it
should be supposed that Mr. Gibbon
designed to write a commentary on this
" seal," and to show the exact fulfilment
of the symbol, could he have selected a
better portion of history to do it, or
oould he have better described facts that
would be a complete fulfilment? It is
only necessary to observe further: —
(c) That this is a marked and definite
period. It has such a beginning, and
such a continuance and ending, as to
show that this symbol was applicable to
this as a period of the world. For it
was not only preceded by a state of
peace, as is supposed in the symbol, but
no one can deny that the condition of
things in the empire, from Commodus
onward through many years, was such
as to be appropriately designated by
the symbol here used.
5, 6. And when he had opened the
third seal. Unfolding another portion
of the volume. See Notes on ch. v. 1.
^f 1 heard the third beast say, Come and
see. See Notes on ch. iv. 7. It is not
apparent why the third beast is repre
sented as taking a particular interest in
the opening of this seal (comp. Notes on
ver. 3), nor is it necessary to show why
it was so. The general design seems to
have been, to represent each one of the
four living creatures as interested in the
opening of the seals, but the order in
which they did this does not seem to be
a matter of importance. ^ And I beJield,
and lo, a black horse. The specifications
of the symbol here are the following: —
(a) As before, the horse. See Notes
on ver. 2.
(b) The color of the horse : — lo, a black
horse. This would properly denote dis
tress and calamity — for black has been
regarded always as snch a symbol. So
Virgil speaks of fear as blaok: "atrum-
que timorem." IKn. ix. 619. So again,
Georg. iv. 468 :
Calljantera nigra foraldino lucum."

and lo, a black horse ; and he that
sat on him had a pair of balances
in his hand.

So, as applied to the dying Acca, Ma.
xii. 823 :
" Tenebris nigrescuot omnia circum."
Black, in the Scriptures, is the image cf
fear, of famine, of death. Lam. v. 10 :
" Our skin was black like an oven, be
cause of the terriblefamine." Jer. xiv. 2:
" Because of the drought Judah mourn-
eth, and the gates thereof languish: they
are in deep mourning [lit. black] for the
land." Joel ii. 6 : " All faces shall
gather blackness." Neh. ii. 10: "The
knees smite together, and there is great
pain in all loins, and the' faces of them
all gather blackness." Comp. Rev. vi.
12 j Ezek. xxxii. 7. See also Bo chart,
Hieroz. P. L lib. ii. c. vii. pp. 106, 107.
From the color of the horse here intro
duced, we should naturally look for
some dire calamity, though the nature
of the calamity would not be designated
by the mere use of the word black.
What the calamity was to be, must be
determined by what follows in the sym
bol. Famine, pestilence, oppression,
heavy taxation, tyranny, invasion — any
of these might be denoted by the color
of the horse.
(c) The balances : — and he that sat on
him had a pair of balances in his hand.
The original word, here rendered a pair
of balances, is fyybv. This word pro
perly means a yoke, serving to couple
any thing together, as a yoke for cattle.
Hence it is used to denote the beam of a
balance, or of a pair of scales — and is
evidently so used here. The idea is that
something was to he weighed, in order
to ascertain either its quantity or its
value. Scales or balances are the em
blems of justice or equity (comp. Job
xxxi. 6 ; Ps. lxii. 9 ; Prov. xi. 1, xvi. 11),
and when joined with symbols that de
note the sale of corn and fruit by
weight, become the symbol of scarcity.
Thus " bread by weight" (Lev. xxvi. 26)
denotes scarcity. So in Ezek. iv. 16,
" And they shall eat bread by weight."
The use of balances here as a symbol
would signify that something was to be
accurately and carefully weighed out.
The connexion leads us to suppose that
this would appertain to the necossaries

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VI.

177

6 And I heard a voice in the
midst of the four beasts say, a A
a The word chcenix signifieth a measure
containing one wine quart, and the twelfth
part of a quart.

of life, and that it would occur either in
consequence of scarcity, or because there
would be an accurate or severe exaction,
as in collecting a revenue on these
articles. The balance was commonly
the symbol of equity and justice j but it
was, also, sometimes, the symbol of
exaction and oppression, as in Hos. xii.
7: "The balance of deceit is in his
hands j he loveth to oppress." If the
balances stood alone, and there were no
proclamation as to what was to occur, we
should look, under this seal, to a time
of the exact administration of justice, as
scales or balances are now used as em
blems of the rigid application of the laws
and of the principles of justice in courts,
or in public affairs. If this representa
tion stood alone — or if the black horse
and the scales constituted the whole
of the symbol, we should look for
eome severe administration, or perhaps
some heavy calamity under a rigorous
administration of laws. The reference,
however, to the " wheat and barley,"
and to the price for which they were to
be weighed out, serves still further to
limit and define the meaning of the
symbol as having reference to the neces
saries of life — to the productions of
the land — to the actual capital of the
country. Whether this refers to scarcity,
or to taxation, or both, must be deter
mined by the other parts of the symbol.
{d) The proclamation : — And I heard
a voice in the midst of the four beasts say.
That is, from the throne, ch. iv. 6. The
voice was not that of one of the four
beasts, but it seemed to come from
among them. As the rider went forth,
this was the proclamation that was made
in regard to him; or this is that which
is symbolized in his going forth, to wit,
that there would be such a state of
things that a measure of wheat would
be sold for a penny, Ac. The procla
mation consists essentially of two things
— thafe which reTers to the price' or value
of .wheat and barley j and that which
requires that care shall be taken not to
injure the oil and the wine. Each of
these demands explanation. *}[ A mea-

measure of "wheat for a penny, and
three measures of barley for a
penny ; and see thou b hurt not the
oil and the wine. b c. 9. 4.

sure of wheat for a penny. See tho
margin. The word rendered measure —
Xoift! — chcenix, denotes an attic mea
sure for grain and things dry, equal to
the forty-eighth part of the attic me-
dimnus, or the eighth part of the
Roman modius, and consequently was
nearly equivalent to one quart English.
Rob. Lex. The word rendered penny —
irjvdpiov — Lat. denarius, was of the same
value as the Greek tyaxpij — drachme,
and was equivalent to about fourteen
cents of our money. This was the
usual price of a day's labor, Matt. xx.
2, 9. The chcenix, or measure of grain
here referred to, was the ordinary daily
allowance for one man. Odyss. xix.
27, 28. See Stuart, in loc. The com
mon price of the attic medimnus of
wheat was five or six denarii, but hereF
as that contained forty-eight choenixes,
or quarts, the price would be augmented
to forty-eight denarii — or it would be
about eight times as dear as ordinary j
that is, there would be a scarcity or
famine. The price of a bushel of wheat
at this rate would be about four dollars
and a half of our money — a price which
would indicate great scarcity, and which
would give rise to much distress, ^f And
three measures of barley for a penny-
It would seem from this that barley
usually bore about one-third the price
of wheat. It was a less valuable grain,
and perhaps was produced in greater
abundance. This is not far from the
proportion which the price of this grain
usually bears to that of wheat, and here,
as in the case of the wheat, the thing
which would he indicated would be
scarcity. This proclamation of " a mea
sure of wheat for a penny" was heard
either as addressed to the horseman, as
a rule of action for him, or as addressed
by the horseman as he went forth. If
the former is the meaning, it would be'
an appropriate address to one who was
going forth to collect tribute — with re
ference to the exact manner in which
this tribute was to be collected, implying
some sort of severity of exaction j or to
one who should distribute wheat and

178

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

barley out of the public granaries at
an advanced price, indicating scarcity-
Thus it would mean that a severe and
heavy tax — represented by the scales
and the scarcity — or a tax so severe as
to make grain dear, was referred to. If
the latter is the meaning, then the idea
is that there would be a scarcity, and
that grain would be dealt out by tho
government at a high and oppressive
price. The latter idea would be as con
sonant with the symbol of the scales and
the price mentioned as the other, if it
were not for the additional injunction not
to "hurt the oil and the wine" — which
cannot be well applied to the idea of
dealing out grain at a high price. It
.can, however> be connected^ by a fair
interpretation of that passage, with such
a severity of taxation that there would
be a propriety in such a command — for,
as we shall see, under the explanation of
that phrase, such a law was actually
promulgated as resulting from- severity
of taxation. The idea, then, in the pas
sage before us would seem to be, (a) that
there would be a rigid administration of
the law in regard to the matter under
consideration — that pertaining to the
productions of the earth — represented
by the balances ; and (6) that that would
be connected with general scarcity, or
euoh an exercise of this power as to
determine the price of grain, so that the
price would be some three times greater
ihan ordinary. ^[ And see that thou hurt
not the oil and the wine. There has
been a great variety of interpretations
proposed of this passage, and itr is by
no means easy to determine the true
sense. The first inquiryin regard to it
is, to whom is it addressed? Perhaps
the most common impression on reading
it would be, that it is addressed to the
horseman with the balances, command
ing him not to injure the oliveyards
and the vineyards. But this is not
probably the correct view. It does not
appear that the horseman goes forth to
destroy any thing, or that the effect of
his going forth is directly to injure any
thing. This, therefore, should not be
understood as addressed to the horse
man, but should he regarded as a
general command to any and all not to
injure the oliveyards and vineyards ;
that is, an order that nothing should be
done essentially to injure them. If thus
regarded as addressed to others, a fair

and congruous meaning would be fur
nished by either of the following inter*
pretations : — either (a) considered as
addressed to those who were disposed to
be prodigal in their manner of living,
or careless as to the destruction, of
the crop of the oil and wine, as they
would now be needed; or (ft) as ad
dressed to those who raised such pro
ductions, on the supposition that they
would be taxed heavily^ or that large
quantities of these productions would be
extorted for revenue, that they should
not mutilate their fruit-trees in order
to evade the taxes imposed by the
government. In regard to _ tho things
specified here — oil and wine — it may be
remarked, that they were hardly con
sidered as articles of luxury in ancient
times. They were almost as necessary
articles as wheat and barley. They con
stituted a considerable part of the food
and drink of the people, as well as
furnished a large portion of the re
venue, and it would seem to be with
reference to that fact that the command
here is given that they should not be
injured; that is, that nothing should be
done to diminish the quantity of oil and
wine, or to impair the productive power
of oliveyards and vineyards. The state
of things thus described by this seal, as
thus interpreted, would be (a) a rigid
administration of the laws of the em
pire, particularly in reference to tax
ation, producing a scarcity among the
necessary articles of living; (6) a strong
tendency, from the severity of the tax
ation, to mutilate such kinds of property,
with a view either of concealing the real
amount of property, or of diminishing
the amount of taxes ; and (c) a solemn
command from some authoritative quar
ter not to do this. A command from the
ruling power not to do this, would meet
all that would be fairly demanded in the
interpretation of the passage; and what
is necessary in its application, is to find
such a state of things as would cor
respond with these predictions; that is,
such as a writer would have described
by such symbols on the supposition that
they were referred to.
Now, it sp happens, £hat there were
important events which occurred in the
Roman empire, and connected with ^to
decline and fall, of sufficient importance
to be noticed in a series of calamitous
events, which corresponded with the

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VI.

179

symbol here, as above explained. They-
were such as these: — (a) The general
severity of taxation, or the oppressive
burdens laid on the people by the empe
rors. In the account whioh Mr. Gibbon
gives of the operation of the Induc
tions, and Superindictions, though the
specific laws on this subject pertained
to a subsequent period, the general
nature of the taxation of the empire
and its oppressive character may be
seen. Dec. and Wall, i. 357-359. A
general estimate of the amount of re
venue to be exacted was made out, and
the collecting of this was committed to
the Preterian prefects, and to a great
number of subordinate oflicers. "'The
lands were measured by surveyors who
were sent into the provinces; their
nature, whether arable, or pasture, or
woods, was distinctly reported ; and an
estimate made of their common value,
from the average produce of five years.
The number of slaves and of cattle con
stituted an essential part of the report;
an oath was administered to the pro
prietors' which bound them to disclose
the true state of their affairs ; and their
attempts' to prevaricate or elude the
intention of the legislator, were severely
watched, and punished as a capital
crime, which included the double guilt
of treason and of sacrilege. According
to the different nature of lands, their
real produce in the various articles of
wine or oil, corn or barley, wood or iron,
was transported by the labor or at the
expense of the provincials to the impe
rial magazines, from whence they were
occasionally distributed for the use of
the court, or of the army, and of the
two capitals, Rome and Constantinople,"
i. p. 358. Comp. Lactant. de Mort.
Persecut. c. 23. (6) The particular order,
under this oppressive system of taxation,
respecting the preservation of vineyards
and oliveyards, may be referred to, also,
as corresponding to the command sent
forth under this rider, not to " hurt the
oil and the wine." That order was in
the following words : " If any one shall
sacrilegiously cut a vine, or stint the
fruit of prolific boughs, and craftily feign
poverty in order to avoid a fair assess
ment, he shall immediately on detection
suffer death, and his property be con
fiscated," Cod. Theod._ 1. xiii. lib. xi.
seq.; Gibbon, i. 358, note. Mr. Gib
bon remarks, "Although this law is

not without its studied obscurity, it
is, however, clear enough to prove the
minuteness of the inquisition and the
disproportion of the penalty." (e) Un
der this general subject of the severity
of taxation — as a fact far-spreading
and oppressive, and as so important
as to hasten the downfall of the em
pire, may be noticed a distinct edict
of Caracalla as occurring more directly
in the period in which the rider with
the balances may be supposed to have
gone forth. This is stated by Mr.
Gibbon (i. 91), as one of the important
causes which contributed to the down
fall of the empire : " The personal cha
racters of the emperors, their victories,
laws, and fortunes," says he, " can in
terest us no farther than they are con
nected with the general history of the
.Decline and Fall of the monarchy. ' Our
constant attention to that object will not
suffer us to overlook a most important
edict of Antoninus Caracalla, which com
municated to all the free inhabitants of
the empire, the name and privileges of
Roman citizens. His unbounded libe
rality flowed not; however, from the
sentiments of a generous mind; it was
the sordid result- of avarice," &c. He
then proceeds, at length, to state the
nature and operations of that law, by
which a heavy tar, under the pretence
of liberality, was in fact imposed on all
the citizens of the empire — a fact which,
in its ultimate results, the historian of
the Decline and Fall regards as so
closely connected with the termination
of the empire. See Gibbon, i. pp. 91-95.
After ' noticing the laws of Augustus,
Nero, and the Antonines, and the real
privileges conferred by them on those
who became entitled to the rank of
Roman citizens — privileges which were
a compensation in the honor, dignity,
and offices of that rank for the measure
of taxation which it involved, he pro
ceeds to notice the fact that the title of
" Roman citizen " was conferred by
Caracalla on all the free citizens of the
empire, involving the subjection to all
the heavy taxes usually imposed on
those who sustained the rank expressed;
by the title, but with nothing of tbe
compensation connected with the title.
when it was confined to the inhabitants
of Italy. "But the Savor," g^jjs fce,
" which implied a djstwetW, was lost
in the prodigality of Caracalla, and the

180

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

reluctant provincials were compelled to
assume the vain title, and the real obli
gations, of Roman citizens. Nor was
the rapacious son of Severus [Caracalla]
contented with such a measure of tax
ation as had appeared sufficient to his
moderate predecessors. Instead of a
twentieth, he exacted a tenth of all
legacies and inheritances; and during
his reign he crushed alike every part of
the empire under the weight of his iron
sceptre," i. 95. So again (ibid.), speak
ing of the taxes which had been light
ened somewhat by Alexander, Mr. Gib
bon remarks, " It , is impossible to
conjecture the motive that engaged him
to spare so trifling aJ remnant of the
soil; but the noxious weed, which had
not been totally eradicated, again sprung
up with the most luxuriant growth, and
in the succeeding age darkened, the Ro
man world with its deadly shade. In
the course of this history, we shall be too
often summoned to explain the land-tax,
the capitation, and the heavy contribu
tions of corn, wine, oil, and meat, which
were exacted of the province for the
use of the court, the army, and the
capital." In reference to this whole
matter of taxation as being one of
the things which contributed to the
downfall of the empire, and which
spread woe through, the falling empire —
a woe worthy to be illustrated by one of
the seals — a confirmation may be de
rived from the reign of Galerius, who, as
Caesar, acted under the authority of Dio
cletian ; who excited Diocletian to the
work of persecution (Dec. and Fall, i.
317, 318); and who, on the abdication
of Diocletian, assumed the title of
Augustus. Dec. and Fall, i. 222. Of
his administration in general, Mr. Gib
bon (i. 226) remarks: " About that time,
the avarice of Galerius, or perhaps the
exigences of the state, had induced him
to make a very strict and rigorous in
quisition into the property of his sub
jects for the purpose of a general tax-
al ion,- both on their lands and on their
persons. A vory minute survey appears
bo have been taken of their real estates ;
and wherever there was the slightest
concealment, torture was very freely
employed to obtain a sincere declaration
of their real wealth." Of the nature of
this exaction under Galerius ; of the
f cruelty with which the measure was
prosecuted — particularly in its bearing

on Christians, towards whom Galerius
cherished a mortal enmity (Dec. and
Fall. i. 317); and of the extent and
severity of the suffering among Chris
tians and others, caused by it, the fol
lowing account of Lactantius (De Mort.
Persecut. c. 23) will furnish a pain
ful but most appropriate illustration : —
" Swarms of exactors sent into the pro
vinces and cities filled them with agita
tion and terror, as though a conquering
enemy were leading them into captivity.
The fields were separately measured,
the trees and vines, the flocks and
herds numbered, and an examination
made of the men. In the cities the cul
tivated and rude were united as of the
same rank. The streets were crowded
with groups of families,- and every one
required to appear with his children and
slaves. Tortures and lashes resounded
on every side. Sons were gibbeted in
the presence of their parents, and the
most confidential servants harassed that
they might make disclosures against
their masters, and wives that they might
testify unfavorably of their husbands.
If thero were a total destitution of pro
perty, they were still tortured to make
acknowledgments against themselves,
and, when overcome by pain, inscribed
for what they did not possess. Neither
age nor ill-health was admitted as an
excuse for not appearing, l^he sick and
weak were borne to the place of inscrip
tion, a reckoning made of the age of
each, and years added to the young and
deducted from the old, in order to
subject them to a higher taxation than
the law imposed. The whole scene was
filled with wailing and sadness. In the
mean time individuals died, and the
herds and the flocks diminished, yet
tribute was none the less required to be
paid for the dead, so that it was no
longer allowed either to live or die with
out a tax. Mendicants alone escaped.
where nothing could be wrenched, and
whom misfortune and misery had made
incapable of farther oppression. These
the impious wretch affecting to pity, that
they might not suffer want, ordered to
be assembled, borne off in vessels, and
plunged into the sea." See Lord on the
Apoc. pp. 128, 129. These facts in re
gard to the severity of taxation, and the
rigid nature of the law enforcing it j to
the sources of the revenue exacted in
tho provinces', and to the core that non«

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VI.

181

7 And -when he had opened the
fourth seal, I heard the voice of the
fourth beast say, Come and see.
of those sources should be diminished;
and to the actual and undoubted bearing
of all this on the decline and fall of the
empire, are so strikingly applicable to
the symbol here employed, that if it be
supposed that it was intended to refer
to them, no more natural or expressive
symbol could have been used ; if it were
supposed that the historian meant to
make a record of the fulfilment, he
could not well have made a search which
would more strikingly accord with the
symbol. Were we now to represent
these things by a symbol, we could
scarcely find one that would be more
expressive than that of a rider on
n black horse with a pair of scales, sent
forth under a proclamation which indi
cated that there would he a most rigid
and exact administration of severe and
oppressive laws, and with a special
command, addressed to the people, not
for the purposes of concealment, or from
opposition to the government, to injure
the sources of revenue. It m*y serve
further to illustrate this, to copy tAQ of
the usual emblems of a Roraai pro
curator or quaestor. It is taken from
Spanheim, De Usu Num. Disa. vi 545.
See Eliott, i. 169. It has a balance as
a symbol of exactness or justice, atid an
ear of grain, as a symbol employed with
reference to procuring or exacting grain
from the provinces.

v. And when he had opened the fourth
sea,. See Notes ch. v. 1. ^ I heard
the fourth beast say. The flying eagle.
Notes ch. iv. 7. As in the other cases,
there docs not appear to have been any
particular reason why the fourth of the
living creatures should have made this
16

.8 And I looked, and behold a
pale horse ; and his name that sal
on him was Death, and hell fol-

proclamation rather than either of the
others. It was poetic and appropriate
to represent each one in his turn as
making proclamation, f Come and see.
See Notes ver. 1.
8. And I looked and behold a pale
horse — tiriros ^Aojptff. On the horse, as an
emblem, see Notes on ver. 2. The
peculiarity of this emblem consists in
the color of the horse; the rider; and
the power that was given unto him. In
the50 there is entire harmony, and there
can be comparatively little difficulty in
the explanation and application. Tho
color of the horse was pale — ^Awprfj.
This word properly means pale-green,
yellowish-green, like the 'color, of the
first shoots of grass and herbage; then
green, verdant, like young herbage,
Mark vi. 39; Rev. viii. 7, ix. 4; and
then pale, yellowish. Rob. Lex. The
color here would be an appropriate one
to denote the reign of Death — as one of
the most striking effects of death is
paleness — and, of course, of death pro
duced by any cause, famine, pestilence,
or the sword. From this portion of the
symbol, if it stood with nothing to limit
and define it, we should naturally look
for some condition of things in which
death would prevail in a remarkable
manner, or in which multitudes of human
beings would be swept away. And yet,
perhaps, from the very nature of this
part of the symbol, we should look for
the prevalence of death in some such
peaceful manner as by famine or dis
ease. The red color would moro natu
rally denote the ravages of death in war ;
the black, the ravages of death by sud
den calamity; the pale would more
obviously suggest famine or wasting
disease. ^ And his name that sat on
him was Death. No description is given
of his aspect; nor does he appear with
any emblem — as sword, or spear, or
bow. There is evident scope for the
fancy to picture to itself tho form of
the Destroyer; and there is just that
kind of obscurity about it which con
tributes to sublimity. Accordingly there
has been ample room for the exercise of
the imagination in the attempts to paint
"Death on the pale horse," and the

182

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

lowed -with him: And power was
given unto " them over the fourth
part of the earth, to kill * with
a Or, to him. b Eze. 14. 21.

Opening of this seal has furnished occa
sion for some of the greatest triumphs
of the pencil. The simple idea in this
portion of the symbol is, that Death
would reign or prevail under thejipening
of this seal — whether by sword, by
famine, or by pestilence, is to be deter
mined by other descriptions in the sym
bol. % And hell followed with him.
Attended him as he went forth. On fhe
meaning of the word here rendered
hell — ions — hades. See Notes on Luke
xvi.. 23 ; comp. Notes on Job x. 21, 22 ;
Isa. xiv. 9. It is here used to denote
the: abode of the' dead, considered as a
place where they dwell, and not in the
more restricted sense in which the word
is now commonly used as a place of
punishment. The idea is, that the dead
Would be so numerous at the going forth
of this horseman, that'it would' seem as
if the pair nations of the dead had
come again upon the earth. A vast
retinue of the dead: would accompany
him; that is, it would be a time when
death would prevail on the earth, or
when multitudes' would die. ^[ And
power was given unto them. Marg. tohim.
The common Greek text is airols — to
them. There are many MSS., however,
which read atrip — to him. So Pro*f.
Stuart reads itl The authority, how
ever, is- in favor of them as the reading,
and according to this, death and his
train are regarded as grouped together,
and the power' is" considered as given to
them collectively. The sense is not
materially varied, ^f Over the fourth
part of the earth. That is, of the Ro
man world. It is not absolutely neces
sary to understand this as extending
over precisely a fourth part of the world.
Comp. Rev. viii. 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, ix. 15, el
ah Undoubtedly we are to look in the
fulfilment of this! to some far-spread
calamity; to some severe visitations
which would sweep off great multitudes
of men. The nature of that visitation
is designated in the following specifi
cations. % To kill with sword. In war
and discord — and we are, therefore, to
look to a period of war. ^ And with
hunger. With famine — one of the ao-

sword, and with hunger, and with
death, and with the beasts of the
earth.

companiments of war — where armies
ravage a nation, trampling down the
crops of grain ; consuming the provisions
laid up ; employing in war, or cutting
off the men who would be occupied in
cultivating the ground; making it neces
sary that they should take the field at a
time when the grain should be sown or
the harvests collected ; and shutting up
the people in besieged cities to perish by
hunger. Famine has been not an un-
frequent accompaniment of war; and
we are to look for the fulfilment of this
in its extensive prevalence. *[ And with
death. Each of the other forms — "with
the sword and with hunger," — imply that
death would reign; for it is said that
"power was given to kill Tvith sword and
with hunger. This word then must refer
to death in some other form — to death
that seemed to reign without any snch
visible cause as the "sword" and "hun
ger." This would well denote the pesti
lence — not an unfrequent accompani
ment of war. For nothing is better fitted
to produce this than the unburied bodies
of the slain ; the filth of a camp ; the
want of food ; and the crowding together
of multitudes in a besieged city : — and,
accordingly, the pestilence, especially in
Oriental countries, has been often closely
connected with war. That the pestilence
is referred to here, is rendered more
certain by the fact that the Hebrew word
TM — pestilence — which occurs about
fifty times in the Old Testament, is ren
dered Sdvaros — death, more than thirty
times in the Septuagint. \And with
the beasts of the earth. With wild
beasts. This, too, would be one of the
consequences of war, famine, and pesti
lence. Lands would be depopulated,
and wild beasts would be multiplied.
Nothing more" is necessary to make
them formidable than a prevalence of
these things ; and nothing, in the early
stages of society, or in countries ravaged
by wnr, famine, and the pestilence, is
more formidable. Homer, at the very
beginning of his Iliad, presents us with
a representation similar to this. Comp.
Eiek. xiv. 21 : " I send my sore four judg-

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VI.

183

ments upon Jerusalem, the sword, and
the famine, and the noisome beast, and
the pestilence " — ID^l — Sept., as here,
Sdvarov. See also 2 Kings xvii. 26.
In regard to the fulfilment of this,
there can be little difficulty, if the prin
ciples adopted in the interpretation of
the- first three seals are correct. We
may turn to Gibbon, and as in the other
cases, we shall find that he has been an
unconscious witness of the fidelity of the
representation in this seal. Two general
remarks may be made before there is an
attempt to illustrate the particular things
in the symbol, (a) The first relates to the
place in the order of time, or in history,
which this seal occupies; If the three
former seals have-been located with any
degree of accuracy, we should expect
that this would follow, not very re
motely, the severe laws pertaining to
taxation, which, according to Mr. Gib
bon, contributed so essentially to the
downfall of the empire; And if it be
admitted to be* probable that the fifth
seal refers to a time of persecution, it
would be most natural to fix this period
between those times and the times- of
Diocletian, when the persecutions ceased.
£ may be permitted to say, that I was
led to fix on this period without having
any definite view beforehand of what
occurred in it, and was surprised to
find in Mr. Gibbon what seems to be
so accurate a correspondence with the
symbol. (fr) The second remark is,
that the general characteristics of this
period, as stated by Mr. Gibbon, agree
remarkably with what we should ex
pect of the period from the symbol.
Thus speaking of this' whole' period
(A. D. 243-268), embracing the reigns
of Decius, Gallus, JSmilianus, Valerian,
and Galli en us, he says, " Prom the great
secular games celebrated by Philip to
the death of the emperor Gallienus,
there elapsed twenty years of shame
and misfortune. During this calamitous
period, every instant of time was marked,
every province of the Roman world was
afflicted by barbarous invaders and mili
tary tyrants, and the wearied empire
seemed to approach the last and fatal
moment of its dissolution," i. 135.
In regard to the particular things
referred to in the symbol, the following
specifications may furnish a sufficient
confirmation and illustration : —

(a) The killing with the sword. A
fulfilment of this, so far as tho words are
concerned, might be found indeed in
many portions of Roman history, but no
one can doubt that it was eminently true
of this period. It was the period of the
first Gothic invasion of the Roman em
pire ; the period when those vast hordes,
havinggradually come down from there-
gions of Scandinavia, and having moved
along the Danube towards the Ukraine
and the countries bordering on the
Borysthenes, invaded the Roman terri
tories from the East, passed over Greece,
and made their appearance almost, as
Mr. Gibbon says, within sight of Rome.
Of this invasion, Mr. Gibbon says, " This
is the first considerable occasion [the
fact that the emperor Decius was sum
moned to the banks of the Danube, A. D.
250, by the invasion of the- Goths]
in which history mentions that great
people, who afterwards broke the Ro
man power, sacked the capital, and
reigned in Gaul, Spain, and Italy. So
memorable was the part which they
acted in the subversion of the Western
empire, that the name of Goths is- fre
quently, but improperly, used as a
general appellation of rude and warlike
barbarism," i. p. 136. As one of the
illustrations that the " sword" would be
used by " Death" in this period, we may
refer to the siege and capture of Philip-
polis. "A hundred thousand persons
are reported to have been massacred- in
the sack of that great city." Dec. and
Fall, i. 140. " The whole period," says
Mr. Gibbon, speaking of the reigns of
Valerian and Gallienus, " was one unin
terrupted series of confusion and cala
mity. The Roman empire was, at the
same time, and on every side, attacked
by the blind fury of foreign invaders,
and the wild ambition of domestic
usurpers," i. 144. " Such were the bar
barians," says Mr. Gibbon, in the close
of his description of the Goths at this
period, and of the tyrants that reigned,
"and such the tyrants, who, under the
reigns of Valerian and Gallienus, dis
membered the provinces, and reduced
tho empire to the lowest pitch of dis
grace and ruin, from whence it seemed
impossible that it should ever emerge,"
i. 158. (6) Famine : " Shall kill with hunger."
This would naturally be the consequence
of long-continued- wars, and of such

184

KEYELATION,

[A. D. 9d

invasions as those of the Goths. Mr.
Gibbon says of this period, " Our habits
of thinking so fondly connect the order
of the universe with the fate of man,
that this gloomy period of history has
been decorated with inundations, earth
quakes, uncommon meteors, preterna
tural darkness, and a crowd of prodigies,
fictitious or exaggerated. But a long
and general famine was a calamity of a
more serious kind. It was the inevit
able consequence of rapine and oppres
sion, which extirpated the produce of the
present, and the hope of future harvests,"
i. p. 159. Prodigies, and preternatural
darkness, and earthquakes, were not
seen in the vision of the opening of the
seal — but war and/amwiewere j and the
facts stated by Mr. Gibbon are such as
would be now appropriately symbolized
by Death on the pale horse.
(c) Pestilence : — " And shall kill with
death." Of the pestilence which raged
in this period, Mr. Gibbon makes the
following remarkable statement, in im
mediate connexion with what he says
of the famine : " Famine is almost
always followed by epidemical diseases,
the effect of scanty and unwholesome
food. Other causes must, however,
have contributed to the furious plague,
which, from the year two hundred and
fifty to the year two hundred and sixty-
five, raged without interruption in every
province, every city, and almost every
family in the Roman empire. , During
some time, five thousand persons died
daily at Borne; and many towns that
had escaped the hands of the barbarians
were entirely depopulated," i. 159.
(d)Wild beasts: — "And shall kill
with the beasts of the earth." As already
remarked, these are formidable enemies
in the early stages of society, and when
a country becomes from any cause depo
pulated. They are not mentioned by
Mr. Gibbon as contributing to the De
cline and Fall of the empire, or as con
nected with the calamities that came
upon the world at that period. But no
one can doubt that in such circum-
stunces they would be likely to abound,
especially if the estimate of Mr. Gibbon
be correct (i. 159J, when, speaking of
these times, and making an estimate of
the proportion of the inhabitants of
Alexandria that had perished — which he
¦ays was more than one-half — he adds,
"Could one renture to extend the ana

logy to the other provinces, we might
suspect that war, pestilence, and famine,
had consumed, in a few years, the
moiety of the human species." Tet,
though not adveited to by Mr. Gibbon,
there is a record pertaining to this very
period, which shows that this was one
of the calamities with which the world
was then afflicted. It occurs in Arno-
bius, Adv. Gentes, lib. i. p. 5. Within a
few years after the death of Gallienus
(about A. D. 300), he speaks of wild
beasts in such a manner as to show that
they were regarded as a sore calamity.
The public peril and suffering on this
account were so great that, in common
with other evils, this was charged on
Christians as one of the judgments ol'
heaven which they brought upon the
world. In defending Christians against
the general charge that these judgments
were sent from heaven on their account,
he adverts to the prevalence of wild
beasts, and shows that they could not
have been sent as a judgment on account
of the existence of Christianity, by the
fact that they had prevailed also in the
times of heathenism, long before Chris
tianity was introduced into the empire.
" Quando cum feris bella, et proelia cum
leonibus gesta sunt? Non ante nos?
Quando pernicies populis venenatis ab
anguibus data est? Non ante nos?"
" When were wars waged with wild
beasts, and contests with lions? Was
it not before our times? When did a
plague come upon men poisoned by
serpents ? Was it not before our times V
In regard to the extent of the destruc
tion which these causes would bring
upon the world, there is a remarkable
confirmation in Gibbon. To say, as is
said, in the account of the seal, that " a
fourth part of the earth" would be sub
jected to the reign of death by the
sword, by famine, by pestilence, and by
wild beasts, may seem to many to be an
improbable statement — a statement for
the fulfilment of which we should look
in vain to any historical records. Yet
Mr. Gibbon, without expressly men
tioning the plague of wild beasts, but
referring to the three others — "war,
pestilence, and famine" — goes into a
calculation, in a passage already re
ferred to, by which he shows that it is
probable that from these causes half the
human riicewas destroyed. The follow
ing is h's estimate : " We have the

A.D B6.]

9 And when ho had opened the
fifth seal, I saw under the altar"

CHAPTER VI.

185

knowledge of a very curious circum
stance, of some use perhaps in the
melancholy calculation of human calami
ties. An exact register was kept at
Alexandria of all the citizens entitled to
receive the distribution of corn. It was
found that the ancient number of those
comprised between the ages of forty and
seventy, had been equal to the whole
sum of the claimants, from fourteen to
fourscore years of age, who remained
alive after the death of Gallienus. Ap
plying this authentic fact to the most
correct tables of mortality, it evidently
proves that above half of the people of
Alexandria had perished ; and could we
venture to extend the analogy to other
provinces, we might suspect that war,
pestilence, and famine, had consumed in
a few years the moiety of the human
species," i. 159. The historian says that
it might be " suspected" from these data
that one-half of the human race had
been cut off in a few years, from these
causes; in the Apocalyptic vision it is
said that power was given over one-
" fourth" of the earth. We may remark
(a) that the description in the symbol
is as likely to be correct as the "sus
picion" of the historian ; and (5) that his
statement that in this period " a moiety
of the race," or one-half of the race,
perished, takes away all improbability
from the prediction, and gives a most
fraphic confirmation of the symbol of
hath on the pale horse. If such a deso
lation in fact occurred, there is no im
probability in the supposition that it
might have been prefigured by the
opening of a prophetic seal. Such a
wide-spread desolation would be likely
to be referred to in a series of symbols
that were designed to represent the
downfall of the Roman power, and the
great changes in human affairs that
would affect the welfare of the church.
9. And when he had opened the fifth
seal. Notes on ch. v. 1, vi. 1. fl I saw
under, the altar. The four living crea
tures are no longer heard as in the
opening of the first four seals. No rea
son is given for the change in the man
ner of the representation, and none can
be assigned, unless it be, that having
represented each one of the four living
16*

the souls * of them that were slain
a c. 8. 8. b c. 20. 4.

creatures in their turn as calling atten
tion to the remarkable events about to
occur, there seemed to be no necessity
or propriety in introducing them again.
In itself considered, it cannot be sup
posed that they would be any less
interested in the events about to be dis
closed than they were in those which
preceded. This seal pertains to martyrs
— as the former successively did to a
time of prosperity and triumph ; to dis
cord and bloodshed ; to oppressive tax
ation; to war, famine, and pestilence.
In the series of woes, it was natural and
proper that there should be a vision of
martyrs, if it wjis intended that the suc
cessive seals should refer to coming and
important periods of the world ; and ac
cordingly we have here a striking repre
sentation of the martyrs crying to God
to interpose in their behalf and to avenge
their blood. The points which require
elucidation are (a) their position — under
the altar ; (6) their invocation — or their
prayer that they might be avenged ;
(c) the clothing of them with robes ; and
'(d) the command to wait patiently a
little time.
(a) The position of the martyrs: —
under the altar. There were in the
temple at Jerusalem two altars — the
altar of burnt sacrifices, and the altar of
incense. The altar here referred to was
probably the former. This stood in front
of the temple, and it was on this that the
daily sacrifice was made. Comp. Notes
on Matt. v. 23, 24. We are to remem
ber, however, that the temple and the
altar were both destroyed before the
time when this book was written, and
this should, therefore, be regarded merely
as a vision. John saw these souls as if
they were collected under the altar —
the place where the sacrifice for sin
was made — offering their supplications.
Why they are represented as being there
is not so apparent; but probably two
suggestions will explain this: (o) The
altar was the place where sin was ex
piated, and it was natural to represent
these redeemed martyrs as seeking re
fuge there ; and (6) it was usual to offer
prayers and supplications at the altar,
in connexion with the sacrifice made for
sin, and on the ground of that sacrifice.

186

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

for * the word of God, and for the
testimony whioh they held :
10 And they cried with a loud
voice, saying, How ' long, 0 Lord,
a c. 1. 9. 12. 17. b Zee. 1. 12.

The idea is, that they who were Suffer
ing persecution would naturally seek a
refuge in the place Where expiation was
made for sin, and where prayer was
appropriately offered. The language
here is such as a Hebrew would natu
rally use ; the idea is appropriate to any
one who believes in the atonement, and
who supposes that that is the appro
priate refuge for those who are in trou
ble. But while the language here is
such as an Hebrew would use, and while
the reference in the language is to the
altar of burnt sacrifice, the scene Should
be regarded as undoubtedly laid in
heaven — the temple where God resides.
The whole representation is that of
fleeing to the atonement, and pleading
with God in connexion with the sacri
fice for sin. •! The souls of them that
were slain. That had been put to death
by persecution. This is ohe of the inci
dental proofs in the Bible that the soul
does not cease to exist at death, and also
that it does not cease to be conscious, or
does not sleep till the resurrection.
These souls of the martyrs are repre
sented as still in existence ; as remem
bering what had occurred on the earth ;
as interested in what was now taking
place; as engaged in prayer; and as
manifesting earnest desires for the divine
interposition to avenge the wrongs which
they had suffered, ^f For the word of
God. On account of the word or truth
of God. See Notes on ch. i. 9. If And
for the testimony which they held. On
account of their testimony to the truth,
or being faithful witnesses of the truth
of Jesus Christ. See Notes on ch. i. 9.
(6) Tho invocation of the martyrs,
ver. 10 : — And they cried with a loud
voice. That is, they plead that their
blood might be avenged, f Saying,
Hoto long, 0 Lord, holy and true.
They did not doubt that God would
avenge them, but they enquire how long
the vengeance would be delayed. It
seemed to them that God was slow to
interpose, and to check the persecuting
power. They appeal, therefore, to him
as a God of holiness and truth ; that is.

holy and true, dost thou not judge
and avenge ' our blood on them
that dwell on the earth?
e De. 32. 41-43. c. 11. 18.

as one who could not look with approval
on sin, and in whose sight the wrongs
inflicted by the persecuting power must
be infinitely offensive; as one who
was true to his promises, and faithful to
his people. Oh the ground of his own
hatred of wrong, and of his plighted
faithfulness to his church, they plead
that he would interpose. <$ Dost thou
not judge and avenge our blood. That
is, dost thou forbear to judge and
avenge us ; or dost thou delay to punish
those Who have persecuted and slain us.
They do not speak as if they had
any doubt that it would be done ; nor
as if they were actuated by a spirit
Of revenge; but as if it Would be
proper that there should be an expres
sion of the divine sense of the wrongs
that had been done them. It is hot
right to desiro vengeance or revenge;
it is to desire that justice should be done,
and that the government of God should
be vindicated. The word "judge" here
may either mean 'judge ms,' in the
sense of 'vindicate us,' or it may refer
to their persecutors, meaning 'judge
them.' The more probable sense is the
latter : — ' How long dost thou forbear to
execute judgment on our account on
those that dwell on the earth?' The
Word avenge — lK&iK£(a — means to do jus
tice ; to execute punishment, % On them
that dwell on the earth. Those who are
still on the earth. This shows that the
scene here is laid in heaven, and that
the souls of the martyrs are represented
as there. We are not to suppose that
this literally occurred, and that John
actually saw the souls of the martyrs
beneath the altars — for the whole repre
sentation is symbolical; nor are we to
suppose that the injured and the wronged
in heaven actually pray for vengeance on
those who wronged them, or that tho
redeemed in heaven will continue to pray
with reference to things on tho earth ;
but it may be fairly inferred from this
that there will be as real a remembrance
of the wrongs of the persecuted, the
injured, and the oppressed, as if such
prayer were offered there ; and that the

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VI.

187

11 And white ° robes were given
onto every one of them ; and it was
said unto them, that they should
rest * yet for a little season, un-
a c. 7. 9, 14. 6 c 14. 13.
oppressor has as much to dread from the
divine vengeance as if those whom he
has injured should cry in heaven to the
God who hears prayer, and who takes
vengeance. The wrongs done to the
children of God; to the orphan, the
widow, the down-trodden ; to the slave
and the outcast, will be as certainly
remembered in heaven as if they who
are wronged should plead for vengeance
there, for every act of injustice and op
pression goes to heaven and pleads for
vengeance. Every persecutor should
' dread the death of the persecuted as if
he went to heaven to plead against him ;
every cruel master should dread the death
of his slave that is crushed by wrongs ;
every seducer should dread the death and
the cries of his victim ; every one who
does wrong in any way should remember
that the sufferings of the injured cry to
heaven with a martyr's pleadings, say
ing, " How long, 0 Lord, holy and true,
dost thou not judge and avenge our
_Wood?" (c) The robes that were given to the
martyrs : — And white robes were given
unto every one of them. Emblems of
purity or innocence. See Notes on ch.
iii. 5. Here the robes would be an em
blem of their innocence as martyrs ; of
the divine approval of their testimony
and lives ; and a pledge of their future
blessedness. (d) The command to wait: — And it
was said unto them, that they should rest
yet for a little season. That is, that
they must wait for a little season before
they could be avenged as they desired,
ver. 10. They had pleaded that their
cause might be at once vindicated, and
had asked how long it would be before
it should be done. The reply is, that the
desired vindication would not at once
occur, but that they must wait until
other events were accomplished. No
thing definite is determined by the
phrase "a little season," or a short
time.' It is simply an intimation that
this would not immediately occur, or was
not soon to take place. Whether it
refers to an existing persecution, and to

til e their fellow-servants also and
their brethren, that should . be
killed as they were, should be
fulfilled.

the fact that they were to wait for the
divine interposition until that was over,
and those who were then suffering perse
cution should be put to death and join
them; or whether to a series of perse
cutions stretching along in the history
of the world, in such a sense that the
promised vengeance would take place
only when all those persecutions were
passed, and the number of the martyrs
completed, cannot be determined from
the 'meaning of their words. Either of
these suppositions would accord well
With what the language naturally ex
presses. ^ Until their fellow-servants
also. Those who were then suffering
persecution, or those who should after
wards suffer persecution, grouping all
together, f And their brethren. Their
brethren as Christians, and their breth
ren in trial : those then living, or those
who would live afterwards and pass
through similar scenes. , ^f Should be
fulfilled. That is, till these persecutions
were passed through, and the number
of the martyrs was complete. The state
of things represented here would seem
to be, that there was then a persecution
raging on the earth. Many had been
pnt to death, and their souls had fled to
heaven, where they plead that then-
cause might be vindicated, and that
their oppressors and persecutors might
be punished. To this the answer was,
that they were now safe and happy —
that God approved their course, and that
in token of his approbation, they should
be clothed in white raiment; but that
the invoked vindication could not at
once occur. There were others who
would yet be called to suffer as they had
done, and they must wait until all that
number was completed. Then, it is im
plied, God would interpose, and vindi
cate his name. The scene, therefore, is
laid in a time of persecution, when
many had already died, and when there
were many more that were exposed to
death ; and a sufficient fulfilment of the
passage, so far as the words are con
cerned, would be found in any perse
cution, where many might be represented

188

REVELATION,

[A. D.96.

as having already gone to heaven, and
where there was a certainty that many
more would follow. We naturally, how
ever, look for the fulfilment of it in some
period succeeding those designated by
the preceding symbols. There would be
no difiiculty, in the early history of the
church, in findinf events that would
correspond with all that is represented
by the symbol ; but it is natural to look
for it in a period succeeding that repre
sented, under the fourth seal, by death
on the pale horse. If the previous seals
have been correctly interpreted, we shall
not be much in danger of erring in sup
posing that this refers to the persecution
under Diocletian, and perhaps we may
find in one who never intended to write
a word that could be construed as fur
nishing a proof of the fulfilment of tt^e
prophecies of the New Testament, what
should be regarded as a complete veri
fication of all that is represented here.
The following particulars may justify
this application : —
(a) The place of that persecution in
history, or the time when it occurred.
As already remarked, if the previous
seals have been rightly explained, and
the fourth seal denotes the wars, the
famine, and the pestilence, under the in
vasion of the Goths, and in the time of
Valerian and Gallienus, then the last
great persecution of the church under
Diocletian would well accord with the
period in history referred to. Valerian
died in A. D. 260, being flayed alive
by Sapor, king of Persia; Gallienus
died in A. D. 268, being killed at Milan.
Diocletian ascended the throne A. D.
2S4, and resigned tho purple A. D. 304.
It was during this period, and chiefly at
the instigation of Galerius, that the tenth
persecution of the Christians occurred —
the last under the Roman power; for in
A. D. 306, Constantine ascended the
throne, and ultimately became the pro
tector of the church.
(6) Tho magnitude of this persecution
under Diocletian is as consonant to the
representation here as its place in his
tory. So important was it, that, in a
general chapter on the persecutions of
the Christians, Mr. Gibbon has seen fit,
in his remarks on the nature, causes, ex
tent, and character of the persecutions,
to give a prominence to this which he
has not assigned to any others, and to
attach an importance to it which he has

not to any other. See vol. i. pp. 317-
322. The design of this persecution, as
Mr. Gibbon expresses it (i. 318), was
" to set bounds to the progress of Chris
tianity ;" or, as he elsewhere expresses it
(on the same page), "the destruction of
Christianity." Diocletian, himself natu
rally averse from persecution, was ex
cited to this by Galerius, who urged
upon the emperor every argument by
which he could persuade him to engage
in it. Mr. Gibbon says in regard to
this, " Galerius at length extorted from
him [Diocletian] the permission of sum
moning a council, composed of a few
persons, the most distinguished in the
civil and military department of the
state. It may be presumed that they
insisted on every topic which might
interest the pride, the piety, the fears of
their sovereign in the destruction of
Christianity," i. 318. Thepurpose, evi
dently, in the persecution, was, to make
a last and desperate effort through tho
whole Roman empire for the destruc
tion of the Christian religion — for Mr.
Gibbon (i. 320) says, that "the edict
against Christians was designed for a
general law of the whole empire." Other
efforts had failed. The religion still
spread, notwithstanding the rage and
fury of nine previous persecutions. It
was resolved to make one more effort.
This was designed by the persecutors to
be the last, in the hope that then the
Christian name would cease to be: in
the Providence of God it was the last —
for then e^en these opposing powers
became convinced that the religion could
not be destroyed in this manner — and as
this persecution was to establish this
fact, it was an event of sufficient mag
nitude to be symbolized by the opening
of one of the seals.
(c) The severity of this persecution
accorded with the description here, and
was such as to deserve a place in tho
series of important events which were to
occur in the world. We have seen above,
from the statement of Mr. Gibbon, that
it was designed for the " whole empire,"
and it in fact raged with fury through
out the empire. After detailing some of
the events of local persecutions under
Diocletian, Mr. Gibbon says, " The re
sentment, or the fears of Diocletian,
at length transported him beyond the
bounds of moderation, which he had
hitherto preserved, and he declared, in

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VI.

189

& series of edicts, his intention of abolish
ing the Christian name. By the first of
these edicts, the governors of the pro
vinces were directed to apprehend all
persons of the ecclesiastical order ; and
the prisons, destined for the vilest crim
inals, were soon filled with a multitude
of bishops, presbyters, deacons, and
exorcists. By a second edict, the magis
trates were commanded to employ every
method of severity which might reclaim
them from their odious superstition, and
oblige them to return to the established
worship of the gods. This rigorous
order was extended, by a subsequent
edict, to the whole body of Christians,
who were exposed to a violent and
general persecution. Instead of those
solitary restraints, which had required
the direct and solemn testimony of an
accuser, it became the duty as well as
the interest of the imperial officers, to
discover, to pursue, and to torment,
the most obnoxious among the faithful.
Heavy penalties were denounced against
all who should presume to save a pro
scribed sectary from the just indignation
of the gods, and of the emperors," i. 322.
The first decree against the Christians,
it the instigation of Galerius, will show
;he general nature of this fiery trial of
the church. That decree was to the fol
lowing effect : " All assembling of the
Christians for the purposes of religious
ivorship was forbidden; the Christian
churches were to be demolished to their
foundations ; all manuscripts of the Bible
should be burned ; those who held places
of honor or rank, must either renounce
their faith or be degraded; in judicial
proceedings the torture might be used
against all Christians, of whatever rank ;
those belonging to the lower walks of
private life, were to be divested of their
rights as citizens and as freemen ; Chris
tian slaves were to be incapable of
receiving their freedom, so long as
they remained Christians." Neander,
Hist, of the Church, Torrey's Trans.
i. 148. This persecution was the last
against the Christians by the Roman
emperors; the last that was waged by
that mighty Pagan power. Diocletian
soon resigned the purple, and after the
persecution had continued to rage, with
more or less severity, under his suc
cessors, for ten years, the peace of the
church was established. " Diocletian,"
Fays Mr. Gibbon (i. 322), " had no

sooner published his edicts against the
Christians, than, as if he had been
committing to other hands his work of
persecution, he divested himself of the
imperial purple. The character and
situation of his colleagues and successors
sometimes urged them to enforce, and
sometimes to suspend, the execution of
these rigorous laws ; nor can we acquire
a just and distinct idea of this impor
tant period of ecclesiastical history, un
less we separately consider the state of
Christianity in the different parts of the
empire, during the space of ten years
which elapsed between the first edicts of
Diocletian and the jinal peace of the
church." For this detail, consult Gib
bon, i. 322-329, and the authorities there
referred to ; and Neander, Hist, of the
Church, i. 147-156. Eespecting the
details of the persecution, Mr. Gibbon
remarks (i. 326), " It would have been
an easy task, from the history of
Eusebius, from the declaration ¦ of Lac-
tantius, and from the most ancient
acts, to collect a long series of horrid
and disgustful pictures, and to fill many
pages with racks and scourges, with
iron-hooks, and red-hot beds, and with
the variety of tortures which fire and
steel, savage beasts, and more savage
executioners, could inflict on the human
body." It is true that Mr. Gibbon pro
fesses to doubt the truth of these re
cords, and attempts to show that the
account of the number of the martyrs
has been greatly exaggerated; yet no
one, in reading his own account of this
persecution, can doubt that it was the
result of a determined effort to blot
out the Christian religion, and that
the whole of the imperial power was
exerted to accomplish this end. At
length, the last of the imperial persecu
tions ceased, and the great truth was
demonstrated that Christianity could
not be extinguished by power, and that
"the gates of hell could not prevail
against it." " In the year 311," says
Neander, i. 156, "the remarkable edict
appeared which put an end to the last
sanguinary conflict of the Christian
church and the Roman empire." This
decree was issued by the author and
instigator of the persecution, Galerius,
who, " softened by a severe and painful
disease, the consequences of his ex
cesses,, had been led to think that tho
God of the Christians might, after alL b»

190

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

12 And I beheld when he had
opened the sixth seal, and, lo,
there was a great earthquake;*
a c. 16. 18.

a powerful being, whose anger punished
him, and whose favor he must endeavor
to conciliate." This man suspended the
persecution, and gave the Christians
permission "onoe more to hold their
assemblies, provided they did nothing
contrary to the good order of the Roman
state." — " Ita ut ne quid contra discipli-
nam agant." Neander, ibid.
12. And I beheld when he had opened
the sixth seal. See Notes on ch. v. 1,
vi. 1. *f And, lo, there was a great
earthquake. Before endeavoring to as
certain to what the sixth seal was
designed to refer, it is proper, as in the
previous cases, to furnish a particular
explanation of the meaning of the sym
bols. All the symbols represented in
the opening of this seal, denote conster
nation, commotion, changes; but still
they aro all significant, and we are to
suppose that something would occur
corresponding with each one of them.
It cannot be supposed that the things
here described were represented on the
part of the roll or volume that was
now unfolded in any other way than
that • they were pictures, or that the
whole was a species of panoramic repre
sentation made to pass before the eyes.
Thus understood, it would not be diffi
cult to represent each one of these
things in a painting: — as the heaving
ground — the agitated forests — the trem
bling hills — the falling cities and houses
— the sun blackened and the moon turned
to blood.
(a) The earthquake, ver. 12 : — There
was a great earthquake. The word here
used denotes a shaking or agitation of
the earth. The effect, when violent, is
to produce important changes — opening
chasms in the earth; throwing down
houses and temples ; sinking hills, and
elevating plains; causing ponds and
lakes to dry up, or forming them where
none existed ; elevating the ocean from
its bed, rending rocks, &c. As all that
occurs in the opening of the other seals
is symbolical, it is to be presumed that
this is also, and that for the fulfilment
of this we are not to look for a literal
earthquake, but for such agitations and

and the sun * became black as sack
cloth of hair, and the moon became
as blood ; b Joel 2. 10, 31. 3. 15.
changes in the world as would be pro
perly symbolized by this. The earth
quake as a symbol would merely denote
great agitations or overturnings on the
earth. The particular character of those
changes must be determined by other
circumstances in the symbol that would
limit and explain it. There, are, it is
said, but three literal earthquakes re
ferred to in the Scripture : that mentioned
in 1 Kings xix. 11 ; that in Uzziah's time,
Amos i. 1; Zech. xiv. 5; and that which
took place at the Saviour's death. All
the rest are emblematic or symbolical —
referring mostly to civil commotions
and changes. Then in Haggai ii- 6,7:
" Yet once, it is a little time, and I will
shake the heavens and the earth, and the
sea, and the dry land, and I will shake
all nations, and the desire of all nations
shall come; and I will fill this house
with glory, saith the Lord of hosts."
That is, there would be great agitations
in the world before he came. See Notes
on Heb. xii. 26-28. So also great
changes and commotions are referred
to in Isa. xxiv. 19, 20 : " The earth is
utterly broken down, the earth is clean
dissolved, the earth is moved exceed
ingly. The earth shall reel to and fro
like a drunkard, and shall be removed
like a cottage." An earthquake, if there
were no other circumstances limiting*
and explaining the symbol, would mere
ly denote great agitation and commotion
— as if states and empires were tumbling
to ruin. As this is here a mere symbol,
it is not necessary to look for a literal
fulfilment, or to expect to find in history
actual earthquakes to which this bad
reference, any more than when it is
said that " the heavens departed as a
scroll," we are to expect that they will
be literally rolled up; but if, in the
course of history, earthquakes preceded
remarkable political convulsions and
revolutions, it would be proper to repre
sent such events in this way.
(6) The darkening of the sun : — And
the sun became black as sackcloth of hair.
Saokcloth was a coarse black cloth,
commonly, though not always, made of
hair. It was used for sacks, for strainers,

A. D. 96,]

CHAPTER VI.

191

13 And the .stars • of heaven fell
unto the earth, even as a fig-tree
casteth her untimely * figs, when
she is shaken of a mighty wind :

a c. 8. 10.

& Or, green.

and for mourning-garments ; and as thus
worn it was-not an improper emblem of
sadness and distress. The idea here is,
that the sun put on a dark, dingy, dole
ful appearance, as if it were in mourning.
The general image, then, in this emblem,
is that of calamity — a.s if the very sun
should put on the robes of mourning.
We are by no means to suppose that
this was literally to occur, but that
some great calamity would happen of
which this would~be an appropriate em
blem. See Notes on Isa. xiii. 10 ; Matt.
xxiv. 29. Comp. Isa. xxiv. 23, xxxiv.
4, 1. 3, lx. 19, 20; Ezek. xxxii. 7, 8 ;
Joel ii. 10, iii. 15, 16; Amos viii. 9.
What is the particular nature of the
calamity, is to be learned from other
parts pf the symb.pl,
(c) The discoloration of the moon : —
And the moon became as blood. lied
like blood— -either from the smoke and.
vapor that usually precedes an earth
quake, or as a mere emblem. This also
would betoken calamity, and perhaps
the symbol may be so far limited and
modified by this as to denote war, tor
that would be most naturally suggested
by the color — red . Comp. Notes on ver.
4 of this chapter. But any great cala
mity would be appropriately represented
by this — as the change of the moon to
such a color would be a natural emblem
of distress.
(d) The falling of the stars (ver. 13) :
— And the stars of heaven fell unto the
earth. This language is derived from
the poetic idea that the sky seems to be
a solid concave in which the stars are
sis, and that, when any convulsion takes
place, that concave will be shaken, and
the stars will be loosened, and fall from
their places. See this language explain
ed in the Notes on Isa, xxxiv. 4. Some
times the expanse abpve us is spoken
of as a curtain that is spread out and
that may be rolled up; sometimes as a
solid crystalline expanse in which the
stars are fixed. According to either
representation the stars are described as
falling to the earth. If the expanse is

14 And the heaven " departed as
a scroll when it is rolled together;
and every mountain d and island
were moved out of their places :
c Vs. 102. 26; Is. 34. 4.
d Je. 4. 23, 24; Ha. 3. 6, 10; a 16. 20.

rolled up, the stars, having nothing to
support them, fall; if violent tempests
or concussions shake the heavens, the
stars, loosened from their fixtures, fall
to the earth. Stars, in the Scriptures,
are symbols of princes and rulers (see
Pan. viii. 10 ; Rev. viii. 10, 11, ix. 1),
and the natural meaning of this sym
bol is, that there would be commo
tions which would unsettle princes, and
bring them down from their thrones —
like stars falling from the sky. *J Even
as a fig-tree casteth her untimely figs.
Marg. green, Gr. iXivSovs. This word
properly denotes winter-figs, or such as
grow under the leaves, and dp not ripen
at the proper season, but hang upon the
trees during the winter. Sob. Lex. This
fruit seldom matures, and easily falls off
in the spring of the year. Stuart, in loc.
A violent wind shaking a plantation of
fig-trees would of course cast many suoh
figs to the ground. The point pf the
comparison is, the ease with which the
stars would seem to be sjmken from
their places, and hence the ease with
which, in these commotions, princes
would be dethroned.
(e) The departing of the heavens : —
And the heaven departed as a scroll,
ver. 14. That is, as a book or volume —
fliflXiov — rolled up. The heavens are
here described as spread out, and their
passing away is represented by the idea
that they might be rolled up, and thus
disappear. See Notes on Isa. xxxiv. 4.
This too is a symbol, and we are not to
suppose that it will literally occur. In
deed it never can literally occur, and wo
are not, therefore, to look for the fulfil
ment of this in any physical fact that
would correspond with what is here said.
The plain meaning is, that there would be
changes as if such an event would hap
pen; that is, that revolutions would
occur in the high places of tbe earth,
and among those in power, as if the
stars should fall, and the very heavens
were swept away. This is the natural
meaning of the symbol, and this accords
with the usage of the language elsewhere

'92

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

15 And the kings of the earth,
and the great men, and the rich
men, and the chief captains, and
the mighty men, and every bond
man, and every freeman, hid them
selves ' in the dens and in the
rocks of the mountains ;
16 And said 4 to the mountains
a Is. 2. 19. b Hos. 10. 8 ; Lu. 23. 30 ; c. 9. 6.

(J) The removal of mountains and
islands : — And every mountain and
island were masted out of their places,
ver. 14. This would denote convulsions
in the political or moral world, as great
as would occur in the physical world if
the very mountains were removed, and
the islands should change their places.
We are not to suppose that this would
literally occur, but we should be author
ized from this to expect that, in regard
to those things which seemed to be per
manent and fixed on an immovable basis,
like mountains and islands, there would
be violent and important changes. If
thrones and dynasties long established
were overthrown; if institutions that
seemed to be fixed and permanent were
abolished; if a new order of things
should rise in the political world, the
meaning o£ the symbol, so far as the
language" "is concerned, would be ful
filled. (g) The universal consternation, vs.
15, 16, 17: — And the kings of the earth,
Ac. The design of these verses (15-17),
in the varied language used, is evidently
to denote universal consternation and
alarm — as if the earth should be con
vulsed, and the stars should fall, and
the heavens should pass away. , This
conntemation would extend to all class
es of men, and fill the world with alarm,
as if the end of all things were com
ing. Ii The kings of the earth. Rulers
— all who occupied thrones. IT The great
men. High officers of state. IT And
the rich men. Their wealth would not
secure them from destruction, and they
weuld be alarmed like ethers, ^ And
the chief captains. The commanders of
armies, who tremble like other men when
God appears in judgment. *J And the
mighty men. Men of great prowess in
battle, but who feel now that they have
no power to withstand God. ^ And
every bondman. Servant — idvXos. This'
word does not necessarily denote a slave

and rocks, Fall on us, and hide us
from the face of him that sitteth oa
the throne, and from the wrath of
the Lamb :
17 For c the great day of his
wrath is come ; and who " shall be
able to stand?
t. Is. 13. 6, &c; Zep. 1. 14, &c. ; c 16.14.
d Ps. 76. 7.

(comp. Notes on Eph. vi. 5 ; 1 Tim. vi.
1 ; Philem. 16), but here the connexion
seems to demand it, for it stands in con
trast with freeman. There were in fact
slaves in the Roman empire, and there
is no objection to supposing that they
are here referred to. There is no reason
why they should not be filled with con
sternation as well as others, and as this
does not refer to the end of the world, or
the day of judgment, the word hero
determines nothing as to the question
whether slavery is to continue on tht
earth. ^ And every freeman. Whethei
the master of slaves or not. The idea is,
that all classes of men, high and low,
would be filled with alarm. •][ Hid
themselves in the dens. Among the
tjaves or caverns in the mountains. See
Notes on Isa. ii. 19. These places were
resorted to for safety in times of danger.
Comp. 1 Sam: xiii. 6, xxiv. ; Judges vi.
2 ; Jer. xii. 9 ; Jos. Ant. B. xiv. ch. xv.,
Jewish Wars, B. i. ch. xvi. And in the
rocks of the mountains. Among the
crags, or the fastnesses of the mountains
— also natural places of refuge in times
of hostile invasion or danger. See Notes
on Isa. ii. 21. ^f And said to the moun
tains and rocks, Fall on us, Ac, ver. 16.
This language is found substantially in
Hos. x. 8 : " And they shall say to the
mountains, Cover us, and to the hills,
Fall on us." It is also used by the
Saviour as denoting the consternation
which would occur at his coming:
" Then shall they begin to say to the
mountains, Fall on us, and to the hills,
Cover us," Luke xxiii. 30. It is lan
guage denoting consternation, and on
awful fear of impending wrath. The
state of mind is that where there is an
apprehension that God himself is coming
forth with the direct instruments of his
vengeance, and where there is a desire
rather to be orushed by falling rocks
and hills than by the vengeance of his
uplifted arm. If From the face of him

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VI.

193

that sitteth on the throne. The face of
God — for he seems to be coming forth
with the displays of his vengeance. It
is not said that God would actually come
forth in a visible form, but their con
sternation would be as great as if he
were to do this ; the state of mind indi
cated by this was an apprehension that
it would be so. *[[ And from the wrath
of the Lamb. The Lamb of God; the
Lord Jesus. See Notes on ch. v. 6.
There seems to be an incongruity be
tween the words wrath and Lamb ; but
the word Lamb here is so far a proper
name as to be used only to designate the
Redeemer. He eomes forth to execute
wrath, not as a Lamb, but as the Son of
God, who bore that name. It would
seem from this that they who thus
dreaded the impending terrors were
aware of their source, or had know
ledge enough to understand by whom
they were to be inflicted. They would
see that these' were divine judgments,
and would apprehend that the end
of the world' drew near. ^[ For the
great day of his wrath is come, ver. 17.
The threatening judgments would be so
severe and awful that they would sup
pose that the end of the world was
coming. *J And who shall be able to
stand ? To stand before him, or to with
stand his judgments.
It is unnecessary to say that there
has been, in this Case, as in reference to
every other part of the book of Reve
lation, a great diversity of opinion
respecting the events symbolized by
this seal. Grotius applied it' to the
wars between the Jpws and Romans
under Nero and Vespasian; Dr. Ham
mond supposed that the defeat of the
Jewish leaders in those wars Was par
ticularly symbolized; Mr. Bright man
referred these symbols to the persecution
under Diocletian ; Mr. Mede, Dr. Cress-
ner, Dr. More, Mr. Whiston, Mr. Jurien,
Mr. Danbez, "Mr. Lowman, Bishop New
ton, Mr. Elliott, and' others, refer it to
the defeat of the Pagan powers, and the
final suppression of those powers as
opposed to Christianity; Vitringa re
garded it as fbreshadowing the over
throw of the anti-Christian powers of
the Western Roman empire; Coceeius
explains it of the wars of the emperor
Frederick against the German princes
in the sixteenth century; Dean Wood-
house, of the day of vengeance at the
17

end of the world ; Mr. Cunninghams, of
the same period as the seventh trumpet,
commencing with the French revolu
tion, and to be consummated by the
visible advent of the Son of "God; Prof.
Stuart, of the destruction of Jerusalem;
and Mr. Lord, of a series of events, part
of which are fulfilled, three of them
corresponding with the first three vials
— the first expressive of the revolution
of France, the second of a despotism ex
tending through several years, and the
third, of the overthrow of that violent
dynasty, at the fall of Bonaparte, in
1815. - It is not my purpose to examine
these views'; but amidst this great
variety of opinion it seems to me that
the obvious and natural application of
the opening of the seal has not been
adverted to. I shall suggest it because
it is the most natural and obvious, and
seems to be demanded by the explana
tions given of the previous seals. It is,
in one word, the impending judgments
from the invasions of the Northern
hordes of Goths and Vandals, threat
ening the breaking-up of the Roman
empire — the gathering of the storm, and
the hovering of those barbarians on the
borders of the empire; the approaches
which they made from time to time
towards the capital, though restrained
as yet from taking it ; the tempest- of
wrath that was, as it were, suspended
yet oh the frontiers, until the events
recorded in the next chapter should
occur, then bursting forth in wrath in
successive blasts, as denoted by the first
four trumpets of the seventh seal (ch.
viii.), when the empire was entirely
overthrown by the Goths and Vandals.
The precise point pf time which I sup
pose this seal occupies is that succeed
ing the last persecution. It embraces
the preparatory arrangements of these
hordes of invaders — their gathering on
the frontiers of the empire — their threat
ened approaches toward the capital —
and the formation of such vast armies as
would produce universal consternation.
A brief notice of these preparatory scenes
as adapted to produce the alarm referred
to in the opening of the sixth seal,
is all that will be necelsary here; the
more complete detail must be reserved
for the explanation of the four trumpets
of the seventh seal, when the work of
destruction was consummated. These
preparations and threatened invasions

194

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

were events sufficiently important in
their relation to the church, to what
preceded, and to the future history of
the world, to be symbolized here ; and
they are events in which all the par
ticulars of the symbol may find a fulfil
ment. Any one has only to look on a
chart of history to see how appropriately
this application of the symbol follows, if
the previous explanations have been
correct. In the illustration of this, in
order to show the probability that these
events are referred to by the symbols of
the sixth seal, I would submit the fol
lowing remarks : —
(1) The time is that which would be
naturally suggested by this seal in its
relation to the others. If the fifth re
ferred tq the persecutions under Dio
cletian — the last great persecution of
the Pagan powers in attempting to ex
tinguish the Christian name — then we
should naturally look for the fulfilment
of the opening of the next, in some
event, or series of events, which would
succeed that at no very distant interval,
and that pertained to the empire or
power that had been the prominent
subject of the predictions in the pre,
vious seals. It would also be natural
to look for some events that might be
regarded as conveying an expression of
the divine feeling in regard to that
power, or that would present it in such
an aspect that it would be seen that its
power to persecute was at an end. This
natural expectation would be answered
either by some symbol that would refer
to the complete triumph of the Christian
system, or by such a series of judgments
as would break the persecuting power
itself in pieces. Now, the threatened
irruption of the Northern barbarians
followed the series of events already
described, with sufficient nearness to
maker it proper to regard that series of
events as referred to.
(2) The events were of sufficient im
portance in the history of the empire to
deserve this notice in the foreshadowing
of what would ooour. They were con
nected with the breaking-up of that
mighty power, and the complete change
of the aspect of the world, in a political
and religious point of view. A new
order of things arose in the world's his
tory. A new religion became established.
New kingdoms, from the fragments of
the once mighty Roman empire, were

founded, and the affairs of the world
were put on a new footing. These
mighty Northern hordes not only spread
consternation and alarm, as if the world
were coming to an end, but they laid
the foundations of kingdoms which con
tinue to this day. In fact, few more
important events have occurred in his
tory. (3) This series of events was intro
duced in the manner described in the
opening of the sixth seal. I have
already said that it is not necessary to
suppose, in the fulfilment of the symbol,
that there would be a literal earthquake;
but nothing in the symbol forbids us to
suppose that there might be, and if there
were, we could not but consider it as
remarkable. Now it so happens that
the series of events pertaining to the
Gothic invasions is introduced by Mr.
Gibbon in the following language : " A,
D. 365. In the second year of the reign of
Valentinian and Volens, on the morning
of the twenty-first day of July, the great
est part of the Roman world was shaken
by a violent and destructive earthquake.
The impression was communicated to
the waters ; the shores of the Mediter
ranean were left dry by the sudden
retreat of the sea ; great quantities of
fish were caught with the hand ; large
vessels were stranded on the mud ; and
a curious spectator amused his eye, or
rather his fancy, by contemplating the
various appearancesof valleys andmoun-
tains, which had never before, since the
formation of the glebe, been exposed to
the sun. But the tide soon returned,
with the weight of an immense and
irresistible deluge, which was severely
felt on the coasts of Sicily, of Dalmatia,
of Greece, and of Egypt: large boats
were transported, and lodged on the
roofs of houses, or at the distance of two
miles from the shore ; the people with
their habitatipns were swept away by
the waters ; ~ and the city of Alexandria
annually commemorated the day on
which fifty thousand persons had lost
their lives in the inundation. This
calamity, the report of which was mag
nified from one province to another,
astonished and terrified the subjects of
Rome; and their affrighted imagination
enlarged the real extent of the momen
tary evil. They recollected the pre
ceding earthquakes whioh had subverted
the cities of Palestine and Bythynia;

A. D. 96.

CHAPTER VI.

195

they considered these alarming strokes
as the prelude only of still more dread
ful calamities, and their fearful vanity
was disposed to confound the symptoms
of a declining empire and a sinking
world," vol. ii. pp. 115, 116. Mr. Gib
bon then proceeds to detail the evils of
war, as greatly surpassing the cala
mities produced by any natural causes,
and adds (p. 116), " In the disastrous
period of the fall of the Roman empire,
which ,may justly be dated from the
reign of Valens, the happiness and
security of each individual was person
ally attacked ; and the arts and labors
of ages were rudely defaced by the bar
barians of Scythia and Germany." He
then proceeds with an exceedingly in
teresting description of the origin, the
habits, and the movements of the Tartar
nations, particularly the Huns, as they
moved to the West, and precipitated the
Gothic nations on the provinces of the
Roman empire, until Rome itself was
thrice besieged, was taken, and was
sacked (ii. 116-266). The earthquake
referred to occurred in A. D. 365. The
movements of the Huns from their ter
ritories in the neighborhood of China
had commenced about A. D. 100, and in
A. D. 375, they overcame the Goths,
lying along the Danube. The Goths,
pressed and overcome by these savage
invaders, asked permission of the Ro
mans to cross . the Danube, to find pro
tection in the Roman empire, and to
cultivate the waste lands of Thrace.
Gibbon, ii. 129, 130. In the year 376,
they were transported over the Danube,
by the permission of the Roman em
peror, Valens ; an event which, accord
ing to Mr. Gibbon, in its ultimate result,
was the cause of the downfall of the
empire : for they learned their own
strength; they were attracted by the
riches of the capital and the hope of
reward, until they finally drew the
Western emperor to Ravenna, sacked
Rome, and took possession of Italy.
(4) A slight reference to the series of
events in these periods of consternation
and conquest, may show more closely the
nature of the alarms which would be
caused by the prospect of these dreadful
invasions, and may prepare us for a
better understanding of the successive
calamities which occurred under these
invaders, when the empire fell, as de
scribed by the four first trumpets of the

seventh seal. I shall copy from the
tables, of contents of Mr. Gibbon's his
tory,, under the twenty-sixth, thirtieth,
and thirty-first chapters : —
" A. D. 365. Earthquakes.
" 376. The Huns and Goths.
" 100. The emigration of the
Huns.
" 375. Their victories over th
Goths.
" 376. The Goths implore the pros
tection of Valens.
" " They are transported over
the Danube into the Ro
man empire.
" " They penetrate into Thrace.
" 377. Union of the Goths with
Huns, Alaric, Ac.
" 378. Battle of Hadrianople.
" " The defeat of the Romans.
" 383-395. The settlement of the
Goths in Thrace and
• Asia.
" 395. Revolt of the Goths.
" 396. Alaric marches into Greece.
" 398. Is proclaimed king of the
Visigoths.
" 400-403. He invades Italy.
" 406. Radagaisus invades Italy.
" " Besieges Florence.
" " Threatens Rome.
" " The remainder of the Ger
mans invade Gaul.
" 407. Desolation of Gaul.
" 408. Alaric marches to Rome.
" " First siege of Rome by the
Goths.
" " Famine, plague, supersti-
stition.
" 409. Alaric accepts a ransom
and raises the siege.
" " Fruitless negotiations for
peace.
" " Second siege of Rome by
the Goths.
" 410. Third siege and sack of
Rome by the Goths.
" " Respect of the Goths for
the Christian religion.
" " Pillage and fire of Rome.
" . " Captives and fugitives.
" 411-416. Fall of the usurpers
Jovinus, Sebastian, and
Attalus.
" 409. Invasion of Spain by th«
Suevi, Vandals, Alaric,
Ac.
" 415-418. The Goths conquer and
restore Spain."

196

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

(5) This would coincide, in the effects
produced on the empire, with the con
sternation and alarm described in the
passage before us. The symbols are
such as loould be employed on the sup
position that these are the events referred
to; they are such as the events are fitted
to suggest. The mighty preparations in
the East and North — the report of which
could not but spread through the empire
— would be appropriately symbolized by
the earthquake, the darkened sun, the
moon becoming like blood, the stars
falling, the departing heavens, and the
kings and great men of the earth fleeing
in alarm to find a place of safety, as if
the end of the world were drawing near.
Nothing could have been so well adapted
to produce the consternation described
in the opening of the sixth seal, as
the dreaded approach of vast hosts of
barbarians from the regions of the
North. This alarm would be increased
by the fact that their numbers were
unknown ; that their origin was hidden ;
and that the advancing multitudes would
sweep every thing before them. As in
other cases, also, rumour would increase
their numbers and augment their fero
city. The sudden shock of an earth
quake ; the falling stars ; the departing
heavens ; the removal of mountains and
islands, and the consternation of kings
and all classes of people, would be the
appropriate emblems to represent these
impending calamities. In confirmation
of this, and as showing the effect pro
duced by the approach of the Goths,
and the dread of the Gothic arms, in
causing universal consternation, the fol
lowing extract may be adduced from
Mr. Gibbon when describing the threat
ened invasion of Alaric, king of the
Visigoths. He quotes from Claudian.
" ' Fame/ says the poet, ' encircling with
terror or gloomy wings, proclaimed the
march of the barbarian army, and filled
Italy with consternation/" Mr. Gibbon
adds, " the apprehensions of each indi
vidual were increased in just proportion
to the measure of his fortune; and the
most timid, who had already embarked
their valuable effects, meditated their
escape to the island of Sicily, or to the
African coast. The public distress was
aggravated by the fears and reproaches
of superstition. Every hour produced
¦ome horrid tale of strange and par
ticular accidents; the Pagans deplored

the neglect of omens, and the interrup
tion of sacrifices; but the Christians
still derived some comfort from the pow
erful intercession of the saints and
martyrs," ii. 218, 219. See further illus
trations in the Notes on ch. viii. 7-13.
CHAPTER VIL
ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER,
The state of things represented in this
chapter, is that where there had been
awful consternation and alarm, as if the
end of the world were coming, and where
the signs of the approaching consum
mation of all things are, as it were, held
back until there should be an oppor
tunity of sealing the number that was to
be saved. This is symbolized by four
angels standing in the four quarters of
the earth, and holding the winds and
the storms that they should not blow on
the earth, until the servants of God
should be sealed in their foreheads. The
idea is that of sudden destruction about
to burst on the world, which, if unre
strained, would apparently bring on the
consummation of all things, but which
is held back until the purposes of God
in regard to his people shall be accom
plished: that is, until those who are
the true servants of God shall be desig
nated by some appropriate mark. This
furnishes an opportunity of disclosing a
glorious vision of those who will be
saved, alike among the Jews and the
Gentiles. The fact, as seen in the sym
bol, is, that the end of the world does
not come at the opening of the sixth
seal, as it seemed as if it would, and as it
was anticipated in the time of the con
sternation. The number* of the chosen
was not complete, and the impending
wrath was therefore suspended. God in
terposes in favor of his people, and dis
closes in vision a vast number from all
lands who will yet be saved, and the
winds and storms are held back as if by
angels. The points, then, that are apparent in
this chapter, without any reference now
to the question of the application, are the
following : —
(1) The impending ruin that seemed
about to spread over the earth, appa
rently bringing on the consummation of
all things, restrained or suspended,
ver. 1. This impending ruin is sym
bolized by the four winds of heaven that
seemed about to sweep over tho world; N

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VII.

197

the interposition of God is represented
by the four angels who have power over
those winds to hold them back, as if it
depended On their will to let them loose
and to spread ruin over the earth or
not. (2) A suspension of these desolating
Influences and agents until another im
portant purpose cOuld be accomplished ;
— that is, until the servants of God could
be sealed in their foreheads, vs. 2, 3.
Another angel, acting independently of
the four first seen, and having power to
command, appears in the east, having
the seal of the living God, and he directs
the four angels, having the four winds,
not to let them loose upon the earth until
the servants of God should be sealed in
their foreheads. This obviously denotes
some suspension of the impending wrath,
and for a specific purpose, that some
thing might be done by which the true
servants of God would be so marked as
to be publicly known — as if they had
a mark or brand to that effect imprinted
on their foreheads. Whatever would
serve to designate them; to determine
who they were ; to ascertain their num
ber, would be a fulfilment of this act of the
sealing angel. The length of time during
which it would be done is not desig
nated ; the essential thing is, that there
would be a suspension of impending
judgments in order that it might be done.
Whether this was to occupy a longer or
a shorter period, is not determined by
the symbol ; nor is it determined when
the winds thus held back would be suf
fered to blow.
(3) The number of the sealed, vs. 4-8.
The seer does not represent himself
as actually beholding the process of seal
ing, but he says that he heard the num
ber of those who were sealed. That
number was an hundred and forty-four
thousand, and they were selected from
the twelve tribes of the children of
Israel — Levi being reckoned, who was
not usually numbered with the tribes,
and the tribe of Dan being omitted.
The number from each tribe, large or
small, was the same; the entire portion
selected being but a very small part of
tho whole. The general idea here, what
ever may be the particular application,
is, that there would be a selection, and
that the whole number of the tribe would
not be embraced; that the selection
would be made frc 71 each tribe, and that
17*

all would have the same mark and be
saved by the same means. It would not
be in accordance with the nature of
symbolic representation to suppose that
the saved would be the precise number
here referred to ; but some great truth is
designed to be represented by this fact.
We should look, in the fulfilment, to
some process by whioh the true servants
of God would be designated ; we should
expect that a portion of them would be
found in each one of the classes here
denoted by a tribe ; we should suppose
that the true servants of God thus re
ferred to would be as safe in the times
of peril as if they were designated by a
visible mark.
(4) After this, another vision presents
itself to the seer. It is that of a oount-
less multitude before the throne, redeem
ed out of all nations, with palms in their
hands, vs. 9-17. The scene is transferred
to heaven, and there is a vision of all
the redeemed — not only of the hundred
and forty-four thousand, but of all who
would be rescued and saved from a lost
world. The design is doubtless to cheer
the hearts of the true friends of God in
times of gloom and despondency, by a
view of the great numbers that will be
saved, and the glorious triumph that
awaits the redeemed in heaven. This
portion of the vision embraces the fol
lowing particulars : —
(o) A vast multitude, which no man
can number, is seen before the throne
in heaven. They are clad in white
robes — emblems of purity; they have
palms in their hands — emblems of vic
tory, ver. 9.
(')) They are engaged in ascribing
praise to God, ver. 10.
(c) The angels, the elders, and the
four living creatures, fall down before
the throne, and unite with the redeemed
in ascriptions of praise, vs. 11, 12.
(d) A particular enquiry is made of
the seer — evidently to call his attention
to it— respecting those who appear there
in white robes, ver. 13.
(e) To this enquiry it is answered that
they were those who had eome up out
of great tribulation, and who had washed
their robes, and had made them pure in
the blood of the Lamb, ver. 14.
(/) Then follows a description of
their condition and employment in hea
ven, vs. 15>-17. They are constantly
before the throne ; they serve God con.

198

REVELATION,

[A D. 96.

CHAPTER VII.
AND after these things I saw
four angels standing on the

tinually ; they neither hunger nor thirst;
they are not subjected to the burning
heat of the sun ; they are provided for
by the Lamb in the midst of the throne ;
and all tears are forever wiped away from
their eyes. — This must be regarded, I
think, as an episode, having no imme
diate connexion with what precedes or
with what follows. It seems to . be
thrown in here — while the impending
judgments of the sixth seal are sus
pended, and before the seventh is opened
— to furnish a reUef in the contempla
tion of so many scenes of woe, and to
cheer the soul with inspiring hopes from
the view of the great number that would
ultimately be saved. While these judg
ments, therefore, are suspended, the
mind is directed on to the world of
triumph, as a view fitted to sustain and
comfort those who would be partakers
in the scenes of woe. At the same time
it is one of the most touching and beau
tiful of all the representations of heaven
ever penned, and is eminently adapted
to comfort those, in all ages, who are
in a vale of tears.
In the exposition, it will be proper
(vs. 1-8) to enquire into the fair mean
ing of the language employed in the
symbols ; and then to enquire whether
there are any known facts to which the
description is applicable. The first en
quiry may and should be pursued inde
pendently of the other ; and, it may be
added, that the explanation offered on
this may be correct even if the other
shoulo be erroneous. The same remark,
also, is applicable to the remainder of
the chapter (vs. 9-17), and indeed is of
general applicability in the exposition
of this book.
1. And after these things. After the
vision of the things referred to in the
opening of the sixth seal. The natural
interpretation would be, that what is
here said of tho angels and the winds,
occurred after those things whifth are
described in the previous chapter. The
exact ohronology may not be always
observed in theso symbolical representa
tions, but doubtless there is a general
Jrder which is observed. ^[ / saw four
augels. He does not describe their forms,

four corners of the earth, holding
the four winds " of the earth,
a Da. 7. 2.
but merely mentions their agency. This
is, of course, a symbolical representation.
We are net tp suppose that it would be
literally fulfilled, or that, at the time re
ferred to by the vision, four celestial
beings would be stationed in the four
quarters of the werld, for the purpese ef
checking and restraining the winds that
blew from the four points of the com
pass. The meaning is, that events
would occur which would be properly
represented by four angels standing
in the four quarters of the world,
and having power over the winds.
•][ Standing on the four corners of the
earth. This language is, of course, ac
commodated to the prevailing mode
of speaking of the earth among the
Hebrews. It was a common method
among them to describe it as a vast
plain, having four corners, those cor
ners being the prominent points — north,
south, east, and west. So we speak
now of the four winds, the four quarters
of the world, Ac. The Hebrews spoke
of tho earth, as we do of the rising and
setting of the sun, and of the motions of
the heavenly bodies, according to ap
pearances, and without aiming at philo
sophical exactness. Comp. Notes on
Job xxvi. 7. With this view they spoks
of the earth as an extended plain, and
as having boundaries or corners, as a
plain or field naturally has. Perhaps
also they used this language with some
allusion to an edifice, as having four
corners; for they speak also of the earth
as having foundations. ' The language
which the Hebrews used was in accord
ance with the prevailing ideas and
language of the ancients on the subject.
^[ Holding the four winds of the earth.
The winds blow in fact from every
quarter, but it is convenient to speak of
them as coming from the four principal
points of the .compass, ana this method
is adopted, probably, in evory language.
So among the Greeks and Latins, the
winds wero arranged under four classes
— Zephyrus, Boreas, Notus, and Eurus,
— considered as under the control of a
king, J5olus. See Eschenburg, Man.
Class. Lit. I 78, Comp. g 108. The
angels here are represented as " holding"

A. D 96.]

CHAPTER VII.

199

that the wind should not blow on
the earth, nor on the sea, nor on
any tree.
the winds — KparSvvrcs. That is, they
held them back when about to sweep
over the earth, and to produce far-
spread desolation. This is an allusion
to a popular belief among the Hebrews,
that the agency of the angels was em-
rloyed every where. It is not suggested
that the angels had raised the tempest
here, but only that they now restrained
and controlled it. The essential idea is,
that they had power over those winds,
and that they were now exercising that
power by keeping them back when they
were about to spread desolation over the
earth. ^[ That the wind should not blow
on the earth. That there should be a
calm, as if the winds were held back.
^[ Nor on the sea. Nowhere — neither on
sea nor land. The sea and the land
constitute the surface of the globe, and
the language here, therefore, denotes
that there would be a universal calm.
^f Nor on any tree. To injure it. ' The
language" here used is such as would
denote a state of profound quiet, as
when we say that it is so still that not a
leaf of the trees moves.
In regard to the literal meaning of the
symbol here employed, there can be no
great difficulty; as to its application there
may be more. The winds are the proper
symbols of wars and commotions. Comp.
Dan. vii. 2. In Jer. xlix. 36, 37, the
symbol is both used and explained :
" And upon Elam will I bring the four
winds from the four quarters of heaven,
and will scatter them towards all those
winds; and there shall be no nation
whither the outcasts of Elam shall not
come. For I will cause Elam to be dis
mayed before their enemies, and before
them that seek their life." So in Jer.
Ii. 1, 2, a destroying wind is an emblem
of destructive war: "I will raise up
against Babylon a destroying wind, and
will send unto Babylon fanners, that
shall fan her, and shall empty her
land." Comp. Horace, Odes, B. i. 14.
The essential ideas, therefore, in this
portion of the symbol, cannot be mis
taken. They are two : (1) that at the
period of time here referred to — after
the opening of the sixth seal and before
the opening of the seventh — there would

2 And I saw another angel as
cending from the east, having the
seal • of the living God : and he

i 2 Ti. 2. 19.

be a state of things which would be
well represented by rising tempests and
storms, which if unrestrained would
spread desolation afar ; and (2) that this
impending ruin was held back as if by
angels having control of those winds;
that is, those tempests were not suffered
to go forth to spread desolation over the
world. A suspended tempest; calamity
held in check ; armies hovering on the
borders of a kingdom, but not allowed
to proceed for a time ; hordes of invaders
detained, or stayed in their march, as if
by some restraining power not their
own, and from causes not within them
selves — any of these things would be
an obvious fulfilling of the meaning of
the symbol.
2. And I saw another angel. Evidently
having no connexion with the four, and
employed for another purpose. This
angel, also, must have been symbolic,
and all that is implied is, that something
would be done as if an angel had done
it. ^ Ascending from the east. He ap
peared in the east, and seemed to rise
like the sun. It is not easy to determine
what is the special signifieancy, if any,
of the east here, or why this quarter of
the heavens is designated rather than
the north, the south, or the west. It
may be that as light begins in the east,
this would be properly symbolic of
something that could be compared with
the light of the morning ; or that some
influence in "sealing" the servants of
God would in fact go out from the east;
or perhaps no special significance is to
be attached to the quarter from which
the angel is seen to come. It is not
necessary to suppose that every minute
thing in a symbol is to receive a com
plete fulfilment, or that there will be
some particular thing to correspond with
it. Perhaps all that is meant here is,
that as the sun comes forth with splendor
from tho east, so the angel came with
magnificence to perform a task — that of
sealing the servants of God— cheerful
and joyous like that which the sun per
forms. It is certain that from no other'
quarter of the heavens would it be so
appropriate to represent an angel as
coming forth to perform a purpose of

200

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

cried with a loud voice to the four
angels, to whom it was given to
hurt the earth and the sea,

light andmercy and salvation. It does not
seem to me, therefore, that we are to look,
in the fulfilment of this, for any special
influence setting in from the east as
that which is symbolized here. ^Having
the seal of the living God. Bearing it
iu his hands. In regard to this seal
the following remarks may be made:
(a) The phrase " seal of the living God"
doubtless means that which God had
appointed; or which he would use ; that
is, if God himself came forth in this
manner he would use this seal for these
purposes. Men often have a seal of
their own, with some name, symbol, or
device, which designates it as theirs, and
which no other one has a right to use.
A seal is sometimes used by the person
himself; sometimes entrusted to a high
officer of state ; sometimes to the secre
tary of a corporation j and sometimes,
as a mark of special favor, to a friend.
In this case it was entrusted to an angel
who was authorized to use it, and whose
use of it would be sanctioned, of course,
wherever he applied it, by the living
God, as if he had employed it himself.
(b) As to the form of the seal, we have
no information. It would be most na
tural to suppose that the name " of the
living God" would be engraven on it, so
that that name would appear on any one
to whom it might be affixed. Comp.
Notes on 2 Tim. ii. 19. , It was custom
ary in the East to brand the name of
the master on the forehead of a slave
(Grotius, 'in loc); and such an idea would
meet all that is implied in the language
here, though there is no certain evidence
that there is an allusion to that custom.
In subsequent times in the church it was
common for Christians to impress the
sign of the cross on their foreheads.
Tertullian de Corona; Cyrill. lib. vi.
See Grotius. As nothing is said here,
however, about any mark or device on
the seal, conjecture is useless as to what
it was. (c) As to what was to be desig
nated by the seal, the main idea is clear,
that it was to place some such mark
upon his friends that they would be
known to be his, and that they would be
safe in the impending calamities. There
is perhaps allusion hero to Ezek. ix. 4,

3 Saying, Hurt a not the earth,
neither the sea, nor the trees, till

5, 6, where the following direction to the
prophet occurs, " Go through the midst
of the city, through the midst of Jerusa
lem, and set a mark upon the foreheads
of the men that sigh, and that cry, for all
the abominations that be done in the
midst thereof. And to the others he
said in mine hearing, Go ye after him
through the city, and smite ; let not your
eye spare, neither have ye pity: slay
utterly old and young, both maids, and
little children, and women ; but come
not near any man -upon whom is the
mark." The essential ideas in the seal
ing in the passage before us would, there
fore, seem to be (1) that there would
be some mark, sign, or token, by which
they who were the people of God would
be known ; that is, there would be some
thing which would answer, in this re
spect, the same purpose as if a seal had
been impressed upon their foreheads.
Whether this was an outward badge ; or
a religious rite ; or the doctrines which
they would hold, and by which they
would be known; or something in their
spirit and manner which would cha
racterize his true disciples, may be a fair
subject of enquiry. It is not specifi
cally designated by the use of the word.
(2) It would be something that would
be conspicuous or prominent, as if it
were impressed on the forehead. It
would not be merely some internal seal
ing, or some designation by which they
would be known to themselves and to
God, but it would be something appa
rent, as if engraved on the forehead.
What this would be, whether a profes
sion, or a form of religion, or the holding
of some doctrine, or the manifestation
of a particular spirit, is not here desig
nated. (3) This would be something ap
pointed by God himself. It would not be
of human origin, but would be as if an
angel sent from heaven should impress it
on the forehead. If it refers to the doc
trines whioh they would hold, they could
not be doctrines of human origin ; if to
the spirit which they would manifest, it
would be a spirit of heavenly origin ; if
to some outward protection, it would be
manifest that it were from God. (4) This
would be a pledge of safety. The design

A. D. 96.] CHAPTER VII. 201
we have a sealed the servants of our I were sealed an hundred and forty
Grod in their forfihfifl.fls. b n.nA ¦fnnr e +.Vinnsmnr1 nf all +l\a t i>iL>a

God in their foreheads
4 And I heard the number of
them which were sealed : and there

of sealing the' persons referred to seems
to have been to -seoure their safety in
the impending calamities. Thus the
winds .were held back until those who
were to be sealed could be designated,
and then they were to be allowed to
sweep over the earth. These things,
therefore, we are to look for in the ful
filment of the symbol, ^ And he cried
with a loud voice. As if he had autho
rity to command, and as if the four
winds were about to be let forth upon the
world, ^f To whom it was given to hurt
the earth and the sea. Who had power
committed to them to do this by means
of the four winds.
3. Saying, Hurt not the earth, neither
the sea, &c. Let the winds be restrained
until what is here designated shall be
done. These destroying angels were
commanded to suspend the work of
destruction until the servants of God
could be rendered secure. The division
here, as in ver. 1, of the " earth, the sea,
and the trees," seems to include every
thing — water, land, and the productions
of the earth. Nothing was to be injured
until the angel should designate the true
servants of God. ^ Till we have sealed
the servants of God. The use of the
plural "we" seems to denote that he did
not expect to do it alone. Who were to
be associated with him, whether angels
or men, he does not intimate, but the
work was evidently such that it de
manded the agency of more than one.
^ In their foreheads. See Notes on ver.
2 ; comp. Ezek. ix. 4, 5. A mark thus
placed on the forehead would be con
spicuous, and would be something which
could at once be recognized if destruc
tion should spread over the world. The
fulfilment of this is to be found in two
things: (a) in something which would
be conspicuous or prominent — so that it
could be seen ; and ( b) in the mark being
of such a nature or character that it
would be a proper designation of the fact
that they were the true servants of God.
4. And I heard the number of them
which were sealed. He does not say
wliere he heard that, or by \ohom it was
communicated to him, or when it was

and four e thousand of all the tribes
of the children of Israel.
a Eze. 9. 4. b c. 22. 4. e c 14. 1.

done. The material point is, that he
heard it ; he did not see it done. Either
by the angel, or by some direct commu
nication from God, he was told of the
number that would be sealed, and of the
distribution of the whole number into
twelve equal parts, represented by the
tribes of the children of Israel, ^f And
there were sealed an hundred and forty
and /bur thousand of all the tribes of the
children of Israel. In regard to this
number, the first and the main question
is, whether it is meant that this was to
be the literal number, or whether it was
symbolical; and, if the latter, of what it
is a symbol ? I. As to the first of these en
quiries, there does not appear to he any
good reason for doubt. The fair inter
pretation seems to require that it should
be understood as symbolical, or as de
signed not to be literally taken; for
(a) the whole scene is symbolical — the
winds, the angels, the sealing; (6) It
cannot be supposed that this num
ber will include all who will be sealed
and saved. In whatever way this is
interpreted, and whatever we may sup
pose it to refer to, we cannot but sup
pose that more than this number will be
saved, (c) The number is too exact and
artificial to suppose that it is literal. It
is inconceivable that exactly the same
number — precisely twelve thousand —
should be selected from each tribe of the
children of Israel, (d) If literal, it is
necessary to suppose that this refers to
the twelve tribes of the children of
Israel. But on every supposition this
is absurd. Ten of their tribes had been
long before carried away, and the dis
tinction of the tribes was lost, no more to
be recovered, and the Hebrew people
never have been, since the time of John,
in circumstances to which the descrip
tion here could be applicable. These
considerations make it clear that the
description here is symbolical. But
II. Of what is it symbolical ? Is it of a
large number, or of a Bmall number?
Is it of those who would be saved from
among the Jews, or of all who would be
saved in the Christian church — repre
sented as the " tribes of the children of

202

BBVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

Israel?" To these enquiries we may
answer: (1) That the representation
seems to be rather that of a compara
tively small number than a large one : —
for these reasons, (a) The number of
itself is not large. (&) The number is not
large as compared with those who must
have constituted the tribes here referred
to — the number twelve thousand, for
example, as compared with the whole
number of the tribe of Judah, of the
tribe of Reuben, &c. (c) It would seem
from the language that there would be
some selection from a much greater num
ber. Thus, not all in the tribes were
sealed, but those who were sealed were
"of all the tribes" — sk ndvtjs ^o\rjs ; that
is, out of these tribes. So in the speci
fication in each tribe— h <pv"\?i$ 'I6v&a,
'Fovfiiiv, <fcc. Some out of the tribe, to
wit, twelve thousand, were sealed. Itis
not said of the twelve thousand of the
tribes of Judah, Reuben, <fcc, that they
constituted the tribe, but that they were
sealed out of the tribe, as a part of it
preserved and saved. " When the pre
position <a-, or out of, stands after any
such verb as sealed, between a definite
numeral and a noun of multitude in
the genitive, sound criticism requires,
doubtless, that the numeral should be
thus construed, as signifying, not the
whole, but a part taken out," Elliott,
i. 237. Comp. Ex. xxxii. 28 ; 1 Sam.
iv. 10 ; Num. i. 21. The phrase, then,
would properly denote those taken
ottt o/ somo other and greater number —
as a portion of a tribe, and not the
whole tribe. If the reference here is
to the church, it would seem to denote
that a portion only of that church would
bo soaled. (d) For the same reason the
Idea would seem to be, that compara
tive! v a small portion is referred to — as
twelve thousand would be comparatively
a small part of one of the tribes of
Israel ; and if this refers to the church,
we should expect to find its fulfilment in
o. state of things in which the largest
proportion would not be sealed : — that is,
in a corrupt state of the church in which
there would be many professors of reli
gion, but comparatively few who had
real piety, (2) To tho other enquiry —
whether this refers to those who would
he sealed and saved among the Jews, or
to those in the Christian church, we may
answer (a), that there arc strong reasons
for supposing tho la.tter to be the correct

opinion. Long before the time of John
all these distinctions of tribe were
abolished. Tho ten tribes had been
carried away and scattered in distant
lands, never more to be restored, and it
cannot be supposed that there was any
such literal selection from the twelve
tribes as is here spoken of, or any such
designation of twelve thousand from
each. There was no occasion — > either
when Jerusalem was destroyed, or at any
other time — on which there were such
transactions as are here referred to oc
curring in reference to the children of
Israel, (b) The language is such as a
Christian, who had been by birth and
education a Hebrew, would naturally
use if he wished to designate the church.
Comp. Notes on James i. 1. Accustomed
to speak of the people of God as "the
twelve tribes of Israel," nothing was
more natural than to transfer this lan
guage to the church of the Redeemer,
and to speak of it in that figurative man
ner. Accordingly, from the necessity
of the case, the language is universally
understood to have reference to the
Christian church. Even Prof. Stuart,
who supposes that the reference is to
the _ siege and destruction of Jerusalem
by the Romans, interprets it of the pre
servation of Christians, and their flight
to Pella, beyond Jordan. Thus inter
preted, moreover, it accords with the
entire symbolical character of the repre
sentation. (c)The reference to the par
ticular tribes may be a designed allusion
to the Christian church as it would be
divided into denominations, or known
by different names ; and the fact that a
certain portion would be sealed from
every tribe, would not bo an unfit
representation of the fact that a portion
of all the various churches or denomi
nations would be sealed and saved.
That is, salvation would be confined to
no one church or denomination, but
among them all there would bo found
true servants of God. It would bo im
proper to suppose that the division into
tribes among the children of Israel was
designed to be a type of the sects and
denominations in the Christian church,
and yet the fact of such a division may
not improperly be employed os an illus
tration of that; for the whole church is
made up not of any one denomination
alone, but of all who hold the truth com
bined, as the people of God in ancient

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VII.

203

5 Of the tribe of Juda were sealed
twelve thousand. Of the tribe of
Reuben were sealed twelve thou-

times consisted not solely of any one
tribe, however large and powerful, but
of all combined. Thus understood, the
symbol would point to a time when
there would be various denominations
in the church, and yet with the idea that
true friends of God would be found
among them all. (d) Perhaps nothing
can be argued from the fact that exactly
twelve thousand were selected from each
of the tribes. In language so figurative
and symbolical as this, it could not be
maintained that this proves that the
same definite number would be taken
from each denomination of Christians.
Perhaps all that can be fairly inferred
is that there would be no partiality or
preference for one more than another;
that there would be no favoritism on
account of the tribe or denomination
to which any one belonged; but that
the seal would be impressed on all, of
any denomination, who had the . true
spirit of religion. No one would receive
the token of the divine favor because he
was of the tribe of Judah or Reuben ;
no one because he belonged to any
particular denomination of Christians.
Large numbers from every branch of the
church would be sealed ; none would be
sealed because he belonged to one form
of external organization rather than to
another; none would be excluded because
he belonged to any one tribe,: if he had the
spirit, and held the sentiments which
made it proper to recognize him as a
servant of God. These views seem to me
to express the true sense of this passage.
No one can seriously maintain that the
writer meant to refer literally to the
Jewish people ; and if he referred to the
Christian church, it seems to be to some
selection that would be made out of the
whole church, in which there would be
no favoritism or partiality, and to the
fact that, in regard to them, there would
be something which, in the midst of
abounding corruption, or impending
danger, would designate them as the
chosen people of God, and would furnish
evidence that they would be safe.
5-8, Of the tribe of Juda were sealed
twelve thousand. That is, a selection was
made, or a number sealed, as if it had
been made from one of the tribes of the

sand. Of the tribe of Gad were
sealed twelve thousand.
6 Of the tribe of Aser were sealed

children of Israel — the tribe of Judah.
If the ¦ remarks above made are correct,
this refers to the Christian church, and
means, in connexion with what follows,
that each portion of the church would
furnish a definite part of the whole num
ber sealed and saved. We are not re
quired to understand this of the exact
number of twelve thousand, but that the
designation would be made from all parts
and branches of the church as if a selec
tion of the true servants of God were
made from the whole number of the tribes
of Israel. — There seems to be no parti
cular reason why the tribe of Judah was
mentioned first. Judah was not the
oldest of the sons of Jacob, and there
was no settled order in which the tribes
were usually mentioned. The order of
their birth, as mentioned in Gen. xxix.,
xxx., is as follows : — Reuben, Simeon,
Levi, Judah, Dan, Naphtali, Gad, Asher,
Issachar, Zebulon, Joseph, Benjamin. In
theblessing of Jacob, Gen.xlix.y this order
is changed, arid is as follows, Reuben, Si
meon, Levi, Judah, Zebulon, Issachar,
Dan, Gad, Asher, Naphtali, Joseph, Ben
jamin. — In the blessing of Moses, Deut.
xxxiii., a different order still is observed:
Reuben, Judah, Levi, Benjamin, Joseph,
Zebulon, Issachar, Gad, Dan, Naphtali,
Asher; and in this last, moreover, Simeon
is omitted. So again in Ezek. xlviii., there
are two enumerations of the twelve tribes,
differing from each other, and both differ
ing from the arrangements above referred
to ; viz. in vs. 31-34, where Levi is reck
oned as one, and Joseph as only one ; and
in vs. 1-27, referring to the division of
the country, where Levi, who had no
heritage in land, is omitted, and Ephraim
and Manasseh are counted as two tribes.
Prof. Stuart, ii. 172, 173. From facts like
these, it is clear that there was no certain
and settled order in which the tribes were
mentioned by the sacred writers. The
same thing seems to have occurred in the
enumeration of the tribes, which would
occur, for example, in the enumeration of
the several States of the American Union.
There is indeed an order which is usually
observed, beginning with Maine, &c, but
almost no two writers would observe
throughout the same order, nor should we
deem it strange if the order should be

204

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

twelve thousand. Of the tribe of
Nephthalimwere sealed twelve thou-

materially varied by even the same writer
in enumerating them at different times.
Thus, at one time, it might be convenient
to enumerate them according to their
geographical position ; at another in the
order of their settlement; at another in
the order of their admission into the
Union ; at another in the order of their
size and importance ; at another in the
order in which they are arranged in re
ference to political parties, &c. Some
thing of the same kind may have oc
curred in the order in which the tribes
were mentioned among the Jews. Per
haps this may have occurred also of de
sign, in order that no one tribe might
claim the precedence or the pre-eminence
by being always placed at the head of
the list. — If/ as is supposed above, the
allusion in this enumeration of the tribes
was to the various portions of the Chris
tian church, then perhaps the idea in
tended to be conveyed is, that no one
division of that church is to have any pre
ference on account of its locality, or its
occupying any particular country, or be
cause it has more wealth, learning, or
numbers than others, but that all are to
be regarded, where there is the true spirit
of religion, as on a level.
There are, however, three peculiarities
in this enumeration of the tribes, which
demand a more particular explanation.
The number indeed is twelve, but that
number is made up in a peculiar manner.
(1) Joseph is mentioned, and also Ma-
nassah. The matter of fact was, that
Joseph had two sons, Ephraim and Ma-
nassah (Gen. xlviii. 1.), and that these two
sons gave name to two of the tribes,
the tribes of Ephraim and Manassah.
There was, properly speaking, no tribe
of the name Joseph. In Numbers xiii.
the name Levi is omitted, as it usually
is, because that tribe had no inheritance
in the division of the land, and in order
that the number twelve might be com
plete, Ephraim and Joseph are mentioned
as two tribes, vs. 8, 11. In ver. 11, the
wi iter states expressly that by the tribe
Joseph he meant Manassah — " Of the
tribe of Joseph, namely, of the tribe of
Manassah," Ac. From this it would seem
that, as Manassah was the oldest (Gen.
xlviii. 14), the name Joseph was some-

sand. Of the tribe of Manassea
were sealed twelve thousand.

times given to that tribe. As Ephraim,
however, became the largest tribe, and
as Jacob in blessing the two sons of Jo
seph (Gen. xlviii. 14) laid his right hand
on Ephraim, and pronounced a' special
blessing on him (vs. 19, 20), it would seem
not improbable that, when not particu
larly designated, the name Joseph was
given to that tribe, as it is evidently in
this place. Possibly the name Joseph may
have been a general name which was occa
sionally applied to either of these tribes.
In the long account of the original di
vision of Canaan, in Joshua xiii.— xix.,
Levi is omitted, because he had no herit
age, and Ephraim and Manassah are
mentioned as two tribes. The name Jo
seph in the passage before us (ver. 8) is
doubtless designed, as remarked above,
to refer to Ephraim. (2) In this list (ver.
7) the name of Levi is inserted among the
tribes. As already remarked, this name
is not commonly inserted among the
tribes of the children of Israel, because
that tribe, being devoted to the sacerdo
tal office, had no inheritance in the di
vision of the country, but was scattered
among the other tribes. See Joshua xiv.
3, 4, xviii. 7. It may have been inserted
here, if this refers to the Christian church,
to denote that the ministers of the gospel
as well as other members of the church,
would share in the protection implied by
the sealing ; that is, to denote that no
class in the church would be excluded
from the blessings of salvation. (3) The
name of one of the tribes — Dan — is omit
ted; so that by this omission, and the in
sertion of the tribe of Levi, the original
number of twelve is preserved. There
have been numerous conjectures as to
the reason why the tribe of Dan is omit
ted here, but none of the solutions pro
posed are without difficulty. All that
can be known, or regarded as probable,
on the subject, seems to be this : — (a) At
the tribe of Levi was usually omitted in
an enumeration of the tribes, because that
tribe had no part in the inheritance of
the Hebrew people in the division of the
land of Canaan, so there appear to have
been instances in which the names of
some of the other tribes were omitted, the
reason for which is not given. Thus, in
Deut. xxxiii., in the blessing pronounced

A D. 96.]

CHAPTER VII.

205

7 Of the tribe of Simeon were
scaled twelve thousand. Of the
tribe of Levi were sealed twelve

by Moses on the tribes just before his
death, the name Simeon is omitted. In
I. Chron. iv.-viii. the names of Zebulon
and Dan are both omitted. It would
seem, therefore, that the name of a tribe
might be sometimes omitted without any
particular reason being specified, (b) It
has been supposed by some that the name
Dan was omitted because that tribe was
early devoted to idolatry, and continued
idolatrous to the time of the captivity.
Of that fact there can be no doubt, for it
is expressly affirmed in Judges xviii. 30;
and that fact seems to be a sufficient rea
son for the omission of the name. As
being thus idolatrous, it was in a mea
sure separated from the people of God,
and deserved not to be reckoned among
them ; and in enumerating those who
were the servants of God, there seemed to
be a propriety that a tribe devoted to
idolatry should not be reckoned among
the number. — This will account for the
omission without resorting to the suppo
sition of Grotius, that the tribe of Dan
was extinct at the time when the Apoca
lypse was written — a fact which also
existed in regard to all the ten tribes ;
or to the supposition of Andreas and
others, that Dan is omitted because An
tichrist was to spring from that tribe —
a supposition which is alike without proof
and without probability. — The fact that
Dan was omitted, cannot be supposed to
have any special significancy in the case
before us. Such an omission is what,
as we have seen, might have occurred at
anytime, in the enumeration of the tribes.
In reference to the application of this
portion of the book (vs. 1-8), or of what
is designed to be here represented, there
has been, as might be expected, a great
variety of opinions. From the exposi
tion of the words and phrases which has
been given, it is manifest that we are to
look for a series of events like the follow
ing: — (1) Some impending danger, or
something that threatened to sweep every
thing away — like winds that were ready
to blow on the earth. (2) That tempest
restrained or held back, as if the winds
were held in check by an angel, and were
not suffered to sweep over the world.
(S) Some new influence or power, repre-
18

thousand. Of the tribe of Isaschar
were sealed twelve thousand.
8 Of the tribe of Zabulon were

sented by an angel coming from the east
— tho great source of light — that should
designate the true church of God — the
servants of the Most High. (4) Some
mark or note by which the true people
of God could be designated, or by which
they could be known — as if some name
were impressed on their foreheads. (5)
A selection or election of the number from
a much greater number who were the
professed, but were not the true servants
of God. (6) A definite, though compa
ratively a small number thus designated
out of the whole mass. (7) This num
ber taken from all the divisions of the
professed people of God, in such num
bers and in such a manner, that it would
be apparent that there would be no par
tiality or favoritism ; that is, that wher
ever the true servants of God were found,
they would be sealed and saved. These
are things which lie on the face of the
passage, if the interpretation above given
is correct, and in its application it is ne
cessary to find some facts that will pro
perly correspond with these things.
If the interpretation of the sixth seal
proposed above is correct, then we are to
look for the fulfilment of this in events
that soon succeeded those which are there
referred to, or at least which had their
commencement at about that time, and
the enquiry now is, whether there were
any events that would accord properly
with the interpretation here proposed: —
that is, any impending and spreading
danger; any restraining of that danger;
any process of designating the servants
of God so as to preserve them ; any thing
like a designation or selection of them
from among the masses of the professed
people of God ? — Now, in respect to this,
the following facts accord so well with
what is demanded in the interpretation,
that it may be regarded as morally cer
tain that they were the things which were
thus made to pass in vision before the
mind of John. They have at least this
degree of probability, that if it were ad
mitted that he intended to describe them,
the symbols which are actually employed
are those which it would have been pro
per to select to represent them.
I. The impending danger, liko winds

206

REVELATION,

| A. D.

twelve thousand. Of the
tribe of Joseph were sealed twelve
restrained, that threatened to sweep
every thing away, and to hasten on the
end of the world. — In reference to this,
there may have "been two classes of im
pending danger — that from the invasion
of the northern hordes, referred to in the
sixth seal (ch. vi.), and that from the in
flux of error, that threatened the ruin of
the church, (a) As to the former, the
language used by John will accurately
express the state of things as it existed
at the period supposed at the time of the
sixth seal — the series of events intro
duced, now suspended, like the opening
of the seventh seal. The idea is that of
nations pressing on to conquest ; heaving
like tempests on the borders of the em
pire ; overturning every thing in their
way; spreading desolation by fire and
sword, asif the world were about to come
to an end. The language used by Mr.
Gibbon in describing the times here re
ferred to, is so applicable that it would
seem almost as if he had the symbols
used by John in his eye. Speaking of
the time of Constantine, he says, "The
threatening tempest of barbarians, which
so soon subverted the foundations of Ro
man greatness, wa* still repelled, or sus
pended on the frontiers." i. 362. This
language accurately expresses the con
dition of the Roman world at the period
succeeding the opening of the sixth seal;
the period of suspended judgments in
order that the servants of God might be
sealed. See the Notes on ch. vi. 12-17.
The nations whioh ultimately spread de
solation through the empire, hovered
around its borders, making occasional
incursions into its territory ; even carry
ing their arms, as we have seen in some
instances, as far as Rome itself, but still
restrained from accomplishing the final
purpose of overthrowing the city and the
empire. The church and the state alike
were threatened with destruction, and
the impending wrath seemed only to be
held back as if to give time to accom
plish some other purpose, (b) At the
same time there was another class of evils
which threatened to sweep like a tem
pest over the ehurch — the evils of error
in doctrine that sprang up on the es
tablishment of Christianity by Constan
tine. That fact was followed with a
great increase of professor of religion,

thousand. Of the tribe of Benja
min were sealed twelve thousand.

who, for various purposes, crowded into
a church patronized by the state — a con
dition of things which tended to do more
to destroy the church than all that had
been done by persecution had accom
plished. This effect was natural; and
the church became filled with those who
had yielded themselves to the Christian
faith from motives of policy, and who,
having no true spiritual piety, were ready
to embrace the most lax views of reli
gion, and to yield themselves to any form
of error. Of this period, and of the effect
of the conversion of Constantine in this
respect, Mr. Gibbon makes the following
remarks, strikingly illustrative of the
view now taken of the meaning of this
passage. " The hopes of wealth and ho
nor, the example of an emperor, his ex
hortations, his irresistible smiles, dif
fused conviction among the venal and
obsequious crowds which usually fill the
departments of a palace. The cities
which signalized a forward zeal, by the
voluntary destruction of their temples,
were distinguished by municipal privi
leges, and rewarded with popular dona
tives"; and the new capital of the East
gloried in the singular advantage, that
Constantinople was never profaned by
the worship of idols. As the lower ranks
of society are governed by imitation, the
conversion of those who possessed any
eminence of birth, of power, or of riches,
was soon followed by dependent multi
tudes. The salvation of the common
people was purchased at an easy rate, if
it be true, that, in one year, twelve thou
sand men were baptized at Rome, be
sides a proportionable number of women
and children, and that a white garment,
with twenty pieces of gold, had been
promised by the emperor to every con
vert." i. 425. At a time, therefore, when
it might have been supposed that, under
the patronage of a Christian emperor,
the truth would have spread around the
world, the church was exposed to one of
its greatest dangers — that arising from
the fact that ithad become united with the
state. About the same time, also, there
sprang up many of those forms of error
which have spread farthest over t> p
Christian world, and which then thrr „-
ened to become the universal fori) of
belief in the church. Of this ela of

A.. I>. 96.]

CHAPTER VII.

207

doctrine wore the views of Arius, and I
the views of Pelagius — forms of opinion
which theie wcro strong reasons to fear
might become the prevailing belief of the
church, and essentially change its cha
racter. About this time, also, the church
was passing into the state in which the Pa
pacy would arise — that dark and gloomy
period in whioh error would spread over
the Christian world, and the true ser
vants of God would retire for a long pe
riod into obscurity. " We are now but
a little way off from the commencement
of that noted period — obscurely hinted
at by Daniel, plainly announced by John
— the twelve hundred and sixty pro
phetic days or years, for which prepara
tions of a very unusual kind, but re
quisite, doubtless, are made. This period
was to form the gloomiest, without ex
ception, in the. annals of the world— the
period of Satan's highest success, and of
the church's greatest depression; and
lest she should become during it utterly
extinct, her members, never so few as
then, were all specially sealed. The
long night passes on, darkening as it
advances ,- but the sealed company are
not visible; they disappear from the
Apocalyptic stage, just as they then dis
appeared from the observation of the
world ; for they fled away to escape the
fire and the dungeons of their persecu
tors, to hide in the hoary caves of the
earth, or to inhabit the untrodden re
gions of the wilderness, or to dwell be
neath the shadow of the Alps, or to enjoy
fellowship with God, emancipated and
unknown, in the deep seclusion and
gloom of some convent." The Seventh
Vial, London, 1848, pp. 27, 28.^— These
facts seem to me to show, with a con
siderable degree of probability, what was
designated by the suspense which occur
red after the opening of the sixth seal —
when the affairs of the world seemed to
bo hastening on to the great catastrophe.
At that period, the prophetic eye sees
the tendency of things suddenly ar
rested ; the winds held back, the church
preserved, and a series of events intro
duced, intended to designate and to save
from the great mass of those who pro-
fessodly constituted the "tribes of Is
rael," a definite, number who should be
in fact the true church of God.
II. The facts, then, to which there is
reference in checking the tendency of
things, and sealing the servants of God,

may have been, the following: — (a) The
preservation of the church from ex
tinction during those calamitous periods
when ruin seemed about to sweep over
the Roman world. Not only as a
matter of fact, was there a suspension
of those impending judgments thai
seemed to threaten the very extinction
of the empire by the invasion of the
Northern hordes (see Notes on ch. vi.),
but there were special acts in favor of
the church, by which these fierce bar
barians appeared not only to be restrain
ed from destroying the' church, but to be
influenced by tenderness and sympathy
for it, as if they were raised up to pre
serve it when Rome had done all it
could to destroy it. It would seem as if
God restrained the rage of these hordes
for the sake of preserving his church ;
as if he had touched their hearts that
they might give to Christians an oppor
tunity to escape in the impending storm.
We may refer here particularly to the
conduct of Alaric, king of tho Goths, in
the attack on Rome already referred to,
and, as usual, we may quote from Mr.
Gibbon, who will not be suspected of a
design to contribute any thing to the
illustration of the Apocalypse: "At the
hour of midnight," says he, (vol. ii. pp
260, 261,) "the Salarian gate was
silently opened, and the inhabitants were
awakened by the tremendous sound of '
the Gothic trumpet. Eleven hundred
and sixty-three, years after the founda
tion of Rome, the imperial city, which
had subdued and civilized so consider
able a part of mankind, was delivered to
the licentious fury of the tribes of Ger
many and Soythia. The proclamation
of Alaric, when he forced his entrance
into the vanquished city, discovered,
however, some regard for the laws of
humanity and religion. He encouraged
his troops boldly to seize the rewards of
valor, and to enrich themselves with the
spoils of a wealthy and effeminate people ;
but he exhorted them, at the same time.
to spare the lives of the unresisting
citizens, and to respect the churches of
the Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, as
holy and inviolable sanctuaries. While
the barbarians roamed through the city
in quest of prey, the humble dwelling of
an aged virgin, who had devoted her life
to tho service of the altar, was forced
open by one of the powerful Goths. He
immediately demanded, though in civil

208

REVELATION,

[A. D.96.

language, all the gold and silver in her
possession; and was astonished at the
readiness with which she conducted him
to a splendid hoard of massy plate, if
the richest materials, and the most
curious workmanship. The barbarian
viewed with wonder and delight this
valuable acquisition, till he was inter
rupted by a serious admonition, ad
dressed to him in the following words :
' These/ said she, ' are the consecrated
vessels belonging to St. Peter; if you
presume to touch them, the sacrilegious
deed will remain on your consciences;
for my part, I dare not keepwhat I am
unable to defend.' The Gethic captain,
struck with reverential awe, despatched
a messenger to inform the king of the
treasure which he had discovered; and
received a peremptory order from Alaric,
that all the Consecrated plate and orna
ments should be transported, without
damage or delay, to the church of the
apostle. From the extremity, perhaps,
of the Quirinal hill, to the distant quarter
of the Vatican, a numerous detachment
of the Goths, marching in order of battle,
through the principal streets, protected,
with glittering arms, the long train of
their devout companions, who bore aloft
on their heads, the sacred vessels of gold
and silver ; and the martial shouts of the
barbarians were mingled with the sound
of religious psalmody. From all the
adjacent houses, a crowd of Christians
hastened to join this edifying procession ;
and a multitude of fugitives, without
distinction of age, or rank, or even of
sect, had the good fortune to escape to
the secure and hospitable sanctuary of
the Vatican." In a note, Mr. Gibbon
adds : " According to Isidore, Alaric
himself was heard to say, that he waged
war with the Romans, and not with the
apostles." He adds also (p. 261), " The
learned work concerning the City of
God, was professedly composed by St
Augustin to justify the ways of Provi
dence in the destruction of the Roman
greatness. He celebrates with peculiar
satisfaction this memorable triumph of
Christ; and insults his adversaries by
challenging them to produce some simi
lar example of a town taken by storm,
in which the fabulous gods of antiquity
had been able to protect either them
selves or their deluded votaries." We
may refer here, also, to that work of
Augustin as illustrating the passage

before us. In B. i., ch. 2, he defends
this position, "That there never was
war in which the conquerors would spare
them whom^they conquered for the gods
they worshipped"— referring particularly
to the sacking of Troy; in ch. 3, he ap
peals to the example of Troy ; in ch. 4,
he appeals to the sanctuary of Juno, in
Troy ; in ch. 5, he shows that the Ro
mans never spared the temples of those
cities which they destroyed; and in
ch. 6, he maintains that the fact that
mercy was shown by the barbarians in
the sacking of Rome, was " through the
power of the name of Jesus Christ." In
illustration of this, he says, " Therefore,
all the spoil, murder, violence, and
affliction, that in this fresh calamity
came upon Rome, were nothing but the
ordinary effects following the custom of
war. But that which was so unaccus
tomed, that the savage nature of the
barbarians should put on a new shape,
and appear so merciful, that it would
make choice of great and spacious
churches, to fill with such as it meant to
show pity on, from which none should
be haled to slaughter or slavery, in
which none should be hurt, to which
many by their courteous foes should be
conducted, and out of which none should
be led into bondage ; this is due to the
name of Christ, this is due to the
Christian profession ; he that seeth not
is blind; he that seeth and praiseth it
not, is unthankful ; he that hinders him
that praiseth it, is mad." City of God,
London, 1620, p. 11. Such a preserva
tion of Christians ; such a suspension of
judgments, when all things seemed to be
on the verge of ruin, would not be inap
propriately represented by winds that
threatened to sweep over the world ; by
the staying of those winds by some re
markable power, as by an angel ; and by
the special interposition which spared
the church in the tumults and terrors
of a siege, and of the sacking of a city.
(6) There may have been a reference to
another class of divine interpositions at
about the same time, to designate the
true servants of God. It has been
already remarked that, from the time
when Constantino took the church under
his patronage, and it became connected
with the state, there was a large acces
sion of nominal professors in the church,
producing a great corruption in regard
to spiritual religion, and an extended

A.. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VII.

209

prevalence of error. Now, thi delay
here referred to, between the opening
of the sixth and seventh seals, may have
referred to the fact that, during this
period, the true doctrines of Christianity
would be vindicated and established in
such a way that the servants of God
would be " sealed" and designated in
contradistinction from the great mass of
the professed followers of Christ, and
from the numerous advocates of error.
From that mass, a certain and definite
number was to be sealed — implying, as
we have seen, that there would be a
selection, or that there would be some
thing which would discriminate them
from the multitudes, as the true ser
vants of God. This is represented by an
angel coming from the east : — the angel
representing the new heavenly influence
coming upon the church ; and the coming
from the east — as the east is the quarter
where the sun arises — denoting that it
came from the source and fountain of
light— that is God. The "sealing"
would denote any thing in this new in
fluence or manifestation which would
mark the true children of God, and
would be appropriately employed to
designate any doctrines which would
keep up true religion in the world;
which would preserve correct views
about God, the way of salvation, and
the nature of true religion, and which
would thus determine where the church
of God really was. If there should be
a tendency in the church to degenerate
into formality ; if the rules of discipline
should be relaxed ; if error should pre
vail as to what constitutes spiritual
religion ; and if there should' be a new
influence at that time which would dis
tinguish those who were the children of
God from those who were not, this would
be appropriately represented i>y the
angel from the east, and by the sealing
of the servants of God. Now, it requires
but a slight knowledge of the history of
the Roman empire, and of the church, at
the period supposed here to be referred
to, to perceive that all this occurred.
There was a large influx of professed
converts. There was a vast increase of
worldliness. There was a wide diffusion
of error. Religion was fast becoming
mere formalism. The true church was
apparently fast verging to ruin. At this
period God raised up distinguished men
—as if they had been angels ascending
18*

from the east — who came as with the
" seal of the living God" — the doctrines
of grace, and just views of spiritual reli
gion — to designate who were, and who
were not the " true servants of God"
among the multitudes who professed to be
his followers. Such were the doctrines of
Athanasius and Augustine — those great
doctrines on which the very existence of
the true church has in all ages depended.
The doctrines thus illustrated and de
fended, were fitted to make a broad line
of distinction between the true church
and the world, and this would be well
represented by the symbol employed
here — for it is by these doctrines that
the true people of God are sealed
and confirmed. On this subject, comp.
Elliott, i. 279-292. The general sense
here intended to be expressed is, that
there was at the period referred to,
after the conversion of Constantine, a
decided tendency to a worldly, formal,
lax kind of religion in the church; a
very prevalent denial of the doctrine of
the Trinity and of the doctrines of grace ;
a lax mode of admitting members to the
church, with little or no evidence of true
conversion; a disposition to attribute
saving grace to the ordinances of religion,
and especially to baptism ; a disposition
to rely on the outward ceremonies of
religion, with little acquaintance with
its spiritual power; and a general break
ing down of the 'barriers between the
church and the world, as there is usually
in a time of outward prosperity, and
especially when the church is connected
with the state. At this time there arose
another set of influences well repre
sented by the angel coming from the
east, and sealing the true servants of
God, in the illustration and confirmation
of the true doctrines of Christianity —
doctrines on which the spirituality of
the church has always depended: — the
doctrines of the Trinity, the atonement,
the depravity of man, regeneration by
the agency of the Holy Spirit, justifica- j
tion by faith, the sovereignty of God, and /
kindred doctrines. Such doctrines have/
in all ages served to determine where
the true church is, and to designate and
"seal"- the servants of the Most High.
(c) This process of " sealing" may be
regarded as continued during the long
night of Papal darkness that was coming
upon the church, when error would
abound, and the religion of forms would

210 REVELATION, [A. D. 96
9 After this! beheld, and lo, a great multitude, which no man

be triumphant. Even then, in places
obscure and unknown, the work of
" sealing" the true servants of God
might be going forward — -for even in
those times of gloomy night there were
those, though comparatively few in
number, who loved the truth, and who
were the real servants of God. The
number of the elect were filling up, for
even in the darkest times there were
those who loved the cause of spiritual
religion, and who bore upon them
the impress of the " seal of the living
God." Such appears to have been the
intent of this sealing vision : — a staying
of the desolation that, in various forms,
was sweeping over the world, in order
that the true church might be safe,
and that a large number, from all parts
of the church, might be sealed and
designated as the true servants of God.
The winds, that blowed from all quar
ters, were stayed as if by mighty angels.
A new influence, from the great source
of light, came in to designate those who
were the true servants of the Most High,
as if an angel had come from the rising
sun with the seal of the living God, to
impress it on their foreheads. A selec
tion was made out of a church filling up
with formalists, and in which the true
doctrines of spiritual religion were fast
fading away, of those who could be
designated as the true servants of God.
By their creed, and their lives, and their
spirit, and their profession, they could
le designated as the true servants of
God, as if a visible mark was impressed
on their foreheads. This selection was
confined to no place, no class, no tribe,
no denomination. It was taken from
the whole of Israel, in such numbers that
it oould be seen that none of the tribes
were excluded from the honor, but that,
wherever the true spirit of religion was,
God was acknowledging these tribes —
or churches — as his, and there he was
gathering a people to himself. This
would be long continued, until new
scenes would open, and the eye would
rest on other developments in the series
of symbols, revealing the glorious host
of the redeemed emerging from dark
ness, and in countless numbers triumph
ing before tho throne.
9. After this. Gr., " After those

things — yicra ravra',- — that is, after I
saw these things thus represented, I had
another vision . This would undoubtedly
imply, not only that he saw these things
after he had seen the sealing of the hun
dred and forty-four thousand, but that
they would occur subsequently to that
But he does not state whether they
would immediately occur, or whether
other things might not intervene. As a
matter of fact, the vision seems to be
transferred from earth to heaven — for
the multitudes which he saw appeared
"before the throne" (ver. 9); that is,
before the throne of God in heaven.
The design seems to be to carry the
mind forward quite beyond the storms
and tempests of earth — the scenes of
woe and sorrow — the days of error, dark
ness, declension and persecution — to that
period when the church should be tri
umphant in heaven. Instead, therefore;
of leaving the impression that the hun
dred and forty-four thousand would be
all that would be saved, the eye is
directed to an innumerable host gather
ed from all ages, all climes, and all
people, triumphant in glory. The mul
titude that John thus saw was not,
therefore, I apprehend, the same as the
hundred and forty-four thousand, but •
far greater number — the whole assen>
bled host of the redeemed in heaven.
gathered there as victors, with palm-
branches, the symbols of triumph, in
their hands. The object of the vision is
to cheer those who are desponding in
times of religious declension and in sea
sons of persecution, and when the num
ber of true Christians seems to be small,
with the assurance that an immense
host shall be redeemed from our world,
and be gathered triumphant before the
throne, ^f / beheld. That is, he saw
them before the throne. The vision is
transferred from earth to heaven ; from
the contemplation of the scene when
desolation seemed to impend over the
world, and when comparatively few in
number were " sealed" as the servants
of God, to the time when the redeemed
would be triumphant, and when a host
whioh no man can number would stand
before God. *J And lo. Indicating sur
prise. A vast host burst upon the view.
Instead of the comparatively few who

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VII.

211

could number, of " all nations, and
kindreds, and people, and tongues,

were sealed, an innumerable company
were presented to his vision, and sur
prise was the natural effect. If A great
multitude. Instead of the comparatively
small number on which the attention
had been fixed. ^f Which no mail could
number. The number was so great that
no one could count them, and John,
therefore, did not attempt to do it This
is such a statement as one would make
who should have a view of all, the re
deemed in heaven. It would- appear to
be a number beyond all power of compu
tation. This representation is in strong
contrast with a very common opinion
that only a few will be saved. The repre
sentation in the Bible is, that immense
hosts of the human race will be saved;
and though vast numbers will be lost,
and though at any particular period of
the world hitherto it may seem that few
_ have been in the path to life, yet we have
every reason to believe that, taking the
race at large, and estimating it as a
whole, a vast majority of the whole will
be brought to heaven. For the true
religion is yet to spread; all over the
world, and perhaps for many, many
thousands of years, piety is to be
as prevalent as sin has been ; and in that
long and happy time of the world's his
tory we may hope that the numbers of
the saved may surpass all who have been
lost in past periods, beyond any power
of computation. See Notes on ch. xx.
3-6. ^f Of all nations. Not only of
Jews ; not only of the nations which in
the time of the sealing vision had em
braced the gospel, but of all the nations
of the earth. This implies two things :
(a) that the gospel would be preached
among all nations; and (b) that even
when it was thus preached to them they
would keep up their national charac
teristics. There can be no hope of
blending all the nations of the earth
under one visible sovereignty. They
may all be subjected to the spiritual
reign of the Redeemer, but still there is
no reason to suppose that they will not
have their distinct organizations and
laws. ^f And kindreds — tbvXwv. This
word properly refers to those who are
descended from a common ancestry, and
hence denotes a race, lineage, kindred.

stood before the, throne, and before
a Ro. 11.25; c. 5. 9.

It was applied to the tribes of Israel, as
derived from the same ancestor, and for
the same reason might be applied to a
clan, and thence to any division in a
nation, or to a nation itself — properly
retaining the notion that it was de
scended from a common ancestor. Here
it would seem to refer to a smaller class
than a nation — the different clans of
which a nation might be composed.
^ And people — Xadv. This word refers
properly to a people or community as a
mass, without reference to its origin or
any of its divisions. The former word
would be used by one who should look
upon a nation as made up of portions of
distinct languages, clans, or families;
this word would be used by one who
should look on such an assembled people
as a mere mass of human beings, with
no reference to their difference of clan-.
ship, origin, or language, ^f And tongues.
Languages. This word would refer also
to the inhabitants of the earth, con-
sidered with respect to the fact that they
speak different languages. The use of
particular languages does not designate
the precise boundaries of nations — for
often many people speaking different
languages are united as one nation, and
often those who speak the same language
constitute distinct nations. The view,
therefore, with which one would look
upon the dwellers on the earth, in the
use of the word tongues or languages,
would be, not as divided into nations ;
not with , reference to their lineage or
clanship ; and not as a mere mass with
out reference to any distinction, but as
divided by speech. The meaning of the
whole is, that persons from all parts of
the earth, as contemplated in these
points of view, would be among the re
deemed. Comp. Notes on I)an. iii. 4,
iv. 1. f Stood before the throne. The
throne of God. See Notes on ch. iv. 2.
The throne is there represented as set
up in heaven, and the vision here is a
vision of what will occur in heaven. It
is designed to carry the thoughts beyond
all the scenes of conflict, strife, and per
secution, on earth, to the time when the
church shall be triumphant in glory —
when all storms shall have passed
by ; when all persecutions should have

212

REVELATION,

[A.D.96,

the Lamb, clothed ° with white
robes, and palms b in their hands ;
10 And cried e with a loud voice,
a c. 6. 11. b Le. 23. 40. c Zee. 4. 7.

ceased; when all revolutions shall
have occurred; when all the elect — not
only the hundred and forty-four thou
sand Sf the sealed, hut of all nations
and times — shall have been gathered in.
There was a beautiful propriety in this
vision. John saw the tempests stayed,
as by the might of angels. He saw a
new influence and power that would
seal the true servants of God. But,
those tempests were stayed only for a
time, and there were more awful visions
in reserve than any which had been ex
hibited — visions of woe and sorrow, of
¦persecution and of death. It was ap
propriate, therefore, just at this moment
of calm suspense — of delayed judgments
— to suffer the mind to rest on the tri
umphant close of the whole in heaven,
when a countless host would be gathered
there with palms in their hands, uniting
with angels in the worship of God. The
mind, by the contemplation of this beau
tiful vision, would - be" refreshed and
strengthened for the disclosure of the
awful scenes which were to occur on the
sounding of the trumpets under the
seventh seal. The simple idea is, that,
amidst the storms and tempests of life —
scenes of existing or impending trouble
and wrath — it is well to let the eye rest
on the scene of the final triumph, when
innumerable hosts of the redeemed shall
stand before God, and when sorrow
shall be known no more. ^[ And before
the Lamb. In the midst of the throne —
in heaveu. See Notes on ch. v. 6.
*[[ Clothed with white robes. The em
blems of innocence or righteousness,
uniformly represented as the raiment
of the inhabitants of heaven. See Notes
on ch. iii. 4, vi. 11. ^[ And palms in their
hands. Emblems of victory. Branches
of the palm-tree were carried by the
victors in the athletic contests of Greece
and Rome, and in triumphal processions.
See Notes on Matt. xxi. 8. The palm-
tree — straight, elevated, majestic — was
an appropriate emblem of triumph. The
portion of it which was borne in victory
was the long leaf which shoots out from
the top of the tree. Comp. Notes on
Isa. iii. 26. See Esohenberg, Manual of

saying, Salvation d to our God which
sitteth upon the throne, and unto
the Lamb. d Isa. 43. 11. c. 19. 1.

Glass. Lit. p. 243, and Lev. xxiii. 40 :
" And ye shall take on the first day, the
houghs of goodly trees, branches of palm-
trees," &c. So in the Saviour's tri
umphal entry into Jerusalem, (John xii.
13), " On the next day much people —
took branches of palm-trees, and went
forth to meet him, and cried, Hosanna."
10. And cried with a loud voice. Comp.
Zech. iv. 7. This is expressive of tho
greatness of their joy; the ardor and
earnestness of their praise. ^ Salvation
to our God. The word rendered salva
tion — manjpia — means properly safety,
deliverance, preservation; then welfare
or prosperity; then victory; then, in a
Christian sense, deliverance from punish
ment and admission to eternal life.
Here the idea seems to he that their
deliverance from sin, danger, persecu
tion, and death, was to be ascribed solely
to God. It cannot be meant, as the
words would seem to imply, that they
desired that God might have salvation;
but the sense is, that their salvation was
to be attributed entirely to him. — This
will undoubtedly be the song of the re
leased forever, and all who reach the
heavenly world will feel that they owe
their deliverance from eternal death,
and their admission to glory, wholly to
him. Prof. Robinson (Lex.) renders the
word here, victory. The fair meaning is,
that whatever is included in the word
salvation will be due to God alone — the
deliverance from sin, danger and death ;
the triumph over every foe; the resur
rection from the grave ; the rescue from
eternal burnings ; the admission to a
holy heaven, — victory in all that that
word implies will be due to God.
^f Which sitteth upon the throne. Notes
ch. iv. 2. ^f And unto the Lamb. Notes
ch. v. 6. God the Father, and He who-
is the Lamb of God, alike claim the ho
nor of salvation. It is observable here
that the redeemed ascribe their salva
tion to the Lamb as well as to him who
is on the throne. Could they do this if
he who is referred to as the c Lamb1 were
a mere man ? Could they if he were an
angel ? Could they if be were not equal
with tho Father? I»n those who are in

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTEB VII.

213

11 And all the angels stood
round about the throne, and about
the elders and the four beasts, and
,fell before the throne on their faces.
and worshipped God,
12 Saying, ° Amen: Blessing,
a Jude 25. c. 5. 13, 14.
heaven worship a creature? Will they
unite a created being with the anointed
One in acts of solemn adoration and
praise ?
11. And all the angels stood round
about the throne. Notes ch. v. 11. ^f And
about the elders. Notes ch. ir. i. ^[ And
the four beasts. Notes ch. iv. 6. The
meaning is, that the angels stood in the
outer circle, or outside of the elders and
the four living creatures. The redeemed,
it is manifest, occupied the inner circle,
and were near the throne, though their
precise location is not mentioned. The
angels sympathize with the church re
deemed and triumphant, as they did
with the church in its conflicts and
trials, and they now appropriately unite
with that church in adoring and praising
God. They see, in that redemption, new
displays of' the character of God, and
they rejoice that that church is rescued
from its troubles, and is now brought
triumphant to heaven. *jf And fell before
the throne on their faces. The usual posi
tion of profound adoration. Ch. iv. 10,
v. 8. ^f And worshipped God. Notes ch.
v. 11, 12.
12. Saying, Amen. See Notes on ch. i„
7. The word Amen here is a word
strongly affirming the truth of what is
said, or expressing bearty assent to it.
It may be uttered, as expressing this,
either in the beginning or end of a sen
tence. Thus, wills are commonly com
menced, 'In the name of God, Amen.'
^f Blessing, and glory, Ac. Substantially
the same ascription of praise occurs in
ch. v. 12. See Notes on that verse. The
general idea is, that the highest kind of
praise is to be ascribed to God ; — every
thing; excellent in character is to be at
tributed to him ; every blessing which is
received is to be traced to him. — The
order of the words, indeed, is changed,
but the sense is substantially the same.
In the former case (ch. v. 12) the ascrip
tion of praise is to the Lamb — the Son
of God ; here it is to God. In both in-

and glory, and wisdom, and thanks
giving, and honor, and power, and
might, be unto our God for ever and
ever. Amen.
13 And one of the elders an
swered, saying unto me, What are
these which are arrayed in white
robes ? and whence came they ?

stances, the worship is described as ren
dered in heaven ; and the u^e of the
language shows that God and the Lamb
are regarded in heaven as entitled to
equal praise. The only words found
here which do not occur in ch. v. 12, are
thanksgiving and might — words which
require ho particular explanation.
13. And one of the elders. See Notes
on ch. iv. 4. That is, as there under
stood, one of the representatives of the
church before the throne, ^f Answered.
The word answer with us means to reply
to something which has been said. In
the Bible, however, the word is not un-
frequently used in the beginning of a
speech, where nothing has been said —
as if it were a reply to something that
might be said on the subject j or to some
thing that is passing through the mind
of another ; or to something in the case
under consideration which suggests an
inquiry. Comp. Isa. Ixv. 24; Dan. ii. 26;
Acts v. 8. Thus it is used here. John
was looking on the host, and reflecting on
the state of things; and to the train of
thought passing through his mind the
angel answered by an enquiry as to a
part of that host. Prof. Stuart renders
it, accosted me. *J What are these which
are arrayed in white robes ? Who are
these? The object evidently is, to bring
the case of these persons more particu
larly into view. The vast host with
branches of palm had attracted the at
tention of John, but it was the object of
the speaker to turn his thoughts to a
particular part of the host — the martyrs
who stood among them. He would seem,
therefore, to have turned to a particular
portion of the immense multitude of the
redeemed, and by an emphasis on the
Word these — ' Who are these' — to have
fixed the eye upon them. All those
who are before the throne are repre
sented as clothed in whit^ robes (ver. 9),
but the eye might be directed to a par
ticular part of them as grouped together,
and as having something peculiar liv

214

REVELATION,

[A.D.;96

14 And I said unto him, Sir,
Shou knowest. And he said to me,
These are they which came out of
a Jno. 16. 33. c. 6. 9.
their position or appearance.- — There was
a propriety in thus directing the mind of
John to the martyrs as triumphing in
heaven, in a time when the churches
were suffering persecution, and in view
of the vision which he had had of times
of darkness and calamity coming upon
the world at the opening of the sixth
seal. Beyond all the scenes of sorrow
and grief, he was permitted to see the
martyrs triumphing in heaven. ^ Ar
rayed in white robes. Notes ver. 9. ^ And
whence came they? The object is to fix
the attention more distinctly on what is
said of them, that they came up out of
great tribulation.
.14. And I said unto him, Sir, thou
knotoest. The word sir in this place —
Kvpu — Lord — is a form of respectful ad
dress, such as would be used when speak
ing to a superior. Gen. xliii. 20; Matt.
xiii. 27, xxi. 30, xxvii. 63 ; John iv. 11, 15,
19, 49, v. 7, xii. 21, xx. 15. The simple
meaning of the phrase Hhou knowest/
is, that he who had asked the question
must be better informed than he to
whom he had proposed it. It is on the
part of John a modest confession that he
did not know, or could not be presumed
to know, and at the same time the re
spectful utterance of an opinion that he
who addressed this question to him'must
be in possession of this knowledge.
^ And he said unto me. Not offended
with the reply, and ready, as he had
evidently intended to do, to give him the
information which he needed. ^ These
are they which came out of great tribula
tion. The word rendered tribulation —
$\tyts — is a word of general character,
meaning affliction, though perhaps there
is here an allusion to persecution. The
sense, however, would be better ex
pressed by the phrase great trials. The
object seems to have been to set before
the mind of the apostle a view of those
who had suffered much, and who by
their sufferings had been sanctified and
prepared for heaven, in order to encou
rage those who might be yet called to
Buffer. ^[ And have washed their robes.
To «it,in the blood of the Lamb. ^ And
made thevt white in the blood of the I

great tribulation, ° and have wash
ed b their robes, and made them
white in the blood c of the Lamb.
6 1 Co. 6. 11. He. 9. 14. c 1 Jno. 1. 7. c. 1* 5.
Lamb. There is some incongruity in
saying that they had made them white in
the blood of the Lamb; and the meaning,
therefore, must be, that they had cleansed
or purified them in that blood. Under
the ancient ritual, various things about
the sanctuary were cleansed from cere
monial defilement, by the sprinkling of
blood on them — the blood of sacrifice.
In accordance with that usage the
blood of the Lamb — of the Lord Jesus — -
is said to cleanse and purify. John
sees a great company with white robes.
The means by which it is said they
became white or pure is the blood of
the. Lamb. It is not said that they
were made white as the result of their
sufferings or their afflictions, hut by the
blood of the Lamb. The course of
thought here is such that it would be
natural to suppose that, if at any time
the great deeds or the sufferings of the
saints could contribute to the fact that
they will wear white robes in heaven,
this is an occasion on which there might
be such a reference. But there is no
allusion to that. It is not by their own
sufferings and trials ; their persecutions
and sorrows, that they are made holy,
but by the blood of the Lamb that had
been shed for sinners. This reference to
the blood of the Lamb, is one of the in
cidental proofs that occur so frequently
in the Scriptures, of the reality of the
atonement. It could be only in allusion
to that, and with an implied belief in
that, that the blood of the Lamb could
be referred to as cleansing the robes of
the saints in heaven. If he shed his
blood 'merely as other men have done;
if he died only as a martyr, what pro
priety would there have been in referring
to his blood more than to the blood of
any other martyr ? And what influenee
could, the blood of any martyr have in
cleansing the robes of the saints in hea
ven ? The fact is, that if that were all,
such language would be unmeaning. It
is never used except in connexion with
the blood of Christ; and the language
of the Bible everywhere is such as would
ho employed on the supposition that ho
shed his blood to make expiation for sin,

A; D. 96.]

CHAPTER VII,.

215

15 Therefore are they before the
throne of God, and serve him day
and night in his temple : and he
that sitteth on the throne shall
dwell * among them.
a c. 21. 3, 4.

and on no other supposition: On the
general meaning of the language used
here, and the sentiment expressed, see
Notes on Heb. ix, 14, and I. John i. 7.
15. Therefore are they before the throne
of God. The reason why they are there
is to be traced to the fact that the Lamb
shed his blood to make expiation for
sin. No other reason can be given why
any one of the human race is in heaven;
and that is reason enough why any of
that race are there, ^f And serve him
day and night in his temple. That is,
continually or constantly. Bay and
night constitute the whole of time, and
this expression, therefore, denotes con
stant and uninterrupted sereice. On
earth, toil is suspended by the return of
night, and the* service of God is inter
mitted by the necessity of rest ; in hea
ven, as there will be no weariness, there
will be no need of intermission, and the
Bervice of God, varied doubtless to meet
the state of the mind, will be continued
forever. — The phrase " to serve him in
his temple," refers undoubtedly to hea
ven, regarded as the temple or holy
dwelling-place of God. See Notes on ch.
i. 6. If And he that sitteth on the throne.
God. Notes ch.iv. 2. ^f Shall dwell among
them — ff/cijviio-a. This word properly
means, to tent, to pitch a tent ; and, in
the New Testament, to dwell as in tents.
The meaning, here is, that God would
dwell among them as in a tent, or would
have his abode with them. Perhaps the
allusion is to the tabernacle in the wil
derness. That was regarded as the pe
culiar dwelling-place of God, and that
always occupied a central place among
the tribes of Israel. So in heaven —
there will be the consciousness always
that God dwells there among his people,
and that the redeemed are gathered
around him in his own house. Prof.
Stuart renders this, it seems to me w. ^
less beauty and propriety, " will spread
his tent over them," as meaning that he
would receive them into intimate con
nection and union with him, and offer
them his protection. Comp. ch. xxi. 3.

16 They shall hunger * no moro,
neither thirst any more; neither
shall the sun light on them, nor
any heat.c

b Is. 49. 10.

c Ps. 121. 6; Is. 4. 6.

16. They shall hunger no more. A con
siderable portion of the redeemed who
will be there, were, when on the earth,
subjected to the evils of famine ; many
who perished with hunger. In heaven,
they will be subjected to that evil no
more, for there will be no want that will
not be supplied. The bodies which the
redeemed will have — spiritual bodies
(1 Cor. xv. 44) — will doubtless be such as
will be nourished in some other way than
by food, if they require any nourish
ment; and whatever that nourishment
may be, it will be fully supplied. The
passage here is taken from Isa. xlix. 10 :
"They shall not hunger nor thirst;
neither shall the heat nor sun smite
them." See Notes on that passage.
^f Neither thirst any more. As multi
tudes of the redeemed have been sub
jected to the evils of hunger, so have
multitudes also been subjected to the
pains of thirst. In prison ; in pathless
deserts ; in times of drought, when wells
and fountains were dried up, they have
suffered from this cause — a cause pro
ducing as intense suffering perhaps as
any that man endures. Comp. Ex. xvii.
3 ; Lam. iv. 4; 2 Cor. xi. 21; Ps. Ixiii. 1.
It is easy to conceive of persons suffer
ing so intensely from thirst that the
highest vision of felicity would be such
a promise as that in the words before
us— " neither thirst any more." *J Nei
ther shall the sun light on them. It
is hardly necessary, perhaps, to say, that
the word light here does not mean to
enlighten, to give light to, to shine on.
The Greek is — nion — fall on, and the
reference probably is, to the intense and
burning heat of the sun, commonly called
a sunstroke. Excessive heat of the sun,
causing great pain or sudden death, is
not a very uncommon thing among us,
and must have been more common in
the warm climates and burning sands of
the countries in the vicinity of Pales
tine. The meaning here is, that in
heaven they would be free from this
calamity, ^f Nor any heat. In isb.
xlix. 10, from which place this is quoted,

216

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

17 For the Lamb, which is in
the midst of the throne, shall "feed
ihem, and shall lead them unto
a Ps. 23. 1, 2, 5; 36. 8; Is. 40. 11.
the expression is yw — sharab, proper
ly denoting heat or burning, and par
ticularly the mirage, the excessive heat
of a sandy desert producing a vapor
which has a striking resemblance to
water, and which often misleads the un
wary traveller by its deceptive appear
ance. See Notes on Isa. xxxv. 7. The
expression here is equivalent to intense
heat, and the meaning is, that in heaven
the redeemed will not be subjected to
any such suffering as the traveller often
experiences in the burning sands of the
desert. The language would convey a
most grateful idea to those who had
been subjected to these sufferings, and
is one form of saying that, in heaven,
the redeemed will be delivered from the
ills which they suffer in this life. Per
haps the whole image here is that of
travellers who have been on a long
journey, exposed to hunger and thirst,
wandering in the burning sands of the
desert, and exposed to the fiery rays of
the sun, at length reaching their quiet
and peaceful home, where they would
find safety and abundance. The be
liever's journey from earth to heaven is
such a pilgrimage.
17. For the Lamb, which is in the
midst of the throne. Notes, eh. v. 6.
He is still the great agent in promoting
the happiness of the redeemed in hea
ven. <j Shall feed them. Bather, shall
exercise over them the office of a shep
herd- — -iroiftavti. This includes much
more than mere feeding. It embraces
all the care which a shepherd takes of
his flock — watching them, providing
for them, guarding them from danger.
Comp. Ps. xxiii. 1, 2, 5, xxxvi. 8. See
this fully illustrated in the Notes on
Isa. xl. 11. ^f And shall lead them unto
living fountains of waters. Living foun
tains refer to running streams, as con
trasted with standing water and stag
nant pools. See Notes on John iv. 10.
The allusion is undoubtedly to the hap
piness of heaven, represented as fresh
and ever-flowing, like streams in the
desert. No image of happiness, perhaps,
is more vivid, or would be more striking

living fountains of waters : and
God shall wipe * away all tears
from their eyes. » Is. 29. 8.

to an Oriental, than that of such foun
tains flowing in sandy and burning
wastes. The word living here must
refer to the fact that that happiness
will be perennial. These fountains
will always bubble; these streams will
never dry up. The thirst for salvation
will always be gratified; the soul will
always be made happy. ^ And God
shall wipe away all tears from their eyes.
This is a new image of happiness taken
from another place in Isaiah (ch. xxv. 8),
" The Lord God will wipe away tears
from off all faces." The expression is one
of exquisite tenderness and beauty. The
poet Burns said that he could never read
this without being affected to weeping.
Of all the negative descriptions of hea
ven, there is no one perhaps that would
be better adapted to produce consola
tion than this. This is a world of weep
ing — a vale of tears. Philosophers have
sought a brief definition of man, and
have sought in vain. "Would there be
any better description of him, as repre
senting the reality of his condition here,
than to say that he is one who weeps?
Who is there of the human family that
has not shed a tear ? Who that has not
>wept over the grave of a friend; over
his own losses and cares ; over his disap
pointments ; over the treatment he has
received from others; over his sins;
over the follies, vices, and woes of his
fellow-men ? And what a change would
it make in our world if it could be said
that henceforward not another tear
would be shed ; not a head would ever
be bowed again in grief! Yet, this is
to be the condition of heaven. In that
world there is to be no pain, no disap
pointment, no bereavement. No friend
is to lie in dreadful agony on a sick bed ;
no grave is to be opened to receive a
parent, a wife, a child ; no gloomy pros
pect of death is to draw tears of sorrow
from the eyes. To that blessed world,
when our eyes run down with tears, are
we permitted to look forward ; and the
prospect of such a world should con
tribute to wipe away our tears here- for
all our sorrows will soon be over. As
already remarked, there was a beautiful

A. D. 96.J

CHAPTER VIII.

211

propriety, at a time when such cala
mities impended over the church and
the world ; when there was such a
certainty of persecution and sorrow ; in
permitting the tnind to rest on the con
templation of these happy scenes in
heaven, where all the redeemed, in
white robes, and with palms of victory in
their hands, would be gathered before
the throne. To us, also, now, amidst
the trials of the present life - - when
friends leave us ; when sickness comes ;
when our hopes are blasted; when
calumnies and reproaches come upon
us ; when, standing on the verge of the
grave, and looking down into the cold
tomb, the eyes pour forth floods of tears
— it is a blessed privilege to be per
mitted to look forward to that brighter
scene in heaven, where not a pang shall
ever bo folt, and not a tear shall ever
be shed. CHAPTER VIII.
ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.
One seal of the mysterious roll (ch. v.
1), remains to be broken — six having
already disclosed the oontents of the vo
lume relating to the future. It was na
tural that the opening of the seventh,
and the last, should be attended with
circumstances of peculiar solemnity, as
being all that remained in this volume
to be unfolded, and as the events thus
far had been evidently preparatory to
some great catastrophe. It would have
been natural to expect that, like the six
former, this seal would have been opened
at onoe, and would have disclosed all that
was to happen at one view. But, instead
of that, the opening of this seal is fol
lowed by a series, of events, seven also
in number, which succeed each other,
represented by new symbols— the blow
ing of as many successive trumpets.
These circumstances retard the course
of the action, and fix the mind on a new
order of events — events which could be
appropriately grouped together, and
which, for some reason, might be thus
more properly represented than they
could be in so many successive seals.
What was the reason of this arrange
ment will be more readily seen on an
examination of the particular events
referred to in the successive trumpet-
blasts. The points in the chapter are the fol
lowing : —
19

1. The opening of the seventh seal,
ver. 1. This is attended, not with an
immediate exhibition of the eyents which
are to occur, as in the case of the former
seals, but with a solemn silence in hea
ven for the space of half an hour. The
reason of this silence, apparently, is
found in the solemn nature of the events
which are anticipated. At the opening
of the sixth seal (ch. vi. 12, seq.) the
grand catastrophe of the world's history
seemed about to occur. This had been
suspended for a.time as if by the power
of angels holding the winds and the
storm (ch. vii), and now it was natural
to expect that there would be a series of
overwhelming calamities. In view of
these apprehended terrors, the inhabi
tants of heaven are represented as stand
ing in awful silence, as if anticipating
and apprehending what was to occur.
This circumstance adds much to the in
terest of the scene, and is a forcible
illustration of the position which the
mind naturally assumes in the anticipa
tion of dreaded events. Silence — solemn
and awful silence — is the natural State
of the mind under such circumstances.—
In accordance with this expectation of
what was to come, a series of new repre
sentations is introduced, adapted to pre
pare the mind for the Fearful disclosures
which are yet to be made.
2. Seven angels appear, on the open
ing of the seal, to whom are given
seven trumpets, as if they were ap
pointed to perform an important part in
introducing the series of events which
was to follow, ver. 2.
3. As a still farther preparation, an
other angel is introduced, standing at
the altar with a golden' censer, vs. 3-5.
He is represented as engaged in a solemn
act of worship, offering incense and the
prayers of the saints before the throne.
This unusual representation seems to be
designed to denote that some extraordi
nary events were to occur, making it pro
per that incense should ascend, and
prayer be offered, to deprecate the wrath
of God. After the offering of the in
cense, and the prayers, the angel takes
the eenser and casts it to the earth, and
the effect is that there are voices, and
thunderings, and lightnings, and an
earthquake. All these would seem to
be symbolical of the fearful events which
are to follow. — The silence ; the in
cense-offering ; the prayers ; the fearful

218

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

agitations produced by the casting of the
eenser upon the earth, as if the prayer
was not heard, and as if the offering of
the incense did not avail to turn away
the impending wrath, all are appropriate
symbols to introduce the series of fearful
calamities which were coming upon the
world on the sounding of the trumpets.
4. The first angel sounds, ver. 7. Hail
and fire follow, mingled with blood.
The third part of the trees and of the
green grass — that is, of the vegetable
world — is consumed.
5. The second angel sounds, vs. 8, 9.
A great burning mountain is cast into
the sea, and the third part of the sea
becomes blood, and a third part of all
that is in the sea — fishes and ships — is
destroyed. 6. The third angel sounds, vs. 10, 11.
A great star, burning like a lamp, falls
from heaven upon a third part of the
rivers, and upon the fountains of waters,
and the waters become bitter, and mul
titudes of people die from drinking the
waters. 7. The fourth angel sounds, ver. 12.
The calamity falls on the sources of
light — the sun, the moon, and the stars,
and the third part of the light is ex
tinguished, and for the third part of the
day there is no light, and for the third
part of the night also there is no light.
8. At this stage of things, after the
sounding of the four trumpets, there is
a pause, and an angel flies through the
midst of heaven, thrice crying wo, by
reason of the remaining trumpets which
are to sound, ver. 13. Here would seem
to be some natural interval, or something
which would separate the events which
had occurred from those which were to
follow. These four, from some cause,
are grouped together, and are distin
guished from those which are to follow —
as if the latter appertained to a new class
of events, though under the same general
group introduced by the opening of the
seventh seal.
A few general remarks are naturally
suggested by the analysis of the chap
ter, which may aid us in its exposition
and application.
(a) These events, in their order, un
doubtedly succeed those which are refer..
red to under the opening of the first six
seals. They are a continuation of the
series which is to ocour in the history of
the world. It has been supposed by

some that the events here symbolized are
substantially the same as those already
referred to under the first six seals, or
that, at the opening of the sixth seal,
there is a catastrophe, and, one series
being there concluded, the writer, by a
new set of symbols, goes back to the
same point of time, and passes over the
same period by a new and parallel set
of symbols. But this is manifestly con
trary to the whole design. At the first (ch.
v. 1), a volume was exhibited sealed with
seven seals, the unrolling of which would
manifestly develop successive events, and
the whole of which would embrace all
the events which were to be disclosed.
When all these seven seals were broken,
and the contents of that volume were
disclosed, there might indeed be another
set of symbols going over the same
ground with another design, or giving a
representation of future events in some
other point of view ; but clearly the se
ries should hot be broken until the whole
seven seals are opened, nor should it be
supposed that there is, in the opening of
the same volume, an arresting of the
course of events, in order to go back again
to the same beginning. The represent
ation in this series of symbols is liko
drawing out a telescope. A telescope
might be divided into seven parts, as
well as into the usual number, and the
drawing out of the seventh part, for ex
ample, might be regarded as a represent
ation of the opening of the seventh seal.
But, the seventh part, instead of being one
unbroken piece like the other six, might
be so constructed as to be subdivided
into seven minor parts, each represent
ing a smaller portion of the seventh part
In such a case, the drawing out of the
seventh division would succeed that of
the others, and would be designed to re
present a subsequent order of events.
(6) There was some reason, manifestly,
why these seven last events, or the se
ries represented by the seven trumpets,
should be grouped together, as coming
under the same general classification.
They were sufficiently distinct to make
it proper to represent them by different
symbols, and yet they had so much of
the same general character as to make
it proper to group them together. If
this had not been so, it would have been
proper to represent them by a succession
of seals extending to thirteen in number,
instead of representing six seals in sue-

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VIII.

219

A

CHAPTER VIII.
ND when he had opened the
seventh seal," there was silence

cession, and then, under the seventh, a
new series extending also to the number
seven. In the fulfilment, it will be pro
per to look for some events which have
some such .natural connexion and bear
ing that, for some reason, they can be
classed together, and yet so distinct that,
under the same general symbol of the
seal, they can be represented under the
particular symbol of the trumpets.
(c) For some reason, there was a fur
ther distinction between the events re
presented by the first four trumpets, and
those which were to follow. There was
some reason why they should be more
particularly grouped together, and placed
in close connexion, and why there should
be an interval (eh. viii. 13) before the
other trumpet should sound. In the ful
filment of this, we should naturally look
for such an order of events as would be
designated by four successive symbols,
and then for such a change, in some re
spects, as to make an interval proper,
and a proclamation of wo, before the
Bounding of the other three, ch. viii. 13.
Then, it would be natural to look for
such events as could properly be grouped
under the three remaining symbols — the
three succeeding trumpets.
(d) It is natural, as already intimated,
to suppose that the entire group would
extend, in some general manner at least,
to the consummation of all things ; or,
that there would be, under the last one,
a reference to the consummation of all
things — tbe end of the world. The reason
for this has already been given, that tbe
apostle saw a volume (ch. v. 1.), which
contained a sealed account of the future,
and it is natural to suppose that there
would be a reference to the great leading
events which were to occur in the history
of the church and of the world. This
natural anticipation is confirmed by the
events disclosed under the sounding of
the seventh trumpet (ch. xi. 15, seq.),
"And the seventh angel sounded; and
there were great voices in heaven, say
ing, The kingdoms of this world are be
come the kingdoms of our Lord, and of
his Christ, and he shall reign forever
and ever. And the four and twenty
elders which sat before God on their
seats, fell upon their faces, and worship-

in heaven about the space of half
an hour.

a e. 5. 1.

ped God, saying, We give thee thanks,
0 Lord, God Almighty, which art, and
wast, and art to come; because thou
hast taken thy great power, and hast
reigned," &a. At all events, this would
lead us on to the final triumph of
Christianity — to the introduction of
the millenium of glory — to the period
when the Son of God should reign on
the earth. — After that (ch. xi. 19, seq.),
a new series of visions commences, dis
closing, through the same periods of
history, a new view of the church to the
time also of its final triumph : — the
churoh internally ; the rise of antichrist,
and the effect of the rise of this formi
dable power. See the Analysis of the
Book, Part Fifth.
1. And when he had opened the seventh
seal. See Notes on eh. v. 1. ^ There
was silence in heaven. The whole scene
of the vision is laid in heaven (ch. iv.), and
John represents things as they seem to
be passing there. The meaning here is,
that on the opening of this seal, instead
of voices, thunderings, tempests, as per
haps was expected from the character of
the sixth seal (ch.'vi. 12, seq.), and which
seemed only to have been suspended for
a time (oh. vii.), there was an awful still
ness, as if all heaven was reverently
waiting for the development. Of course,
this is a symbolical representation, and
is designed not to represent a pause in
the events themselves, but only the im
pressive and fearful nature of the events
which are now to be disclosed, ^f About
the space of half an hour. He did not
profess to designate the time exactly. It
was a brief period — yet a period whioi
in such circumstances would appear to
belong — about half an hour. The word
here used — nut&piov — does not occur
elsewhere in the New Testament. It is
correctly rendered half an hour, and as
the day was divided into twelve parts
from the rising to the setting of the sun,
the time designated would not vary
much from half an hour with us. Of
course, therefore, this denotes a brief
period. In a state, however, of anxious
suspense, the moments would seem to
move slowly ; and to see the exact force
of this, we are to reflect on the scenes
represented — the successive opening of

220

**JYELATION,

[A. D. 96.

2 And I saw the seven angels
A Lu. i. 19. 6 2 Oh. 29. 25-28.

*eals disclosing most important events —
^creasing in interest as each new one
Yas opened ; the course of events which
veemed to be leading to the consumma
tion of all things, arrested after the open
ing of the sixth seal ; and now the last in
the series to be opened, disclosing what
f;he affairs of the world would be at the
consummation of all things. John looks
on this; and in this state of suspense, the
half hour may have seemed an age. — "We
'ire not, of course, to suppose that the
nilence in heaven is produced by the
•Character of the events which are now
io follow — for they are as yet unknown.
\t is caused by what, from the nature of
he previous disclosures, was naturally
pprehended, and by the fact that this
\i the last of the series] — the finishing
f the mysterious volume. This seems
o me to be the obvious interpretation of
his passage, though there has been here,
-s in other parts of the book of Revela
tion, a great variety of opinion as to the
neaning. Those who suppose that the
.vhole book consists of a triple series of
visions designed to prefigure future
events, parallel with each other, and
each leading to the consummation of all
things — the series embracing the seals,
the trumpets, and the vials, each seven
in number — regard this as the proper
ending of the first of this series, and
suppose that we have on the opening of
the seventh seal, the beginning of a new
symbolical representation, going over
the same ground, under the representa
tions of the trumpets, in a new aspect or
point of view. — Eiehhorn and Rosen-
miiller suppose that the silence intro
duced by the apostle is merely for effect,
and that, therefore, it is without any
special signification. — Grotius applies
the whole representation to the destruc
tion of Jerusalem, and supposes that the
silence in heaven refers to the restrain
ing of the winds referred to in ch. vii. 1
— the wrath in respect to the city,
which was now suspended for a short
time. Professor Stuart also refers it to the
destruction of Jerusalem, and supposes
that the seven trumpets refer to seven
gradations in the series of judgments
that were coming upon the persecu
tors of tho church. Mr. Pnubuz re
gards the silence here referred to as

which stood ° before God ; and to
them were given seven trumpets.*
a symbol of the liberty granted to the
church in the time of Constantino; Vi
tringa interprets it of the peace of the
millenium which is to succeed the over
throw of the beast and the false prophet;
Bean Woodhouse and Mr. Cunninghame
regard it as the termination of the series
of events which the former seals denote,
and the commencement of a new train of
revelations; Mr. Elliott as the suspension
of the winds during the sealing of the
servants of God; Mr. Lord as the period
of repose which intervened between the
close of the persecution by Diocletian and
Galerius, in 311, and the commencement,
near the close of that year, of the eivil
wars by which Constantine the Great
was elevated to the imperial throne. It
will he seen at once how arbitrary and
unsatisfactory most of those interpreta
tions are, and how far from harmony
expositors have been as to the meaning
of this symbol. The most simple and
obvious interpretation is likely to be the
true one; and that is, as above sug
gested, that it refers to silence in heaven
as expressive of the fearful anticipation
felt on opening the last seal that was to
close the series, and to wind up the affairs
of the church and the world. Nothing
would be more natural than such a state of
solemn awe on such an occasion""; nothing
would introduce the opening of the seal
in a more impressive manner ; nothing
would more naturally express the anxiety
of the church, the probable feelings of the
pious on the opening of these successive
seals, than the representation that in
cense, accompanied with their prayers,
was continually offered in heaven.
2. And I saio the seven angels which
stood before God. Prof. Stuart supposes
that by these angels are meant the
" presence-angels" which he under
stands to be referred to in ch. i. 4, by
the "seven spirits which are before the
throne." If, however, the interpreta
tion of that passage above proposed,
that it refers to the Holy Spirit, with
reference to his multiplied agency and
operations, be correct, then we must
seek for another application of the
phrase here. The only difficulty in ap
plying it arises from the use of the
article — "the seven angels" — to6j — as if
they were angels already referred to;

A. D. 9f,:«

CHAPTER VIII.

221

3 And another angel came and
stood at the altar, having a golden

and, as there has been no previous
mention of " seven angels," unless it be
in the phrase " the seven spirits which
are before the throne,1' in ch. i. 4, it is
argued that this must have such a re
ference. But this interpretation is not
absolutely necessary. John might use
this language either because the angels
had been spoken of before ; or because it
would be sufficiently understood, from
the common use of language, who would
be referred to — as we now might speak
of " the seven members of the cabinet of
the United States," or " the thirty-one
governors of the states of the Union,"
though they had not been particularly
mentioned ; or he might speak of them
as just then disclosed to his view, and
because his meaning would be sufficient
ly definite by the circumstances which
were to follow — their agency in blow
ing the trumpets. It would be entirely
in accordance with tbe usage of the
article, for one to say that he saw an
army, and the commander-in-chief, and
the four staff-officers, and the five bands
of music, and the six companies of
sappers and miners, &c. , It is not abso
lutely necessary, therefore, to suppose
' that these angels had been before re
ferred to. There is, indeed, in the use
of the phrase "which stood before God,"
the idea that they are to be regarded as
permanently standing there, or that that
is their proper place — as if they were
angels who were particularly designated
to this high service. Comp. Luke i. 19 :
— " I am Gabriel, that stand in the pre
sence of God." If this idea is involved in
the phrase, then there is a sufficient rea
son why the article is used, though they
had not before been mentioned, ^f And
to them were given seven trumpets. One
to each. By whom the trumpets were
given is not said. It may be supposed
to have been done by Him who sat on
the throne. Trumpets were used then,
as now, for various purposes ; to sum-
mon an assembly; to muster the hosts
of battle ; to inspirit and animate troops
in conflict. Here they are given to
announce a series of important events
producing great changes in the world —
as if God summoned and led on his
hosts to accomplish his designs.
19*

censer ; and there was given unto
him much incense, that he should

3. And another angel came. "Who this
angel was, is not mentioned, nor have
we any means of determining. Of
course a great variety of opinion has
been entertained on the subject (see
Poole's Synopsis), some referring it to
angels in general; others to the minis
try of the church ; others to Constantino ;
others to Michael ; and many others to
the Lord Jesus. All that we know is,
that it was an angel who thus appeared,
and there is nothing inconsistent in
the supposition that any one of the
angels in heaven may have been ap
pointed to perform what is here repre
sented. The design seems to be to
represent the prayers of the saints as
ascending in the anticipation of the ap
proaching series of wonders in the world,
and there would to a beautiful pro
priety in representing them as offered by
an angel — feeling a deep interest in the
church, and ministering in behalf of the
saints, f And stood at the altar. In
heaven — represented as a temple, with
an altar, and with the usual array of
things employed in the worship of God.
The altar was the appropriate place for
him to stand when about to offer the
prayers of the saints — for that is the
place where the worshipper stood under
the ancient dispensation. Comp. Notes
on Matt. v. 23, 24; Luke i. 11. In the
latter place, an angel is represented as
appearing to Zacharias "on the right
side of the altar of incense." % Saving
a golden censer. The fire-pan, made
for the purpose of carrying fire, on which
to burn incense in time of worship. See
it described and illustrated, in the Notes
on Heb. ix. 4. There seems reason to
suppose that the incense that was
offered in the. ancient worship was de
signed to be emblematio of the prayers
of saints, for it was the custom for wor
shippers to be engaged in prayer at the
time the incense was offered by the
priest. See Luke i. 10. ^f And there
was given unto him much incense. See
Notes on Luke i. 9. A large quantity
was here given to him, because the occa
sion was one on which many prayers
might be expected to be offered, ^j That
he ^should offer it with tlie prayers.
Marg., "add it to. Gr., "thathe should

222

REVELATION,

[A. D: 96.

¦ offer it witli the prayers ° of all
saints upon the golden e altar
which was before the throne.
4 And the smoke of the in
cense, d which came with the pray
ers of the saints, ascended up
before God out of the angel's hand.
a Or, add it to. b c. 5. 8. c c. 6. 9.
give it with" — dtftrp. The idea is plain,
that, when the prayers of the saints
ascended, he would also burn the in
cense, that it might go up at the same
moment, and be emblematic of them.
Comp. Notes on ch. v. 8. ^f Of all
saints. Of all who are holy ; of all who
are the children of God. The idea
seems to be, that, at this time, all the
saints would unite in calling on God,
and in deprecating his wrath. As the
events which were about to occur were a
matter of common interest to the people
of God, it was to be supposed that
they would unite in common supplica
tion. ^[ Upon the golden altar. The
altar of incense. This in the tabernacle
and in the temple was overlaid with
gold. ^[ Which was before the throne.
This is represented as a temple-service,
and the altar of incense is, with pro
priety, placed before hi3 seat or throne,
as it was in the tabernacle and temple.
In the temple, God is represented as
occupying the mercy-seat in the holy of
holies, and the altar of incense is in the
holy place before that. See the descrip
tion of the temple in the Notes on
Matt. xxi. 12.
4. And the smoke of the incense, &c.
The smoke caused by the burning in
cense. John, as he saw this, naturally
interpreted it of the prayers of the
saints. The meaning of the whole sym
bol, thus explained, is, that at the time
referred to, the anxiety of the church in
regard to the events which were about to
occur, would naturally lead to much
prayer. It is not necessary to attempt
to verify this by any distinct historical
facts, for no one can doubt that, in a
time of such impending calamities, the
church would bo earnestly engaged in
devotion. Swch has always been the
case in times of danger, and it may
'always be assumo J to be true, that when
danger throatcm whether it be to the
ohurch at iar£i. Or to an individual

5 And the angel took the cen
ser, and filled it with fire of the
altar, and cast it into * the earth :
and ' there were voices, and thun
derings, and lightnings, and an
earthquake. s

a Ex. 30 l.

e Or, upon.
g 2 Sa. 22. 8.

/ c. 16. 18.

Christian, there will be a resort to the
throne of .grace.
5. And the angel took the censor.
Ver. 3. This is a new symbol, designed
to furnish a new representation of future
events. By the former it had been shown
that there would be much prayer offered j
by this it is designed to show that, not
withstanding the prayer that would be
offered, great and fearful calamities
would come upon the earth. This is
symbolized by casting the censer upon
the earth, as if the prayers were not
heard any longer, or as if prayer were
now in vain, ^f And filled it with fire
of the altar. An image similar to this
occurs in Ezek. x. 2, where the man
clothed in linen is commanded to go
between the wheels under the cherub,
and fill his hand with coals of fire from
between the cherubims, and to scatter
them over the city as a symbol of
its destruction. Here the coals are
taken, evidently, from the altar of
sacrifice. Comp. Notes on Isa. vi. 1.
On these coals no incense was placed,
but they were thrown at once to the
earth. The new emblem, therefore, is
the taking of coals, and scattering them
abroad as a symbol of the destruction
that was about to ensue. ^[ And cast ii
into the earth. Marg. , upon. The mar
gin expresses undoubtedly the meaning.
The symbol, therefore, properly denoted
that fearful calamities were about to
come upon the earth. Even the prayers
of saints did not prevail to turn them
away, and now the symbol of the scat
tered coals indicated that terrible judg
ments wore about to come upon the
world. ^[ And there were voices. Sounds,
noises. See Notes on ch. iv. 5. The
order is not the same here as there, but
lightnings, thunderings, and voices are
mentioned in both, ff And an earth
quake. Ch. vi. 12. This is a symbol of
commotion. It is not necessary to look
for a literal fulfilment of it, any more

atS.J

CHAPTER VIII.

223

6 And the seven angels whioh
had the seven trumpets prepared
themselves to sound.
than it is for literal " voices," " light
nings," or " thnnderings."
6. And the seven angels which had the
seven trumpets prepared themselves to
eonnd. Ver. 1. Evidently in succession,
perhapsby arranging themselves in the
order in which they were to sound.
The way is now prepared for the sound
ing of the trumpets, and for the fearful
commotions and changes which would
be indicated by that. The last seal is
opened; heaven stands in suspense to
know what is to be disclosed ; the saints,
filled with solicitude, have offered their
prayers ; the censer of coals has been
cast to the earth, as if these judgments
could be no longer stayed by prayer ;
and the angels prepare to sound the
trumpets indicative of what is to occur.
7. The first angel sounded. The first
in order, and indicating the first in the
series of events that were to follow.
^f And there followed hail. Hail iB usu7
ally a symbol of the divine vengeance,
as it has often been employed to ac
complish tbe divine purposes of punish
ment. Thus in. Exodus ix. 23, "And
the Lord sent thunder and hail, and the
fire ran along the ground, and the Lord
rained hail upon the land of Egypt." So
in Ps. cv. 32, referring to the plagues
upon Egypt, it is said, " He gave them
hail for rain, and flaming fire in their
land." So again, Ps. lxxviii. 48, " He
gave up their cattle also to the hail, and
their flocks to hot thunderbolts." As
early as the time of Job, hail was under
stood to be an emblem of the divine dis
pleasure, and an instrument in inflicting
punishment : t
n Hast thou entered into tbe treasures of the snow,
Or bast thou seen the treasure ofthe bail?
Which I have reserved againat Che day of trouble.
Against the day of battle and war}" —
cb. xxxviii. 22, 23.
So also the same image is used in Ps.
xtiii. 13.
" The Lord alao thundered in tbe heavena,
And the Moat High gave forth hia voice,
Hailstones and coals of fire."
Comp. Haggai, ch. ii. 11. The destruc-
tion of the Assyrian army, it is said,
would be accomplished in the same way,
[sa. xxx. 30. Comp. Ezek. xiii. 11 ;
xxxviii. 22. % And fire. Lightning.
This also is an instrument and an em-

7 The first angel sounded, and •
there followed hail and fire mingled

a Eze. 38. 22.

blem of destruction. % Mingled with
blood. By blood, "we must naturally
understand," says Prof. Stuart, " in this
case, a shower of colored rain ; that is,
rain of a rubidinous aspect, an occur
rence which is known sometimes to take
place, and which, like falling stars,
eclipses, etc., was viewed with terror by
the ancients, because it was supposed to
be indicative of blood that was to be
shed." — The appearance doubtless was
that of a red shower, apparently of hail,
or snow — for rain is not mentioned. It
is not a rain storm, it is a hail storm that
is the image here — and the image is that
of a driving hail storm, where the light
nings flashed, and where there was the
intermingling of a reddish substance
that resembled blood, and that was an
undoubted symbol of blood that was to
be shed. I do not know that there is
red rain, or red hail, but red snow is not
very uncommon, and the image here
would be complete if we suppose that
there was an intermingling of red snow
in the driving tempest. This species of
snow was found by Captain Koss at Baf
fin's Bay on the 17th of August, 1819.
The mountains that were dyed with the
snow were about eight miles long, and six
hundredfeet high. The red color reached
to the ground in many places ten or
twelve feet deep, and continued for a
great length of time. Although red snow
had not until this attracted much no
tice, yet it had been long before observed
in Alpine countries. Saussare discovered
it on Mount St. Bernard in 1778. Ram on d
found it on the Pyrenees ; and Sommer-
fleld discovered it in Norway. " In 1818
red snow fell on the Italian Alps and
Apennines. In March, 1808, the whole
country about Cadore, Belluno, and Fel-
tri, was covered with a red-colored snow,
to the depth of six and a half feet; but
a white snow had fallen both before and
after it, the red formed a stratum in the
middle of the white. At the same time
a similar fall took place in the moun
tains of the Valteline, Brescia, Carinthia,
and Tyrol." Edin. Ency. Art. Snow.
These facts show that what is referred
to here in the symbol might possibly
oocur. Such a symbol would be pro
perly expressive of blood and carnage.

224

REVELATION,

[A. D. 90.

with blood, and they were cast upon
the earth: and the third part of

ff And they were cast upon the earth.
The hail, the fire, and the blood — de
noting that tbe fulfilment of this was to
be on the earth, ^f And the third part
of trees was burnt up. By the fire that
came down with the hail and the blood.
•J And all green grass was burnt up.
Wherever this lighted on the earth.
The meaning would seem to be, that,
wherever this tempest beat, the effect
was to destroy a third part — that is, a
large portion of the trees, and to con
sume all the grass. A portion of the
trees — strong and mighty — would stand
against it; but that which was so ten
der, as grass is, would be consumed.
The sense does not seem to be that the
tempest would be confined to a third
part of the world and destroy all the
trees and the grass there, but that it
would be a sweeping and general tem
pest, and that wherever it spread it would
prostrate a third part of the trees and
consume all the grass. Thus under
stood, it would seem to mean that, in
reference to those things in the world
which were firm and established like
trees, it would not sweep them wholly
away, though it would make great deso
lation ; Jbut in reference to those which
were delicate and feeble — like grass — it
would sweep them wholly away. — This
would not be an inapt description of the
ordinary effects of invasion in time of
war. A few of those things which
seem most firm and established in soci
ety — like trees in a forest — weather
out the storm ; while the gentle virtues,
the domestic enjoyments, the arts of
peace, like tender grass, are wholly
destroyed. The fulfilment of this, we
are undoubtedly to expect to find in the
terrors of invasion ; the evils of war ;
the effusion of blood; the march of
armies. So far as the language is con
cerned, the symbol would apply to any
hostile invasion; but, in pursuing the
exposition on the principles on whioh
we have thus far conduoted it, we are to
look for the fulfilment in one or more of
those invasions of the northern hordes
that preceded the downfall of the Ro
man empire and that contributed to it. —
In the ' Analysis' of tho chapter, some
reasons wore giv en why these four trum-

trees " was burnt up, and all greet)
grass was burnt up.
a Is. 2.13.
pet signals were placed together, as per
taining to a series of events of the same
general character, and as distinguished
from those which were to follow. The
natural place which they occupy, or the
events which we should suppose, from
the views taken above of the first six
seals, would be represented, would be
the successive invasions of the northern
hordes which ultimately accomplished
the overthrow of the Roman empire.
There are four of these " trumpets," and
it would be a matter of enquiry whether
there were four events of sufficient dis
tinctness that would mark these inva
sions, or that would constitute periods
or epochs in the destruction of the Ro
man power. At this point in writing, I
looked on a chart of history, composed
with no reference to this prophecy, and
found a singular and unexpected prom
inence given to four such events ex
tending from the first invasion of the
Goths and Vandals at the beginning of
the fifth century, to the Fall of the
Western empire, A. D. 476. The first
was the invasion of Alaric, king of the
Goths, A. I>. 410 ; a second was the in
vasion of Attila, king of the Huns,
" scourge of God," A. D. 447 ; a third
was the sack of Rome by Genseric, king
of the Vandals, A.D. 455 ; and the fourth,
resulting in the final conquest of Rome,
was that of Odoacer, king of the He-
ruli, who assumed the title of King of
Italy, A. D. 476. We shall see, however,
on a closer examination, that although
two of these — Attila and Genseric — were,
during a part of their career, cotempo-
rary, yet the most prominent place ia
due to Genseric "in tho events that at
tended the downfall of the empire,
and that the second trumpet probably
related to him; the third to Attila.
These were, beyond doubt, four great
periods or events attending the Fall bf
the Roman empire, which synchronize
with the period before us. If, therefore,
»we regard the opening of the sixth seal
as denoting the threatening aspect of
these invading powers — the gathering
of the dark cloud that hovered over the
borders of the empire, and the consterna
tion produced by that approaching storm ;
and if we regard the transactions in the

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VIII.

225

viith chapter — the holding of the winds
in check, and the sealing of the chosen
of God, as denoting tho suspension of the
impending judgments in order that a
work might be done to save the church,
and as referring to the divine interposi
tion in behalf of the church, then the
appropriate place of these four trumpets,
under the seventh seal, will be when
that delayed and restrained storm burst
in successive blasts upon different parts
of the empire; the successive invasions
which were so prominent in the over
throw of that vast power. History marks
four of these events — four heavy blows —
four sweepings of the tempest and the
storm, under Alaric, Genseric, Attila,
and Odoacer, whose movements could
not be better symbolized than by these
successive blasts of the trumpet — The
first of these is the invasion of Alaric,
and the enquiry now is, whether his in
vasion is such as would be properly
symbolized by the first trumpet. In
illustrating this, it will be proper to no
tice some of the movements of Alaric,
and the alarm consequent on his inva
sion of the empire ; and then to enquire
how far this corresponds with the images
employed in the description of the first
trumpet. For these illustrations, I shall
be indebted mainly to Mr. Gibbon. Ala
ric, the Goth, was at first employed in
the service of the emperor Theodosius,
in his attempt to oppose the usurper Ar-
bogastes, after the murder of Valenti-
nian, emperor of the West. Theodosius,
in order to oppose the usurper, em
ployed, among others, numerous barba
rians — Iberians, Arabs, and Goths. One
of them was Alaric, who, to use the
language of Mr. Gibbon (ii. 179), "ac
quired in- the school of Theodosius, the
knowledge of the art of war, which he
afterward so fatally exerted in the des
truction of Rome." A. D. 392-394. After
the death of Theodosius (A. D. 395), the
Goths revolted from the Roman power,
and Alaric, who had been disappointed
in his expectations of being raised to the
command of the Roman armies, became
their leader. Dec.a.n&Fall,ii.213. "That
renowned leader was descended from
the noble race of the Balti; which
yielded only to the royal dignity of the
Omali ; ho had solicited the command
of the Roman armies; and the imperial
eourt provoked him to demonstrate the
folly of their refusal, and the importance

of their loss. In the midst of a divided
court, and a discontented people, the
emperor Arcadius was terrified by the
aspect of the Gothic arms," Ac. Alaric
then invaded and conquered Greece,
laying it waste in his progress, until he
reached Athens, ii. 214, 215. " The
fertile fields of Phocis and Bceotia were
instantly covered by a deluge of barba
rians ; who massacred the males of age
to bear arms, and drove away the beau
tiful females, with the spoil and cattle
of the flaming villages." Alaric then
concluded a treaty with Theodosius, the
emperor of the East (ii. 216) ; was made
master-general of Eastern Hlyrieum, and
created a magistrate (ii. 217); soon
united under his command the bar
barous nations that had made the in
vasion, and was solemnly declared to be
the king of the Visigoths, ii. 217.
" Armed with this double power, seated
on the verge of two empires, he alter
nately sold his deceitful promises to the
courts of Arcadius and Honorius, till he
declared and executed his purpose of
invading the dominion of the West. The
provinces of Europe' which belonged to
the Eastern empire were already ex
hausted ; those of Asia were inaccessible ;
and the strength of Constantinople had
resisted his attack. But he was tempted
by the beauty, the wealth, and the fame
of Italy, which he had twice visited ; and
he secretly aspired to plant the Gothic
standard on the walls of Rome, and to
enrich his army with the accumulated
spoils of three hundred triumphs." ii.
217-218. In describing his march to
the Danube, and his progress towards
Italy, having increased his army with a
large number of barbarians, Mr. Gibbon
uses the remarkable language expressive
of the general consternation, already
quoted, in the description of the sixth seal.
Alaric approached rapidly towards the
imperial city, resolved to "conquer or die
before the gates of Rome." But he was
checked by Stilicho, and compelled to
make peace, and retired (Dee. and Fall,
ii. 222), and the threatening storm was
for a time suspended. See Notes on
ch. vii. 1, seq. So great was the con
sternation, however, that the Roman
court, which then had its seat at Milan,
thought it necessary to remove to a safer
place, and became fixed at Ravenna.
ii. 224. This calm, secured by the re
treat of Alaric, was, however, of short

226

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

continuance. In A. D. 408, he again
invaded Italy, In a more successful
manner, attacked the capital, and more
than once pillaged Rome. The follow
ing facts, for which I am indebted to
Mr. Gibbon, will illustrate the progress
of these events, and the effects of this
blast of the " first trumpet" in the series
that announced the destruction of the
Western empire.
- (a) The effect, on the destiny of the
empire, of removing the Roman court to
Ravenna from the dread of the Goths.
As early as A. D. 303, the court of the
emperor of the West was, for the most
part, established at Milan. For some
time before, the " sovereignty of the
capital was gradually annihilated by the
extent of conquest," and the emperors
were required to be long absent from
Rome on the frontiers, until in the time
of Diocletian and Maximin, the seat of
government was fixed at Milan, " whose
situation at the foot of the Alps ap
peared far more convenient than that of
Rome, for the important purpose of
watching the motions of the barbarians
of Germany." Gibbon, i. 213. " The
life of Diocletian and Maximin was a
life of action, and a considerable portion
of it was spent in camps, or in those
long and frequent marches ; but when
ever the public business allowed them
any relaxation, they seem to have re
tired with pleasure to their favorite resi
dences of Nicomedia and. Milan. Till
Diocletian, in the twentieth year of his
reign, celebrated his Roman triumph, it
is extremely doubtful whether he ever
visited the ancient capital of the em
pire." Gibbon i. 214. From this place,
the court was driven away, by the dread
of the Northern barbarians, to Ravenna,
a safer place, which thenceforward be
came the seat of government, while
Italy was ravaged by the Northern
hordes, and while Rome was besieged
and pillaged. Mr. Gibbon, under date
of A. D. 404, says, " The recent danger
to which the person of the emperor had
been exposed in the defenceless palace
of Milan [from Alario and the Goths]
urged him to seek a retreat in some inac
cessible fortress in Italy, where he might
securely remain, while the open oountry
was covered by a deluge of barbarians."
Vol. ii. p. 224. He then proceeds to
describe the situation of Ravenna, and
tho removal of the court thither, and then

adds (p. 225), " The fears of Honorius
were not without foundation, nor were
his precautions without effect. While
Italy rejoiced in her deliverance from
the Goths, a furious tempest was exeited
among the nations of Germany, who
yielded to the irresistible impulse that
appears to have been generally commu
nicated from the eastern extremity of
the continent of Asia." That mighty
movement of the Huns is then described,
as the storm was preparing to burst
tfpon the Roman empire, ii. 225. The
agitation, and the removal of the Roman
government, were events not inappro
priate to be described by symbols re
lating to the fall of that mighty power.
(b) The particulars of that invasion,
the consternation, the siege of Rome,
and the capture and pillage of the im
perial city, would confirm the propriety
of this application of the symbol of the
first trumpet. It would be too long to
copy the account — for it extends through
many pages of the history of the Decline
and Fall of the empire; but a few se
lected sentences may show the general
character of the events, and the pro
priety of the symbols, on the supposition
that they referred to these things. Thus
Mr. Gibbon (ii. 226, 227) says, « The
correspondence of the nations was, in
that age, so imperfect and precarious,
that the revolutions of the North might
escape the knowledge of the court of
Ravenna ; till the dark cloud which was
collected along the coast of the Baltic,
burst in thunder upon the banks of the
Upper Danube. The king of the con
federate Germans passed, without resist
ance, the Alps, the Po, and the Apen-
nine; leaving on the one hand the
inaccessible palace of Honorius securely
buried among the marshes of Ravenna,
and on the other the camp of Stilicho,
who had fixed his head quarters at
Ticininm, or Pavia, hut who seems to
have avoided a decisive battle till he
had assembled his distant forces. Many
cities of Italy were pillaged, or destroyed.
The senate and people trembled at their
approach within a hundred and eighty
miles of Rome ; and anxiously compared
the danger whioh they had escaped, with
the new perils to which they were ex
posed," Ac. Rome was besieged for the
first time by the Goths, A. D. 408. Of
this siege, Mr. Gibbon (ii. 252-254) has
given a graphio description. Among

A D. 96.]

CHAPTER VIII.

227

other things he says, "That unfortunate
city gradually experienced the distress
of soaroity, and at length the horrid
calamity of famine." " A dark suspicion
was entertained, that some desperate
wretches fed on the bodies of their fellow-
creatures whom they had secretly mur
dered ; and even mothers (such were the
horrid conflicts of the two mostpowerful
instincts implanted by nature in the
human breast) even mothers are said to
have tasted the flesh of their slaughtered
infants. Many thousands of the inha
bitants of Rome expired in their houses,
or in the streets, for want of sustenance ;
and, as the publio sepulchres without
the walls were in the power of the enemy,
the stench, which arose from so many
putrid and unburied carcases, infected
the air ; and the miseries of famine were
succeeded and aggravated by a pesti
lential disease." The first siege was
raised by the payment of an enormous
ransom. Gibbon, ii. 254. The second
siege of Rome by the Goths occurred
A. D. 409. This siege was carried on by
preventing the supply of provisions,
Alaric having seized upon Ostia, the
Roman port, where the provisions for
the capital were deposited. The Romans
finally consented to receive a new em
peror at the hand of Alaric, and Attalus
was appointed in the place of the feeble
Honorius, who was then at Ravenna,
and who had abandoned the capital.
Attalus, an inefficient prinoe, was soon
publicly stripped of the robes of office,
and Alaric, enraged at the conduct of the
court at Ravenna towards him, turned
his wrath a third time on Rome, and
laid siege to the city. This occurred
A. D. 410. " The king of the Goths,
who no longer dissembled his appetite
for plunder and revenge, appeared in
arms under the walls of the capital ; and
the trembling senate, without any hope
of relief, prepared, by a desperate effort,
to delay the ruin of their country. But
they were unable to guard against the
conspiracy of their slaves and domestics ;
who either from birth or interest were
attached to the cause of the enemy. At
the hour of midnight, the Salarian gate
was silently opened, and the inhabitants
were awakened by the tremendous sound
of the Gothic trumpet. Eleven hundred
and sixty-three years after the founda
tion of Rome, the imperial city, which
had subdued and civilized so consider

able a part of mankind, was delivered to
the licentious fury of the tribes of Ger
many and Scythia." Gibbon, ii. 260.
(c) It is, perhaps, only necessary to
add that the invasion of Alaric was in
fact but one of the great events that led
to the fall of the empire, and that, in
announcing that fall, where a succession
of events was to occur, it would pro
perly be represented by the blast of one
of the trumpets. The expressions em
ployed in the symbol, are, indeed, such
as might be applied to any invasion of
hostile armies, but they are such as
would be used if the design were ad
mitted to be to describe the invasion of
the Gothic conqueror. For (1) that in
vasion, as we have seen, would be well
represented by the storm of hail and
lightning that was seen in vision; (2)
by the red color mingled in that storm —
indicative of blood ; (3) by the fact that
it consumed the trees and the grass.
This, as we saw in the exposition, would
properly denote the desolations produced
by war — applicable, indeed, to all war,
but as applicable to the invasion of Ala
ric as any war that has occurred, and it
is such an emblem as would be used if it
were admitted that it was the design to
represent his invasion. The sweeping
storm prostrating the trees of the forest,
is an apt emblem of the evils of war,
and, as was remarked in the exposition,
no more striking illustration of the con
sequences of a hostile invasion could be
employed than the destruction of the
" green grass." What is herorepresented
in the symbol, cannot perhaps be better
expressed than in the language of Mr.
Gibbon when describing tbe invasion
of the Roman empire under Alaric.
Speaking of that invasion, he says: —
" While the peace of Germany was se
cured by the attachment of the Franks
and the neutrality of the Alemanni, the
subjects of Rome, unconscious of their
approaching calamities, enjoyed the
state of quiet and prosperity which had
seldom blessed the frontiers of Gaul.
Their flocks and herds were permitted
to graze in the pastures of the Barba
rians ; their huntsmen penetrated, with
out fear or danger, into the darkest
recesses of the Hyrcenian wood. The
banks of the Rhine were crowned, like
those of the Tiber, with houses and well-
cultivated farms ; and if a poet descend
ed the river, he might expross bis doubt

228

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

8 And the second angel sounded,
and as it were a great mountain a

on which side was situated the territory
of the Romans. This scene of peace
and plenty was suddenly changed into
a desert j and the prospect of the smok
ing ruins could alone distinguish the
solitude of nature from" the desolation
of man. The flourishing city of Mentz
was surprised and destroyed ; and many
thousand Christians were inhumanly
massacred in the church. Worms per
ished after a long and obstinate siege j
Strasburg, Spires, Rheims, Tournay,
Arras, Amiens, experienced the ,cruel
oppression of the German yoke; and
tho consuming flames of war spread
from the banks of the Rhine over the
greatest part of the seventeen provinces
of Gaul. That rich and extensive coun
try, as far as the ocean, the Alps, and
the Pyrenees, was delivered to the Bar
barians, who drove before them, in a
promiscuous crowd, the bishop, the sen
ator, and the virgin, laden with the
spoils of their houses and altars." ii. 230.
In reference, also, to the invasion of
Alaric, and the particular nature of the
desolation depicted under the first trum
pet, a remarkable passage which Mr.
Gibbon has quoted from Claudian, as
describing the effects of the invasion of
Alaric, may be here introduced. " The
old man," says he, speaking of Claudian,
" who had passed his simple and inno
cent life in the neighborhood of Verona,
was a stranger to the quarrels both of
kings and of bishops ; his pleasures, his
desires, his knowledge, were confined
within the circle of his paternal farm j
and a staff supported his aged steps on
the same ground where he had sported
in infancy. Yet even this humble and
rustic felicity (which Claudian describes
with so much truth and feeling) was still
exposed to the un distinguishing rage of
war. His trees, his ojd contemporary *
trees, must blaze in the conflagration of
the whole country; a detachment of
Gothic cavalry must sweep away his
cottage and his family j and the power
of Alaric could destroy this happiness
which he was not able either to taste or

burning with fire was cast ink
a Je. 51. 25.

* Ingentem meminit parvo qui {rermine quercum
Aeqnaevumque v'ldet consonuisse neinus.
A neighboring wood born with himself he sees,
And lovoa bia old contomporaiy Ireeu, — Cowley.

to bestow. 'Fame,' says the poet, 'en
circling with terror or gloomy wings,
proclaimed the march of the Barbarian
army, and filled Italy with consterna
tion.' " ii. 218. And (4) as to the extent
of the calamity, there is also a striking
propriety in the language of the symbol
as applicable to the invasion of Alaric.
I do not suppose, indeed, that it is ne
cessary, in order to find a proper fulfil
ment of the symbol, to be able to show
that exactly one-third part of the empire
was made desolate in this way, but it is
a sufficient fulfilment if desolation spread
over a considerable portion of the Roman
world — as if a third part had been de
stroyed. No one who reads the account
of the invasion of Alaric, can doubt that
it would be an apt description of the
ravages of his arms to say that a third
part was laid waste. That the desola
tions produced by Alaric were such as
would be properly represented by this
symbol, may be fully seen by consulting
the whole account of that invasion in
Gibbon, ii. 213—266.
8. And the second angel sounded.
Comp. Notes on vs. 2. 7. This, accord
ing to the interpretation proposed above,
refers to the second of the four great
events which contributed to the downfall
of the Roman empire. It will be proper
in this case, as in the former, to enquire
into the literal meaning of the symbol,
and then whether there was any event
that corresponded with it. ^[ And as it
were a great mountain. A mountain is a
natural symbol of strength, and hence
becomes a symbol of a strong and power
ful kingdom ; for mountains are not only
places of strength in themselves, but
they anciently answered the purposes
of fortified places, and were the seats of
power. Hence they are properly sym
bols of strong nations. " The stone that
smote the image became a great moun
tain, and filled the whole earth." Dan.
ii. 35. Comp. Zech. iv. 7 ; Jer. Ii. 25, We
naturally, then, apply this part of the
symbol to some strong and mighty na
tion — not a nation, necessarily, that
issued /rom a mountainous region, but a
nation that in strength reavmblcd a
mountain. f Burning with fire. A moun
tain in a blaze ; that is, with all its woods

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VIII.

229

the sea : * and the third part of the
sea became blood; b
9 And the third part of the crea-
a Am. 7. 4.

tures which were in the sea, and
had life, died: and the third part
of the ships were destroyed.
b Ex. 7, 19. 21. c. 16. 3, &c

on fire, or, more probably a volcanic
mountain. There would perhaps be no
more sublime image than such a moun
tain, lifted suddenly from its ba-se and
thrown into the sea. One of the sublimest
parts of the Paradise Lost, is that where
the poet represents the angels in the
great battle in heaven as lifting the
mountains — tearing them from their base
— and hurling them on the foe.
" From their foundations heaving to and fro,
They plucked the seated hills, with aH their load,
Rocks, waters, woods, and by the shaggy tops
Uplifting, bore them in their hands,"— etc.— B. vi.
The poet, however, has not, as John
has, represented a volcano borne along
and cast into the sea. The symbol em
ployed here would denote some fiery,
impetuous, destructive power. If used
to denote a nation, it would be a nation
that was, as it were, burning with the
desire of conquest — impetuous and fierce
and fiery in its assaults — and consuming
all in its way. ^| Cast into the sea.
The image is very sublime ; the scene,
should such an event occur, would be
awfully grand. — As to the fulfilment of
this, or the thing that was intended to
be represented by it, there cannot be
any material doubt. It is not to be un
derstood literally of course, and the na
tural application is- to some nation or
army, that has a resemblance in some
respects to such a blazing mountain, and
the effect of whose march would be like
casting such a mountain into the ocean.
We naturally look for agitation and
commotion, and particularly in refer
ence to the sea, or to some maritime
coasts. It is undoubtedly required in
the application of this, that we should
find its fulfilment in some country lying
beyond tho sea, or in some sea-coast or
maritime country, or in reference to
commerce. % And the third part of the
sea became blood. Resembled blood;
became as red as blood. The figure here
is, that as such a blazing mountain cast
into the sea, would, by its reflection on
the waters, seem to tinge them with red,
so there would he something correspond
ing with this in what was referred to
by the symbol. It would be fulfilled if
there was a fierce maritime warfare, and
20

if in some desperate naval engagement
the sea should he tinged with blood.
9. And the third part of the creatures
which were in the sea, and had life, died.
The effect was as if one third of all the
fish in the sea were cut off. Of course,
this is not to be taken literally. It is
designed to describe an effect, pertaining
to the maritime portion of the world, as
if n third portion of all that was in the
sea should perish. The natural interpre
tation would be to apply it to some in
vasion or calamity pertaining to the
sea — to the islands, to the maritime
regions, or to commerce. If the whole
description pertains to the Roman em
pire, then this might be supposed te
have particular reference to something
that would have a bearing on the mari
time parts of that empire. % And the
third part of the ships were destroyed.
This also pertains to the same general
calamity, affecting the commerce of the
empire. The destruction of the " ships"
was produced, in some way, by casting
the mountains into the sea — either by
their being consumed by the contact
with the burning mass, or by being
sunk by the agitation of the waters.
The essential idea is, that the calamity
would be of such a nature as would pro
duce the destruction of vessels at sea —
either naval armaments, or ships of
commerce. In looking now for the ap
plication, or fulfilment of this, it is ne
cessary (a) to find some event or events
which would have a particular bearing
on the maritime or commercial part of
the world ; and (6) some such event or
events that, on the supposition that they
were the things referred to, would be
properly symbolized by the image here
employed. (1) If the first trumpet had
reference to the invasion of Alaric and
the Goths, then in this we naturally
look for the next succeeding act of in
vasion which shook the Roman empire,
and contributed to its fall. (2) The
next invasion was that under Genseric
at the head of the Vandals. Gibbon ii.
306, seq. This occurred A. D. 428-468.
(3) The symbol of a blazing or burning
mountain, torn from its foundation, and

230

REVELATION,

IA.D. 96

precipitated into the ocean, would well
represent this mighty nation moved
from its ancient seat, and borne along
towards the maritime parts of the em
pire, and its desolations there — as will
be shown in the following remarks.
(4) The acts of the Vandals under Gen
seric, corresponded with the ideas ex
pressed by the symbol. — In illustrating
this, I shall be indebted as heretofore,
principally to Mr. Gibbon, (a) His ge
neral account of the Vandals is this :
Tbey are supposed (i. 138) to have been
originally the same people with the
G-oths, the Goths and Vandals consti
tuting one great nation living on the
shores of the Baltic. They passed in
connection with them over the Baltic ;
emigrated to Prussia and the Ukraine ;
invaded the Roman provinces ; received
tribute from the Romans ; subdued the
countries about the Bosphorus; plun
dered the cities of By thy ma; ravaged
Greece and Illyrium, and were at last
settled in Thrace under the emperor
Theodosius. Gibbon, i. 136-166 ; ii. 110-
150. They were then driven forward
by the Huns, and having passed through
Franco and Spain into Africa, conquered
the Carthaginian territory, established
an independent government, and thenee
through a long period harassed the
neighboring islands, and the coasts of
the Mediterranean by their predatory
incursions, destroying the ships and the
commerce of the Romans, and were dis
tinguished in the downfall of the empire
by their ravages on the islands and the
sea. Thus they were moved along from
place to place until the scene of their
desolations became more distinctly the
maritime parts of the empire; and the
effect of their devastations might be'
well compared with a burning mountain
moved from its ancient base and then
thrown into, the sea. (b) This will be
apparent from the statements of Mr.
Gibbon in regard to their ravages under
their leader Genseric. " Seville and Car-
thagena became tbe reward, or rather
the prey of the ferocious conquerors"
[after they had defeated the Roman
Castinus], " and the vessels whioh they
found in the harbor of Carthagena
might easily transport them to the isles
of Majorca and Minorca, where the
Spanish fugitives, as in a seoure recess,
had vainly concealed their families and
fortunes. The experience of navigation,

and perhaps the prospect of Africa, en
couraged the Vandals to accept the in
vitation which they received from Count
Boniface" [to aid him in his appre
hended difficulties with Rome, and to
enter into an alliance with him by set
tling permanently in Africa. Gibbon ii.
305, 306] ; "and the death of Genseric"
[the Vandal king] " served only to for
ward and animate the bold enterprise.
In the room of a prince, not conspicuous
for any superior powers of the mind or
body, they acquired his bastard brother,
tbe terrible Genseric, a name, which, in
the destruction of the Roman empire, has
deserved an equal rank with the names
of Alaric and Attila." " The ambition
of Genseric was almost without bounds,
and without scruples; and the warrior
would dexterously employ the dark en
gines of policy to solicit the allies who
might be useful to his success, or to scat
ter among his enemies the seeds of en
mity and contention. Almost in the
moment of his departure he was in
formed, that Hermanric, king of the
Suevi, had presumed to ravage the Spa
nish territories, which he was resolved
to abandon. Impatient of the insult,
Genseric pursued the hasty retreat of
the Suevi as far as Merida; precipitated
the king and his army into the river
Anas, and calmly returned to the sea
shore to embark his troops. The ves
sels which transported the Vandals over
the modern straits of Gibraltar, a chan
nel only twelve miles in breadth, were
furnished by the Spaniards, who anxious
ly wished for their departure ; and by
the African general who had implored
their formidable assistance." Gibbon, ii.
306. Genseric, in the accomplishment
of his purposes soon took possession of
the northern coast of Africa, defeating
the armies of Boniface, and " Carthage,
Cirta, and Hippo Regius, were the only
cities that appeared to rise above the
general inundation." Gibbon iii 308.
"On a sudden," says Mr. Gibbon (ii.
309), "the seven fruitful provinces, from
Tangier to Tripoli, were overwhelmed
by the invasion of the Vandals; whose
destructive rage has perhaps been exag
gerated by popular animosity, religious
zeal, and extravagant deolamation. War,
in its fairest form, implies a perpetual
violation of humanity and justice ; and
the hostilities of barbarians are inflamed
by the tierce and lawless spirit whic>

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VIII.

231

perpetually disturbs their peaceful and
domestic society. The Vandals, where
they found resistance, seldom gave quar
ter; and tho deaths of their valiant
countrymen were expiated by the ruin
of the cities under whose walls they had
fallen," Ac The result of the invasion
was the conquest of all Northern Afrioa;
the reduction of Hippo and Carthage,
and tho establishment of a government
nuclei' Genserio in Africa that waged a
long war with Rome. Gibbon, ii. 310, 311.
The symbol before us has particular re
ference to maritime or naval operations
and desolations, and the .following ex
tracts from Mr. Gibbon will show with
what propriety, if this symbol was de
signed to refer to him, these images were
employed. " The discovery and conquest
of the Blaok nations [in Africa], that
might dwell beneath the torrid zone,
could not tempt the rational ambi
tion of Genseric; but he' cast his eyes
towards the sea; he resolved to create
a naval power, and his bold resolution
was exeeuted with steady and active
perseverance. The woods of Mount
Atlas afforded an inexhaustible supply
of timber ; his new subjects were skilled
in the arts of navigation and ship
building ; he animated his daring Van
dals to embrace a mode of warfare whioh
would render any maritime country
accessible to their arms ; the Moors and
Africans were allured by the hope of
plunder; and after an interval of six
centuries, the fleets that issued from the
port of Carthage again olaimed the em
pire of the Mediterranean. The success
of the Vandals, the conquest of Sicily,
the sack of Palermo, and the frequent
descents on the coasts of Lucania, awak
ened and alarmed the mother of Valen-
tinian, and the sister of Theodosius.
Alliances were formed ; and armaments,
expensive and ineffectual, were prepared
for the destruction of the common
enemy, who reserved bis courage to
encounter those dangers which his policy
could not prevent or elude. The revo
lutions of the palace, which left the
Western empire without a defender, and
without a lawful prince, dispelled the
apprehension, and stimulated the ava
rice, of Genseric. He immediately equip
ped a numerous fleet of Vandals and
Moors, and cast anchor at the mouth of
the Tiber," &o. Gibbon, ii. 352. " On
the third day after the tumult [A. D.

455, on the death of Maximus] Genserio
boldly advanced from the port of Ostia
to the gates of the defenceless city.
Instead of a sally of the Roman youth,
there issued from the gates an unarmed
and venerable procession of the bishop
at the head of his clergy. But Rome
and its inhabitants were delivered to the
licentiousness of the Vandals and the
Moors, whose blind passions revenged
the injuries of Carthage. Tbe pillage
lasted fourteen days and nights ; and all
that yet remained of public or private
wealth, of sacred or profane treasure,
was diligently transported to the vessels
of Genseric," <fcc> &c. See the account of
this pillage in Gibbon, ii. 355-366. The
emperor Majorian (A. D. 457) endeavored
to "restore the happiness of the Romans,"
but he encountered the arms of Genserio,
from his character and situation, their
most formidable enemy. A fleet of Van
dals and Moors landed at the mouth of
the Liris, or Garigliano ; but the impe
rial troops surprised and attacked the
disorderly barbarians, who were encum
bered with the spoils of Campania;
they were chased with slaughter to
their ships ; and their leader, the king's
brother-in-law, was found in the num
ber Of the slain. Suoh vigilance might
announce the character of the new
reign; but the strictest vigilance, and
the most numerous forces, were insuf
ficient to protect the long-extended
coast of Italy from the depredations of
a naval war." Gibbon, ii. 363. " The
emperor had foreseen that it was impos
sible, without a maritime power, to
achieve the conquest of Africa. In the
first Punie war, the republic had exerted
such incredible diligence, that within
sixty days after the first stroke of tho
axe had been given in the forest, a fleet
of one hundred and sixty galleys proudly
rode at anchor in the sea. Under cir
cumstances much less favorable, Majo
rian equalled the spirit and perseverance
of tbe ancient Romans. The woods of
the Apennines were felled; the arsenals
and manufactures of Ravenna andMise-
nium were restored ; Italy and Gaul vied
with each other in liberal contributions
to the public servioe; and tbe imperial
navy of three hundred large galleys, with
an adequate proportion of transports and
smaller vessels, was collected in the
secure and capacious harbor of Cartha-
gena In Spain." Gibbon, ii. 303, 364.

232

REVELATION.

LA. D. 96.

10 And the third angel sounded,
and there fell ' a great star from
heaven, burning as it were a lamp,
a Is. 14. 12; c. 9. 1.

The fate of this large navy is thus
described by Mr. Gibbon : " Genseric
was saved from impending and inevit
able ruin by the treachery of some pow
erful subjects ; envious or apprehensive
of their master's success; Guided by
their secret intelligence, he surprised the
unguarded fleet in the bay of Cartha-
gena; many of the ships were sunk, or
taken, or burnt ; and the preparations of
three years were destroyed in a single
day." ii. 364. The farther naval ope
rations, and maritime depredations of
the Vandals under Genseric, are thus
stated by Mr. Gibbon : " The kingdom
of Italy, a name to which the Western
empire was gradually reduced, was
afflicted, under the reign of Ricimer,
by the incessant depredations of Vandal
pirates. In the spring of each year, they
equipped a formidable navy in tbe port
of Carthage; and Genserio himself,
though in very advanced age, still com
manded in person the most important
expeditions. His designs were conceal
ed with impenetrable secresy, till the
moment that he hoisted sail. When be
was asked by the pilot what course he
should steer ; ' Leave the determination
to the winds,' replied the barbarian, with
pious arrogance, ' they will transport us
to the guilty coast, whose inhabitants
have provoked the divine justice :' but
Genseric himself deigned to issue more
precise orders : he judged the most
wealthy to be the most criminal. The
Vandals repeatedly visited the coasts of
Spain, Liguria, Tuscany, Campania, Lu-
cauia, Bruttium, Apulia, Calabria, Vene-
tia, Dalmatia, Epirus, Greece, and Sicily;
they were tempted to subdue the island
of Sardinia, so advantageously placed
in the centre of the Mediterranean ; and
their arms spread desolation, or terror,
from the columns of Hercules to the
mouth of the Nile. As they were more
ambitious of spoil than of glory, they
seldom attacked any fortified cities or
engaged any regular troops in the open
field. But the celerity of their motions
enabled them, almost at the same time,
to threaten and to attack the most dis
tant objects whioh attraoted their desires;
and as they always embarked a sufficient

and it fell upon the third part of
the rivers, and upon the fountains
of waters :

number of horses, they had no sooner
landed than they swept the dismayed
country with a body of light cavalry."
ii. 366. How far this description: agrees
with the symbol in the passage before
us — " a great mountain burning with
fire cast into the sea ;" " the third part
of the ships were destroyed," must be
left to the reader to judge. It may be
asked, however, with at least some show
of reason, whether, if it be admitted that
it was the design of the author of the
Book of Revelation to refer to the move
ments of the Vandals under Genserio as
one of the important and immediate
causes of the ruin of the Roman empire,
he could have found a more expressive
symbol than this? Indeed, is there
now any symbol that would be more
striking and appropriate ? If one should
now undertake to represent this as one
of the causes of the downfall of the
empire by a symbol, could he easily
find one that ' would be more expres
sive? It is a matter that is in itself
perhaps of no importance, but it may
serve to show that the interpretation
respecting the second trumpet was not
forced, to remark that I had gone
through with the interpretation of the
language of the symbol, before I looked
into Mr. Gibbon with any reference to
the application.
10. And the third angel sounded. In
dicating, according to the interpretation
above proposed, some important event
in the downfall of the Roman empire.
^ And there fell a great star from hea
ven. A star is a natural emblem of a
prince, of a ruler, of one distinguished
by rank, or by talent. Comp. Notes on
ch. ii. 28. See Num. xxiv. 17, and the
Notes on Isa. xiv. 12. A star falling from
heaven, would be a natural symbol of
one who had left a higher station, or of
one whose character and course would
be like a meteor shooting through the
sky. ^ Burning as it were a lamp. Or,
as a torch. The language here is such
as would describe a meteor blazing
through the air; and the reference»in
the symbol is to something that would
have a resemblance to such a meteor.
It is not a lurid meteor (livid, pale,

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VIII.

233

II And the name of the star
is called Wormwood : " and the
third part of the waters b became
aDe.29.18. Am. 5. 7. He. 12. 15.

ghastly) that is here referred to, but a
bright, intense, blazing star — emblem of
fiery energy ; of rapidity of movement
and execution; of splendor of appear
ance — such as a chieftain of high endow
ments, of impetuousness of character,
and of richness of apparel, would be.
In all languages, probably, a star has
been an emblem of a prince whose
virtues have shone brightly, and who
has exerted a beneficial influence on
mankind. In all languages also, pro
bably, a meteor flaming through the
sky has been an emblem of some
splendid genius causing or threatening
desolation and ruin ; of a warrior who
has moved along in a brilliant but de
structive path over the world; and who
has been regarded as sent to execute
the vengeance of heaven. This usage
occurs because a meteor is so bright;
because it appears so suddenly ; because
its course cannot be determined by any
known laws.; and because, in tbe appre
hensions of men, it is either sent as a
proof of the divine displeasure, or is
adapted to excite consternation and
alarm. In the application of this part
of the symbol, therefore, we naturally
look for some prince or warrior of bril
liant talents, who appears suddenly and
sweeps rapidly over the world; who ex
cites consternation and alarm ; whose
path is marked by desolation, and who
is regarded as sent from heaven to exe
cute the divine purposes — who comes
not to bless the world by brilliant
talents well-directed, but to execute
vengeance on mankind. ^[ And it fell
upon the third part of the rivers, and
upon the fountains of waters. On the
phrase "the third part," see Notes on
ver. 7. This reference to the "rivers"
and to the " fountains of waters" seems,
in part, to be for the purpose of saying
that every thing would be affected by
this series of judgments. In the pre
vious visions the trees and the green
grass, the sea and the ships, had been
referred to. The rivers and the foun
tains of waters are not less important
than the trees, the grass, and the com
merce of the world, and hence this
20*

wormwood ; and many died of the
waters, because they were made
bitter. 6 Ex. 15. 23. Je. 9. 15. 23. 15.

judgment is mentioned as particularly
bearing on them. At tho same time, as
in the case of the other trumpets, there
is a propriety in supposing that there
would be something in the event referred
to by the symbol which would make it
more appropriate to use this symbol in
this case than in the others. It is
natural, therefore, to look for some deso
lations that would particularly affect the
portions of the world where rivers
abound, or where they take their rise ;
or, if it be understood as having a more
metaphorical sense, to regard it as affect
ing those things which resemble rivers
and fountains — the sources of influence ;
the morals, the religion of a people, the
institutions in a country, which are
often so appropriately compared with
running fountains or flowing streams.
11. And the name of the star is called
Wormwood. Is appropriately so called.
The writer does not say that it would be
actually so called, but that this name
would be properly descriptive of its
qualities. Such expressions are common
in allegorical writings. The Greek
word — atpivSos — denotes wormwood, a
well-known bitter herb. That word be
comes the proper emblem of bitterness.
Comp. Jer. ix7 15, xxiii. 15 ; Lam. iii.
15, 19. fl And the third part of the
waters became wormwood. Became bitter
as wormwood. This is doubtless an em
blem of the calamity which would occur
if the waters should be thus made bitter.
Of course, they would become useless for
the purposes to which they are mostly
applied, and the destruction of life would
be inevitable. To conceive of the extent
of such a calamity, we have only to ima
gine a large portion of the wells, and
rivers, and fountains of a country made
bitter as wormwood. Comp. Ex. xv. 23, 24.
^ And many men died of the waters, be
cause they were made bitter. This effect
would naturally follow if any considerable
portion of the fountains and streams of a
land were changed by an infusion of worm-
wool. It is not necessary to suppose
that this is intended to be literally true,
for as, by the use of a symbol, it is not
to be supposed that literally a part of the

234

REVELATION,

[A.D.96.

waters would be turned into wormwood
by the baleful influence of a falling me
teor, so it is not necessary to suppose
that there is intended to be represented
a literal destruction of human life by the
use of waters. Great destruction and
devastation are undoubtedly intended to
be denoted by this — destruction that
would be well represented in a land by
tbe natural effects if a considerable part
of the waters were, by their bitterness,
made unfit to drink.
In the interpretation and application,
therefore, of this passage, we may adopt
the following principles and rules: —
(a) It may be assumed, in this exposi
tion, that the previous symbols, under
the first and second trumpet-blasts, re
ferred respectively to Alaric and his
Gothi, and to Genseric and his Vandals.
(5) That the next great and decisive
event in the downfall of the empire,
is the one that is here referred to.
{<¦) That there Would be some chieftain
or warrior who might be compared with
a blazing meteor; whose course would
be singularly brilliant; who Would ap
pear suddenly like a blazing star, and
then disappear like a star whose light'
was quenched in the waters. (<$) That
tie desolating course of that meteor
would be mainly on those portions of
the world that abounded with springs
of water and running streams. (») That
an effect would be produced as if those
streams and fountains were made bitter ;
that is, that many persons would perish,
and that wide desolations would be
caused in the vicinity of those rivers and
streams, as if a bitter and baleful star
should fall into the waters, and death
should spread over the lands adjacent to
them, and watered by them. Whether
any events occurred of which this would
be the proper emblem, is now the ques
tion. Among expositors there has been
a considerable degree of unanimity in
supposing that Attila, the king of the
Huns, is referred to, and if the preceding
expositions are correct, there can be no
doubt on the subject. After Alaric and
Genseric, Attila occupies the next place
a? an important agent in tbe overthrow
of tbe Roman empire, and the only
question is, whether he would be proper
ly symbolized by this baleful star. The
following remarks may be made to show
the propriety of the symbol. (1) As
already remarked, tho place which he

occupies in history, as immediately sue.
ceeding Alaric and Genseric in the
downfall of the empire. This will ap.
pear in any chronological table, or in
the table of contents of any of the his
tories of those times. A full detail of
the career of Attila may be found in
Gibbon, vol. ii. pp. 314-351. His ca
reer extended from A. D. 433, to A. D.
453. It is true that he was contempo
rary with Genseric, king of the Vandals,
and that a portion of tbe operations of
Genseric in Africa were subsequent to
the death of Attila (A. D. 455 — A. D.
467); but it is also true that Genseric
preceded Attila in the career of con
quest, and was properly the first in or
der, being pressed forward in the Roman
warfare by the Huns, A. D. 428. See
Gibbon, ii. 306, seq. (2) In the manner
of his appearance, he strongly resembled
a brilliant meteor flashing in the sky.
He came from the east, gathering his
Huns, and poured them down; as we
shall see, with the rapidity of a flashing
meteor, suddenly on the empire. He
regarded himself also as devoted to
Mars, the god of war, and was accus
tomed to array himself in a peculiarly
brilliant manner, so that his appearance,
ha the language of his flatterers, was
such as to dazzle the eyes of beholders.
One of his followers perceived that a
heifer that was grazing had wounded
her foot, and curiously followed the track
of blood, till he found in the long grass
the point of an ancient sword, which he
dug out of the ground and presented to
Attila. " That magnanimous, or rather
that artful prince," says Mr. Gibbon,
"accepted with pious gratitude this
celestial favor ; and, as the rightful pos
sessor of the sword of Mars, asserted his
divine and indefeasible claim to the do
minion of the earth. The favorite of
Mars soon acquired a sacred character,
which rendered his conquests more easy
and more permanent ; and the Barbarian
princes confessed, in the language of
devotion or flattery, that they could not
presume to gaze, with a steady eye, on
the divine majesty of the king of the
Huns." ii. 317. How appropriate would
it be to represent such a prince by the
symbol of a bright and blazing star —
or a meteor flashing through the sky!
(3) There may be propriety, as applica
ble to him, in the expression — "a great
star from heaven falling upon the earth."

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER VIII.

235

Attila was regarded as an instrument in
the divine hand in inflicting punishment.
The common appellation by which he
has been known is " the scourge of
God." This title is supposed 'by the
modern Hungarians to have been first
given to Attila by a hermit of Gaul, but
't was "inserted by Attila among th*
titles of his royal dignity." Gibbon, ii.
321, foot-note. To no one could the
title be more applicable than to him.
(4) His career as a conqueror, and the
effect of his conquests on the downfall
of the empire, were such as to be pro
perly symbolized in this manner. ' (a)
The general effect of the invasion was
worthy Of an important jlace in de
scribing the series of events whieh re
sulted in the overthrow of the empire.
This is thus stated by Mr. Gibbon :
" The western world was oppressed by
the Goths and Vandals, who fled before
the Huns ; but the achievements of the
Huns themselves were not adequate to
their power and prosperity. Their vic
torious hordes had spread from the Vol
ga to the Danube, but the public force
was exhausted by the discord of inde
pendent chieftains ; their valor was idly
consumed in obscure and predatory ex
cursions ; and they often degraded their
national dignity by condescending, for
the hopes of spoil, to enlist under the
banners of their fugitive enemies. In
the reign of Attila, the Huns again be
came the terror of the world ; and I
shall now describe the character and
actions of that formidable Barbarian
who alternately invaded and insulted
the east and the west, and urged the
rapid downfall of the Soman empire."
vol. ii. pp. 314, 315. (6) The parts of the
earth affected by the invasion of the
Huns, were those whioh would be pro
perly symbolized by the things specified
at the blowing of this trumpet. It is
said particularly, that the effect -would
be on "the rivers," and on "the foun
tains of waters." If this has a literal
application, or if, as was supposed in
the case of the second trumpet, the lan
guage used was such as had reference
to the portion of the empire that would
be particularly affected by the hostile
* invasion, then we may suppose that this
refers to those portions of the empire
that abounded in rivers and streams,
and more particularly those inwhich the
rivers and streams had their origin — for

the effect was permanently in the "foun
tains of wafers." — As a matter of fact,
the principal operations of Attila were
in the regions of the Alps and on the
portions of the empire whence the rivers
flow down into Italy. The invasion of
Attila is described by Mr. Gibbon in this
general language : " The whole breadth
of Europe, as it extends above five hun
dred miles from the Euxine to the Adri
atic, was at once invaded, and occu
pied, and desolated, by the myriads of
barbarians whom Attila led into tho
field." ii. 319, 320. After describing th»
progress and the effects of this invasion
(pp. 320-331), he proceeds more parti
cularly to detail the events in the inva
sion of Gaul and Italy, pp. 331-347.
After the terrible battle of Chalons, in
which, according to one account, one
hundred and" sixty-two thousand, and,
according to other accounts, three hun
dred thousand persons were slain, and
in which Attila was defeated, he re
covered his vigor, collected his forces,
and made a descent on Italy. Under
pretence of claiming Hohbria, the daugh
ter of the empress of Rome, as his bride,
"the indignant lover took the field;
-passed the Alps, invaded Italy, and be
sieged Aqnilei'a with an innumerable
host of barbarians." After endeavoring
in vain for three months to subdue the
city, and when about to abandon the
siege, Attila took advantage of the ap
pearance of a stork as a favorable omen
to arouse his men to a renewed effort,
" a large breach was made in the part
of the wall where the stork had taken
her flight ; the Huns marched to the as
sault with irresistible fury ; and the suc
ceeding generation could scarcely dis
cover the ruins of Aquileia. After this
dreadful chastisement, Attila pursued his
march ; and as he passed, the cities of
Altinum, Concordia, and Padua, were
reduced into heaps of stones and ashes.
The inland towns, Vicenza, Verona, and
Bergamo, were exposed to the rapacious
cruelty of the Huns. Milan and Pavia
submitted, without resistance, to the loss
of their wealth, and applauded the un
usual clemency which preserved from
the flames the public, as well as the pri
vate buildings, and spared the lives of
the captive multitude. The popular tra
ditions of Comum, Turin, or Modena,
may be justly suspected, yet they concur
with more authentic evidence to prove

236

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

12 And the fourth angel sounded, moon, and the third part of the
and the third part of the sun a was
smitten, and the third part of the

that Attila spread his ravages over the
rich plains of modern Lombardy, which
are divided by the Po, and bounded by
the Alps and the Apennines." ii. pp. 343,
344. " It is a saying worthy of the fero
cious pride of Attila, that the grass never
grew on the spot where his horse had
trod." Ibid. p. 345. Any one has only
to look on a map, and to trace the pro
gress of those desolations and the chief
seats of his military operations, to see
with what propriety this symbol would
be employed. In these regions th 3 great
rivers that water Europe have their ori
gin, and are swelled by numberless
streams that flow down from the Alps,
and about the fountains whence these
streams flow, were the principal military
operations of the invader, (c) With
equal propriety is he represented in the
symbol, as affecting " a ' third" part of
these rivers and fountains. At least a
third part of the empire was invaded
and desolated by him in his savage
march, and the effects of his invasion
were as disastrous on the empire as if a
bitter star had fallen into a third pari of
those rivers and fountains and had con
verted them into wormwood, (d) There
is one other point which shows the pro
priety of this symbol. It is, that the
meteor, or star, seemed to be absorbed in
the waters. It fell into the waters ; em
bittered them,* and was seen no more.
Such would be the case with a meteor
that should thus fall upon the earth —
flashing along the sky, and then disap
pearing forever. Now, it was remark
able in regard to the Huns, that their
power was concentrated under Attila;
that he alone appeared as the leader of [
this formidable host; and that when i
he died all the concentrated power of the
Huns was dissipated, or became ab- I
sorbed and lost. — "The revolution,"!
says Mr. Gibbon (ii. 348), " whioh sub- I
verted the empire of the Huns, establish- ¦
ed the fame of Attila, whose* genius alone ,
had sustained the huge and disjointed I
fabric. After his death, the boldest
chieftains aspired to the rank of kings ;
tho most powerful kings refused to ac
knowledge a superior ; and tho nume
rous sons, whom so many various mo-

a Isa. 13. 10 ; Je. 4. 23; Eze. S
10: Am. 8, 9.

3.7,8; Joel 2.

thers bore to the deceased monarch,
divided and disputed, like a private in
heritance, the sovereign command of the
nations of Germany and Scythia." Soon,
however, in the conflicts which suc
ceeded, tiae empire passed away, and the
empire of the Huns ceased. The people
that composed it were absorbed in the
surrounding nations, and Mr. Gibbon
makes this remark, after giving a sum
mary account of these conflicts, which
continued but for a few years : " The
Igours of the north, issuing from the
cold Siberian regions, which produced
the most valuable furs, spread them
selves over the desert, as far as the Eo-
risthenes and the Caspian gates, and
finally extinguished the empire of the
Suns." — These facts may, perhaps, show
with what propriety Attila would he
compared with a bright but beautiful
meteor; and that, if the design was to
symbolize him as acting an important
part in the downfall of the Roman em
pire, there is a fitness in the symbol
here employed.
12. And the fourth angel sounded.
Notes vs. 6,. 7. *j[ And tlte third part of
the sea was smitten. On the phrase the
third part, see Notes on ver. 7. The
darkening of the heavenly luminaries is
everywhere an emblem of any great
calamity — as if the light of the sun,
moon, and stars should be put out. See
Notes on ch. vi. 12, 13. — There is no cer
tain evidence that this refers to rulers,
as many have supposed, or to any thing
that would particularly affect the govern
ment^^ such. The meaning is, that cala
mity would come as if darkness should
spread over the sun, the moon, and the
stars, leaving the world in gloom. What
is the precise nature of the calamity, is
hot indicated by the language, but any
thing that would diffuse gloom and dis
aster, would accord with the fair mean
ing of the symbol- — There are a few cir
cumstances, however, in regard to this
symbol, which may aid us in determin
ing its application. (1) It would follow
in the series of calamities that were to
occur. (2) It would be separated in
some important sense — of time, place, or
degree, from those which were to follow,

A.. D. W.]

C UAPTER VIII.

237

stars ; so as the third part of them
was darkened, and the day shone
for there is a pause here (ver. 13), and
the angel proclaims that more terrible
.woes are to succeed this series. (3) Like
the preceding, it is to affect " one third
part" of the world ; — that is, it is to be
a calamity as if a third part of the sun,
the moon, and the stars were suddenly
smitten and darkened. (4) It is not to
be total. It is not as if the sun, the
moon, and the stars were entirely blotted
out, for there was Btill some remaining
light : that is, there was a continuance of
the existing state of things — as if these
heavonly bodies should still give an ob
scure and partial light. (5) Perhaps it is
also intended by the symbol, that there
would be light again. The world was
not to go into a state of total and per
manent night. For a third part of the
day, and a third part of the night, this
darkness reigned ; but does not this im
ply that there would be light again —
that the obscurity would pass away, and
that the sun, and moon, and stars would
shine again ? That is, is it not implied
that there would still be prosperity in
some future period ?
Now, in regard to the application of
this, if the explanation of the preceding
symbols is correct, there can be little
difficulty. If the previous symbols re
ferred to Alaric, to Genseric, and to Attila,
there can be no difficulty in applying
this to Odoacer, and to his reign — a reign
in which, in fact, the Roman dominion
in the West came to an end, and passed
into the hands of this barbarian. Any
one has only to open the " Decline and
Fall of the Roman Empire," to see that
this is the next event that- should be
symbolized if the design were to repre
sent the downfall of the empire. These
four great barbarian leaders succeed,
each other in order, and under the last,
Odoacer, the barbarian dominion was
established; for it is here that the
existence of the Roman power, as
such, ended. The Western empire,
terminated, according to Mr. Gibbon
(ii. p. 380), about A. D. 476, or 479.
Odoacer was " King of Italy" from A. D.
476 to A. D. 490. Gibbon, ii. 379. The
Kastern empire still lingered, but cala
mity, like blotting out the sun, and
moon, and stars, hiul come over that

not for a third part of it, and the
night likewise.

part of the world which for so many
centuries had constituted the seat of
power and dominion. — Odoacer was the
son of Edecon, a barbarian, who was in
the service of Attila, and who left two
sons — Onulf and Odoacer. The former
directed his steps to Constantinople;
Odoacer, "led a wandering life among
the barbarians of Noricum, with a mind
and fortune suited to the most desperate
adventures ; and when he had fixed his
choice he privily visited the cell of
Severinus, • the popular saint of the
country, to solicit his approbation and
blessing. The lowness of the door would
not admit the lofty stature of Odoacer;
he was obliged to stoop; but in that
humble attitude the saint could discern
the symptoms of his future greatness;
and addressing him in a prophetic tone,
' Pursue,' said he, your design ; proceed
to Italy ; you will cast away the coarse
garment of skins ; and your wealth will
be adequate to the liberality of your
mind.' The barbarian, whose daring
spirit accepted and ratified this predic
tion, was admitted into the service of
the Western empire, and soon obtained
an honorable rank in the guards. His
manners were gradually polished, his
military skill improved, and the con
federates of Italy would not have elected
him for their general, unless the ex
ploits of Odoacer had established a high
opinion of his courage and capacity.
Their military acclamations saluted him
with the title of king ; but he abstained
during his whole reign from the use of
the purple and tho diadem, lest be should
offend those princes, whose subjects, by
their accidental mixture, had formed
the 'victorious army which time and
policy might insensibly unite into a
great nation." Gibbon, ii. 379, 380.
In another place Mr. Gibbon says,
" Odoacer was tbe first barbarian who
reigned in Italy, over a people who had
once asserted their superiority above the
rest of mankind. Tbe disgraco of the
Romans still excites our respectful com
passion, and we fondly sympathize with
the imaginary grief and indignation of
their degenerate posterity. But the
calamities of Italy had gradually sub
dued the proud consciousness of freedom

238

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

and glory. In the age of Roman virtue,
the provinces were subject to the arms,
and the citizens to the laws, of the re
public ; till those laws were subverted by
civil discord, and both the city and the
provinces became the property of a
servile tyrant. The forms of the consti
tution which alleviated or disguised
their abject slavery, were abolished by
time and violence; the Italians alter
nately lamented the presence or the
absence of the sovereigns whom they
detested or despised; and the succession
of five centuries inflicted the various
evils of military license, capricious des
potism, and elaborate oppression. Du
ring the same period the barbarians had
emerged from obscurity and contempt,
and the warriors of Germany and Scythia
were introduced into the provinces, as
the servants, the allies, and at length
the masters, of the Romans, whom they
insulted or protected." ii. 381, 382. Of
the effect of the reign of Odoacer, Mr.
Gibbon remarks : "In the division and
decline of the empire, the tributary har
vests of Egypt and Africa were with
drawn ; the numbers of the inhabitants
continually decreased with the means of
subsistence; and the country was ex
hausted by the irretrievable losses of
war, famine, and pestilence. St. Am
brose has deplored the ruin of a popu
lous district, which had been once
adorned with the flourishing cities of
Bologna, Modena, Regium, and Pla-
centia. Pope Gelasius was a subject of
Odoacer; and he afiirms, with strong
exaggeration, that in JSmilia, Tuscany,
and the adjacent provinces, the human
species was almost extirpated. One-
third of those ample estates, to which
the ruin of Italy is originally imputed,
was extorted for the use of the con
querors." ii. 383. Yet, the light was not
wholly extinct. It was "a third part"
of it which was put out; and it was still
true that some of the forms of the
ancient constitution were observed — that
the light still lingered before it wholly
passed away. In the language of, an
other, " The authority of the Roman
name had not yet entirely ceased. The
senate of Rome continued to assemble
as usual. The consuls were appointed
yearly, one by the Eastern emperor, one
by Italy and Rome. Odoacer himself
governed Italy under a title (that of
Patrician), conforred on him by tho

Eastern emperor. There was still a
certain, though often faint, recognition
of the supreme imperial authority. The
moon and the stars might seem still to
shine in the West, with a dim, reflected
light. In the course of the events, how
ever, which rapidly followed in the next.
half century, these too were extinguish
ed. After above a century and a half
of calamities unexampled almost, as Br.
Robertson most truly represents it,*
in the History of Nations, the statement
of Jerome — a statement couched under
the very Apocalyptic figure of the text,
but prematurely pronounced on the
first taking of Rome by Alaric — might
be considered at length accomplished:
' Clarissimum terrarum lumen extinc-
tum esf — ' The world's glorious sun has
been extinguished;' or as the modern
poet (Byron, Childe Harold, canto iv.)
has expressed it, still under the Apoca
lyptic imagery —
' She saw her glories star by star expire, '
till not even one star remained to glim
mer in the vacant and dark night."
Elliott, i. 360, 361.
I have thus endeavored to explain the
meaning of the four first trumpets under
the opening of the seventh seal, em
bracing the successive severe blows
struck on the empire by Alaric, Gen
seric, Attila, and Odoacer, until the
empire fell to rise no more. I cannot
better conclude this part of the expo
sition than in the words of Mr. Gibbon,
in his reflections on the fall of the em
pire : " I have now accomplished," says
he, " the laborious narrative of the de
cline and fall of the Roman empire, from
the fortunate age of Trajan and the
Antonines, to its latest extinction in the
West, about five centuries after the
Christian era. At that unhappy period,
the Saxons fiercely struggled with the
natives for the possession of Britain;
Gaul and Spain were divided between the
powerful monarchies of the Franks and
the Visigoths, and the dependent king
doms of the Suevi and the Burgundians ,
Africa was exposed to the cruel perse
cution of the Vandals, and the savage
insults of the Moors ; Rome and Italy,
as far as the banks of tho Danube, were
afflicted by an army of barbarian rner-

* ' If wa were called od to fix a period moit cala
mitous, it would be that from the death of Theodosim
to the establishment of tbe Lombnrds.' Charles V..
pp. 11, 12.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

23S

13 And I beheld, and heard an
angel flying " through the midst of
heaven, saying with a loud voice,

Woe, woe, woe, to the inhabitants
of the earth, by reason of the other
voices of the trumpet of the three
angels, which are yet to sound.

cenaries, whosq lawless tyranny was
succeeded by the reign of Theodosia, the
Ostrogoth. All the subjects of the em
pire, who, by the use of the Latin
language, more particularly deserved the
name and privileges of Romans, were
oppressed by the disgrace and calamities
of foreign conquest ; and the victorious
nations of Germany established a new
system of manners and government in
the western countries of Europe. The
majesty of Borne was faintly represented
by the princes of Constantinople, the
feeble and imaginary successors of
Augustus." Vol. ii. pp. 440, 441. " The
splendid days of Augustus and Trajan
were eclipsed by a cloud of ignorance
[a fine illustration of the language ' the
third part of the sun was smitten, and
the day shone not, and the night like
wise']; and the barbarians subverted
the laws and palaces of Rome." Ibid.
p. 446.
Thus ended tbe history of the Gothic
period; and,. as I suppose, the immediate
symbolic representation of the affairs of
the Western empire. An interval now
occurs (ver. 15) in the sounding of the
trumpets, and the scene is transferred,
in the three remaining trumpets, to the
Eastern parts of the empire. After that,
the attention, is directed again to the
West, to contemplate Rome under a
new form, and exerting a new influence
in the nations, under the Papacy, but
destined ultimately to pass away in its
spiritual power, as its temporal power
had yielded to the elements of internal
decay in its bosom, and to the invasions
of the Northern hordes.
13. And I beheld. My attention was
attracted by a new vision, \ And heard
an angel flying, Ac. I heard the voice
of an angel making this proclamation.
f Woe, woe, woe. That is, there will be
great woe. The repetition of the word
is intensive, and the idea is, that the
sounding of the three remaining trum
pets would indicate great and fearful
calamities. These three are grouped to
gether, as if they pertained to a similar
series of events, as the first four had
been. The two classes are separated

from each other by this interval and by
this proclamation — implying that the
first series had been completed, and that
there would be some interval, either of
space or time, before the other series
would come upon the world. All that
is fairly implied here would be fulfilled
by the supposition that the former re
ferred to the West, and that the lattei
pertained to the East, and were to fol
low when those should have been com
pleted. CHAPTER IX.
ANALYSIS OP THE CHAPTER.
The three remaining trumpets (chs.
ix-xi) are usually called the woe-trum
pets, in reference to the proclamation of
woes, ch. viii. 13. Prof. Stuart. The
three extend, as I suppose, to the end
of time, or, as it is supposed by the
writer himself (ch. xi. 15), to the period
when " the kingdoms of this world shall
have become the kingdom of Christ,"
embracing a succinct view of the most
material events that were to' occur, par
ticularly in a secular point of view. See
the Analysis prefixed to the book. In
ch. xi. 19, as I understand it, a new
view is commenced, referring to the
church internally; the rise of Anti
christ, and the effect of the rise of
that formidable power on the internal
history of the church, to the time of
its overthrow, and the triumphant esta
blishment of the kingdom of God. This,
'of course, synchronizes in its begin
ning and its close with the portion
already passed over, but with a different
view. See the Analysis prefixed to ch.
xi. 19, seq.
This chapter contains properly three
parts. (1) Erst, a description of the first of
those trumpets, or the fifth in the order
of the whole, vs. 1-12. — This woe is re
presented under the figure of calamities
brought upon the earth by an immense
army of locusts. A star is seen to fall
from heaven— representing some mighty
chieftain, and to him is given the key of
the bottomless pit. He opens the pit, and
then comes forth an innumerable swarm

240

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

A

CHAPTER IX.
ND the fifth angel sounded,
and I saw a star a fall from
a Lu. 10. 18; c. 8. 10.

of locusts that darken the heavens, and
they go forth npon the earth. They
have a command given them to do a
certain work. — They are not to hurt the
earth, or any green thing, but they are
sent against those men which have not
the seal of God on their foreheads.
Their main business, however, was not
to kill them, but to torment them for a
limited time — for five months. A des
cription of the appearance of the locusts
then follows. Though they are called
locusts, because in their general appear
ance, and in the ravages they commit,
they resemble them, yet, in the main,
they are imaginary beings, and combine
in themselves qualities which are never
found united in reality. They had a
strong resemblance to horses prepared
for battle ; they wore on their heads
crowns of gold j they had the faces of
men, hut the hair of women, and the
teeth of lions. They had breastplates
of iron, and tails like scorpions, with
stings in their tails. They had a mighty
king at their head, with a name signifi
cant of the destruction which he would
bring upon th& world. These myste
rious beings had their origin in the
bottomless pit, and they are summoned
forth to spread desolation upon the
earth. (2) Second, a description of the second
of these trumpets, the sixth in order, vs.
13-19-. When this is sounded, a voice
is heard from the four horns of the
altar which is before God. The angel is
commanded to loose the four angels
which are bound in the great river
Euphrates. These angels are loosed —
angels which had been prepared for a
definite period — a day, and a month,
and a year, to slay the third part of
men. — The number of the army that
would appear — composed of cavalry —
is stated to amount to two hundred
thousand, and the peculiarities of these
horsemen are then stated. They are
remarkable for having breastplates of
fire, and jacinth, and brimstone,* the
heads of the horses resemble lions*
and they breathe forth firo and brim-
¦tone. A third part of men fall before

heaven unto the earth: and to him
was given the key of the bottom
less pit. b b c 17. 8. 20. 1.

them, by the fire, and the smoke, and
the brimstone. Their power is in
their mouth and in their tails, for their
tails are like serpents.
(3) Third, a statement of the effect of
the judgments brought npon the world
under these trumpets, vs. 20, 21. Tho
effect, so far as the reasonable result
could have been anticipated, is lost.
The nations are not turned from idola
try. Wickedness still abounds, and
there is no disposition to repent of the
abominations which had been so long
practised on the earth.
1. And the fifth angel sounded. See
Notes on ch. viii. 6, 7. ^ And I saw a
star fall from heaven unto the earth.
This denotes, as was shown in the
Notes on ch. viii. 10, a leader, a mili
tary chieftain, a warrior. — In the fulfil
ment of this, as in the former case, we
look for the appearance of some mighty
prince and warrior, to whom is "given
power, as it were, to open the bottomless
pit, and to summon forth its legions. That
some such agent is denoted by the star,
is farther apparent from the fact that it
is immediately added that " to him
[the star} was given the key of the
bottomless pit." It could not be meant
that a key would be given to a literal
star, and we naturally suppose, there
fore, that some intelligent being of ex
alted rank, and of baleful influence, is
here referred to. Angels, good and bad,
are often called stars ; but the reference
here, as in eh. viii. 10, seems to me not
to he to angels, but to some mighty
leader of armies, who was to collect his
hosts, and to go through the world in
the work of destruction. \And to'him
teas given the key nf the bottomless pit.
Of the under-world, considered particu
larly of the abode of the wicked. This
is represented often as a dark prison-
house, enclosed with walls, and accessi
ble by gates or doors. These gates or
doors are fastened, so that none of the
inmates can come out, and the key is in
the hand of the keeper or guardian. In
oh. i. 13, it is said that the keys of that
world are in the hand of the Saviour
(comp. Notes on that passage); here it

A. D. 96.1

CHAPTER IX.

241

2 And he opened the bottomless
pit; and there arose a smoke out
of the pit, as the smoke of a great
furnace ; and the sun and the air

a Joel 2. 2.

is said that for a time, and for a tempo
rary purpose, they are committed to an
other. The word pit — tppiap — denotes,
properly, a well, or a pit for water dug
in the earth ; and then any pit, cave,
abyss. The reference here is doubtless
to the nether world considered as the
abode of the wicked dead, the prison-
house of the guilty. The word bottom
less — SI3ve-cos — whence our word abyss,
means properly without any bottom
(from a, pr. and 0v$os, depth, bottom).
It would be applied properly to the
ocean, or to any deep and dark dell, or
to any obscure place whose depth was
unknown. Here it refers to Hades— the
region of the dead: — the abode of wicked
spirits — as a deep, dark, place whose
bottom was unknown. Having the key
to this, is to have the power to confine
those who are , there, or to permit them
to go at large. The meaning here is
that this master-spirit would have power
to evoke the dead from these dark re
gions ; and it would be fulfilled if some
mighty genius, that could be compared
with a fallen star, or a lurid meteor,
should summon forth followers which
would appear like the dwellers in the
nether world called forth to spread de-
solatipn over the earth.
2. And he opened the bottomless pit.
It is represented before as wholly con
fined, so that not even the smoke or va
por could escape. ^ And there arose a
smoke out of the pit. Comp. ch, xiv. 11.
The meaning here is4 that the pit, as a
place of punishment, or as the abode of
the wicked, was filled with burning sul
phur, and consequently that it emitted
smoke and vapor as soon as opened.
The common image of. the .place of
punishment, in the Scriptures, is that of
a "lake that burns with fire and brim
stone." Oomp. ch. xiv. 10; -xix. 20; xx.
10 ; xxi. 8. See also Ps. xi. 6 ; Ezek.
xxxviii. 22 ; Isa. xxx. 33. It is not im
probable that this image was taken from
the destruction of Sodom and Gomor
rah. Gen. xix. 24. Such burning sul
phur would produce, of course, a dense
smoke or vapor, and the idea here is,
21

were darkened " by reason of the
smoke of the pit.
3 And there came -out of the
smoke locusts * upon the earth:
b Ex. 10. 4, £-c.
that the pit had been closed, and that as
soon as the door was opened, a dense
column escaped that darkened the hea
vens. The purpose of this is, probably,
to indicate the origin of the plague that
was about to come upon the world. It
would be of such a character that it
would appear as if it had been emitted
from hell ; as if the inmates of that dark
world had broke loose upon the earth.
Comp. Notes on ch. vi. 8. "J As the smoke
of a great furnace. So in Gen. xix. 28,
whence probably this image is taken ; —
"And he looked towards Sodom and
Gomorrah, and all the land of the plain,
and beheld, and lo, the smoke of the
country went up as the smoke of a fur
nace." ^[ And the sun and the air were
darkened, &c. As will be the case when
a smoke ascends from a furnace. The
meaning here is, that an effect would be
produced as if a dense and dark vapor
should ascend from the under-world.
We are not, of course, to understand this
literally. . , . .
3. And tliere came out of the smoke
locusts upon the earth. That is, they
escaped from the pit with the smoke.
At first they were mingled with the
smoke so that they were not distinctly
seen, but when the smoke cleared away,
they appeared in great numbers. The
idea seems to be, that the bottomless pit
was filled with vapor and with those
creatures, and that as soon as the gate
was opened the whole contents expand
ed and burst forth upon the earth. The
sun was immediately darkened and the
air was full, but the smoke soon cleared
away, so that the locusts became dis
tinctly visible. The appearance of these
locusts is described in another part of
the chapter, vs. 7, seq. The locust is a
voracious insect belonging to the. grass
hopper or grylli, genus, and is a great
scourge in Oriental countries. A full
description of the locust may be seen in
Robinson's Calmet, and in Kitto's Ency.
vol. ii. pp. 268, seq. There are ten He
brew words to denote the locust, and
there are nunierous references to the
destructive habits of the inseot in the

242

REVELATION,

[A. 1). 96.

and unto them was given power
a ver. 10.

Scriptures. In fact, from their numbers,
and their destructive habits, there was
scarcely any other plague that was so
much dreaded in the East. Considered as
a symbol, or emblem, t b e following remarks
may be made in explanation : — (1) The
symbol is Oriental, and would most na
turally refer to something that was to
occur in the East. As locusts have
appeared chiefly in tho East, and as
they are in a great measure an Oriental
plague, the mention of this symbol would
most naturally turn the thoughts to that
portion of the earth. The symbols of
the first four trumpets had no especial
locality, and would Suggest no particular
part of the world ; but* on the mention
of this, the mind would be naturally
turned to the East, and we should ex
pect to find that the scene of this woe
Would be located in the regions where
the ravages of locusts most abounded.
Compare, on this point, Elliott, Horae.
Apoc, i. 394-406. He has made it pro
bable that the prophets, when they used
symbolical language to denote any
events, commonly, at least, employed
those which had a local or geographical
reference. Thus, in the symbols derived
from the vegetable kingdom, when Ju
dah is to be symbolized, the olive, the
vine, and the fig-tree are selected; when
Egypt is referred to, the reed is chosen;
where Babylon, the willow. And so, in
the animal kingdom, the lion is the
symbol of Judah; the wild-ass, of the
Arabs; the crocodile, of Egypt, &c.
Whether this theory could be wholly
carried out or not, no one can doubt that
the symbol of locusts would most natu
rally suggest the Oriental world, and that
the natural interpretation of the passage
would lead us to expect its fulfilment
there. (2) Locusts were remarkable for
their numbers — so great often as to ap
pear like clouds, and to darken the sky.
In this respect, they would naturally be
symbolical of numerqus armies or hosts
of men. This natural symbol of nume
rous armies is often employed by the
prophets. Thus, in Jer. xlvi. 23 :
" Cut down her foreat [i, e. her people, or citiea],
saith Jehovah,
That It may not be found on searching :
Although they eurpaaa the locuats Inmulfdde.
And they are without number."

as the scorpions " of the earth have
power.

So in Nahum iii. 15 :
11 There shall tbe fire devour thee ;
The a word s hall cu t thee off; jt shall devour thee
as the locust,
tncreaae thyself as the numerous locust."
So also in Nahum iii. 17 :
" Thy crown'd princes are as the numerous locust,
And thy captains as the grasshoppers ;
Which encamp in the fences in tbe cold day,
But when tbe sun ariaeth they depart,
And their place la not known where they were."
See also Dent, xxviii. 38, 42 ; Ps. lxxviii.
46; Amos vii. 1. Comp. Judges vi. 3.
— 6, vii. 12, and Joel, chs. i. and ii.
(3) Locusts are an emblem of desolation
or destruction. No symbol of desolation
could be more appropriate or striking
than this, for one of the most remarka
ble properties of locusts is, that they
devour every green thing, and leave a
land perfectly waste. They do this even
when what they destroy is not necessary
for their own sustenance. "Locusts
seem to devour not so much from a
ravenous appetite as from a rage for
destroying. Destruction, therefore, and
not food, is the chief impulse of their
devastations, and in this consists their
utility; they are in fact omnivorous.
The most poisonous plants are indifferent
to them ; they will prey even npon the
crowfoot, whose causticity burns even
the hides of beasts. They simply con
sume every thing, without predilection —
vegetable matter, linens, woollens, silk,
leather, Ac. ; and Pliny does not exag
gerate them when he says, fores quoque
teotorum — 'even the doors of houses,'
for they have been known to consume
the very varnish of furniture. They
reduce every thing indiscriminately to
shreds, which become manure." — Kitto's
Encycio. ii. 263. Locusts become, there
fore, a most striking symbol of an all-
devouring army, and as such are often
referred to in Scripture. So also in
Josephus, de Bello Jud. B. v. ch. vii :
"As after locusts, we see the woods
stripped of their leaves, so, in the rear
of Simon's army, nothing but devastation
remained." The natural application of
this symbol, then, is to a numerous and
destructive army, or to a great multitude
of people committing ravages, and sweep
ing off every thing in their march.
fl And unto them was given power. . Thifl

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

243

4 And it was commanded them
" that they should nofehurt the grass
of theearth, neither any green thing,
a c. 6. 6.
was something that was imparted to
them beyond their ordinary nature. The
locust in itself is not strong, and is not
a symbol of strength. Though destruc
tive in the extreme, yet neither as indi
viduals, nor as combined, are they dis
tinguished, for strength. Hence it is
mentioned as a remarkable circumstance
that they had such power conferred on
them. *H As the scorpions of the earth
have power. The phrase "the earth,"
seems to have been' introduced here be
cause these creatures are said to have
come up from " the bottomless pit," and
it was natural to compare them with
eome well-known objects found on the
earth. The scorpion is an animal with
eight feet, eight eyes, and a long jointed
tail, ending in a pointed weapon or s ting.
It is the largest and the most malignant
of all the insect tribes. It somewhat
resembles the lobster in its - general ap
pearance, but is much more hideous.
See Notes on Luke x. 19. Those found
in Europe seldom exceed four inches in
length, but in tropical climates, where
they abound, they are often found twelve
inches long. There are few animals
more formidable, and none more irasci
ble, than the scorpion. Goldsmith states
that Maupertius put about a hundred of
them together in the same glass, and
that as soon as they came into contact,
they began to exert all their rage in
mutual destruction, so that in a few days
there remained but fourteen, which had
killed and devoured all the rest. The
sting of the scorpion, Dr. Shaw states,
is not always fatal; the malignity of
their venom being in proportion to their
size and complexion. The torment of a
scorpion when he strikes a man, is thus
described by Diescorides, lib. vii. cap. 1,
as cited by Mr. Taylor: "When the
scorpion has stung, the place becomes
inflamed and hardened; it reddens by
tension, and is painful by intervals, being
now chilly, now burning. The pain soon
rises high, and rages, sometimes more,
sometimes less. A sweating succeeds,
attended by a shivering and trembling :
the extremities of the body become cold,
the groin swells, the hair stands on end,

neither any tree ; but only thosr*
men which have not the seal * ol
God in their foreheads.
b Ex. 12. 23. Job 2. 6. Eze. 9. 4. c. 7. 3.

the members become pale, and the skin
feels throughout the sensation of a per
petual pricking, as if by needles." —
Fragments to Calmet, Die. vol. iv. 376,
377. " The tail of the scorpion is long,
and formed after the manner of a string
of beads, the last larger than the others,
and longer; at the end' of which are,
sometimes, two stings which are hollow,
and filled with a cold poison, which.it
ejects into the part which it stings."
Cal. Die. The sting of the scorpion,
therefore, becomes the emblem of that
which causes acute and dangerous suf
fering. On this comparison with scor
pions, see the remark of Niebuhr, quoted
in the Notes on ver. 7.
4. And it was commanded them. The
writer does not say' by whom this com
mand was given, but it is clearly by
some one who had the direction of them.
As they were evoked from the " bottom
less pit" by one who had the key to that
dark abode, and as they are represented
in ver. 11 as under the command of one
who is there called Abaddon, or Apolly-
on, the Destroyer, it would seem most
probable that the command referred to
is one that is given by him ; that is, that
this expresses one of the principles on
which he would act in his devastations.
At all events, this denotes what would
be one of the characteristics of these
destroyers. Their purpose would be to
vex and' trouble men; not to spread
desolation over vineyards, olive-yards,
and fields of grain. ^ That they should
not hurt the grass of the earth, &c. See
Notes on eh. viii. 7. The meaning here
is plain. There would be some senss
in which these invaders would be cha
racterized in a manner that was not
common among invaders, to wit, that
they would show particular care not to
carry their devastations into the vegeta
ble world. Their warfare would be with
men, and not with orchards and green
fields. *J But only those men which have
not the seal of God in their foreheads.
See Notes on ch. vii. 2, 3. They com
menced war against that part of the
human race only. The language here
properly denotes those who were not tht.

244

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

5 And to them it was given that
they should not kill them, but
that they should be tormented five
friends of God. It may here refer, how
ever, either to those who in reality were
not such, or to those who were regarded
by him who gave this command as not
being such. In the former case, the
commission would have respect to real
infidels in the sight of God; that is, to
those who rejected the true religion; in
the latter, it would express the sentiment
of the leader of this host, as referring to
those who in his apprehension were in
fidels or enemies of God. The true in
terpretation must depend on the sense
in which we understand the phrase "it
was commanded^" whether as referring
to God, or to the leader of the host him
self. The language, therefore, is am
biguous, and the meaning must be deter
mined by the other parts of the passage.
Either method of understanding the
passage would be in accordance with its
fair interpretation.
5. And to them it was given. There is
here the same indefiniteness as in the
former verse, the impersonal verb being
here also used. The writer does not
say by whom this power was given
whether by God, or by the leader of the
host. It. may be admitted, however,
that the most natural interpretation
is to suppose that it was given them
by God, and that this was the exe
cution of his purpose in this case. Still,
it is remarkable that this is not directly
affirmed, and that the language is so
general as to admit of the other applica
tion. The fact that they did not kill
them, but tormented them — if such a
fact should be found to exist — would be
in every sense a fulfilment of what is
here said, f That they should not kill
them. This is in accordance with the
nature of the symbol. The locusts do
not themselves destroy any living crea
ture; and the sting of the scorpion,
though exceedingly painful, is not usu
ally fatal. The proper fulfilment of this
would be found in that which would not
be generally fatal, but which would dif
fuse misery and wretchedness. Comp.
ver. 6. Perhaps all that would be ne
cessarily 'meant by this, would be, not
that individual men would not be killed.

months : and their torment was as
the torment of a scorpion, when he
striketh a man.

but that they would be sent to inflict
plagues and torments .rather than to
take life, and that the characteristic
effects of their appearing would be dis
tress and suffering rather than death.—
There may be included in the fair inter
pretation of the words, general distress
and sorrow; acts of oppression, cruelty,
and violence; such a condition of public
suffering that men would regard death as
a relief if they could find it. % But that
they should be tormented. That is, that
they should be subjected to ills and
troubles which might be properly com
pared with the sting of a scorpion.
^[ Five months. So far as the words here
are concerned, this might be taken lite
rally, denoting five months or one hun
dred and fifty days; or as a prophetic
reckoning, where a day stands for a
year. Comp. Notes on Dan. ix. 24, seq.
The latter is undoubtedly the correct
interpretation here, for it is the charac
ter of the book thus to reckon time.
See Notes on ver. 15. If this be the
true method of reckoning here, then it
will be necessary to find some events
which will embrace about the period of
one hundred and fifty years, during
which this g distress and sorrow would
continue. The proper laws of interpre
tation demand that one or the other of
these periods should be found — either
that of five months literally, or that of
an hundred and fifty years. It may be
true, as Prof. Stuart suggests (in loc.)
that "the usual time of locusts is from
May to September, inclusive = five
months." It may be true, also, that thia
symbol was chosen partly because that
was the fact, and they would, from that
fact, be well adapted to symbolize a
period that could bo spoken of as "five
months ;" but still the meaning must be
more than simply it was "a short pe
riod," as he supposes. The phrase a
few months might designate such a pe
riod, but if that had been the writer's
intention, he would not have selected
the definite number five. J And their
torment was as the torment of a scorpion^
&c. See Notes on ver. 3. That is, it
would be painful, severe, danger^ui.

A. T>. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

245

, 6 And in those days shall men "
seek death, and shall not find it;
and shall desire to die, and death
shall flee from them.

7 And the shapes * of the locusts
were like unto horses prepared unto
battle ; and on their heads were as
a Job 3. 21 ; Je. 8.3. b Joel 2. 4.

6. And in those days shall men seek
death, &e. See Notes on ver. 5. It is
very easy to conceive of such a state of
things as is here described, and,* indeed,
this has not been very uncommon in-tbe
world. It is a state where the distress is
so great that men would consider death
a relief, and where they anxiously look
to the time when they may be released
from their sufferings by death. In the
case before us, it is not intimated that
they would lay violent hands on them.
selves, or that they would take any po
sitive measures to end their sufferings,
and this, perhaps, may be a circumstance
of some importance to show that the
persons referred to were servants of
God. When it is said that " they would
seek death," it can only be meant that
they would look out for it — or desire it —
as the end of their sorrows. This is
descriptive, as we shall see, of a particu
lar period of the world ; but the language
is beautifully applicable to what occurs
in all ages, and in all lands. There is
always a great number of sufferers who
are looking forward to death as a re
lief. In cells and dungeons; on beds of
pain and languishing ; in scenes of po
verty and want; in blighted hopes and
disappointed affections, how many are
there who would be glad to die, and
who have no hope of an end of suffering
but in the grave! A few, by the pistol,
by the halter, by poison, or by drown
ing, seek thus to end their woes. A
large part look forward to death as a
release, when, if the reality were known,
death would furnish no such relief, for
there are deeper and longer woes be
yond the grave than there are this side
of it. Comp. Notes on Job iii. 20-22.
But to a portion death will be a relief.
It will be an end of sufferings. They
will find peace in the grave; and are
assured they shall suffer no more. Such
bear their trials with patience, for the
end of all sorrow to them is near, and
death will come to release their spirits
from the suffering clay, and to bear
them in triumph to a world where a
pang shall never be felt, and a tear
never shed.
21*

1. And the shapes of the locusts were
like unto horses prepared for battle.
The resemblance between the locust and
the horse, dissimilar as they are in most
respects, has been often marked. Dr.
Robinson (Bib. Research, i. 59), says,
" We found to-day upon the shrubs an
insect, either a species of black locust,
or much resembling them, which our
Bedawin called Faras el-Jundy, 'sol
diers' horses.' They said these insects
were common on Mount Sinai, of a
green color, and were found on dead
trees, but did them no injury." The
editor of the Pictorial Bible makes the
following remarks : " The first time we
saw locusts browsing with their wings
closed, the idea of comparing them to
horses arose spontaneously to our minds
— as we had not previously met with
such a comparison, and did not at that
time advert to the present text [Joel ii.
4.] The resemblance in the head first
struck our attention, and this notion,
having once arisen, other analogies were
found or imagined in its general appear
ance andaction in feeding. We have since
found the observation very common. The
Italians, indeed, from this resemblance,
call the locust cavaletta, or little horse.
Sir W. Ouseley reports, ' Zakaria Cazvini
divides the locusts into two classes,
like horsemen and footmen — mounted
and pedestrian.' Niebuhr says, that he
heard from a Bedouin, near Bussorah, a
particular comparison of the locust to
other animals; but as this passage of
Scripture did not occur to him at the
time, he thought it a mere fancy of the
Arab's, till he heard it repeated at
Bagdad. He compared the head of the
locust to that of the horse ; the feet to
those of the camel; the beily with that
of a serpent; the tail with that of a
scorpion ; and the feelers (if Niebuhr
remembered rightly) to the hair of a
virgin." Pict. Bib. on Joel, ii. 4. The
resemblance to horses would naturally
suggest tbe idea of cavalry, as being
referred to by the symbol. % And on
their heads were, as it were, crowns •
like gold. The writer does not say
either that these were literally eroums,

246

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

it were ° crowns like gold, and their
faces * were as the faces of men.
8 And they had hair as the hair
o.Na.3.17. b Da. 7. 4, 8.

or that they were actually made of gold .
They were " as it were" — t'as — crowns,
and they were, like — 8uoiot-r—gold. That
is, as seen by him, they had a resem
blance to crowns or diadems, and they
also resembled gold in their color and
brilliancy. The word crown — arifavos —
means properly a circlet, chaplet, en
circling the head, (a) as an emblem of
royal dignity, and as worn by kings;
(h) as conferred on the victors in the
public games — a chaplet, a wreath;
(c) as an ornament, honor, or glory.
Phil. iv. 1. No particular shape is
designated by the word artqiavot — Ste
phanos, and perhaps the word crown
does not quite express the meaning. The
word diadem would come nearer to it.
The true notion in the word is that of
something that is passed around the
head, and that encircles it, and as such
it would well, describe the appearance, of
a turban as seen at a distance. On the
supposition that the, symbolic beings
here referred to had turbans on their
heads, and on the supposition that
something was referred to which was
not much worn in the time of John,
and which therefore had no name, the
word Stephanos, or diadem would be
likely to be used in describing it. This,
too, Would accord with the use of the
phrase " as it were" — Sis . The writer
saw such head-ornaments as he was
acoustomed, to see. They were not ex
actly, crowns or diadems, but they had a
resemblance to them, and he, therefore,
uses this language : " and on their heads
were, as it were, crowns." Suppose that
these were turbans, and that they were
not in common use in, the time of John,
and that they had, therefore, no name,
would not this be the exact language
which he would use in describing them ?
The same remarks may be made re
specting tho other expression : like gold.
They were not pure gold ; but they had
a resemblance to it. Would not a yellow
turban correspond with all that is said
In this description 1 \ And their faces
were as the faces of men. They had a
human countenance This would indi
cate that, after all, they were human

of women, and their teeth ' were as
the teeth of lions.
9 And they had breastplates, as
c Ps. 57. 4; Joel 1.6.

beings that the symbol described, though
they had come up frem the bottomless
pit. Horsemen, in strange apparel, with
a strange head-dress, would be all that
would be properly denoted by this. »
8. And they had hair as the hair of.
women. Long hair; not such as men
commonly wear, but such as women
wear. See Notes on 1 Cor. xi. 14.
This struck John as a peculiarity, that,.
though warriors, they should have the
appearance of effeminacy indicated by
allowing their hair to grow long. It is
clear from this, that John regarded their
appearance as unusual and remarkable.
Though manifestly designed to represent
an army, yet it was not the usual ap
pearance of men who went forth to
battle. Among the Greeks of ancient
times, indeed, long hair was not uncom
mon (see the Notes above referred to
on 1 Cor. xi. 14),. but this was by no
means the usual custom among the
ancients; and the fact that these war
riors had long hair like women was a
circumstance that would distinguish
them particularly from others. On this
comparison of the appearance of the
locusts with the hair of women, see the
remarks of Niebuhr, in the Notes on
ver 7. ^f And their teeth were as the
teeth of lions. Strong; fitted to devour.
The teeth of the locust are by no means
prominent, though they are strong, for
they readily cut down, and eat up, all
vegetable substances that come in their
way. But it is evident that John means
to say that there was much that was un
usual and remarkable in the teeth of
these locusts. They would be ravenous
and fierce, and would spread terror and
desolation like the lions of the desert,
9. And they had breastplates, as it.
were breastplates of iron. Hard, horny,
impenetrable ,as if they were made of
iron. The locust has a firm and hard
cuticle on the fore-part of the breast,
which serves for a shield or defenoe
while it moves in the thorny and furzy
vegetation. On those which John saw,
this was peculiarly hard and horny, and
would thus be well adapted to be an em
blem of tho breastplates of iron eom-

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

247

it . were breastplates of iron; and
the sound of their wings was as the
sound of e chariots of many horses
running to battle. ,
10 And they had tails like unto
a Na. 2. 4.
monly worn by ancient warriors. The
meaning is, that the warriors referred to
would be well clad with defensive armor.
\ And the sound of their wings was as the
sound of chariots of many horses, running
to battle. The noise made by locusts is
often spoken of by travellers, and the
comparison of that noise with that of
chariots rushing to battle, is not only
appropriate, but also indicates clearly
what was symbolized. It was an army
that was symbolized, and every thing
about them served to represent hosts of
men, well armed, rushing to conflict.
The same thing here referred to is
noticed by Joel (ch, ii. 4, 5, 7) :
The appearance of (hem is aa the appearance of
horaea ;
And aa horsemen 80 snail ther run.
Like the noise of chariots on the topa of mountains,
ahall they leap ;
Like the noise of a flame of fire that devoureth the
stubble ;
Aa a atrong people aet in battle array
They ahall run like mighty men ;
They shall climb the wall like men of war;
And they shall march every one his ways, and shall
not break their ranks," &c.
It is remarkable that Volney, who had
no intention of, illustrating the truth of
Scripture, has given a description of
locusts, as if he meant to confirm the
truth of what is here said : " Syria,"
says he, "as well as Egypt, Persia, and
almost all the South of Asia, is subject
to another calamity no less dreadful
[than earthquakes] ; I mean those clouds
of locusts so often mentioned by travel
lers. The quantity of these insects is
incredible to all who have not them
selves witnessed their astounding num
bers; the whole earth is covered with
them for the space of several leagues.
The noise they make in browsing on the
trees and herbage may be heard to a
great distance, and resembles that of an
army foraging in secret." Travels in
Egypt and Syria, vol. i. pp. 283, 284.
10. And they had tails- like unto scor
pions. The fancy of an Arab now often
discerns a resemblance between the tail
of the locust and the scorpion. See the
remark of Niebuhr, quoted in the Notes
on ver. 7. % A7id there were stings in

scorpions, and there were stings in
their tails : and * their power was
to hurt men five months.
11 And they had a king e over
them, which is the angel of the
b Ver. 5. c Ep. 2. 2.
their tails. Like the stings of scorpions.
See Notes on ver. 3. This made the
locusts which appeared to John the
more remarkable, for, though the fancy
may imagine a resemblance between the
tail of a locust and a scorpion, yet the
locusts have properly no sting. The
only thing which they have resembling
a sting is a hard bony substance, like a
needle, with which the female punctures
the bark and wood of trees in order to
deposit her eggs. It has, however, no
adaptation like a sting, for conveying
poison into a wound. These, however,
appeared to be armed with stings pro
perly so called, ^f And their power was
to hurt men. Not primarily to kill men,
but to inflict on them various kinds of
tortures. See Notes on ver. 5. The
word here used — abutriaai, rendered to
hurt, is different from the word in ver. 5
— {tao-ivtoSSitn — rendered should be tor
mented. This word properly means to
do wrong, to do unjustly, to injure, to
hurt ; and the two words would seem to
convey the idea that they would produce
distress by doing wrong to others ; or by
dealing unjustly with them. It does not
appear that the wrong would be by in
flicting bodily torments, but would be
characterized by that injustice towards
others which produces distress end an
guish. \Fivemonihs. See Notes on ver. 5.
11. And they had a king over them.
A ruler who marshalled their hosts. Lo
custs often, and indeed generally, move
in bands, though they do not appear
to be under the direction of any one as
a particular ruler or guide. In this case
it struck John as a remarkable pecu
liarity that they had a king — a king
who, it would seem, had the absolute
control, and to whom was to be traced
all the destruction which would ensue
from their emerging from the bottom
less pit. 1 Which is the angel of the
bottomless pit. Notes, ver. 1. The word
angel here would seem to refer to the
chief of the evil angels, who presided
over the dark and gloomy regions from
whence the locusts seemed to emerge.

248

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

bottomless pit, whose name in the
Hebrew tongue is Abaddon, but in

This may either mean that tbis evil
angel seemed to command them person
ally, or that his spirit was infused into
the leader of these hosts. 1f Whose name
in the Hebrew tongue is Abaddon. The
name Abaddon means literally destruc
tion, and is tbe same as Apollyon. ^[ But
in the Greek tongue hath his name
Apollyon. From airdMvpt — to destroy.
The word properly denotes a destroyer,
and the name is given to this king of
the hosts represented by the locusts,
because this would be bis principal cha
racteristic. After this minute explanation of the

the Greek tongue hath his name
"Apollyon. a That is, a destroyer.

literal meaning of the symbol, it may be
useful, before attempting to apply it,
and to ascertain the events designed to
be represented, to have a distinct im
pression of the principal image — the
locust. It is evident that this is, in
many respects, a creature of the ima
gination, and that we are not to expect
the exact representation to be found in
any forms of actual existence in the
animal creation. The following cut,
prepared by Mr. Elliott (vol. i. p. 410),
will give a sufficiently accurate repre
sentation of this symbolical figure as it
appeared to John.

The question now is, whether any
events occurred in history, subsequent
to, and sucoeoding those supposed to be
referred to in the fourth seal, to which
this symbol would be applicable. — Rea
sons have already been suggested for
supposing that there was a transfer of
the seat of the operations to another
part of the world. The first four trum
pets referred to a continual series of
events of the same general character,
and having a proper close. These
have been explained as referring to the
successive shocks which terminated in
tho downfall of the Western empire. At
the close of that series there is a pause
in tho representation (oh. viii. 13), and a
solemn proclamation that other scenes
were to open distinguished for woe.
These were to be symbolized in the

sounding of the remaining three trum
pets, embracing the whole period till the
consummation of all things — or sketch
ing great and momentous events in the
future, until the volume sealed with the
seven seals (ch. v. 1) should have been
wholly unrolled and its contents dis
closed. The whole scene now is changed
Rome has fallen. It has passed into
the hands of strangers. The power that
had spread itself over the world has, in
that form, come to an end, and is to
exist no more — though, as we shall see
(ch. xi., seq.), another power, quite as
formidable, existing there, is to be
described by a new set of symbols. But
here (ch. ix.) a new power appears. The
scenery is all Oriental, and clearly has
reference to events that were to spring
up in the East. With surprising una-

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

249

nimity, commentators have agreed in
regarding this as referring to the em
pire of the Saracens, or to the rise and
progress of the religion, and the empire,
set up by Mohammed. The enquiry
now is, whether the circumstances intro
duced into the symbol find a proper ful
filment in the rise of the Saracenic
power, and in the conquests of the
Prophet of Mecca.
(1) The country where the scene is laid.
As already remarked, the scene is Orien
tal — for the mention of locusts naturally
suggests the East — that being the part
of tbe world where they abound, and
they being in fact peculiarly an Oriental
plague. It may now be added, that, in
a more strict and proper sense, Arabia
may be intended ; that is, if it be ad
mitted that the design was to symbolize
events pertaining to Arabia, or the ga
thering of the hosts of Arabia for con
quest, the symbol of locusts would have
been employed, for the locust, the
groundwork of the symbol, is peculiarly
Arabic. It was the east wind which
brought the locusts on Egypt (Ex. x.
13j, and they must therefore have come
from'some portion of Arabia^ for Arabia
is the land that lies over against Egypt
in the East. Such, too, is the testimony
of Volney, " the most judicious," as Mr.
Gibbon calls him, " of modem travel
lers." " The inhabitants of Syria," says
he, " have remarked that locusts come
constantly from the desert of Arabia."
Ch. xx. Sect. 5. All that is necessary to
say further on this point is, that on the
supposition that it was the design of the
Spirit of inspiration in the passage
before us, to refer to the followers of
Mohammed, the image of the locusts
was that which would be naturally se
lected. There was no other one so ap
propriate and so striking; ho one that
would so naturally designate the coun
try of Arabia. As some confirmation of
this, or as showing how natural the
symbol would be, a remark may be in
troduced from Mr. Forster. In his Ma-
homniedanism Unveiled (i. 21|), he says,
"In the Bedoween romance of An tar,
the locust is introduced as the national
omblem of the Ishmaelites. And it is a
remarkable coincidence that Mahom-
mcdan tradition speaks of locusts having
dropped into the hands of Mahomet,
bearing on their wings this inscription
— 'We are the army of the Great

God.' " These circumstances will show
the propriety of the symbol on the
supposition that it refers to Arabia and
the Saracens.
(2) The people. The question is, whe
ther there was any thing in the symbol,
as described by John, which would pro
perly-designate the followers of Moham
med, on the supposition that it was
designed to have such a reference.
(a) As to numbers. Judges vi. 5 :
"They (the Midianite Arabs) came as
locusts for multitude." See Notes on
ver. 3. Nothing would better represent
the numbers of the Saracenic hordes that
came out of Arabia, and that spread
over the East, over Egypt, Libya," Mau
ritania, Spain, and that threatened to.
spread over Europe, than such an army
of locusts. " One hundred years after
his flight [Mohammed] from Mecca,"
says Mr. Gibbon, " the arms and reigns
of his successors extended from India
to the Atlantic ocean, over the various
and distant provinces which may be
comprised under the names of Persia,
Syria, Egypt, Africa, and Spain." iii. 410.
" At the end of the first century of the
Hegira, the caliphs were the most potent
and absolute monarchs on the globe.
Under the last of the Ommiades, the
Arabian empire extended two hundred
days' journey from east to west, from
the confines of Tartary and India to the
shores of the Atlantic ocean." Ibid, p. 460.
In regard to the immense hosts employed
in these conquests, an idea may be
formed by a perusal of the whole 51st
chapter in Gibbon (vol. iii. pp. 408-461).
Those hosts issued primarily from Ara
bia, and in their numbers would be well
compared with the swarms of locusts
that issued from the same country, s«
numerous as to darken the sky. (b) The
description of the people. Their faces
were as the faces of men. This would
seem to be in contrast with other people,
or to denote something'that was peculiar
in the appearance of tho persons repre
sented. In other words, the meaning
would seem to be, that there was some
thing manly and warlike in their appear
ance, so far as their/Viee8were concerned.
It is remarkable that the appearance of
the Goths (represented, as I suppose^
under the previous trumpets) is described
by Jerome (Com. on Isa. viii.) as quite
the reverse. They are described as
having faces shaven and smooth; faces,

250

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

Vn contrast with the bearded Romans,
Hke women's faces.* Is it fancy to sup*.
pose that the reference here is to the
beard and moustache of the Arabic
hosts ? W& know with what eare they
regarded the beard-; and if a representa
tion was made of . them, especially in
contrast with nations that shaved their
faces, and who thus resembled women,
it would be natural to speak of those
represented in the, symbol as "having
faces as the faces of men." They had
hair as the hair of women. A strange
mingling of the appearance of effemi
nacy with the. indication of manliness
ami courage. See Notes on ver. 8. And,
yet this strictly accords with the appear
ance of the Arabs or Saracens. Pliny,
the contemporary of John, speaks of the
Arabs then as having the hair, long and
uncut, with the moustache on the upper
lip, or the beard : Arabes mitrati sunt,
aut intonso erine. Barba abraditur,
praetexquam in superiore labr.o. AJiis
et; haeo. infoiisa, Nat. His. vi. 28. So
Solinus describes them in the third cen
tury (Plurimis cruris infconsus, mitrata
capita, para rasa in cutem barba, o. 53) ;
eo Ammianus Marcellinus, in the fourth
century (Crinitus quidam a Saraceno-
rum cuneo, xxxi. 16) ; and so Claudian,
Theodore of Mopsuesta, and Jerome, in
the fifth. Jerome lived about two cen
turies before the great Saracen invasion,
and as he lived at Bethlehem, on the
borders of Arabia, he must have been
familiar with the appearance of the
Arabs. Still: later, in that most charac
teristic, of Awb poems, Antar, a, poem
written in the time of Mohammed's
childhood, we find the moustache, and
the beard, and the long flowing hair on
ike shoulder, and the turban, all speoi-
*}ed as characteristic" of the Arabians.
"He adjusted himself properly, twisted
his whiskers, and folded up his hair un
der his turban,, drawing it from off his
shoulders," L 340. "His hair flowed
down on his shoulders." i. 169. "Antar
cut off Maudi's hair in revenge and in
sult." iii. 117. " We will hang him up
by his hair." iv. 325. See Elliott, i.
411, 412. Comp. Newton on the Pro
phecies, p. 485. And on their heads
were as it were crowns of gold. Notes
ver 7. That is, diadems, or something
that appeared like crowns, or chaplets.

* Foemineaa incisas facies praeferentea, virorum et
•Bne harbalorum fuirienU terga. coufndiunt.

This will agree well with the turban
worn by -the Arabs or Saracens, and
which was quite characteristic of them
in the early periods when, they became
known. So in the passage already
quoted, Pliny speaks of them as Arabes
mitrati; so Solinus, mitrata capita; so
in the poem of Antar, "he folded up his
hair under his turban." It Is remarkable
also that Ezekiel (ch. xxiii. 42) describes
the turbans of the Sabean or Keturite
Arabs, under the very appellation here
used by John : " Sabeans from the wil
derness, which put beautiful crowns upon
their heads." So in tbe Preface to An
tar, it is said, "It was a usual saying
among them, that God had bestowed
four peculiar things on the Arabs ; that
their turbans should be unto them in
stead of diadems, their tents instead of
walls and houses, their swords instead
of intrenchments, and their poems in
stead of written laws." Mr. Eorster, in
his "Mohammedanism Unveiled," quotes
as a precept of Mohammed, "Make a
point of wearing turbans, because it is
the way of angels." Turbans might
then with propriety be represented as
crowns, and no doubt these were often
so gilded and ornamented that they
might be spoken of as " crowns of gold."
They had breastplates, as it were breast
plates of iron. See the Notes on ver.. 9.
As a symbol, this would be properly de
scriptive of the Arabians or Saracens.
In the poem Antar, the steel and iron
cuirasses of the Arab warriors are fre
quently noticed : " A warrior immersed
in steel armor." ii. 203. " Fifteen thou
sand men armed with cuirasses, and well
accoutred for war." ii. 42. " They were
clothed in iron armor, and brilliant
cuirasses." i. 23. " Out of the dust ap
peared horsemen clad in iron." iii. 274.
The same thing occurs in the Koran :
" God hath given you coats of mail to
defend you in your wars." ii, 104. In
the history of Mohammed, we read ex
pressly of the cuirasses of himself and
of his Arab troops. Seven cuirasses are
noted in the list of Mohammed's private
armory. Gagnier, iii. 328-334. In his
second battle with the Koreish, seven
hundred of his little army are spoken of
by Mr. Gibbon as armed with cuirasses.
See Elliott, i. 413. Thcs,e illustrations
will show with what propriety tbe locusts
in tho symbol were represented as having
breastplates like breastplates of iron.

A.. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

251

On the, supposition that this referred to
tbe Arabs and the Saracens, this would
have been the very symbol which would
have been used. Indeed all the features
in "the symbol are precisely such as
would properly be employed on the sup
position that the reference was to them.
It is true that, beforehand, it might not
have been practicable to describe exactly
what people were referred to, but (1) it
would be easy to see that some fearful
calamity was to be anticipated from the
ravages of hosts of fearful invaders ;
and (2.) when the events occurred, there
would be no difficulty in determining to
whom this application should be made.'
(3) The time when this would occur.
As to this, there can be no difficulty in
the application to the Saracens. On the
supposition that the four first trumpets
refer to the downfall of the Western em
pire, then the proper time supposed to
be represented by this symbol is subse
quent to that; and yet the manner in
which the last three trumpets are intro
duced (ch. viii. 13) shows that there
would be an interval between the sound
ing of the last of the four trumpets and
the sounding of the fifth. The events
referred to, as I have supposed, as re
presented by the fourth trumpet, occur
red in the close of the fifth century (A. D.
476-490). The principal events in the
seventh century, were connected with
the invasions and conquests of the Sara
cens. The interval of a century is not
more than the fair interpretation of the
proclamation in ch. viii. 13 would jus
tify. (4) The commission given to the sym
bolical locusts. This embraces the fol
lowing things : — (a) They were not to
hurt" the grass of the earth, nor any
green thing ; (6) they were especially to
go against those who had not the seal of
God in their foreheads ; (c) they were
not to kill them, but were to torment
them. — They were not to hurt the grass
of the earth, Ac. Notes ver. 4. This
agrees remarkably with an express com
mand in the Koran. The often-quoted
order of the Caliph Aboubeker, the
father-in-law and successor of Moham
med, issued to the Saracen hordes on
their invasion of Syria, shows what was
understood to be the spirit of their reli
gion : " Remember that you are always
in the presence of God, on the verge of
death, in the assurance of judgment,

and the hope of paradise. Avoid injus
tice and oppression ; consult with your
brethren, and study to procure the love
and confidence of your troops. When
you fight the battle of the Lord, acquit
yourselves like men, without turning
your backs; but let not the victory be
stained with the blood of women or chil
dren. Destroy no palm-trees, nor burn
any fields of corn. Cut down no fruit-
trees, nor do any mischief to cattle, only
such as you kill to eat. When you make
any covenant or article, stand to it, and
be as good as your word. As you go on
you will find some religious persons. who
live retired in monasteries, and propose
to themselves to serve God in that way;
let them alone, and neither kill them"
[And to them it was given that they
should not kill them, ver. 5], "nor de
stroy their monasteries," &c. Gibbon,
iii. 417, 418. So Mr. Gibbon notices this
precept of the Koran : — "In the siege of
Tayaf," says he, "sixty miles from
Mecca, Mahomet violated his own laws
by the extirpation of the fruit-trees." ii.
392. The same order existed among the
Hebrews, and; it is not improbable that
Mohammed derived his precept from the
command of Moses (Deut. xx. 19), though
what was mercy among the Hebrews was
probably mere policy with him. This
precept is the more remarkable because
it has been the usual custom in war, and
particularly among barbarians and semi-
barbarians, to destroy grain and fruit,
and especially to cut down fruit-trees, in
order to do greater injury to an enemy.
Thus we have seen (Notes on ch. viii.
7), that in the invasion of the Goths,
their course was marked by desolations
of this kind. Thus, in more modern
times, it has been common to carry the
desolations of war into gardens, orchards,
and vineyards. In the single province
of Upper Messenia, the troops of Mo
hammed AH, in the war with Greece,
cut down half a million of olive-trees,
and thus stripped the country of its
means of wealth. So Scio was a beau
tiful spot, the seat of delightful villas,
and gardens, and orchards; and in one
day all this beauty was destroyed. — On
the supposition, therefore, that this pre
diction had reference to the Saracens,
nothing could be more appropriate. In
deed, in all the history of barbarous and
savage warfare, it would be difficult to
find another distinct command- that no

252

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

injury should be done to gardens and
orchards, (b) Their commission was
expressly against "those men who had
not the seal of God in their foreheads."
See Notes on ver. 4. That is, they were
to go either against those who were not
really the friends of God, or those who
in their estimation were not. Perhaps,
if there were nothing in the connexion
to demand a different interpretation, the
former would be the most natural ex
planation of the passage; but the lan
guage may be understood as referring to
the purpose which they considered them
selves as .called upon to execute: — that
is, that they were to go against those
whom they regarded as being strangers
to the true God, to wit, idolaters. Now,
it is well known that Mohammed consi
dered himself called upon', principally,
to make war with idolaters, and that he
went forth, professedly, to bring them
into subjection to the service of the true
God. " The means of persuasion," says
Mr. Gibbon, "had been tried, the season
of forbearance was elapsed, and he was
now commanded to propagate his reli
gion by the sword, to destroy the monu
ments of idolatry, and without regarding
the sanctity of days or months — to pur
sue the unbelieving nations of the earth."
iii. 387. " The fair option of friendship,
or submission, or battle, was proposed to
the enemies of Mohammed." Ibid. "The
sword," says Mohammed, "is the key
of heaven and hell; a drop of blood
shed in the cause of God, a night spent
in arms, is of more avail than two
months of fasting and prayer; whosoever
falls in battle, his sins are forgiven : at
the day of judgment his wounds shall
be resplendent as vermilion and odor
iferous as musk; and the loss of his
limbs shall be supplied by the wings of
angels and cherubim." Gibbon, iii. 387.
The first conflicts waged by Mohammed
were against the idolaters of his own
country— those who can, on no supposi
tion, be regarded as "having the seal
of God in their foreheads;" his subse
quent wars were against infidels of all
classes, that is, against those whom he
regarded as not having the " seal of God
in their foreheads/' or as being the ene
mies of God. (c) The other part of the
commission was "not to kill, but to tor
ment them." Notes ver. 5. Comp. the
quotation from the command of Abube-
Mr, as quoted above : " Let not the vio-
22

tory be stained with the blood of women
and children." "Let them alone, and
neither kill them nor destroy their mon
asteries." The meaning of this, if un
derstood as applied to their commission
against Christendom, would seem to be,
that they were not to go forth to "kill,"
but to "torment" them; to wit, by the
calamities which they would bring upon
Christian nations for a definite period.
Indeed, as we have seen above, it was
an express command of Abubekir that
they should not put those to death
who were found leading quiet and
peaceable lives in monasteries, though
against another class, he did give an ex
press command to "cleave their skulls."
See Gibbon, iii. 418. As applicable to
the conflicts of the Saracens with Chris
tians, the meaning here would seem to
be, that the power conceded to those
who are represented by the locusts was
not to cut off and to destroy the church,
but it was to bring upon it various cala
mities to continue for a definite period.
Accordingly, some of the severest afflic
tions which have come upon the church
have undoubtedly proceeded from the
followers of the Prophet of Mecca. There
were times in the early history of that
religion, when to all human appearance
it would universally prevail, and wholly
supplant the Christian church. But the
church still survived, and no power was
at any time given to the Saracenic hosts
to destroy it altogether. In respect to
this, some remarkable facts have oc
curred in history. The followers of the
false prophet contemplated the subjuga
tion of Europe, and the destruction of
Christianity, from two quarters — the
East and the "West — expecting to make
a junction of the two armies in the
North of Italy, and to march down to
Rome. Twice did they attack the vital
part of Christendom by besieging Con
stantinople; first, in the seven years*
siege, which lasted from A. D. 668 to
A. D. 675, and secondly, in the years
716-718, when Leo £he Isaurian was on
the imperial throne. But, on both oc
casions, they were obliged to retire de
feated and disgraced. Gibbon, iii. 461,
seq. Again, they renewed their attack
on the "West. Having conquered North
ern Africa, they passed over into Spain,
subdued that country and Portugal, and
extended their conquests as far as the
L^ire. At that time, they designed to

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

253

•subdue France, and having united with
the forces which they expected from the
East, they intended to make a descent
on Italy, and complete the conquest of
Europe. This purpose was defeated by
the valor of Charles Martel, and Europe
and the Christian world were saved from
subjugation. Gibbon, iii. 467, seq. "A
victorious line of march," says Mr. Gib
bon, " had been prolonged above a thou
sand miles, from the rock of Gibraltar
to the mouth of the Loire ; the repetition
of an equal space would have carried
the Saracens to the" confines of Poland,
and the highlands of Scotland. The
Rhine is not more impassable than the
Nile or "the Euphrates, and the Arabian
fleet might have sailed without a naval
combat into the mouth of the Thames.
Perhaps t\e interpretation of the Koran
would now be taught in the schools of
Oxford, and her pulpits might demon
strate to a circumcised people> the sanc
tity and truth of the revelations of
Mahomet." The arrest of the Saracen
hosts before Europe was subdued, was
what there was no reason to anticipate,
and it even yet perplexes historians to
be able to account for it. "The calm
historian," says Mr. Gibbon, " who
strives to follow the rapid course of the
Saracens, must study to explain by
what means the church and state were
saved from this impending, and, as it
should seem, inevitable danger." " These
conquests," says Mr. Hallam, "which
astonish the careless and superficial, are
less perplexing to a calm inquirer than
their cessation — the loss of half the
Roman empire than the preservation of
the rest." Middle 'Ages, ii. 3, 169.
These illustrations may serve to explain
the meaning of, the symbol — that their
grand com mission was not to annihilate
or root out, but to annoy and afflict.
Indeed, they did not go forth with a
primary design to destroy. The an
nouncement of the Mussulman always
was, "the Koran, the tribute, or the
sword," and when there was submission,
either by embracing his religion, or by
tribute, life 'Was always spared. " The
fair option of friendship, or submission,
or battle," says Mr. Gibbon (iii. 387),
" was proposed to the enemies of Maho
met." Comp. also, vol. iii. 453, 456.
The torment mentioned here, I suppose,
refers to the calamities brought upon
the Christian world — on Egypt, and
22

Northern Africa, "and Spain, and Gaul,
and the East, by the hordes which came
out of Arabia, and which swept over all
those countries, like a troublesome and
destructive host of locusts. Indeed,
would any image better represent the
effects of the Saracenic invasions, than
such a countless host of locusts ? Even
now, can we find an image that would
better represent this ?
(5) The leader of this host, (a) He
was like a star that fell from heaven
(ver. 1), a bright and illustrious prince,
as if heaven -endowed, but fallen. Would
anything better characterize the genius,
the power, and the splendid but per
verted talent of Mohammed? Moham
med was, moreover, by birth, of the
princely house of the Koreish, governors
of Mecca, and to no one could the term
be more appropriate than to one of that
famiiy. (6) He was a king. That is,
there was to be one monarch — one ruling
spirit to which all these hosts were sub
ject. And never was any thing more
appropriate than this title as applied to
the leader of the Arabic hosts. All those
hosts were subject to one mind — to the
command of the single leader that origi
nated the scheme, (c) Tbe name, Abad
don, or Apollyon — I)estroyer. ver. 11.
This name would be appropriate to one
who spread his conquests so far over the
world; who wasted so many cities and
towns; who overthrew so many king
doms; and who laid the foundation of
ultimate conquests by which so many
human beings were sent to the grave.
(d) The description of the leader "as
tbe angel of the bottomless pit." ver. 11.
If this be regarded as meaning that "the
angel of the bottomless pit" — the Spirit
of darkness himself — originated the
scheme, and animated these hosts, what
term would better characterize the lead
er ? And if it be a poetic description of
Mohammed as sent out by that presiding
spirit of evil, how could a better repre
sentative of the spirit of -the nether world
have been sent out upon the earth
than he was — one more talented, more
sagacious, more powerful, more warlike,
more wicked, more fitted to subdue the
nations of the earth to the dominion of
the Prince of darkness, and to hold them
for ages under his yoke ?
(6) The duration of the torment. It ia
said (ver. 5) that this would be five
months ; that is, prophetically, an hun-

254

REVELATION,

fA. D. 96.

dred and fifty years. See Notes on ver.
5. The Ilegira, or flight of Mohammed,
occurred A. IX 622 ; the Saracens first
issued from the desert into Syria, and
began their series of wars on Christen
dom, A. D. 629. Reckoning from these
periods respectively, the five months, or
the hundred and fifty years, would ex
tend to A. D. 772, or 779. It is not
necessary to understand this period of
an hundred and fifty -years, of the actual
continued existence of the bodies sym
bolized by the locusts, but only of the
period in which they would inflict their
"torment" — "that they should be tor
mented five months." That is, this
would be the period of the intensity of
the woe inflicted by them ; there would
be at that time some marked inter
mission of the torment. The question
then is, whether, in the history of the
Saracens, there was any period after
their career of conquest had been con
tinued for about an hundred and fifty
years, which would mark the inter
mission or cessation of these " torments."
If so, then this is all that, is necessary to
determine the applicability of the symbol
to the Arabian hordes. Now, in, reply
to this question, w^ have only to refer to
Mr. Gibbon. The table of contents pre
fixed to chapters forty-one and forty-
two of his work, would supply all the
information desired- I looked at that
table, after making the estimate as to
what period the " five months," or hun
dred and fifty years, would conduct us
to, to see whether any thing occurred at
about that time in the Mohammedan
power and influence, which could be
regarded as marking the time of the
intermission or cessation of the cala
mities inflicted by the Arabic hordes on
the Christian world. After Mr. Gibbon
had recorded in detail (vol. iii. 360-460)
the character and conquests of the Ara
bian hordes under Mohammed and his
successors, I find the statement of the
decline of their power at just about tbe
period to which the hundred and fifty
years would lead us, for at that very
time an important change came over the
followers of the prophet of Mecca, turn
ing them from the love of conquest to
the pursuits of literature and science.
From that period, they ceased to be
formidable to the churoh; their limits
•fere gradually contracted ; their power
diminished; and the Christian world,

in regard to them, was substantially at
peace. This change in the character
and purposes of the Saracens is thus
described by Mr. Gibbon, at tho close
of the reign of the caliph Abdalrahman,
whose reign commenced A. D. 755, and
under whom the peaceful, sway of the
Ommiades of Spain began, which con
tinued for a period of two hundred
and fifty years. " The luxury of the
caliphs, so useless to their private hap
piness, relaxed the nerves, and termi
nated the progress, of the Arabian
empire. Temporal and spiritual con
quest had been the sole occupation of
the successors of Mahomet; and after
supplying themselves with the neces
saries of life, the whole revenue was
scrupulously devoted to that salutary
work. The Abassides were impoverish
ed by the multitude of their wants, and
their contempt of economy. Instead of
pursuing the great object of ambition,
their leisure, their affections, and the
powers of their minds, were diverted by
pomp and pleasure : the rewards of valor
were embezzled by women and eunuchs,
and the royal camp was encumbered by
the luxury of the palace. A similar
temper was diffused among the subjects
of the caliph. Their stern enthusiasm
was softened by time and prosperity;
they sought riches in the occupations of
industry, fame in the pursuits of lite-,
rature, and happiness in the tranquillity
of domestic life. War' was no longer
the passion of the Saracens; and the
increase of pay, the repetition of dona
tive, were insufficient to allure the pos
terity of these voluntary champions who
had crowded to the standard of Abubeker
and Omar for the hopes of the spoil of
paradise." iii. 477, 478. Of the Ommi
ades, or princes who succeeded Abdal
rahman, Mr. Gibbon remarks in general,
" Their mutual designs or declarations
of war evaporated without effect; but
instead of opening a door to the con
quest of Europe, Spain was dissevered
from the trunk of the monarchy, engaged
in perpetual hostility with the East, and
inclined to peace and friendship with the
Christian sovereigns of Constantinop'u
and France." iii. p. 472. How much
does this look like some change occur
ring by which they would cease to be a
souree of " torment" to the nations with
whom they now dwelt! From this
period, they gave themselves to the

A D. 96.]
12 One * woe is past
a c. 8. 13.

CHAPTER IX.
and, be-

255

hold, there come two woes more
hereafter.

arts of peaee; cultivated literature and
science ; lost entirely their spirit of
conquest, and their ambition, for uni
versal dominion, until they gradually
withdrew^ or were driven from thpss
parts of lie Christian world where they
bad. inspired most terror, and which iii
the days of their power and ambition
they had, invaded. By turning merely
to the table of " contents" of Mr. Gib
bon's history, the following periods,
occurring at about tbe time that would
be embraced in the " five months," or
hundred and fifty years, are distinctly
marked:" A. D. 668-675. First siege of Constan
tinople by the Arabs.
" 677. Peace and tribute.
'¦' 716-18. Second siege of Con
stantinople.
" " Failure and retreat of the
Saracens.
" " Invention audi use of the
Greek fire.
" 721. Invasion of France by the
Arabs.
" 752. Defeat of the Saracens by
Charles Martel.
" " They retreat before the
Franks.
" 746-750. The elevation of the
Abassides.
" 750. Fall of the Ommiades.
" 755. Revolt of Spain.
" " Triple division of the cali
phate.
" 750-960, Magnificence of the
caliphs.
" " Its oonscquence on private
and public happiness.
" 734, &a. Introduction of learn
ing among the Arabians.
" " Their real progress in the
sciences."
It will be seen from this that the decline
of their military and civil power ; their
defeats in their attempts to subjugate
Europe ; their turning their attention to
the peaceful pursuits of literature and
science, synchronize remarkably with
the period that would be indicated by
the five months, or the hundred and
fifty years. It should be added, also,
that in the year 762, Almanzor, the
Caliph, built Bagdad, and made it the

capital of the Saracen empire. Hence
forward that became the seat of Arabic
learning, luxury, and power, and the
wealth and talent of the Saracen empire
were gradually drawn to that capital,
and they ceased to vex and annoy the
Christian world. The building of Bag
dad occurred within just ten years of
the time indicated by the " five months"
— reckoning, that from the Hegira, or
flight of Mohammed ; or reckoning from
the time when Mohammed began to
preach (A. D. 609, Gibbon, iii. 383), it
wanted but three years of coinciding
exactly with the period.
These considerations show with what
propriety the fifth trumpet — the, symbol
of the locustB — is referred to the Ara
bian, hordes under the guidance, of Mo
hammed and his successors. On the
supposition that it was the design of
John to symbolize these events, the
symbol has been chosen which of all
others was best adapted to the end.
If, now that those events are passed,
we should endeavor to find some sym
bol which would appropriately repre
sent them, we could not find one that
would be more striking or appropriate
than that which is here employed by
John. 12. One woe is past. The woe referred
to in vs. 1-11.. In chapter viii. 13, threo
woes are mentioned which were to occur
successively, and which were to em
brace the whole of the period comprised
in the seven seals, and the seven trum
pets. Under the last of the seals, we
have considered four successive periods,
referring to events connected with the
downfall of the Western empire ; and
then, we have found one important
event, worthy of a place in noticing the
things which would permanently affeot
the destiny of the world — the rise, the
character, and the conquests of the Sa
racens. This was referred to by tbe
first woe-trumpet. We enter now on the
consideration of the second. This occu
pies the remainder of the chapter, and in
illustrating it tho same method will be
pursued as heretofore ; first, to explain
the literal meaning of the words, phrases,
and symbols ; and then to enquire what
events in history, if any, succeeding the

256

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

13 And the sixth angel sounded,
and I heard a voice from the four
horns of the golden altar which is
before God,
14 Saying to the sixth angel

former, occurred, which would correspond
with the language used. ^ And behold
there come two woes hereafter. Two
momentous and important events that
will be attended with sorrow to man
kind. It cannot be intended that there
would be no other evils that would visit
mankind; but the eye, in glancing along
the future, rested on these as having
a special pre-eminence in affecting the
destiny of the church and the world.
13. And the sixth angel sounded. See
Notes on ch. viii. 2, 7. ^[ And I heard a
voice from the four horns of the golden al
tar which is before God. In the language
here used there is an allusion to the
temple, but the scene is evidently laid
in heaven. The temple in its arrange
ments was 'designed undoubtedly to be
in important respects a symbol of hea
ven, and this idea constantly occurs in
the Scriptures. Comp. the epistle to the
Hebrews passim. The golden altar stood
in the holy place, between the table of
shew-bread and the golden candlestick.
See Notes on Heb. ix. 1, 2. This altar,
made of shittim or acacia wood, was
ornamented at tho four corners, and
overlaid throughout with laminse of
gold. Hence it was called "the golden
altar," in contradistinction from the al
tar for sacrifice, which was made of
stone. Comp. Notes on Matthew, xxi.
12, seq. On its four corners it had pro
jections which were called home (Ex.
xxx. 2, 3), which seem to have been in
tended mainly for ornaments. See Jahn,
Arch. I 332; Joseph. Ant. iii. 6. 8. When
it is said that this was "before God,"
the meaning is, that it was directly
before or in front of the symbol of the
divine presence in the most holy place.
This image, in the vision of John, is
transformed to heaven. Thevoice seemed
to come from the very presence of the
Deity; from the place where offerings
are made to God.
14. Saying to the sixth angel which
had the trumpet. Notes ch. viii. 2.
^ Loose, Ac. This power, it would seem,
was given to the sixth angel in addition
to his office of blowing the trumpet.

which had the trumpet, Loose the
four angels which are bound in the
great river Euphrates. a
a Ge. 2. 14; Je. 51. 63; c 16. 12.

All this, of course, was in vision, and
cannot be literally interpreted. The
meaning is, that the effect of his blow
ing the trumpet would be the same as if
angels that had been bound should be
suddenly loosed and suffered to go forth
over the earth: — that is, some event
would occur which would be properly
symbolized by such an act. % The four
angels. Comp. Notes ch. viii. 1, 2. It
was customary to represent important
events as occurring under the ministry
of angels. The general meaning here
is, that, in the vicinity of the river Eu
phrates, there were mighty powers which
had been bound or held in check, which
were now to be let loose upon the world.
What we are to look for in the fulfil
ment is evidently this — some power that
seemed to be kept back by an invisible
influence as if by angels, now suddenly let
loose and suffered to accomplish the pur
pose of desolation mentioned in the sub
sequent verses. It is not necessary to
suppose that angels were actually em
ployed in these restraints, though, no one
can demonstrate that their agency was
not concerned in the transactions here
referred to. Comp. Notes on Daniel,
x. 12, 13. It has been made a question
why the number four is specified, and
whether the forces were in any sense
made up of four divisions, nations, or
people. While nothing certain can be
determined in regard to that, and while
the number four may be used merely to
denote a great and strong force, yet it
must be admitted that the most obvious
interpretation would be to refer it to
some combination of forces, or to some
union of powers, that was to accomplish
what is here said. If it had been a
single nation, it would have been more
in accordance with the usual method in
prophecy to have represented them as
restrained by an angel, or by angels 'in
general, without specifying any number.
*f Which are bound. That is, they seemed
to be bound. There was something
which held them, and the forces under
them, in check, until they were thus
commanded to go forth. In the fulfil-

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

257

15 And the four angels were
loosed, which were prepared " for
an hour, and a day, and a month,

and a year, for to slay the third '
part of men.
a Or, at. b c. 8. 7-9.

meut of this, it will be necessary to look
for something of the nature of a check
or restraint on these forces, until they
were commissioned to go forth to ac
complish the work of destruction. *J In
the great river Euphrates. The well-
known river of that name, commonly
called, in the Scriptures, "the great
river," and, by way of eminence, "the
river." Ex. xxiii. 31; Isa. viii. 1. This
river was on the east of Palestine ; and
the language here used naturally de
notes that the power referred to under
the sixth trumpet would spring up in
the east, and that it would have its ori
gin in the vicinity of that river. Those
interpreters, therefore, who apply this to
the invasion of Judea by the Romans,
have great difficulty in explaining this —
as the forces employed in the destruc
tion of Jerusalem came from the west,
and not from the east. The fair inter
pretation is, that there were forces in
the vicinity of the Euphrates which
were, Up to this period, bound or re
strained, but which were now suffered to
spread wo and sorrow over a consider
able portion of the world.
15. And the four angels were loosed.
Who had this mighty host under re
straint. The loosening of the angels
was in fact also a letting loose of all
these hosts, that they might accomplish
the work whioh they were commissioned
to do. ^[ Which were prepared. See
ver. 1. The word here used properly
refers to that which is made ready, fitted
up, arranged for any thing : — as persons
preparedfor a journey, horses for battle,
a road for travellers, food for the hungry,
a house to live in, &c. See Rob. Lex.,
s. voce hrotud^a. As used here, the
word means that whatever was neces
sary to prepare these angels — the leaders
of this host — for the work which they
were commissioned to perform, was now
done, and that they stood in a state of
readiness to execute the design. In the
fulfilment of this it wiH be necessary to
look for some arrangements existing in
the vicinity of the Euphrates, by which
these restrained hosts were in a state of
readiness to be summoned forth to the
execution of this work, or in such a con-
22*

dition that they would go forth spon
taneously if the restraints existing were
removed, ^f For an hour, Ike. Marg.,
at. The Greek — in — means properly
unto, with reference to ; and the sense is,
that with reference to that hour, they
had- all the requisite preparation. Prof.
Stuart explains it as meaning that they
were " prepared for the particular year,
month, day, and hour, destined by God
for the great catastrophe which is to
follow." The meaning, however, rather
seems to be that they were prepared, not
for the commencement of such a period,
but they were prepared for the whole
period indicated by the hour, the day,
the month, and the year; that is,
that the continuance of this "woe"
would extend along through the whole
period. For, (a.) this is the natural in
terpretation of the word "for" — «j;
(o) it makes the whole sentence intel
ligible — for though it might be proper to
say of any thing that it was " prepared
for an hour," indicating the commence
ment of what was to be done, it is not
usual to say of any thing that it is
" prepared for an hour, a month, a day,
a year," when the design is merely to
indicate the beginning of it; and (c) it is
in accordance with the prediction re
specting the first "woe" (ver. 5), where
the time is specified in language similar
to this, to wit, " five months." It seems
to me, therefore, that we are to regard tbe
time here mentioned as a prophetic indi
cation pf the period duringwhich this woe
would continue. ^[ An hour, and a day,
and a month, and a year. If this were
to be taken literally, it would, of course,
be but little more than a year. If it be
taken, however, in the common pro
phetic style, where a day is put for a
year (Notes on Ban. ix. 24, seq.), then
the amount of time (360 -f- 30 -j- 1 -f
an hour) would be three hundred and
ninety-one years, and tbe portion of the
year indicated by an hour — a twelfth or
twenty-fourth part, according as the day
was supposed to be divided into twelve
or twenty-four hours. That this is the
true view seems to be clear, because this
ajscords with the usual style in this
book ; because it can -hardly be supposed

258

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

16 And the number of the army *
of the, horsemen were two hundred
thousand thousand : * and I heard c
the number of them.
that the " preparation" here referred to
would have been for so brief a period as
the time would be if literally interpreted ;
and because the mention of so small a
portion of time as an "hour," if literally
taken, would be improbable in so great
transactions. The fair interpretation,
therefore, will require us to find some
events that will fill up the period of
about three hundred' and ninety-one
years. \Wor to slay the third part of
men. Comp. ch. viii. 7. 9. 12. The
meaning here is, that the immense host
which was restrained on tho Euphrates,
would, when loosed, spread desolation
over about a third part of the world.
We are not to suppose that this is to be
understood in exactly a literal sense,
but the meaning is, that the desolation
would be so wide-spread that, it would
seem to embrace a third of the world.
No such event as the cutting off of a few
thousands of Jews in the siege of Jeru
salem would correspond with the lan
guage here employed, and we must look
for events more general and more dis
astrous to mankind at large.
16. And the number of the army of the
horsemen. It is to he observed here that
the strength of the army seemed to be
cavalry* In the former plagues there is
no distinct mention of horsemen; but
here that which struck the beholder was
the immense and unparalleled number of
horsemen, ^f Were two hundred thou
sand thousand. A thousand thousand
are a million, and consequently the
number here referred to would be two
hundred millions. This would be a
larger army' than was ever assembled,
and it cannot be supposed that it
is to be taken literally. That it would
bo a very large host — so large that it
would not readily be numbered — is
clear. The expression in the original,
while it naturally conveys the idea of an
immense number, would seem also to
refer to some peculiarity in the manner
of reckoning them. Tho language _is,
two myriads of '. myriads — <Siio uvptdbes
uvpidStav. The myriad was ten thousand.
The idea would seem to bo this. John-
flaw an immense host of cavalry. They

17 And thus I saw the horses in
the vision, and them that sat on
them, having breastplates of fire,
a Eze. 38. 4; Da. 11. 40. 6Ps.68.17. cc.7.4.

appeared to be divided. into large bodies
that were in some degree separate, and
that might be reckoned by ten thousands.
Of these different squadrons there were
many, and to express their great and un
usual number he said that there seemed
to be myriads of them— two myriads of
myriads, or twice ten thousand myriads.
The army thus would seem to be immense
— an army, as we would say, to be reck
oned by tens of thousands. *! And I heard
the number of them. They were , so nu
merous that he did not pretend, to he
able to estimate the. number himself, for
it was beyond his power of computation \
but he heard it stated in these round
^umbers, that there, were "two myriads
of myriads" of them.
17. And thus I saw the horses in the
visiont That is, he saw them as he pro
ceeds to describe them, for the word
thus — Svrtas — refers to what follows.
Comp. Rob. Lex, on the word, ( 6 ), and see
Matt. i. IS, ii. 5; John xxi. 1 ; Heb. iv. 4.
Prof. Stuart, however, refers it to what
precedes. The meaning, as it seems to
me, is, that he fixed his attention on the
appearance of the immense army — the
horses and their riders, and proceeded
to describe them as they struck him.
^f And them that sat on them. He fixed
the attention on horse and rider. Their
appearance was unusual, and deserved a
particular description. \\ Having breast
plates of fire. That is, those who sat on
them had such breast-plates. The word
here rendered breast-plate, denoted pro
perly a coat of mail that covered the
body from the neck to the thighs. See
Notes on Ephesians, vi. 14. This would
be a prominent object in looking at a
horseman. This was said to be com
posed of "fire, and jacinth, and brim
stone ;" that is, the part of the body
usually encased in the coat-of-mail had
these three colors. The word " fire" here
simply denotes red. It was burnished
and bright, and seemed to be a blaze of
fire. — The word "jacinth" — \aKiv$t»ovt
— means hyacin thine. The color de
noted is that of the hyacinth — a flower
of a deep purple or reddish blue. Then
it refers to a gem of the same color

A.D. 96<]

CHAPTER IX.

259

and of jacinth, and brimstone : and
the heads of the horses were as the
heads of lions : 0' and oufc of their
mouths issued fire and smoke and
brimstone. alCh. 12.8. Is. 5. 28, 29.

nearly related to the zircon of the, mine
ralogists, and the color here mentioned
is deep purple or reddish blue. The
word rendered " brimstone" — SutiSiis —
means properly sulphurous, that is, made
of sulphur, and means here simply yel
low. The meaning of the whole then is,
that these horsemen appeared to be clad
in a peculiar kind of armor — armor that
shone like fire, mingled with blue and
yellow. It will be necessary to look for
tho fulfilment of this in cavalry- that was
so caparisoned, ^f And the heads of the
horses were as the heads of lions. Re
sembled, in some respects, the heads of
lions. He does not say that they were
the heads of lions, or that the riders were
on monsters, but only that they, in some
respects, resembled the- heads of lions.
It would be easy to give- this general
appearance by the way in which the
head-dress of the horses was arrayed.
¦jf And. out of their mouths issued. That
is, appeared to issue. It is not neces
sary to understand this as affirming that
it actually came from their mouths, but
only that, to one looking on such an
approaching army, it would have this ap
pearance. The heathen poets often speak
of horses breathing out fire and smoke
(Virg. Geor. ii. 140, iii. 85 ; Ovid, Met.
vii. 104), meaning that their breath
seemed to be mingled smoke and fire.
There is an image superadded here not
found in any of the classic descriptions,
that this was mingled with brimstone.
All this seemed to isSue from their
mouths; that is, it was breathed forth
in front of the host, as if the horses
emitted it from their mouths, ^Fire
and smoke, and brimstone. The exact
idea, whether that was intended or not,
would be conveyed by the discharge of
musketry or artillery. The fire, the
smoke, and the sulphurous smell of
such a discharge would oorrespond pre
cisely with this language, and if it be
supposed that the writer meant to de
scribe such a discharge, this would be
tho very language that would be used.
Moreover, in describing a battle, nothing

18 By these three was the third
part of men killed, by the fire, and
fcy the smoke, and by the brim
stone, which issued out of their
mouths. 19 For their power is in their
would be more proper than to say- that
this appeared to issue from the horses'
mouths. If, therefore, it should be
found that there were any events where
fire-arms were used, in contradistinction
from the ancient mode of warfare, this
language would be appropriate to describe
that, and if it were ascertained that the.
writer meant to refer to some such fact;
then the language here used would be
that which he would adopt. One thing is
certain, that this is not language which
would be employed to describe the onset
of ancient cavalry in the mode of war
fare which prevailed then. No one de
scribing a charge of. cavalry among the
Persians, the Greeks, or the Romans,
when the only, armor was the sword and
the spear, would think of saying that
there seemed to be emitted from the
horses' mouths fire, and smoke, and
brimstone. 18. By these three. Three, things ~^-
explained immediately, as referring to
the fire, the smoke, and the brimstone.
^ Was the third part of men killed. See
Notes on ch. viii. 1, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, on
each of which verses we have notices of
calamities that came upon tbe third part
|of the race, of the sea, of rivers, Ac.
IWe are not to suppose that this is to be
taken literally, but the description is
igiven as it appeared to John. Those
immense numbers of. horsemen would
sweep over the world, and a full third
part of the race of men would seem to
fall before them.
19. For their power is in their mouth.
That is, as described — in the fire, smoke,
and brimstone that proceeded out- of
their mouths. What struck the seer as
remarkable on looking on the symbol
was, that this immense destruction
seemed to proceed out of their mouths.
It was not that they trampled down
their enemies; nor that they destroyed
them with the sword, the bow, or the
spear : it was some new and remarkable
power in warfare — in which the destruc
tion seemed to proceed from fire and
smoke and sulphur issuing from the

200

REVELATION.

LA. d. 9a

mouth, a^d in their tails : for their
tails a were like unto serpents, and
had heads, and with them they do
hurt. 20 And the rest of the men
which were not killed by these
plagues, yet h repented not of the
works of their hands, that they
a Is. 9. 15. £p. 4. 14.
6 Je. 5.3; 8.6.

mouths of the horses themselves. ^ And
in their tails. The tails of the horses.
This, of course, was something unusual
and remarkable in horses, for naturally
they have no power there. The power
of a fish, or a scorpion, or a wasp, may
be said to be in their tails, for their
strength or their means of defence or of
injury are there, but we never think of
speaking in this way of horses. It is
not necessary, in the interpretation of
this, to suppose that the reference is
literally to the tails of the horses, any
more than it is to suppose that the
smoke and fire and brimstone literally
proceeded from their mouths. John de
scribes things as they appeared to him
in looking at them from a considerable
distance. Prom their mouths the horses
belched forth fire, and smoke, and sul
phur, and even their tails seemed to be
armed for the work of death, ^f For
their tails were like unto serpents. Not
like the tails of serpents, but like ser
pents themselves. ^ And had heads.
That is, there was something remarkable
in the position and appearance of their
heads. All serpents, of course, have
heads ; but John saw something unusual
in this — or something so peculiar in
their heads as to attract special atten
tion. It would seem most probable that
the heads of these serpents appeared to
extend in every direction — as if the hairs
of the horses' tails had been converted
into snakes, presenting a most fearful
and destructive imago. Perhaps it may
illustrate this to suppose that there is
reference to the Amphisbaena, or two-
headed snake. It is said of this that its
tail resembles a head, and that with this
it throws out its poison. Lucan, ix. 179.
Pliny, Hist. Nat. viii. 35. It really has
but one head, but its tail has the appear
ance of a head, an.d it has the power of
moving in either direction to a limited

should not worship devils, e and
idols d of gold, and silver, and brass,
and stone, and of wood: which
neither can see, nor hear, nor walk.
21 Neither repented they of their
murders, nor of their sorceries, * nor
of their fornication, nor of their
thefts. c Le. 17. 7. 1. Co. 10. 20. d Ps. 135. 16.
Is. 40. 19, 20. e c. 22. 15.
degree. If we suppose these snakes
fastened to the tail of a horse, the ap
pearance of heads would be very promi
nent and remarkable. The image is
that of the power of destruction. They
seemed like ugly and poisonous serpents
instead of tails. *[ And with them they
do hurt. Not the main injury, hut they
have the power of inflicting some injury
by them.
20. And the rest of the men which were
not killed by these plagues. One third
part is represented as swept off, and it
might have been expected that a salu
tary effect would have been produced on
the remainder, in reforming them, and
restraining them from error and sin.
The writer proceeds to state, however,
that these judgments did not bave the
effect which might reasonably have been
anticipated. No reformation followed;
there was no abandonment of the pre
vailing forms of iniquity ; there was no
change in their idolatry and superstition.
In regard to the exact meaning of what
is here stated (vs. 20, 21), it will be a
more conveuientarrangementto consider
it after we have ascertained the proper
application of the passage relating to the
sixth trumpet. What is here stated (vs.
20, 21) pertains to the state of the world
after the desolations which would occur
under this woe-trumpet, and the expla
nation of the words may be reserved
therefore, with propriety, until the in
quiry shall have been instituted as to
the general design of the whole.
With respect to the fulfilment of this
symbol — the sixth trumpet — it will be
necessary to inquire whether there has
been any event, or class of events, oc
curring at such a time, and in such a
manner, as would be properly denoted
by such a symbol. The examination of
this question will make it necessary to
go ovar tho leading points in the sym-

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

261

fcol, and to endeavor to apply them. In
doing this, I shall simply state, with
such illustrations as may ocour, what
seems to me to have been the design of
the symbol. It would be an endless
task to examine all the explanations
which have been proposed, and it would
be useless to do so.
The reference, then, seems to me to
be to the Turkish power, extending from
the time of the first appearance of the
Turks in the neighborhood of the Eu
phrates, to the final conquest of Con
stantinople in 1453. The general reasons
for this opinion are such as the follow
ing: — (a) If the previous trumpet re
ferred to the Saracens; or to the rise of
the Mohammedan power among the
Arabs, then the Turkish dominion, being
the next in succession, would be that
which would most naturally be symbol
ized, (b) The Turkish power rose on
tho decline of the Arabic, and was the
next important power in affecting tbe
destinies of the world, (c) This power,
like the former, had its seat in the East,
and would be properly classified under
the events occurring there as affecting
the destiny of the world, (d) The in
troduction of this power was necessary,
in order to complete the survey of the
downfall of the Roman empire — the
great object kept in view all along in
these symbols. ¦ In the first four of these
trumpets, under the seventh seal, we
found the decline and fall of the western
empire; in the first of the remaining
three — the fifth in order — we found the
rise of the Saracens, materially affectiug
the condition of the eastern portion of
the Roman world; and the notice of the
Turks, under whom the empire at last
fell to rise no more, seemed to be de
manded in order to the completion of the
picture. As a leading design of tbe
whole vision was to describe the ulti
mate destiny of that formidable power —
the Roman — which, in the time when
the Revelation was given to John, ruled
over the whole world ; under which the
church was then oppressed; and which,
either as a civil or ecclesiastical power,
was to exert so important an influence
on the destiny of the church, it was
proper that its history should be sketched
until it ceased — that is, until the con
quest of the capital of the Eastern em
pire, by the Turks. Here the termina
tion of the empire, as traced by Mr.

Gibbon, closes ; and these events it was
important to incorporate in this series
of visions.
The rise and character of the Turkish
people may be seen stated in full in
Gibbon, Dec. and Fall, iii. 101, 102, 103,
105, 486, iv. 41, 42, 87, 90, 91, 93, 100,
127, 143, 151, 258, 260, 289, 350. The
leading facts in regard to the history of
the Turks, so far as they are necessary
to be known before we proceed to apply
the symbols, are the following: (1) The
Turks, or Turkmans, had their origin in
the vicinity of the Caspian sea, and were
divided into two branches, one on the
East, and the other on the West. The
latter colony, in the tenth century, could
muster forty thousand soldiers; the other
numbered an hundred thousand families.
Gibbon, iv. 90. By the latter of these,
Persia was invaded and subdued, and
soon Bagdad also came into their pos
session, and the seat of the caliph was
occupied by a Turkish prince. The
various details respecting this, and re
specting their conversion to tbe faith of
the Koran, may be seen in Gibbon, iv.
90-93. A mighty Turkish and Moslem
power was thus concentrated under
Togrul, who had subdued the caliph, in
the vicinity of the Tigris and the Eu
phrates, extending east over Persia and
the countries adjacent to the Caspian
sea, but it had not yet crossed the Eu
phrates to carry its conquests to the
West. The conquest of Bagdad by
Togrul, the first prince of the Seljuk
race, was an important event, not only
in itself, but as it was by this event that
the Turk was constituted temporal lieu
tenant of the Prophet's vicar, and so the
head of the temporal power of the reli
gion of Islam. "The conqueror of the
East kissed the ground, stood some time
in a modest posture, and was led toward
the throne Joy the vizier and an inter
preter. After Togrul had seated himself
on another throne, his commission was
publicly read, which declared him the
temporal lieutenant of the prophet. He
was successively invested with seven
robes of honor, and presented with seven
slaves, the natives of the seven climates
of the Arabian empire, &c. Their alli
ance [of the sultan and the caliph] was
cemented by the marriage of Togrul's
sister with tbe successor of the prophet,"
Ac. Gibbon, iv. 93. The conquestof Per
sia, the subjugation of Bagdad, the union

262

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

of the Turkish power with that of the
caliph — the successor of Mohammed, and
the foundation of this powerful kingdom
in the neighborhood of the Euphrates, is
all that is necessary to explain the sense
of the phrase "which were prepared for
an hour,", &c. ver. 15. The arrange
ments were then made for the important
series of events which were to occur
when that formidable power should be
summoned from the East, to spread the
predicted desolation over so large a part
of the world. A mighty dominion had
been forming in the East, that had sub
dued Persia, and that, by union with
the Caliphs, by the subjugation of Bag
dad, and by embracing the Mohamme
dan faith, had become "prepared" to
play its subsequent important part in
the affairs of the world. (2) The next
important event in their history was the
crossing of the Euphrates, and the inva
sion of Asia Minor. The account of this
invasion can he best given in the words
of Mr. Gibbon. " Twenty-five years after
the death of Basil [the Greek emperor]
his successors were suddenly assaulted
by an unknown race of barbarians, who
united the Scythian valor with the fana
ticism of new proselytes, and the art and
riehes of a powerful monarchy. The
myriads of Turkish horse overspread a
frontier of six hundred miles from Tau
rus to Arzeroum, and the blood of one
hundred and thirty thousand Christians
was a grateful sacrifice to the Arabian
prophet. Yet the arms of Togrul did
not make any deep or lasting impression
on the Greek empire. The torrent rolled
away from the open country; the Sultan
retired without glory or success from the
siege of an Armenian city ; the obscure
hostilities were continued or suspended
with a vicissitude pf events ; and the
bravery of the Macedonian legions re
newed the fame of the conqueror of
Asia. The name of Alp Afslan, the va
liant lion, is expressive of the popular
idea of the perfection of man ; and the
successor of Togrul displayed the fierce
ness and generosity of the royal animal.
["The heads of the horses were the
heads of lions."] He passed the Eu
phrates at the head of the Turkish
oavalry, and entered Cesarea, the me
tropolis of Cappadocia, to which he had
been attracted by the fame and the
wealth of the temple of St. Basil." Vol.
Iv. 93, 94. Comp. also p. 95. (3) The

next important event was the establish
ing of the kingdom of Mourn in Asia Mi
nor. After a succession of victories and
defeats; after being driven once and
again from Asia Minor, and compelled
to retire beyond its limits, and after
subjecting the East to their arms (Gib
bon, iv. 95-100), in the various contests
for the crown of the eastern empire, the
aid of the Turks was invoked by one
party or the other, until they secured
for themselves a firm foothold : in Asia
Minor, and established themselve? there
in a permanent kingdom — evidently with
the purpose of seizing upon Constanti
nople itself when an opportunity should
be presented. Gibbon, iv. 100, 101. Of
this kingdom of Mourn, Mr. Gibbon (iv.
101) gives the following description, and
speaks thus of the effect of its establish
ment, on the destiny of the Eastern em
pire : — " Since the first conquests of the
Caliphs, the establishment of the Turks
in Anatolia or Asia Minor, was the most
deplorable loss which the church and
empire had sustained. By the propaga
tion of the Moslem faith, Soliman de
served the name of Gazi, a holy cham
pion; and his new kingdom of the Ro
mans, or of Mourn, was added to the
table of oriental geography. It is de
scribed as extending from the Euphrates
to Constantinople, from the Black sea to
the confines of Syria; pregnant with
mines of silver and iron, of alum and
copper, fruitful in corn and wine, and
productive of cattle and excellent horses.
The wealth of Lydia, the arts of the
Greeks, the splendor of the Augustine
age existed only in books and ruins,
which were equally obscure in the eyes
of the Scythian conquerors. By the
choice of the Sultan, Nice, the metropo
lis of Bithynia, was preferred for his
palace and fortress, the seat of the Sel-
jukian dynasty of Roum was planted
one hundred miles from Constantinople ;
and the divinity of Christ was denied
and derided in the same temple in which
it had been pronounced in the first gene-,
ral synod of the Catholics. The unity
of God, and the mission of Mahomet,
were preached in the mosques; the Ara
bian learning was taught in the schools ;
the Cadis judged according to the law
of the Koran; the Turkish manners and
language prevailed in the cities; and
Turkman camps were scattered over the
plains and mountains of Anatolia," Ac

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

263

(4) The next material event in tbe
history of the Turkish power, was the
conquest of Jerusalem. See this de
scribed in Gibbon, iv. 102-106. By this,
the attention of the Turks was turned
for a time from the conquest of Constan
tinople — an event at which the Turkish
power all along aimed, arid in which they
doubtless expected to be ultimately suc
cessful. Had they not been diverted
from it, by the wars connected with the
Crusades, Constantinople would have
fallen long before it did fall, for it was
too feeble to defend itself if it had been
attacked. (5) The- conquest of Jerusa
lem by the Turks.wad the Oppressions
which Christians experienced there, gave
rise to the Crusades, by which the des
tiny of Constantinople was still longer
delayed. The war of the Crusades was
made on the Turks, and as the crusaders
mostly passed through Constantinople
and Anatolia, all the power of the Turks
in Asia Minor was requisite to defend
themselves, and they were incapable of
making 'an attack on "Constantinople,
until after the final defeat of tbe cru
saders, and restoration of peace. See
Gibbon, iv. 106-210. (6) The next ma
terial event in the history of the Turks
was the conquest of Constantinople in
A. D. 1453 — an event which established
the Turkish power in Europe, and which
completed the downfall of the Roman
empire. Gibbon, iv. 333-359.
, After this brief reference to the gene
ral history of the Turkish power, we are
prepared to enquire more particularly
whether the symbol in the passage be
fore us is applicable to this series of
events. — This may be considered in
several particulars.
(1) The time. If the first woe-trum
pet referred to the Saracens, then it
would be natural that the rise -and pro
gress of the Turkish power should be
symbolized, as the next great fact in
history; and as that under which the
empire fell. As we have seen, the
Turkish power rose immediately after
the power of the Saracens had reached
its height, and identified- itself with the
Mohammedan religion, and was, in fact,
the next great power that affected the
Roman empire, the welfare of the
church, and the history of the world.
There can be no doubt, therefore, that
the time is such as is demanded in the
proper interpretation of the symbol.

(2) The place. We have seen (in the
remarks on ver. 14) that this was on or
near the river Euphrates, and that this
power was long forming and consoli
dating itself on the east of that river
before it crossed it in the invasion of
Asia Minor. It had spread over Persia,
and had even invaded the region of the
East as far as the Indies ;' it had secured,
under Togrul, the conquest of Bagdad,
and had united itself with the Caliphate,
and was in fact a mighty power "pre
pared" for conquest before it moved to
the west. Thus, Mr. Gibbon (iv. 92),
says, "The more rustic, perhaps the
wisest, portion of the Turkmans, con
tinued to dwell in the tents of their an
cestors ; and from the Oxus to the Eu
phrates, these military colonies were
-protected and propagated by their na
tive princes." So again, speaking of
Alp Arslan, the son and successor of
Togrul, he says (iv. 94), " He passed the
Euphrates at the head of the Turkish
cavalry, and entered Cesarea, the me
tropolis of Cappadocia, to which he was
attracted by the fame and the wealth of
the temple of St. Basil."— If it be ad
mitted that it was intended by John
to refer to the Turkish power, it could
not have been better represented than
as a power that had been forming in the
vicinity of that great river, and that' was
prepared to precipitate itself on the
Eastern empire. — To one contemplating
it in the time of Togrul or Alp Arslan, it
would have appeared as a mighty power
growing up in the neighborhood of the
Euphrates. (3) The four angels : — " Loose the
four angels which are bound." That is,
loose the powers which are in the vicinity
of the Euphrates, as if they were under
the control of four angels. The most
natural construction of this would be,
that under the mighty power that was
to sweep over the world, there were four
subordinate powers, or that there were
such subdivisions that it might be sup
posed they were ranged under four
angelic powers or leaders. The question
is, whether there was any such division
or arrangement of the Turkish power,
that to one looking on it at a distance,
there would seem to be such a division.
In the History of the Decline and Fall
of the Roman Empire (iv. 100), we find
the following statement: "The great
ness and unity of the Persian empire

264

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

expired in the person of Malek Shah.
The vacant throne was disputed by his
brother and his four sons ; and, after a
series of civil wars, the treaty which
reconciled the surviving candidates con
firmed a lasting separation in the Per
sian dynasty, the oldest and principal
branch of the house of Seljuk. The
three younger dynasties were those of
Kerman, of Syria, and of Roum; the
first of these commanded an extensive,
though obscure dominion, on the shores
of the Indian ocean ; the second expelled
the Arabian princes of Aleppo and
Damascus; and the third [our peculiar
case], invaded the Roman provinces of
Asia Minor. The generous policy of
Malek contributed to their elevation : he
allowed the princes of his blood, even
those whom he had vanquished in the
field, to seek new kingdoms worthy of
their ambition; nor was he displeased
that they should draw away the more
ardent spirits who might have disturbed
the tranquillity of his reign. As the
supreme head of his family and nation,
the great Sultan of Persia commanded
the obedience and tribute of his royal
brethren: the thrones of Kerman and
Nice, of Aleppo and Damascus; the
Atabeks and emirs of Syria and Meso
potamia, erected their standards under
the shadow of his sceptre, and the
hordes of Turkmans overspread the
plains of Western Asia. After the death
of Malek, the bands of union and subor
dination were gradually relaxed and dis
solved; the indulgence of the house of
Seljuk invested their slaves with the
inheritance of kingdoms; and, in the
Oriental style, a crowd of princes arose
from the du3t of their feet." Here* it is
observable, that, at the period when the
Turkman hordes were about to precipi
tate themselves on Europe, and to ad
vance to the destruction of the Eastern
empire, we have distinct mention of
four great departments of the Turkish
power: — the original power that had
established itself in Persia, under Malek
Shah, and the three subordinate powers
that sprung out of that of Kerman, Syria,
tnd Bourn. It is observable (a) that this
occurs at the period when that power
would appear in the East as advancing
In its oonquosts to the West; (b) that it
was in tho vicinity of the great river
Euphrates; (c) that it had nover before
oocurred — the Turkish power having

been before united as one ; and (d) thai
it never afterwards occurred — for, in the
words of Mr. Gibbon, " After the death of
Malek, the bands of union and subordina
tion were relaxed and finally dissolved."
It would not be improper, then, to look
upon this one mighty power as under
the control of four spirits that were held
in check in the East, and that were
" prepared" to pour their energies on the
Boman empire.
(4) The preparation : — " Prepared for
an hour," &c. That is, arranged ; made
ready — as if by previous discipline — for
some mighty enterprise. Applied to the
Turkmans, this would mean that the
preparation for the ultimate work which
they executed had been making as that
power increased and became consoli
dated under Togrul, Alp Arslan, and
Malek Shah. In its successful strides,
Persia and the East had been subdued;
the Caliph at Bagdad had been brought
under the control of the Sultan ; a union
had been formed between the Turks and
the Saracens ; and the Sultanies of Ker
man, Syria, f and Bourn had*been esta
blished — embracing together all the
countries of the East, and constituting
this, by far, the most mighty nation on
the globe. All this would seem to be a
work of. preparation to do what was
afterwards done as seen in the visions of
John. (5) The fact that they were bound: —
"Which are bound in the great river
Euphrates." That is, they were, as it
were, restrained and kept back for a long
time in that vicinity. It would have
been natural to suppose that that vast
power would at once move on toward the
West to the conquest of the capital of the
Eastern empire. Such had been the '
case with the Huns, the Goths, and the
Vandals. But these Turkish hordes
had been long restrained in the East.
They had subdued Persia. They had
then achieved the conquest of India.
They had conquered Bagdad, and the
entire East was under their control.
Yet for a long time they had now been
inactive, and it would seem as if they
had been bound or restrained by some
mighty power from moving in their
oonquesta to the West
(6) The material that composed the
army: — "And the number of the army
of the horsemen." "And thus I saw the
horses in the vision. And the heads of

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

265

the horses were as the heads of lions."
From this it appears that this vast host
was composed mainly of cavalry ; and it
is hardly necessary to say that this
description would apply better to the
Turkish hordes than to any other body
of invaders known in history. Thus Mr.
Gibbon (iv. 94), says, "" The myriads of
the Turkish horse overspread a frontier of
six hundred miles from- Taurus to Arze-
roum." A. D. 1050. So again, speaking
of Togrul (iv. 94), " He passed the
Euphrates at the head of the Turkish
cavalry." Ibid. So again (iii. 95), "Alp
Arslan flew to the scene of action at the
head of forty thousand horse." A.D. 1 071.
So in the attack of the crusaders on Nice,
the capital of the Turkish kingdom of
Roum, Mr. Gibbon (iv. 127), says of the
Sultan Soliman, "Yielding to the first
impulse of the torrent, he deposited his
treasure and family in Nice ; retired
to the mountains with fifty thousand
horse," &ot "Andsoagain (ibid.), speak
ing of tbe Turks who rallied to oppose
the " strange " invasion of " th e Western
barbarians," he says, " The Turkish
emirs obeyed the call of loyalty or re
ligion ; the Turkish hordes encamped
round his standard; and his whole force
is loosely stated, by the Christians at two
hundred, or even three hundred thou
sand horse." A. D. 1097. Every stu
dent of history knows that the Turks,
or Turkmans, in the early periods of
their history were remarkable for their
cavalry. (7) Their numbers : — " And the num
ber of the army of the horsemen were
two hundred thousand thousand." That
is, it was vast, or. it was such as to be
reckoned by myriads, or by . tens of
thousands — Ho uupidSss uvptdfav- — -two
myriads of myriads. Thus Mr. Gibbon
(iv. 94), says, " The myriads of Turkish
horse, overspread," Ac. It has been sug
gested by Daubez that in this there may
be probably an allusion to the Turkman
custom of numbering by tomans, or
myriads. This custom, it is true, has
existed elsewhere, but there is probably
none with whom it has been so familiar
as with the Tartars and Turks. In the
Seljukian age, the population of Samar-
candwas rated at seven tomans (myriads),
because it could send out 70,000 warriors.
The dignity and rank of Tamerlane's
father and grandfather was thus describ
ed, that " they were the hereditary chiefs
23

of a toman, or 10,000 horse" — a myriad
(Gibbon, iv. 2?0f, so that it is not without
his usual propriety of language that Mr.
Gibbon speaks of the myriads of the
Turkish horse, <or of the cavalry of the
earlier Turks of Mount Altai, " being,
both men and horses, proudly computed
by myriads." One thing is clear, that to
no other invading hosts could the lan
guage here used be so well applied, and,
if it were supposed that John was writing
after the event, this would be the lan
guage which he would be likely to em
ploy — for this is nearly the identical
language employed by the historian
Gibbon. ( 8 ) Their personal appearance : —
" Them that sat on them having breast
plates of fire, and jacinth, and brim
stone" — as explained above, in a "uni
form" of red, and blue, and yellow. This
might, undoubtedly, be applicable to
other armies besides the Turkish hordes,
but the proper question here is, whether
it would T>e applicable to them. The
fact of the application of the symbol to
the Turks in general must be determined
from other points in the symbol which
designate them clearly ; the only natural
enquiry here is, whether this descrip
tion would apply to the Turkish hosts,
for if it would not, that would be fatal to
the whole interpretation. On tbe ap
plication of this passage to the Tusks,
Mr. Daubez justly remarks, that " from
their first appearance the Ottomans have
affected to, wear warlike apparel of
scarlet, blue, and yellow: a descriptive
trait the more marked from its contrast
to the military appearance of the Greeks,
Franks, or Saracens contemporarily."
Mr. Elliott adds, " it only needs to have
seen the Turkish cavalry (as they were
before the late innovations), whether in
war itself, or in the djerrid war's
mimicry, to leave an impression of the
absolute necessity of some such notice
of their rich and varied colorings, in
order to give in description at all a
just impression of their appearance."
i. 481.(9) The remarkable appearance of the
cavalry: — " Having breastplates of fire,
and of jacinth, and brimstone: and the
heads of the horses were as the heads of
lions : and-out of their mouths issued fire,
and smoke, and brimstone." It was
remarked in tbe exposition ?>f this pas
sage, that this is just such a description

266

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

as would be given of an army to which
the use of gunpowder was known, and
which made use of it in these wars.
Looking now upon a body of cavalry in
the heat of an engagement, it would

seem, if the cause were not known, that
the horses belched forte smoke and
sulphurous flame. The annexed cut
may serve to show how natural this
representation would be. The only

question now is, whether in the warfare
of the Turks, there was any thing which
would peculiarly or remarkably justify
this description. And here it is impos
sible not to advert to the historical fact
that they were among the first to make
use of gunpowder in their wars, and that
to the use of this destructive element
they owed much of their success, and
their ultimate triumphs. The historical
truth of this it is necessary now to advert
to, and this will be done by a reference
to Mr. Gibbon, and to the account which
he has given of the final conquest of
Constantinople by the Turks. It will
be seen how he puts this new instru
mentality of war into the foreground in
his account; how prominent this seemed
to him to be in describing the victories
of the Turks ; and how probable, there
fore, it is, that John in desoribing an
invasion by them would refer to the
"fire, a*nd smoke, and brimstone" that
seemed to be emitted from the mouths
of their horses. As preparatory to the
account of the siege and conquest of
Constantinople by the Turks, Mr. Gib
bon gives a description of the invention
and use of gunpowder. " The chemists
of China or Europo had found, by casual
or elaborate experiments, that a mixture
of saltpetre, sulphur, and oharcoal, pro
duces, with a spark of fire, a tremendous
explosion. It was soon observed that
if the expansive foroe were compressed
in a strong tube, a ball of stone or iron
might be expolled with irresistible and
destructive velooity. The precise era of
the invention and application of gun
powder is involved in doubtful traditions

and equivocal language; yet we may
clearly discern that it was known before
the middle of the fourteenth century;
and that before the end of the same, the
use of artillery in battles and sieges, by
sea and land, was familiar to the states
of Germany, Italy, Spain, France, and
England. The priority of nations is of
small account ; none would derive any ex
clusive benefit from their previous or su
perior knowledge ; and on tho common
improvement they standon the same level
of relative power and military science.
Nor was it possible to circumscribe the
secret within the pale of the church ; it
was disclosed to the Turks by the treach
ery of apostates and the selfish policy of
rivals; and the sultans had sense to
adopt, and wealth to reward, the talents
of a Christian engineer. By the Vene
tians, the use of gunpowder was commu
nicated without reproach to the sultans
of Egypt and Persia, their allies against
the Ottoman power; the secret was soon
propagated to the extremities of Asia ;
and the advantage of tbe European was
confined to his easy victories over the
savages of the new world." iv. 291.- In
the description of the conquest of Con
stantinople, Mr. Gibbon makes frequent
mention of their artillery, and of the use
of gunpowder, and of its important
agency m seouring their final conquests,
and in the overthrow of the Eastern
empire. "Among the implements of
destruction, he [the Turkish sultan]
studied with peculiar care the recent
and tremendous disoovery of the Latins ;
and his artillery surpassed whatever had
yet appeared in the world. A founder

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

•26i

of cannon, a Dane or Hungarian, who
had almost starved in the Greek service,
deserted to the Moslems, and was libe
rally entertained by the Turkish sultan.
Mohammed was satisfied with the answer
to his first question, which he eagerly
pressed on the artist: 'Am I able to
cast a cannon capable of throwing a ball
or stone of sufficient size to batter the
walls of Constantinople ? I am not ig
norant of their strength, but were they
more solid than those of Babylon, I
could oppose, an engine of superior
power; the position and management
of that engine must be left to your en
gineers.' On this assurance a foundry
was established at Adrianople ; the metal
was prepared; and at the end of three
months Urban produced a piece of brass
ordnance of stupendous and almost in
credible magnitude ; a measure of twelve
palms is assigned to the bore; and the
stone bullet weighed above six hundred
pounds. A vacant place before the new
palace was chosen for the first experi
ment; but to prevent the sudden and
mischievous effects of astonishment and
fear, a proclamation was issued that the
Cannon would be discharged the ensuing
day. The explosion was felt or heard
in a circuit of a hundred furlongs ; the
ball, by the force of gunpowder, was
driven about a mile; and on the spot
where it fell, it buried itself a fathom
deep in the ground." iv. 339. ' So in
speaking of tbe siege of Constantinople
by the Turks, Mr. Gibbon says of the
defence by the Christians (iv. 343),
"The incessant volleys of lances and
arrows were accompanied with the smoke,
the sound, and the fire of their musketry
and cannon." " The same destructive
secret," he adds, "had been revealed to
the Moslems, by whom it was employed
with the superior energy of zeal, riches,
and despotism. The great cannon of
Mohammed has been separately noticed
— an important and visible object in the
history of the times : but that enormous
engine was flanked by two fellows almost
of equal magnitude; the long order of
the Turkish artillery was pointed against
the walls ; fourteen batteries thundered
at once on the most accessible places;
and of one of these it was ambiguously
expressed that it was mounted with one
hundred and thirty guns, and that it
discharged one hundred and thirty bul
lets." iv. 343, 344. Again: "The first

random shots were productive of more
sound than effect; and it was by the
advice of a Christian that the engineers
were taught to level their aim against
the two opposite sides of the salient
angles of a bastion. However imperfect,
the weight and repetition of the fire
made some impression on the walls."
iv. 344. And again : " A circumstance
that distinguishes the siege of Constan
tinople, is the re-union of the ancient
and modern artillery. The cannon were
intermingled with the mechanical en
gines for casting stones and darts ;
the bullet and the battering-ram were
directed against the same walls ; nor had
the discovery of igunpowder superseded
the use of the liquid and inextinguish
able fire." iv. 344. So again, in the
description of the final conflict when
Constantinople was taken, Mr. Gibbon
says, "From the lines, the galleys, and
the bridge, the Ottoman artillery thun
dered on all sides; and the camp and
city, the Greeks and the Turks, were
involved in a cloud of smoke which
could only be dispelled by the final
deliverance or destruction of the Boman
^smpire." iv. 350. Assuredly, if such
was the fact in the conquests of the
Turks, it was not unnatural in one who
was looking on these warriors in vision,
to describe them as if they seemed to
belch out 'fire, and smoke, and brim
stone.' If Mr. Gibbon had designed to
describe the conquests of the Turks as a
fulfilment of the .prediction, could he
have done it in a style more clear and
graphic than that which he has em
ployed ? If this had occurred in a
Christian writer, would it not have been
charged on him that he had shaped his
facts to meet his notions of the meaning
of the prophecy ?
(10) The statement that 'their p'ower
was in their mouth, and in their tails,'
ver. 19. The former part of this has
been illustrated. The enquiry now is,
what is the meaning of the declaration
that ' their power was in their tails.' In
ver. 19, their tails are described as re
sembling ' serpents, having heads,' and
it is said that ' with them they do hurt.'
See Notes on that verse. The allusion
to the 'serpents' would seem to imply
that there was something in the horses'
tails as compared with them, or in
some use that was made of them; which
Tould make this language proper ; that

268

REVELATION,

[A.. D. 96.

is, that their appearance would so sug
gest the idea of death and destruction,
that the mind would easily imagine they
were a bundle of serpents. The follow
ing remarks may show how applicable
this was to the Turks : — (a) In the
Turkish hordes there was something,
whatever it was, that naturally suggest
ed some resemblance to serpents. Of the
Turkmans when they began to spread
their conquests over Asia, in the eleventh
century, and an effort was made to rouse
the people against them, Mr. Gibbon
makes the following remark : — '-' Mas-
soud, the son and successor of Mahmoud,
had too long neglected the advice of his
wisest Omrahs. 'Your enemies/ [the
Turkmans] they repeatedly urged, 'were
in their origin a swarm of ants; they
are now little snakes j and unless they
be instantly crushed, they will acquire
the venom and magnitude of serpents.' "
Iv. 91. (6) It is a remarkable fact that
the horse's tail is a well-known Turkish
standard — a symbol of office and autho
rity. " The Pashas are distinguished,
lifter a Tartar custom, by three horse
tails on the side of their tents, and reeeivei
by courtesy the title of beyler beg, or
prince of princes. The next in rank are
ihe pashas of two tails, the beys who are
honored with one tail." Ed. Ency.
Art. Turkey. In the times of their early
warlike career, the principal standard
was once lost in battle, and the Turk
man commander, in default, cut off his
horse's tail, lifted it on a pole, made it
the rallying ensign, and so gained the
victory. So Tournefort in his Travels
states. The following is Ferrario's ac
count of the origin of this ensign : "An
author acquainted with their customs
Bays, that a general of theirs, not know
ing how to rally his troops that had lost
their standards, cut off a horse's tail, and
fixed it to the end of a spear; and the
soldiers rallying at that signal, gained
the victory." He adds farther, that
whereas " on his appointment a Pasha
of three tails used to receive a drum and
a standard, now for the drum there have
been substituted three horses* tails, tied
at the end of a spear, round a gilded
haft. One of the first officers of the
palace presents him these three tails as a
standard." Elliott, i. 485, 486. This
remarkable standard or ensign is found
only among tbe Turks, nncl, it Uiove was
an intended reference to them, -e sym

bol here would be the proper one to be
adopted. The meaning of the passage
where it is said that 'their poxoer is iu
their tails/ would seem to be, that their
tails were the symbol or emblem of their
authority — as in fact the horse's tail is
in the appointment of a Pasha. The
image before the mind of John would
seem to have been, that he saw the
horses belching out fire and smoke, and,
what was equally strange, he saw that
their power of spreading desolation was
connected with the tails of horses. Any
one looking on a body of cavalry with
such banners or ensigns, would be struck
with this unusual and remarkable ap
pearance, and would speak of their ban
ners as concentrating and directing their
power. The following cut, representing
the standard of a Turkish Pasha, will
illustrate the passage before us.

(11) The number slain, ver. 18. Tha*
is said to have been " the third part of
inon." No one in reading the account?
of the wars of the Turks, and of the
ravages which they have committed,
would be likely to feel that this is an ex
aggeration. It is not necessary to sup
pose that it is literally accurate, but it is
suoh a representation as would strike
one in looking over the world, and con
templating the effect of their invasions

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

269

If the other specifications in the symbol
are correct, there would be no hesitation
in admitting the propriety of this.
(12) The time of the continuance of
this power. This is a material, and a
more difficult point. It is said (ver. 15)
to be " an hour, and a day, and a month,
and a year ;" that is, as explained, three
hundred and ninety-one years, and the
portion of a year indicated by the ex
pression "an hour:" — to wit, an addi
tional twelfth or twenty-fourth part of a
year. The question now is, whether,
supposing the time to which this reaches
to be the capture of Constantinople, and
the consequent downfall of the Boman
empire — the object in view in this series
of visions — in reckoning back from that
period for 391 years, we should reach
an epoch that would properly denote the
moving forward of this power towards
its final conquest; that is, whether there
was any such marked epoch that if the
391 years were added to it, it would
reach tbe year of the conquest of Con
stantinople, A. D. 1453. The period that
would be indicated by taking tbe num
ber 391 from 1453 would be 1062 — and
that is the time in which we are to look
for the event referred to. This is on the
supposition that the year consisted of
360 days, or twelve months of thirty
days each. If, however, instead of this,
we reckon 365 days, and six hours, then
the length of time would be found, to
amount to 396 years, and 106 days.*
This would make the time of the "loosen
ing of the angels," or the moving for
ward of this power, to be A. D. 1057. In
the uncertainty on this point, and in the
unsettled state of ancient chronology, it
would, perhaps, be vain to hope for mi
nute accuracy, and it is not reasonable
to demand it of an interpreter. On any
fair principle of interpretation, it would
be sufficient if at about one of these pe-

* " As the Julian year equalled 365 days 6
hours, the Apocalyptic period would, on the
year-day principle, be in amount as follows :
A year = 365£ days =365 years -j-r of a year.
A month = 30 days = 30 years.
A day = = 1 year.
Years 396.
i of. a prophetic day or yearl „u .
. (left out above) J aI* aays'

= 2V of a prophetic! 15, .
day or year j V ""•>"
Total = years 396 + 106 days."
Elliott, i. p. 493.

23*

riods— A. D. 1062, or A. D. 1057— there
was found such a definite or strongly
marked event as would indicate a move
ment of the hitherto restrained power
toward the West This is the real point,
then, to be determined. Now, in a com
mon work on chronology, I find this re
cord : — " A. D. 1055, Turks reduce Bag
dad, and overturn the empire of the Ca
liphs." In a work still more important
to our purpose (Gibbon, iv. 92, 93) nnder
the date of A. T>. 1055, 1 find a series of
statements, which will show the pro
priety of referring to that event as the
one by which this power, so long re
strained, was " let loose ;" that is, was
placed in such a state that its final con
quest of the eastern empire certainly
followed. The event was the union of
the Turkish power with the Caliphate in
such a way that the Sultan was regarded
as "the temporal lieutenant of the vicar
of the prophet." Of this event Mr. Gib
bon gives the following account. After
mentioning the conversion of the Turks
to the Moslem faith, and especially the
zeal with which the son of Seljuk had
embraced that faith, he proceeds to state
the manner in which the Turkish Sul
tan, Togrul, came in possession of Bag
dad, and was invested with the high
office of the " temporal lieutenant of the
vicar of the prophet." There were two
Caliphs — those of Bagdad and Egypt^
and "the sublime character of the suc
cessor of the prophet" was " disputed"
by them. iv. 93. Each of them be
came "solicitous to prove his title in tbe
judgment of the strong though illite
rate barbarians." Mr. Gibbon then says,
"Mahmoud the Gaznevide, had declared
himself in favor of the line of Abbas;
and had treated with indignity the robe
of honor which was presented by the
Fatimite ambassador. Yet tbe ungrate
ful Hashemite had changed with the
change of fortune; he applauded tbe
victory of Zendecan, and named the
Seljukian Sultan his temporal vicege
rent over the Moslem world. — As Togrul
executed and enlarged this important
trust, be was called to the deliverance of
the Caliph Cayem, and obeyed the holy
summons, which gave a new kingdom to
his arms. In the palace of Bagdad, the
commander of tbe faithful still slum
bered, a venerable phantom. His ser
vant or master, the prince of the Bow-
ides, could no longer protect him from

270

.REVELATION,

[A. D.

the insolence of meaner tyrants; and
the Euphrates and the Tigris were op
pressed by the revolt of the Turkish and
Arabian armies. The presence of a con
queror was implored as a blessing; and
the transient mischiefs of fire and sword
were excused as the sharp but salutary
remedies which alone could restore the
health of the Bepublic. At the head of
an irresistible force, the Sultan of Per
sia marched from Hamadan ; the proud
were crushed, the prostrate were spared;
tbe prince of the Bowides disappeared ;
the heads of the most obstinate rebels
were at the feet of Togrul; and he in
flicted a lesson of obedience on the peo
ple of Mosul and Bagdad. After the
chastisement of the guilty, and the re
storation of peace, the royal shepherd
accepted the reward pf his labors ; and a
solemn amnesty represented the triumph
of religious prejudice over barbarian
power. The Turkish sultan embarked
on the Tigris, landed at the gate of
Bacca, and made his public entry on
horseback. At the palace gate, he re
spectfully dismounted, and walked on
foot, preceded by his emirs without
arms. The caliph was seated behind
his black veil ; the black garment of the
Abbassides was cast over his shoulders,
and he held in his hand the staff of the
Apostle of God. The conqueror of the
east kissed the ground, stood some time
in a modest posture, and was led toward
the throne by the vizier and an inter
preter. After Togrul had seated him
self on another throne, his commission
was publicly read, which declared him
the temporal lieutenant of the vicar of the
prophet. He was successively invested
with seven robes of honor, and presented
with seven slaves, the natives of the
seven climates of the Arabian empire.
His mystic veil was perfumed with
musk; two crowns were placed on his
head; two scimetars were girded to his
side, as the symbols of a double reign
over the Bast and West, Their alliance
was cemented by the marriage of Tog-
rul's sister with the successor of the
prophot." iv. 93, 94. This event, so de
scribed, was of sufficient importance, as
constituting a union of the Turkish
power with the Moslem faith, as making
it practicable to move in tboir con
quests toward the west, and as con
nected in its ultimate results with the
downfall of the Eastern empire, to make

it an epoch in the history of nations.
In fact it was the point which one would
have particularly looked at, after de
scribing the movements of the Saracens,
(ch. ix. 1-11), as the next event that
was to change the condition of the
world. Happily we have also the means of
fixing the exact date of this event, so
as to make it accord with singular accu
racy with the period supposed to be re
ferred to. The general time specified
by Mr. Gibbon, is A. D. 1055. This, ac
cording to the two methods referred to of
determining the period embraced in the
" hour, and day, and month, and year,"
would reach, if the period were 391
years, to A. D. 1446; if the other method
were referred to, making it 396 years
and 106 days, to A. D. 1451, with 106
days added — within less than two years
of the actual taking of Constantinople.
But there is a more accurate calculation
as to the time than the general one thus
made. In vol. iv. 93, Mr. Gibbon makes
this remark : — " Twenty-five years after
the death of Basil, his successors were
suddenly attacked by" an unknown race
of barbarians, who united tbe Scythian
valor with the fanaticism of new prose
lytes, and the art and riches of a power
ful monarchy." He then proceeds (pp.
94, seq.) with an account of the inva
sions of the Turks. In vol. iii. 307, we
have an account of the death of Basil.
'•' In the sixty-eighth year of his" age, his
martial spirit urged him to embark in
person for a holy war against the Sara
cens of Sicily; he was prevented by
death, and Basil, surnamed the slayer
of the Bulgarians, was dismissed from
the world, with the blessings of the
clergy, and the curses of the people."
This occurred A. D. 1025. "Twenty-
five years" after this would make A. D.
1050. To this add the period here re
ferred to, and we bave respectively, as
above, the years A. D. 1446, or A. D. 1451,
and 106 days. Both periods are near the
time of the taking of Constantinople, and
the downfall of the Eastern empire ( A. D.
1453), and the latter strikingly so; and,
considering the general nature of the
statement of Mr. Gibbon, and the great
indefinitoness of the dates in chronology,
may be considered as remarkable. — But
we have the means of a still more accu
rate calculation. It is by determining
the exact period of the investiture of

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

271

Togrul with the authority of Caliph, or
as the "temporal lieutenant of the vicar
of the prophet." The time of this inves
titure, or coronation, is mentioned by
Abulfeda as occurring on the 25th of
Dzoulcad, in the year of the Hegira
449 ; and the date of Elmakin's narra
tive, who has given .an account of this,
perfectly agrees with this. Of this trans
action, Elmakin makes the following
remark : " There was now none left in
Irak or Chorasmia who could stand
before him." The importance of this
investiture, will be seen from the charge
which the caliph is reported by Abul
feda to have given to Togrul on this
occasion : " The caliph commits to your
care all that part of the world whioh
God has committed to his care and do
minion; and entrusts to thee, under
the name of vice-gerent, the guardian
ship of the pious, faithful, and God-
serving citizens."* The exact time of
this investiture is stated by Abulfeda, as
above, to be the 25th of Dzoulcad, A. H.
449. Now, reckoning this as the time,
and we have the following result : — The
twenty-fifth of Dzoulcad, A. H. 449 would
answer to February 2, A. D. 1058. From
this to May 29, 1453, the time when Con
stantinople was taken, would bo three
hundred and ninety-five years and one
hundred and sixteen days. The pro
phetic period, as above, is 396 years and
106 days — making a difference only of
one year and ten days — a result that
cannot but be considered as remarkable,
considering the difficulty of fixing an
cient dates. Or if, with Mr. Elliott (i.
495-499), we suppose that the time is to
be reckoned from the period when the
Turkman power went forth from Bag
dad on a career of conquest, the reckon
ing should be from the year of the He
gira, 448, the year before the formal
investiture, then this would make a dif
ference of only twenty-four days. The
date of that event was tho tenth of
Dzoulcad, A.H. 448. That was the day
on which Togrul with his Turkmans,
now the representative, and head of tho
power of Islamism, quitted Bagdad to
enter on a long career of war and con
quest. " The part allotted to Togrul
himself in the fearful drama soon to

. Mandat Chalifa tuffi curas omrie id ten-arum quod
Delia ejus curse et imperio couimisit; tibique civium
piorum, fideHum,, Deum colentiuni, tutelam aublocato-
tio Domius demandat.

open against the Greeks was to extend
and establish the Turkman dominion
over the frontier countries of Irak and
Mesopotamia, that . so the requisite
strength might be attained for the attack
ordained of God's counsels against the
Greek empire. The first step to this
was the siege and capture of Moussul;
his next of Singara. Nisibis, too, was
visited by him; that frontier fortress
that had in other days been so long a
bulwark to the Greeks. Everywhere
victory attended his banner ; a presage
of what was to follow." Beckoning
from that time, the coincidence between
the period that elapsed from that, and
the conquest of Constantinople, would
be 396 years and 130 days — a period
that corresponds, with only a difference
of 24 days, with that specified in the
prophecy according to the explanation
given above. It could not be expected
that a coincidence more accurate than
this could be made out on the supposi
tion that the prophecy was designed to
refer to these events; and if it did
refer to them, the coincidence could
have occurred only as a prediction by
Him who sees with perfect accuracy all
the future.
(13) The effect. This is stated, in vs.
20, 21, to be that those who survived
these plagues did not repent of their
wickedness, but that the abominations
whioh existed before still remained. In
endeavoring to determine the meaning
of this, it will be proper, first, to ascer
tain the exact sense of the words used,
and then to enquire whether a state of
things existed subsequent to the inva
sions of the Turks which corresponded
with the description here.
(A) The explanation of the language
used in vs. 20, 21. f The rest df the
men. That portion of the world on
which these plagues did not come. One-
third of the race, it is said, would fall
under these calamities, and the writer
now proceeds to state what would be tbe
effect on the remainder. The language
used — " the rest of the men" — is not such
as to designate with certainty any par
ticular portion of the world, but it is
implied that the things mentioned were
of very general prevalence. *J Which
were not killed by these plagues. The
two- thirds of the race which were spared.
The language here is such as would be
used on the supposition that the crimes

272

REVELATION,

[A.D.

here referred t* abounded in all those
regions which came within the range of
the vision of the apostle. % Yet re
pented not of the works of their hands.
To wit, of those things which are im
mediately specified. ^ That they should
not loorship devils. Implying that they
practised this before. The word used
here — 5atp6viov — means properly, a god,
deity ; spoken of the heathen gods,
Acts xvii. 18 ; then, a genius, or tutelary
demon, e. g. that of Socrates ; and, in
the New Testament, a demon in the
sense of an evil spirit. See the word
fully explained in the Notes on 1 Cor.
x. 20. The meaning of the passage here,
as in 1 Cor. x. 20, " they sacrifice to
devils," is not that they literally wor
shipped devils in the usual sense of that
term (though it is true that such wor
ship does exist in the world, as among
the Yezidis (see Layard, Nineveh and
its Remains, vol. i. pp. 225-254, and
Kosenmuller, Morgehland, iii. 212-216) ;
but that they worshipped beings which
were inferior to the Supreme God; cre
ated spirits of a rank superior to men,
or the spirits of men that had been
enrolled among the gods. This last was
a common form of worship among the
heathen, for a large portion of the gods
whom they adored were heroes and
benefactors who had been enrolled
among the gods — as Hercules, Bacchus,
&g. All that is necessarily implied in
this word is, that there prevailed in the
time referred to, the worship of. spirits
inferior to God, or the worship of the
spirits of departed men. This idea would
be more naturally suggested to the mind
of a Greek by the use of the word than
the worship of evil spirits as sueh — if
indeed it would have conveyed that idea
at all; and this word would be properly
employed in the representation if there
was any homage rendered to departed
human spirits which came in the place
of the worship of the true God. Comp.
a dissertation on the meaning of the
word used here, in Elliott on the Apoca
lypse, Appendix I., vol. ii. ^ And idols
of gold, and silver, Ac, &c. Idols were
formerly, as they are now in heathen
lands, made of all these materials. The
more costly would, of course, denote a
higher degree of veneration for the god,
or greater wealth in the worshipper, and
all would be employed as symbols or
representatives of the gods whom they

adored.. The meaning of this passage is,
that there would prevail, at that time,
what would be properly called idolatry,
and that this would be represented by
the worship paid to these images or
idols. It is not necessary to the proper
understanding of this, to suppose that
the images or idols, worshipped were ac
knowledged heathen idols, or were erected
in honor of heathen gods as such. All
that is implied is, that there would be
such images (ucuXa), and that a degree
of homage would be paid to them which
would be in fact idolatry. The word
here used — ct6(»\ov, ctbtaka — properly
means an image, spectre, shade; then an
idol-image, or that which was a repre
sentative of a heathen god; and then
the idol-god itself — a heathen deity. So
far as the word is concerned, it may be
applied to any kind of image-worship.
^[ Which neither can see, nor hear, nor
walk. The common representation of
idol-worship in the Scriptures, to denote
its folly and stupidity, see Psalm cxv. ;
comp. Isa. xliv. 13-19. ^ Neither re~
pented they of their murders. This im
plies that, at the time referred to, mur
ders would abound; or that the times
would be characterized by that which
deserved to be called murder, ^f Nor of
their sorceries. The word rendered sor
ceries — (ftappaiczia, whence our word phar
macy, means properly the preparing and
giving of medicine, Eng., pharmacy.
Mob. Lex. Then, as the art of medicine
was supposed to hare a magical power,
or as the persons who practised medi
cine, in order to give themselves and
their art greater importance, practised
various arts of incantation, the word
came to be connected with the idea of
magic, sorcery, or enchantment. See
Schleusner, Lex. In tho New Testa
ment, the word is never used in a good
sense as denoting the preparation of
medicine, but always in this secondary
sense, as denoting sorcery, magic, <fcc.
Thus in Gal. v. 20, "the works of the
flesh— idolatry, witchcraft." Rev. ix. 21,
"Of their -sorceries." Rev. xviii. 23,
" .For by thy sorceries were all nations
deceived." Rev. xxi. 8, "Whoremon
gers, and sorcerers." The word does
not elsewhere occur in the New Testa
ment, and the meaning of tho word would
be fulfilled in anything that purposed to
accomplish an object by sorcery, by
magical arts, by trick, by cunning, bt

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

273

sleight of band, or by deceiving the senses
in any way. Thus it would be applicable
to all jugglery, and to all pretended
miracles, ^f Nor of their fornication.
Implying that this would be a prevalent
gin in tbe times referred to, and that the
dreadful plagues which are here pre
dicted would make no essential change
in reference to its prevalence. ^[ And of
their thefts. Implying .that this, too,
would be a common form of iniquity.
The word used here — t:Afy|z<z — is the
common word to denote theft. The true
idea in the word is that of privately,
unlawfully, and feloniously taking the
goods or moveables of another person.
In a larger, and in the popular sense,
however, this word might embrace all
aets of taking tbe property of another by
dishonest arts, or on false pretence, or
without an equivalent.
(B) The next point, then, is, the en
quiry whether there was any such state
of things as is specified here, existing in
the time of the rise of the Turkish power,
and in the time of the calamities which
that formidable power brought upon the
world. There are two things implied in
the statement here; — (1) that these
things had an existence before the inva
sion and destruction of the Eastern em
pire by the Turkish power ; and (2) that
they continued to exist ' after that, or
were not removed by .these fearful cala
mities. The supposition all along in
this interpretation is, that the eye of the
prophet was on the Roman world, and
that the design was to mark the various
events which would characterize its fu
ture history. We look, then, in the ap
plication of this, to the state of things
existing in connexion with the Boman
power, or that portion of the world
which was then pervaded by the Boman
religion. This will make it necessary to
institute an enquiry whether the things
here specified prevailed in that part of
the world before the invasions of the
Turks, and the conquest of Constanti
nople, and whether the judgments in
dicted by that formidable Turkish in
vasion made any essential change in
this respect.
(1) The statement that they wor
shipped devils ; that is, as explained,
demons, or the deified souls of men.
Homage rendered to the spirits of de
parted men, and substituted in the
place of the worship of the true God,

would meet all that is properly implied
here. We may refer, then, to the wor
ship of saints in the Romish communion
as a complete fulfilment of what is here
implied in the language used by John.
The fact cannot be disputed that the
invocation of saints took the place, in
the Boman -Catholic communion, of the
worship of sages and heroes in heathen
Borne, and that tbe canonization of
saints took the place of the ancient
deification of heroes and public bene
factors. The same kind of homage was
rendered to them ; their aid was invoked
in a similar manner, and on similar
occasions; the effect on the popular
mind was substantially the same; and
the one interfered as really as the other
with the worship of tho true God. The
decrees of the Seventh General Council,
known as the Second Council of Nice,
A. 1). 787. authorized and established the
worshipping (irpoerauvfiu — the same word
used here — upvasvvfiao>at ra SaiuSvta) of
the saints and their images. This oc
curred after the exciting scenes, the
debates, and the disorders produced by
the Iconoclasts, or image-breakers, and
after tbe most careful deliberation on
the subject. In that celebrated council,
it was decreed, according to Mr. Gibbon
(iii. 341), " unanimously," " that the
worship of images is agreeable to Scrip
ture and reason, to the fathers and
councils of the church ; but they hesi
tate whether that worship be relative or
direct; whether the Godhead and the
figure of Christ be entitled to tbe same
mode of adoration.'* This worship of
the "saints," or prayer to the saints,
asking for their intercession, it is well
known has from that time every where
prevailed in the Papal communion. In
deed, a large part of the actual prayers
offered in their services, is addressed to
the Virgin Mary. Mr. Maitland, " the
able and learned advocate of the Dark
Ages," says " The superstition of the
age supposed the glorified saint to know
what was going on in the world ; and to
feel a deep interest, and to possess a
considerable power, in the church mili
tant on earth. I believe that they who
thought so are altogether mistaken ; and
I lament, abhor, and am amazed at, the
superstition, blasphemies and idolatries,
which have grown out of that opinion."
Elliott, ii. p. 10. As to the question
whether this continued after the judg.

274

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

ments brought upon the world by the
hordes "loosed on the Euphrates," or
whether they repented and reformed on
account of the judgments, we have only
to look into the Roman Catholic religion
everywhere. Not only did the old prac
tice of " daemonolatry," or the worship
of departed saints, continue, but new
" saints" have been added to the number,
and the list of those who are to receive
this homage has been continually increas
ing. Thus in the year 1460 Catharine of
Sienna was canonized by Pope Pius II. ;
in 1482, Bonaventura, the blasphemer/*
by Sixtus IV.; in 1494, Anselm by
Alexander VI. ¦ Alexander's Bull, in
language more heathen than Christian,
avows it to be the Pope's duty thus to
choose out, and to hold up the illus
trious dead, as their merits claim, for
adoration and worshtp.f
(2) The statement that idolatry was
practised, and continued to be practised,
after this invasion : — " Repented not that
they should not worship idols of gold,
silver, and brass." On this point, per
haps it would be sufficient to refer to
what has been already noticed in regard
to the homage paid to the souls of the
departed j but it may be farther and
more clearly illustrated by a reference
to the worship of images in the Romish
communion. Any one familiar with
church history will recollect the long
conflicts which prevailed respecting the
worship of images ; the establishment of
images in the churches ; the destruction
of images by the "Iconoelasts," and
the debates on the subject by the coun
cil at Hiera; and the final decision in
the Second Council of Nice, in which
the propriety of image-worship was
affirmed and established. See on this
subject, Bowers' History of the Popes,
:i. 98, seq. 144j seq. ; Gibbon, Vol. iii.,
pp. 322-341. The importance of the
question respecting image-worship may
be seen from the remarks of Mr. Gibbon,
iii. 322. He speaks of it as "a question
of popular superstition which produced
* In the Hereford Discussion, between the Rev. J,
Venn and Rev. Jarries Waterworlh, It was admitted by
t)ic (alter, an able .and learned Ramish priest, that
lienavciitura's l'saltcr to the Virgin Mary, turning the
addressea to God into addresses lo llic Virgin, was
blasphemy. Elliott, ii, 23.
t r<  ¦¦¦ I'onliiux vims claros, ct qui KtnctimoniS
lloriicrunt, el enrum exigent. I>us ctnrisaiitiis incritis
iliuruiii- Maiiotnnim numtrn aggregari umretitur — inter
i.uifKis jiraetliclcH debit coll"c.-ire, ut tit sanctosab om
nibus rilHit'i fid<-tibus coii, 1'cnr.rari, ct ADOItAHl

the revolt of Italy, the temporal power
of the Popes, and the restoration of the
Roman empire in the West." A few
extracts from Mr. Gibbon — who may be
regarded as an impartial witness on this
subject — will show what was the popular
belief, and will confirm what is said in
tbe passage before us in reference to the
prevalence of idolatry. i( The first intro
duction of a symbolic worship was in
the veneration of the cross, and of relicB.
The saints and martyrs, when interces
sion was implored, were seated on the
right hand of God ; but the gracious, and
often supernatural favors, which, in the
popular belief, were showered round their
tombs, conveyed an unquestionable sanc
tion of the devout pilgrims, who visited,
and touched, and kissed, these lifeless
remains, the memorials of their merits
and suffering. But a memorial, more
interesting than the skull or the sandals
of a departed worthy, is a faithful copy
of his person and features delineated by
the arts of painting or sculpture. In
every age, such copies, so congenial to
human feelings, have been cherished by
the zeal of private friendship, or public
esteem ;_ the images of the Roman em
perors were adorned with civil and
almost religious honors ; a reverence, less
ostentatious, but more sincere, was ap
plied to the statues of sages and patriots;
and these profane virtues, these splendid
sins, disappeared in the presence of the
holy men, who had died for their celes
tial and everlasting country. At first the
experiment was made with caution and
scruple, and the venerable pictures were
discreetly allowed to instruct the igno
rant, to awaken the cold, and to gratify
the prejudices of the heathen proselytes.
By a slow, though inevitable progres
sion, the honors of the original were
transferred to the copy; the devout
Christian prayed before the image of a
saint; and the Pagan rites of genuflexion,
luminaries, and incense, again stole into
the Catholic church. The scruples of
reason or piety were silenced by the
strong evidence of visions and miracles;
and tho pictures which speak, and move,
and bleed, must be endowed with a
divine energy, and maybe considered as
the proper objects or religious adora
tion. The most audacious pencil might
tremble in the rash attempt of defining,
by forms and oolors, the infinite Spirit,
the devout Father, who pervades and

A.. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX

275

sustains the universe. But the super-
otitious mind was more easily recon
ciled to paint and worship the angels,
and above all, the Son of God, under
the human shape, which on earth they
have condescended to assume. The
second person of the Trinity had been
clothed with a real and mortal bodyj
but that body had ascended into heaven;
and had not some similitude been pre
sented to tbe 6yes of his disciples, the
spiritual worship of Christ might have
been obliterated by the visible relics and
representatives of the saints. A similar
indulgence was requisite, and propitious,
for the Virgin. Mary ; the place of her
burial was unknown ; and the assump
tion of her soul and body into heaven
was adopted by the credulity of the
Greeks and Latins. The use, and even
the worship of images was firmly esta
blished before the end of the sixth cen
tury ; they were fondly cherished by the
warm imagination of the Greeks and
Asiatics ; the Pantheon and the Vatican
were adorned with the emblems of a new
superstition ; but this semblance of idola
try was more coldly entertained by the
rude Barbarians, and the Arian clergy
of the West." vol. iii. p. 323. Again :
"Before the end of the siaith century,
these images, made without hands (in
Greek it is a single word — a^tipoiroiijToi),
were propagated in the camps and cities
of the Eastern empire ; they were the ob
jects of worship, and the^instruments of
miracles ; and in the hour of danger or
tumult, their venerable presence could
revive the hope, rekindle the courage, or
repress the fury of the Boman legions."
vol. iii. pp. 324, 325. So again (vol. iii.
pp. 340, seq.): "While the Popes esta
blished in Italy their freedom and do
minion, the images, the first cause of
their revolt, were restored in the Eastern
empire. Under the reign of Constantine
the Fifth, the union of civil and ecclesi
astical power had overthrown the tree,
without extirpating the root, of supersti
tion. The idols, for such they were now
held, were secretly cherished by the
order and the sect most prone to. devo.
tion ; and the fond alliance of the monks
and females obtained a final victory over
the name and the authority of man."
Under Irene a council was convened —
the second council of Nice, or the seventh
general council, in which, according to
Mr. Gibbon (Si. 341), it was "unani

mously pronounced that the worship of
images is agreeable to Scripture and
reason, to the fathers and councils of
the church." The arguments which were
urged in favor of the worship of images,
in the council above referred to, may be
seen in Bowers' Lives of the Popes, vol.
ii. pp. 152-158, Dr. Cox's edition. The
answer of the bishops in the council to
the question of the empress Irene, whe
ther they agreed to the decision which
had been adopted in the council, was in'
these words: "We all agree to it; we
have all freely signed it; this is the
faith of the apostles, of the fathers, and
of the Catholic church; we all salute,
honor, worship, and adore tho holy and
venerable images ; be they accursed who
do not honor, worship, and adore the
adorable images." Bowers' Lives of the
Popes, ii. 159. As a matter of fact,
therefore, no one can doubt that these
images were worshipped with the honor
that was due to God alone — or that the
sin of idolatry prevailed; and no one
can doubt that that has been continued,
and is still, in the Papal communion.
(3) The next point specified is mur
ders (ver. 21) : ' Neither repented they
of their murders.' It can hardly be
necessary to dwell on this to show that
this was strictly applicable to the Boman
power, and extensively prevailed, both
before and after the Turkish invasion,
and that that invasion had no tendency
to produce repentance. Indeed, in no
thing has the Papacy been more remark
ably characterized, than in the number
of murders perpetrated on the innocent
in persecution. In reference to the ful
filment of this, we may refer to the fol
lowing things, (a) Persecution. This
has been particularly the characteristic
of the Boman communion, it need not
be said, in all ages. The persecutions
of the Waldenses, if there were nothing
else, show that the spirit here referred
to prevailed in the Boman communion,
or that the times preceding the Turkish
conquest were characterized by what is
here specified. In the third Lateraa
council, A. D. 1179, an anathema wa.-
declared against certain dissentien ts and
heretics, and then against the Waldenses
themselves in Papal bulls of the years
1183, 1207, 1208. Again, in a decree
of the fourth Lateran council, A. D. 1215,
a crusade, as it was called, was pro
claimed against them, and "plenary

276

REVELATION,

[A.D.

absolution promised to such as should
perish in the holy war, from the day of
their birth to the day of their death."
" And never," says Sismondi, " had the
cross been taken up with more unani
mous consent." It is supposed that in
this crusade against the Waldenses, a
million of men perished. (6) That this
continued to be the characteristic of the
Papacy after the judgments brought
upon the Roman world by the Turkish
» invasion, or that those judgments had
no tendency to produce repentance and
reformation, is well known, and is mani
fest from the following things: (1) The
continuance of the spirit of persecution.
(2) The establishment of the Inquisition.
One hundred and fifty thousand persons
perished by the Inquisition in thirty
years; and from the beginning of the
order of the Jesuits in 1540 to 1580, it
is supposed that nine hundred thousand
persons were destroyed by persecution.
(3) The same spirit was manifested in
the attempts to suppress the true religion
in England, in Bohemia, and in the Low
Countries. Fifty thousand persons were
nanged, burned, beheaded, or buried
alive, ^or the crime. of heresy, in the
Low Countries, chiefly under the Duke
of Alva, from the edict of Charles V.
against the Protestants to the peace of
Chateau Cambrisis, in 1559. Comp.
Notes on Dan. vii. 24-28. To these are
to be added all that fell in France on
the revocation of the edict of Nantz j
all that perished by persecution in Eng
land in the days of Mary ; and all that
have fallen in the bloody wars that have
been waged in the propagation of the
Papal religion. The number is, of
course, unknown to mortals, though
efforts have been made by historians to
form some estimate of the amount. It
is supposed that fifty millions of persons
have perished in these persecutions of
the Waldenses, Albigenses, Bohemian
Brethren, Wickliffites, and Protestants;
that some fifteen millions of Indians
perished in Cuba, Mexico, and South
America, in the wars of the Spaniards,
professedly to propagate the Catholic
faith; that three million and a half of
Moors and Jews perished, by Catholio
persecution and arms, in Spain; and
that thus, probably, no less than sixty-
eight millions and five hundred thou
sand human beings have been put to
death by this one persecuting power.

See Dr. Berg's Lectures on Romanism,
pp. 6, 7. Assuredly, if this be true, it
would be proper to characterize the times
here referred to, both before and after
the Turkish invasion, as a time when
murders would prevail.
(4) The fourth point specified is, sor
ceries. It can hardly be necessary to g\j
into detail to prove that this also abound
ed, and that delusive appeals to the
senses; false and pretended miracles;
arts adapted to deceive through the ima
gination; the supposed virtue and effi
cacy of relics ; and frauds calculated to
ixpose on mankind, have characterized
those portions of the world where the
Roman religion has prevailed, and been
one of the principal means of its ad
vancement. No Protestant surely would
deny this, no intelligent Catholic can
doubt it himself. All that is necessary
to be said in regard to this is, that in
this, as in other respects, the Turkish
invasion, and the judgments that came
upon the world, made no change. The
very recent imposture of the 'holy coat
of Treves/ is a full proof that the dispo
sition to practise such arts still exists,
and that the power to impose on a large
portion of the world in that denomina
tion, has not died away.
(5) The fifth thing specified is forni
cation. This has abounded everywhere
.in the world, but the use of the term in
this connexion implies that there would
be something peculiar here, and perhaps
that it would be associated with the
other things referred to. It is as unne
cessary, as it would be improper, to go
into any detail on this point. Any one
who is acquainted with the history of
the Middle Ages — the period here sup
posed to be referred to — must be aware
of the wide-spread licentiousness which
then prevailed, especially among the
clergy. Historians and poets, ballads
and acts of councils, alike testify to this
fact.* It is to be remarked also, as
illustrating the subject, that the disso
luteness of the Middle Ages was closely,
and almost necessarily, connected with
the worship of the images and the saints
above referred to. The character of
many of those who were worshipped as
saints, like the character of many of the
gods ;f the Pagan Romans, was just
* "If you wish lo iee the horrors of these ages,1
(the Middle Ages), says Chateaubriand, Diet. Hist, torn
!ii. 420, " read the Councils."

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX

277

sisch as to be an incentive to every spe
cies of licentiousness and impurity. On
this point, Mr. Hallam makes the fol
lowing remarks : " That the exclusive
worship of saints, under the guidance
of an artful, though illiterate priest
hood, degraded the understanding, and
begat a stupid credulity and fanaticism,
is sufficiently evident. But it was also
so managed as to loosen the bonds of re
ligion, and pervert the standard of mo
rality." Middle Ages, vol. ii. pp. 249,
250. Edit. Phil. 1824. He then, in a
Note, refers to the legends of the saints
as abundantly confirming bis statements.
See particularly the stories in the "Gold
en Legend." So, in speaking of the
Monastic orders, Mr. Hallam (Middle
Ages, vol. ii. 253), says, " In vain new
rules of discipline were devised, or the
old corrected by reforms. Many of their
worst vices grew so naturally out of
their mode of life that a stricter disci
pline would have no tendency to extir
pate them. Their extreme licentious
ness was sometimes hardly concealed by
the cowl of sanctity." In illustration of
this we may introduce here a remark of
Mr. Gibbon, made in immediate con
nexion with his statement about the de
crees respecting the worship of images.
"I shall only .notice," says he, "the
judgment of the bishops on the compa
rative merit of image worship and mo
rality. A monk had concluded a truce
with the demon of fornication, on condi
tion of interrupting her daily prayers to
a picture that hung in his cell. His
scruples prompted him to consult the
Abbot. ' Rather than ' abstain from
adoring Christ and his mother in their
holy images, it would be better for you,'
replied the casuist, 'to enter any brothel,
and visit every prostitute in the city.' "
" iii. 341. So again, Mr. Gibbon, speak
ing of the Pope, John XII. says, "His
open simony might be the consequence
of distress ; and his blasphemous invo
cation of Jupiter and Venus, if it be
true, could not possibly be serious. But
we read with some surprise that the
worthy grandson of Marozia lived in
public adultery with the matrons of
Rome ; that the Lateran palace was
turned into a place of prostitution, and
that his rapes of virgins and of widows
had deterred the female pilgrims from
visiting the tomb of St. Peter, lest, in
the devout act they should be violated
24

by his successor." iii. 353. Again, the
system of indulgences led directly to
lioentiousness. In the Pontificate of
John XXII. about A. D. 1320, there was
invented the celebrated Tax of In
dulgences, of which more than forty
editions are extant. According to this,
incest was to cost, if not detected, five
groschen : if known and flagrant, six.
A certain price was affixed in a similar
way to adultery, infanticide, &e. See
Merle D'Aubigne's Reformation, vol. i. "
p. 41. And farther, the very pilgrim
ages to the shrines of the saints, which
were enjoined as a penance for sin, and
which were regarded as a ground of
merit, were occasions of the grossest
licentiousness. So Hallam, Middle Ages,
says, " This licensed vagrancy was natu
rally productive of dissoluteness, espe
cially among the women. Our English
ladies, in their zeal to obtain the spi
ritual treasuries of Rome, are said to
have relaxed the necessary caution
about one that was .in their own cus
tody." Vol. ii. 255. The celibacy of
the clergy, also, tended to licentious
ness, and is known to have been every
where productive of the very sin which
is here mentioned. The state of the
nunneries in the middle ages is well-
known. In the 15th century, Gerson,
the French orator so celebrated at the
Council of Constance, called them Pros-
tibula meretricum. Clemangis, a French
theologian, also contemporary, and a
man of great eminence, thus speaks of
them: — Quid aliud sunt hoe tempore
puellarum monasteria, nisi quaedam non
dico Dei sanctuaria, sed veneris exe-
cranda prostibula ; ut idem sit hodie pu-
ellam velare, quod et publici ad scor-
tandnm exponere. Hallam, Middle Ages,
ii. 253. To this we may add the fact
that -it was a habit, not unfrequent, to
license the clergy to live in concubinage,
(See the proof in Elliott, i. 447, Note),
and that the practice of auricular con
fession necessarily. made "the tainting
of the female mind an integral part of
Roman priestcraft, and gave consecra
tion to the communings of impurity."
It hardly needs any proof that these
practices continued after the invasions
of the Turkish hordes, or that those in
vasions made no changes in the condi
tion of the world in this respect. In
proof of this, we need refer only to Pope
Innocent VIII., elected in 1484 to the

278

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

Papacy;* to Alexander VI,, his suc
cessor, who at the close of the 15th cen
tury stood before the world a monster,
notorious to all, of impurity and vice; and
to the general well-known character of
the Romish clergy. " Most of the eccle
siastics," says the historian Infessura,
" had their mistresses ; and all the con
vents of the capital were houses of ill-
fame." (6) The sixth thing specified (ver. 21),
is thefts ; that is, as explained, the taking
of the property of others by dishonest
arts ; on false pretences, or without any
proper equivalent. In the enquiry as to
the applicability of this to the times
supposed to be here referred to, we may
notice the following things, as instances
in which money was extorted from the
people, (a) The value fraudulently as
signed to relics. Mosheim, in his histo
rical sketch of the twelfth century, ob
serves, " The abbots and monks carried
about the country the carcases and relics
of saints, in solemn-procession ; and per
mitted the multitude to behold, touch,
and embrace the sacred remains, at fixed
prices." (b) The exaltation of the mi
racle-working merit of particular saints,
and tho consecration of new saints,
and dedication of new images, when the
popularity of the former died away.
Thus Mr. Hallam says, " Every cathe
dral or monastery had its tutelar saint,
and every saint his legend; fabricated
in order to enrich the churches under
his protection ; by exaggerating his vir
tues and his miracles, and consequently
his power of serving those who paid
liberally for his patronage." (c) The in
vention and sale of indulgences — well-
known to have been a vast source of
revenue to the church. Wickliffe de
clared that indulgences were mere forge
ries whereby the priesthood " rob- men
of their money; a subtle merchandize
of Antichrist's clerks, whereby they mag
nify their own fictitious power, and in
stead of causing men to dread sin, en
courage men to wallow therein as hogs."
(d) The prescription of pilgrimages as
penances, was another prolific source of
gain to the church, that deserves to be
classed under tbe namo of thefts. Thoso
who made such pilgrimage were ex
pected arid required to make an offering
. Hi. character ia told in the well-known epigram,
Octo noceni pueroa gonuit, tolldenique puellaj :
Hone tn.rlto potnit dicere Roma, pairem. i

at the shrine of the saint ; and as multi
tudes went on such pilgrimages, espe
cially on the Jubilee at Rome, the in
come from this source was enormous.
An' instance of what was offered at the
shrine of Thomas a Becket will illus
trate this. Through his reputation, Can
terbury became the Rome of England.
A Jubilee was celebrated every fiftieth
year to his honor, with plenary indul
gence to all such as visited his tomb;
of whom one hundred thousand were
registered at one time. Two large vol.
umes were filled with accounts of the
miracles wrought at his tomb. The fol
lowing list of the value of offerings made
in two successive years to his shrine, the
Virgin Mary's, and Christ's, in the cathe
dral at Canterbury, will illustrate at the
same time the gain from these sources,
and the relative respect shown to Becket,
Mary, and the Saviour.
First Year. £ ,. d. j Stst Year. £ ,. d.
Christ's Altar, 3 2 6 Christ's Altar, 0 0 0
Virgin Mary's, 63 5 6 Virgin Mary's, 4 1 8
B tenet's, . . 832 12 9 I Be cist's, . .934 6-1
Of the Jubilee of A. D. 1300, Muratori
relates tbe result as follows : — " Papa
innumerabilem pecuniam ab iisdem rece-
pit ; quia die et nocte duo cleriei stabant
ad altare Sancti Pauli, tenentes in eorum
manibus rastellos, rastellantes pecuniam
infinitam." — "The Pope received from
them a countless amount of money; for
two clerks stood at the altar of St Paul
night and day, holding in their hands
little rakes, collecting an infinite amount
of money." Hallam. (e) Another source
of gain of this kind was the numerous
testamentary bequests with which the
church was enriched — obtained by the
arts and influence of the clergy. In
Wiekliffe's time there were in England
53,215 foeda militum, of which the re
ligious had 28,000 — more than one-half.
Blackstone says that, but for the inter
vention of the legislature, and the statute
of mortmain, the church would have
appropriated in this manner the whole
of the land of England, iv. 107. (/) The
money left by the dying to pay for
masses, and that paid by survivors for
masses to release the souls of 'their
friends from Purgatory — all of which
deserves to be olassed under the word
thefts as above explained, was another
souroe of vast wealth to the church ; and
the practice was systematized on a large
scale, and, with the other things men.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER IX.

279

tioned, deserves to be noticed as a cha
racteristic of the times. It is scarcely
necessary, to add that the judgments
which were brought upon the world by
the Turkish invasions made no essential
change, and wrought no repentance or
reformation, and hence, that the lan
guage here is strictly applicable to these
things : — " Neither repented they of their
murders, nor of their sorceries, nor of
their fornication, nor of their thefts."
CHAPTER X.
ANALYSIS OP THE CHAPTER.
' This chapter contains the record of a
sublime vision of an angel which, at this
juncture, John saw descending from
heaven, disclosing new scenes in what
was yet to occur. The vision is inter
posed between the sounding of the sixth,
or second woe-trumpet, and the sound
ing of the seventh, or third woe-trumpet,
under which is to be the final consum
mation, ch. xi. 15, seq. It ocoupies an
important interval between the events
which were to occur under the sixth
trumpet, and the last scene — the final
overthrow of the formidable power which
had opposed the reign of God on tbe
earth, and the reign of righteousness,
when the kingdoms of the world should
become the kingdom of God, ch. xi. 15.
It is, in many respects, an unhappy cir
cumstance that this chapter has been
separated from the following. They con
stitute one continued vision, at least to
ch. xi. 15, where the sounding of the
seventh and last trumpet occurs.
The tenth chapter oontains the follow
ing things : —
(1) An angel desoends from heaven,
n.nd the attention of the seer is for a time
turned from the contemplation of what
was passing in heaven to this new
vision that appeared on the earth. This
angel is clothed with a cloud; he is
encircled by a rainbow ; his face is as
the sun, and his feet like pillars of fire : —
all indicating his exalted rank, and all
such accompaniments as became a hea
venly messenger.
(2) The angel appears with a small
volume in his hand, ver. 2. This book
is not closed and sealed, like the one in
ch. v., but was "open" — so that it could
be read. Such a book would indicate
some new message or revelation from
heaven; and the book would be pro
perly, a symbol of something that was

to be accomplished by such an open
volume. (3) The angel sets his feet upon the
sea and the land, ver. 2 : — indicating by
this, apparently, that what he was to
communicate appertained alike to the
ocean and the land — to all the world.
(4) The angel makes a proclamation—
the nature of which is not here stated —
with a loud voice, like the roaring of a
lion, as if the nations were called to
hear, ver. 3.
(5) This cry or roar is responded to
by heavy thunders, ver. 3. What those
thunders uttered is not stated, but
it was evidently so distinct that John
heard it, for he says (ver. 4), that he
was about to make a record of what was
said. (6) John, about to make this record,
is forbidden to do so by a voice from
heaven, ver. 4. For some reason, not
here stated, he was commanded not to
disclose what was said, but so to seal it
up that it should not be known. The
reason for this silence is nowhere inti
mated in the chapter.
(7) The angel lifts his hand to heaven
in a most solemn manner, and swears by
the Great Creator of all things that the
time should not be yet — in our common
version " that there should be time no
longer," vs. 5-7. It would seem that
just at this period there would be an
expectation that the reign of God was to
begin upon the earth; but the angel, in
the most solemn manner, declares that
this was not yet to be, but that it would
occur when the seventh angel should
begin to sound. Then the great "mys
tery" would be complete, as it had been
declared to the prophets.
(8) John is then commanded, by the
same voice which he heard from heaven,
to go to the angel and take the little
book from him which he held in his
hand, and eat it — with the assurance
that it would be found to be sweet to the
taste, but would be bitter afterwards,
vs. 8-10.
(9) The chapter concludes with a
declaration that he must yet prophesy
before many people and nations (ver.
11), and then follows (ch. xi.) the com.
mission to measure the temple; the
command to separate the pure from the
profane ; the account of the prophesying,
the death, and the resurrection to life of
the two witnesses — all preliminary to the

280

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

sounding of the seventh trumpet, and
the introduction of the universal reign
of righteousness.
The question to what does the chapter
refer, is one which it is proper to notice
before we proceed to the exposition. It
is unnecessary to say that, on this ques
tion very various opinions have been
entertained, and that very different ex
positions have been given of the chapter.
Without going into an examination of
these different opinions — -which would be
a task alike unprofitable and endless — it
will be better to state what seems to be
the fair interpretation and application
of the symbol, in its connexion with what
precedes. A few remarks here, pre
liminary to the exposition and applica
tion of the chapter, may help us in
determining the place which the vision
is designed to occupy.
(a) In the previous Apocalyptic reve
lations, if the interpretation proposed is
correct, the history had been brought
down, in the, regular course of events, to
the capture of Constantinople by the
Turks, and the complete overthrow of
the Roman empire by that event, A. B.
1453. Ch. ix. 13-19. This was an im
portant era in the history of the world,
and, if the exposition which has been
proposed is correct, then the sketches of
history pertaining to the Roman empire
in the book of Revelation have been
made with surprising accuracy.
(b) A statement had been made (ch.
ix. 20, 21,) to the effect, that the same
state of things continued subsequent to
the plagues brought on by those inva
sions, which had existed before, or that
the effect had not been to produce any
general repentance and reformation.
God had scourged the nations ; he had
cut off multitudes of men ; he had over
thrown the mighty empire that had so
long ruled over the world j but the
same, sins of superstition, idolatry, sor
cery, murder, fornication and theft pre
vailed afterwards that had prevailed,
before. Instead of working a change in
the minds of men, the world seemed to be
confirmed in these abominations more
and more. In the exposition of that
passage (ch. ix. 20, 21), it was shown
that those things prevailed in the Ro
man church — which then embraced the
whole Christian world — before the inva
sion of the Eastern empire by the Turks,
and that they continued to prevail after

wards i — that, in fact, the moral charac
ter of the world was not affected by those
" plagues/' (c) The next event, in the order of
time, was the Reformation, and the cir
cumstances in the case are such as to
lead us to suppose that this chapter
refers to that. For (1) the order of
time demands this. This was the next
important event in the history of the
church and the world after the conquest
of Constantinople producing the entire
downfall of the Roman empire ; and if, as
is supposed in the previous exposition,
it was the design of the Spirit of inspira
tion to touch on the great and material
events in the history of the. church and
the world, then it would be natural to
suppose that the Reformation would
come next into view, for no previous
event had more deeply or permanent
ly affected the condition of mankind.
(2) The state of the world as described
in ch. ix. 20, 21, was such as to demand
a reformation, or something that should
be more effectual in purifying the church
than the calamities described in the
previous verse had been. The repre
sentation is, that God had brought
great judgments upon the world, but
that they had been ineffectual in re
forming mankind. The same kind of
superstition, idolatry, and corruption
remained after those judgments which
had existed before, and they were of
such a nature as to make it every way
desirable that a new influence should he
brought to bear upon the world to purify
it from these abominations. Some such
work as the Reformation is, therefore,
what we should naturally look for as the
next in order; or, at least, such a work
is one that well fits in with the descrip
tion of the previous state of things.
(d) It will be found, I apprehend, in
the exposition of the chapter, that the
symbols are such as accord well with the
great leading events of the Protestant
Reformation j or, in other words, that
they are such that, on the supposition
that it was intended to refer to the
Reformation, these are the symbols which
would have been appropriately employed.
Of course, it is not necessary to suppose
that John understood distinctly all that
was meant by these symbols, nor is it
neoessary to suppose that those who
lived before the Reformation would be
able to comprehend them perfectly, and

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER X.

281

CHAPTER X.
AND I saw another mighty an
gel come down from heaven,
clothed with a cloud ; and a rain-

to apply them with accuracy. All that
is necessary to be supposed in the inter
pretation is, (1) that the symbol was de
signed to be of such a character as to give
some general idea of what was to occur ;
and (2) that we should be able, now that
the event has occurred, to show that it
is fairly applicable to the event; that is,
that on the supposition that this was
designed to be referred to, the symbols
are such as would properly be employed.
This, however, will be seen more clearly
after the exposition shall have been gone
through. With this general view of what we
should naturally anticipate in this chap
ter, from the course of exposition in the
preceding chapters, we are prepared for
a more particular exposition and appli
cation of the symbols in this new vision.
It will be the most convenient course,
keeping in mind the general views pre
sented here, to explain the symbols, and to
consider their application as we go along.
1. And I saw. I had a vision of. The
meaning is, that he saw this subsequently
to the vision in. the previous chapter.
The attention is now arrested by a new
vision — as if some new dispensation or
economy was about to occur in the world.
"f Another mighty angel. He had before
seen the seven angels who were to blow
the seven trumpets (oh. viii. 2) ; he had
seen six of them successively blow the
trumpet; he now sees another angel,
different from them, and apparently
having no connection with them, coming
from heaven to accomplish some im
portant purpose before the seventh angel
should give the final blast. This angel
is here characterized as a ' mighty' angel
— loxvpov — one of strength and power;
implying that the work to be accom
plished by his mission demanded the
interposition of one of the higher orders
of the heavenly inhabitants. The coming
of an angel at all was indicative of some
divine interposition in human affairs;
the fact that he was one of exalted rank,
or endowed with vast power, indicated
the nature of the work to be done — that
it was a work to the execution of which
great obstacles existed, and where great
24*

bow " was upon his head, and his
face * was as it were the sun, and
his feet, as pillars of fire :
a Eze. 1. 28. b Mat. 17. 2. c. 1. 15, 16.

power would be needed, ^f Clothed with
a cloud. Encompassed with a cloud, or
enveloped in a cloud. This was a sym
bol of majesty and glory, and is often
represented as accompanying the divine
presence. Ex. xvi. 9, 10, xxiv. 16,
xxxiv. 5 ; Num. xi. 25 ; 1 Kings viii. 10;
Ps. xovii. 2. The Saviour also ascended
in a cloud, Acts i. 9, and he will again
descend in clouds to judge the world,
Matt. xxiv. 30, xxvi. 64; Mark xiii. 26;
Rev. i. 7. Nothing can be argued here
as to the purpose for which the angel
appeared, from his being encompassed
with a cloud ; nor can any thing be ar
gued from it in respect to the question
who this angel was. The fair interpre
tation is, that this was one of the angels
now represented as sent forth on an
errand of mercy to man, and coming
with appropriate majesty, as the mes
senger of God. ^[ And a rainbow was
upon his head. In ch. iv. 3, the throne
in heaven is represented as encircled
by a rainbow. See Notes on that verse.
The rainbow is properly an emblem of
peace. Sere the symbol would mean
that the angel came not for wrath, but
for purposes .of peace ; that he looked
with a benign aspect on men, and that
the effect of his coming would be like
that of sunshine after a storm. ^[ Ana
his face was, as it were, the sun. Bright
like the sun (Notes, ch. i. 16) ; that is,
he looked upon men with (a) an intelli
gent aspect — as the sun is the source of
light; and (5) with benignity — not cov
ered with clouds, or darkened by wrath.
The brightness is probably the main idea,
but the appearance of the angel would,
as here represented, naturally . suggest
the ideas just referred to. As an emblem
or tymbol, we should regard his appear
ing as that which was to be followed by
knowledge and by prosperity. % And
his feet as pillars of fire. See Notes on
ch. i. 15. In this symbol, then, we have
the following things : (a) An angel — as
the messenger of God, indicating that
some new communication was to be
brought to mankind, or that there would
be some interposition in human affairs
which might be well represented by the

Sk-t

REVELATION.

[A. D. 9&

2 And he had in his hand a little
book open: and he set his right
coming of an angel ; (o) the fact that he
was ' mighty' — indicating that the work
to be done required power beyond hu
man strength ; (c) the fact that he came
in a eloud — on an embassage so grand
and magnificent as to make this symbol
of majesty proper ; (d) the fact that he
was encircled by a rainbow — that the
visitation was to be one of peace to man
kind ; and (e) the fact that bis coming
was like the sun — or would diffuse light
and peace.
Now, In regard to the application of
this, without adverting to any other
theory, no one can fail to sec that, on
the supposition that it was designed to
refer to tbe Reformation, this would be
the most striking and appropriate sym
bol that could have be'en chosen. For
(a) as we have seen above, this is the
place which the vision naturally occu
pies in the penes of historical represent
ations, (b) It was at a period of the
World, and the world was in such a
state, that an intervention of this kind
would be properly represented by the
coming of an angel from heaven. God
had visited the nations with terrible
judgments, but the effect had not been
to produce reformation, for the same
forms of wickedness continued to prevail
which had existed before. Notes ch.
ix. 20, 21. In this state of things, any
new interposition of God for reforming
the world, would be properly represented
by the coming of an angel from heaven
as a messenger of light and peaee.
(c) The great and leading events of the
Reformation were well represented by
the power of this angel. It was not
indeed physical power ; but the work to
be done in the Reformation was a great
work, and was such as would be well
symbolized by the intervention of a
mighty angel from heaven. The task
of reforming the churoh, and of correct
ing the abuses which had prevailed, was
wholly beyond any ability which man
possessed, and was well represented,
therefore, by the descent of this messen
ger from the skies, (d) The same thing
may be said of the rainbow that was
upon his hoad. Nothing would better
symbolizo the general aspect of the
Reformation, as fitted to produce peace,
tranquillity, aud joy u) n the earth.

foot upon the sea, and his left foot
on the earth,

And (e) the same thing was indicated
by the splendor — the light and glory-
that attended the angel. The symbol
would denote that the new order of
things would be attended with light;
with knowledge ; with that which would
be benign in its influence on human
affairs. And it need not be said, to any
one acquainted with the history of those
times, that the Reformation was pre
ceded and accompanied with a great
increase of light ; that at just about that
period of the world, the study of the
Greek language began to be common in
Europe; that the sciences had made
remarkable progress; that schools and
colleges had begun to flourish ; and that,
to a degree which had not existed for
ages before, the public mind had become
awake to the importance of truth and
knowledge. For a full illustration of
this, from the close of the eleventh cen
tury and onward, see Hallam's Middle
Ages, vol. ii. pp. 265-392, ch.ix. Part II.
To go into any satisfactory detail on this
point, would be wholly beyond the pro
per limits of these Notes, and the reader
must be referred to the histories of those
times, and especially to Hallam, who
has recorded all that is necessary to be
known on the subjoct Suffice it to say
that, on the supposition that it was the
intention to symbolize those times, no
more appropriate emblem could have
been found than that of an angel whose
face shone like the sun, and who was
covered with light and splendor. These
remarks will show that, if it be supposed
it was intended to symbolize the Re
formation, no more appropriate emblem
oould have been selected than that of
such an angel coming down from heaven.
If, after the events have occurred, we
should desire to represent the same
things by a striking and expressive
symbol, we could find none that would
better represent those times.
2. And he had in his hand a little
book open. This is the first thing that
indicated the purpose of his appearing,
or that would give any distinct indica
tion of the design of his coming from
heaven. The general aspect of the
angels, indeed, as represented in the
former verse, was that of benignity, and
his purpose, as there indicated, was light

A. 1). 96.J

CHAPTER X.

283

and peace. But still, there was nothing
which would denote the particular de
sign for which he came, or which would
designate the particular means which
he would employ. Here we have, how
ever, an emblem whioh will furnish an
indication of what was to occur as the
result of his appearing. To be able to
apply this, it will be necessary, as in all
similar cases, to explain the natural sig-
nificanoy of the emblem. (1) The little
book. The word used here — /3ij3Aapi'<W
— occurs nowhere else in the New Tes
tament except in vs. 2, 8, 9, 10, of this
chapter. The word fSijfXtav — ioofc— oo-
curs frequently, Matt. xix. 7 ; Mark x. 4,
— applied to a bill of divorcement; Luke
iv. 17, 20 ; John xx. 30, xxi. 25 ; Gal.
iii. 10, 11; 2 Tim. iv. 13; Heb. ix. 19;
x. 7. In the Apocalypse this word is of
common occurrence — i. 11 ; v. 1, 2, 3, 4,
5, 7, 8, 9 ; vi. 14, rendered scroll, xvii.
8; xx. 12; xxi. 27; xxii. 7, 9,10,18,19.
The word was evidently chosen here to
denote something that was peculiar in
the size or form of the book, or to dis
tinguish it from that which would be
designated by the ordinary word em
ployed to denote a book. The word
properly denotes a small roll or volume ;
a little scroll. Bob. Lex. Pollux. Ono-
mast. 7, 210. It is evident that something
was intended by the diminutive size of
the book, or that it was designed to make
a distinction between this and that which
is indicated by the use of the word book
in the other parts of the Apocalypse. It
was, at least, indicated by this that it
was something different from what was
seen in the hand of him that sat on the
throne in eh. v. 1. That was clearly a
large volume ; this was so small that it
could be taken in the hand, and could
be represented as eaten, vs. 9, 10. But,
of what is a book an emblem ? To this
question there can be little difficulty in
furnishing an answer. A book seen in a
dream, according to Artemidorus, signi
fies the life, or the acts of him that sees
it. Wemyss. According to the Indian
interpreters, a book is the symbol of
power and dignity. The Jewish kings,
when they were crowned, had the book
of the law of God put into their hands
(2 Kings xi. 12; 2 Chron. xxiii. 11), de
noting that they were to observe the law,
and that their administration was to be
one of intelligence and uprightness.
The gift of a Bible now to a monarch

when he is crowned, or to the officer of
a corporation or society, denotes the
same thing. A book, as such, thus
borne in tbe band of an angel coming
down to the world, would be an indica
tion that something of importance was
to be communicated to men, or that
something was to be accomplished by
the agency of a book. It was not, as in
ch. vi. 2, a bow — emblem of conquest;
or ver. 4, a sword — emblem of battle; or
ver. 5, a pair of scales — emblem of the
exactness with which things were to be
determined, but it was a book — a speech
less, silent thing, yet mighty; not de
signed to carry desolation through the
earth, but to diffuse light and truth.
The natural interpretation, then, would
be, that something was. to be accom
plished by the agency of a book, or that
a book was to be the prominent charac
teristic of the times — as the bow, the
sword, and the balances had been of the
previous periods. As to the size of the
book, perhaps all that can be inferred is,
that this was to be brought about, not
by extended tomes, but by a compara
tively small volume — so that it could be
taken in the hand; so that it could,
without impropriety, be represented as
eaten by an individual. (2)> The fact
that it was open : — " a little book open" —
avtwypivov. The word here used means,
properly, to open or unclose in respect
to that which was before fastened or
sealed, as that which is covered by a
door, Matt. ii. 11; tombs, which were
closed by large stones, Matt, xxvii. 60,
66; a gate, Acts v. 23 ; xii. 10; the
abyss, (Rev. ix. 2), " since in the East
pits or wells are closed with large stones,
comp. Gen. xxix. 2." Rob. Lex. The
meaning of this word, as applied to a
book, would be, that it was now opened
so that its contents could be read. The
word would not necessarily imply that it
had been sealed or closed, though that
would be the most natural impression
from the use of the word. Comp. for the
use of the word rendered open, Rev. iii.
8, 20; iv. 1; v. 2, 3, 4, 5, 9; vi. 1, 3, 5,
7, 9, 12 ; viii. 1 ; ix. 2 ; x. 8 ; xi. 19 ; xx.
12. This would find a fulfilment if
some such facts as the following should
occur : (a) if there had been any custom
or arrangement by which knowledge was
kept from men, or access was forbidden
to books or to some one hook in particu
lar ; and (b) if something should occur

284

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

by which that which had before been
kept hidden or concealed, or that .to
which access had been denied, should
be made accessible. In other words,
this is the proper symbol of a diffusion
of knowledge, or of the influence of a
book on mankind. (3) The fact that it
was in the hand of the angel. All that
seems to be implied in this, is, that it
was now offered, or was ready to be put
in possession of John — or of the church
— or of mankind. It was open, and was
held out, as it were, for perusal.
In regard to the application of this, it
is plain that, if it be admitted that it was
the design of the author of the vision to
refer to the Reformation, no more ap
propriate emblem could have been cho
sen. If we were now to endeavor to
devise an emblem of the Reformation
that would be striking and expressive,
we could not well select one which would
better represent the great work than
that which is here presented. This will
appear plain from a few considerations :
(1) The great agent in the Reformation ,
the moving cause of itj its suggestor
and supporter, was a book — the Bible.
Wiclif had translated the New Testa
ment into the English language, and
though this was suppressed, yet it had
done much to prepare the people for the
Reformation; and all that Luther did
can be traced to the discovery of the
Bible, and to the use which was made
of it. Luther had grown up into man
hood; had passed from the schools to
the University of Erfurt, and there,
having during the usual four years'
oourse of study displayed intellectual
powers and an extent of learning that
excited the admiration of the Univer
sity, and that seemed to open to his
attainment both the honor and emolu
ment of the world, he appeared to have
been prepared to play an important part
on the great drama of human affairs.
Suddenly, however, to the astonishment
and dismay of his friends, he betook him
self to the solitude and gloom of an Augus-
tmian monastery. There he had found
a Bible — a copy of the Vulgate, hid in
the shelves of the University Library.
Till then he had supposed that there
existed no other gospels or epistles than
what were given in the Breviary, or
quoted by the Preachers.* To tho study

* For Iko proof of tliia, ace Elliott, ii. 92.

of that book he now gave himself with un
tiring diligence and steady prayer ; and
the effect was to show to him the way
of salvation by faith, and ultimately to
produce "the Reformation. No one a*
quainted with the history of the Re*
formation can doubt that it is to be
traced to the influence of the Bible/
that the moving cause, the spring of all
that occurred in the Reformation, waa
the impulse given to the mind of Luther
and his fellow-laborers by the study of
that one book. It is this well-known
fact that gives so much truth to the
celebrated declaration of Chilling worth,
that, "the Bible is the religion of Pro
testants." If a symbol of this had been
designed before it occurred, or if one
should be sought for now that would
designate the actual nature and in
fluence of the Reformation, nothing
better could be selected than that of
an angel descending from heaven, with
benignant aspect, with a rainbow around
his head, and with light beaming all
around him, holding forth to mankind
a book. (2) This book had before been
hidden, or closed; that is, it could not
till then be regarded as an open volume.
(a) It was in fact known by few even
of the clergy, and it was not in the
hands of the mass of the people at all.
There is every reason to believe that the
great body of the Romish clergy in the
time that preceded the Reformation,
were even more ignorant of the Bible
than Luther himself was. Many of
them were unable to read; few had
access to the Bible ; and those who had,
drew their doctrines rather from the
Fathers of the church than from tbe
word of God. Hallam (Middle Ages, ii.
241), says, "Of this . prevailing igno
rance [in the tenth century and onward]
it is easy to produce abundant testi
mony. In almost every council the
ignorance of the clergy forms a subject
for reproach. It is asserted by one held
in 992, that scarcely a single person
could be found in Rome itself who
knew the first elements of letters. Not
one priest of a thousand in Spain, about
the age of Charlemagne, could address a
letter of common salutation to another.
In England Alfred declares that he
could not recollect a single priest south
of the Thames (the best part of Eng
land), at the time of his accession, who
understood the ordinary prayers, or

A D. 96.]

CHAPTER X.

285

who could translate the Latin into the
-nother tongue." There were few books
of any kind in circulation, and, even if
there had been an ability to read, the
lost of books was so great as to exclude
the great mass of the people from all
access to the sacred Scriptures. " Many
of the clergy," says Dr. Robertson, (Hist.
of Charles K,p. 14. Harper's Ed.), "did
not understand the Breviary which they
were obliged daily to recite ; some of them
could scarcely read it." " Persons of
the highest rank, and in the most emi
nent stations, could neither read nor
write." One of the questions appointed
by the canons to be put to persons who
were candidates for orders was this,
"Whether they could read the gospels
and epistles, and explain the sense of
them at least literally.?" For the causes
of this ignorance, see Robertson's Hist.
of Charles F.,p. 515. One of those causes
was the cost of books. " Private persons
seldom possessed any books whatever.
Even monasteries of considerable note
had only one Missal. The price of
books became so high that persons of a
moderate fortune could not afford to
purchase them. The Countess of Anjou
paid for a copy of the Homilies of Hai-
mon, bishop of Alberstadt, two hundred
sheep, five quarters of wheat, and the
same quantity of rye and millet," &c.
Such was the cost of books that few
persons could afford to own a copy of
the Sacred Scriptures, and the conse
quence was, there were almost none in
the hands of tho people. The few copies
that were in existence were, mostly, in the
libraries of monasteries and universities,
or in the hands of some of the higher
clergy. (6) But there was another rea
son that was still more efficacious, per
haps, in keeping the people at large
from the knowledge of the Scriptures.
It was found in the prevailing views in
the Roman Catholic communion respect
ing the private use and interpretation of
the sacred volume. Whatever theory
may now be advocated in the Roman
Catholic communion on this point, as a
matter of fact, the influence of that
denomination has been to withhold the
Bible from a free circulation among the
common people. No one can deny that,
in the times just preceding the Reforma
tion, tbe whole influence of the Papal
denomination was opposed to a free cir-
tulation of the Bible, and that one of

the great and characteristic features of
the Reformation was the fact that tbe
doctrine was promulgated that the Bible
was to be freely distributed, and that
the people everywhere were to have
access to it, and were to form their, own
opinions of the doctrines which it re
veals. (3) The Bible became at the Re
formation, in fact an " open" book. It
was made accessible. It became the
popular book of the world; the book
that did more than all other things to
change the aspect of affairs, and to give
character to subsequent times. This
occurred because (a) The art of print
ing was discovered, just before the Re->
formation, as if, in the Providence of
God, it was designed then to give this
precious volume to the world, and the
Bible was, infaet, the first book printed,
and has been since printed more fre
quently than any other book whatever,
and will continue to be to the end of the
world. It would be difficult to imagine
now a more striking symbol of the art
of printing, or to suggest a better device
for it, than to represent an angel giving
an open volume to mankind. (6) The
leading doctrine of the Reformers was,
that the Bible is the source of all au
thority in matters of religion, and, con
sequently, is to be accessible to all the
people. And (<r) the Bible was the au
thority appealed to by the Reformers.
It became the subject of profound study;
was diffused abroad; and gave form to
all the doctrines that sprang out of the
times of the Reformation. These re
marks, which might be greatly expand
ed, will show with what propriety, on the
supposition that the chapter here refers
to the Reformation, the symbol of a
book was selected. Obviously, no other ~
symbol would have been so appropriate;
nothing else would have given so just a
view of the leading characteristics of
that period of the world.
^[ And he set his right fool' upon the sea,
and his left foot upon the earth. This is
the third characteristic in the symbol.
As a mere description, this is eminently
sublime. I was once (at Cape May,
1849,) impressively reminded of this
passage. My window was in such a
position that it commanded a fine view
at the same time of the ocean and the
land. A storm arose such as I had never
witnessed — the clouds from the different
points of the compass seeming to come

286

REVELATION,

[A.D. 96.

3 And cried with a loud voice,
as when a lion roareth : and when

together over the place, and producing
incessant lightning and thunder. Ae
the storm cleared away, the most mag
nificent rainbow that I ever saw ap
peared, arching the heavens, one foot of
it far off in the sea, and the other on the
land — an emblem of peace to both — and
most strikingly suggesting to me the
angel in the Apocalypse. The natural
meaning of such a symbol as that repre
sented here would be, that something
was to occur which would pertain to the
whole world, as the earth is made up of
land and water.
It is hardly necessary to say, that, on
the supposition that this refers to the
Reformation, there is no difficulty in
finding an ample fulfilment of the sym
bol. That great work was designed
manifestly by Providence to affect all
the world — the sea and the land — tbe
dwellers in the islands and in the conti
nents — those who "go down to the sea
in ships, and do business in the great
waters," and those who have a perma
nent dwelling on shore. It may be
admitted, indeed, that, in itself, this one
thing — the angel standing on the sea and
the land, if it occurred alone, could not
suggest the Reformation, and, if there
were nothing else, such an application
might seem fanciful and unnatural ; but
taken in connexion with the other things
in the symbol, and assuming that the
whole vision was designed to symbolize
the Reformation, it will not be regarded
as unnatural that there should be some
-symbol whioh would intimate that the
blessings of a reformed religion — a pure
gospel — would be ultimately spread over
land and ocean — over the continents and
islands of the globe; in all the fixed
habitations of men, and in their float
ing habitations on tbe deep. The sym
bol of a rainbow, bending over the sea
and land, would have expressed this : —
the same thing would be expressed by
an angel whose head was encircled by a
rainbow, and whose face beamed with
light, with one foot on the ooean and the
other on the land.
3. A nd cried with a loud voice, as when
a lion roareth. The lion is the monarch
of the woods, and his roar is an image

he had cried, seven thunders ¦ ut
tered their voices. a c. 8. 5. 14. 2.

of terror. The point of the comparison
here seems to be the loudness with which
the angel cried, and the power of what
he said to awe the world — as the roar
of the lion keeps the dwellers in the
forest in awe. What he said, is not
stated ; nor did John attempt to record
it. Prof. Stuart supposes that it was
" a loud note of woe, some interjection
uttered which would serve to call atten
tion, and at the same time be indicative
of the judgments which were to follow."
But it is not necessary to suppose that
this particular thing was intended. Any
loud utterance — any solemn command —
any prediction of judgment — any decla
ration of truth that would arrest the
attention of mankind, would be in ac
cordance with all that is said here.i As
there is no application of what is said,
and no explanation made by John, it is
impossible to determine with any cer
tainty what is referred to. But, sup
posing that the whole refers to the
Reformation, would not the loud and
commanding voice of the angel properly
represent the proclamation of the gospel
as it began to be preached in such a
manner as to command the attention of
the world, and the reproof of the pre
vailing sins in such a manner as to keep
the world in awe? The voice that
sounded forth at the Reformation among
the nations of Europe, breaking the
slumbers of the Christian world, awaking
the church to the evil of the existing
corruptions and abominations, and sum
moning princes to the defence of the
truth, might well be symbolized by the
voice of an angel that was heard afar.
In regard to the effect of the ' theses' of
Luther, in which he attacked the main
doctrines of the Papacy, a contemporary
writer says, "In the space of a fortnight
they spread over Germany, and within
a month they had run through all Christ
endom, as if angels themselves had been
the bearers of them to all men." To John
it might not be known beforehand — as
it probably would not be — what this
symbolized; but could we now find a more
appropriate symbol to denote the Re
formation than the appearance of such
an angel ; or better describe the impret

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER X.

287

sion made by the first announcement of
the great doctrines of the Reformation,
than by the loud voice of such an angel?
•J And when he had cried, seven thunders
uttered their voices. Prof. Stuart renders
this, "the seven thunders uttered their
voices," and insists that the article
should be retained, which it has not been
in our common version. So Elliott,
Bishop Middleton, and others. Bishop
Middle ton says, "Why the article is
inserted here I am unable to discover.
It is somewhat remarkable that a few
manuscripts and editions omit it in both
places [vs. 3, 4]. Were the seven thun
ders any thing well known and pre
eminent ? If not, tbe omission must be
right in the former instance, but wrong
in the latter : if they were pre-eminent,
then is it wrong in both. Bengel omits
the artiole in ver. 3, but has it in ver. 4."
He regards the insertion of the article
as the true reading in both places, and
supposes that there may have been a
reference to some Jewish opinion, but
says that he had not been able to find a
vestige of it in Ligfc.tfoot, Schoettgen, or
Meuscben. Storr supposes that we are
not to seek here for any Jewish notion,
and that nothing is to be inferred from
the article. Middleton, on the flr. Arti
cle, p. 358. The best editions of the
New Testament retain the article in both
places, and indeed there is no authority
for omitting it. The use of the article here
naturally implies either that' these seven
thunders were something which had been
before referred to, either expressly or
impliedly ; or that there was something
about them which was so well known
that it would be at once understood what
was referred to ; or that there was some
thing in tbe connexion which would
determine the meaning. Comp. Notes
on ch. viii. 2. It is plain, however, that
there had been no mention of- ' seven
thunders' before, nor had any thing been
referred to-which would at once suggest
them. The reason for the insertion of
the article here must, therefore, be found
in some pre-eminence which these seven
thunders had ; in some well-known facts
about them ; in something which would
at once suggest them when they were
mentioned — as when we mention the
sun, the moon, the stars, though they
might not have been distinctly re
ferred to before. The number 'seven'
is used here either (a) as a general or

perfect number, as it is frequently in
this book, where we have it so often
repeated — seven spirits ; seven angels;
seven seals; seven trumpets; or (i) with
some specific reference to the matter in
hand — the case actually in view of the
writer. It cannot be doubted that it
might be used in the former sense here,
and that no law of language would be
violated if it were so understood, as de
noting many thunders; but still it is
equally true that it may be used in a
specific sense as denoting something
that would be well understood by ap
plying the number seven to it. Now
let it be supposed, in regard to tho appli
cation of this symbol, that the reference
is to Rome, the seven-hilled city, and to
the thunders of excommunication, ana
thema, and wrath that were uttered from
that city against the Reformers; and
would there not be all that is fairly im
plied in this language, and is not this
such a symbol as would be appropriately
used on such a supposition? The fol
lowing circumstances may be referred to
as worthy of notice on this point: —
(a) The place which this occupies in the
series of symbols — being just after the
angel had uttered his voice as symbolical
of the proclamation of the great truths
of the gospel in the Reformation, if the
interpretation above given is correct.
The next event, in the order of nature
and of fact, was the voice of excommu
nication uttered at Rome, (b) The word
thunder would appropriately denote the
bulls of excommunication uttered at
Rome, for the name most frequently
given to the decrees of the Papacy, when
condemnatory, was that of Papal thun
ders. So Le Bas, in his Life of Wiclif,
p. 198, says, " The thunders which shook
the world when they issued from the
seven hills, sent forth an uncertain sound,
comparatively faint and powerless, when
launched from a region of less devoted
sanctity." (c) The number seven would,
on such a supposition, be used here with
equal propriety. Rome was built on
seven hills ; was known as the ' seven-
hilled' city, and the thunders from that
city would seem to echo and re-echo
from those hills. Comp. ch. xvii. 9.
(d) This supposition, also, will accord
with the use of the article here, as if
those thunders were something well-
known — ' the sev,en thunders ;' that is,
the thunders which the nations were

288

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

4 And when the seven thunders
had uttered their voices, I was
about to write: and I heard a
voice from heaven saying unto
accustomed to hear, (e) -This will also
accord with the passage before us, inas
much as the thunders would seem to
have been of the nature of a response to
what the angel said, or to have been sent
forth because he had uttered his loud
cry. In like' manner, the anathemas
were hurled from Rome because the na
tions had been aroused by the loud cry
for Reformation, as if an angel had
uttered that cry. For these reasons,
there is a propriety in applying this lan
guage to the thunders which issued from
Rome condemning the doctrines of the
Reformation, and in defence of the an
cient faith, and excommunicating those
who embraced the doctrines of the Re
formers. If we were now to attempt to
devise a symbol which would be appro
priate to express what actually occurred
in the Reformation, we could not think
of one which would be better fitted to that
purpose than to speak of seven thunders
bellowing forth from the seven-hilled
city. 4. And when the seven thunders had
uttered their voices. After he had list
ened to those thunders; or when they
had passed by. ^f / was about to write.
That is, he was about to record what was
uttered, supposing that that was the de
sign for which he had been made to hear
them. From this it would seem that it
was not mere thunder — brutuin fulmen
— but that the utterance had a distinct
and intelligible enunciation, or that
words were employed that could be re
corded. It may be observed, by the
way, as Prof. Stuart has remarked, that
this proves that John wrote down what
he saw and heard as soon as practicable,
and in the place where ho was, and that
the supposition of many modern critics
that the Apocalyptic visions were written
at Ephesus a considerable time after
the visions took place, has no good
foundation, fl And I heard a voice from
heaven saying unto me. Evidently the
voice of God j at all events it came with
the clear force of command. ^[ Seal up
those things. On the word seal, see
Notes on oh. v. 1. The meaning here is,
that he was Kot to record those things,

me, Seal ° up those things which
the seven thunders uttered, and
write them not.
a Da. 8. 26; 12.4,9.

but what he heard he was to keep to
himself as if it was placed under a seal
which was not to be broken. ^ And
write them not. Make no record of them.
No reason is mentioned why this was not
to be done, and none can now be given
that can be proved to be the true reason.
Vitringa, who regards the seven thunders
as referring to the Crusades, supposes
the reason to have been that a more full
statement would have diverted the mind
from the course of the prophetic narra
tive, and from more important events
which pertained to the church, and that
nothing occurred in the Crusades which
was worthy to be recorded at length : —
Nee dignae, erant qu£e prolixius expone-
rentur — "for," he adds, "these expe
ditious were undertaken with a foolish
purpose, and resulted in real detriment to
the church," pp. 431, 432. Prof. Stuart,
vol. ii. pp. 204-206, supposes that these
" thunders" refer to the destruction of
the city and temple of God, and that
they were a sublime introduction to the
last catastrophe, and that the meaning
is not that he should keep " entire
silence," but only that he should state
the circumstances in a general manner
without going into detail. Mede sup
poses that John was commanded to keep
silence because it was designed that the
meaning should not then be known, but
should be disclosed in future times;
Forerius, because it was the design that
the wise should he able to understand
them, but that they were not to be dis
closed to the wicked and profane. With
out attempting to examine these and
other solutions which have been pro
posed, the question which, from the
course of the exposition, is properly
before us, is, whether, on the sup
position that the voice of the seven
thunders referred to tbe Papal anathe
mas, a rational and satisfactory solution
of the reasons of this silence oan be
given. Without pretending to know
the reasons which existed, the follow
ing may be referred to as not im
probable, and as those which would
meet the case: — (1) In these Papal
anathemas there was nothing that was

CHAPTER X.

A. D. 96.]

worthy of record; there was nothing
that was important as history; there
was nothing that communicated truth ;
there was nothing that really indicated
progress in human affairs. In them
selves there was nothing more that
deserved record than the acts and doings
of wicked men at any time ; nothing that
fell in with the main design of this hook.
(2) Such a record would have retarded
the progress of the main statements of
what was to occur, and would have
turned off the attention from these to
less important matters. (3) All that
was necessary in the case was simply to
state that such thunders were heard : —
that is, on the supposition that this
refers to the Reformation, that that great
change in human affairs would not be
permitted to occur without opposition
and noise — as if the thunders of wrath
should follow those who were engaged
in it. (4) Jehn evidently mistook this
for a real revelation, or for something
that was to be recorded as connected
with the divine will in reference to the
progress of human affairs. He was
naturally about to record this as he did
what was uttered by the other voices
which he heard, and if he had made the
record, it would have been with this mis
taken view. There was nothing in the
voices, or in what was uttered, that
would manifestly mark it as distinct
from what had been uttered as coming
from God, and he was about to record
it under this impression. If this was a
mistake, and if the record would do any
thing, as it clearly would, to perpetuate
the error, it is easy to see a sufficient rea
son why the record should not be made.
(5) It is remarkable that there was an
entire correspondence with this in what
occurred in the Reformation ; in the fact
that Luther and his fellow-laborers were,
at first, and for a long time — such was
the force of education, and of the habits
of reverence for the Papal authority in
which they had been reared — disposed
to receive the announcements of the
Papacy as the oracles of God, and to
show to them the deference which was
due to divine communications. The
language of Luther himself, if the general
view here taken is corroot, will be the
best commentatory on the expressions
here used. " When I began the affairs
of the Indulgences," says he, " I was
a monk and a most mad Papist- So
25

289

intoxioated was I, and drenched in
Papal dogmas, that I would have been
most ready to murder, or assist others in
murdering, any person who should have
uttered a syllable against the duty of
obedience to the Pope." And again:
" Certainly at that time I adored him in
earnest." He adds, "How distressed
my heart was in that year 1517, how
submissive to the hierarchy, not feign-
edly but really — those little know who
at this day insult the majesty of th«
Pope with so much pride and arrogance.
I was ignorant of many things which
now, by the grace of God, I understand.
I disputed; I was open to conviction; not
finding satisfaction in the works of theo
logians, I wished to consult the living
members of the church itself. There
were some godly souls that entirely ap
proved my propositions. But I did not
consider their authority of weight with
me in spiritual concerns. The popes,
bishops, cardinals, monks, priests, were
the objects of my confidence. Aftei
being enabled to answer every objection
that could be brought against me from
sacred Scripture, one difficulty alone
remained, that the Church ought to be
obeyed. If I had then brayed the Pope
as I now do, I should have expected
every hour that the earth would have
opened to swallow me up alive, like
Korah and Abiram." It was in this
frame of mind that, in the summer of
1518, a few months after tbe affair with
Tetsel, he wrote that memorable letter
to the Pope, the tenor of which can be
judged of by the following sentences : —
and what could more admirably illus
trate the passage before us, on the inter
pretation suggested, than this language?
" Most blessed Father ! Prostrate at the
feet of thy blessedness, I offer myself to
thee, with all that I am, and that I have.
Kill me, or make me live ; call, or recall-
approve, or reprove, as shall please thee.
I will acknowledge thy voice as the voice
of Christ presiding and speaking in thee."
See the authorities for these quotations,
in Elliott, ii. pp. 116, 117. (6) The com
mand not to record what the seven
thunders uttered was of the nature of a
caution not to regard what was said in
this manner; that is, not to be deceived
by these utterances as if they were the
voice of God. Thus understood, if this
is the proper explanation and applica
tion of the passage, it should be re-

290

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

5 And the angel which I saw
stand upon the sea and upon the
earth ° lifted up his hand to neaven,
6 And sware by him b that liveth
for ever and ever, who created hea-
a Ex. 6. 8; De. 32. 40. b Ne. 9. 6; c. 14. 7.

garded as an injunction not to regard
the decrees and decisions of the Papacy
as containing any intimation of the
divine will, or as of authority in the
. church. That this is to be so regarded,
is the opinion of all Protestants ; and if
this is so, it is not a forced supposition
that this might have been intimated by
such a symbol as that before us.
5. And the angel which I saw stand,
&a. ver. 2. That is, John saw him stand
ing in this posture when he made the
oath which he proceeds to record.
•fl Lifted up his hand to heaven. The
usual attitude in taking an oath, as if
one called heaven to witness. See Gen.
xiv. 22 ; Deut. xxxii. 40 ; Ezek. xx. 5, 6.
Comp. Notes on Daniel xii. 7.
6. And sware by him that liveth for
ever and ever. By the ever-living God : —
a form of an oath in extensive use now.
The essential idea in such an oath is an
appeal to God; a solemn reference to
Him as a witness,* an utterance in the
presence of Him who is acquainted with
the truth or falsehood of what is said,
and who will punish him who appeals to
Him falsely. It is usual, in such an
oath, in ordor to give to it greater so
lemnity, to refer to some attribute of
God, or something in the divine charac
ter in which the mind would rest at the
time, as tending to make it more im
pressive. Thus, in the passage before
us, the reference is to God as "ever-
living;" that is, he is now a witness, and
he ever will be; he has now the power
to detect and punish, and he ever will
have the same power. ^ Who created
heaven, and the things that therein are,
Ac. Who is the Maker of all things in
heaven, on the earth, and in the sea;
that is, throughout the universe. The
design of referring to these things here
is that which is just specified — to give
increased solemnity to the oath by a
particular reference to some one of the
attributes of God. With this view no
thing could bo more appropriate than to
refer to him as the Creator of the universe

ven, and the things that therein
are, and the earth, and the things
that therein are, and the sea, and
the things which are therein, c That
there should be time no longer :

c Da. 12. 7.

— denoting his infinite power, his right
to rule and control all . things. ^ That
there should be time no longer. This is a
very important expression, as it is the
substance of what the angel affirmed in
so solemn a manner ; and as the inter
pretation of the whole passage depends
on it. It seems now to be generally
agreed among critics that our transla
tion does not give the true sense, inas
much (a) as that was not the close of
human affairs, and (b) as he proceeds to
state what would occur after that. Ac
cordingly, different versions of the pas
sage have been proposed. Prof. Stuart
renders it, "that delay shall be no
longer." Mr. Elliott, "that the time
shall not yet be ; but in the days of the
voice of the seventh angel, whensover
he may be about to sound, then tbe
mystery of God shall be finished." Mr.
Lord, " that the time shall not be yet,
but in the days of the voice of the
seventh angel," <fcc. Andrew Fuller
(Works, vol. vi. 113), "there should be
no delay." So Dr. Gill. Mr. Daubuz,
" the time shall not he yet." Vitringa
(p. 432), tempus non fore amplius, "time
shall be no more." He explains it (p.
433), as meaning, ''not that this is to be
taken absolutely, as if at the sounding of
the seventh trumpet all things were
then to terminate, and the glorious
epiphany — t-ntyavaa — (or manifestation
of Jesus Christ) was then to occur who
would put an end to all the afflictions of
his church ; but in a limited sense — re
strict — as meaning that there would be
no delay between the sounding of the
seventh trumpet, and the fulfilment of
the prophecies." The sense of this pass
age is to be determined by the meaning
of the words and the connexion, (a) The
word time — XP6v°s — is the common
Greek word to denote time, and may be
applied to time in general, or to any
specified time or period. See Robinson,
Lex. s. voce (a, b). In the word itself
there is nothing to determine its particu
lar signification here. It might refet

A. D. 96. |

CHAPTER X.

291

either to time in general, or to the time
under consideration, and which was the
subject of the prophecy. Which of these
is the true idea is to be ascertained by
the other circumstances referred to. It
should be added, however, that the word
does not of itself denote delay, and is
never used to denote that directly. It
can only denote that because delay occu
pies or consumes time, but this sense of
the noun is not found in the New Testa
ment. It is found, however, in the verb
XP>vi£u, to linger, to delay, to be long
in coming, Matt. xxv. 5 ; Luke i. 21.
(6) The absence of the article — "time,"
not "the time," would naturally give it
a general signification, unless there was
something in the connexion to limit it
to some well-known period under con
sideration. See Notes on ch. viii. 2 ; x. 3.
In this latter view, if the time referred
to would be sufficiently definite without
the article, the article need not be in
serted. This is such a case, and comes
under the rule for the omission of the
article as laid down by Bishop Middle-
ton, Parti, ch. iii. The principle is, that
when the copula, or verb connecting the
subject and predicate is the verb sub
stantive, then the article is omitted.
•' To affirm the existence," says he, " of
that of which the existence is already
assumed, would be superfluous ; to deny
it, would be contradictory and absurd."
As applicable to the case before us, the
meaning of this rule would be, that the
nature of the time here referred to is
implied in the use of the substantive
verb (carat), and that consequently it is
not neoessary to speoify it. All that
needs to be said on this point is, that,
on the supposition that John referred to
a specified time, instead of time in gene
ral, it would not be necessary, under this
rule, to insert the article. The reference
would be understood without it, and the
insertion would be unnecessary. This
is, substantially, the reasoning of Mr.
Elliott, (ii. 123), and it is submitted for
what it is worth. My own knowledge
of the usages of the Greek article is too
limited to justify me in pronouncing an
opinion on the subject, but the authori
ties are' such as to authorize the assertion
that, on the supposition that a particu
lar well-known period were here referred
to, the Insertion of the article would not
be necessary, (c) The particle render
ed " longer" — iri — " time shall be no I

longer" — means propeily, according to
Robinson (Lex.) yet, still; implying (1)
duration — as spoken of the present time;
of the present in allusion to the past,
and, with a negative, no more, no
longer, (2) implying accession, addition,
yet, more, farther, besides. According to
Buttmann, Gram. §149, i. p. 430, it means,
when alone, "yet, still, yet farther; and
with a negative, no more, no farther."
The particle occurs often in the New Tes
tament, as may be seen in the Concord
ance. It is more frequently rendered
'yet than by any other word (comp.
Matt. xii. 46, xvii. 5, xix. 20, xxvi. 47,
xxvii. 63; Mark v. 35, viii. 17, xii. 6,
xiv. 43, — and so in the other Gospels,
the Acts, and the Epistles) ; in all fifty
times. In the Book of. Revelation it is
only once rendered 'yet,' ch. vi. 11, but
is rendered 'more' in ch. iii. 12, vii. 16,
ix. 12, xii. 8, xviii. 21, 22, three times,
23, twice, xx. 3, xxi. 1, 4, twice ; ' longer1
in ch. x. 6; 'still' in ch. xxii. 11, four
times. The usage, therefore, will justify
the rendering of the word by 'yet,' and
in connexion with the negative, 'not
yet' — meaning that the thing referred to
would not occur immediately, but would
be hereafter. In regard to the general
meaning, then, of this passage in its
connexion, we may remark (a) that it
cannot mean, literally, that there would
be time no longer, or that the world
would then come to an end absolutely,
for the speaker proceeds to disclose events
that would occur after that, extending
far into the future, ch. x. 11, and the
detail that follows (ch. xi.) before the
sounding of the seventh trumpet is such
as to occupy a considerable poriod, and
the seventh trumpet is also yet to sound.
No fair construction of the language,
therefore, would require us to understand
this as meaning that the affairs of the
world were then to terminate, (b) The
connexion, then, apart from the question
of grammatical usage, will require some
such construction as that above suggest
ed-*-' that the time,' to wit, some certain,
known, or designated time, ' would not
be yet,' but would be in some future
period; that is, as specified ver. 7, 'in
the days of the voice of the seventh an
gel, when he shall begin to sound.' Then
' the mystery of God would be finished,
ayd the affairs of the world would be
put on their permanent footing, (c) This
would imply that, at the time when the

292

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

angel appeared, or in the time to which
he refers, there would be some expecta
tion or general belief that the 'mystery
was then to be finished,' and that the
affairs of the world were to come to an
end. The proper interpretation would
lead us to suppose that there would be
so general an expectation of this, as to
make the solemn affirm at. inn of the angel
proper to correct a prevailing opinion,
and to show that the right interpretation
was not put on what seemed to be the
tendency of things, (d) As a matter of
fact, we find that this expectation did
actually exist at the time of the Reform
ation ; that such an interpretation was
put on the prophecies, and on the events
that occurred ; and that the impression
that the Messiah was about to come, and
tho reign of saints about to commence,
was so strong as to justify some inter
ference, like the solemn oath of the
angel, to correct the misapprehension.
It is true that this impression had exist
ed in former times, and even in the early
ages of the church ; but, as a matter of
fact, it was true, and eminently true, in
the time of the Reformation, and there
was, on many accounts, a strong ten
dency to that form of belief. The Re
formers, in interpreting the prophecies,
learned to connect the downfall of the Pa
pacy with the coming of Christ, and with
his universal reign upon the earth ; and
as they saw the evidences of the approach
of the former, they naturally anticipated
the latter as about to occur. Comp. Dan.
xii. 11; 2 Thess. ii. 3; Dan. ii. 34; 2
Thess. ii. 8. The anticipation that the
Lord Jesus was about to come ; that the
affairs of the world, in the present form,
were to be wound up ; that the reign of
the saints would soon commence; and
that the permanent kingdom of righte
ousness would he established, became
almost the current belief of the Reform
ers, and was frequently expressed in
their writings: Thus Luther, in flie
year 1520, in his answer to the Pope's
bull of excommunication, expresses his
anticipations : " Our Lord Jesus Christ
yet liveth and reigneth ; who, I firmly
trust, will shortly come, and slay with
the spirit of his mouth, and destroy with
the brightness of his coming, that man
of sin." Merle D'Aubig. ii. 166. After
being summoned before the Diet at
Worms, and after condemnation had
been pronounced on him by the Empe

ror, he fell back for comfort on the same
joyous expectation: "For this once,"
he said, " the Jews, as on the crucifixion-
day, may sing their Paean ; but Easter
will come for us, and then we shall sing
Hallelujah." D'Aubig. ii. 275. The
next year, writing to Staupitz, he made
a solemn appeal against his abandon
ing the Reformation, by reference to
the sure and advancing fulfilment of
Daniel's prophecy : " My father," said
he, " the abominations of the pope, with
his whole kingdom, must be destroyed;
and the Lord does this without hand, by
the word alone. The subject exceeds all
human comprehension. I cherish the
best hopes." Milner, p. 692. In 1523 he
thus, in a similar strain, expresses his
hopes : " The kingdom of Antichrist,
according to the prophet Daniel, must
be broken without hand; that is, the
Scriptures will be understood by and
by; and every one will preach against
Papal tyranny, from the word of God,
until the Man of Sin is deserted of all,
and dies of himself." Milner, p. 796. The
same sentiments respecting the approach
of the end of the world were entertained
by Melancthon. In commenting on the
passage in- Daniel relating to the * little
horn/ he thus refers to an argument
which has been prevalent: "The words
of the prophet Elias should be marked
by every one, and inscribed upon our
walls, and on the entrances of our houses.
Six thousand years shall the world
stand, and after that be destroyed; two
thousand years without the law; two
thousand years under the law of Moses ;
two thousand years under the Messiah;
and if any of these years are not ful
filled, they will be shortened (a shorten
ing intimated by Christ also, on account
of our sins)." The following manuscript
addition to this argument has been found
in Melancthon's hand, in Luther's own
copy of the German Bible: — "Written
A. D. 1557, and from the creation of the
world, 5519; from which number we
may see that this aged world is not far
from its end." So also the British Re
formers believed. Thus Bishop Latimer :
"Let us cry to God day and night,
Most Merciful Father, let thy kingdom
come! St. Paul saith, The Lord will
not come till the swerving from the
faith cometh, 2 Thess. ii. 3, which thing
is already done and past. Antichrist is
already known throughout all the world.

A. D. 96.]

7 But in the days of the voice of
the seventh angel, when he shall
begin to sound, the mystery * of
a Ro. 11. 25; Ep. 3. 5-9.

CHAPTER X.

293

God should be finished, as he
hath declared to his servants tho
prophets.

Wherefore the day is not far off." Then,
reverting to the consideration of the age
of the world, as Melancthon had done,
he says, "The world was ordained to
endure, as all learned ones affirm, 6000
years. Now of that number there be
past 5552 years, so that there is no more
left but 448 years. Furthermore, those
days shall be shortened for the elect's
sake. Therefore, all those excellent and
learned men, whom without doubt God
hath sent into the world in these last
days to give the world warning, do
gather out of sacred Scripture that the.
last day cannot be far off." So again,
in a sermon on the nearness of tbe
Second Advent, he says, " So that per-
adventure it may come in my days, old
as I am, or in my children's days."
Indeed, it is well known that this was a
prevalent opinion among the Reformers,
and this fact will show with what pro
priety, if the passage before us was
designed to refer to the Reformation,
this solemn declaration of the angel was
made, that the 'time would not be yet'
— that those anticipations which would
spring up from the nature of the case,
and from the interpretations which would
be put on what seemed to be the obvious
sense of the prophecies, were unfounded,
and that a considerable time must yet
intervene before the events would be
consummated, (e) The proper sense
of this passage, then, according to the
above interpretation, would be, — 'And
the angel lifted up his hand to heaven,
and sware by him that liveth for ever
and ever, That the time should not yet
be ; but, in the days of the voice of the
seventh angel, when he shall begin to
sound, the mystery of God shall be fin
ished.' Appearances, indeed, would
then indicate that the affairs of the
world were to be wound up, and that
the prophecies respecting the end of the
world were about to be fulfilled ; but the
angel solemnly swears ' by him who lives
for ever and ever,' and whose reign
therefore extends through all the changes
on the earth; 'by him who is the Cre
ator of all things,' and whose purpose
alone can determine when the end shall
25*

be, that the time would not be yet.
Those cherished expectations would not
yet be realized, but there was a series
of important events to intervene before
the end would come. Then — at the
time when the seventh angel should
sound — would be the consummation of
all things.
1. But in the days of the voice of the
seventh angel. The days in the period
of time embraced by the sounding of
the seventh trumpet. That is, the affairs
of this world would not be consum
mated in that period embraced in the
sounding of the sixth trumpet, but in
that embraced in the sounding of tho
seventh and last of the trumpets. Comp.
ch. xi. 15-19. ^f When he shall begin to
sound. That is, the events referred to
will commence at the period when the
angel shall begin to sound. It will not
be merely during or in that period, but
the sounding of the trumpet, and the
beginning of those events, will be con
temporaneous. In other words, then
would commence the reign of righteous
ness — the kingdom of the Messiah — the
dominion of the saints on the earth.
^ The mystery of God should be finished.
On the meaning of the word mystery, see
Notes on Eph. i. 9. It means here, as
elsewhere in the New Testament, the
purpose or truth of God which had been
concealed, and which had not before
been communicated to man. Here, the
particular reference is to the divine pur
pose which bad been long concealed
respecting the destiny of the world, or
respecting the setting up of his kingdom,
but which had been progressively un
folded by the prophets. That purpose
would be " finished," or consummated,
in the time when tbe seventh angel
should begin to sound. Then all the
" mystery " would be revealed j the plan
would be unfolded ; the divine purpose,
so long concealed, would be manifested,
and the kingdom of the Messiah and of
the saints would be set up on the earth.
Under that period, the affairs of the
world would be ultimately wound up,
and the whole work of redemption com
pleted, f As he hath declared to his

294

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

8 And the voice * -which I heard
from heaven spake unto me again,
and said, Go, and take the little

a ver. 4.

servants the prophets. As he has from
time to time disclosed his purposes to
mankind through the prophets. The
reference here is, doubtless, to the pro
phets of the Old Testament, though the
language would include all who at any
time had uttered any predictions re
specting the final condition of the world.
These prophecies had been scattered
along through many ages ; but the angel
says that at that time all that had been
said respecting the setting up of the
kingdom of God, the reign of the saints,
and the dominion of the Redeemer on
the earth, would be accomplished. See
Notes on ch. xi. 15. From the passage
thus explained, if the interpretation is
correct, it will follow that the sounding
of the seventh trumpet (eh. xi. 15-18) is
properly the conclusion of this series of
visions, and denotes a " catastrophe" in
the action, and that what follows is the
commencement of a new series of visions.
This is clear, because (a) the whole
seven seals, comprising the seven trum
pets of the seventh seal, must embrace
one view of all coming events — since this
embraced all that there was in the
volume seen in the hand of him that sat
on the throne ; (6) this is properly im
plied in the word here rendered "should
be finished" — rcAarSij, — the fair meaning
of which is, that the "mystery" here
referred to — the hitherto unrevealed pur
pose or plan of God — would, under that
trumpet, be consummated or complete
(see the conclusive reasoning of Prof.
Stuart on the meaning of the word, vol.
ii. p. 210, foot-note) ; and (c) it will be
found in the course of the exposition
that, at ch. xi. 19, there commences a
new series of visions, embracing a view
of the world in its religious aspeot, or
ecclesiastical characteristics, reaching
down to the same consummation, and
stating at the close of that (ch. xx.)
more fully what is here (oh. xi. 15-18)
designated in a more summary way — the
final triumph of religion, and the esta
blishment of the kingdom of the saints.
The present series of visions (chs, v.-
xi. 1-18), relates rather to the outward
»r secular changes which would ocour |

book which is open in the hand of
the angel which standeth upcn the
sea and upon the earth.

on the earth, which were to affect the
welfare of the church, to the final con
summation ; the next series (ch. xi. 19,
xii.-xx.) relates to the church internally,
the rise of Antichrist, and the effect of
the rise of that formidable power on the
internal history of the church, to the
time of the overthrow of that power, and
the triumphant establishment of the
kingdom of God. See the Analysis of
the work, Intro. § 5. In other words,
this series of visions terminating at
ch. xi. 18, refers, as the leading thing,
to what would occur in relation to the
Roman empire considered as a secular
power, in which the church would be
interested; that which follows (ch. xi
19. xii.-xx.) to the Roman power con
sidered as a great apostasy, and setting
up a mighty and most oppressive
domination over the true church, mani
fested in deep corruption and bloody
persecutions, running on in its disas
trous influence on the world, until that
power should be destroyed — Babylon
fall — and the reign of the saints be
introduced. 8. And the voice which I heard from
heaven. Ver. 4. This is not the voice
of the angel, but a direct divine com
mand. *[ Said, Go and take the little
book that is open, Ac. That is, take it
out of his hand, and do with it as you
shall be commanded. There is a very
strong resemblance between this passage
and the account contained in Ezekiel,
ch. ii. 9, 10, iii. 1-3. Ezekiel was di
rected to go to the house of Israel and
deliver a divine message, whether they
would hear or forbear, and in order that
he might understand what message to
deliver, there was shown to him a roll
of a book, written within and without
That roll he was commanded to eat,
and ho found it to be 'in his mouth as
honey for sweetness.* John has added
to this the oircumstance that, though
' sweet in the mouth,* it made ' the belly
bitter.' The additional command (ver.
11), that he must yet 'prophesy before
many people/ leads us to suppose that
ho had the narrative in Ezekiel in his
eye, for, as the result of hie eating the

CHAPTER X.

A. D. 96.]

9 And I went unto the angel,
and said unto him, Give me the
little book. And he said unto me,
Take it, ' and eat it up; and it

295

roll, he was commanded to go and
prophesy to the people of Israel. The
passage here (ver. 8), introduces a new
symbol, that of ' eating the book,' and
evidently refers to something that was
to occur before the ' mystery should
bo finished ;' that is, before the seventh
trumpet should sound. % Which is open
in the hand, Ac. On the symbolical
meaning of the word ' open,' as applied
to the book, see Notes on ver. 2.
9. And I went unto the angel. This is
symbolic action, and is not to be under
stood literally. As it is not necessary
to suppose that an angel literally de
scended, and stood upon the sea and
the land, so it is not necessary to sup
pose that there was a literal act of going
to him, and 'taking the book from his
hand, and eating it. ^[ Give me the little
book. In accordance with the command
in ver. 8. We may suppose, in regard
to this, (a) that the symbol was designed
to represent that the book was to be
used in the purpose here referred to, or
was to be an important agent or instru
mentality in accomplishing the purpose.
The book is held forth in the hand of
the angel as a striking emblem. There
is a command to go and take it from his
hand for some purpose not yet disclosed.
All this seems to imply that the book —
or that which is represented by it —
would be an important instrument in
accomplishing the purpose here referred
to. (b) The application for the book
might intimate that, on the part of him
who made it, there would be some strong
desire to possess it. He goes, indeed,
in obedience to the command; but, at
the same time, there would naturally be
a desire to be in possession of tbe vol
ume, or to know the contents (comp. ch.
v. 4), and his approach to the angel for
the book would be most naturally inter
preted as expressive of such a wish.
\\ And he said unto me, Take it. As if
he had expected this application ; or had
come down to furnish him with this
little volume, and had anticipated that
the request would be made. There was
no reluctance in giving it up ; there was
no attempt to withhold it ; there was no

shall make thy belly bitter, but it
shall be in thy mouth sweet as
honey. a Eze. S. 1-3, 14

prohibition of its use. The angel had
no commission, and no desire, to retain
it for himself, and no hesitation in
placing it in the hands of the seer on
the first application. Would not the
readiness with which God gives his
Bible into the hands of men, in contra
distinction from all human efforts to
restrain its use, and to prevent its free
circulation, be well symbolized by this
act 1 \ And eat it up. There is a simi
lar command in Ezekiel, iii. 1. Of course,
this is to be understood figuratively, for
no one would interpret literally a com
mand to eat a manuscript or volume. We
have in common use a somewhat similar
phrase, when we speak of devouring a
book, which may illustrate this, and
which is not liable to be misunderstood.
In Jer. xv. 16, we have similar lan
guage : " Thy words were found, and I
did eat them ; and thy word was unto
me the joy and rejoicing of my heart."
Thus in Latin, the words propinaro,
imbibere, devorare, deglutire, &e., are
used to denote the greediness with whioh
knowledge is acquired. Comp. in the
Apocrypha, 2 Esdras xiv. 38-40. The
meaning here, then, is plain. He was
to possess himself of the contents of the
book; to receive it into his mind; to
apply it, as we do food, for spiritual
nourishment — truth having, in this re
spect, the same relation to the mind
which food has to the body. If the
little book was a symbol of the Bible,
it would refer to the fact that the truths
of that book became the nourisher and
supporter of the public mind, ^f And it
shall make thy belly bitter. This is a
circumstance which does not occur in
the corresponding place in Ezekiel (iii,
1-3). The expression here must refer
to something that would occur after the
symbolical action of 'eating' the little
book, or to some consequence of eating
it — for the act of eating it is represented
as pleasant: 'in my mouth sweet as
honey.' The meaning here is, that the
effect which followed from eating the
book was painful or disagreeable — as
food would be that was pleasant to
the taste, but that produced bitter pain

2%

REVELATION,

[A. D. 90.

10 And I took the little book
out of the angel's hand, and ate
it up; and it was in my mouth

when eaten. The fulfilment of this would
be found in one of two things, (a) It
might mean that the message to be de
livered in consequence of devouring the
book, or the message which it contained,
would be of a painful or distressing cha
racter 7 — that with whatever pleasure the
book might be received and devoured, it
would be found to contain a communi
cation that would be indicative of woe or
sorrow. This was the cr.se with the
little book that Ezekiel was commanded
to eat up. Thus, in speaking of this
book, it is said, "And it was written
within and without; and there was writ
ten therein lamentations, and mourning,
and woe." Ezek. ii. 10. Comp. ch. iii.
4-9, where the contents of the book, and
the effect of proclaiming the message
which it contained, are more fully
stated. So here, the meaning may he,
that, however gladly John .may have
taken the book, and with whatever
pleasure he may have devoured its con
tents, yet that it would be found to be
charged with the threatening of wrath,
and with denunciations, of a judgment
to come, the delivery of which would be
well represented by the "bitterness"
which as said to have followed from
" eating" the volume. Or (6) it may
mean, that the consecjuence of devour-
iug the book ; — that is, of embracing its
doctrines, would be persecutions and
trouble — well represented by the " bit
terness" that followed the " eating" of
the volume. Either of these ideas would
be a fulfilment of the proper meaning of
the symbol ; for, on the supposition that
either of these occurred in fact, it would
properly be symbolized by the eating of
a volume that was sweet to the taste,
but that made the belly bitter. ^ But
it shall be in thy mouth sweet as honey.
So in Ezekiel iii. 3. The proper fulfil
ment of this, it is not difficult to under
stand. It would well represent the plea
sure derived from divine truth — the
sweetness of the word of God — the
relish with which it is embraced by
those that love it. On the supposition
that the "little book" here refers to the
Bible, and to the use which would be
made of it in the times referred to, it

sweet as honey : and as soon as
I had eaten it, my belly was
bitter.

would properly denote the relish which
would exist for the sacred volume, and
the happiness which would he_ found in
its perusal : — for this very image is fre
quently employed to denote this. Thus
in Ps. xix. 10 : — " More to he desired
are they than gold, yea, than much fine
gold ; sweeter also than honey, and the
honey-comb." Ps. cxix. 103 : — ¦ "How
sweet are thy words unto my taste ; yea
sweeter than honey to my mouth." We
are then to look for the fulfilment of this
in some prevailing delight or satisfac
tion, in the times referred to, in the
word of the Lord, or in the truths of
revelation. 10. And as soon as I had eaten it, my
belly was made bitter. The effect imme
diately followed : — that is, as soon as he
was made acquainted with' the contents
of the book, either, as above explained,
requiring him to deliver some message
of woe and wrath which it would be
painful to deliver; or, that the conse
quence of receiving it was to bring on
bitter persecutions and trials.
11. And he said unto me. The angel
then said, ^f Thou must prophesy. The
word "prophesy" here is evidently used
in the large sense of making known
divine truth in general; not in the com
paratively narrow and limited sense in
which it is commonly used, as referring
merely to the foretelling of future events.
See the word explained, in the Notes on
Rom. xii. 6 ; 1 Cor. xiv. 1. The mean
ing is, that, a: a consequence of be
coming possessed of the little volume
and its contents, he would be called to
proclaim divine truth, or to make tho
message of God known to mankind.
The direct address is to John himself;
but it is evidently not to be understood
of him personally. He is represented as
seeing the angel ; as hearkening to his
voice; as listening to the solemn oath
which he took ; as receiving and eating
the volume; and then as prophesying
to many people: hut the reference is un
doubtedly to the far-distant future. If the
allusion is to the times of the Reforma
tion, the meaning is, that the end of the
world was not, as would be expected,about
to occur, but that there was to be an inter-

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER X.

297

11 And he said unto me, Thou
must prophesy again before many
val long enough to permit the gospel to
be proclaimed before "nations, and
tongues, and kings;" that in conse
quence of coming into possession of the
"little book," the word of God, the
truth was yet to be proclaimed far and
wide on the earth. ^ Again — ira'Xiv.
This had been done before. That is,
supposing this to refer to the time of the
Reformation, it could be said (a) that
this had been done before — that the
gospel had been in former times proclaim
ed in its purity before " many peoples,
and nations, and tongues, and kings,"
and (6) that it would be done " again :" —
that is, though the word of God had
been bidden, and a mass of corrupt tra
ditions had taken its place, yet the time
would come when those pure truths
would be made known again to all lands.
This will explain the word " again" in
this place — not meaning that John
would do this personally, but that this
would be in fact the result of the restora
tion of the Bible to the church, fl Be
fore many peoples. This word denotes
people considered as masses, or as group
ed together in masses, without reference
to the manner in which it is done. It is
used when we look on a mass 6t men,
without taking into account the ques
tion whether they are of tbe same na
tion,' or language, or rank. See Notes
on ch. vii. 9. The- plural is used here —
"peoples" — perhaps to denote that those
to whom the truth would be made
known would be very numerous. They
would not only be numerous in regard
to the individuals to whom it would be
communicated, but numerous considered
as communities or nations. ^ And na
tions. The word nations here denotes
people considered as separated by na
tional boundaries, constitutions, laws,
customs. See Notes on ch. vii. 9. If And
tongues. . People considered as divided
by languages : — a division not always,
or necessarily, the same as that denoted
by the word "people" or "nations" as
used in this passage. ^[ And kings.
Rulers of the people. The meaning is,
that the gospel would not only be borne
before the masses of mahkind, but in a
special manner before kings and rulers.
The effect of thus possessing the "little

peoples, and nations, and tongues,
and kings.

volume" — or of the " open book" of re
vealed truth would ultimately be that
the message of life would be carried
with power before princes and rulers,
and would influence them as well as the
common people.
In enquiring now for the proper ap
plication of this symbol as thus ex
plained, we naturally turn to the Re
formation, and ask whether there was
any thing in that of which this would
be the proper emblem. The following
things, then, are found in fact as occur
ring at that time, of which the symbol
before us may be regarded as the proper
representation. (1) The reception of the Bible as from
the hand of an angel — or its recovery
from obscurity and forgetfulness, as if
it were now restored to the church by a
heavenly interposition. The influence
of the Bible on the Reformation; the
fact that it was now recovered from its
obscurity, and that it was made the
grand instrument in the Reformation,
has already been illustrated. See Notes
on ver. 2. The symbolical action of
taking it front the hand of an angel, was
not an improper representation of its
reception again by the church, and of
its restoration to its true place in the
church. It became, as it is proper that
it should always be, the grand means of
the defence of the faith, and of the pro
pagation of truth in the world.
(2) The statement that the little
book when eaten was "in the mouth
sweet as honey," is a striking and proper
representation of the relish felt for the
sacred Scriptures by those who love the
truth (comp. Notes on ver. 9), and is
especially appropriate to describe the
interest which was felt in the volume of
revealed truth at th e time of the Reforma
tion. For the Bible was to the reformers
emphatically a new book. It had been
driven from common use to make way for
the legends of the saints, and the tra
ditions of the church. It had, therefore,
when translated into the vernacular
tongue, and when circulated and read,
the freshness of novelty — the interest
which a volume of revealed truth would
have if just given from heaven. Accord
ingly it is well known with what avidity

298

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

and relish the sacred volume was studied
by Luther and his fellow-laborers in the
Reformation; how they devoured its
doctrines; how they looked to it for
comfort in their times of trial; how
sweet and sustaining were its promises
in the troubles that came upon them,
and in the labors which they were called
to perform.
(3) The representation that, after it
was eaten, it was " bitter," would not
improperly describe the effect, in some
respects, of thus receiving the Bible, and
making it the groundwork of faith. It
brought the Reformers at once into con
flict with all the power of the Papacy
and the priesthood; exposed them to
persecution ; aroused against them a host
of enemies among the princes and rulers
of the earth ; and was the cause for which
many of them were put to death. Such
effects followed substantially when Wic
lif translated the Bible; when John
Huss and Jerome of Prague published
the pure doctrines of the New Testa
ment; and when Luther gave to the
people the word of God in their own
language. To a great extent this is
always so — that, however sweet and
precious the truths of the Bible may be
to the preacher himself, one of the effects
of his attempting to preach those truths
may be such opposition on tbe part of
men, such cold indifference, or such
fierce persecution, that it would- be well
illustrated by what is said here, "it
shall make thy belly bitter."
(4) The representation that, as a con
sequence of receiving that book, he
would prophesy again before many peo
ple, is a fit representation of the effect
of the reception of the Bible again by
tbe church, and of allowing it its proper
place there. For (a) it led to preaching,
or, in the language of this passage,
" prophesying" — a thing comparatively
little known before for many ages. The
grand business in the Papal communion
was not, and is not, preaching, but the
performance of rites and ceremonies.
Genuflexions, crossings, burning of in-
eense, processions, music, constitute
the characteristic features of all Papal
churches; the grand thing that dis
tinguishes the Protestant churches all
over the world, just in proportion as
they are Protestant, is preaching. Tho
Protestant religion — the pure form of
religion as it is revealed in the New

Testament — has few ceremonies; its
rites are simple ; it depends for success
on the promulgation and defence of the
truth, with the attending influence of the
Holy Ghost ; and for this view of the
nature and degree of religion, the world
is indebted to the fact that the Bible
was again restored to its true place in
the chuch. (6) The Bible is the basis of
all genuine preaching. Preaching will
not be kept up in its purity, except in
the places where the Bible is freely
circulated, and where it is studied ; and
where it is studied, there will be, in the
proper sense of the term, preachers.
Just in proportion as the Bible is studied
in the world, we may expect that preach
ing will be better understood, and that
the number of preachers will be in
creased, (c) The study of the Bible is
the foundation of all the efforts to spread
the knowledge of the truth to " peoples,
and nations, and tongues, and kings," in
our own times. All these efforts have
been originated by the restoration of the
Bible to its proper place in the church,
and to its more profound and accurate
study in this age ; for these efforts are
but carrying out the injunction of the
Saviour as recorded in this book — to " go
into all tbe world and preach the gospel
to every creature." (d) The same thing
will be true to the end of the world : —
or, in the language of the portion of the
book of Revelation before us, till "the
kingdoms of this world become the
kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ,
and he shall reign for ever and ever,"
ch. xi. 15. The fact of the restoration
of the Bible to its proper place in the
church, will, therefore, ultimately be the
means of the conversion of the whole
world to God; and this fact, so mo
mentous in its nature and its conse
quences, was worthy to be symbolized
by the appearance of the " angel descend
ing from heaven clothed with a cloud ;"
was properly represented by the man
ner in which he appeared — 'his face
radiant as the sun, and his feet pillars of
fire;' was worthy to be expressed by
the position which he assumed, as
" standing on the sea and the earth" —
as if all the world were interested in the
purpose of his mission ; and was worthy
of the loud proclamation which he made
— as if a new order of things were to
commence. Beautiful and sublime, then,
as this chapter is, and always has been

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XI.

299

esteemed, as a composition, it becomes
still more beautiful and sublime if it be
regarded as a symbol of the Reforma
tion — an event the most glorious, and
the most important in its issues, of any
that has occurred since the Saviour ap
peared on the earth.
CHAPTER XI.
ANALYSIS OP THE CHAPTEK.
This chapter, which is very impro
perly separated from the preceding, and
improperly ended — for it shonld have
been closed at ver. 18, — consists (ex
cluding the last verse, which properly
belongs to the succeeding chapter,) es
sentially of three parts :
I. The measuring of the temple, vs.
1, 2. A reed, or measuring stick, is
given to John, and he is directed to
arise and measure the temple. This
direction embraces two parts : (a) he was
to measure, that is, to "take an exact
estimate of the temple, of the altar, and
of the true worshippers ; (6) he was care
fully to separate this, in his estimate,
from the outward court, which was to
be left out and to be given to the Gen
tiles, to be trodden under foot forty-two
months ; that is, three years and a half,
or twelve hundred and sixty days — a
period celebrated in the book of Daniel
as well as in this book.
II. The two witnesses, vs. 3-13. This
is, in some respects, the most difficult
portion of the book of Revelation, and
its meaning can be stated only after a
careful examination of tbe signification
of the words and phrases used. The
general statement in regard to these
witnesses is, that they should have
power, and should prophesy for twelve
hundred and sixty days ; that if any one
should attempt to injure them, they had
power, by fire that proceeded out of
their mouths, to devour and kill their
enemies; that they had power to shut
heaven so that it should not rain, and
power to turn the waters of the earth
into blood, and power to smite the earth
with plagues as often as they chose ; that
when they had completed their testi
mony, the beast' that ascends out of the
bottomless pit would make war with
them, and overcome them, and kill them;
that their dead bodies would lie un-
buried in that great city where the Lord
was crucified three days and a half; that

they that dwelt upon the earth would
exult in their death, and send gifts to
one another in token of their joy; that
after the three days and a half the spirit
of life from God would enter into them
again, and they would stand up on their
feet ; that they would then be taken up
into heaven, in the sight of their ene
mies; and that, at the time of their
ascension, there would be a great earth
quake, and a tenth part of _ the city
would fall, and many (seven thousand)
wbuld be killed, and that the remaindor
would be affrighted, and would give
glory to the God of heaven.
III. The sounding of the seventh
trumpet, vs. 14-18. This is the grand
consummation of the whole; the end of
this series of visions; the end of the
world. A rapid glance only is given of
it here, for under another series 'of
visions a more detailed account of the
state of the world is given under the final
triumph of truth. Here, as a proper close
of the first series of visions, the result is
merely glanced at or adverted to — that
then the period would have arrived
when the kingdoms ,of the world were
to become the kingdoms of the Lord and
of his Christ, and wnen he should com
mence that reign which was to continue
for ever. Then universal peace and
happiness would reign, and tbe long-
promised and expected kingdom of God
on the earth would be established. The
"nations" had been "angry," but the
time had now come when a judgment
was to be pronounced on the dead, and
when the due reward was to be given to
the servants of God — the prophets, and
the saints, and those who feared his
name, small and great, in the establish
ment of a permanent kingdom, and the
complete triumph of the true religion in
the world.
I regard this chapter, therefore, to
ver. 18, as extending down to the con
summation of air things, and as dis
closing the last of the visions seen in
the scroll or volume " sealed with the
seven seals," ch. v. 1. For a reason
above suggested, and which will appear
more fully hereafter, the detail is here
much less minute than in the earlier
portions of the historic visions, but still
it embraces the whole period, and states
in few words what will be the condition
of things in the end. This was all that
was necessary; this was, in fact, the

300

REVELATION,

LA D. 96

A;

CHAPTER XI.
ND there was given me a reed "
like unto a rod : and the angel

a Zee. 2. 1. c. 21. 15.

leading design of the whole book. The
end towards which all tended — that
which John needed most to know — and
which the church needed most to know,
was that religion would ultimately tri
umph, and that the period would arrive
when it could be announced that the
kingdoms of this world had become the
kingdoms of God and of his Christ.
That is here announced; and that is
properly the close of one of the divisions
of the whole book.
1. And there was given me. He does
not say by whom, but the connexion
would seem to imply that it was by the
angel. All this is of course to be regard
ed as symbolical. The representation
undoubtedly pertains to a future age, but
the language is such as would be pro
perly addressed to one who had been a
Jew, and the imagery employed is such
as be would be more likely tomnderstand
than any other. The' language and the
imagery are, therefore, taken from the
temple, but there is no reason to suppose
that it had any literal reference to the
temple, or even that John would so un
derstand it. Nor does the language
here used prove that the temple was
standing at the time when the book was
written j for as it is symbolical, it is what
would be employed whether the temple
were standing or not, and would be as
likely to be used in the one case as in
the other. It is such language as John,
educated as a Jew, and familiar with the
temple worship, would be likely to em
ploy if he designed to make a represent
ation pertaining to the church, ^ A
reed. — xd\auog. This word properly de
notes a plant with a jointed hollow stalk,
growing in wet grounds. Then it refers
to the stalk as cut for use, as a mea
suring-stick, as in this place ; or a mock
sceptre, Matt, xxvii. 29, 30 ; or a pen for
writing, 3 John 13. Here it means
merely a stick that could be used for
measuring. ^[ Like unto a rod. This
word — ftdfiSos — moans properly a rod,
wand, staff, used either for scourging,
1 Cor. iv. 21, or for leaning upon in
walking, Matt. x. 10, or for a sceptre,
Hob. i. 8. Here the meaning is, that

stood, saying, Rise, and measure
the temple of God, and the altar,
and them that worship therein.
b Eze. 40. 48.

the reed that was put into his hands was
like such a rod or staff in respect to size,
and was therefore convenient for han
dling. The word rod also is used to
denote a measuring pole, Ps. Ixxiv. 2,
Jer. x. 16, li. 19. f And the angel stood,
saying. The phrase " the angel stood,"
is wanting in many Mss. and editions of
tbe New Testament, and is rejected by
Prof. Stuart as spurious. It is also
rejected in the critical editions of Gries-
bach and Hahn, and marked as doubtful
by Tittmann. The best critical authority
is against it, and it appears to have been
introduced from Zech. iii. 5. The con
nexion does not demand it, and we may,
therefore, regard the meaning to be, that
the one who gave him the reed, whoever
he was, at the same time addressed him,
and commanded bim to take a measure
of the temple and the altar. % Mise, and
measure the temple of God. That is, as
certain its true dimensions with the reed
in your hand. Of course, this could not
be understood of the literal temple —
whether standing or not — for the exact
measure of that was sufficiently well-
known. The word, then, must be used
of something which the temple would
denote or represent, and this would
properly be the church, considered as
the abode of God on the earth. Un
der the Old dispensation, the temple at
Jerusalem was that abode; under the
New, that peculiar residence was trans
ferred to the church, and God is repre
sented as dwelling in it. See Notes on
1 Cor. iii. 16. Thus the word is undoubt
edly used here, and the simple meaning
is, that he who is thus addressed is
directed to take an accurate estimate of
the true church of God ; as accurate as
if he were to apply a measuring-reed to
ascertain the dimensions of the temple
at Jerusalem. In doing that, if the di
rection had been literally to measure the
temple at Jerusalem, he would ascertain
its length, and breadth, and height; he
would measure its rooms, its doorways,
its porticoes; he would take such a
measurement of it that, in a description
or drawing, it could be distinguished
from other edifices, or that one could be

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CHAPTER XL

301

2 But the court * which is witih-
a Eze. 40. 17-20.
constructed like it, or that a just idea
could be obtained of it if it should be
destroyed. If the direction be under
stood figuratively, as applicable to the
Christian churoh, the work to be done
would be to obtain an exact estimate or
measurement of what the true church
was — as distinguished from all other
bodies of men, and as constituted, and
appointed, by the direction of God;
such a measurement that its character
istics could be made known ; that a
church could be organized according to
this, and that the accurate description
could be transmitted -to future times.
John has not, indeed, preserved the
measurement; for the main idea here is
not that be was to preserve such a
model, but that, in the circumstances,
and at the time referred to, the proper
business would be to engage in such a
measurement of the church that its true
dimensions or character might be known.
There would be, therefore, a fulfilment
of this, if at the time here referred to
there should he occasion, from any cause,
to inquire what constituted the true
church ; if it was necessary to separate
and distinguish it from all other bodies ;
and if there should be any such prevail
ing uncertainty as to make an accurate
investigation necessary. ^ And the al
tar. On the form, situation, and uses
of the altar, see Notes on Matt. v. 23, 24,
xxi. 12. The altar here referred to was,
undoubtedly, the altar situated in front
of the temple, where the daily sacrifice
was offered. To measure that literally,
would be to take its dimensions of
length, breadth, and height; but it is
plain that that cannot be intended here,
for there was no such altar where John
was, and, if the reference were to the
altar at Jerusalem, its dimensions were
sufficiently known. This language, then,
like the former, must be understood
metaphorically, and then it must mean —
as the altar was the place of sacrifice — to
take an estimate of the church consi
dered with reference to its notions of
sacrifice, or of the prevailing views
respecting the sacrifice to be made for
sin, and the method of reconciliation
with God. It is by sacrifice that a
method is provided for reconciliation
with God: by sacrifice that sin is par-
26

out the temple b leave out, and
b cast out.
doned ; by sacrifice that man is justified;
and the direction here is equivalent,
therefore, to a command to make an
investigation on these subjects, and
all that is implied would be fulfilled if a
state of things should exist where it
would be necessary to institute an ex
amination into the prevailing views in
the church on the subject of the atone
ment, and the true method of justifica
tion before God. ^ And them that icor?
ship therein. In the temple ; or, as the
temple is the representation here of the
church, of those who are in the church
as professed worshippers of God. There
is some apparent incongruity in direct
ing hinf to " measure" those who were
engaged in worship; but the obvious
meaning is, that he was to take a correct
estimate of their character; of what they
professed j of the reality of their piety;
of their lives, and of the general state
of the church considered as professedly
worshipping God. This would receive
its fulfilment, if a state of things should
arise in the church which would make
it necessary to go into a close and search
ing examination on all these points, in
order to ascertain what was the true
church, and what was necessary to con
stitute true membership in it. There
were, therefore, three things, as indi
cated by this verse, which John was
directed to do, so far as the use of the
measuring-rod was concerned: (a) to
take a just estimate of what constitutes
the true church, as distinguished from
all other associations of men; (b) to in
stitute a careful examination into the
opinions in the church on the subject
of sacrifice or atonement — involving the
whole question about the method of
justification before God; and (c) to take
a correct estimate of what constitutes
true membership in the church ; or to
investigate with care the prevailing
opinions about the qualifications for
membership. 2. But the court which is without the
temple. Which is outside of the temple
proper, and, therefore, which does not
strictly appertain to it. There is un
doubtedly reference here to the "court
of the Gentiles," as it was called among
the JewS' — the outer court of the temple
to which the Gentiles had access, and

302

REVELATION,

[A.D.96.

measure it not; for * it is given
unto the Gentiles: and the holy
a lu. 21. 24.
within which-they were not permitted to
go. For a description of this, see Notes
on Matt. xxi. 12. To an observer this
would seem to be a part of the temple,
and the persons there assembled a por
tion of the true worshippers of God ; hut
it was necessarily neither the one nor the
other. In forming an estimate of those
who, according to the Hebrew notions,
were true worshippers of God, only those
would be regarded as such who had the
privilege of access to the inner court,
and to the altar. In making such an
estimate, therefore, those who had no
nearer access than that court, would be
omitted; that is, they would not be
reckoned as necessarily any part of those
who were regarded as the people of
God. ^[ Leave out and measure it not
Marg., cast out. So the Greek. The
meaning is, that he was not to reckon it
as appertaining to the true temple of
worshippers. There is, indeed, a degree
of force in the words rendered " leave
out," or, in the margin, "cast out" —
hfiaXXe c|w — which implies more than
a mere passing by, or omission. The
word («K/3aXXa)) usually has the idea of
force or impulse (Matt. xv. 17 ; Acts
xxvii. 38 ; Matt. viii. 12, xxv. 30 ; Mark
xvi. 9, et a!.), and the word here would
denote some decisive or positive act by
which it would be indicated that this
was not any part of the true temple, but
was to be regarded as appertaining to
something else. He was not merely not
to mention it, or not to include it in the
measurement, but he was to do this by
some act which would indicate that it
was the result of design in the case, and
not by accidentally passing it by. \\ For
it is given unto the Gentiles. It properly
appertains to them as their own. Though
near the temple, and included in the
general range of building, yet it does
not pertain to those who worship there,
but to those who are regarded as
heathen and strangers. It is not said
that it was then given to the Gentiles ;
nor is it said that it was given to them
to be overrun and trodden down by
them, but that it appertained to them,
and was to be rogarded as belonging to
them. They occupied it, not as the

city shall they tread under * foot
forty and two months.
b Da. 7. 25.

people of God, but as those who were
without the true church, and who did
not appertain to its real communion.
This would find a fulfilment if there
should arise a state of things in the
church in which it would be necessary
to draw a line between those who pro
perly constituted the church and those
who did not; if there should be such a
condition of things that any consider
able portion of those who professedly
appertained to the church ought to bo
divided off as not belonging to it, or
would have such characteristic marks
that it could be seen that they were
strangers and aliens. The interpretation
wonld demand that they should sustain
some relation to the church, or that they
would seem to belong to itr— as the court
did to the temple ; but still that this was
in appearance only, and that in esti
mating the true church it was necessary
to leave them out altogether. Of course
this would not imply that there might
not be some sincere worshippers among
them as individuals — as there would he
found usually, in the court of the Gen
tiles in the literal temple, some who were
proselytes and devout worshippers, but
what is here said relates to them as a
mass or body — that they did not belong
to the true church but to the Gentiles.
% And the holy city. The whole holy
city — not merely the outer court of the
Gentiles which it is said was given to
them, nor the temple as such, but the
entire holy city. There is no doubt that
the words " the holy city" literally
refer to Jerusalem — a city so called
because it was the peculiar place of the
worship of God. See Notes on Matt.
iv. 5 ; comp. Neh. xi. 1, 18 ; Isa. Hi. 1 ;
Dan. ix. 24; Matt xxvii. 53. But it is
not necessary to suppose that this is its
meaning here. The "holy city" Jeru
salem was regarded as sacred to God ; as
his dwelling-place on earth, and as the
abode of his people, and nothing was
more natural thau to use the term as
representing the Church. Comp. Notes
on Gal. iv. 26 j Heb. xii. 22. In this
sense it is undoubtedly used here, as the
whole representation is emblematioal.
John, if he were about to speak of any

A. D. 96\]

CHAPTER XI.

303

thing that was to occur to the church,
would, as a native Jew, be likely to
employ such language as this to denote
it. ^[ Shall they tread under foots That
is, the Gentiles above referred to; or
those who, in the measurement of the
city, were set off as Gentiles, and re
garded as not belonging to the people
of God. This is not spoken of the
Gentiles in general," but only of that
portion of the multitudes that seemed to
constitute the worshippers of God, who,
n measuring the temple, were set off
»r_ separated as not properly belong-
•ng to the true church. The phrase
'shall tread under foot," is derived
"rom warriors and conquerors who tread
iown their enemies, or trample on the
^elds of grain. It is rendered in this
lassage by Br. Robinson (Lex.) 'to
profane and lay waste.' As applied lite
rally to a city, this would be the true
idea : as applied to the church, it
vould mean that they would have it
inder their control or in subjection for
¦ he specified time, and that the practical
*ffect of that would be to corrupt and
>rostrate it. ^[ Forty and two months.
Literally this would be three years and
? half; but if the time here is prophetic
inie — a day for a year — then tho period
vould be twelve hundred and sixty
'ears — reckoning the year at 360 days.
S'or a full illustration of this usage, and
or the reasons for supposing that this is
wophetic time, see Notes on Dan. vii.
,5. In addition to what is there said,
% may be remarked in reference to this
massage, that it is impossible to_ show,
rith any degree of probability, that the
ity of Jerusalem was " trampled under
oot" by the Romans for the exact space
,f three years and a half. Prof. Stuart,
ivho adopts the opinion that it refers to
the conquest, of Jerusalem by the Ro
mans, says, indeed, " It is certain that
the invasion of the Romans lasted just
about the length of the period named,
until Jerusalem was taken. And al
though the city itself was not besieged
so long, yet the metropolis in this case,
as in innumerable others in both Testa
ments, appears to stand for the country
of Judea." But, it is to be remembered
that the affirmation here is that " the
holy city" was thus to be trodden under
foot; and even taking the former suppo
sition, in what sense is it true that
tho " whole country" was " trodden

under foot" by the Romans only three
years and a half? Even the wars of the
Romans were not of that exact duration,
and, besides, the fact was that Judea
was held in subjection, and trodden down
by the Romans, for centuries, and never,
in factj regained its independence. If
this is to be literally applied to Jerusa
lem, it has been " trodden down by the
Gentiles," with brief intervals, since the
conquest by the Romans, to the present
time. There has been no precise period
of three years and a half, in respect to
which the language here used would be
applicable to the literal city of Jeru
salem. In regard then to the proper applica
tion of the language which has thus
been explained (vs. 1, 2), it may be
remarked, in general, that, for the rea
sons just stated, it is not to be taken
literally. John could not have been
¦directed literally to measure the temple
at Jerusalem, and the altar, and the
worshippers; nor could he have been
requested literally to leave out, or ' cast
out* the court that was without; nor
could it be meant that tho holy city
literally was to be trodden. under foot for
three years and a half. The language
clearly is symbolical, and the reference
must have been to something pertaining
to the church. And, if the preceding
exposition of the tenth chapter is correct,
then it maybe presumed that this would
refer to something that was to occur at
about the period there referred to. Re
garding it, then, as applicable to the
time- ofthe Reformation, and as being
a continuation of the vision in chapter
tenth, we shall find, in the events of that
period, what would be properly symbol
ized by the language here used. This
will appear by reviewing the particulars
which have been explained in these
verses : —
(1) The command to "measure the
temple of God," ver. 1. This, we have
seen, was a direction to take an estimate
of what constituted the true church;
the very work which it was necessary to
do in the Reformation, for this was the
first point which was to be settled, whe
ther the Papacy was the true church or
was th© Antichrist. This involved, of
course, the whole inquiry as to what
constitutes the church, alike in reference
to its organization, its ministry, its sa
craments, and its membership. It waa

304

REVELATION,

[A.D.96,

long before the Reformers made up their
minds that the Papacy was not the true
church; for the veneration which they
had been taught to cherish for that
lingered long in their bosoms. And even
when they were constrained to admit
that that corrupt communion was the
predicted form of the great apostasy —
Antichrist — and had acquired boldness
enough to break away from it for ever,
it was long before they settled down in
a uniform belief as to what was essential
to the true church. Indeed, the differ
ences of opinion which prevailed; the
warm discussions which ensued, and the
diversities of sect which sprang up in
the Protestant world, showed with what
intense interest the mind was fixed on
this question, and how important it was
to take an exact measurement of the real
church of God.
(2) The direction to 'measure the
altar.' This, as we have seen, would
relate to the prevailing opinions on the
subject of sacrifice and atonement; on
the true method of a sinner's acceptance
with God; and, consequently, on the
whole subject of justification. As a mat
ter of fact, it need not be said that this
was one of the first questions which
came before the Reformers, and was one
which it was indispensable to settle, in
order to a just notion of the church and
of the way of salvation. The Papacy
had exalted the Lord's Supper into a
real sacrifice ; had made it a grand and
essential point that the bread and wine
were changed into the real body and
blood of the Lord, and that a real offer
ing of that sacrifice was made every time
that ordinance was celebrated; had
/ changed the office of the ministers of the
New Testament from preachers to that
of priests ; had become familiar with the
terms altar, and sacrifice, and priesthood,
as founded on the notion that a real
sacrifice was made in the ' mass ;' and
had fundamentally changed the whole
doctrine respecting the justification of a
sinner before God. The altar in the
Romish communion had almost displaced
the pulpit; and the doctrine of justifica
tion by the merits of the great sacrifice
made by the death of our Lord, had been
superseded by the doctrine of justifica
tion by good works, and by the merits
of the saints. It became necessary,
therefore, to restore the true doctrine
respecting sacrifice for sin, and the way

of justification before God; and this
would be appropriately represented by
a direction to * measure the altar.'
(3) The direction to take an estimate
of those ' who worshipped in the temple.'
This, as we have seen, would properly
mean that there was to be a true esti
mate taken of what constituted member
ship in the church, or of the qualifications
of those who should be regarded as tine
worshippers of God. This, also, was one
of the first works necessary to be done
in the Reformation. Before that, for
ages, the doctrine of baptismal regene
ration had been the established doctrine
of the church ; the opinion that all that
was necessary to membership was bap
tism and confirmation, was the common
opinion; the necessity of regeneration
by the influences of the Holy Spirit, as
a condition of church membership, was
little understood, if not almost wholly
unknown ; and the grand requisition in
membership was not holy living, but the
observance of the rites and ceremonies
of the church. One of the first things
necessary in the Reformation, was to
restore to its true place the doctrine
laid down by the Saviour, that a change
of heart — that regeneration by the Holy
Ghost — was necessary to membership in
the church, and that the true church
was composed of those who had been
thus renewed in the spirit of their mind.
This great work would he appropriately
symbolized by a direction to take an
estimate of those who 'worshipped in
the temple of God;' that is, to settle the
question who should he regarded as true
worshippers of God, and what should
be required of those who professed to be
such worshippers. No more important
point was settled in the Reformation
than this.
(4) The direction to leave out, or to
* cast out' the court without the temple.
This, as we have seen, would properly
mean that a separation was to be made
between that which was the true church,
and that which was not, though it might
seem to belong to it. The one was to
be measured or estimated ; the other was
to be left out, as not appertaining to
that, or as belonging to the Gentiles, or
to heathenism. The idea would be, that
though it professedly appertained to the
true churoh, and to the worship of God,
yet that it deserved to be characterized
as heathenism. Now this will apply

A- D. 96.J

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305

with great propriety, according to all
Protestant notions, to the manner in
which the Papacy was regarded by the
Reformers, and should be regarded at
all times. It claimed to be the true
church, and to the eye of an observer
would seem to belong to it, as much as
the outer court seemed to pertain to the
temple. But it had the essential char
acteristics of heathenism, and was, there
fore, properly to he left out, or cast out,
as not pertaining to the true church.
Can any one doubt the truth of this
representation as applicable to the Pa
pacy ? Almost every thing that was
peculiar in the ancient heathen systems
of religion, had been introduced into the
Roman communion, and a stranger at
Rome would see more that would lead
him to feel that he was in a heathen
land, than he would that he was in, a
land where the pure doctrines of Chris
tianity prevailed, and where the worship
was celebrated which the Redeemer had
designed to set up on the earth. This
was true not only in the pomp and
splendor of worship, and in the proces
sions and imposing ceremonials; but in
the worship of images, in the homage ren
dered to the dead, in the number of fes
tival-days, in the fact that the statues
reared in heathen Rome to the honor of
the gods had been re-consecrated in the
services of Christian devotion to the
apostles, saints, and martyrs ; and in the
robes of the Christian priesthood, derived
from those in use in the ancient heathen
worship. The direction was, that, in
estimating the true church, this was to
be 'left out' or 'cast out;' and, if this
interpretation is correct, the meaning is,
that the Roman Catholic communion,
as an organized body, is to be regarded
as no part of the true church : a conclu
sion which is inevitable, if the passages
of Scripture which are commonly sup
posed by Protestants to apply to it, are
correctly applied. To determine this,
and to separate the true church from it,
was no small part of the work of the
Reformation. (5) The statement that the holy city
was to be trodden under foot, ver. 2.
This, as we have seen, must mean that
the true church would thus be trodden
down by those who are described as
'Gentiles.' So far as pure religion was
concerned ; so far as appertained to the
real condition of the church and the
26 *

pure worship of God, it would be as if
the whole holy city where God was wor
shipped were given into the hands of the
Gentiles, and they should tread it down,
and desecrate all that was sacred for the
time here referred to. Every thing in
Rome at the time of the Reformation,
would sustain this description. " It is
incredible/7 says Luther, on his visit to
Rome, "what sins and atrocities are
committed in Rome; they must be seen
and heard to he believed. So that it is
usual to say, 'If there be a hell, Rome
is built above it; it is an abyss from
which all sins proceed.' " So again ho
says : " It is commonly observed that
he who goes to Rome for -the first time,
goes to seek a knave there j the second
time he finds him ; and the third time
he brings him away with him under his
cloak. But now, people are become so
clever, that they make the three journeys
in one." So Machiavelli, one of the
most profound geniuses in Italy, and
himself a Roman Catholic, said, " The
greatest symptom of the approaching
ruin of Christianity is, that the nearer
we approach the capital of Christendom,
the. less do we find of the Christian spirit
of the people. The scandalous example
and crimes of the court of Rome, have
caused Italy to lose every principle of
piety and every religious sentiment. "We
Italians are principally indebted to the
church and to the priests for having be
come impious and profane." See D'Au-
bigne's History of the Reformation, p. 54.
Ed. Phila. 1843. In full illustration of
the sentiment that the church seemed
to be trodden down and polluted by hea
thenism, or by abominations and prac
tices that came out of heathenism, we
may refer to the general history of the
Romish communion from the rise of the
Papacy to the Reformation. For a suf
ficient illustration to justify the applica
tion of the passage before us which I
am now making, the reader may be
referred to the Notes on ch. ix. 20, 21.
Nothing would better describe the con
dition of Rome previous to, and at the
time of tbe Reformation — and the re
mark may he applied to subsequent
periods also — than to say that it was a
city which once seemed to be a Christian
city, and was not improperly rogarded
as the centre of the Christian world
and the seat of the church, and that
it had been, as it were, overrun and

<306

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

3 And I will • give power unto
a Or, give unto my two witnesses that they
may prophesy.

*>rodden down by heathen rites, and
customs, and ceremonies, so that, to a
stranger looking on it, it would seem to
be in the possession of the ' Gentiles' or
the heathens.
(6) The time during which this was to
continue — 'forty -two months ;' that is,
according to the explanation above given,
twelve hundred and sixty years. This
would embrace the whole period of the
ascendency and prevalence of the Pa
pacy ; or the whole time of the continu
ance of that corrupt domination in which
Christendom was to be trodden down
and corrupted by it. The prophet of
Patmos saw it in vision thus extending
its dreary and corrupting reign, and
during that time the proper influence
of Christianity was trampled down, and
the domination of practical heathenism
was set up where the church should have
reigned in its purity. Thus regarded,
this would properly .express the time of
the ascendency of the Papal power, and
the end of the 'forty -two months/ or
twelve hundred and sixty years, would
denote the time when the influence of
that power would cease. If, therefore,
the time of the rise of the Papacy can
be determined, it will not be difficult to
determine the time when it will come to
an end. But for a full consideration of
these points, the reader is referred to
the extended discussion on Daniel vii.
25. As the point is there fully exam
ined, it is unnecessary to go into an
investigation of it here.
The general remark, therefore, in
regard to this passage (vs. 1, 2), is, that
it refers to what would be necessary to
be done at the Reformation in order to
determine what is the true church, and
what are the doctrines on which it is
based; and to the fact that the Romish
communion to which the church had
been given over for a definite time, was
to be set aside as not being the true
church of Christ.
3. And I will give power unto my two
witnesses. In respect to this important
passago (vs. 3-13), I propose to pursue
the same method which I have pursued
all along in this exposition; first, to ex
amine the meaning of the words and
phrases in the symbol with a purpose to

my ' two witnesses, " and they shall
6 Matt. 18. 16. ' c c. 20. i.

ascertain the fair signification of the
symbols; and, second, to enquire into
the application; that is, to enquire
whether any events have occurred
which, in respect to their character and
to the time of their occurrence, can be
shown to be a fair fulfilment of the
language. And I will give power. The word
"power" is not in the original. The
Greek is simply, " I will give ;" that is,
I will grant to my two witnesses the right,
or the power, of prophesying, during the
time specified, correctly expressed in the
margin, 'give unto my "two witnesses
that they may prophesy.' The meaning
is not that he would send two witnesses
to prophesy, but rather that these were
in fact such " witnesses," and that he
would during that time permit them to
exercise their prophetic gifts, or give
them the privilege and the strength to
enunciate the truth which they were
commissioned to communicate as his
"witnesses" to mankind, gome word,
then, like power, privilege, opportunity,
or boldness, it is necessary to supply in
order to complete the sense. If Unto my
two witnesses. The word "two" evi
dently denotes that the number would
be small ; and yet it is not necessary to
confine it literally to two persons, or to
two societies or communities. Perhaps
the meaning is, that as, under the law,
two witnesses were required, and were
enough, to establish any fact (Notes on
John viii. 17), such a number would,
during those times, be preserved from
apostasy, as would be sufficient to keep
up the evidence of truth; to testify
against the prevailing abominations,
errors, and corruptions; to show what
was the real church, and to bear a faith
ful witness against the wickedness of the
world. The law of Moses required that
there should be two witnesses on a trial,
and this, under that law, was deemed a
competent number. See Deut. xvii. 6,
xix. 15 ; Num. xxxv. 30 ; Matt. xviiL 16 ;
John t. 30-33. The essential meaning
of this passage, then, is, that there would
be a competent number of witnesses in
the onse ; that is, as many as would be
nyirdud as sufficient to establish the
points concerning which they would

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XI.

307

prophesy a thousand two hundred
and three score days, clothed in
sackcloth." a. Is. 22. 12.
testify, with perhaps the additional idea
that the number would be small. There
is no reason for limiting it strictly to two
persons, or for supposing that they
would appear in pairs, two and two ; nor
is it necessary to suppose that it refers
particularly to two people or nations.
The word rendered witnesses — udprvs — is
that from which we have derived the
word martyr. It means properly one
who bears testimony, either in a judicial
sense, Matt, xviii. 16, xxvi. 65, or one
who can in any way testify to the truth
of what he has seen and known, 1 Thess.
ii. 10 ; 1 Tim. vi. 12 ; Horn. i. 9 ; Phil.
i. 8; Luke xxiv. 48. Then it came
to be employed in the sense in which
the word martyr is now — to denote
one who, amidst great sufferings, or by
his death, bears witness to the truth ; that
is, one who is so confident of the truth,
and so upright, that he will rather lay
down his life than deny the truth of what
he has seen and known. Acts xxii. 20 ;
Rev. ii. 13. In a similar sense it comes
to denote one who is so thoroughly con
vinced on a subject that is not susceptible
of being seen and heard, or who is so
attached to one, that he is willing to lay
down his life as the evidence of his con
viction and attachment. The word, as
used here, refers to those who, during
this period of " forty and two months,"
would thus be witnesses for Christ in the
world: that is, who would bear their
testimony to the truth of bis religion ; to
tho doctrines which he had revealed;
and to what was required of man — who
would do this amidst surrounding error
and corruption, and when exposed to
persecutions and trials on account of
their belief. It is not uncommon in the
Scriptures to represent the righteous as
witnesses for God. See Notes on Isa.
xliii. 10, 12, xliv. 8. fl And they shall
prophesy. The word prophesy does not
necessarily mean that they would pre
dict future events ; but the sense is, that
they would give utterance to the truth
as God had revealed it. See Notes on
sh. x. 11. The. sense here is, that they
would in some public manner, hold up
r maintain the truth before the world.

4 These are the two " olive-trees,
and the two candlesticks e standing
before the God of the earth.
6 Je. 11. 16; Zee. 4. 3, 11, 14. c c. 1. 20.

^[ A thousand two hundred and three
score days. The same period as the
forty and two months (ver. 2), though
expressed in a different form. Reckon
ing a day for a year, this period would
be twelve hundred and sixty years, or
the same as the " time, and times, and
dividing of time" in Daniel vii. 25. See
Notes on that place. The meaning of
this would be, therefore, that during that
long period in which it is said that " the
holy city would be trodden under foot,"
there would be those who might be pro
perly called "witnesses" for God, and
who would be engaged in holding up
his truth before tbe world; that is, there
would be no part of that period in which
there would not be found some to whom
this appellation could with propriety be
givenl Though the "holy city" — the
church — would seem to be wholly trodden
down, yet there would be a few at least
who would assert the great doctrines
of true godliness, ^f Clothed in sack
cloth. Sackcloth — odiacos — was properly
a coarse black cloth commonly made of
hair, used for sacks, for straining, and
for mourning garments. See Notes on
Rev. vi. 12; on Isa. iii. 24; and on
Matt. xi. 21. Here it is an emblem of
mourning; and the idea is, that they
would prophesy in the midst of grief.
This would indicate that the time would
be one of calamity, or that, in doing
this, there would be occasion for their
appearing in the emblems of grief, rather
than in robes expressive of joy. The
most natural interpretation of this is,
that there would be but few who could
be regarded as true witnesses for God in
the world, and that they would be ex
posed to persecution.
4. These are the two olive-trees. These
are represented by the two olive-trees,
or these are what are symbolized by the
two olive-trees. There can be little
doubt that there is an allusion here to
Zech. iv. 3, 11, 14, though the imagery
is in some respects changed. The pro
phet (Zech. iv. 2, 3) saw in vision "a
candlestick all of gold, and a bowl upon
the top of it, and his seven lamps
thereon, and seven pipes to the seven

S08

REVELATION,

[A D. 96.

5 And if any man will hurt
them, ° fire proceedeth out of their
mouth, and devoureth their ene-

a Pa. 18. S.

lamps, which were upon the top thereof;
and two olive-trees by it; one upon the
right side of the howl, and the other
upon the left side thereof." These two
'* olive-branches" were subsequently de
clared (ver. 14) to be "the two anointed
ones, that stand by the Lord of the
whole earth." The olive-trees, or olive-
branches (ver. 12), appear in the vision
of the prophet to have been connected
with the ever-burning lamp, by golden
pipes, and as the olive-tree produced
the oil used by the ancients in their
lamps, these trees are represented as
furnishing a constant supply of oil
through the golden pipes to the candle
stick, and thus they become emblematic
of the supply of grace to the church.
John uses this emblem, not in the sense
exactly in which it was employed by the
prophet, but to denote that these two
" witnesses," which might be compared
with the two olive-trees, would be the
means of supplying grace to the church.
As the olive-tree furnished oil for the
lamps, the two trees here would seem
properly to denote ministers of religion;
and as there can be no doubt that
the candlesticks, or lamp-bearers, denote
churches, the sense would appear to be
that it was through the pastors of the
churches that the oil of grace which
maintained the brightness of those mys
tic candlesticks, or the churches, was
conveyed. The image is a beautiful one,
and expresses a truth of great im
portance to the world: — for God has
designed that the lamp of piety shall be
kept burning in the churches by truth
supplied through ministers and pastors.
^[ And the two candlesticks. The pro
phet Zechariah saw but one such can
dlestick or lamp-bearer ; John here saw
two — as there are two " witnesses" re
ferred to. In the vision described in
ch. i. 12, he saw seven — representing the
seven churches of Asia. For an expla
nation of the moaning of the symbol,
see Notes on that verse. ^[ Standing
before the God of the earth. So Zech.iv.
14, " These be the two anointed ones,
that stand by the Lord of the whole
earth." The meaning is, that they stood,

mies: and if any man will hurt
them, he must in this manner be
killed. b b Nu. 16. 35. Hos. 6. 5.

as it were, in the very presence of God-
as in the tabernacle and temple, the
golden candlestick stood "before" the
ark on which was the symbol of the
divine presence, though separated from
it by a veil. Comp. Notes on ch. ix. 13.
This representation that the ministers
of religion " stand before the Lord," is
one that is not uncommon in the Bible.
Thus it is said of the priests and Levites
(Deut. x. 8), " The Lord separated the
tribes of Levi, to stand before the Lord,
to minister unto him, and to bless his
name." Comp. Deut. xviii. 7. The
same thing is said of the prophets, as in
the cases of Elijah and Elisha: "As
the Lord liveth, before whom I stand."
1 Bangs xvii. 1, xviii. 15 ; 2 Kings iii
14, v. 16 ; comp. Jer. xv. 19. The re
presentation is, that they ministered, as
it were, constantly in his presence, and
under his eye.
5. And if any man will hurt them.
This implies that there would he those
who would be disposed to injure or
wrong them; that is, that they would
be liable to persecution. The word
' will' is here more than the mere sign
of the future; it denotes intention, pur
pose, design — ScAp — 'if any man wills
or purposes to injure them.' See a simi
lar use of the word in 1 Tim. vi. 9. The
word hurt here means to do injury or
injustice — diucrjaat — and may refer to
wrong in any form — whether in respect
to their character, opinions, persons, or
property. The general sense is, that
there would be those who would be dis
posed to do them harm, and we should
naturally look for the fulfilment of this
in some form of persecution. ^ Fire
proceedeth out of their mouth. It is, of
course, not necessary that this should
be taken literally. The meaning is,
that they would have the power of de
stroying their enemies as if fire should
proceed out of their mouth ; that is,
their words would be like burning coals
or flames. There may possibly be an
allusion here to 2 Kings i. 10-14, where
it is said that Elijah commanded the fire
to descend from heaven to consume
those Who were sent to take him (comp.

A. IX 96.]

CHAPTER XI.

309

6 These • have power to shut
heaven, that it rain not in the days
of their prophecy : and have power

a 1 Ki. 17. 1.

Luke ix. 54) ; but in that case Elijah
commanded the fire to come ' from hea
ven,' here it proceeded ' out of the
mouth/ The allusion here, therefore,
is to the denunciations which they would
utter, or the doctrines which they would
preach, and which would have the same
effect on their enemies as if they breathed
forth fire and flame. So Jeremiah v. 14,
" Because ye speak this word, behold I
will make my words in thy mouth fire,
and this people wood, and it shall de
vour them." % And devoureth their ene
mies. The word devour is often used
with reference to fire, which seems to
eat up or consume what is in its way, or
to feed on that which it destroys. This
is the sense of the word here — KaretrSUt
— 'to eat down, to swallow down, to
devour.' Comp. ch. xx. 9. Sept. Isa.
xxix. 6 ; Joel ii. 5 ; Lev. x. 2. As there
is no reason to believe that there would
be literal fire, so it is not necessary to
suppose that their enemies would be
literally devoured or consumed. The
meaning is fulfilled if their words should
in any way produce an effect on their
enemies similar to what is produced by
fire : that is, if it should destroy their
influence; if it should overcome and
subdue them; if it should annihilate
their domination in the world, ^j And
if any man will hurt them. This is re
peated in order to make the declaration
more intensive, and also to add another
thought about the effect of persecuting
and injuring them. * \j He must in this
manner be killed. That is, in the man
ner specified — by fire. It does not mean
that he would be killed in the same
manner in which the 'witnesses' were
killed, but in the method "specified be
fore — by the fire that should proceed
out of their mouth. The meaning is,
undoubtedly, that they would have
power to bring down on them divine
vengeance or punishment, so that there
would be a just retaliation for the wrongs
done them.
6. These have power to shut heaven.
That is, so far as rain is concerned — for
this is immediately specified. There is
probably reference here to an ancient

over waters * to turn them to blood,
and to smite the earth with all
plagues, as often as they will.
6 Ex. 7. 19.

opinion that the rain was kept in the
clouds of heaven as in reservoirs or bot
tles, and that when they were opened it
rained ; when they were closed it ceased
to rain. So Job xxvi. 8, "He bindeth
up the waters in the thick clouds, and
the cloud is not rent under them."
xxxvi. 28, " Which the clouds do drop
and distil upon man abundantly."
xxxviii. 37, " Who can number the
clouds in wisdom, or who can stay the
bottles of heaven?" Comp. Gen. i. 7,
vii. 2, viii. 2 ; 2 Kings vii. 2. To shut
or close vp the heavens, therefore, is to
restrain the rain from descending, or to
produce a drought. Comp. Notes on
James v. 17. ^[ That it rain not in the
days of their prophecy. In the time
when they prophesy. Probably the al
lusion here is to what is said of Elijah,
1 Kings xvii. 1. This would properly
refer to some miraculous power; but
still it may be used to denote merely
that they would be clothed with the
power of causing blessings to he withheld
from men, as if rain were withheld;
that is, that in consequence of the cala
mities that would be brought upon them,
and the persecutions which they would
endure, God would bring judgments
upon men as if they were clothed with
this power. The language, therefore, it
seems to me, does not necessarily imply
that they would have the power of work
ing miracles. ^[ And have power over
waters to turn them to blood. The allu
sion here is doubtless to what occurred
in Egypt, Ex. vii. 17. Comp. Notes on
ch. viii. 8. This, too, would literally
denote the power of working a miracle ;
but still it is not absolutely necessary to
suppose that this is intended. Any thing
that would be represented by turning
waters into blood, would correspond with
all that is necessarily implied in the lan
guage. If any great calamity should
occur in consequence of what was done
to then that would be properly repre
sented by turning the waters into blood
so that they could not be used, and that
was so connected with the treatment
which they received as to appear to be
a judgment of heaven on that account,

310

REVELATION,

[A. D,96.

7 And when they shall have

or that would appear to have come upon
the world in consequence of their impre
cations, it would be all that is necessa
rily implied in this language. % And to
smite the earth with all plagues. All
kinds of plague or calamity; disease,
pestilence, famine, flood, &e. The word
plague — TrAqyiJ — which means, properly,
stroke, stripe, blow, would include any
or all of these. The meaning here is,
that great calamities would follow the
manner in which they were treated, as
if the power were lodged in. their hands.
^ As often as they will. So that it
would seem that they could exercise
this power as they pleased.
7. And when they shall have finished
their testimony. Prof. Stuart renders
this, " And whenever they shall have
finished their testimony." The reference
is undoubtedly to a period when they
should have faithfully borne the testi
mony which they were appointed to
bear. The word here rendered " shall
have finished" — reWhtatrt, from reXfu —
means properly to end, to finish, to com-
. plete, to accomplish. It is used, in this
respect, in two senses — either in regard
to time, or in regard to the end or object
in view, in the sense of perfecting it, or
accomplishing it. In the former sense
it is employed in such passages as the
following :— Rev. xx. 3, "Till the thou
sand years should be fulfilled;" Matt.
x. 23, "Ye shall not have gone over the
cities of Israel [Gr., ye shall not have
finished the cities of Israel] till the Son
of man be come ;" that is, ye shall not
have finished passing through them ;
Matt. xi. 1, " When Jesus had made an
end [Gr., finished] of commanding his
twelve disciples ;" 2 Tim. iv. 7, " I have
finished my course." In these passages
it clearly refers to time., In the other
sense it is used in such places as the
following : — Rom. ii. 27, " And shall not
the uncircumcision which is by nature,
if it fulfil the law ;" that is, if it accom
plish, or come up to the demands of the
law; James ii. 8, "If ye fulfil the royal
law, according to the Scriptures." The
word, then, may here refer not to time,
meaning that these events would occur
at tho end of the ' thousand two hundred
and threescore days/ but to the fact that
what is here stated would occur when

finished their testimony, the beast0
a c. 17. 18.

they had completed their testimony in
the sense of having testified all that
they were appointed to testify; that is,
when they had borne full witness for
God, and fully uttered his truth. Thus
understood, the meaning here may be
that the event here referred to would
take place, not at the end of the 1260
years, but at that period during the
1260 years when it could be said with
propriety that they had accomplished
their testimony in the world, or that
they had borne full and ample witness
on the points entrusted to them. C[ The
beast. This is the first time in the book
of Revelation in which what is here called
'the beast' is mentioned, and which
has so important an agency in the events
which it is said would occur. It is re
peatedly mentioned in the course of the
book, and always with similar charac
teristics, and as referring to the same
object. Here it is mentioned as 'ascend
ing out of the bottomless pit;' in ch.
xiii. 1, as 'rising up out of the sea;' he
ch. xiii. 11, as ' coming out of the earth.*
It is also mentioned with characteristics
appropriate to such an origin, in ch.
xiii. 2, 3, 4 (twice), 11, 12 (twice), 14
(twice), 15 (twice), 17, 18; xiv. 9,11;
xv. 2 ; xvi. 2, 10, 13 ; xvii. 3, 7, 8 (twice),
11, 12, 13, 16, 17; xix. 19, 20 (twice);
xx. 4, 10. The word here used — Snpiov
means properly a beast, a wild beast.
Mark i. 13 ; Acts x. 12, xi. 6, xxviii. 4,
5 ; Jleb. xii. 20 ; James iii. 7 ; Rev. vi. 8.
It is once used tropically of brutal or
savage men, Titus i. 12. Elsewhere, in
the passages above referred to in the
Apocalypse, it is used symbolically. As
employed in the book of Revelation, the
characteristics of the ' beast" are strongly
marked, (a) It has its origin from be
neath — in the bottomless pit; the sea;
the earth, ch. xi. 7, xiii. 1, 11. (6) It
has great power, ch. xiii. 4, 12, xvii. 12,
13. (c) It claims and receives worship,
ch. xiii. 3, 12, 14, 15, xiv. 9, 11, (d) It
has a certain * seat' or throne from
whence its power proceeds, ch. xvi. 10.
(c) It is of scarlet color, ch. xvii. 3.
(/) It receives power conferred upon it
by the kings of the earth, ch. xvii. 13.
(g) It has a mark by which it is known,
ch. xiii. 17, xix. 20. (A) It has a cer
tain '«M»ioer/,that is, there are certain

A. .IX 96.]

CHAPTER XI.

311

that asoeudeth out of the bottom- 1 them, and shall overcome them,
less pit shall make " war against and kill them.
a Da. 7. 21 ; Zee. u. 2, &c 8 And their dead bodies shall lie

mystical letters or figures which so ex
press its name that it may be known,
ch. xii. 17, 18. These things serve to
characterize tbe 'beast' as distinguished
from all other things, and they are so
numerous and definite, that it would
seem to have been intended to make it
easy to understand what was meant
when the power referred to should ap
pear. In regard to the origin of the
imagery here, there can be no reason
able doubt that it is to be traced to
Daniel, and that the writer here means
to describe the same 'beast' which
Daniel refers to in ch. vii. 1. The evi
dence of this must be clear to any one
who will compare the description in
Daniel (ch. vii.), with the minute de
tails in the book of He velation. No one,
I think, can doubt that John means to
carry forward the description in Daniel,
and to apply it to new manifestations of
the same great and terrific power. — the
power of the fourth monarchy — on the
earth. For full evidence that the repre
sentation in Daniel refers to the Boman
power prolonged and perpetuated in the
Papal dominion, I must refer the reader
to the Notes on ch. vii. 25, of Daniel. It
may be assumed here that the opinion
there defended is correct, and conse
quently it may be assumed that the
' beast' of this book refers to the Papal
- power. ^[ That ascendeth out of the bot
tomless pit. See Notes on ch. ix. 1.
This would properly mean that its origin
is the nether world; or that it will
have characteristics which will show
that it was from beneath. The meaning
clearly is, that which was symbolized by
the beast Would have such characteristics
as to show that it was not of divine
origin, but had its source in the world
of darkness, sin, and death. This of
course could not represent the true
church, or any civil government that is
founded on principles which God ap
proves. But if it represent a community
pretending to be a church, it is an apos
tate church ; if a civil community, it is
a community the characteristics of which
are that it is controlled by the Spirit
that rules over the world beneath. For
reasons which we shall see in abundance

in applying the descriptions which ocour
of the ' beast,' I regard this as referring
to that great apostate power which occu
pies so much of the prophetic descrip
tions — the Papacy. *jf Shall make war
against them. Will endeavor to exter
minate them by force. This clearly is
not intended to be a general statement
that they would be persecuted, but to
refer to the particular manner in which
the opposition would be conducted. It
would be in the form of ' war ;' that is,
there would be an effort to destroy them
by arms. ^[ And shall overcome them.
Shall gain the victory over them ; con
quer them — viKtjau &vtovs. That is,
there will be some signal victory in
which those represented by the two
witnesses will be subdued. «J And kill
them. That is, an effect would be pro
duced as if they were put to death.
They would be overcome; "would be
silenced; would be apparently dead.
Any event that would cause them to
cease to bear testimony, as if they were
dead, would be properly represented by
this. It would not be necessary to sup
pose that there would be literally death
in the case, but that there would be some
event which would be well represented
by death — such as an entire suspension
of their prophesying in consequence of
force. 8. And their dead bodies shall lie in
the street. Prof. Stuart, " shall be in the
street." The words ' shall lie' are sup
plied by the translators, but not impro
perly. The literal rendering would be,
' and their corpses upon the street of the
great city;' and the meaning is, that
there would be a state of things in re
gard to them which would be well
represented by supposing them to lie
unburied. To leave a body unburied is
to treat it with contempt, and among
the ancients nothing was regarded as
more dishonorable than such treatment.
See the Ajax of Sophocles. Among the
Jews also it was regarded as a special
indignity to leave the dead unburied,
and hence they are always represented
as deoply solicitous to secure the inter
ment of their dead. See Gen. xxiii. 4.
Comp. 2 Sam. xxi. 9-13; Eccl. vi. 3;

312

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

in the street • of the great city,
which spiritually is called Sodom *
a He. 13. 12. 6 Is. 1. 10.
Isa. xiv. 18-20, xxii. 16, liii. 9. The
meaning here is, that, for the time spe
cified, those who are here referred to
would be treated with indignity and
contempt. In the fulfilment of this, we
are not, of course, to look for any literal
accomplishment of what is here said, but
for some treatment of the ' witnesses'
which would be well represented by this ;
that is, which would show that they were
treated, after they were silenced, like
unburied corpses putrefying in the sun.
If Of the great city. Where these trans
actions would occur. As a great^city
would be the agent in putting them to
death, so the result would be as if they
were publicly exposed in its streets.
The word 'great' here supposes that the
city referred to would be distinguished
for its size — a circumstance of some im
portance i,n determining the place re
ferred to. ^[ Which spiritually is called
— irvcufianxu;. This word occurs only
in one other place in the New Testa
ment (1 Cor. ii. 14), "because they are
spiritually discerned," where it means,
' in accordanee with the Holy Spirit,' or
' through the aid of the Holy Spirit.'
Here it seems to be used in the sense of
metaphorically, or allegorically, in con-
bra-distinction from the literal and real
name. There may possibly be an inti
mation here that the city is so called by
the Holy Spirit to designate its real
character, but still the essential meaning
is, that that was not its literal name.
For some reason, the real name is not
given to it, but such descriptions are
applied as are designed to leave no doubt
as to what is intended. % Sodom. So
dom was distinguished for its wicked
ness, and especially for that vice to
which its abominations have given name.
For the character of Sodom, see Gen.
xviii., xix. Comp. 2 Pet. ii. 6. In en
quiring what ' city' is here referred to,
it would be necessary to find in it such
abominations as characterized Sodom,
or so much wickedness that it would be
proper to call it Sodom. If it shall be
found that this was designed to refer to
Papal Rome, no one oan doubt that the
abominations which prevailed there,
would justify suoh an appellation.

and Egypt, " where also our Lord
was crucified.

Comp. Notes on ch. ix. 20, 21. If And
Egypt. That is, it would bave such a
character that the name Egypt might be
properly given to it. Egypt is known,
in the Scriptures, as the land of oppres
sion — the land where the Israelites, the
people of God, were held in cruel bond
age. Comp. Ex. i.-xv. See also Ezek.
xxiii. 8. The particular idea, then,
which seems to be conveyed here is,
that the ' city' referred to would be cha
racterized by acts of oppression and
wrong towards the people of God. So
far as the language is concerned, it
might apply either to Jerusalem or to
Rome — for both were eminently charac
terized by such acts of oppression toward
the true children of God as to make it
proper to compare their cruelties with
those which were inflicted on the Israel
ites by tbe Egyptians. Of whichever
of these places the course of the exposi
tion may require us to understand this,
it will be seen at once that the language
is such as is strictly applicable to either;
though, as the reference is rather to
Christians than to the ancient people of
God, it must be admitted that it would
be most natural to refer it to Rome.
More acts authorizing persecution, and
designed to crush the true people of
God, have gone forth from Rome than
from any other city on the face of the
earth; and taking the history of the
church together, there is no place that
would be so properly designated by the
term here employed. *J Where also our
Lord was crucified. If this refers to
Jerusalem, it is to be taken literally;
if to another city, it is to be understood
as meaning that he was practically cru
cified there ; that is, that the treatment
of his friends — his church — -was suoh
that it might be said that he was ' cru
cified afresh' there ; for what is done to
his church may be said to be done to
him. Either of these interpretations
would be justified by the use of the lan
guage. Thus in Heb. vi. 6, it is said of
apostates from the true faith (comp.
Notes on the passage), that ' they crucify
to themselves tho Son of God afresh.'
If the passage before us is to be taken
figuratively, the meaning is, that acts

A, D. 96.1

CHAPTER XI.

313

9 And they of the people, and
kindreds^ and tongues, and nations,,
shall see their dead bodies three
, and an half, and shall not

would be performed whioh might pro
perly be represented as crucifying the
Son of God; that, as he lives in his
church, the acts of perverting his doc
trines, and persecuting his people, would
be in fact an act of crucifying the Lord
again. Thus understood, the language
is .strictly applicable to, Rome; that
is, if it' is admitted that John meant
to characterize that city, be has em
ployed such language as a Jewish Chris-.
tian would naturally use. While, there
fore, it must be admitted that th'e language
is such as could be literally applied only
to Jerusalem, it is still true' that it is
such language as might be figuratively
applied to any other city strongly resem
bling that, and that in this sense it
would characterize Rome above all other
cities of the world. The common read
ing of the text here is 'our Lord'1 — hp&v",
the text now regarded as correct, how
ever (Griesbach, Tittmann, Hahn), is
'their Lord' — abr&v. This makes no
essential difference in the sense, except
that it directs the attention more parti
cularly to the fact that they were treated
like their own Master.
9. And they of the people. Some of
the people ; a part of the people.— Ik tSv
\aHtv. The language is such as would
be employed, to describe a scene where
a considerable portion of a company of
people should be referred to, without
intending to include all. The essential
idea is, that there would be an assem
blage of different classes of people to
whom their carcases would be exposed,
and that they would come and look upon
them. We should expect to find the
fulfilment of this in some place where,
from any cause, a variety of people
should be assembled — as in some capi
tal, j>r some commercial city, to which
they would be naturally attracted.
•ff ShaU see their dead bodies. That is,
a state of things will occur as if these
Witnesses were put to death, and their
carcases were publicly exposed.' If Three
days and an half. This might be either
literally three days and a half, or, more
in accordance with the usual style of
27

suffer their dead bodies to be put
in graves."
10 And they that dwell upon the
earth shall rejoice over them, and
a Ps. 79. 3.

this book, these would be prophetic
days ; that is, three years and a half. '
Comp. Notes on ch. ix. 5, 15. f And
shall not suffer their dead bodies to be
put in graves. That is, there would be
a course of conduct iBTregard to these
witnesses such as would be shown to
the dead if they were not suffered to
be decently interred. The language
used here — 'shall not suffer' — seems
to imply that there would be those
who might be disposed to show them
the respect evinced by interring the
dead, but that this would not be per
mitted. This would find a fulfilment,
if, in a time of persecution, those who
had borne faithful testimony were si
lenced and treated with dishonor, and
if there should be those who were dis
posed to show them respect, but who
would be prevented by positive acts on
the part of their persecutors. This has
often been tbe case in persecution, and
there could be no difficulty in finding
numerous instances in the history of the
church, to which this language would be
applicable. 10. And they that dwell upon the
earth shall rejoice over them. Those
dwelling in the land would rejoice over
their fall and ruin. This cannot, of
course, mean all who inhabit the globe,
but, according to the usage in Scripture,
those who dwell in the country where
this would occur. Comp. Notes on Luke
ii. 1. We now affix to the word 'earth'
an idea which was riot necessarily im
plied in: the Hebrew word 30X — eretz
(comp. Ex. iii. 8, xiii. 5 ; Neh. ix. 22 ;
Deut. xix. 2, 10, xxviii. 12; Joel i. 2;
P?. xxxvii. 9, 11, 22, 29, xliv. i; Prov.
ii. 21, x. 30), or the Greek word y%— ge.
Compare Matt. ii. 6, 20, 21, xiv. 15 ;
Acts vii. 11, 36, 40, xiii. 17, Our word
land, as now commonly understood,
would better express the idea intended
to be conveyed here, and thus under
stood the meaning is that the dwellers
in the country where these things would
happen would thus rejoice; The mean
ing is, that while alive they would, by

314

REVELATION.

[A. D. 96.

make merry, and shall send gifts
one to another ; because these two
prophets tormented them that dwelt
on the earth.
Jki And after three days and
s(n half the Spirit • of life from
~"~^ a Eze. 37. 5-14.

their faithful testimony against existing
errors, excite so much hatred against
themselves, and would be so great an
annoyance to the governing powers,
that there would be general exultation
when the voice of their testimony should
be silenced. This, too, has been so com
mon in the world that there would be
no difficulty in applying the language
here used, or in finding events which it
Tyould appropriately describe. ^And
make merry. Be glad. See Notes on
Luke xii. 19, xv. 23. The Greek word
does not necessarily denote the light-
hearted mirth expressed by our word
merriment, but rather joy, or happiness
in general. The meaning is, that they
would be filled with joy at such an
event, ^f And shall send gifts one to
another. As expressive of their joy. To
send presents is a natural expression of
our own happiness, and our desire for the
happiness of others — as is indicated now
by * Christmas' and ' New-Year's gifts.'
Comp. also Neh. viu. 10-12, " Then he
said unto them, Go your way, eat the
fat, and drink the sweet, and send por
tions unto them for whom nothing is
prepared j for this day is holy unto our
Lord : neither be ye sorry ; for the joy
of the Lord is your strength." See also
Esther ix. 19-22. ^f Because these two
prophets tormented those that dwelt on
the earth. They 'tormented' them, or
were a source of annoyanoo to them, by
bearing testimony to the truth ; by op
posing the prevailing errors; and by
rebuking the vices of the age ; — perhaps
by demanding reformation, and by de
nouncing the judgment of heaven on the
guilty. There is no intimation that they
tormented them in any other way than
by the truths which they held forth.
See the word explained in the Notes on
2 Pet. ii. 8.
11. And after three days and an half.
See Notes on ver. 9. fl The spirit of
life from God. The living, or life-giving
soirit that proceeds from God, entered

God entered into them, and they]
stood upon their feet, and great j
fear fell upon them which saw/
them. 12 And they heard a great voice
from heaven saying unto them,
Come up hither. And they as-

into them. Comp. Notes on Job xxxiii.
4. There is evidently allusion here to
Gen. ii. 1, where God is spoken of as tho
Author of life. The meaning is, that
they would seem to come to life again,
or that effects would follow as if the
dead were restored to life. If, when
they had been compelled to cease from
prophesying, they should, after the inter
val here denoted by three days and a
half, again prophesy, or their testimony
should be again borne to the truth as it
had been before, this would evidently be
all that would be implied in the lan
guage here employed. % Entered into
them. Seemed to animate them again.
^f And they stood upon their feet. As if
they had come to life again, fl And
great fear fell upon them that saw them.
This would be true if those who were
dead should be literally restored to life ;
and this would be the effect if those who
had given great annoyance by their doc
trines, and who had been silenced, and
who seemed to be dead, should again, as
if animated anew by a divine power,
begin to prophesy, or to proclaim their
doctrines to the world. The statement
in the symbol is, that those who had
put them to death bad been greatly
troubled by these ' witnesses ;' that they
had sought to silence them, and in order
to this had put them to death ; that they
then greatly rejoiced, as if they would no
more be annoyed by them. The fact
that they seemed to come to life
again would, therefore, fill them with
consternation, for they would anticipate
a renewal of their troubles, and they
would see in this fact evidence of the
divine favor towards those whom they
persecuted, and reason to apprehend
divine vengeance on themselves.
12. And they heard a great voice from
heaven. Some manuscripts read ' I
heard' — tjitovo-a — but the more approved
reading is that of the oommon text.
John says that a voice was addressed to
them calling them to ascend to heaven.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XI.

315

cended up to heaven in a cloud ; °
and their enemies * beheld them.
13 And the same hour was there
a great earthquake, and the tenth
part of the city " fell, and in the
alTh.4.17. S Mai. 3. 18.

earthquake were slain * of men
seven thousand : and the remnant
were affrighted, and gave * glory to
the God of heaven.
e c. 16. 19. d Names of men.
e Is. 26. 15,16; c. 14. 17.

f Come up hither. To heaven, ^f And
they ascended up to heaven in a cloud.
So the Saviour ascended, Acts i. 9, and
so probably Elijah, 2 Kings ii. 11. f And
their enemies beheld them. That is, it
was done openly, so that their enemies,
who had put them to death, saw that
they were approved of God, as if they
had been publicly taken up to heaven.
It is not necessary to suppose that this
would literally occur. All this is, mani
festly, mere symbol. The meaning is,
that they would triumph as if they
should ascend to heaven, and be receiv
ed into the presence'of God. The sense
of the whole is, that these witnesses, after
bearing a faithful testimony against
prevailing errors and sins, would be.
persecuted and silenced ; that for a con
siderable period their voice of faithful
testimony would be hushed as if they
were dead ; that during that period they
would be treated with contempt and
scorn, as if their unburied bodies should
be exposed to the public gaze ; that there
would be general exultation and joy that
they were thus silenced ; that they would
again revive, as if. the dead were re
stored to life, and bear a faithful testi-
. mony to the truth again, and that they
would have the divine attestation in their
favor, as if they were raised up visibly
and publicly to heaven.
13. And the same hour. In immediate
connexion with their triumph,, ^f Was
there a great earthquake. An earth
quake is a symbol of commotion, agita
tion, change ; of great political revolu
tions, &e. See Notes on oh. vi. 12. The
meaning here is, that the triumph of the
witnesses, represented by their ascend
ing to heaven, would be followed by such
revolutions as would be properly sym
bolized by an earthquake. 1 And the
ten. h part of the city fell. That is, the
tenth part of that which is represented
by the ' city' — the persecuting power.
A city would be the seat and centre of
the power, and the acts of persecution
would seem to proceed from it ; but the
destruction, we may suppose, would ex

tend to all that was represented by the
persecuting power. The word ' tenth' is
probably used in a general sense to de
note that a considerable portion of the
persecuting power would be thus in
volved in ruin ; that is, that in respect
to that power, there would be such a
revolution — such a convulsion or com
motion — such a loss, that it would be
proper to represent it by an earthquake.
^f And in the earthquake. In the con
vulsions consequent on what would occur
to the witnesses, ^f Were slain of
men seven thousand. Marg., as in the
Greek, ' names of men' — the name being
used to denote the men themselves. The
number here mentioned — seven thou
sand — seems to have been suggested
because it would bear some proportion
to the tenth part of the city which fell.
It is not necessary to suppose, in seek
ing for the fulfilment of this, that just
seven thousand would be killed, but the
idea clearly is, that there would be such
a diminution of numbers as would be
well represented by a calamity that
would overwhelm a tenth part of the
city, such as the apostle had in his eye,.
and a proportional number of the inha
bitants. The number that would be
slain, therefore, in the convulsions and
changes consequent on the treatment of
the witnesses, might be numerically
much larger than seven thousand, and
might be as great as if a tenth part ol
all that were represented by tbe ' city
should be swept away, f And the rem
nant were affrighted. Fear and alarm
came on them in consequence of these
calamities. The 'remnant' here refers
to those who still remained in the ' city;'
that is, to those who belonged to the
community or people designed to be re -
presented here by the oity. Jf And gave
glory to the God of heaven. Comp. Luke
v. 26 : — " And they were all amazed, and
they glorified God, and were filled with
fear, saying, We have: seen strange
things toi-day." All that seems to be
meant by this, is, that they stood in awe
at what God was doing, and acknow-

316

REVELATION,

[A.D.96.

14 The second " woe is
a c. 8. 13.

ledged his power in the changes that
occurred. It does not mean, necessarily,
that they would repent and become
.truly his friends, but that there would
be a prevailing impression that these
changes were produced by his power,
and that his hand was in these things.
This would be fulfilled if there should
be a general willingness among man
kind to acknowledge God, or to recog
nize his hand in the events referred to ;
if there should be a disposition exten
sively prevailing to regard the 'wit
nesses' as on the side of God, arid to
favor their cause as one of truth and
righteousness; and if these convulsions
should so far change public sentiment
as to produce an impression that theirs
was the cause of God.
14. The second woe is past. That is,
the second of the three that were an
nounced as yet to come, ch. viii. 13;
Comp. ch. ix. 12. f And, behold, the
third woe cometh quickly. The last of
the series. The meaning is, that that
which was signified by the third 'woe'
would be the next, and final event, in
order. On the meaning of the ' word
' quickly,' see Notes on ch. i. 1 ; comp.
ch. ii. 5, 16, iii. 11, xxii. 7, 12, 20.
In reference now to the important
question about the application of this
portion of the book of Revelation, it
need hardly be said that the greatest
variety of opinion has prevailed among
expositors. It would be equally un
profitable, humiliating, and discourag
ing, to attempt to enumerate all the
opinions which have been held, and I
must refer the reader who has any
desire to become acquainted with them,
to Pool's Synopsis, in loc, and to the
copious statement of Prof. Stuart, Com.,
vol. ii. pp. 219-227. Prof. Stuart him
self supposes that the meaning is, that
" a competent number Of divinely com
missioned and faithful Christian wit
nesses, endowed with miraculous powers,
should bear testimony against the cor
rupt Jews, during the last days of their
commonwealth, respecting their sins ;
that they should proclaim the truths of the
gospel ; and that the Jews, by destroying
them, would bring upon tbomselves an
aggravated and an awful doom." ii. 226.

and, behold, the third woe cometh
quickly. Instead of attempting to examine in
detail the opinions which have been held,
I shall rather state what seems to me to
be the fair application of the language
used, in accordance with the principles
pursued thus far in the exposition. The
enquiry is, whether there have been any
events to which this language is ap
plicable, or in reference to yihieh, if it
be admitted that it was the design of
the Spirit of inspiration to describe
them, it may be supposed that such
language would be employed as we find
here. In this enquiry, it may be assumed
that the preceding exposition is correct,
and the application now to be made must
accord with that ; that is, it must be found
that events occurred in such times and
circumstances as would be consistent
with the supposition that that exposition
is correct. It is to be assumed, there-^
fore, that ch. ix. 20, 21, refers to the
state of the ecclesiastical world after the
conquest of Constantinople by the Turks,
and previous to the Reformation ; that
ch. x. refers to tbe Reformation itself;
that ch. xi. 1, 2, refers to the necessity,
at the time of the Reformation, of ascer
taining' what was the true church, of
reviving the Scripture doctrine respect
ing the atonement and justification, and
of drawing correct lines as to member
ship in the church. All this has refeP^
ence, according to this interpretation, to
the state of the church while the Papaoy
would have the ascendency, or during
the twelve hundred and sixty years in
which it would trample down the church
a» if the holy city were in the hands of
the Gentiles. Assuming this to be the
correct exposition, then what is here
said (vs. 3-13), must relate to that pe
riod, for it is with reference to that same
time — the period of 'a thousand two
hundred and threescore days' — or twelve
hundred and sixty years, that it is said
(ver. 3) the witnesses would 'prophesy*
— ' clothed in sackcloth.' If this be so,
then what is here stated (vs. 3-13) must
be supposed to occur during the ascen-
denoy of the Papaoy, and nrust mean, in
general, that during that long period of
apostasy, darkness, corruption, and sin,
there would be faithful witnesses for the

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XI.

317

whi
f noi

truth, who, though they were few in
number, would be sufficient to keep up
the knowledge of the truth on the earth,
and to bear testimony against the pre
vailing errors and abominations. The
object of this portion of tbe book, there
fore, is to describe the character of the
faithful witnesses for the truth during
this long period of darkness; to state
their influence; to record their trials;
and to show what would be the ultimate
result in regard to them, when their
' testimony' should become triumphant.
This general view will be seen to acoord
with the exposition of the previous por
tion of the book, and will be sustained,
I trust, by the more particular enquiry
into the application of the passage to
which I now proceed. The essential
points in the passage (vs. 3-13) respect
ing the ' witnesses,' are six : — I. who
are meant by the witnesses ; II. the war
made on them; III. their death; IV.
their resurrection ; V. their reception
into heaven ; and VI. the consequences
of their triumph in the calamity that
came upon the city.
^ I. Who are meant by the witnesses,
vs. 3-6. There are several specifications
in regard to this point, which it is neces
sary to notice, (a) The fact that, during
this long period of error, corruption, and
sin^ there were those who were faithful
witnesses for the truth — men who op
posed the prevailing errors ; who main
tained the great doctrines of the Chris
tian faith ; and who were ready to lay
down their lives in defence of the truth.
For a full confirmation of this, it would
be necessary to trace the history of the
church down from the rise of the Papal
power through the long lapse of the sub
sequent ages; but such an .examination
would be far too extensive for the purpose
contemplated in these Notes, and, indeed,
would require a volume by itself. Hap
pily, this has already been done; and
all that is necessary now is to refer to
the works where the fact here affirmed
has been abundantly established. In
any of the histories of the church — Mo
sheim, Neander, Milner, Milman, G'iese-
ler — most ample proof may he found
that amidst the general darkness and
corruption, there were those who faith
fully adhered to the truth as it is in
Jesus, and who, amidst many sufferings,
bore their testimony against prevailing
errors. The investigation has been
27*

made, also, with special reference to an
illustration of this passage, by Mr.
Elliott, Horae Apoca. vol. ii. pp. 193-
406; and although it must be admitted
that some of the details are of doubtful
applicability, yet the main fact is abun
dantly established, that during that long
period there were 'witnesses' for the
pure truths of the gospel, and a faithful
testimony borne against the abomina
tions and errors of the Papacy. These
'witnesses' are divided by Mr. Elliott
into (1) the earlier Western witnesses —
embracing such men, and their follow
ers, as Serenus, Bishop of Marseilles;
the Anglo-Saxon church in England ; *
Agobard, Archbishop of Lyons from
A. D. 810 to 841, on the one side'of the
Alps, and Claude of Turin, on the other ;
Gotteschalcus, A. D. 884; Berenger,
Arnold of Brescia, Peter de Bruys, and
his disciple Henry, and then the Wal
denses. (2) The Eastern, or Paulikian
line of witnesses, a sect deriving their
origin, about A. D. 653, from an Arme
nian by the name of Constantine, who
received from a deacon, by whom he was
hospitably entertained, a present of two
volumes, very rare, one containing the
gospels, and the other the epistles of
Paul, and who applied himself to the
formation of a new sect or church, dis
tinct from the Manichaens, and from the
Greek church. In token of the nature
of their profession, they adopted the
name by which they were ever after dis
tinguished, Paulikiani, Paulicians, or
' disciples of the disciple of Paul.' This
sect continued to bear ' testimony' in the
East from the time of its rise till tbe
eleventh or twelfth centuries, when it
commenced a migration to the West,
where it bore the same honorable char
acter for its attachment to the truth.
See Elliott, ii. 233-246, 275-315. (3)
Witnesses duringthe eleventh and twelfth
centuries, up to the time of Peter Waldo.
Among these are to be noticed those who
were arraigned for heresy before the
councils of Orleans, Arras, Thoulouse,
Oxford, and Lombers, in the years 1022,
1025, 1119, 1160, 1165, respectively, and
who were condemned by those councils

# "Ad olilWelah Chronicle preserved at Cambridge,
saya, * After that by means of Austin tbe Sazona be.
came Christians, in such sort aa Austin had taught th.em,
the Britons would not either eat or drink with or aa. ute
them; because they corrupted with rupfrttition, im
age?, and idolatry, the true religion of Christ. ' " Cited
in Hearn'a Mao of Sin, p. 21. Elliott, ii. 317.

318

REVELATION,

[A. O. 96.

for their departure from the doctrines
held by the Papacy. For a full illus
tration of the doctrines held by those
who were thus condemned, and of the
fact that they were 'witnesses' for the
truth, see Elliott, ii. 247-275. (d) The
Waldenses and Albigenses. The nature
of the testimony borne by these perse
cuted people is so well known that it is
not necessary to dwell on the subject;
and a full statement of their testimony
would require the entire transcription
.of their history. No Protestant will
doubt that they were i witnesses' for the
truth, or that from the time of their rise,
through all the periods of their persecu
tion, they bore full and honorable testi
mony to the truth as it is in Jesus. The
general ground of this claim to be re
garded as Apoealyptic witnesses, will be
seen from the following summary state
ments of their doctrines. Those state
ments are found in a work called "The
Noble Lesson," written within some
twenty years of 1170. The Treatise be
gins in this manner: "0 brethren, hear
a Noble Lesson. We ought always to
watch and pray," &c. In this Treatise
the following doctrines are drawn out,
says Mr. Elliott, " with much simplicity
and beauty : — the origin of sin in the
fall of Adam,: its transmission to all
men, and the offered redemption from it
through the death of Jesus Christ; the
union and co-operation of the three
persons of the blessed Trinity in man's
salvation ; the obligation and spirituality
of the moral law under the gospel ; the
duties of prayer, watchfulness, self-de
nial, unworldliness, humility, love, as
' the way of Jesus Christ ;' their enforce
ment by the prospeet of death and judg
ment, and the world's near ending; by
the narrowness too of the way of life,
and the fewness of those who find it; as
also by the hope of coming glory at the
judgment and revelation of Jesus Christ.
Besides which we find in it a protest
against the Romish system generally, as
one of soul-destroying idolatry ; against
masses for the dead, and therein against
the whole doctrine of purgatory ; against
the system of tho confessional, and
asserted power of the priesthood to
absolve from sin ; this last point being
insisted on aa the most deadly point of
heresy, and its origin referred to the
mercenariness of the priesthood, and
th«ir love of money; — the iniquity fur

ther noticed of the Romish persecutions
of good men and teachers that wished
to teach the way of Jesus Christ; and
the suspicion half-hinted, and apparently
half-formed, that, though a personal
Antichrist might be expected, yet Po
pery itself might be one form of Anti
christ." In another work, the "Treatise
of Antichrist," there is a strong and
decided identification of the Antichris-
tian system and the Papacy. This was
written probably in the last quarter of
the 14th century. "From this," says
Mr. Elliott (ii. 355), "the following will
appear to hare been the Waldensian
views : — that the Papal or Romish sys
tem was that of Antichrist; which, from
infancy in apostolic times, had grown
gradually by the increase of its constitu
ent parts to the stature of a full-grown
man ; that its prominent characteristics
were — to defraud God of the worship
due to Him, rendering it to creatures,
whether departed saints, relies, images,
or Antichrist; to defraud Christ, by
attributing justification and forgiveness
to Antichrist's authority and words, to
saints' intercession, to the merits of
men's own performances, and to the fire
of purgatory; — to defraud the Holy
Spirit, by attributing regeneration and
sanctification to the opus operatum of
the two sacraments ; that the origin of
this Anti-christian religion was the co
vetousness of the priesthood; its ten
dency to lead men away from Christ;
its essence a vain ceremonial; its foun
dation the false notions of grace and
forgiveness." This work is so important as a * testi
mony* against Antichrist and for the
truth, and is so clear as showing that
the Papacy was regarded as Antichrist,
that I will copy, from the work itself,
the portion containing these sentiments
— sentiments which may be regarded as
expressing the uniform testimony of the
Waldenses on the subject :
. " Antichrist is the falsehood of eternal
damnation, covered with the appearance
of the truth and righteousness of Christ
and his spouse. The iniquity of such a
system is with all his ministers, great and
small: — and inasmuch as they follow
the law of an evil and blinded heart,
such a congregation, taken together, is
called Antichrist, or Babylon, or the
Fourth Beast, or the Harlot, or the Man
of Sin, who is the son of perdition.

A.. D. 96.1

CHAPTER XI.

319

" His first work is, that the service of
latria, properly due to God alone, he
perveits unto Antichrist himself and to
his doings ; to the poor creature, rational
or irrational, sensible or insensible ; as,
for instance, to male or female saints
departed this life, and to their images,
or carcasses, or relics. His doings are
the sacraments, especially that of the
eucbarist, which he worships equally
with God and Christ, prohibiting the
adoration of God alone.
" His second work is, that he robs and
deprives Christ of the merits of Christ,
with the whole sufficiency of grace, and
justification, and regeneration, and re
mission of sins, and sanctification, and
confirmation, and Spiritual nourishment;
and imputes and attributes them to his
own authority, or to a form of words, or
to bis own performances, or to the saints
and their intercession, or to the fire of
purgatory. Thus he divides the people
from Christ, and leads them away to the
thing's already mentioned; that so they
may seek not the things of Christ, nor
through Christ, but only the work of
their own hands ; not through a living
faith in God, and Jesus Christ, and the
Holy Spirit; but through the will and
the work of Antichrist, agreeably to the
preaching that man's salvation depends
on his own deeds.
" His third work is, that he attributes
the regeneration of the Holy Spirit to a
dead outward faith ; baptizing children
in that faith, and teaching that by tbe
mere outward consecration of baptism
regeneration may be procured.
" His fourth work is, that he rests the
whole religion of the people upon his
Mass; for leading them to hear it, he
deprives them of spiritual and sacra
mental manducation.
" His fifth work is, that he does every
thing to be seen, and to glut his insa
tiable avarice.
" His sixth work is, that he allows
manifest sins without ecclesiastical cen
sure. " His seventh work is, that he defends
his unity, not by the Holy Spirit, but by
the secular power.
" His eighth work is, that he hates,
and persecutes, and searches after, and
robs and destroys the members of
Christ. " These things, and many others, are
the cloak .and vestment of Antichrist;

by whioh he covers his lying wicked
ness, lest he should be rejected as a
heathen. But there is no other cause of
idolatry than a false opinion of grace,
and truth, and authority, and invoca
tion, and intercession ; which this jAnti-
christ has taken away from God, and
which he has ascribed to ceremonies,
and authorities, and a man's own works,
and to saints, and to purgatory.'
Elliott, ii. 354-355.
It is impossible not to be struck with
the application of this to the Papaoy,
and no one can doubt that the Papacy
was intended to be referred to. And,
if this be so, this was a bold and decided
'testimony' against the abominations of
that system, and they who bore this
testimony deserved to be regarded as
' witnesses' for Christ and his truth.
If to the ' testimony' thus briefly re
ferred to, we add that of such men as
Wiclif, John Huss, and Jerome of
Prague; and then that of the Re
formers, Luther, Calvin, Zuingle, Me-
lancthon, and their fellow-laborers, we
can see with what propriety it was pre
dicted that even during the prevalence
of the great apostasy, there would be a
competent number of ' witnesses' to keep
up the knowledge of the truth in the
world. And supposing that this is what
was designed to be represented, it is
easy to perceive that the symbol which
is employed is admirably ' appropriate.
The design of what is here said is merely
to show that during the whole of the1
period of the Papal apostasy — whenever
it may be supposed to have begun, and
whenever it shall cease, it is and will be
true that the Saviour has had true
'witnesses' on the earth — that there
have been those who have 'testified'
against these abominations, and who,
often at great personal peril and sacri
fice, have borne a faithful testimony for
the truth.
(o) The number of the witnesses. In
ver. 3, this is said to be ' two,' and this
has been shown to mean that there
would be a competent number, yet pro
bably with the implied idea that the
number would not be large. The only
question, then, is, whether in looking
through this long period, it would be
found that, according to the established
laws of testimony under the divine code,
there was a competent number to bear
witness to the truth. And of this no

320

REVELATION,

|A. D. 90.

one can doubt, for in respect to each
and every part of the period of the great
apostasy, it is possible now to show that
there was a sufficient number of the true
friends of the Redeemer to testify against
all the great and cardinal errors of the
Papacy. This simple and obvious inter
pretation of the language, it may be
added, also, makes wholly unnecessary
and inappropriate all the efforts which
have been made by expositors to find
precisely two such witnesses, or two
churches or people with whom the line
of the faithful testimony was preserved :
— all such interpretations as that the
Old and New Testaments are referred to,
as Melchior, Affelman, and Croly sup
pose ; or that preachers are referred to
who are instructed by the Law and the
Gospel, as Pannonius and Thomas
Aquinas supposed; or that Christ and
John the Baptist are referred to, as
tTbertinus supposed; or that Pope Syl
vester and Mena, who wrote against the
Eutychians, are meant, as Lyranus and
Bderus supposed; or that Francis and
Dominic, the respective heads of two
orders of monks, are intended, as Cor
nelius & Lapide supposed; or, that the
great wisdom and sanctity of the primi
tive preachers are meant, as Alcassar
maintained; or that John Huss and
Luther, or John Huss and Jerome of
Prague, or the Waldenses and Albi-
genses, or the Jewish and Gentile
Christians in JElia, are intended, as
ethers have supposed. According to the
obvious and lair meaning of the lan
guage, all this is mere fancy, and can
illustrate nothing, but ,the fertility of in
vention of those who have written on
the Apocalypse. All that is necessarily
implied is, that the number of true and
uncorrupted followers of the Saviour has
been at all times sufficiently large to bear
a competent testimony to the world, or to
keep up the remembrance of the truth
upon the earth — and of the reality of this
no one acquainted with the history of
the church will doubt
(c) The condition of tbe 'witnesses' as
' clothed in sackcloth,' ver. 3. This has
beon shown to mean that they would be
in a state of sadness and grief; and they
would be exposed to trouble and persecu
tion. It is unnecessary to prove that all
this was abundantly fulfilled. The long
history of thoso times was a history of
persecutions ; and if it bo admitted that

the pasage before us was designed to
refer to those above mentioned as ' wit
nesses/ no more correct description
"could be given of them than to say that
they were < clothed in sackcloth.'
(d) The power of the witnesses, vs.
5-6. Of this there are several specifi
cations, (a) They had power over those
who should injure or hurt them, ver. 5.
This is represented by ' fire proceeding
out of their mouth, and devouring their
enemies.' This has been shown to refer
to the doctrines which they would pro
claim, and the denunciations which they
would utter, and which would resemble
consuming fire. This would be accom
plished or fulfilled if their solemn testi
mony — their proclamations of truth —
and their denunciations of the wrath of
God should have the effect ultimately to
bring down the divine vengeance on
their persecutors. And no one can doubt
that this has had an ample fulfilment.
That is, the effect of the testimony
borne ; of the solemn appeals made ; of
the denunciations of the judgment of
heaven, has been to show that that
great persecuting power that oppressed
them is arrayed against God, and must
be finally overthrown. In order to
see the complete fulfilment of this, it
would be necessary to trace all the effect
of the testimony of the witnesses for the
truth from age to age on that power,
and to see how far it has been among
the causes of the ultimate and final
overthrow of the Papacy. Of course, it
may be said that in an important sense
it is all to be traced to thal^ since if they
had forborne to bear that testimony, and
to protest against those corruptions and
abominations, that colossal power would
have stood unshaken. But the solemn
appeals made from age to age by the
friends of truth, amidst much persecu
tion, have contributed to weaken that
power, and to prepare the world for its
ultimate fall — as if fire from heaven fell
upon it The causes of the decline of
the Papal power were, therefore, laid
far back in the solemn truths urged by
those persecuted 'witnesses;* and the
calamities which have ravaged Europe
for these three hundred years, and the
changes now oocurring which make it so
certain that this mighty power hastens
to its fall, may all be the regular results
of the 'testimony* for the truths of a
pure gospel borne long ago by the men

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XI.

32]

that dwelt amidst the Alps, and their
fellow-sufferers in persecution. (6) They
' have power to shut heaven, that it rain
not in the days of their prophecy,' ver. 6.
This has been shown to mean that they
would have power to cause blessings to
be withheld from men as if the rain
were withheld. The reference here is
probably to the Spiritual heavens, and
to that of which rain is the natural
emblem — the influences of truth, and the
influences of the divine Spirit on the
world. So Moses says in Deut. xxxii. 2,
" My doctrine shall drop as the rain,
and my speech shall distil as the dew,
as the small rain upon the tender herb,
and as the showers upen the grass."
So the Psalmist (Ps. lxxii. 6), " He shall
come down like rain upon the mown
grass ; as showers that water the earth."
So Isa. (Iv. 10, 11), "For as the rain
cometh down, and the snow from heaven,
so shall my word be." Comp. Micah v. 1.
The meaning here, then, must be, that
Spiritual influences would seem to be
under their control ; or that they would
be imparted-at. their bidding, and with
held at their will. This found an ample
fulfilment in the history of the church in
those dark periods, in the fact that it
was, in connexion with these ' witnesses,'
and in answer to their prayers, that the
influences of the Holy Spirit were im
parted to the world, and that the true
religion was kept up on the earth. " It
is an historical fact," says the author of
' The Seventh Vial' (p. 130), "that during
the ages of their ministry, there was
neither dew nor rain of a Spiritual kind
upon the earth, but at the word of the
witnesses: There was no knowledge of
salvation but by their preaching — no
descent of the Spirit but in answer to
their prayers ; and, as the witnesses were
shut out from Christendom generally, a
universal famine ensued." (c) They had
power over the waters to turn them to
blood, and to smite the earth with all
plagues, ver. 6. That is, as explained
above, calamities would crime upon the
earth as if the waters were turned into
blood, and this would be so connected
with .them, and with the treatment which
they would receive, that these calamities
would seem to have been called down
frotn heaven in answer to their prayers,
and in order to avenge their wrongs,
And can any one be ignorant that wars,
commotions, troubles, disasters have fol

lowed the attempts to destroy those who
have borne a faithful testimony for
Christ, in the dark period of the world
here referred to ? The calamities that
have befallen the Papal communion, from
time to time, maj have been, and seem
to have been, to a great degree, the con
sequence of its persecuting spirit, and of
its attempts to quench the light of truth.
When the oppressed and persecuted
nations of Europe had borne it long, and
when attempts had long been made to
extinguish every spark of true liberty,
the spirit of freedom and revenge was
roused. The yoke was broken ; and in
the wars that ensued rivers of blood
flowed upon the earth, as if these ' wit-
nesscs' or martyrs had, by their own
power and prayers, brought these cala
mities upon their oppressors. A philo
sophic historian- carefully studying hu
man nature, and the essential spirit of
Christianity, might find in these facts
a suflicient explanation of all the cala
mities that have come upon that once
colossal power — the Papacy, and a full
demonstration that, under the operation
of these causes, that power must ulti
mately fall — as if in revenge called down
from heaven by the martyrs for the
wrongs done to them who had borne a
faithful testimony to the truth.
II. The war against the witnesses,
ver. 7. There are several circumstances
stated in regard to this which demand
explanation in order to a full under
standing of the prophecy. Those cir
cumstances relate to the time when thia
would occur; to tbe government by
which this war would be waged ; and t<
the victory.
(a) The time when the war referred
to would he waged. The whole nar
rative (comp. vs. 3, 5), supposes thai
opposition would be made to them at all
times, and that their condition would
be such that they could properly be re
presented as always clothed in sack
cloth ; but it is evident that a particulai
period is here referred to, when there
would be such a war waged with them
that they would be for a time overcome,
and would seem to be dead. This timo
is referred to by the phrase ' when thej
shall have finished their testimony'
(ver. 1) ; and it is to the period when
this could be properly said of them,
that we are to look for the fulfilment of
what is here predicted. This must mean

322

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

when they should have borne full or I
ample testimony ; that is, when they had
borne their testimony on all the great
points on which they were appointed to
bear witness. See Notes on ver. 7. This,
then, must not be understood as refer
ring to tbe time of the completion of the
twelve hundred and sixty years, but to
any time during that period when it
could be said that they had borne a full
and ample testimony for the truths of
the gospel, and against the abominations
and errors that prevailed. In this gene
ral expression there is not, indeed, any
thing that would accurately designate
the time, but no one can doubt that this
had been done at the time of the Reforma
tion. In the preceding remarks it has
been shown that there was a succession
of faithful witnesses for the truth in the
darkest periods of the church, and that
to all the great points pertaining to the
system of religion revealed in the gos
pel, as well as against the errors that
prevailed, they had borne an unam
biguous testimony. There is no impro
priety, therefore, in fixing this period at
about the time of the Reformation, for
all that-is necessarily implied in the lan
guage is fulfilled on such a supposition.
Faithful testimony had been borne
during the long period of tho Papal cor
ruptions, until it could be said that their
peculiar work had been accomplished.
The earlier witnesses for the truth ; the
Paulicians, the Waldenses, the Vaudois,
and other bodies of true Christians,
had borne an open testimony, from
the beginning, against the various cor
ruptions of Home — her errors in doc
trine, her idolatries in worship, and
her immoralities, until in the end -of
the twelfth century — the same cen
tury in whioh, aocording to Mr. Gibbon,
tho meridian of Papal greatness was
attained — they proclaimed her, as we
have seen, to be the Antichrist of Scrip
ture — the harlot of the Apocalypse.
Thus did they fulfil their testimony;
and then was the war waged against
thenr, with all the power of apostate
Heme, to silence and to destroy them.
This war was commenced in the edicts
of oouncils, which stigmatized the pure
doctrines of the Bible, and branded
those who held them as heretiQS. The
next step was to pronounce the most
dreadful anathemas on those who were
regardod as heretics, which wore exe

cuted in the same remorseless and ex
terminating manner in which they were
conceived. The confessors of the truth
were denied both their natural and their
civil rights. They were forbidden all
participation in dignities and offices;
their goods were confiscated, their bouses
were to be razed and never more to be
rebuilt; and their lands were given to
those who were able to seize them.
They were shut out from the solace of
human converse; no one might give
them shelter while living, or Christian
burial when dead. At length a crusade
was proclaimed against them. Preachers
were sent abroad through Europe to
sound the trumpet of vengeance, and to
assemble the nations. The Pope wrote
to all Christian princes, exhorting them
to earn their pardon and win heaven,
rather by bearing the cross against
heretics than by marching against the
Saracens. The war, in particular, whioh
was waged against the Waldenses, is
well known, and the horror of its de
tails is among the darkest pages of
history. The peaceful and fertile val
leys of the Vaudois were invaded,
and speedily devastated with fire and
sword; their towns and villages were
"burnt; while not one individual, in
many cases, escaped to carry the tidings
to the next valley. To all the cru
elties of these wars, and to all the
open persecutions which were waged,
are to be added the horrors of the
Inquisition, as an illustration of the
fact that ' wars' would be made against
the true witnesses for Christ Calcula
tions, more or less accurate, have been
made of the numbers that Popery has
slain ; and the lowest of those calcula
tions would confirm what is said here,
on the supposition that the reference is
to the Papal power. From the year
1540 to the year 1570, comprehending a
space of only thirty years, no fewer than
nine hundred thousand Protestants were
put to death by the Papists, in different
countries of Europe. During the short
Pontificate of Paul the Fourth, which
lasted only four years (A. D. 1555-1659),
the Inquisition alone, on the testimony
of Vergerius, destroyed an hundred and
fifty thousand. When he died, the in
dignant populace of Rome crowded to
the prison of the Inquisition, broke open
the doors, and released seventeen hun
dred prisoners, and then set fire to the

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XI.

323

building. Bowers' History of the Popes,
iii. 319. Ed. 1845. Those who perished
in Germany during the wars of Charles
tbe Fifth, and in Flanders, under the
infamous Duke of Alva, are reckoned by
hundreds of thousands. In France seve
ral millions were destroyed in the innu
merable massacres that took place in
that kingdom. It has been computed
that since the rise of the Papacy, not
fewer than fifty millions of persons have
been put to death on account of religion.
Of this vast number the greater part
have been cut off during the last six
hundred years; for the Papacy perse
cuted very little during the first half of
its existence, and it was, in this way,
that it was not until the witnesses had
'completed' their testimony, or had
borne full and ample testimony, that it
made war against them. Comp. ' The
seventh vial," pp. 149-157. For a full
illustration of the facts here referred to,
See Notes on Daniel, vii. 21. There can
be no reasonable doubt that Daniel and
John refer to the same thing.
(6) By whom this was to be done.
In ver. 7, it is said that it would be by
" tbe beast that ascendeth out of the bot
tomless pit." This is undoubtedly the
same as the fourth beast of Daniel (Ban.
vii.), and for a full illustration I must
refer to the Notes on that chapter. It
is necessary only to add here, if the
above representation is correct, that it
is easy to see the propriety of this appli
cation of the symbol to the Papacy,
Nothing would better represent that
cruel persecuting power 'making war
with the witnesses,' than a fierce and
cruel monster that seemed to ascend
from the bottomless pit.
(c) The victory of the persecutors, and
the death of the witnesses: "and shall
overcome them, and kill them," ver. 1.
That is, they would gain a temporary vic
tory over them, and the witnesses would
seem for a time to be dead. The subse
quent statement shows, however, that
they would revive again, and would again
resume their prophesying. Comp. Notes
on ch. ix. 20. The victory over them
would appear to be complete, and the
great object of the persecuting power
would seem to have been gained. A few
facts on this subject will show the pro
priety of the statement that ' when they
bad finished,' or had fully borne their
testimony, a victory was obtained over

them, and that they were so silenced
that it might be said they were killed.
The first will be in the words of Milner,
in his account of the opening of the six
teenth century (History of the Church,
p. 660, Ed. Edin. 1835) : " The sixteenth
century opened with a prospect of all
others the most gloomy, in the eyes of
every true Christian. Corruption both
in doctrine and in practice had exceeded
all bounds ; and the general face of Eu
rope, though the name of Christ was
everywhere professed, presented nothing
that was properly evangelical. The
Waldenses were too feeble to molest the
popedom; and the Hussites, divided
among themselves, and worn out by a
long series of contentions, were reduced
to silence. Among both were found
persons of undoubted godliness, but they
appeared incapable of making effectual
impressions on the kingdom of Anti
christ. The Roman pontiffs were still
the uncontrolled patrons of impiety;
neither the scandalous crimes of Alex
ander VI., nor the military ferocity of
Julius II., seemed to have lessened the
dominion of the court of Rome, or to
bave opened the eyes of men so as to
induce them to make a sober investiga
tion of the nature of true religion." The
language of Mr. Cunninghame may hert
be adopted as describing the state of
things at the beginning of the sixteenth
century : " At the commencement of the
sixteenth century, Europe reposed in the
deep sleep of spiritual death, under the
iron yoke of the Papacy. That haughty
power, like the Assyrian of the prophet,
said in the plenitude of his insolence,
'My hand hath found as a nest the
riches of the people ; and as one gather-
eth eggs, I have gathered all the earth ;
and there was none that moved the wing,
or opened the mouth, or peeped.' " And
in a similar manner, the writer of the
article on the Reformation, in the Ency
clopaedia Brittanica, — in a statement
made, of course, with no reference to
the fulfilment of this passage — thus
speaks of that period : " Every thing
was quiet; every heretic was extermi
nated, and the whole Christian world
supinely acquiesced in the enormous
absurdities inculcated by the Romish
church." These quotations will show
the propriety of the language used here
by John, on the supposition that it was
intended to refer to this period. No

324

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

symbol would be more striking, or more
appropriate to that state of things, than
to represent the witnesses for the truth
as overcome and slain, so that, for a time
at least, they would cease to bear their
testimony against the prevailing errors
and corruptions. It will be remembered
also that this occurred at a time when
it might bo said that they had k fulfilled'
their testimony, or when, iu a motit so
lemn manner, 'they had protested against
the existing idolatries and abominations.
III. The witnesses dead, vs. 8-10.
The preceding verse contains the state
ment that they would be overcome and
killed; these verses describe their treat
ment when they would be dead; that
is, when they would be silenced. There
are several circumstances referred to
here, which demand notice.
(a) The place where it. is said that
this would occur — that " great city which
spiritually is called Sodom and Egypt,
where also our Lord was crucified," ver.
8. In the explanation of this verse, it
has been shown that the language used
here is such as would be properly em
ployed, on the supposition that the in
tention was to refer to Rome, or the
Romish communion. A few testimonies
may serve to confirm the interpretation
proposed in the Notes on ver. 8, and to
show farther the propriety of applying
the appellation ' Sodom' and * Egypt' to
Rome. Thus, among the Reformers,
" Grosteste, perceived that the whole
scheme of the Papal government was
enmity with God, and exclaimed that
nothing hut the sword could deliver the
church from the Egyptian bondage."
D'Aubigne. "Wiclif compared the Rom
ish priestcraft to " the accursed sorceries
with which the sages of Pharaoh pre
sumed to emulate the works of Jehovah."
Le Bas' Wiclif, p. 68, 147. Luther, in
a letter to Melancthon, says, " Italy is
plunged, as in ancient times in Egypt,
in darkness that may be felt." And of
Zuingle in Switzerland, they who longed
for the light of salvation said of him,
" Ho will be our Moses, to deliver us out
of the darkness of Egypt." Any number
of passages could be found in the writings
of the Reformers, and even some in the
writings of Romanists themselves, in
Which the abominations that prevailed
In Rome are compared with those in
Sodom. Comp. Elliott, ii. pp. 386, 387,
notes. Assuming this to be the correct

interpretation, the meaning is, that a
state of things would exist after tho
silencing of the witnesses, which wonld
be well represented by supposing that
their dead bodies would lie unburied,
that is, that there would be dishonor and
indignity heaped upon them, snch as it
shown to the dead wh«n they are suf
fered to lie'unburied. No one needs to
be informed that this accurately repre
sents the state of things throughout the
Roman world. To the ' witnesses' thus
persecuted, down-trodden, and silenced,
there was the same kind of indignity
shown which there is when the dead are
left unburied.
(6) The exposure of their bodies, ver.
8. That is, as we have seen, they would
fe i treated with indignity, as if they
were not worthy of Christian burial.
Now this not only expresses what was
in fact the general feeling among the
Papists in respect to those whom they
regarded as heretics, but it had a literal
fulfilment in numerous cases where the
rites of Christian burial were denied
them. One of the punishments most
constantly decreed and constantly en
forced in reference to those who were
called 'heretics,' was their exclusion
from burial as persons excommunicated
and without the pale of the church.
Thus, in the third Council of Lateran
(A. 3X 1179), Christian burial was de
nied to heretics ; the same in the Later
an Council, A. D. 1215, and the Papal
decree of Gregory IX., A. D. 1227; the
same again in that of Pope Martin, A. D.
1422 ; and the same thing was deter
mined in the Council of Constance, A. D.
1422, which ordered that the body of
Wiclif should be exhumed, and that the
ashes of John Huss, instead of being
buried, should be collected and thrown
into the lake of Constance. It may be
added that Savonarola's ashes were in a
similar manner cast into the Arno, A. D.
149S, and that in the first bull entrusted
to the cardinal Cajetan against Luther,
this was one of the declared penalties,
that both Luther and his partisans should
be deprived of ecclesiastical burial. See
Waddington, p. 717. D'Aubigne, i. 355.
Fox, v. 067.
(c) The mutual congratulations of
those who had put them to death ; their
exultation over them ; and the expression
of th«ir joy by the interchange of pre
sents: "And they that dwell upon the

A. D. 96-1

CHAPTER XI.

325

earth shall rejoice over them," &c., ver.
10. The language here used is expres
sive of general joy and rejoicing, and
there can be no doubt that such joy and'
rejoicing oocurred at Rome whenever a
new victory was obtained over those who
were regarded as heretics. Pareus re
marks on the passage in Luke xv. 32,
"It was meet that we should make
merry," &c, that "when heretics are
burnt, Papists play at frolicksome games,
celebrate feasts and banquets, sing Te
Deum laudamus, and wish one another
joy." And so too Bullinger, in loc. But
there was special rejoicing, which ac
corded entirely with the prediction here,
at the close of the sessions of the Lateran
Council (A. D. 1517), in the splendor of
the dinners and fStes given by the cardi
nals. The scene on the closing of the
council is thus described by Dean Wad-
dington: "The pillars of the Papal
strength seemed visible and palpable;
and Rome surveyed them with exulta
tion from her golden palaces. The
assembled princes and prelates separated
from the Council with complacency, con
fidence, and mutual congratulations on
the peace, unity, and purity of the
church." Still, while this was true of
that particular council, it should be
added that the language here used is
general, and may be regarded as descrip
tive of the usual joy which would be
felt, and which was felt at Rome, in view
of the efforts made to suppress heresy in
the church.
(d) The time during which the wit
nesses would remain ' dead.' This it is
said (ver. 9), would be for "three days
and an half," during which time they
would "not suffer their dead bodies to
be put in graves ;" that is, there would
be a course of conduct, and a state of
things, as if the dead were left un
buried. This time, as we have seen
(Notes on ver. 9), means probably three
years and an half; and in the applica
tion of this we are to look for some
striking event relating to the ' witnesses,'
when they should have 'finished their
testimony,' or when they had fully borne
their testimony, that would fully cor
respond with this. Now it happens that
there was a point of time, just previous
to the Reformation, when it was sup
posed that a complete victory was
gained for ever over those who were
regarded as ' heretics,' but who were in
28

fact the true witnesses for Christ. That
point of time was during the Session of
the Council of Lateran, which was
assembled A. D. 1513, and which con
tinued its Sessions to May 16, 1517. In
the ninth Session of this Council, a re
markable proclamation was made, indi
cating that all opposition to the Papal
power had now ceased. The scene is
thus described by Mr. Elliott (ii. 396,
397) : " The orator of the Session ascend- .
ed the pulpit ; and amidst tbe applause
of the assembled Council, uttered that
memorable exclamation of triumph — an
exclamation which, notwithstanding the
long multiplied anti-heretical decrees of
Popes and Councils, notwithstanding
the yet more multiplied anti-heretical
crusades and inquisitorial fires, was
never, I believe, pronounced before, and
certainly never since, ' Jam nemo recla-
mat, n alius obsistit' — 'There is an end
of resistance to the Papal rule and reli
gion; opposers .there exist no more:'
and again, ' The whole body of Christ
endom is now seen to be subjected to its
Head, i. e. to Thee.' " This occurred
May 5, 1514. It is, probably, from this
'time' that the three days and an half,
or the three years and an half, during
which the ' dead bodies of the witnesses
remained unburied,' and were exposed
to public gaze and derision, are to be
reckoned. But it was with remarkable accuracy
that a period of three years and an*half
occurred from the time when this pro
clamation, was made, and when it was
supposed that these 'witnesses' were
'dead,' to the time when the voice of
living witnesses for the truth was heard
again, as if those witnesses that had been
silenced had come to life again; and
"not in the compass of the whole eccle
siastical history of Christendom, except
in the case of the death and resurrection
of Christ himself, is there any such ex
ample of the sudden, mighty, and tri
umphant resuscitation of his church
from a state of deep depression, as was
just after the separation of the Lateran
Council exhibited, in the protesting voice
of Luther, and the glorious Reforma
tion." All accounts agree in placing tho
beginning of the Reformation in A. D.
1517. See Bowers' History of the Popes,
iii. 295. Murdock's Mosheim, iii. 11, n.
The effect of this, as compared with tbe
supposed suppression of heresy, or the

326

REVELATION,

[A.D.96.

death of the witnesses, and as an illus
tration of the passage before us, will be
seen from the following language of a
writer in the Encyclopaedia Brittanica :
Ti Every thing was quiet; every heretic
exterminated; and the whole Christian
world supinely acquiescing in the enor
mous absurdities inculcated in the Rom
ish church, when, in 1517, the empire
of superstition received its first attack
• from Luther." Or, in the language of
Mr. Cuninghame, "At the commence
ment of the sixteenth century, Europe
reposed in the deep sleep of spiritual
death, under the iron yoke of the Pa
pacy. There was none that moved the
wing, or opened the mouth, or peeped ;
when suddenly in one of the Universities
of Germany the voice of an obscure
monk was heard, the sound of which
rapidly filled Saxony, Germany, and
Europe itself, shaking the very founda
tions of the Papal power, and arousing
men from the lethargy of ages."
The remarkable coincidence in regard
to time — supposing thatthree years and
an half are intended — will be seen from
the following statement. The day of the
ninth Session of the Lateran Council,
when the proclamation above referred
to was made, was, as we have seen, May
5, 1514 ; the day of Luther's posting up
his theses at Wittemberg (the well-
known epoch of the beginning of the
Reformation), was Oct. 31,1517. "Now
from May 5, 1514, to May 5, 1517, are
three years; and from May 5, 1517, to
Oct. 31 of the same year, 1517, the reck
oning in dayB is as follows :
May 5—31 . . 27 August 31 . . 31
June 30 . . 30 September 30 . . 30
July 31 . . 31 October 31 . . 31
in all 180, or half of 360 days, that is,
half a year; so that the whole interval
is precisely to a day three and a half
years." Elliott, ii. 402, 403. But, with
out insisting on this very minute accu
racy, any one can see, and all must be
prepared to admit, that, on the supposi
tion that it was intended by the Spirit
of God to refer to these events, this is
the language whioh would be used ; or,
in other words, nothing would better
represent this state of things than the
declaration that the witnesses would be
' slain,' and would be suffered to ' remain
unburied' during this period of time, and
that, at the end of this period, a publio
testimony would be borne again for the

truth, and against the abominations of
the Papacy, as if ' the Spirit of life from
God should again enter into them, and
they should stand npon their feetj'
ver. 11.
IV. The resurrection of the witnesses,
ver. 11. Little need be added on this
point, after what has been said on the
previous portions of the chapter. We
have seen (Notes on ver. 11) tbat this
must mean that a state of things would
occur which would be well represented
by their being restored to life again;
and if the previous illustrations are cor
rect, there will be little difficulty in ad
mitting that this had its fulfilment in
the commencement of the Reformation.
As to the time when they would revive,"
we have seen above how remarkably
this accords with the commencement of
the Reformation in 1517 ; and as to the
correspondence of this with what is here
symbolized, nothing would better repre
sent this than to describe the witnesses
as coming to life again. It was as if
' the Spirit of life from God entered into'
those who had been slain, and 'they
stood upon their feef again, and again
bore their solemn testimony to the truth
as it is in Jesus. For (o) it was the
same kind of testimony — testimony to
the same truths, and against the same
evils, which had been borne by the long
array of the confessors and martyrs that
had been put to death. The truths pro
claimed by the Reformers on the great
doctrines of grace, were the same which
had been professed by the Waldenses, by
Wiclif, by John Huss, and others; and
the abominations of image worship, of
the invocations of the saints, of the
arrogant claims of the pope, of the doc
trine of human merit in justification, of
tbe corruptions of the monastic systems,
of the oelibacy of the clergy, of the doc
trine of purgatory, against which they
testified, were the same. (6) That tes
timony was borne by men of the same
spirit and character. In what would
now be oalled personal religious experi
ence, there was the closest resemblance
between the Waldenses and the other
1 witnesses' before the Reformation, and
the Reformers themselves — between the
piety of Huss, Jerome of Prague, Wiclif,
and Peter Waldo ; and Luther, Melane-
thon, Zuingle, Calvin, Bucer, Latiiaor,
Ridley, and Knox. They were men
who belonged to the same spiritual

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XI.

327

communion, and who had been moulded
and fashioned in their spiritual character
by the same power from on high, (c)
The testimony was borne with the same
fearlessness, and in the midst of the same
kind of persecution and opposition. All
that occurred was as if the same ' wit
nesses' had been restored to life, and
again lifted up their voice in the cause
for which they had been persecuted and
slain. The propriety of this language
as applied to these events, may be fur
ther seen from expressions used by the
'witnesses' themselves, or by tbe perse
cuted friends of the truth. "And I,"
said John Huss, speaking of the gospel-
preachers who should appear after he
had suffered at the stake, "And I,
awaking as it were from the dead, and
rising from the grave, shall rejoice with
exceeding great joy." Again, in 1523,
after the Reformation had broken out,
we find Pope Hadrian saying, in a mis
sive addressed to the Diet at Nuremberg,
" The heretics Huss and Jerome are now
alive again, in the person of Martin Lu
ther." The Seventh Vial, p. 190.
V. The ascension of the witnesses
(ver. 12) : ' And they ascended to hea
ven in a cloud.' We have seen (Notes
on this verse), that this means that
events would take place as if they should
ascend in triumph to heaven ; or which
would be properly symbolized by snch
an ascent to heaven. All that is here
represented would be fulfilled by a tri
umph of the truth under the testimony
of the witnesses; or by its becoming
gloriously established in view of the na
tions of the earth, as if the witnesses
ascended publicly, and were received to
the presence of God in heaven. All this
was fulfilled in the various influences
that served to establish and confirm the
Reformation, and to introduce the great
principles of religious freedom, giving to
that work ultimate triumph, and showing
that it had the favor of God. This would
embrace the whole series of events, after
the Reformation was begun, by which
its triumph was secured, or by which
that state of things was gradually intro
duced which now exists, in which the
true religion is free from persecution;
in which it is advancing into so many
parts of the world where the Papacy
once had the control; and in which,
with so little molestation, and with such
an onward march toward ultimate vic

tory, it is extending its conquests orer
the earth. The triumphant ascent of the
witnesses to heaven, and the public
proof of the divine favor thus shown to
them, would be an appropriate symbol
of this.
VI. The consequences of the resur
rection, ascension, and triumph of the
witnesses, ver. 13. These are said to be,
that there would be "in the same hour a
great earthquake ; that a tenth part of
the city would fall ; that seven thousand
would be slain, and that the remainder
would be affrighted, and would give
glory to the God of heaven."
(a) The earthquake. This, as we have
seen (Notes on ver. 13), denotes that '
there would be a shock, or a convulsion
in the world, so that the powers of the
earth would be shaken, as cities, trees,
and hills are in the shocks of an earth
quake. There can be little difficulty in
applying this to the shock produced
throughout Europe by the boldness of
Luther and his fellow-laborers in the Re
formation. No events have ever taken
place in history that would be better
compared with the shock of an earth
quake, than those which occurred when
the long-established governments of Eu
rope, and especially the domination of
tbe Papacy, so long consolidated and
confirmed, were shaken by tbe Reforma
tion. In tbe suddenness of the attack
made on the existing state of things ; in
the commotions which were produced;
in the overthrow of so many govern
ments, there was a striking resemblance
to the convulsions caused by an earth
quake. So Dr. Lingard speaks of the
Reformation : " That religious revolu
tion which astonished and convulsed
the nations of Europe." Nothing would
better represent the convulsions caused
in Germany, Switzerland, Prussia. Sax
ony, Sweden, Denmark, and England,
by the Reformation, than an earthquake.
(5) The fate of a part of the city : —
"And the tenth part of the city fell."
That is, as we have seen (Notes on ver.
13), of that which was represented by
the city, to wit, the Roman power. The
fall of a ' tenth part,' would denote the
fall of a considerable portion of that
power ; as if, in an earthquake, a tenth
part of a city should be demolished.
This would well represent what occurred
in the Reformation, when so considera
ble a portion of the colossal Papal power

328

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

suddenly fell away, and the immediate
effect on the portions of Europe where
the Reformation prevailed, as compared
tfith the whole of that power, might well
be represented by the fall of a tenth part
of a city. It is true that a much larger
proportion ultimately fell off from Rome,
so that now the number of Romanists
and Protestants is not far from being
equal; but in the first convulsion — in
what passed before the eye in vision as
represented by the earthquake — that
proportion would not be improperly
represented by the tenth part of a city.
The idea is, that the sudden destruction
of a tenth part of a great city by an
earthquake, would well represent the
convulsion at the breaking out of the
Reformation, by which a considerable
portion of the Papal power would
, fall. (c) Those who were slain, ver. 13 :
"And in the earthquake were slain of
men seven thousand." That is, as we
have seen (Notes on ver. 13), a calamity
would occur to this vast Papal power,
as if this number should be killed in the
' earthquake, or which would be well rep
resented by that. In other words, a por
tion of those who were represented by the
city would be slain, which, compared with
the whole number, would bear about the
same proportion which seven thousand
would to the usual dwellers in such a
city. As the numbers in the city are
not .mentioned, it is impossible to form
any exact estimate of the numbers that
would be slain, on this supposition.
But, if we suppose that the city con
tained an hundred thousand, then the
proportion would bo something like a
fourteenth part ; if it were half a million,
then it would he about a seventieth part;
if it were a million, then it would be
about an hundred and forty-fifth part —
and, as we may suppose that John, in
these visions, had his eye on Rome as it
was in the age in which he lived, we
may, if we can ascertain what the size
of Rome was at that period, take that
estimate as the basis of the interpreta
tion. Mr. Gibbon (ii. 251, 252), has
endeavored to form an estimate of the
probable number of the inhabitants of
unoient Rome, and, after enumerating
all the circumstances which throw tiny
light on the subject, says, "If wo adopt
the samo average which, under similar
oiroum stances, has been found applicable

to Paris, and indifferently allow about
twenty-five persons for each house, of
every degree, we may fairly estimate the
inhabitants of Home at twelve hundred
thousand." Allowing this to be the
number of the inhabitants of the city,
then the number here specified that was
slain — seven thousand — would be about
the one hundred and seventieth part, or
one in one hundred and seventy. This
would, according to the purport of the
vision here, represent the number that
would perish in the convulsion denoted
by the earthquake — a number which,
though it would be large in the aggre
gate, is not probably too large in fact as
referring to the number of persons that
perished in Papal Europe in the wars
that were consequent on the Reforma
tion. (d) The only other circumstance in
this representation is, that "the rem
nant were affrighted, and gave glory to
the God of heaven," ver. 13. That is,
as we have seen (Notes on ver. 13), fear
and consternation came upon them, and
they stod in awe at what was occurring,
and acknowledged the power of God in
the changes that took place. How well
this was fulfilled in what occurred in
the Reformation, it is hardly necessary
to state. The events which then took
place had every mark of being under the
divine hand, and were such as to fill the
minds of men with awe, and to teach
them to recognize the hand of God. The
power which tore asunder that immense
ecclesiastical establishment, that had so
long held the whole of Europe in ser
vitude ; which dissolved the charm which
had soJong held kings, and princes, and
people spell-bound; which rent away
for ever so large a portion of the Papal
dominions ; which led kings to separate
themselves from the control to which
they had been so long subjected, and
which emancipated the human mind,
and diffused abroad the great principles
of civil and religious liberty, was well
adapted to fill the mind with awe, and
to lead men to recognize the hand and
the agency of God ; and if it be admitted
that the Holy Spirit in this passage
meant to refer to these events, it cannot
be doubted that the language here used
is such as is well adapted to describe
the effeots produced on the minds of
men at large.
15, And the seventh angel sounded.

OHAPTEK XI.

A. D. 96.]

15 And the seventh* angel sound
ed ; and there were great voices in
heaven, saying, The kingdoms c of
* c 10. 7. cc. 12. 10.

329

See Notes on ch. viii. 2, 6, 7. This is
the last of the trumpets, implying, of
course, that under this the series of
visions was to end, and that this was to
introduce the state of things under which
the affairs of the world were to be wound
up. The place which this occupies in
the order of time, is when the events
pertaining to the colossal Roman power
— the fourth kingdom of Daniel (Dan.
ii., vii.), should have been completed,
and when the reign of the saints (Dan.
vii. 9-14, 27, 28) should have been in
troduced. This, both in Daniel and in
John, is to occur when the mighty
power of the Papacy shall have been
overthrown, at the termination of the
twelve hundred and sixty years of its
duration. See Notes on Dan. vii. 25.
In both Daniel and John the termina
tion of that persecuting power is the
commencement of the reign of the
saints ; the downfall of the Papacy, the
introduction of the kingdom of God, and
its establishment on the earth, ^f And
there were great voices in Keaven. As of
exultation and praise. The grand con
summation had come, the period so
long anticipated and desired when God
should reign on the earth had arrived,
and this lays the foundation for joy and
thanksgiving in heaven. ~ fl The king
doms of this world. The modern editions
of the New Testament (see Tittmann
and Hahn) read this in the singular
number — 'The kingdom of this world
has become,' <fcc. According to this
reading, the meaning would be, either
that tbe sole reign over this world had
become that of the Lord Jesus ; or, more
probably, that the dominion over the
earth had been regarded as one in the
sense that Satan had reigned over it, but
fiad now become the kingdom of God ;
that is, that "the kingdoms of this
world are many, considered in them
selves ; but in reference to the sway of
Satan, there is only one kingdom ruled
over by the 'god of this world.' " Prof.
Stuart. The sense is not materially
different whichever reading is adopted ;
though the authority is in favor of the
latter. See Wetstein. Aecording to the
28 »

this world are become the kingdoms
of our Lord, and of his Christ ; and
he * shall reign for ever and ever.
a Da. 2. 44, 7. 14, 18. 27.

common reading, the sense is, that all
the kingdoms of the earth, being many
in themselves, had been now brought
under the one sceptre of Christ ; accord
ing to the other, the whole world was
regarded as in fact one kingdom — that
of Satan, and the sceptre had now
passed from his hands into those of the
Saviour. *H The kingdoms of our Lord.
Or, the kingdom of our Lord, according
to the reading adopted in the previous
part of the verse. The word Lord here,
evidently has reference to God as such — -
represented as the original source of
authority, and as giving the kingdom to
his Son. See Notes on Dan. vii. 13, 14 ;
comp. Ps. ii. 8. The word Lord — Kvptos
— implies the notion of possessor, owner,
sovereign, Supreme Ruler — and is thus
properly given to God. See Matt. i. 22,
v. 33; Mark v. 19; Luke i. 6, 28; Acts
vii. 33; Heb. viii. 2, 10 ; James iv. 15,
al. so?}). ^[ And of his Christ. Of his
anointed ; of him who is set apart as the
Messiah, and consecrated to this high
office. See Notes on Matt. i. 1. He is
called 'his Christ,' because he is set
apart by him, or appointed by him to
perform the work appropriate to that
office on earth. Such language as ti..<t
which occurs here is often employed, in
which God and Christ are spoken of as,
in some respects, distinct — as sustaining
different offices, and performing different
works. The essential meaning here is,
that the kingdom of this world had now
become the kingdom of God under
Christ; that is, that that kingdom is
administered by the Son of God. fl' And
he shall reign for ever and ever. A king
dom is commenced which shall never
terminate. It is not said that this would
be on the earth, but the essential idea is,
that the sceptre of the world had now,
after so long a time, come into his bands
never more to pass away. The fuller
characteristics of this reign are stated
in a subsequent part of this book (chs.
xx.-xxii.). What is here stated is in ac
cordance with all the predictions in the
Bible. A time is to come when, in the
proper sense of the term, God is to reign
on the earth ; when his kingdom is to be

330

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

16 And the four and twenty"
elders which sat before God on
their seats, fell upon their faces,
and worshipped God,
17 Saying, We give thee thanks,
a o. 4. i.

universal ; when his laws shall be every
where recognized as binding; when all
idolatry shall come to an end; and when
the understandings and the hearts of
men every where shall bow to his autho
rity. Comp. Ps. ii. 8; Isa. ix. 7, xi. 9,
xiv. 22, lx. ; Dan. ii. 35, 44, 45, vii. 13,
14, 27, 28; Zech. xiv. 9; Mai. i. 11;
Luke i. 33. On this whole subject, see
the very ample illustrations and proofs
in the Notes on Daniel, ii. 44, 45, vii. 13,
14, 27, 28; comp. Notes on chs. xx.-
xxii. 16. And the four and twenty elders
which sat, &a. See Notes on ch. iv. 4.
•f Fell upon their faces, and worshipped
God. Prostrated themselves before him
— the usual form of profound adoration.
See Notes pn ch. v. 8-14.
¦ 17. Saying, We give thee thanks. We,
as the representatives of the church, and
as identified in our feelings with it (see
Notes on ch. iv. 4), acknowledge thy
goodness in thus delivering the church
from all its troubles, and, having con
ducted it through the times of fiery
persecution, thus establishing it upon
the earth. The language here used is
an expression of their deep interest in
the church, and of the fact that they felt
themselves identified with it. They, as
representatives of the church, would of
course rejoice in its prosperity and final
triumph, ^f 0 Lord God Almighty. Re
ferring to God as all powerful, because
it was by his omnipotent arm alone that
this great work had been accomplished.
Nothing else could have defended the
church in its many trials ; nothing else
could have established it upon the
earth. ^[ Which art, and wast, and art
to come. The eternal One, always the
same. See Notes on ch. i. 8. The re
ference here is to the fact that God, who
had thus established his church on
the earth, is unohanging. In all the
revolutions which ocour on the earth, he
always remains the same. What he was
in past times he is now; what he is. now
he always will be. The particular idea
suggested here seems to be, that he had

0 Lord God Almighty, which * art,
and wast, and art to come ; because
thou hast taken to thee thy great
power, and hast reigned. '
18 And the nations were angry ,*
b c. 16. S. c c. 19. 6. d ver. 9.

now shown this by having caused his
church to triumph ; that is, be had shown
that he was the same God who had early
promised that it should ultimately tri
umph; he had carried forward bis glorious
purposes without modifying or abandon
ing them amidst all the changes that
had occurred in the world ; and he had
thus given the assurance that he would
now remain the same, and that all his
purposes in regard to his church would
be accomplished. The fact that God
remains always unchangeably the same
is the sole reason why his church is safe ;
or why any individual member of it is
kept and saved. Comp. Mai. iii- 6.
•J Because thou hast taken to thee thy
great power. To wit, by setting up thy
kingdom over all the earth. Before that,
it seemed as if he had relaxed that power,
or had given tbe power to others. Satan
had reigned on the earth. Disorder,
anarchy, sin,- rebellion, had prevailed.
It seemed as if God had let the reins of
government fall from his hand. Now,
he came forth as if to resume the
dominion over the world, and to take
the sceptre into his own hand, and to
exert his great power in keeping the
nations in subjection. The setting op
of his kingdom all over the world, and
causing his laws every where to be
obeyed, will be among the highest
demonstrations of divine power. No
thing can accomplish this but the powei
of God; when that power is exerted
nothing can prevent its accomplishment.
\ And hast reigned. Prof. Stuart : —
" and shown thyself as king ;" that is,
' hast become king, or aoted as a king.'
The idea is, that he had now vindicated
his regal power (Rob. Lex.) ; that is, he
had now set up hie kingdom on the
earth, and had truly begun to reign.
One of the characteristics of the Millen
nium — and indeed the main characteris
tic — will be, that God will be every
where obeyed; for when that occurs
all will be consummated that properly
enters into the idea cf the millennial
kingdom.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XI.

331

and thy wrath is come, and the
time * of the dead, that they should
be judged, and that thou shouldest
give reward * unto thy servants
the prophets, and to the saints,
a He. 9. 27. b e. 22. 12.

and them that fear thy name,
small ° and great ; and shouldest
destroy them which d destroy the
earth.

e o. 19. 5.

d Or, corrupt.

18. And the nations were anary. Were
enraged against thee. This they had
shown by their opposition to his laws ;
by persecuting his people ; by slaying
his witnesses ; by all the attempts which
they had made to destroy his authority
on the earth. The reference here seems
to be to the whole series of events pre
ceding the final establishment of his
kingdom on the earth ; — to all the efforts
which had been made to throw o£J his
government and to crush his church.
At this period of glorious triumph it was
natural to look back to those dark
times when the ' nations raged' (comp.
Ps. ii. 1-3), and when the very existence
of the church was in jeopardy. ^ And
thy wrath is come. That is, the time
when thou wilt punish them for all that
they have done in opposition to thee,
and when the wicked shall be cut off.
There will be, in the setting up of the
kingdom of God, some manifestation of
his wrath against the powers that op
posed it; or something that will show
his purpose to destroy his enemies,
and to judge the wicked. The repre
sentations in this book lead us to sup
pose that the final establishment of the
kingdom of God on the earth will be
introduced or accompanied by commo
tions and wars which will end in the
overthrow of the great powers that have
oppbsed his reign, and by such awful
calamities in those portions of the world
as shall show that God has arisen in his
strength to cut off his enemies, and to
appear as the vindicator of his people.
Comp. Notes on ch. xvi. 12-16, xix. 11-
26. % And the time of the dead that they
should be judged. According to the
view which the course of the expo
sition thus far pursued leads us to enter
tain of this book, there is reference
here, in few words, to the same thing
which is more fully stated in ch. xx.,
and the meaning of the sacred writer
will, therefore, come up for a more
distinct and full examination when
we consider that chapter. See Notes
on ch. xx. 4, 5, 6, 12-15. The purpose

of the writer does not require that a
detailed statement of the order of the
events referred to should be made
here, for it would be better made,
when, after another line of illustration
and of symbol (ch. xi. 19, xii.-xix.), he
should have reached tlje same catastro
phe, and when, in view of both, the mind
would be prepared for the fuller descrip
tion with whieh the book closes, chs. xx.,
xxi., xxii. All that occurs here, there
fore, is a very general statement of the
final consummation of all things. ^[ And
that thou shouldest give reward unto thy
servants. Tbe righteous. Comp. Matt.
xxv. 34r-40, Rev. xxi., xxii. That is, in
the final winding up of human affairs,
God will bestow the long-promised re
ward on those who have been his true
friends. The wicked that annoyed and
persecuted them, will annoy and perse
cute them no more ; and the righteous
will be publicly acknowledged as the
friends of God. For the manner in
which this will be done, see the details
in chs. xx., xxi., xxii. % The prophets.
All who, in every age, have faithfully
proclaimed the truth. On the meaning
of the word, see Notes on ch. x. 11.
^f And to the saints. To all who are
holy — under whatever dispensation, and
in whatever land, and at whatever time,
they may have lived. Then will be the
time when, in a public manner, they
will be recognized as belonging to the
kingdom of God, and as being his true
friends. % And thorn that fear thy name.
Another way of designating his people,
since religion consists in a profound
veneration for God. Mai. iii. 16; Acts
x. 22, 35 ; Job i. 1 ; Ps. xv. 4, xxii. 23,
cxv. 11 ; Prov. i. 1, iii. 13, ix. 10 ; Isa.
xi. 2. ^j" Small and great. Young and
old ; low and high ; poor and rich. The
language is designed to comprehend all,
of every class, who have a claim to be
numbered among the friends of God, and
it furnishes a plain intimation that
men of all classes will be found at
last among his true people. One of
the glories of the true religion is, that,

332

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

in bestowing its favors, it disregards all
the artificial distinctions of society, and
addresses man as man, welcoming all
who are human beings to the blessings
of life and salvation. This will be illus
triously shown in the last period of the
world's history, when the distinctions
of wealth, and rank, and blood shall
lose the importance which has been
attributed to them, and when the honor
of being a child of God shall have its
true place. Comp. Gal. iii. 28. ^[ And
shouldest destroy them which destroy the
earth. That is, all who have, in their
conquests, spread desolation over the
earth; and who* have perse 5uted the
righteous, and all who have dsne injus
tice and wrong to any clasc of men.
Comp. Notes on ch. xx. 13-15.
> Here ends, as I suppose, the first
series of visions referred to in the volume
sealed with the seven seals, ch. v. 1.
At this point, where the division of the
chapter should have been made, and
which is properly marked in our com
mon Bibles by the sign of the para
graph (f ), there commences a new series
of visions, intended also, but in a dif
ferent line, to extend down to the con
summation of all things. The former
series traces the history down mainly
through the series of civil changes in
the world, or the ogtioard affairs which
affect the destiny of the church; the
latter — the portion still before us — em
braces the same period with a more
direct reference to the rise of Antichrist,
and the influence of that power in affect
ing the destiny of the church. When
that is completed (ch. xi. 19, xii.-xix.),
the way is prepared (ch. xx.-xxii.) for the
more full statementof the final triumph of
tho gospel, and the universal prevalence
of religion, with which the book so ap
propriately closes. That portion of the
book, therefore, refers to the same
period as the one which has just been
considered under the sounding of the
seventh trumpet, and the description of
the final state of things would have im
mediately succeeded if it had not been
necessary, by another series of visions,
to trace more particularly the history of
Antichrist on the destiny of the church,
and the way in which that great and
fearful power would be finally overcome.
See the 'Analysis' of the book, Part
Fifth. The way is then prepared for the
description of the state of things whioh

will exist when all the enemies of the
church shall be subdued; when Chris
tianity shall triumph; and when the'
predicted reign of God shall be set up
on the earth, chs. xx., xxi., xxii. -
CHAPTER XII.
ANALYSIS OF CH. XI. 19, XII.
This portion of the book commences,
according to the view presented in the
closing remarks on the last chapter, a
new series of visions, designed more
particularly to represent the internal
condition of the ohurch; the rise of
Antichrist, and the effect of the -rise
of that formidable power on the in
ternal history of the church to .the
time of the overthrow of that power, and
the ' triumphant establishment of the
kingdom of God. See the Analysis of
the Book, Part Fifth. The portion
before us embraces the following par
ticulars : —
(1) A new vision of the temple of God
as opened in heaven, disclosing the ark
of the testimony, and attended with
lightnings, and voices, and thunderings,
and an earthquake, and great hail, ch.
xi. 19. The view of the 'temple/ and
the 'ark,' would naturally suggest a
reference to the church, and would be
an appropriate representation on the
supposition that this vision related
to the church. The attending circum
stances of the lightnings, Ac, were well
fitted to impress the mind with awe, and
to leave the conviction that great and
momentous events were about to he dis
closed. I regard this verse, therefore,
which should have been separted from
the eleventh chapter and attached to the
twelfth, as the introduction to a new
series of visions, similar to what we have
in the introduction of the previous
series, ch. iv. 1. The vision was of the
temple — the symbol of the church, — and
it was ''opened* so that John could see
into its inmost part — even within the
veil where the ark was, — and could have
a view of what most intimately per
tained to it.
(2) A representation of the church,
under the image of a woman about to
give birth to a child, ch. xii. 1, 2. A
woman is seen, clothed, as it were, with
the sun — emblem of majesty, truth, in
telligence, and glory ; she has the moon
under her feet, as if she walked the

A. D. 96.J

CHAPTER XI.— XII.

333

heavens ; she has on her head a glitter
ing diadem of stars; she is about to
become a mother. This seems to have
been designed to represent the church
as about to be increased, and as in
that condition watched by a dragon — a
mighty foe — ready to destroy its off
spring, and thus compelled ttf flee into
the wilderness for safety. Thus under
stood, the point of time referred to would
be when the church was in a prosperous
condition, and when it would be- en
countered by Antichrist, represented
here by the dragon, and compelled to
flee into the wilderness; that is, the
church for a time would be driven into
obscurity, and be almost unknown.
It is no uncommon thing, in the Scrip
tures, to compare the church with a
beautiful woman. See Notes on Isa.
i. 8. The following remarks of Prof.
Stuart (vol. ii. 252), though he applies
the subject in a manner very different
from what I shall, seem to me accu
rately to express the general design of
the symbol : " The daughter of Zion is a
common personification of the church in
the Old Testament; and in the writings
of Paul, the same image is exhibited by
the phrase, Jerusalem which is the mo^
ther of us all; i. e. of all Christians, Gal.
iv. 26. The main point before us is, the
illustration of that church, ancient or
later, under the image of a woman. If the
Canticles are to have a spiritual sense
given to them, it is plain enough of
course, how familiar such an idea was
to the Jews. Whether the woman thus
exhibited as a symbol be represented as
bride or mother depends of course on the
nature of the case, and the relations and
exigencies of any particular passage."
(3) The dragon that stood ready to
devour the child, vs. 3, 4. This repre
sents some formidable enemy of the
church, that was ready to persecute and
destroy it. The real enemy here referred
to is, undoubtedly, Satan, the great ene
my of God and the church, but here it
is Satan in the form of some fearful
opponent of the church that would arise
at a period when the church was pros
perous, and when it was about to be
enlarged. 'We are to look, therefore, for
some fearful' manifestation of this for
midable power, having the characteris
tics here referred to, or some opposition
to the church such as we may suppose
Satan would originate, and by which the

existence of the church might seem to
be endangered.
(4) The fact that the child which the
woman brought forth was caught up to
heaven — symbolical of its real safety,
and of its having the favor of God — a
pledge that the ultimate prosperity of
the church was certain, and that it was
safe from real danger, ver. 5.
(5) The fleeing of the woman into the
wilderness, for the space of a thousand
two hundred and threescore days, or
1200 years, ver. 6. This act denotes the
persecuted and obscure condition of the
church during that time, and the period
which would elapse before it would be
delivered from this persecution, and re
stored to the place in the earth which it
was designed to have.
(6) The war in heaven; a struggle
between the mighty powers of heaven
and the dragon, vs. 7-9. Michael and
his angels contend against the dragon,
in behalf of the church, and finally pre
vail. The dragon is overcome, and is
cast out, and all his angels with him;
in other words, the great enemy of God
and his church is overcome and subdued.
This is evidently designed to be sym
bolical, and the meaning is, that a state
of things would exist in regard to the
church, which would be well represented
by supposing that such a scene should
occur in heaven ; that is, as if a war
should exist there between the great
enemy of God and the angels of light,
and as if, being there vanquished, Satan
should be cast down to the earth, and
should there exert his malignant power
in a warfare against the church. The
.general idea is, that his warfare would
be primarily against heaven, as if he
fought with the angels in the very pre
sence of God, but that the form in which
he would seem to prevail would be against
the church, as if, being unsuccessful in
his direct warfare against the angels of
God, he was permitted, for a time, to
enjoy the appearance of triumph in con
tending with the church.
(7) The shout of victory in view of
the conquest over the dragon, vs. 10-12.
A loud voice is heard in heaven, saying
that now the kingdom of God is come,
and that the reign of God would be set
up, for the dragon is cast down and over
come. The grand instrumentality in
overcoming this foe was ' the blood of the
Lamb, and the word of their testimony ;'

234

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

19 And the temple " of God was
opened in heaven, and there was
seen in his temple the ark of his

that is, the great doctrines of truth per
taining to the work of the Redeemer
would be employed for this purpose, and
it is proclaimed that the heavens and
all that dwell therein had occasion to
rejoice at the certainty that a victory
would be ultimately obtained over this
great enemy of God. Still, however, his
influence was not wholly at an end, for
he would yet rage for a brief period on
the earth.
(8) The persecution of the woman, vs.
13-15. She is constrained to fly, as on
wings given her for that purpose, into
the wilderness, where she is nourished
for the time that the dragon is to exert
his power — a 'time, times, and half a
time' — or for 1260 years. The dragon
in rage pours out a flood of water, that
he may cause her to be swept away
by the flood: referring to the perse
cutions that would exist while the
church was in the wilderness, and the
efforts that would be made to destroy it
entirely. (9) The earth helps the woman, ver. 16.
That is, a state of things would exist as
if, in such a case, the earth should open
and. swallow up the flood. The meaning
is, that the church would not be swept
away, but that there would be an inter
position in its behalf, as if the earth
should, in the case supposed, open its
bosom, and swallow up the swelling
waters. (10) The dragon, still enraged, makes
war with all that pertain to the woman,
ver. 11. Here we are told literally who
are referred to by the 'seed' of the wo
man. They are those who 'keep the
commandments of God, and have the
testimony of Jesus Christ' (ver. 17);
that is, the true church.
The chapter, therefore, may be re
garded as a general vision of the per
secutions that would rage against the
church. It seemed to be about to in
crease and to spread over the world.
Satan, always opposed to it, strives to
prevent its extension. The conflict is
represented as if in heaven, where war
is waged between the celestial beings
and Satan, and where, being overcome,
Satan is oast down to the earth, and

testament: and there were light
nings, 'and roices, and thunderings^
and an earthquake,' and great hail.

b c. 8. s.

c c. 16. 18, 21.

permitted to wage the war there. The
church is persecuted; becomes obscure
and almost unknown, but still is myste
riously sustained, and when most iv
danger of being wholly swallowed up, is
kept as if a miracle were wrought in its
defence. The detail — the particular
form in which the war would be waged
— is drawn out in the following chapters.
Ch. xi. 19. And the temple of God was
opened in heaven. The temple of God
at Jerusalem was a pattern of the hea
venly one, or of heaven. Heb. viii. 1-5.
In that temple God was supposed to
reside by the visible symbol of his pre
sence — the Shekinah — in the Holy of
Holies. See Notes on Heb. ix. 7. Thug
God dwells in heaven, as in a holy tem
ple, of which that on earth was the em
blem. When it is said that that was
' opened in heaven,' the meaning is, that
John was permitted, as it were, to look
into heaven, the abode of God, and to
see him in bis glory, ^f And there was
seen in his temple the ark of his testament.
See Notes on Heb. ix. 4. That is, the
very interior of heaven was laid open,
and John was permitted to witness what
was transacted in its obscurest recesses,
and what were its most hidden mysteries.
It will be remembered, as an illustration
of the correctness of this view of the
meaning of the verse, and of its proper
place in the divisions of the book —
assigning it as the opening verse of a
new series of visions — that in the first
series of visions we bave a statement
remarkably similar to this, ch. iv. 1: —
" After this I looked, and behold a door
was opened in heaven f that is, there
was, as it were, an openiny made into
heaven, so that John was permitted to
look in and see what was occurring
there. The same idea is expressed
substantially here, by saying that the
very interior of the sacred temple
where God resides was ' opened in hea.
ven,' so that John was permitted to
look in and see what was transacted
in his very presence. This, too, may
go to oonfirm the idea suggested in the
Analysis of the book, Part Fifth, that
this portion of the Apocalypse refers
rather to the internal affairs of the

A. D. 96.1

CHAPTER XII.

385

CHAPTER XII.
\ ND there appeared a great
jQ. * wonder in heaven ; a woman
a Or, sign. b Is. 54. 6.
church, or the church itself — for of this
the temple was the proper emblem.
Then appropriately follows the series
of visions describing, as in the former
case, what was to occur in future times :
this series referring to the internal affairs
of the church, as the former did mainly
to what would outwardly affect its form
and condition. ^[ And there were light
nings, Ac. Symbolic of the awful pre
sence of God, and of his majesty and
glory, as in tbe commencement of the
first series of visions. See Notes on ch.
iv. 5. The similarity of the symbols of
the divine majesty in the two cases, may
also serve to confirm the supposition that
this is the beginning of a new series of
visions, f And an earthquake. Also a
symbol of the divine majesty, and per
haps of the- great convulsions that were
to occur under this series of visions.
Comp. Notes on ch. vi. 12. Thus, in
the sublime description of God in the
18th Psalm (ver. 7), "Then the earth
shook and trembled; the foundations
also of the hills moved and were shaken,
because he was wroth." So in Ex. xix.
18, "And Mount Sinai was altogether in
a smoke — and the whole mount quaked
greatly." • Comp. Amos viii. 8, 9 ; Joel
ii. 10. % And great hail. Also an em
blem of the presence and majesty of
God, perhaps with the accompanying
idea that he would overwhelm and pun
ish his enemies. So in Ps. xviii. 13, "Tho
Lord also thundered in the heavens, and
the Highest gave his voice : hailstones
and coals of fire." So also Job xxxviii.
22, 23 :
11 Bast thou entered into the treasures of snow,
Or hast thou seen the treasures of hail ?
Which I have reserved against the day of trouble, '
Against (he day of battle and voar?"
So in Ps. ev. 32 :
" He gave them hail for rain,
An-] flaming fire in their land.*'
Comp. Ps. lxxviii. 48 ; Isa. xxx. 30 ;
Ezek. xxxviii. 22.
Ch. xii. 1. And there appeared a great
wonder in heaven. In that heavenly
world thus disclosed ; in tbe very pre
sence of God, he saw the impressive and
remarkable symbol which he proceeds

6 clothed with the sun, c and the
moon under her feet, and upon her
head a crown of twelve stars :
e Ps. 84.11; Mai. 4. 2.

to describe. The word wonder — imphot
— properly means something extraordi
nary, or miraculous, and is commonli
rendered sign. See Matt. xii. 38, 39,
xvi. 1, 3, 4, xxiv. 3, 24, 30, xxvi. 48 ;
Mark, viii. 11, 12, xiii. 4, 22, xvi. 17, 20,
— in all which, and in numerous othei
places in the New Testament, it is ren
dered sign, and mostly in the sense ol
miracle. When used in the sense of
a miracle, it refers to the fact that the
miracle is a sign or token by which the
divine power or purpose is made known.
Sometimes the word is used to denote a
sign of future things — a portent or pre
sage of coming events ; that is, some re
markable appearances which foreshadow
the future. Thus in Matt. xvi. 3 : " signs
of the times/" that is, the miraculous
events which foreshadow the coming of
the Messiah in his kingdom. So also in
Matt. xxiv. 3, 30 ; Mark, xiii. 4 ; Luke,
xxi. 7, 11. This seems to be the meaning
here, that the woman who appeared in
this remarkable manner, was a portent oi
token of what was to occur, ^f A woman
clothed with the sun. Bright ; splendid ;
glorious, as if the sunbeams were her rai
ment. Comp. ch. i. 16, x. 1 ; Cant. vi. 10 —
a passage which, very possibly, was in
the mind of the writer when he penned
this description: — "Who is this that
looketh forth as the morning, fair as the
moon, clear as the sun, and terrible as
an army with banners." If And the
moon under her feet. The moon seemed
to be under her feet. She seemed as if
she stood on the moon, its pale light
contrasted with the burning splendor of
the sun, heightening the beauty of the
whole picture. The woman, beyond all
question, represents the church. See
Notes on ver. 2. Is the splendor of the
sun-light designed to denote the bright
ness of the gospel? Is the moon de
signed to represent the comparatively
feeble light of the Jewish dispensation ?
Is the fact that she stood upon the moon,
or that it was under her feet, designed
to denote the superiority of the gospol
to the Jewish dispensation? Sueb a
supposition gives much beauty to the
symbol, and is not foreign to the nature

336

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

2 And she being "with child,

cried, travailing in birth,
pained to be delivered.

and

of symbolic language, f And upon her
head a crown of twelve stars. A diadem
in which there were placed twelve stars.
That is, there were twelve sparkling
gems in the crown which she wore.
This would, of course, greatly increase
the beauty of the vision j and there can
be no doubt that the number twelve here
is significant. If the woman here is
designed to symbolize the church, then
the number twelve has, in all probability,
some allusion either to the twelve tribes
of Israel — as being a number which one
who was born and educated as a Jew
would be likely to use (comp. James,
i. 1), or, to the twelve apostles — an allu
sion which it may be supposed an apos
tle would be more likely to make.
Comp. Matt. xix. 28 ; Rev. xxi. 14.
2. And she, being with child, cried,
travailing in birth, Ac. That is, there
would be something which would be
properly represented by a woman in
such circumstances.
The question now is, what is referred
to by this woman ? And here it need
hardly be said that there has been, as in
regard to almost every other part of the
book of Revelation, a great variety of
interpretations. It would be endless to
undertake to examine them ; and would
not be profitable if it could be done j and
it is better, therefore, and more in ac
cordance with the design of these Notes,
to state briefly what seems to me to be
the true interpretation. (1) The woman
is evidently designed to symbolize the
church; and in this there is a pretty
general agreement among interpreters.
The image, which is a beautiful one, was
very familiar to the Jewish prophets. See
Notes on Isa. i. 8, xlvii. 1 j comp. Ezek. xvi.
(2) But still, the question arises, to what
time this representation refers : whether
to the chuirch before the birth of the
Saviour, or after ? According to the
former of these opinions, it is supposed
to refer to the church as giving birth to
the Saviour, and the ' man-child' that is
born (ver. 5) is supposed to refer to
Christ, who 'sprang from the church
sari cdpKa' — according to the flesh.
Prof. Stuart, ii. 252. The church, ac
cording to this view, is not simply
regarded as J&nish, but, in a more
general and theocratic sense, as th*. people

of God. "From the Christian church,
considered as Christian, he could not
spring ; for this took its rise only after
the time of his public ministry. But
from the bosom of the people of God the
Saviour came. This church, Judaical
indeed (at the time of his birth) in
respect to rites and forms, but to be
come Christian after he had exercised
his ministry in the midst of it, might
well be represented here by the woman
which is described in ch. xii." Prof.
Stuart. But to this view there are some,
as it seems to me, unanswerable objec
tions. For (a) There seems to be a
harshness and incongruity in repre
senting the Saviour as the Son of the
church, or, representing the church as
giving birth to him. Such imagery is
not found elsewhere in the Bible, and is
not in accordance with the language
which is employed, where Christ is rather
represented as the Husband of the church
than the Son. See Rev. xxi. 2, "pre
pared as a bride adorned for her hus
band j" ver. 9, "I will show thee the
bride, the Lamb's wife." Comp. Isa.
liv. 5, lxi. 10, lxii. 5. (b) If this inter
pretation be adopted, then this must
refer to the Jewish church, and thus the
woman will personify the Jewish com
munity before the birth of Christ. But
this seems contrary to the whole design
of the Apocalypse, which has reference
to the Christian church, and not to the
ancient dispensation, (c) If this inter
pretation be adopted, then the statement
about the dwelling in the wilderness for a
period of 1260 days or years (ver. Ii)
must be assigned to the Jewish com
munity — a supposition every way im
probable and untenable. In what senso
could this be true? When did any
thing happen to the Jewish people that
could, with any show of probability, be
regarded as the fulfilment of this? (d) It
may be added, that the statement about
the 'man-child' (ver. 5), is one that can
with difficulty be reconciled to this sup
position. In what sense was this true
that the *man-cA*7rf' was 'caught up
unto God, and to his throne ?* The Sa
viour, indeed, ascended to heaven, but it
was not, as here represented, that ha
might be protected from the danger of
being destroyed ; and when he did as

CHAPTER XII.

A. D. 96.]

3 And there appealed another

cend, it was not as a helpless and unpro
tected babe, but as a man in the full matu
rity of his powers. — The other opinion is,
that the woman here refers to the Chris
tian church, and that the object is to
represent that church as about to be
enlarged — represented by the condition
of the woman, ver. 2. A beautiful wo
man appears, clothed with light — em
blematic of the brightness and purity of
the church ; with the moon under her
feet — the ancient and comparatively
obscure dispensation now made subor
dinate and humble; with a glittering
diadem of twelve stars on her head — the
stars representing the usual well-known
division of the people of God into twelve
parts — as the stars in the American flag
denote the original states of the Union ;
and in a condition (ver. 2) which showed
that the church was to be increased.
The time there referred to, is at the early
period of the history of tbe church,
when, as it .were, it first appears on the
theatre of things, and going forth in its
beauty and majesty over the earth.
John sees this church as it was about to
spread in the world, exposed to a mighty
and formidable enemy — a hateful dragon
— stationing itself to prevent its increase,
and to accomplish its destruction. From
that impending danger it is protected in
a manner that would be well represented
by the saving of the child of the woman,
and bearing it up to heaven, to a place
of safety — an act implying that, notwith
standing all dangers, the progress and
enlargement of the church was ulti
mately certain. In the mean time, the
woman herself flees into the wilderness
— an act representing the obscure and
bumble and persecuted state of the
church — till the great controversy is
determined which is to have the ascen
dency — God or the Dragon. In favor
of this interpretation, the following con
siderations may be suggested: — (a) It is
the natural and obvious interpretation.
(b) If it be admitted that John meant to
describe what oocurred in the world at
the time when the true church seemed
to be about to extend itself over the
earth, and when that prosperity was
shocked by the rise of the Papal power,
the symbol employed would be strikingly
xpressive and appropriate, (c) It ac-
29

337

° wonder in heaven ; and behold a
a Or, sign.

cords with the language elsewhere used
in the Scriptures when referring to the
increase of the church. Isa. lxvi. 1, 8 :
" Before she travailed, she brought
forth; before her pain came, she was
delivered of a man-child. Who hath
heard such a thing ? — As soon as Zion
travailed, she brought forth her child
ren." Isa. liv. 1 : " Sing, 0 barren, thou
that didst not bear; for more are the
children of the desolate than the children
of the married wife, saith the Lord."
Isa. xlix. 20 : " The children which thou
shalt have, after thou shalt bave lost the
other, shall say again in thy earz, The
place is too strait for me ; give place to
me that I may dwell." The comparison
of the church to a woman as the mother
of children, is one that is very common
in the Scriptures, (d) The future des
tiny of the child and of the woman
agrees with this supposition. The child
is caught up to heaven (ver. 5), em
blematic of the fact that God will pro
tect the- Church, and not suffer its
increase to be cut off and destroyed;
and the woman is driven for 1260 years
into tbe wilderness and nourished there
(ver. 14) — emblematic of the long period
of obscurity and persecution in the true
church, and yet of the fact that it would
be protected and nourished. The design
of the whole, therefore, I apprehGnd, is
to represent the peril of the church at
the time when it was about to be greatly
enlarged, or in a season of prosperity,
from the rise of a formidable enemy
that would stand ready to destroy it.
I regard this, therefore, as referring to
the time of the rise of the Papacy
when, but for that formidable, cor
rupting, and destructive power, it might
have been hoped that the church would
have spread all over the world. In
regard to the rise of that power, see
all that I have to say, or can say, in the
Notes on Dan. vii. 24-28.
3. And there appeared another wonder
in heaven. Represented as in heaven.
Notes ver. 1. That is, he saw this as
occurring at the time when the church
was thus about to increase. fl -^n<^ oe-
hold, a great red dragon. The word
rendered dragon — ipdicwv — occurs, in the
New Testament, only in the book of
Revelation, where it is uniformly ren-

338

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

great red dragon, • having seven
a ver. 9.

heads and ten horns, and seven
crowns upon his heads.

dered as here — dragon. Ch. xii. 3, 4, 1,
9, 13, 16, 17; xiii. 2, 4, 11; xvi. 13;
xx. 2. In all these places there is refer
ence to the same thing. The word pro
perly means a large serpent; and the
allusion in the word commonly is to
some serpent, perhaps such as the ana
conda, that resides in a desert or wilder
ness. See a full account of the ideas
that prevailed in ancient times respecting
the dragon, in Bochart, Hieroz. Lib. ill.
c. xiv., vol. ii. pp. 428-440. There was
much that Was fabulous respecting this
monster, and many notions were attached
to the dragon which did not exist in real
ity, and which were ascribed to it by the
imagination at a time when Natural
History was little understood. The
characteristics ascribed to the dragon,
according to Eochart, are, that it was
distinguished (a) for its vast size; (b)
that it had something like a beard or
dew-lap; (c) that it had three rows of
teeth ; (d) that its color was black, red,
yellow, or ashy ; (e) that it had a wide
mouth ; (/) that in its breathing it not
only drew in the air, but also birds that
were flying over it ; and (g) that its hiss
was terrible. Occasionally, also, feet
and wings were attributed to the dragon,
and sometimes a lofty crest. The dra
gon, according to Bochart, was supposed
to inhabit waste places and solitudes
(comp. Notes on Isa. xiii. 22), and it
became, therefore, an abject of great
terror. It is probable that the original j
of this was a huge serpent, and that all !
the other circumstances were added by J
tbe imagination. The prevailing ideas j
in regard to it, however, should be borne '
in mind, in order to see the force and
propriety of the use of the word by
John. Two special characteristics are
stated by John in the general description
of the dragon : one is, its red color ; the
other, that it was great. In regard to
the former, as above mentioned, the
dragon was supposed to be black, red,
yellow, or ashy. See the authorities
referred to in Bochart, ut nip. pp. 435,
436. There was doubtless a reason why
the one seen by John should be repre
sented as red. As to the other charac
teristic — great — the idea is, that it was
a huge monster, and this would properly
refer to some mighty, terrible power,

which would be properly symbolized by
snch a monster. % Having seven heads.
It was not unusual to attribute many
heads to monsters, especially to fabulous
monsters, and these greatly increased
the terror of the animal. " Thus Cerbe
rus usually has three heads assigned to
him; but Eesiod (Theog. 312) assigns
him fifty, and Horace (Ode II. 13, 34) one
hundred. So the Hydra of the Lake
Lerna, killed by Hercules,, had fifty
heads (Virg. Aen. vi. 576) ; and in Kid-
dushim, fol. 29, 2, Rabbi Aehse is said
to have seen a demon like a dragon with
seven heads." Prof. Stuart, in foe. The
seven heads would somehow denote
power, or seats of power. Such a num
ber of heads increase the terribleness,
and, as it were, the vitality of the mon
ster. What is here represented would
be as terrible and formidable as such a
monster ; or, such a monster would ap
propriately represent what was designed
to be symbolized here. The number
seven may be used here 'as a perfect
number/ or merely to heighten the ter
ror of the image, but it is more natural
to suppose that there would be some.
thing in what is here represented which
would lay the foundation for the use of
this number. There would be something
either in the origin of the power ; or in
the union of various powers now com
bined in the one represented by the
dragon; or in the seat of the power,
which this would preperly symbolize.
Comp. Notes on Daniel vii. 6. % And
ten horns. Emblems of power, denoting
that, in some respects, there were ten
powers combined in this one. See Notes
on Dan. vii. 7, 8, 20, 24. There can be
little doubt that John had those passages
of Daniel in his eye, and perhaps as little
that the reference is to tile same thing.
The meaning is, that, in some respects,
there would be a tenfold origin or divi
sion of the power represented by the
dragon, ^ And seven crowns upon his
heads. Gr. diadems. See Notes on ch.
ix. 7. There is a reference here to some
kingly power, and doubtless John had
some kingdom or sovereignty in his eye
that would be properly symbolized in
this manner. The method in which
these heads and horns were arranged on
the dragon is not stated, and is not mar

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XII.

339

terial. All that is necessary in the ex
planation is, that .there was something in
the power referred to that would be pro
perly represented by the seven heads,
and something by the ten horns.
In the application of this, it will be
necessary to enquire what was properly
symbolized by these representations, and
to refer again to these particulars with
this view.
(a) The dragon. This is explained,
ver. 9 of this chapter : " And the great
dragon was cast out, that old serpent,
called the Devil, and Satan, which de-
ceiveth the whole world." So again,
ch. xx. 2, "And he laid hold on the
dragon, that old serpent, which is the
Devil." Comp. Bochart, Hieroz. ii. pp.
439,*440. There can be no doubt, there
fore, that the reference here is to Satan,
considered as the enemy of God, and the
enemy of the peace of man, and espe
cially "as giving origin and form to some
mighty power that would threaten the
existence of the church.
(4) Gre&t. This will well describe the
power of Satan as originating the organ
izations that were engaged for so long a
time in persecuting the church, and
endeavouring to destroy it. It was a
work of vast power, controlling -kings
and princes and nations for ages, and
could have been accomplished only by
one to whom the appellation here used
could be given.
(c) lied. This, too, is an appellation
properly applied here to the dragon, or
Satan, considered as the enemy of the
church, and as originating this perse
cuting power, either (l)because it well
represents the bloody persecutions that
would ensue ; or (2) because this would
be the favorite color by which this power
would be manifest. Comp. ch. xvii. 3, 4,
xviii. 12, 16.
(d) The seven heads. There was doubt
less, as above remarked, something sig
nificant in these heads, as referring to
the power designed to be represented.
On the supposition that this refers to
Rome, or to the power of Satan" as mani
fested by Roman persecution, there can
be no difficulty in the application, and,
indeed, it is such an image as the writer
would naturally use on the supposition
that it had such a designed reference.
Rome was built, as is well known, on
seven hills (comp. Notes on ch. x. 3),
and was called the seven-hilled city

(Septicolis), from having been originally
built on seven hills, though subsequently
three hills were added, making the whole
number ten. See Eschenburg, Manual
of Classical Literature, P. 1, g 53. Thus
Ovid :
"Sed quae de aeptem totum circumBpicit orbem
Montibua, imperii Roma: Deumque locus.
Horace :
" Dla quibuB aeptem placuere collea."
Propertius :
" Septem urba alta jugia, toti quae praeaidet orbi."
Tertullian : " I appeal to the citizens of
Rome, the populace that dwell on the
seven hills." Apol. 35. And again, Jer
ome to Marcella, when urging her to quit
Rome for Bethlehem : " Read what is
said in the Apocalypse of the seven
hills," &c. The situation of the city, if
that was designed to be represented by
the dragon, would naturally suggest the
idea of the seven-headed monster. Comp.
Notes on ch. xiii. The explanation which
is here given of the meaning of the 'seven
heads/ is in fact one that is given in the
book of Revelation itself, and there can
be no danger of error in this part of the
interpretation. See ch. xvii. 9 : " The
seven heads are seven mountains, on
which the woman sitteth." Comp. ver. 18.
(e) The ten horns. These were em
blems of power, denoting that in refer
ence to that power there were, in some
respects, ten sources. The same thing
is referred to here which is in Dan. vii.
7, 8, 20, 24. See the Notes on Dan. vii.
24, where this subject is fully considered.
The creature that John saw was indeed
a monster, and we are not to expect
entire congruity in the details. It is
sufficient that the main idea is preserved,
and that would bo, if the reference was
to Rome considered as the place where
the energy of Satan, as opposed to God
and the church, was centered.
(/) The seven crowns. This would
merely denote that kingly or royal au
thority was claimed.
The general interpretation which re
fers this vision to Rome may receive
confirmation from the fact that the
dragon • was at one time the Roman
standard, as is represented by the fol
lowing cut from Montfaucon. Ammianus
Marcellinus (xvi. 10) thus describes this
standard : " The dragon was covered with
purple cloth, and fastened to the end of
a pike gilt and adorned with precious

340

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

4 And his tail" drew the third
a Is. 9. 15.

stones. It opened its wide throat, and
the wind blew through it; and it hissed

part of the stars of heaven, and did
cast them to the earth: and the

as if in a rage, with its tail floating in
several folds through the air." He else-

ROMAN ENSIGN — THE' DRAGON.

where often gives it the epithet of pur-
pureus — purple-red : purpureum signum
draconis, &c. With this the description
of Claudian well agrees also : —
" Hi volucrca tollent aquilaa ; hi picta dracomjm
Colla levant : multumque tumet per uubila aerpena,
Iratua atimulante nolo, vivitqua receptia
Flatibua, et vario mentttur aibila flatu."
The dragon was first used as an ensign
near the close of the second century of
the Christian era, and it was not until
the third century that its use bad become
common, and the reference here, accord
ing to this fact, would be to that period
of the Roman power when this had
become a common standard, and when
the applicability of this image would be
readily understood. It is simply Some
that is referred to — Rome the great agent
of accomplishing the purposes of Satan
towards the church. The eagle was the
common Roman ensign in the timo of

the Republic, and in the earlier periods
of the. empire, but in later periods the
dragon became also a standard as com
mon and as well-known as the eagle.
" In the third century it had become
almost as notorious among Roman en
signs as the eagle itself; and is in the
fourth century noted by Prudentius,
Vegetius, Chrysostom, Ammianus, Ac ;
in the fifth, by Claudian and others."
Elliott, ii. 14.'
4. And his tail dreto the third part of
the stars of heaven. The word rendered
drew — tripta — means to draw, drag, haul.
Prof. Stuart renders it ' drew along;' and
explains it as meaning that " the danger
is represented as being in the upper
region of the air, so that his tail may be
supposed to interfere with and sweep
down the stars, whioh, as viewed by the
ancients, were all set in the visible
expanse or welkin." So Daniel (viii. 10),

A. IX 96.]

CHAPTER XII.

341

dragon stood before the woman
which was ready to be delivered,
for to devour her child as soon as
it was born.
5 And " she brought forth a
speaking of the little horn, says that " it
waxed great, even to the host of heaven,
and it cast down some of the host and
of the stars to tbe ground." See Notes
on that passage. The main idea here
undoubtedly is that of power, and the
object of John is to show that the power
of the dragon was as if it extended to
the stars, and as if it dragged down a
third part of them to the earth, or swept
them away with its tail, leaving two-
thirds unaffected. A power that would
sweep them all away would be universal;
a power that would sweep away one-
third only would represent a dominion
of that extent only. The dragon is
represented as floating in the air — a
monster extended along the sky — and
one-third of the whole expanse was sub
ject to his control. Suppose, then, that
the dragon here was designed to repre
sent the Roman Pagan power ; suppose
that it referred to that power about to
engage in the work of persecution, and
at a time when the church was about to
be greatly enlarged, and to fill tbe
world ; suppose that it referred to a time
when but one-third part of the Roman
world was subject to Pagan influence,
and the remaining two-thirds were, for
some cause, safe from this influence, all
the conditions here referred to would be
fulfilled. Now it so happens that at a
time when the 'dragon1 had become a
common standard in the Roman armies,
and had in some measure superseded
the eagle, a state of things did exist
which well corresponds with this repre
sentation. There were times under the
emperors when, in a considerable part of
the empire, after the establishment of
Christianity, the church enjoyed protec
tion, and the Christian religion was
tolerated, while in other parts Pagan
ism still prevailed, and waged a bitter
warfare with the church. "Twice, at
least, before the Roman empire became
divided permanently into the two parts,
the Eastern and the Western, there was
a tripartite division of the empire. The
first occurred A. D. 311, when it was
divided between Constantine, Licinius,
29*

man child, who ' was to rule all
nations with a rod of iron : and her
child was caught up unto God, and
to his throne.
a Is. 7. 14. b Ps. 2. 10.

and Maximin ; the other A. D. 337, on
the death of Constantine, when it was
divided between his three sons, Constan
tine, Constans, and Constantius. " In
two-thirds of the empire, embracing its
whole European and African territory,
Christians enjoyed toleration; in the
other, or Asiatic portion, they were still,
after a brief and uncertain respite, ex
posed to persecution, in all its bitterness
and cruelty as before." Elliott, ii. 17.
I do not deem it absolutely essential,
however, in order to a fair exposition
of this passage, that we should be able
to refer to minute historical facts with
names and dates. A sufficient fulfilment
is found, if there was a period when
the church, bright, glorious, and pros
perous, was appareutly about to become
greatly enlarged, but when the mon
strous Pagan power still held its sway
over a considerable part of the world,
exposing the church to , persecution.
Even after the establishment of the
church in the empire, and the favor
shown to it by the Roman government,
it was long before the Pagan power
ceased to rage, and before the church
could be regarded as safe. *J And the
dragon stood before the woman ready to
be delivered, for to devour her child. To
prevent the increase and spread of the
church in the world.
5. And she brought forth a man-child.
Representing, according to the view
above taken, the church in its increase
and prosperity — as if a. child were born
that was to rule over all nations. See
Notes on ver. 2. ^[ Who was to rule all
nations. That is, according to this view,
the church thus represented was des
tined to reign in all the earth, or all the
earth was to become subject to its laws.
Comp. Notes on Daniel, vii. 13, 14.
^[ With a rod of iron. The language
here used is derived from Ps. ii. 9 :
" Thou shalt break them with a rod
of iron." The form of the expression
here used ' who was to rule'- — 8s ui\\u
irotualvciv — is derived from the Septua
gint translation of the Psalm — woiuutvhs
— 'thou shalt rule them;' to wit as a

342

REVELATION,

[A.D.9C.

shepherd does his flock. The reference
is to such control as a shepherd em
ploys in relation to his flock — protect
ing, guarding, and defending them, with
the idea that the flock is under his
care ; and, on the supposition that this
refers to the churoh, it means that it
would yet have the ascendency or the
dominion over the earth. The meaning
in the phrase, 'with a rod of iron,' is,
that the dominion would be strong or
irresistible — as an iron sceptre is one
that cannot be broken or resisted. The
thoughts here expressed, therefore, are
(a) that the churoh would become uni
versal — or that the principles of truth
and righteousness would prevail every
where on the earth ; ( b ) that the ascend
ency of religion over the understandings
and consciences of men would be irre
sistible — as firm as a government ad
ministered under a sceptre of iron ; yet
(c) that it would be rather of a character
of protection than of force or violence,
like the sway which a shepherd wields
over his flock. I understand the ' man-
child' here, therefore, to refer to the
church in its increase under the Messiah,
and the idea to be, that that church was,
at tbe time referred to, about to be en
larged, and that, though its increase was
opposed, yet it was destined ultimately
to assert a mild sway over all the world.
The time hero referred to would seem to
be some period in the early history of
tho church when religion was likely to
be rapidly propagated, and when it was
opposed and retarded by violent perse
cution — perhaps the last of the perse
cutions under the Pagan Roman empire.
^[ And her child was caught up unto God.
This is evidently a symbolical repre
sentation. Some event was to occur, or
some divine interposition was to take
place, as if the child thus born were
caught up from the earth to save it from
death, and was rendered secure by being
in the presence of God, and near his
throne. It cannot be supposed that any
thing like this would literally oocur.
Any divine interposition to protect the
church in its increase, or to save it from
being destroyed by the dragon — the
fierce Pagan power — would be properly
represented by this. Why may we not
suppose the reference to be to the times
of Constantine when the ohurch came
jnder his protection ; when it was effeo-
aally and finally saved from Pagan

persecution ; when it was rendered safe
from tbe enemy that waited to destroy it ?
On the supposition that this refers to /an
increasing but endangered church, in
whose defence a civil power was raised
up, exalting Christianity to tte throne,
and protecting it from danger, this would
be well represented by the child caught
up to heaven. This view may derive
confirmation from some well-known
facts in history. The old Pagan power
was concentrated in Maximin, who was
emperor from the Nile to the Bosphorus,
and who raged against tbe gospel and
the church " with Satanic enmity."
" Infuriate at the now imminent pros
pect of the Christian body attaining
establishment in the empire, Maximin
renewed the persecution against Chris
tians within the limits of bis own domi
nion; prohibing their assemblies, and
degrading, and even killing their bish
ops." Comp. Gibbon, i. 325, 326. The
last struggle of Pagan Rome to destroy
the church by persecution, before the
triumph of Constantine, and the public
establishment of the Christian religion,
might be well represented by the at
tempt of the dragon to destroy the
child ; and the safety of the church, and
its complete deliverance from Pagan per
secution, by the symbol of a child caught
up to heaven, and placed near the
throne of God. The persecution under
Maximin was the last struggle of Pa
ganism to retain the supremacy, and to
crush Christianity in the empire. " Be
fore the decisive battle," says Milner,
" Maximin vowed to Jupiter that, if vic
torious, he would abolish the Christian -
name. The contest between Jehovah
and Jupiter was now at its 'neight, and
drawing to a crisis." The result was
the defeat and death of Maximin, and
the termination of the efforts of Pagan
ism to destroy Christianity by force.
Respecting this event, Mr. Gibbon re
marks, " The defeat and death of Max
imin soon delivered the ohurch from the
last and most implacable of her ene
mies." i. 326. Christianity was, after
that, rendered safe from Pagan persecu
tion. Mr. Gibbon says, •' The gratitude
of the church has exalted the virtues of
the generous patron who seated Chris
tianity on the throne of the Bonuin
world." If, however, it should be re
garded as a forced and fanciful inter
pretation to suppose that the passage

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XII.

343

6 And the woman fled into the
wilderness, where she hath a place
prepared of God, that they should

before us refers to this specific event,
yet the general circumstances of the
times would furnish a fulfilment of what
is here said, (a) The church would be
well represented by tbe beautiful woman.
(b) The prospect of its increase and uni
versal dominion would be well repre
sented by the birth of the child, (c) The
furious opposing Pagan power would be
well represented by the dragon in its
attempts to destroy the child, (d) The
safety of the church would be well
represented by the symbol of the child
caught up to God, and placed near his
throne. 6. And the woman. The woman re
presenting the church. Notes ver. 1.
f Fled. That is, she fled in the man
ner, and at the time, stated in ver. 14.
John here evidently anticipates, by a
summary statement, what he relates
more in detail in vs. 14-17. He had
referred (vs. 2-5) to what occurred to
the child in its persecutions, and he here
alludes, in general, to what befell tbe
true churoh as compelled to flee into
obscurity and safety. Having briefly
referred to this, the writer (vs. 7-13)
gives an account of the efforts of Satan
consequent on the removal of the child
to heaven, ^f Into the wilderness. On
tbe meaning of the word wilderness in
the New Testament, see Notes on Matt
iii. 1. It means a desert place, a place
where there are few or no inhabitants ;
a place, therefore, where one might be
concealed and unknown — remote from
the habitations and the observation of
men. This would well represent the
fact that the true church became for a
time obscure and unknown — as if it had
fled away from the habitations of men,
and had retired to the solitude and lone
liness of a desert Tet even there (vs.
14, 16), it would be mysteriously nou
rished, though seemingly driven out
into wastes and solitudes, and having its
abode among the rocks and sands of a
desert % Where she hath a place pre
pared of God. A place where she might
be safe, and might be kept alive. The
meaning is, that during that time, the
true church, though obscure and almost

feed her there " a thousand two
hundred and threescore days.
7 And there was war in heaven :

a c 11. 3.

unknown, would be the object of the
divine protection and care — a beautiful
representation of the church during the
corruptions of the Papacy and the dark
ness of the Middle Ages, f That they
should feed her. That they should nou
rish or sustain her — rpiQuoiv — to wit, as
specified in vs. 14, 16. Those who were
to do this, represented by the word ' they,'
are not particularly mentioned, and the
simple idea is that she would be nou
rished during that time. That is, stripped
of the figure, the church during that time
would find true friends, and would be
kept alive. It is hardly necessary to say
that this has in fact occurred in the
darkest periods of the history of the
church. ^1 A thousand two hundred and
threescore days. That is, regarding these
as prophetic days, in which a day de
notes a year, twelve hundred and sixty
years. The same period evidently is
referred to in ver. 14, in the words 'for
a time, and times, and half a time.' And
the same period is undoubtedly referred
to in Daniel vii. 25, "And they shall be
given into his hand until a time, and
times, and the dividing of time." For a
full consideration of the meaning of this
language, and its application to the Pa
pacy, see Notes on Daniel vii. 25. The
full investigation there made of the
meaning and application of the lan
guage, renders its consideration here
unnecessary. I regard it here, as I do
there, as referring to the proper continu
ance of the Papal power, during which
tbe true church would remain in com
parative obsourity, as if driven into a
desert Comp. Notes on ch. xi. 2. The
meaning here is, that during that period
the true church would not become whol
ly extinct It would have an existence
upon the earth, but its final triumph
would be reserved for the time when this
great enemy should be finally over
thrown. Comp. Notes on vs. 14-17.
7. And there was war in heaven.
There was a state of things existing in
regard to the woman and the child — the
church in the condition in which it would
then be — which would be well represent
ed by a war in heaven; that is, by a

344

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

Michael and his angels fought
against the dragon ; and the dra
gon fought and his angels,

conflict between the powers of good and
evil, of light and darkness. Of course,
it is not necessary to understand this
literally, any more than the other sym
bolical representations in the book. All
that is meant is, that a vision passed
before the mind of John as if there was
a conflict, in regard to the church, be
tween the angels in heaven and Satan.
There is a vision of the persecuted church
— of the woman fleeing into the desert —
and the course of the narrative is here
interrupted by going back (vs. 7-13) to
describe the conflict which led to this
result, and the fact that Satan, as it were
cast out of heaven, and unable to achieve
a victory there, was suffered to vent hi%
malice against the church on earth.
The seat of this warfare is said to be
heaven. This language sometimes refers
to heaven as it appears to us — the sky —
the upper regions of the atmosphere, and
some have supposed that that was the
place of the contest. But the language
in ch. xi. 19, xii. 1 (see Notes on those
places), would rather lead us to refer it
to heaven considered as lying beyond
the sky. This accords too with other
representations in the Bible, where Satan
is described as appearing before God,
and among the sons of God. See Notes
on Job i. 6. Of course, this is not to be
understood as a real transaction, but as
a symbolical representation of the con
test between good and evil — as if there
was a war waged in heaven between
Satan and the leader of the heavenly
hosts. % Michael. There have been
very various opinions as to who Michael
is. Many Protestant interpreters have
supposed that Christ is meant. The
reasons usually alleged for this opinion,
many of which are very fanciful, may be
seen in Hengstenburg (Die Offenbarung
des heiliges Johannes), i. 611-622. The
reference to Michael here is probably
derived from Daniel x. 13, xii. 1. In
those places he is represented as the
Guardian Angel of the people of God,
and it is in thi3 sense, I apprehend, that
the passage is to be understood here.
There is no evidence in the name itself,
or in the oiroumstancos referred to, that
Christ ia intended, and if he had been it

8 And prevailed not; neither
was their place found any more in
heaven.

is inconceivable why he was not referred
to by his own name, or by some of the
usual appellations which John gives him.
Michael, tbe Archangel, is here repre
sented as the Guardian of the church,
and as contending against Satan for its
protection. Comp. Notes on Ban. x. 13.
This representation accords with the
usual statements in the Bible respecting
the interposition of the angels in behalf
of the church (see Notes on Heb. i. 14),
and is one which cannot be proved to be
unfounded. All the analogies which
throw any light on the subject, as well
as the uniform statements of the Bible,
lead us to suppose that good beings of
other worlds feel an interest in the wel
fare of the redeemed church below.
^[ And his angels. The angels under
him. Michael is represented as the
Archangel, and all the statements in the
Bible suppose that the heavenly hosts
are distributed into different ranks and
orders. See Notes on Jnde 9, Eph. i. 21.
If Satan is permitted to make war against
the church, there is no improbability in
supposing that, in those higher regions
where the war is carried on, and in those
aspects of it which lie beyond the power
and the knowledge of man, good angels
should be employed to defeat his plans.
^ Fought. See Notes on Jude 9.
f Against the dragon. Against Satan.
Notes ver. 3. ^ And the dragon fought
and his angels. That is, the master
spirit — Satan, and those under him.
See Notes on Matt. iv. 1. Of the nature
of this warfare, nothing is definitely
stated. Its whole sphere lies beyond
mortal vision, and is carried on in a
manner of which we can have little con
ception. What weapons Satan may use
to destroy the church, and in what way
his efforts may he counteracted by holy
angels, are points on which we can have
little knowledge. It is sufficient to know
that the fact of such a struggle is not
improbable, and that Satan is success
fully resisted by the leader of the hea
venly host
8. And prevailed not. Satan and his
angels failed in their purpose, ^ Weithet
was their place found any more in heaven.
They were oast out, and were seen ther*

CHAPTER XII.

A. D. 96.]

9 And the great dragon was cast
out, that old serpent," called the
Devil, * and Satan, c which deceiv-
a Ge. 3. 1, 4. b Jno. 8. 44. c Zee. 3. 1.

345

no more. The idea is, that they were
defeated and driven away, though for a
time they were suffered to carry on the
warfare elsewhere.
9. And the great dragon was ct °( out.
See Notes on ver. 3. That there may be
an allusion in the language here to what
actually occurred in some far-distant
period of the past, when Satan was
ejected from heaven, there can be no
reason to doubt. Our Saviour seems to
refer to such an event in the language
which he uses when he says (Luke x. 18),
" I beheld Satan as lightning fall from
heaven ;" and Jude perhaps (ver. 6)
may refer to the same event. All that
we know on the subject leads us to sup
pose that at some time there was a revolt
among the angels, and that the rebel
lious part were east out of heaven, for
an allusion to this is not unfrequent in
the Scriptures. Still, the event here
referred to is a symbolical representation
of what would occur at a later period,
when the church would be about to
spread and be triumphant, and when
Satan would wage a deadly war against
it. That opposition would be as if he
made war on Michael the Archangel,
and the heavenly hosts, and his failure
would be as great as if he were van
quished and cast out of heaven, ^f That
old serpent. This doubtless refers to the
serpent that deceived Eve (Gen. iii. 1-
11; Rev. xx. 2; comp. Notes on 2 Cor.
xi. 3) ; and this passage may be adduced
as a proof that the real tempter of Eve
was the devil, who assumed the form of
a serpent. The word old here refers to
the fact that his appearance on earth
was at an early stage of the world's his
tory, and that he had long been em
ployed in the work which is here
attributed to him — that of opposing the
church. 1f Called the Devil. To whom
the name Devil is given. That is, this
is the same being that is elsewhere and
commonly known by that name. See
Notes on Matt. iv. 1. 1f And Satan.
Another name given to the same beingj
a name, like the other, designed to refer
to something in his character. See it
explained in the Notes on Job i. 6.

eth the whole world ; he was cast
out into the earth, and his angels
were cast out with him.
10 And I heard a loud voice say-

^[ Which deceiveih the whole world.
Whose character is that of a deceiver ;
whose agency extends over all tbe earth.
See Notes on John viii. 44, and 1 John
v. 19. ^ He was cast out into the earth.
That is, he was not suffered to pursue
his designs in heaven, but was cast down
to the earth, where he is permitted for
a time to carry on his warfare against
the church. According to the interpre
tation proposed above, this refers to the
period when there were indications that
(rod was about to set up his kingdom on
the earth. The language, however, is
such as would be used on the supposition
that there had been, at some period, a
rebellion in heaven, and that Satan and
his followers had been cast out to return
there no more. It is difficult to explain
this language except on that supposition ;
and such a supposition is, in itself, no
more improbable than the apostacy and
rebellion of man. ^[ And his angels
were cast out with him. They shared
the lot of their leader. As applicable to
the state of things to which this refers,
the meaning is, that all were overthrown ;
that no enemy of the church would re
main unsubdued ; that the victory would
be final and complete. As applicable to
the event from which the language is
supposed to have been derived — the
revolt in heaven — the meaning is, that
the followers in the revolt shared the
lot of the leader, and that all who
rebelled were ejected from heaven. The
first and the only revolt in heaven was
quelled ; and the result furnished to the
universe an impressive proof that none
who rebelled there would be forgiven —
that apostasy so near the throne could
not be pardoned.
10. And I heard a loud voice saying in
heaven. The great enemy was expelled ;
the cause of God and truth was triumph
ant ; and the conquering hosts united in
eelebrating the victory. This repre
sentation of a song, consequent on vic
tory, is in accordance with the usual
representations in the Bible. See the
Song of Moses at the Bed Sea, Ex. xv. ;
the Song of Deborah, Judges v.; the
Song of David when the Lord had

346

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.'

ing in heaven, Now " is come sal
vation and strength, and the king-
a c. 11. 15.
delivered him out of the hand of all his
enemies, 2 Sam. xxii., and Isa. xii. xxv.
On no occasion could such a song be
more appropriate than on the complete
routing and discomfiture of Satan and
his rebellious hosts. Viewed in reference
bo the time here symbolized, this would
relate to the certain triumph of the
church and of truth on the earth; in
reference to the language, there is an
allusion to the joy and triumph of the
heavenly hosts when Satan and his
apostate legions were expelled, ^j Now
is come salvation. That is, complete
deliverance from the power of Satan.
Jf And strength. That is, now is the
mighty power of God manifested in
easting down and subduing the great
enemy of the church. ^ And the king
dom of our God. The reign of our God.
See Notes on Matt. iii. 2. That is now
established among men, and God will
henceforward rule. This refers to the
certain ultimate triumph of his cause in
tbe world. ^[ And the power of his
Christ. His anointed; that is, the king
dom of Christ as the Messiah, or as
anointed and set apart to rule over the
world. See Notes on Matt. i. 1. % For
the accuser of our brethen is cast down.
The phrase ' our brethren' shows by
whom this song is celebrated. It is
sung in heaven ; but it is by those who
belonged to the redeemed church, and
whose brethren were still suffering per
secution and trial on the earth. It shows
the tenderness of the tie which unites all
the redeemed as brethren whether on
earth or in heaven ; and it shows the
interest which they 'who have passed
tbe flood' have in the trials, the sorrows,
and the triumphs of those who are still
upon the earth. We have here another
appellation given to the great enemy : —
'accuser of our brethren.' The word
here used — Karfiyopos, in later editions of
the New Testament Kartjyup — means pro
perly an accuser; one who blames an
other or charges another with crime.
The word occurs in John viii. 10; Aots
xxiii. 30, 35, xxiv. 8, xxv. 16, 18; Kev.
xii. 10, in all which places it is rendered
accuser or accusers, though only in the
latter place applied to Satan. The verb

dom of our God, and the power of
bis Christ : for the accuser of our
brethren is cast down, which ac-

frequently occurs, Matt xii. 10, xxvii.
12; Mark iii. 2, xv. 3, et al. The
description of Satan as an accuser ac
cords with the opinion of the ancient
Hebrews in regard to his character.
Thus he is represented in Job i. 9-11,
ii. 4, 5 ; Zech. iii. 1, 2 ; 1 Ghron. xxi. 1.
The phrase ' of the brethren' refers to
Christians, or to the people of God ; and
the meaning here is, that one of tbe
characteristics of Satan — a characteristic
so well-known as to make it proper to
designate him by it — is that he is an ac
cuser of the righteous ; that he is em
ployed in bringing against them charges
affecting their character and destroying
their influence. The propriety of this
appellation cannot be doubted. It is, as
it has always been, one of the charac
teristics of Satan — one of the means by
which he keeps up his influence in the
world — to bring accusations against the
people of God. Thus, under his sug
gestions, and by bis agents, they are
charged with hypocrisy ; with , insin
cerity; with being influenced by bad
motives; with pursuing sinister designs
under the cloak of religion ; with secret
vices and crimes. Thus it was that the
martyrs were accused ; thus it is that
unfounded accusations are often brought
against ministers of the gospel, palsying
their power and diminishing their influ
ence, or that when a professed Christian
falls the church is made to suffer by an
effort to cast suspicion on all who bear
the Christian name. Perhaps the most
skilful thing that Satan does, and the
thing by which he most contributes to
diminish the influence of the church, is
in thus causing ' accusations' to be
brought against the people of God.
1f Is cast down. The period here re
ferred to was, doubtless, the time when
the church was about to be established
and to flourish in the world, and when
accusations would be brought against
Christians by various classes of calum
niators and informers. It is well-known
that in the early ages of Christianity
crimes of the most horrid nature were
oharged on Christians, and that it was
by these slanders that the effort was
made to prevent the extension of the

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XII.

347

cused them before our God day
and night.
11 And they overcame ° him by
the blood of the Lamb, and by
the word of their testimony; and
Christian church. ^[ Which accused
them before our God. See Notes on Job i.
9, 10. The meaning is, that he accused
them, as it were, in the very presence
of God. ^[ Day and night. He never
ceased bringing these accusations, and
sought by the perseverance and con
stancy with which they were urged, to
convince the world that there was no
sincerity in the church, and no reality
in religion.
11. And they overcame him. That is,
he was foiled in his attempt thus to
destroy the church. The reference here,
undoubtedly, is primarily to the martyr
age, and to the martyr spirit ; and the
meaning is, that religion had not become
extinct by these accusations, as Satan
hoped it would be, but lived and tri
umphed. By their holy lives ; by their
faithful testimony ; by their patient suf
ferings, they showed that all these ac
cusations were false, and that the religion
which they professed was from God,
and thus in fact gained a victory over
their accuser. Instead of being them
selves subdued, Satan himself was van
quished, and the world was constrained
to acknowledge that the persecuted
religion had a heavenly origin. No
design was ever more ineffectual than
that of crushing the church by persecu
tion ; no victory was ever more signal
than that which .was gained when it
could be said that 'the blood of the
martyrs is the seed of the church.' If By
the blood of the Lamb. etThe Lord Jesus
— the Lamb of God. Notes, ch. v. 6 ;
comp. Notes on John i. 29. The blood
of Christ was that by which they were
redeemed, and it was in virtue of tho
efficacy of the atonement that they were
enabled to achieve the victory. Comp.
Notes on Phil. iv. 13. Christ himself
achieved a victory over Satan by his
death (see Notes on Col. ii. 15 ; Heb. ii.
15), and it is in virtue of the victory
which he thus achieved, that we are
now able to triumph over our great foe.
" I ask them whence their victory came ;
They, with united breath,
Aicribe their conquest to the Lamb,
Their triumph to hia death."

they loved not their lives unto * thp
death. 12 Therefore " rejoice, ye hea
vens, and ye that dwell in them.
a Ro. 8. 33, 37. b Lu. 14. 26.
c Ps. 96.11; Is. 49, 13.

^f And by the word of their testimony. The
faithful testimony which they bore to
the truth. That is, they adhered to the
truth in their sufferings ; they declared
their belief in it, even in the pains of
martyrdom, and it was by this that they
overoame the great enemy ; that is, by
this that the belief in the gospel was
established and maintained in the world.
The reference here is to the effects of
persecution, and to the efforts of Satap
to drive religion from the world by per
secution. John says that the result, as
he saw it in vision, was that the perse
cuted church bore a faithful testimony
to the truth, and that the great enemy
was overcome. % Because they loved not
their lives unto the death. They did not
so love their lives that they were un
willing to die as martyrs. They did not
shrink back when threatened with death,
but remained firm in their attachment
to their Saviour, and left their dying
testimony to the truth and power of re
ligion. It was by these means that
Christianity was established in the
world, and John, in the scene before
us, saw it thus triumphant, and saw the
angels and the redeemed in heaven
celebrating the triumph. The result of
the attempts to destroy the Christian
religion by persecution demonstrated
that it was to triumph. No mori
mighty power could be employed t«
crush it than was employed by the Eo
man emperors, and when it was seen
that Christianity could survive thos«
efforts to crush it, it was certain that it
was destined to live for ever.
12. Therefore, rejoice, ye heavens. It
is not unusual in the Scripture to call on
the heavens and the earth to sympa
thize with the events that occur. Comp.
Notes on Isa. i. 2. Here the heavens
are called on to rejoice because of the
signal victory which it was seen would
be achieved over the great enemy.
Heaven itself was secure from any
further rebellion or invasion, and the
foundation was laid for a final viotory
over Satan every where, fl And ye that
dwell in them. The angels and the re-

348

KEVELATION,

[A. D. 96;

Woe ° to the inhabiters of the
earth, and of the sea 1 for the devil
is come down unto you, having
great wrath because * he knoweth
that he hath but a short time.
13 And when the dragon saw
a c. 8. 13. b c 10. 6.

deemed. This is an instance of the
sympathy of the heavenly inhabitants —
the un fallen and holy beings before the
throne — with the church on earth, and
with all that may affect its welfare.
Comp. Notes on 1 Pet. i. 12. ^ Woe to
the inhabiters of the earth. This is not
an imprecation, or a wish that woe might
come upon them, hut a prediction that
it would. The meaning is this : — Satan
would ultimately be entirely overcome —
a fact that was symbolized by bis being
cast out of heaven ; hut there would
be still temporary woe upon the earth,
as if he were permitted to roam over the
world for a time, and to spread woe and
sorrow there. ^ And of the sea. Those
who inhabit the islands of the sea, and
those who are engaged in commerce.
The meaning is, that the world as such
would have occasion to mourn — the
dwellers both on the land and on the
sea. % For the devil is come down to
you. . As if cast out of heaven. \ Having
great wrath. Wrath shown by the sym
bolical war with Michael and his angels
(ver. 7); wrath increased and inflamed
because he has been discomfited ; wrath
the more concentrated because he knows
that his time is limited. ^ Because he
- knoweth that he hath but a short time.
That is, he knows that the time is
limited in which he will he permitted
to wage war with the saints on the
earth. There is allusion elsewhere to
the fact that the time of Satan is limited,
and that he is apprised of that. Thus
in Matt. viii. 29, "Art thou come to
torment us before the time ?" See Notes
on that passage. Within that limited
space, Satan knows that he must do all
that he ever can do to destroy souls, and
to spread woe through the earth, and
hence it is not unnatural that he should
be represented as excited to deeper
wrath, and as arousing all his energy to
destroy the church.
13. And when the dragon saw that he
teas cast out unto the earth. That is,

that he was cast unto the earth,
he persecuted the woman which
brought forth the man child.
14 And to the woman were given
two wings ' of a great eagle that
she might fly into the wilderness,
c Is. 40. 31.

when Satan saw that he was doomed to
discomfiture and overthrow, as if he had
been cast out of heaven ; when he saw
that his efforts must be confined to the
earth, and that only for a limited time,
he 'persecuted the woman/ and was
more violently enraged against the
church on earth. ^ He persecuted the
woman which brought forth the man-
child. See Notes on ver. 5. The child
is represented as safe; that is, the ulti
mate progress and extension of the
church was certain. But Satan was
permitted still to wage a warfare against
the church — represented here by his
wrath against the woman, and by her
being constrained to flee into the wil
derness. It is unnecessary to say
that, after the Pagan persecutions
censed, and Christianity was firmly es
tablished in the empire; after Satan
saw that all hope of destroying the
church in that manner was at an end,
his enmity was vented in another form —
in the rise of the Papacy, and in the per
secutions under that — an opposition to
spiritual religion no less determined and
deadly than that which had been waged
by Paganism.
14. And to the woman were given two
wings of a great eagle. The most pow
erful of birds, and among the most rapid
in flight. See Notes on ch. iv. 7. The
meaning here is^hat the woman is rep
resented as prepared for a rapid flight;
so prepared as to be able to outstrip her
pursuer, and to reach a place of safety.
Divested of the figure, the sense is, that
the ohurch, when exposed to this form
of persecution, would be protected as
if miraculously supplied with wings.
J That she might fiy into the wilderness.
There is here a more full description of
what is briefly stated in ver. 6. A wil
derness or desert is often represented as
a place of safety from pursuers. Thus
David (1 Sam. xxiii. 14, 15) is repre
sented as fleeing into the wilderness
from the persecutions of Saul. So Elijah

Ai D. 96.]

CHAPTER XII.

349

into her place, where she is nou
rished for a time, and times, and half
a time, from the face of the serpent.
(1 Kings xix. 4) fled into the wilderness
from the persecutions of Jezebel. The
simple idea here is, that the ohurch, in
the opposition which would come upon
it, would find a refuge, % Into her
place. A place appointed for her, that
is, a place where she could be safe.
^ Where she is nourished. The word
here rendered nourished is the same —
rp{0u — wbich occurs in ver. 6, and which
is there rendered feed. It means to feed,
nurse, or nourish, as the young of ani
mals (Matt. vi. 26, xxv. 37; Luke xii.
24 ; Acts xii. 20) ; that is, to sustain by
proper food. The meaning here is, that
the church would be kept alive. It is
not indeed mentioned by whom thU
would be done, but it is evidently im
plied that it would be by God. During
this long period in which the church
would be in obscurity, it would not be
suffered to become extinct. Comp. 1
Kings xvii. 3-6. ^f For a time, and
times, and half a time. A year, two
years, and half a year ; that is, forty-two
months (see Notes on ch. xi. 2), or, reck
oning the month at thirty days, twelve
hundred and sixty days; and regarding
these as prophetic days, in which a day
stands for a year, twelve hundred and
sixty years. For a full discussion of the
meaning of this language, see Notes on
Daniel vii. 25. For the evidenoe, also,
that the time thus specified refers to the
Papacy, and to the period of its contin
uance, see the Notes on that place. The
^Se# consideration given to the subject
LllUH;, renders it unnecessary to discuss
it here. . For, it is manifest that there is
an allusion here to the passage in Dan
iel ; that the twelve hundred and sixty
days refer to the same thing ; and that
the true explanation must be made in
the same way. The main difficulty, as
is remarked in the Notes on that pas
sage, is in determining the time when
the Papacy properly commenced. If
that could be ascertained with certainty,
there would be no difficulty in deter
mining when it would come to an end.
But though there is considerable uncer
tainty as to the exact time when it arose,
and though different opinions have been
entertained on that point, yot it is true
that all the periods assigned fnr the rise
30

15 And the serpent cast out of
his mouth water as a flood, ° after
a Is. 59. 19.

of that power lead to the conclusion that
the time of its downfall cannot be remote.
The meaning in the passage before us
is, that during all the time of the con
tinuance of that formidable, persecuting
power, the true church would not in fact
become extinct. It would be obscure
and comparatively unknown, but it would
still live. The fulfilment of this is found
in the fact that during all tbe time here
referred to, there has been a true church
on the earth. Pure, spiritual religion —
the religion of the New Testament — has
never been wholly extinct. In the his
tory of the Waldenses and Albigenses,
the Bohemian brethren, and kindred
people; in deserts and places of ob
scurity; among individuals and among
small and persecuted sects; here and
there in the cases of individuals in mon
asteries,* the true religion has been kept
up in the world, as in the days of Elijah
God reserved seven thousand men who
had not bowed the knee to Baal ; and it
is possible now for us, with a good de
gree of certainty, to show, even during
the darkest ages, and when Rome seemed
to have entirely the ascendency, where
the true church was. To find out this,
was the great design of the Ecclesiastical
History of Milner; it has been done, also,
with great learning and skill, by Nean
der. ^[ .From the face of the serpent.
The dragon — or Satan represented by
the dragon. Notes ver. 3. ' The refer
ence here is to the opposition which
Satan makes to the true church under
the persecutions and corruptions of the
Papacy. 15. And the serpent cast out of his
mouth water, as a flood. This is pecu
liar and uncommon imagery, and it is

• An affecting inatance of this kind— perhaps onr of
many cases that existed — is mentioned by D'Aubigne
(B; 1, p. 79, Eng. Trans.), which came to light on the
E tilling down, in tbe year 1776, of an old building that
ad formed a part of the Carthuaian cdnvent at Basle.
A poor Carthusian brother, by the naSne of Martin, had
written the following confeaaion, which he had placed
in a wooden box, and enclosed in a hole which he had
made in tho wail of his cell, where it was fouod i—
" 0 moat merciful God, I know that 1 can only be
saved, and aatisfy thy righteousness, by tbe merit, the
innocent suffering, and death of thy well-beloved Son.
Holy Jesus! my salvation is in thy nands. Thou canst
not withdraw the hands of thy love from me ; for they
have created and redeemed me. Thou hast inscribed
my name with a pen of iron in rich mercy, and so aa
nothing can efface it, on thy side, thy hands, and thy

350

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

the woman, that he might cause
her to be carried away of the
flood. 16 And the earth helped the
woman, and the earth opened her
mouth, and swallowed up the flood

not necessary to suppose that any thing
like this literally occurs in nature. Some
serpents are indeed said to eject from
their mouths poisonous hile when they
are enraged, in order to annoy their pur
suers, and some sea-monsters, it is
known, spout forth large quantities of
water j hut the representation here does
not seem to he taken from either of those
cases. It is the mere product of the
imagination, hut the sense is clear. The
woman is represented as having wings,
and as being able thus to escape from
the serpent. But, as an expression of
his wrath, and as if with the hope of
destroying her in her flight by a deluge
of water, he is represented as pouring a
flood from his mouth, that he might, if
possible, sweep her away. The figure
here would well represent the continued
malice of the Papal body against the
true church, in those dark ages when it
was sunk in obscurity, and, as it were,
driven out into the desert. That malice
never 'slumbered,, but was continually
manifesting itself in some new form, as
if it were the purpose of Papal Eome
to sweep it entirely away. ^ That he
might cause her to be carried away
of the flood. Might cause the church
wholly to be destroyed. The truth
taught is, that Satan leaves no effort
untried to destroy the church.
16. And the earth helped the woman.
The earth seemed to sympathize with the
woman in her persecutions, and to inter
pose to save her. The meaning is, that
a state of things would exist in regard
to the church thus driven into obscurity,
which would be well represented by
what is here said to occur. It was cut
off" from human aid. It was still in
danger; still. persecuted. In this state,
it was nourished from somo unseen
Bource. It was enabled to avoid the
direct attacks of the enemy, and when
he attacked it in a new form, a new
mode of intervention in its behalf was
granted, as if the earth should open and
swallow up a flood of water. We are
not, therefore, to look for any literal ful-

which the dragon cast out of his.
mouth. 17 And the dragon was wroth
with the woman, a and went, to
make war with the remnant of her
a Go. 3. 15.
ii lment of this, as if the earth interposed
in some marvellous way to aid the
church. The sense is, that, in that state
of obscurity and solitude, the divine
interposition was manifested, in an un
expected manner, as if when an impe
tuous stream was rolling along that
threatened to sweep every thing away, a
chasm should suddenly open in the
earth and absorb it. During the dark
ages, many such interventions occurred,
saving the chnrch from utter destruc
tion. Overflowing waters are often in
the Scriptures an emblem of mighty
enemies. Ps. exxiv. 2-5, "If it had not
been the Lord who was on our side,
when men rose up against us ; then they
had swallowed us up quick, when their
wrath was kindled against us : then the
waters had overwhelmed us, the stream
had gone over our soul: then the proud
waters had gone over our soul." Ps.
xviii. 16, " He sent me from above, he
took me, he drew me out of many
waters." Jer. xlviL 2, "Behold, waters
rise up out of the north, and shall
be an overflowing flood, and shall over
flow the land," &e. Comp. Jer. xlvi. 7,
8, and Notes on Isa. viii. 7, S. And the
earth opened her mouth. A chasm was
made sufficient to absorb the waters.
That is, John saw that the church was
safe from this attack, and that, in order
to preserve it, there was an interposi
tion as marked and wonderful as if the
earth should suddenly open and swallow
up a mighty flood.
17. And the dragon was wroth with
the woman. This wrath had been vented
by his persecuting her (ver. 13) ; by his
pursuing her; aud by his pouring out
the flood of water to sweep her away
(ver. 15.), and the same wrath was now
vented against her children. As he
eould not reach and destroy the woman
herself, he turned his indignation against
all who were allied to her. Stripped of
the imagery, the meaning is, that as he
could not destroy the churoh as such, he
vented his malico against all who were
the friends of the ohurch, and endea.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIII.

351

need, which kept the command-

vored to destroy them. > " The church,
as such, he could not destroy ; therefore
he turned his wrath against individual
Christians, to bring as many of them as
possible to death." De Wette. 1 And
went to make warwith the remnant of her
seed. No mention is made before of his
persecuting the children of the woman
exoept his opposition to the ' man-child,'
which she bore, Vs. 1-4. The 'woman'
represents the church, and the phrase
'the remnant of her seed' must refer
to her scattered children, that is, to
the scattered members of the church,
wherever they could be found. The
reference here is to persecutions against
individuals, rather than a general perse
cution against the church itself, and all
that is here said would find an ample
fulfilment in the vexations and troubles
of individuals in tbe Roman communion
in the dark ages, when they evinced the
spirit of pure, evangelical piety ; in the
cruelties practised in the Inquisition on
individual Christians under the plea that
they were heretics; and in the perse
cutions of such men as Wiclif, John
Huss, and Jerome of Prague. This war
fare against individual Christians was
continued long in the Papal- chureh, and
tens of thousands of true friends of the
Saviour suffered every form of cruelty
and wrong as the result. ^ Which keep
the commandments of God. Who were
true Christians. This phrase charac
terizes correctly those who, in tbe dark
ages, were the friends of God, in the
midst of abounding corruption, ^ And
have the testimony of Jesus Christ. That
is, they bore a faithful testimony to
his truth, or were real martyrs. See
oh. ii. 13.
The scene, then, in this chapter is
this: — John saw a most beautiful wo
man, suitably adorned, representing the
church as about to be enlarged, and to
become triumphant in the earth. Then
he saw a great red monster, representing
Satan about to destroy the church : —
the Pagan power, infuriated, and putting
forth its utmost energy for its destruction.
He then saw the child caught up into
heaven, denoting that the church would
be ultimately safe, and would reign over
all the world. Another vision appears.
It is that of a contest betweer Michael,

ments of God, and have the testi
mony of Jesus Christ.
the protecting angel of the people of
God, and the great foe, in which victory
declares in favor of the former, and
Satan suffers a discomfiture, as if he
.were cast from heaven to earth. Still,
however, he is permitted for a timo to
carry on a warfare against the church,
though certain that he would be ulti
mately defeated. He puts forth his
power, and manifests his hostility, in
another form — that of the Papacy — -and
commences a new opposition against the
spiritual church of Christ. The church
is, however, safe from that attempt to
destroy it, for the woman is represented
as fleeing to the wilderness beyond the
power of the enemy, and is there kept
alive. Still filled with rage, though in
capable of destroying the true church
itself, he turns his wrath, under the
form of Papal persecutions, against in
dividual Christians, and endeavors to
cut them off in detail.
This is the general representation in
this chapter, and on the supposition that
it was designed to represent the various
forms of opposition which Satan would
make to the church of Christ, under
Paganism and the Papacy, it must be
admitted, I think, that no more ex
pressive or appropriate symbols could
have been chosen. This fact should be
allowed to have due influence in confirm
ing the interpretation suggested above ;
and if it be admitted to be a correct inter
pretation, it is conclusive evidence of the
inspiration of the book. ITurther details
of this opposition of Satan to the church
under th'e Papal form of persecution are
made in the subsequent chapters.
CHAPTER XIII.
ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTBB.
This chapter is closely connected with
ch. xii., which is properly introductory
to this and to the subsequent portions
of tbe book to ch. xx. See the Analysis
of the book. The vision in this chapter
is of two distinct ' beasts,' each with
peculiar characteristics, yet closely re
lated, deriving their power from a com.
mon source; aiding each other in the
accomplishment of the same object, and
maniifestly relating to the same power
under different forms. To see the design

352

REVELATION,

[Aa D. 96.

of the chapter, it will be necessary to
exhibit the peculiar characteristics of the
two 'beasts,' and the points in which
they resemble each other, and sustain
each other.
I. The characteristics of the beasts.
A. The characteristics of the first
beast., vs. 1-10.
(o) It comes up out of the sea (ver.
1) — out of the commotion, the
agitation of nations — a new power
that springs up from those dis
turbed elements.
(6) It has seven heads, and ten
horns, and upon its horns ten
crowns or diadems, ver. 1.
(c) In its general form, it resembles
a leopard ; its feet are like those
of a bear ; its mouth like that of
a lion. Its connexion with tbe
great 'dragon' — with Satan — is
indicated by the statement that
it derives its 'power, and its
seat, and its authority' from him ;
a striking representation of the
fact that the civil or secular Ro
man power which supported the
church of Rome through all its
corrupt and bloody progress, was
the putting forth of the power of
Satan on the earth. Ver. 2.
(d) One of the heads of this beast
is 'wounded to death;' that isr
with a wound that is in itself
mortal. This wound is, however,
in some way as yet unexplained,
so healed that the vitality yet
remains, and all the world pays
homage, to the beast, ver. 3. A
blow is aimed at this authority
which seems to be fatal ; but there
is some healing or restorative
process, by which its power is
recovered, and by which the uni
versality of its dominion and in
fluence is again restored.
(«) The effect of this is, that the
world renders homage really to
the 'dragon,' the source of this
power, though in the/orm of ado
ration of the ' beast,' ver. 4. That
is, while the outward homage is
rendered to the 'beast,' the real
worship is that of the 'dragon,'
or Satan. This beast is regarded
as (1) incomparable — 'Who is
like unto the 'boast?' and (2) «'u-
vincible — 'Who is able to war
with him ?'

(/) In this form the beast is en
dowed with a mouth that 'speaks
great things and blasphemies,'
ver. 5; that is, the power here
referred to is arrogant, and reviles
the God of heaven.
¦g) The time during which he is
to continue is 'forty and two
months ;' that is, twelve hundred
and sixty days, or twelve hundred
and sixty years. Notes ch. xi. 2.
h) The characteristics of this beast,
and of his dominion, are these :
1. He opens his mouth in blas
phemy against God, and his
church, and all holy beings,
ver. 6.
2. He makes war with the
saints and overcomes them,
ver. 1.
3. He asserts his power over
all nations, ver. 1.
4. He is Worshipped by all that
dwell on the earth, whose
names are not in the book
of life, ver. 8.
(i) All are called on to hear — as if
the announcement were important
for the church, ver. 9.
(;) The result or issue of tbe power
represented by this monster, ver.
10. It had led others into cap
tivity, it would itself be made
captive; it had been distinguished
for slaying others, it would itself
feel the power of the sword. Un
til this is accomplished, the pa
tience and faith of the saints
must be sorely tried, ver. 10.
B. The characteristics of the second
beast, vs. 11-18.
(a) It comes out of the earth (ver.
11) — having a different origin
from the former; not springing
from troubled elements, as of na
tions at strife, but from that which
is firm and established — like the
solid earth.
(b) It has two horns like a lamb,
but it speaks as a dragon (ver.
11). It is apparently mild, gentle,
lamb-like, and inoffensive ; but it
is in fact arrogant, haughty, and
imperative.
(c) Its dominion is co-extensive
with that of tho first beast, and
the effect of its influence is to in.
duce the world to do homage to
the first beast, ver. 12.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIII.

353

(a?) It has tbe power of performing
great wonders, and particularly
of deceiving the world by the
'miracles' which it performs.
This power is- particularly mani
fested in restoring what might bo
regarded as an 'image' of the
beast which was wounded, though
not put to death, and by giving
life to that image, and causing
those to be put to death who will
not worship it, vs. 13-15.
(e) This beast causes a certain mark
to be affixed to all, small and great,
and attempts a jurisdiction over
all persons, so that none may buy

or sell, or engage in any business,
who have not the mark affixed to
them ; that is, the power repre
sented attempts to set up a con
trol over the commerce of the
world, vs. 16, 17.
(/) The way by which' the power
here referred to may be known,
is by some proper application
of the number 666. This is
stated in an enigmatical form,
and yet with such clearness that
it is supposed that it would be
sufficient to indicate the power
here referred to.

II. Points in which the two beasts resemble or sustain each other.
It is manifest on the slightest inspection of the characteristics of the ' beasts'
referred to in this chapter, that they have a close relation to each other ; that,
in important respects, the one is designed to sustain the other, and that both
are manifestations or embodiments of that one and the same power represented
by the 'dragon,' ver. 4. He is the great original source of power to both,
and both are engaged in accomplishing his purposes, and are combined to keep
up his dominion over tbe earth. The points of resemblance which it is very
important to notice are the following : —
(1) They have the same origin ; that is, they both owe their power to the
' dragon,' and are designed to keep up his ascendency in human affairs, chs. xii.
3, xiii. 2, 4, 12.
(2) They have the same extent of power and dominion.
FIRST BEAST.
The world wonders after the beast,
ver. 3. They worship the dragon and
the beast, ver. 4, and all that dwell
upon the earth shall worship him,
ver. 8.

(3) They do the same things.
FIRST BEAST.
The dragon gives power to tho beast,
¦*er. 4. There is given unto him a
mouth speaking great things and blas
phemies, ver. 5. He opens his mouth
in blasphemy against God, ver 6. It
is given him to make war with the
saints, and to overcome them, ver. 7.

SECOND BEAST.
He exercises all the power of the
first beast, ver. 12. He causes the
earth and them which dwell therein to
worship the first beast, ver. 12. He has
power to give life unto the image of the
beast, ver. 15. He sets up jurisdiction
over the commerce of the world, vs.
16, 17.

SECOND BEAST.
He exercises all the power of tho
first beast, ver. 12. He does great won
ders, ver. 13. He makes fire come down
from heaven in the sight of men, ver. 13.
He performs miracles, ver. 14. He causes
that as many as would not worship the
first beast should be killed, ver. 15, He
claims dominion over all, vs. 16, 17.
(4) The one is tho means of healing the wounded head of the other, and of re
storing its authority. FIRST BEAST.

One of his heads is, as it were, wound
ed to death : — a wound that would be
mortal if it were not healed, ver. 3.
30*

SECOND BEAST.
Has power to heal the wound of the
first beast (ver. 12) ; for it is manifest
that the healing comes from some influ
ence of the second beast.

354

REVELATION,

[A. D 96.

CHAPTER XIII.
ND I stood upon the sand of
the sea, and saw a beast " rise
up out of tie sea, having * seven

A:

heads and ten horns, and upon his
horns ten crowns, and upon his
heads the name^of "blasphemy.
a Da. 7. 2, &c. b c. X2. 13; 17. 3, 9, &
c Or, names.

(5) The one restores life to the other when dying. SECOND BEAST.
Causes an 'image' of the first beast —
something that should resemble that, or

FIRST BEAST.

Is wounded (ver. 3), and bis power
manifestly becomes exhausted.

be the same power revived, to be made,
and to be worshipped, ver. 1$.
6) They have the same general characteristics.

FIRST BEAST.
Has a mouth given him to speak great
things and blasphemies, ver. 5 ; opens
his mouth in blasphemy, ver. 6; blas
phemes the name of God, and his taber
nacle, and his people, ver. 6 ; makes war
with the saints and overcomes them,
ver. 7.
From this comparison of the two beasts.
(1) That the same general power is
referred to, or that they are both modi
fications of one general dominion on the
earth : having the same origin, having
the same locality, and aiming at the
same result.
(2) It is the same general domination
prolonged ; that is, the one is, in another
form, but the cantinudtion of the other.
(3) The one becomes weak, or is in
some way likely to lose its authority
and power, and is revived by the other ;
that is, the other restores its waning
authority, and sets up substantially the
same dominion again over the earth, and
causes the same great power to be ac
knowledged on the earth.
(4) The one runs into the other ; that
is, one naturally produces, or is follow
ed by the other. _
(5) One sustains the other.
(6) They therefore, have a very close
relation to each other : — having the same
object; possessing tbe same general cha
racteristics ; and .accomplishing substan
tially the same thing on the earth.
What this was, will be better seen after
the exposition of the chapter shall have
been made. It may be sufficient here
to romark that on the very face of this
statement, it is impossible not to have
the Roman power suggested to the
mind, as a mighty persecuting power, in
the two forms of the oivil and ecclesi-

SECOND BEAST.

Speaks like a dragon, ver. 11 ; deceives
those that dwell upon the earth, ver.
14; is a persecuting power — causing
those who would not worship the image
of the first beast to be killed, ver. 15.

, the following things are plain : —
astical authority, both having the same
origin; aiming at the same object; the
one sustaining the other ; and both- com
bined to keep up the dominion of the
great enemy of God and man upon the
earth. It is impossible, also, not to be
struck with the resemblance, in many
particulars, between this vision and that
of Daniel (ch. vii.), and to be impressed
with the conviction that they are in
tended to refer to the same kingdom in
general, and to the same events. But
this will be made more manifest in the
exposition ^of the chapter. ,.
1. And I stood upon the sand of the
sea. The sand npon the shore of the
sea. That is, he seemed to stand there,
and then had a vision of a beast rising
out of the waters. The reason of this
representation, may, perhaps, have been
that among the ancients the sea was re
garded as the appropriate place for the
origin of huge and terrible monsters.
Prof. Stuart, in loc. This vision strongly
resembles that in Daniel vii. 2, seq.,
where the prophet saw four beasts
coming up in succession from the sea.
See Notes on that place. In Daniel, tbe
four winds of heaven are described as
striving upon the great sea (ver. 2), and
the agitated ocean represented the na
tions in-commotion, or in a state of dis
order and anarchy, and the four boasts
represent four successive kingdoms that

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIII.

355

2 And the beast whioh I saw"
a Da. 7. 4-7.
would spring up. See Notes on Dan:
vii. 2. In the passage before us, John
indeed describes no storm or tempest,
but the sea itself, as compared with the
land (see Notes on ver. 11) represents
an agitated or unsettled state of things,
and we should naturally look for that in
the rise of the power here referred to.
If the reference be to the civil or secular
Roman power that has always appeared
in connexion with the Papacy, and that
has always followed its designs, then it
is true that it rose amidst the agitations
of the world, and from a state of com
motion that might well be represented
cv the restless ocean. The sea in either
oaro naturally describes a nation or
people, for this image is frequently so
employed in the Scriptures. Comp. as
above, Dan. vii. 2, and Ps. lxv. 7 ; Jer.
xi. 42 ; Isa. lx. 5 ; Rev. x. 2. The natural
idea, therefore, in this passage would be,
that the power that was represented by
the ' beast' would spring up among the
nations, when restless or unsettled, like
the waves of the ocean, fl And saw a
beast. Daniel saw four in succession
(ch. vii. 3-7), all different, yet succeed
ing each other ; John saw two in suc
cession, yet strongly resembling each
other, vs. 1. 11. On the general mean
ing of the word beast — Stiptov, — see Notes
on ch. xi. 7. The beast here is evidently
a symbol of some power or kingdom
that would arise in future times. See
Notes on Dan. vii. 3. % Having seven
heads. So also the dragon is represent
ed in ch. xii. 3. See Notes on that pas
sage. The representation there is of
Satan, as the source of all the power
lodged in the two beasts that John sub
sequently saw In oh. xvii. 9, referring
substantially to the same vision, it is
said that 'the seven heads are seven
mountains;' and there can be no diffi
culty, therefore, in referring this to the
seven hills on which the city of Rome
Was built (comp. Notes on eh. xii. 3),
and consequently this must be regarded
as designed, in some way, to be a repre
sentation of Rome. ^[ And ten horns.
See this also ¦ explained in the Notes on
ch. xii. 3 ; comp. also the more extended
illustration in the Notes on Dan. vii. 25,
eeq. The reference here is to Rome, or
the one Roman power, contemplated as

was like unto a leopard, and his

made ~up of ten subordinate kingdoms,
and therefore subsequently to the inva
sions of the Northern hordes, and to the
time when the Papacy was about to rise.
Comp. Rev. xvii. 12, " And the ten
horns which thou sawest are ten kings
[marg. kingdoms'], which have received
no kingdom as yet, but receive power as
kings with the beast." Eor a full illus
tration of this, see the copious Notes at
the close of the seventh chapter of
Daniel. ^[ And upon his horns ten crowns.
Greek, ten diadems. See Notes on ch.
xii: 3. These indicated dominion or
authority. In ch. xii. 3, the ' dragon is
represented as having seven diadems on
his head; here, the beast is represented
as having ten. The dragon there repre
sents the Roman domination as such, the
seven-hilled, or seven-headed power, and,
therefore properly described as having
seven diadems ; the beast here represents
the Roman power, as now broken up
into the ten dominations which sprung
up (see Notes on Daniel as above) from
the one original Roman power, and that
became henceforward the supporters of
the Papacy, and, therefore, properly re
presented here as having ten diadems.
^[ And upon his heads the name of blas
phemy. That is, the whole power was
blasphemous in its claims and preten
sions. The word blasphemy here seems
to be used in the sense that titles and
attributes were claimed by it which be
longed only to God. On the meaning
of the word blasphemy, see Notes on
Matt. ix. 3, xxvi. 65. The meaning
here is, that each one of these heads
appeared to have a frontlet, with an in
scription that was blasphemous, or that
ascribed some attribute to this power
that properly belonged to God ; and that
the whole power thus assumed, was in
derogation of the attributes and claims
of God. In regard to the propriety of
this description considered as applicable
to the Papacy, see Notes on 2 Thess.
ii. 4.
2. And the beast which I saw was like
unto a leopard. For a description of the
leopard, see Notes on Dan. vii. 6. It is
distinguished for blood-thirstiness and
cruelty, and thus becomes an emblem of
a fierce, tyrannical power. In its gene
ral character it resembles a lion, and the

256

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

feet were as ike feet of a bear, and
his mouth as the mouth of a lion :
and the dragon ° gave him his
a c 12. 9. b c. 16. 10. c Slain.

lion and the leopard are often referred
to together. In this description, it is
observable that John has combined in
one animal or monster, all those which
Daniel brought successively on the scene
of action, as representing different em
pires. Thus in Daniel (vii. 2-7), the
lion is introduced as the symbol of the
Babylonian power; the bear, as the sym
bol of the Medo-Persian; the leopard, as
the symbol of the Macedonian; and a
nondescript animal, fierce, cruel, and
mighty, with two horns, as the symbol
of the Roman. See Notes on that pas
sage. In John, there is one animal rep
resenting the Roman power, as if it were
made up of all these: a leopard with the
feet of a bear, and the mouth of a lion,
with two horns, and with the general
description of a fierce monster. There
was an obvious propriety in this, in
speaking of the Roman power, for it was
in fact made up of the empires repre
sented by the other symbols in Daniel,
and " combined in itself all the elements
of the terrible and the oppressive, which
had existed in the aggregate in the other
great empires that preceded it." At the
same time, there was an obvious pro
priety in the symbol itself; for the blood-
thirstiness and cruelty of the leopard
would well represent the ferocity and
cruelty of the Roman power, especially
as John saw it here as the great antago
nistic power of the true church, sustain
ing the Papal claim, and thirsting for
blood. ^[ And his feet were as the feet
of a bear. See Notes on Dan. vii. 5.
The idea here seems to be that of strength,
as the strength of the bear resides much
in its feet and claws. At the same time,
there is tue idea of a combination of
fierce qualities — as if the blood-thirsti
ness, the cruelty, and the agility of the
leopard were united with the strength
of the bear. \\ And his month as the
mouth of the lion. See Notes on Dan. vii.
4. The. mouth of the lion is made to
soize and hold its prey, and is indicative
of the character of tho animal as a beast
of prey. John has thus brought together
the qualities of aotivity, blood-thirsti
ness, strength, ferooity, all as symbolical

power, and his seat, * and great au
thority. 3 And I saw one of his heads, aa
it were wounded c to death; and hia

of the power that was intended to be
represented. It is hardly necessary to
say that this description is one that
would apply well, in all respects, to
Rome; nor is it necessary to say that if
it be supposed that he meant to refer to
Rome, this is such a description as he
would have adopted. «f And the dragon.-
Notes ch. xii. 3. ^ Gave him his power.
Satan claimed, in the time of the Saviour,
all power over the kingdoms of the
world, and asserted that he could give
them to whomsoever he pleased. See
Notes on Matt. iv. 8, 9. How far the
power of Satan in this respect may ex
tend, it may not be possible to deter
mine; but it cannot be doubted that tbe
Roman power seemed to have such an
origin, and that in the main it was such
as, on that supposition, it would be. In
its arrogance and haughtiness; in its
thirst for dominion; in its persecutions,
it had such characteristics as we may
suppose Satan would originate. If,
therefore, as the whole connexion leads
us to suppose, this refers to the Roman
secular power, considered as the support
of the Papacy, there is the most evident
propriety in the representation, ^f And
the seat. Spdvov. Hence our word throne.
The word properly means a seat; then a
high seat; then a throne, as that on
which a king sits. Here it refers to this
power as exercising dominion on the
earth. ^ And great authority. The au
thority was great, It extended over a
large part of the earth, and alike in its
extent and character, it was such as we
may suppose Satan would set up in the
world. 3. And I saw one of his heads, as it
were wounded to death. The phrase
'wounded to death* means properly that it
received a mortal wound; that is, that tbe
wound would have been mortal if it had
not been healed. A blow was struck that
would be naturally fatal, but there was
something that prevented the fatal result,
John does not say, however, by whom
the wound was inflicted, nor does he de
scribe farther the nature of the wound.
He says that ' one of the heads' — that is,
one of the seven heads, was thus wound-

A. D. 96.1

CHAPTER XIII.

357

deadly wound was healed : and all the world wondered • after the

o c 17. s.

ed. In ch. xvii. 9, he says that "the
seven heads are seven mountains on
which the woman sitteth." In ch. xvii.
10, be says, "there are seven kings."
And this would lead us to suppose that
there were 'seven' administrations, or
forms of dominion, or dynasties, that
were presented to the eye of John ; and
that while the number ' seven/ as ap
plied to the ' heads,' so far identified the
power as to fix its location on the seven
'hills,' (ch. xvii. 9), in another respect
also the number ' seven' suggested forms
of administration or dynasties, ch. xvii.
10. What is meant by saying that one
of these heads was wounded to death,
has been among the most perplexing of
all the enquiries pertaining to the book
of Revelation. The use of the word
seven, and the explanation in ch. xvii.
9, make it morally certain that Borne,
in some form of its administration, is
referred to. Of this there can be no
doubt, and in this all are agreed; It is
not, however, the Papal power a-3 such,
that is here referred to; for (a) the Pa
pal power is designated under the image
of the second beast ; (b) the descriptions
pertaining to the first beast are all appli
cable to a secular power ; and (c) there
was no form of the Papal spiritual do
minion which would properly correspond
with what is said in ch. xvii. 10. The
reference in this place is, therefore, to
Borne considered as a civil or secular
power, yet Rome regarded as giving
support to the second beast — the Papal
power. The general idea here is, that a
state of things would exist in regard to
that power, at the time referred to, as if
one of the seven heads of the monster
should receive a wound which would be
fatal, if it were not healed in some way.
That is, its power would be weakened;
its dominion would be curtailed, and that
portion of its power would have come to
an end, if there had not been something
which would, as it were, restore it, and
save it from the wrath that was impend
ing. The great point of difficulty relates
to the particular application of this ; to
the facts in history that would corres
pond with the symbol. On this there
have been almost as many opinions as
there have been interpreters of the Apoc-

beast.

alypse, and there is no impropriety in
saying that none of the solutions are
wholly free from objection. The main
difficulty, so far as the interpretation
proposed above is concerned, is, in the
fact that 'one' of the seven heads is re
ferred to as wounded unto death ; as if
just one-seventh part of the power was
endangered. I confess I am not able
wholly to solve this difficulty; but, after
all, is it certain that the meaning is that
just one-seventh part of the power was
in peril; that the blow affected just such
a portion that it might be described as
the one-seventh part? Is not the num
ber seven so used in the Scriptures as to
denote a considerable portion ; a portion
quite material and important? And
may not all that is intended here be,
that John saw a wound inflicted on that
mighty power, which would have been fa
tal if it had not been marvellously healed ?
And was it not true that the Roman civil
and secular power was so waning and
decaying that it might properly be rep
resented as if one of the seven heads of
the monster had received a fatal wound,
until its power was restored by the influ
ence of the. spiritual domination of the
church of Rome ? If this be the correct
exposition, then what is implied here
maybe thus stated: — (a) The general
subject of the representation is the
Roman power, as seen at first in its vigor
and strength ; (b) then that power is said
to be greatly weakened, as if one of its
heads were smitten with a deadly wound;
(c) then the wound was healed — this
power was restored. — by. being brought
into alliance with the Papacy; that is,
the whole Roman power over the world
would have died away, if it had not been
restored and perpetuated by means of
this new and mighty influence. Ver. 12.
Under this new form, Rome had all the
power which it had ever had, and was
guilty of all the atrocities of which it
had ever been guilty : it was Borne still.
Every wound that was inflicted on that
power by the incursion of Barbarians,
and by the dividing off of parts of the
empire, was healed by the Papacy, and
under this form" its dominion became as
wide and as formidable as under its an
cient mode of administration. If a more

358

REVELATION,

[A.JXGGi

4 And they worshipped the dra
gon which gave power unto the
beast : and they worshipped the

particular application of this is sought
for, 1 see no reason to doubt that it
may be found in the , quite common in
terpretation of the passage given ¦ by
Protestants, that the reference is to
the forms of administration under which
this power appeared in the world. The
forms of government which the Roman
power assumed, from first to last, were
.the following: kings, consuls, dictators,
decemvirs, military tribunes, emperors.
These seven forms of administration
were, at least, sufficiently prominent and
marked to be represented by this sym
bol, or to attract the attention of one
contemplating this formidable power —
for it was under these forms that its con
quests had been achieved, and its do
minion set up over the earth. In the
time of John, and. the time contemplated
in this vision, all these had passed away
but the imperial. That too was soon to
be smitten with a deadly wound by the
invasion of tbe Northern hordes; and
that would have wholly and for ever
ceased if it had not been restored — the
deadly wound being healed — by the in
fluence of the Papal power, giving Rome
its former ascendency. See Notes at
the close of ver. 15, ^ And his deadly
wound was healed. That is, as explained
above, the waning Roman secular power
was restored by its connexion with the
spiritual power— the Papacy. This was
(a) a simple matter of fact, that the
waning secular power of Rome was thus
restored by connecting itself with the
spiritual or ecclesiastical power, thus
prolonging what might properly be called
the Roman domination far beyond what
it would otherwise have been; and (b)
this would be properly represented by
just the symbol employed here — the
fatal wound inflicted on the head, and
the healing of that wound, or preventing
what would naturally be the effects. On
the fulfilment of this, see Notes on ver.
15, at the close. ^ And all the world
wondered after the beast. The word here
used — dau/x<f£b> — means properly to be
astonished ; to be amazed ; then to won
der at, then to admire and follow. Rob.
Lex. In ver. 4, it is said that the world

beast, saying, Who is like unto tho
beast? who a is able to make wax
with him ? a c. 17. 14.

' worshipped* the beast ; and the general
idea is, that the beast received such a
universal reverence, or inspired such uni
versal awe, as to be properly called wor
ship or adoration. There can be no doubt
of the propriety of this, considered as
applicable to that secular Roman- power
which sustained the Papacy. The homage
was as wide as the limits of the Roman
empire had ever been, and might be- said
to embrace ' all the world.'
4. And they worshipped the dragon
which gave power unto the beast. Notes
1 ch. xii. 3, xiii. 2. That is, they in fact
worshipped him. , , The word worship —
irpooicvviia — is not always, however, used
in a religious sense. It means, properly,
to kiss ; to kiss towards any one; that
is, to kiss his own hand and to extend
it towards a person, in token of respect
and homage. Rob. Lex. Comp. Job
xxxi. 27. Then it means to show respect
to one who is onr superior ; to kings ana
princes; to parents; and pre-eminently
to God. See Notes on Matt. ii. 2. The
word may be used here to mean thai
homage or reverence, as to a higher
power, was rendered to the 'dragon;'
not strictly that he was openly wor
shipped in a religious sense as God.
Can any one doubt that this was the
case under Papal Rome ; that the power
which was set up under that entire domi
nation, civil and ecclesiastical, was such
as Satan approved, and such as he sought
to have established on the earth ? And
can any one doubt that, the homage thus
rendered, so contrary to the law of God,
and so much in derogation of his claims,
was in fact homage rendered to this
presiding spirit of evil? ^j And they
worshipped the beast. That is, they did
it, as is immediately specified, by saying
that he was incomparable and invincible ;
in other words, that he was superior to
all others, and that he was almighty.
For the fulfilment of this, see Notes on
2 Thess. ii. 4. f Who is like unto the
beast t That is, he is to be regarded as
unequalled and as supreme. This was,
in fact, ascribing honors to him which
belonged only to God; and this was the
manner in which that civil and secular

A.D.96.]

CHAPTEK XIII.

359

5 And there was given unto him
a mouth ° speaking great things
and blasphemies; and power was
power was regarded in the period here
supposed to be referred, to. It was the
policy of rulers and princes in those
times to augment in every way possible
tbe respect in which they were held ; to
maintain that they were the vicegerents
of heaven ; to claim for themselves sa-
credn ess of character and of person ; and
to secure from the people a degree of
reverence which was in fact idolatrous.
Never was this more marked than in the
times when the Papacy had the ascend
ency, for it was its policy to promote
reverence for the power that sustained
itself, and to secure for itself the idola
trous veneration of the people, ^f Who
is able to make war with him f That is,
he is invincible. They thus attributed
to him omnipotence — an attribute be
longing only to God. This found a ful
filment in the honor shown to the civil
authority which sustained the Papacy ;
for the policy was to impress the public
mind with the belief that that power was
invincible. In fact it was so regarded.
Nothing was able to resist that absolute
despotism, and tbe authority of princes
and rulers that were allied with the
Papal rule was of the most absolute
kind, and the subjugation of the world
was complete. There was no civil, as
there was no religious liberty ; and the
whole arrangement was so ordered as to
subdue the world to an absolute and
uncontrollable power.
5. And there was given him a mouth
speaking great things. John does not
say by whom this was given; but we
may suppose that it was by the 'dragon,'
who is said (ver. 2) to have given him
his power, and seat, and authority. The
fulfilment of this is found in the claims
sot up by the princes and rulers here
referred to — that mighty secular power
that sustained the Papacy, and that was,
in some sort, a part of the Papacy itself.
These arrogant claims consisted in the
assertion of a divine right; in the power
assumed over the liberty, the property,
and the consciences of the people; in
the arbitrary commands that were is
sued ; and in the right asserted of giving
absolute law. The language here used
w fee same as that which is found in

given unto him to h continue forty *
and two months.
a Da. 7. 8, 11, 25; 11. 36.
b Or, make war. c c. 11. 2, 3; 12. 6.

Daniel (vii. 8), when speaking of the
' little horn :' " In this horn were eyes
like the eyes of a man, and a mouth
speaking great things." For an illus- ¦
tration of the meaning of this, see Notes
on that passage. Comp. Notes on Ban.
vii. 25. ^[ And blasphemies. That is,
the whole power represented by the
* beast' will be blasphemous. See Notes
on ver. 1. Comp. Notes on Dan. vii. 25.
^[ And power was given unto him to con
tinue forty and (wo months. Three years
and an half, reckoned as months; or
twelve hundred and sixty days, reckon
ing thirty days for a month ; or twelve
hundred and sixty years, regarding the
days as prophetic days. For the evi
dence that this is to be so regarded, see
Notes on Daniel vii. 25. This is the
same period that we meet with in ch. xi.
2, and in ch. xii. 6. See Notes on those
places. This fact proves that the same
power is referred to in these places and
in Daniel ; and this fact may be regarded
as a confirmation of the views here taken
that the power here referred to is de
signed to have a connexion in some
form with the Papacy. The duration
of the existence of this power is the same
as that which is everywhere ascribed to
the Papacy, in the passages which refer
to it; and all the circumstances, as before
remarked, show that the same general
power is referred to by the two ' beasts'
which are described in this chapter; If
so, the continuance or duration may be
supposed to be the same; and this is
indicated in the passage before us, where
it is said that it would be twelve hun
dred and sixty years. In regard to the
application of this to the Papal power,
and the manner in which the calculation
is to be made of the duration of that
power, see the Notes on Dan. vii. 25,
and the remarks at the end of that chap
ter. The meaning in the passage before
us I take to be, that the Papal power,
considered as a civil or secular institu
tion, will have, from the time when that
properly commenced, a duration of
twelve hundred and sixty years. In the
Scriptures there is nothing more defi
nite in regard to any future event than
this.

360

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

6 And he opened his mouth in
blasphemy against God, to blas
pheme his name and his taberna
cle, " and them that b dwell in
heaven. 7 And it was given unto him to
make war c with the saints, and to
a Col. 2. 9 ; Ho. 9. 11, 24. b He. 12. 22, 23.
c Da. 7. 21; ell. 7; 12.17.

6. And he opened his mouth in blas
phemy against God, to blaspheme his
name. By his own arrogant claims ; by
his assumed authority in matters of con
science ; by setting aside the divine au
thority ; and by impious declarations in
derogation of the divine claims. See
Notes on ver. 1. f And his tabernacle.
Literally, 'his tent — o-Krivhv. This is the
word which is commonly applied to the
sacred tent or tabernacle among the
Hebrews, in which the ark was kept, and
which was the seat of the Jewish wor
ship before the building of the temple.
It is thus used to denote a place of wor
ship, considered as the dwelling-place
of God, and is, in this sense, applied to
heaven, Heb. viii. 2, ix. 11 ; Rev. xv. 5.
It seems to be used here in a general
sense to denote the place where God was
Worshipped; and the meaning is, that
there would be a course of condnct in
regard to the true church — the dwelling-
place of God on the earth — which could
properly be regarded as blasphemy. Let
any one remember the anathemas and
excommunications uttered against the
Waldenses and Albigenses, and those
of kindred spirit that appeared in the
long period of the Papal rule, and he
will find no difficulty in perceiving a
complete fulfilment of all that is here
said. \\ And them that dwell therein.
The true worshippers ; the members of
the true church, represented as dwelling
in this holy tabernacle. No one ac
quainted with the reproaches cast on the
devoted and sincere followers of the
Saviour during the dark periods of the
Papal rule, can fail to see that there was,
in that, a oomplete fulfilment of all that
is here predicted.
7. And it was given unto him. By the
same power that taught him to blas
pheme God and his church. Notes on
vs. 2, 5. ^f To make war with the saints. ,
See this fully illustrated in the Notes on I

overcome them: and power * was
given him over all kindreds, and
tongues, and nations.
8 And all that dwell upon the
earth shall worship him, whose
names are not written in the book*
of life of the Lamb slain from ' the
foundation of the world.
dl.u.i.6. e Da. 12. 1; c. ZL 27. /c.17.8

the parallel passage in Daniel vii. 21,
and at the end of that chapter (/).
^f And to overcome them. In those wars.
This was abundantly fulfilled in the
wars with the Waldenses, the Albigen
ses, and the other sincere followers of
the Saviour in the time of the Papal
persecutions. Tbe language here used
is the same as that which is found in
Dan. vii. 21 : " The same horn made war
with the saints, and prevailed against
them." See Notes on that passage.
^ And power was given him. See Notes
on ver. 2. ^ Over all kindreds, and
tongues, and nations. For the meaning
of these words, see Notes on ch. vii. 3.
The meaning here is, that this dominion
was set up over the world. Comp. Dan.
vii. 25. The fact that so large % portion
of the kingdoms of the earth was under
the influence of the Papacy, and sus
tained it; and the claim Which it set up
to universal dominion, and to the right
of deposing kings, and giving away
kingdoms, corresponds entirely with the
language here used.
8. And all that dwell upon the earth
shall worship him. That is, as imme
diately stated, all whose names are not
in the book of life. On the word wor-
ship, see Notes on ver. i. ^f Whose
names are not written in the book of life
of the Lamb. That is, of the Lord Je
sus — the Lamb of God. See Notes on
Pbil. iv. 3. Comp. Notes on John i. 29.
The representation here is, that the Lord
Jesus keeps a book or register, in which
are recorded the names of all who shall
obtain everlasting life, % Slain from the
foundation of the world. See Notes on
ch. v. 6. Comp. Notes on oh. iii. fi. The
meaning here is, not that he was actually
put to death ' from the foundation of the
world,' but that the intention to give
him for a sacrifice was formed then, and
that it was so certain that it might be
spoken of as actually then occurring.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIII.

363

9 If any man have an ear, let
him hear.
10 He * that leadeth into cap-
See Rom. iv. 17. The purpose was so
certain ; it was so constantly represented
by bloody sacrifices from the earliest
ages, all typifying the future Saviour,
that it might be said that he was'' slain
from the foundation of the world.' Prof.
Stuart, however (com. in loc), supposes
that this phrase should be connected
with the former member of the sentence
— " whose names are not written, from
the foundation of the world, in the life-
book of the Lamb which was slain."
Either construction makes good sense;
but it seems to me that that which is
found in our oommon version is the
most simple and natural.
9. If any man have an ear, let him
hear. See Notes on ch. ii. 7. The idea
here is, that what was here said re
specting the 'beast' was worthy of spe
cial attention, as it pertained to most
important events in the history of the
church. 10. He that leadeth into captivity.
This is clearly intended to refer to the
power or government which is denoted
by the beast. Tbe form of the expres
sion here in the Greek is peculiar — ' If
any one leadeth into captivity,' Ac. —
Et ru alxpaXuaiav avvdysi. The state
ment is general, and it is intended to
make use of a general or prevalent truth
with reference to this particular case.
The general truth is, that men will, in
the course of things, be dealt with ac
cording -to their character and their
treatment of others; that nations cha
racterized by war and conquest, will be
subject to the evils of war and conquest
; — or that they may expect to share the
same lot which they have brought on
others. This general statement accords
with what the Saviour says in Matt.
xxvi. 52, " All they that take the sword,
shall perish with the sword." This has
been abundantly illustrated in the world ;
and it is a very important admonition
to nations not to indulge in the purposes
of conquest, and to individuals not to
engage in strife and litigation. The
particular idea here is, that it would be
a characteristic of the power hero re
ferred to, that it would ' lead others into
captivity.' This would be fulfilled if it
31

tivity shall go into captivity:
he ' that killeth with the sword

a Is. 33. 1.

b Go. 9. 6.

was the characteristic of this power to
invade other countries and to make their
inhabitants prisoners of war ; if it made
Blaves of other people; if it set up an
unjust dominion over other people; or
if it was distinguished for persecuting
and imprisoning the innocent, or for de
priving the nations of liberty. It is un
necessary to say that this is strikingly
descriptive of Rome — considered in any
and every point of view — whether under
the "republic or the empire; whether
secular or eoclesiastical ; whether Pagan
or Papal. In the following forms there
has been a complete fulfilment under
that mighty power of what is here said :
(a) In the desire of conquest, or of ex
tending its dominion, and, of course,
leading others captive as prisoners of
war, or subjecting them to slavery.
(b) In its persecutions of true Chris
tians — alike pursued under the Pagan
and the Papal form of the administra
tion, (c) Especially in the imprison
ments practised under the Inquisition- —
where tens of thousands have been re
duced to the worst kind of captivity. In
every way this description is applicable
to Rome, as seeking to lead the world
captive, or to subject it to its own abso
lute sway. ^[ Shall go into captivity.
As a just recompense for subjecting
others to bondage, and as an illustra
tion of a general principle of the divise
administration. This is yet, in a great
measure, to be fulfilled ; and, as I un
derstand it, it discloses the nanner in
which the Papal secular power will come
to an end. It will be by being subdued,
so that it might seem to be made captive,
and led off by some victorious host. Rome
now is practically held in subjection by
foreign arms, and has no true inde
pendence; perhaps this will be more
and more so as its ultimate fall ap
proaches. ^[ He that killeth with tne
sword. See Notes, as above, on Matt.
xxvi. 52. There can be no doubf that
this is applicable to Rome in all the
forms of its administration considered as
a Pagan power, or considered as a nomi
nally Christian power; either with re
ference to its secular or its spiritual
dominion. Compute the numbers of

362

REVELATION,

[A.D.95.

must be killed with the sword.
Here is the patience ° and the faith
of the saints.
11 And I beheld another b beast
human beings that have been put to
death by that Roman power; and no
better language could have been chosen
to characterize it than that which is here
used — ' killeth with the sword.' Comp.
Notes on Dan. vii. 24-28, II. (3), (g).
f Must be killed with the sword. This
domination must be brought to an end
by war and slaughter. Nothing is more
probable than this in itself; nothing
could be more in accordance with the
principles of the divine dealings in the
world. Such a power as that of Rome
will not be likely to be overcome but by
the foree of arms ; and the probability
is, that it will ultimately be over
thrown in a bloody revolution, or by
foreign conquest. Indeed, there are not
a few intimations now that this result is
hastening on. Italy is becoming im
patient of the secular power swayed an
eonnexion with the Papacy, and sighs
for freedom; and it is every way pro
bable that that land would have been
free, and that the secular power of the
Papacy, if not every form of the Papacy
itself, would have come to an end, in
the late convulsion (1848) if it had
not been for the intervention of France
'and Austria. The period designated by
prophecy for the final overthrow of that
power had not arrived ; but nothing can
secure its continuance for any very con
siderable period longer. V Here is the
patience and the faith of the saints.
That is, the trial of their patience and
of their faith. Nowhere on earth have
the patience and the faith of the saints
been put to a severer test than under
the Roman persecutions. The same idea
occurs in ch. xiv. 12.
11. And I beheld another beast. Comp.
Notes on ver. 1. This was so distinot
from the first that its characteristics could
be described, though as shown in the
Analysis of the chapter, there was, in
many points, a strong resemblance be
tween them. The relations between the
two will be more fully indioated in the
Notes. % Coming up out of the earth.
Prof. Stuart renders this, " ascending
from the land." The former was repre
sented as rising up out of the sea (ver.

coming up out of the earth ; and he
had two horns like a lamb, and he
spake as a dragon.
a He. 6. 12. b c. 11. 7.

1); indicating that the power was to
rise from a perturbed or unsettled state
of affairs — like the ocean. This, from
that which was more settled and stable
— as the land is more 'firm than tho
waters. It may not be necessary to
carry out this image; but the natural
idea as applied to the two forms of the
Roman power supposed to be here re
ferred to, would be that the former — the
secular power that sustained the Pa
pacy — rose out of the agitated state of
the nations in the invasions of the
Northern hordes, and the convulsions
and revolutions of the falling empire of
Rome ; and that the latter, the spiritual
power itself — represented by the beast
comingup from the land — grew up undei
the more settled and stable order of
things. It was comparatively calm in
its origin, and had less tbe appearance
of a frightful monster rising up from the
agitated ocean. Comp. Notes on ver. 1.
^f And he had two horns like a lamb.
In some respects he resembled a lamb ;
that is, he seemed to be a mild, gentle,
inoffensive animal. It is hardly neces
sary to say that this is a most striking
representation of tbe actual manner in
which the power of the Papacy has
always been put forth — putting on the
apparent gentleness of the lamb; or
laying claim to great meekness and
humility, even when deposing kings,
and giving away crowns, and driving
thousands to the stake, or throwing
them into the dungeons of the Inqui
sition. % And he spake as a dragon.
See Notes on ch. xii. 3. The meaning
here is, that he spake in a harsh, haughty,
proud, arrogant tone — as we should sup
pose a dragon would if he had tbe power
of utterance. The general sense is, that
while this 'beast' had, in one respect —
in its resemblance to a lamb — the ap
pearance of great gentleness, meekness,
and kindness, it had, in another respoct,
a haughty, imperious, and arrogant
spirit. How appropriate this is, as a
symbol, to represent the Papaoy, con
sidered as a spiritual power, it is us.
necesssary to say. It will be admitted,
whatever may be thought of the design

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIII.

363

12 And ho exerciseth all the
power of the first beast before him,
and causeth the earth and them

of this symbol, that if it was in fact
intended to refer to the Papacy, a more
appropriate one could not hare been
chosen. 12. And he exerciseth all the power of
the first beast before him. The same
amount of power; the same kind of
power. This shows a remarkable rela
tionship between these two beasts; and
proves that it was intended to refer to
the same power substantially, though
manifested in a different form. In the
fulfilment of this, we should naturally
look for some government whose autho
rity extended far, and which was abso
lute and arrogant in its character, for
this is the power attributed to the first
beast. See Notes on verses 2, 3, 4, 7, 8.
This description had a remarkable fulfil
ment in the Papacy, considered as a
spiritual dominion. The relation to the
secular power is the same as would be
indicated by these two beasts ; the do
minion was as wide-spread*; the authority
was as absolute and arrogant. In fact,
on these points they have been identical.
The one has sustained the other; either
one would long since have fallen if it
had not been upheld by the other. The
Papacy, considered as a spiritual domi
nation, was in fact a new power starting
up in the same place as the old Homan
dominion, to give life to that as it was
tending to decay, and to continue its
ascendency over the world. These two
things, the secular and the spiritual
power, constituting the Papacy in the
proper sense of the term, are in fact but
the continuance or the prolongation of
the old Boman dominion — the fourth
kingdom of Daniel — united so as to con
stitute in reality but one kingdom, and
yet so distinct in their origin, and in
their manifestations, as to be capable of
separate contemplation and description,
and thus properly represented by the
two 'beasts' that were shown in vision to
John. ^[ And causeth the earth and them
which dwell therein to worship the first
beast. That is, to respect, to reverence,
to honor. The word worship here refers
to civil respect, and not to religions ado
ration. See Notes on ver. 4. "The mean-

which dwell therein to worship tin
first beast, whose deadly wound
was healed.0

ing here, according to the interpretation
proposed all along in this chapter, is,
that the Papacy, considered in its reli
gious influence, or as a spiritual power-
represented by the second beast — secured
for the civil or secular power — repre
sented by the first beast — the homage
of the world. It was the means of keep
ing up that dominion, and of giving it
its ascendency among the nations of the
earth. The truth of this, as an historical
fact, is well known. The Roman civil
power would have long ago lost all its
influence and been unknown, if it had
not been for the Papacy; and, in fact,
all the influence which it has had since
the irruption of the Northern barbarians,
and the changes which their' invasion
produced, can be traced to that new
power which arose in the form of the
Papacy — represented in Daniel (ch. vii.
8), by the 'little horn.' That new power
gave life and energy to the declining in
fluence of Rome, and brought the world
again to respect and honor its authority.
^| Whose deadly wound was healed. See
Notes on ver. 3. That is, was healed by
the influence of this new power repre
sented by the second beast. A state of
things occurred, on the rise of that new
power, as if a wound in the head, other
wise fatal, was healed. The striking
applicability of this to the decaying
Roman power — smitten as with a deadly
wound by the blows inflicted by the
Northern hordes, and by internal dissen
sions — will occur to every one. It was
as if a healing process had been imparted
by some life-giving power, and, as a
consequence, the Roman dominion — the
prolongation of Daniel's fourth kingdom
— has continued to the present time.
Other kingdoms passed away — the Assy
rian, the Babylonian, the Medo-Persian,
the Macedonian ; Rome alone, of all the
ancient empires, has prolonged its power
over men. In all changes elsewhere, an
influence has gone forth from the seven-
hilled city as wide and as fearful as it
was in the brightest days of the republic,
the triumvirate, or the empire, and a
large part of the world still listens reve
rently to the mandates which issue from

364

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

13 And he doeth great wonders,0
so that he maketh fire come down
from heaven on the earth in the
sightf of men,
a Matt. 24. 24. 2Th. 2. 9, 10.

the seat which so long gave law to
mankind. The fact that it is so is to be
traced solely to the influence of that
power represented here by the second
beast that appeared in vision to John —
the Papacy.
13. And- he doeth great loonders.
Signs — anueia — the word commonly em
ployed to denote miracles (Comp, Notes
on Acts ii. 19); and the representation
here is, that the power referred to by
tbe second beast would found its claim
on pretended miracles, and would ac
complish an effect on the world as if it
actually did work miracles. . The appli
cability of this to Papal Rome no one
can doubt. See Notes on 2 Thess. ii. 9.
Comp. ver. 14. \ That he maketh fire come
down from heaven on the earth in the
sight of men. That is, he pretends to do
this ; he accomplishes an effect as if he
did it. It is not necessary to suppose
that he actually did this, any more than
it is to suppose that he actually per
formed the other pretended miracles re
ferred to in other places. John describes
him as he saw him in the vision; and he
saw him laying claim to this power, and
actually producing an effect as if by a
miracle he actually made fire descend
from heaven upon the earth. This is to
be understood as included in what tho
Apostle Paul (2 Thess. ii. 9) calls 'signs
and lying wonders/ as among the things
by which the ' man of sin and the son
of perdition' would be characterized, and
by which he would be sustained. See
Notes on that passage. Why this par
ticular pretended miracle is specified
here is not certain. It may be because
this would be among the most striking
and impressive of the pretended miracles
wrought — as if lying beyond all human
power — as Elijah made fire come dpwn
from heaven to consume the saorifice,
(1 Kings xviii. 37, 38), and as tho apos
tles proposed to do on the Samaritans,
(Luke ix. 54), as if five were called down
on them from heaven. The phrase ' in
the sight of men' implies that this
would be done publicly, and is such
language as would be used of pretended

14 And deceiveth them that dwell
on the earth by the means of those
miracles which he had power to do,
in the sight of the beast ; saying_to
them that dwell on the earth, that

miracles designed for purposes of os
tentation. Amidst the multitudes of
pretended miracles of the Papacy, it
would probably not be difficult, to find
instances in which the very thing here
described was attempted, -in which va
rious devices of pyrotechnics were shown
off as miracles. For an illustration of
the wonders produced in the dark ages
in reference to fire, having all the ap
pearance of miracles, and regarded as
miracles by the masses of men, the reader
is referred to Dr. Brewster's Letters on
Natural Magic, particularly Letter xii.
14. And deceiveth them that dwell on
the earth -by the means of those miracles.
Nothing could possibly be more descrip
tive of the Papacy than this. It has
been kept up by deception and delusion,
and its pretended miracles have been,
and are to this day, the means by which
this is done. Any one in the slightest
degree acquainted with the pretended
miracles practised at Rome, will see the
propriety of this description as applied
to the Papacy. The main fact here
stated, that the Papacy would endeavor
to sustain itself by pretended miracles,
is confirmed by an incidental remark of
Mr. Gibbon, when, speaking of the Pon
tificate of Gregory the Great, he says,
" The credulity, or the prudence of Gre
gory, was always disposed to confirm the
truths of religion by the evidence of
ghosts, miracles, and resurrections."
Dec. and Fall. iii. 210. Even within
a month of the time that I am writing
(Oct 5, 1850), intelligence has been
received in this country of extraordinary
privileges conferred on some city in
Italy, because the eyes of a picture of
the Virgin in that city have miraculously
moved — greatly to the " confirmation of
the- faithful." Such things are constantly
occurring"; and it is by these that the
supremacy of the Papaoy has been, and
is, sustained. The 'Breviary' toems
with oxamples of miracles wrought by
the saints. For instance: St. Francis
Xavier turned a sufficient qualitity of
salt water "into fresh to save the Uvea
of five hundred travellers who were

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIII.

365

they should make an image to the

a ver. 3, 12.

dying of thirst, enough being left to
allow a large exportation to different
parts of the world, where it wrought
astonishing cures. St. Raymond de
Pennafort.laid his cloak on the sea, and
sailed from Majorca to Barcelona, a dis
tance of a hundred and sixty miles, in
six hours. St. Juliana lay on her death
bed; her stomach rejected all solid food,
and in consequence she was prevented
from receiving the eucharist. In com
pliance with her earnest solicitations,
the consecrated wafer was laid on her
breast; the priest prayed; the wafer
vanished, and Juliana expired. Many
pages might be filled with accounts of
modern miracles, of the most ridiculous
description, yet believed by Roman
Catholics;' — the undoubted means by
which Papal Rome ' deceives the world/
and keeps up its ascendency in this age.
See Forsyth's Italy, ii. pp. 154,-157;
Rome in the Nineteenth Century, i. p. 40,
86, ii. p. 356, iii. pp. 193-201; Lady
Morgan's Italy, ii. p. 306, iii. p. 189;
Graham's Three Months' Residence, &c,
p. 241. ^[ Saying to them, that dwell on
the earth. That is, as far as its influence
would extend. This implies that there
would be authority, and that this authorT
ity would be exercised to secure this
object. ^[ That they should make an
image to the beast. That is, something
that would represent the beast, and that
might be an object of worship. The
word rendered image — dx&v — means pro
perly (a) an image, effigy, figure, as an
idol image or figure; (6) a likeness,
resemblance, similitude. .Here the mean
ing would seem to be, that, in order to
secure the acknowledgment of the beast,
and the homage to be rendered to him,
there was something like a statue made,
or that John saw in vision such a repre
sentation ; that is, that a state of things
existed as if such a statue were made,
and men were constrained to acknow
ledge this. All that is stated here would
be fulfilled if the old Roman civil power
should become to a large extent dead,
or cease to exert its influence over men,
and if then the Papal spiritual power
should cause a form of domination to
exist, strongly resembling the former in
its general character and extent, and if
it should secure this result — that the

beast, which had the ° wound by a
sword, and did live.

world would acknowledge its sway, or
render it homage as it did. to the old
Roman government!. This would receive
its fulfilment if ifc .be supposed that the
first 'beast' represented the ancient Ro
man civil power as such ; that this died
away— •- as if the head had received a
fatal wound ; that it was again revived
under the influence of the Papacy; and
that, under that influence, a civil govern
ment strongly resembling the old Roman
dominion was caused to exist, depending
for its vital energy on the Papacy, and,
in its turn, lending its aid to support tho
Papacy. All this in fact occurred in the
decline of the Roman power after the
time of Constantine, and its final appa
rent extinction, as if ' wounded to death,'
in the exile of the last of the emperors,
the son of Orestes, who assumed the
names of Romulus and Augustus, names
which wefe corrupted, the former by the
Greeks into Momyllus, and the latter by
the Latins " into the contemptible dim
inutive, Augustulus." See Gibbon, ii. 381.
Under him the empire ceased, until it
was revived in the days of Charlemagne.
In the empire which then sprung up, and
which owed much of its influence to the
sustaining aid of the Papacy, and which
seems to have been made to sustain the
Papacy, we discern the 'image' of the
former Roman power; the prolongation
of the Roman ascendency over the world.
On the exile of the feeble son of Orestes
(A. D. 476), the government passed into
the hands of Odoacer, "the first Barba
rian who reigned in Italy" (Gibbon), and
then the authority was divided among
the sovereignties which sprang up after
the conquests of the Barbarians, until the
' empire' was again restored in the time
and the person of Charlemagne. See
Gibbon, iii. 344, seq. ^ Which had the
wound by a sword, and did live. Which
had a wound that was naturally fatal,
but whose fatal consequences were pre
vented by the intervention of another
power. Notes on ver. 3. That is, ac
cording to the explanation given above,
the Roman imperial power was 'wounded
with a fatal wound' by tbe invasions of
the Northern hordes — the sword of the
conquerors. Its power, however, was
restored by the Papacy, giving life to
that which resembled essentially the

366

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

15 And he had power to give
¦ life unto the image of the beast,
that the image of the beast should
a Breath.

Roman civil jurisdiction — the 'image'
of the former beast; and that power,
thus restored, asserted its dominion
again, as the prolonged Roman domin
ion — the fourth kingdom of Daniel (see
Notes on Dan. vii. 19, seq.) — over the
world. 15. And he had power to give life unto
the image of the beast. That is, that
image of the beast would be naturally
powerless, or would have no life in itself.
This second beast, however, had power
to impart life to it, so that it would be
invested with authority, and would ex
ercise that authority in the manner spe
cified. If this refers, as is supposed, to
the Roman civil power — the power of
the empire restored — it would find a ful-
ment in some act of the Papacy by which
the empire that resembled in the extent
of its jurisdiction, and in its general
character, the former Roman empire,
received some vivifying impulse, or was
invested with new power. That is, it
would have power conferred on it through
the Papacy which it would not have in
itself, and which would confirm its juris
diction. How far events actually oc
curred corresponding with this, will be
considered in the Notes at the close of
this verse. ^[ That the image of the beast
should both speak. Should give signs
of life ; should issue authoritative com
mands. The speaking here referred to
pertains to that which is immediately
specified in issuing a command that they
who 'would not worship tho imago of the
beast should be killed.' % And cause that
as many as mould not worship the image of
the beast, Would not honor it, or acknow
ledge its authority. The 'worship' here
- referred, to is civil, not religious homage.
See Notes on ver. 4. The meaning is, that
what is here called the 'image of the
beast/ had power given it, by its con
nexion with the second ' beast/ to set up
its jurisdiction over men, and to secure
their allegiance on pain of death. Tho
power by which this was done was do-
rived from the second beast; tho obe
dience arid hpmage demanded was of the
most entire and submissive character;
the nature of the government was in a

both speak, and cause that as many
as would not worship b the image
of the beast should be killed,.

high degree arbitrary; and the penalty
enforced for refusing this homage' was
death. The facts that we are to look for
in the fulfilment of this, are (1) that the
Roman imperial power was about to
expire— as if wounded to death by the
sword; (2) that this was revived in the
form of what is here called the 'image
of the beast' — that is, in a form closely
resembling the former power; (3) that
this was done by the agency of the Papal
power, represented by the second beast;
(4) that the effect of this was to set up
over men a wide-extended secular juris
diction, of a most arbitrary and absolute
kind, where the penalty of disobedience
to its laws was death — and where the
infliction of this was, in fact, to be traced
to the influence of the second beast —
that is, the Papal spiritual power. The
question now is, whether facte occurred
that corresponded with this emblematic
representation. Now as to the leading
fact— the decline of the Roman imperial
power— the fatal wound inflicted on that
by the ' sword/ there can be no doubt.
In the time of 'Augustulus/ as above
stated, it had become practically extinct
— ' wounded as it were to death/ and so
wounded that it would never have been
revived again had it not been for some
foreign influence. It is true, also, that
when the Papacy arose, the necessity
was felt of allying itself with some wide-
extended civil or secular dominion, that
might be under its own control, and that
would maintain its spiritual authority.
It is true, also, that the empire was re
vived — the very 'image' or copy, so far
as it could be, of tho former Roman
power, in the time of Charlemagne, and
that the power which was wielded in
what was called the ' empire/ was that
which was, in a great measure, derived
from the Papacy, and was 'designed to
sustain the Papacy, and was actually
employed for that purpose. 'These are
the main facts, I suppose, which are
here referred to, and a few extracts from
Mr. Gibbon will show with what propri
ety and accuracy the symbols here em
ployed were used, on the supposition
that this was the designed reference.

A.. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIII.

367

(a) Th b rise, or restoration of this impe
rial power in the time and the person of
Charlemagne. Mr. Gibbon says (iii. 362),
" It was after the Nicene Synod, and
under the reign of the pious Irene, that
the Popes consummated the separation
of Rome and Italy [from the Eastern
empire] by the translation of the empire
to the less orthodox Charlemagne. They
were compelled to choose between the
rival nations ; religion-was not the sole
motive of their choice ; and while they
dissembled the failings of their friends,
they beheld with reluctance and suspi
cion the Catholic virtues of their foes.
The difference of language and manners
had perpetuated the enmity of the two
capitals [Rome and Constantinople] ;
and they were alienated from each other
by the hostile opposition of seventy years.
In that schism, the Romans had tasted
of freedom and the Popes of sovereignty:
their submission would have exposed
them to the revenge of a jealous tyrant,
and the revolution of Italy had betrayed
the impotence as well as the tyranny of
the Byzantine court." Mr. Gibbon then
proceeds to state reasons why Charle
magne was selected as the one who was
to be placed at the head of the revived
imperial power, and then adds (p. 343),
" The title of patrician was below the
merit and greatness of Charlemagne ;
and it was only by reviving the Western
empire that they could pay their obliga
tions, or secure their establishment. By
this decisive measure they would finally
eradicate the claims of the Greeks ; from
the debasement of a provincial town the
majesty of Rome would be restored ; the
Latin Christians would be united under
a supreme head in their ancient metro
polis j and the conquerors of the West
would receive their crown from the suc
cessors of St. Peter. The Boman church
would acquire d zealous and respectable
advocate/ and, under the shadow of the
Carlovingian power, the bishop might
exercise, with honor and safety, the go
vernment of the oity." All this seems
as if it were a designed commentary on
euoh expressions as these : — " And he
exeroiseth all the power of the first beast,
and causeth the earth and them that
dwell therein to worship the first beast,
whose deadly wound was healed," " say
ing to them that dwell on the earth that
they should make an image to the beast
whioh had the wound by a sword, and

did live; and he had power to give life
unto the image of the boast," Ac. (b)
Its extent. It is said (ver. 12), "And
he exerciseth all the power of the first
beast, and causeth the earth and them
which dwell therein to worship the first
beast, whose deadly wound was healed."
Comp. vs. 14, 15. That is, the extent of
the jurisdiction of the revived power, or
the restored empire, would be as great
as it was before the wound was inflicted.
Of the extent of the restored empire un
der Charlemagne, Mr. Gibbon has given
a full account, iii. pp. 546-549. The
passage is too long to be copied here in
full, and a summary of it only can be
given. He says, " The empire was not
unworthy of its title ; and some of the
fairest kingdoms of Europe were the pa
trimony or the conquest of a prince who
reigned at the same time in France,
Spain, Italy, Germany, and Hungary.
I. The Roman province of Gaul had
been transformed into the name and
monarchy of Prance, Ac. II. The Sa
racens had been expelled from France
by the grandfather and father of Char
lemagne, but they still possessed the
greatest part of Spain, from the rock
of Gibraltar to the Pyrenees. Amidst
their civil divisions, an Arabian emir
of Saragossa implored his protection in
the diet of Paderborn. Charlemagne
undertook the expedition, restored the
emir, and, without distinction of faith,
impartially crushed the resistance of
the Christians, and rewarded the obe
dience and service of the Mahometans.
In his absence he instituted the Spa
nish March, which extended from the
Pyrenees to the river Ebro: Barce
lona was the residence of the French
governor; he possessed the counties of
Bousillon and Catalonia/ and the infant
kingdoms of Navarre and Arragon were
subject to his jurisdiction. III. As
king of the Lombards, and patrician of
Rome, he reigned over the greatest part
of Italy, a tract of a thousand miles
from the Alps to the borders of Cala
bria, Ac. IV. Charlemagne was the
first who united Germany under the
same sceptre, &c. V. He retaliated on
the Avars, or Huns of Pannonia, the
same calamities which they had in
flicted on tho nations : — the royal resi
dence of the Chagan was left desolate
and unknown; and the treasures, the
rapine of two hundred and fifty years,

368

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

enriched the victorious troops, or deco
rated the churches of Italy and Gaul. :
" If we retrace the outlines of the geo
graphical picture," continues Mr. Gib
bon, " it will be seen that the empire of
the Franks extended, between the east
and the west, from the Ebro to the Elbe,
or Vistula; between the north and the
south, from the dutchy of Beneventum
to the river Eyder, the perpetual boun
dary of Germany and Denmark. Two-
thirds of the Western empire were
subject to Charlemagne, and the defi
ciency was amply supplied by his com
mand of the inaccessible or invincible
nations of Germany." (c) The depend
ence of this civil or revived secular
power on the Papacy. "His deadly
wound was healed." " And causeth the
earth to worship the first beast." " Say
ing to them that dwell on the earth that
they should make an image to the beast."
"He had power to give life unto the
image of the beast." Thus Mr. Gibbon
(iii. 343) says, " From the debasement
of a provincial town, the majesty of
Rome would be restored; the Latin
Christians would be united under a
supreme head, in their ancient metro
polis ; and the conquerors of the West
would receive their crown from the suc
cessors of St. Peter." And again (iii.
344) he says, " On the festival of Christ
mas, the last year of the eighth century,
Charlemagne appeared in the church of
St. Peter ; and to gratify the vanity of
Rome, he exchanged the simple dress
of his country for the habit of a patri
cian. After the -celebration of the holy
mysteries, Leo suddenly placed a pre
cious crown on his head, and the dome
resounded with the acclamations of the
people, ' Long life and victory to Charles,
the most pious Augustus, crowned by
God the great and pacific emperor of the
Romans!' The head and, body of
Charlemagne were consecrated by the
royal unction ; his coronation oath re
presents a promise to maintain the faith
and privileges of the church; and the
first fruits are paid in rich offerings to
the shrine of the apostle. In his familiar
conversation the emperor protested his
ignorance of the intentions of Leo, which
ho would have disappointed by his ab-
senoe on that memorablo day. But the
preparations of the ceremony must have
disclosed the secret; and tho journey of
Charlemagne reveals his knowledge and

expectation : he had acknowledged that
the imperial title was the object of his
ambition, and a Roman senate bad pro
nounced that it was the only adequate
reward of his merit and services." So
again (iii. 350) Mr. Gibbon, speaking
of the conqnests of Otho (A. D. 962),
and of his victorious march over tbe
Alps, and his subjugation of Italy, says,
" From that memorable era, two maxims
of public jurisprudence were introduced
by force,' and ratified by time. L That
the prince who was elected, by the Ger
man diet, acquired from that instant the
subject kingdoms of Italy, and Rome.
II. But that he might not legally assume
the titles of emperor and Augustus, till he
had received the crown from the hands of
the Boman pontiff." In connexion with
these quotations from Mr. Gibbon, we
may add, from Sigonius, the oath .which
the emperor took on the occasion of bis
coronation : " I, the Emperor, do engage
and promise, in the name of Christ,
before God and the blessed Apostle
Peter, that I will be a protector and
defender of this holy Church of Rome, in
all things wherein I can be useful to it,
so far as divine assistance shall enable
me, and so far as my knowledge and
power can reach." Quoted by Prof.
Bush, Hieroph. Nov. 1842, p. 141. We
learn, also, from the biographers of
Charlemagne that a commemorative
coin was struck at Rome under his
reign, bearing this inscription, " Reno-
vatio Imperii Romani" — "Revival of
the Roman Empire." Ibid. These quo
tations, whose authority will not be
questioned, and whose authors will not
be suspected of having had any design
to illustrate these passages in the Apo
calypse, will serve to confirm what is
said in the Notes of the decline and
restoration of the Roman secular pewer;
of its dependence on tbe Papacy to give
it life and vigor ; and of the fact that il
was designed to sustain the Papacy, and
to perpetuate the power of Rome. It
needs only to be added, that down to tho
time of Charles the Fifth — the period of
the Reformation — nothing was more ro-
markable in history than the readiness
of this restored secular power to sustain
the Papacy and to carry out its designs ;
or than tbe readiness of the Papaoy to
sustain an absolute civil despotism, and to
make the world subjeot to it by suppres
sing all attempts in favor of oivtt liberty.

A. D. 96.J

CHAPTER XIII.

369

16 And he caused all, both small
and great, rich and poor, free and

bond,, to receive fl a mark in their
right hand, or in their foreheads :
a Give them.

16. And he causeth all. He- claims
jurisdiction, in the matters here referred
to, over all elasses of persons, and com
pels them to do his will. This is the
second beast, and, according to the in
terpretation given above, it relates to
the Papal power, and to its claim of
universal jurisdiction. ^[ Both small
and great. All these expressions are
designed to denote universality — refer
ring to various divisions into which the
human family may be regarded as di
vided. One of those divisions is into
'small and great;' that is, into young
and old; those small in stature and
those large in stature ; those of humble,
and those of elevated rank, ^f Rich and
poor. Another way of dividing the
human race, and denoting here, as in
the former case, all — for it is a common
method, in speaking of mankind, to de
scribe them as 'the rich and poor.'
^f Free and bond. Another method still
of dividing the human race, embracing
all — for all the dwellers upon the earth
are either free or bond. These various
forms of expression, therefore, are de
signed merely to denote, in an emphatic
manner, universality. The idea is, that,
in the matter referred to, none were ex
empt, either on account of their exalted
rank, or on account of their humble
condition ; either because they were so
mighty as to be beyond control, or so
mean and humble as to be beneath no
tice. And if this refers to the Papacy,
every one will see the propriety of the
description. The jurisdiction set up by
that power has been as absolute over
kings as over their subjects; over the
rich and mighty, as over the feeble and
the poor; over masters and over their
slaves; alike over those in the humblest
and in the most elevated walks in life.
^[ To receive a mark in their right hand,
or in their foreheads. The word here
rendered mark — %apaytia — occurs only
in one place in the New Testament ex
cept in the book of Revelation, Acts
xvii. 29, where it is rendered graven.
In all the other places where it is found
(Rev. xiii. 16, 17, xiv. 9, 11, xv. 2, xvi.
2, xix. 20, xx. 4), it is rendered mark,
and is applied to the same thing — the
'mark of the beast.' The word properly

means something graven or sculptured ;
hence (a) a graving, sculpture, sculp
tured work, as images or idols; (b) a
mark cut in or stamped — as the stamp
on coin. Applied to men, it was used
to denote some stamp or mark on the
hand or elsewhere — as in the case of a
servant on whose hand or arm the name
of the master was impressed; or of a
soldier on whom some mnrk was im
pressed denoting the company or pha
lanx to which he belonged. It was no
uncommon thing to mark slaves or sol
diers in this way; and the design was
either to denote their ownership or rank,
or to prevent their escaping so as not to
be detected.** Most of us have seen
such marks made on the hands or arms
of sailors, in which, by a voluntary tat
tooing, their names, or the names of their
vessels, were written, or the figure of an
anchor, or some other device, was indeli
bly made by punctures in the skin, and
by inserting some kind of coloring mat
ter. The thing which it is here said was
engraven on the hand or the forehead,
was the 'name' of the beast, or the
'number' of his name, ver. 17. That is,
the 'name' or the 'number* was so in
delibly inscribed either on the hand or
the forehead, as to show that he who
bare it appertained to the ' beast/ and
was subject to his authority — as a slave
is to his master, or a soldier to his com
mander. Applied to the Papacy, the
meaning is, that there would be some
mark of distinction ; some indelible sign;
something which would designate, with
entire certainty, those persons who be
longed to it, and who were subject to it.
It is hardly necessary to say .that, in
point of fact, this has eminently charac
terized the Papacy. All possible care
has been taken to designate with accu
racy those who belong to that commu-

* Among the Romans, slaves were stigmatized with
the master's name or mark on their foreheads. So Val
eriuB MaximtiB speaks of the custom for slaves, " liter*
arum notis inuri ;" and Plautus a. is the slave " litera
ls. " Ambrose (Be Obit. Valentin.) says, Characters
Domini inscribuntur servult. Petronius mentions the
forehead as the place of the m?rk : Servitia ecce in
frontibus cernitis- In many casB8, soldiers bore the
emperor's name or mark imprinted on the hand. Ae-
tius .says. Stigmata vocaot quae in facie, vel in aliil
parte corporis, inscribuntur; qualia sunt milftum in,
manibus. So Ambrose says, Nomine imper&torii -sig-
nantur milites. Comp. Motes on Gal. vi. 17*

370

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

17 And that no man might buy
or sell, save he that had the mark,
or the name of the beast, or the
number a of his name.

a c 15. 2.

nion, and, all over the world, it is easy
to distinguish those who render allegi
ance to the Papal power. Comp. Notes
on ch. vii. 3.
17. And that no mail might buy or sell.
That is, this mighty power would claim
jurisdiction over tbe traffic of the world,
and endeavor to make it tributary to its
own purposes. Comp. ch. xviii. 11-13,
17-19. This is represented by saying
that no one might ' buy or sell' except
by its permission; and it is Clear that
where this power exists of determining
who may ' buy and sell,' there is absolute
Control over the wealth of the world.
f Save he that had the mark. To keep
it all among its own friends ; among
those who showed allegiance to this
power. ^[ Or the name of the beast.
That is, the 'mark' referred to was either
the name of the beast, or the number of
his name. The meaning is, that he had
something branded on him that showed
that he belonged to the beast — as a slave
had the name of his' master; in other
words, there was something that cer
tainly showed that he was subject to its
authority. ^ Or the number of his name.
In regard to what is denoted by the
number of the beast, see Notes on ver. 18.
The idea here is, that that 'number,'
whatever it was, was so marked on him
as to show to whom he belonged. Ac
cording to the interpretation here pro
posed, the meaning of this passage is,
that the Papacy would claim jurisdiction
over traffic and commerce; or would
endeavor to bring it under its control,
and make it subservient to its own ends.
[frame or commerce is one of the princi
pal means by which property is acquired,
and he who has tho control of this has,
to a great degree, the control of the
wealth of a nation; and the question
now is, whether any such jurisdiction
has been set up, or whether any suoh
control has in fact been exercised, so
that the wealth of the world has been
subject to Papal Rome. For a more
full illustration of this I may refer to the
Notes on ch. xviii. 11-13, 16, 17; but at
present it may be sufficient to remark

18 Here is wisdom. Let him
that hath understanding count the
number of the beast : for it is the
number of a man ; and his number
is six hundred threescore and six.

that the manifest aim of the Papacy in
all its history has been to control the
world, and to get dominion over its
wealth, in order that it might accomplish
its own purposes. But besides this, thero
have been numerous specified acts more
particularly designed to control the busi
ness of 'buying and selling.' It has
been common in Rome to prohibit, by
express law, all traffic with heretics.
Thus a canon of the Lateran Council,
under Pope Alexander III., commanded
that no man should entertain or cherish
them in his house or land, or traffic with
them. Hard. vi. ii. 1684. The Synod
of Tours, under the same Pope Alexan
der, passed the law that no man should
presume to receive or assist the heretics,
no, not so much as to exercise commerce
with them in selling or buying. And so,
too, the Constance Council, as expressed
in Pope Martin's bull. Elliott, iii. 220,
221. 18. Here is wisdom. That is, in what
is stated respecting the name and the
number of the name of the beast. The
idea is, either that there would he need
of peculiar sagacity in determining what
the 'number' of the 'beast' or of his
'name' was, or that peculiar 'wisdom'
was shown by the fact that tbe number
could be thus expressed. The language
used in the verse would lead the reader
to suppose that the attempt to make out
the ' number* was not absolutely hopeless,
but that the number was so for enigmati
cal as to require much skill in determin
ing its meaning. It may also be implied
that, for some reason, there was true
'wisdom' in designating the name by
this number, either because a more
direct and explicit statement might ex
pose him who made it to persecution,
and it showed practical wisdom thus to
guard against "this danger ; or because
there was 'wisdom' or skill shown in
the fact that a number could be found
which would thus correspond with the
name. On either of these suppositions,
peculiar wisdom would be required in
decyphering its meaning. % Let him
that hath understanding. Implying (a)

1. ». 96.}

CHAPTER XIII.

37

that it was practicable to * count the
number of the name ;' and (b) that it
would require uncommon skill to do'it.
It could not be successfully attempted
by all; but still there were those who
might do it. This is such language as
would be used respecting some difficult
matter, but where there was hope that,
by diligent application of the mind, and
by the exercise of a sound understanding,.
there would be a prospect of success.
fl Count the number of the beast In ver.
16, it is 'the number of his name.' The
word here rendered 'countf — ipr/Qicd™ —
means properly to count or reckon with
pebbles, or counters ; then to reckon, to
estimate. The word here means compute/
that is, ascertain the exact import of the
Dumber, so as to identify the beast. The
'number' is that which is immediately
specified, 'six hundred threescore and
six' — 666. The phrase ' the number of
the beast' means, that somehow this
number was so connected with the beast,
or would so represent its name or cha
racter, that the 'beast' would be identi
fied by its proper application. The men
tion in ver. 17 of ' the name of the beast,'
and ' the number of his name,' shows that
this 'number* was somehow connected
with his proper designation, so that by
this he would be identified. The plain
meaning is, that tbe number 666 would
be so connected with his name, or with
that which would properly designate
him, that it could be determined who
was meant by finding that number in
his name or in his proper designation.
This is the exercise of the skill or wisdom
to which the writer here refers : substan-
tiantially that which is required in the
solution of a riddle or a conundrum. If
it should be said here that this is undig
nified and unworthy of an inspired book,
it may be replied (a) that there might
be some important reason why the name
or designation should not be more plainly
made ; (b) that it was important, never
theless, that it should be so made that it
would be possible to ascertain who was
referred to ; (c) that this should be done
only in some way which would Involve
the principle of the enigma— 'where a
known thing was concealed under ob
scure language' ( Webster's Die); (d) that
tbe use of symbols, emblems, hieroglyph
ics, and riddles was common in the early
periods of the world ; and (e) that it was
no uncommon thing in ancient times, as

it is in modern, to test the capacity and
skill of men by their ability to unfold
the meaning of proverbs, riddles, and
dark sayings. Comp. the riddle of
Samson, Judges xiv. 12, seq. See also
Ezek. xvii. 2-8 ; Prov. i. 2-6 ; Ps. xlix. 4,
lxxviii. 2 ; Dan. viii. 23. It would be a
sufficient vindication of the method
adopted here if it was certain or proba
ble that a direct and explicit statement
of what was meant would have been at
tended with immediate danger, and if
the object could be secured by an enig
matical form, ^f For it is the number of
a man. Various interpretations of this
have been proposed. Clericus renders
it, " The number is small, or not such
as cannot be estimated by a man." Ro-
senmiiller: "The number indicates o
man, or a certain race of men," Prof.
Stuart: "The number is to be computed
more humano, not more angelico;" "it is
a man's number." De Wette : " It is
such a number as is commonly reckoned
or designated by men." Other interpre
tations may be seen in Poole's Synopsis.
That which is proposed by Rosenmiiller,
however, meets all the circumstances of
the case. The idea is, evidently, that
the number indicates or refers to a cer
tain man, or order of men. It does not
pertain to a brute, or to angelic beings.
Thus it would be understood by one
merely interpreting tbe language, and
thus the connexion demands. ^ And
his number is six hundred threescore and
six. The number of his name, ver. 17.
This cannot be supposed to mean that
his name would be composed -of six hun
dred and sixty-six letters j and it must,
therefore, mean that somehow the num
ber 666 would be expressed by his name
in some well-understood method of com
putation. The. number here — six hun
dred and sixty-six — is, in Walton's Poly-
glott, written out in full: ifaKdo-ioi ifi-
•jovi'a 2{. In Wetstein, Griesbach, Hahn,
Tittmann, and the common Greek text,
it is expressed by the characters \W —
666. There can be no doubt that this is
the correct number, though, in the time
of Irenaeus, there was in some copies
another reading — £15 = 616.. This read
ing was adopted by the Expositor Ty-
chonius; but against this, Irenaeus in
veighs. Lib. v. c. 30. There can be no
doubt that the number 66ft is the correct
reading, though it would seem that this
was' sometimes expressed in letters, and

372

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

sometimes written iu full. Wetstein
supposes that both methods were used by
John ; that in the first copy of his book
he used the letters, and in a subsequent
copy wrote it in full. This inquiry is not
of material consequence.
It need not be said that much has
been written on this mysterious ' num
ber,' and that very different theories
have been adopted in regard to its appli
cation. For the views which have beep
entertained on, the subject, the reader
may consult, .with advantage, the article
in Calmet's Die, under the word Anti
christ. ¦ It was natural for Calmct, being
a Roman Catholic, to endeavor to show
that the interpretations have baen so
various, that there could be no certainty
in the application, and especially in the
common application to the Papacy. In
endeavoring to ascertain the meaning of
the passage, the following general re
marks may be made, as containing the
result of the investigation thus far: — (a)
There was some mystery in the matter —
some designed concealment — some rea
son why a more explicit statement was
not adopted. The reason of this is not
stated; but it may not be improper, to
suppose that it arose from something in
the circumstances of the writer, and that
the adoption of this enigmatical expres
sion was designed to avoid some peril
to which he or others might be exposed
if there were a more explicit statement.
(b) It is implied, nevertheless, that it
could be understood; that is, that the
meaning was not so obscure that, by
proper study, the designed reference
could not be ascertained without mate
rial danger of error, (c) It required
skill to do this ; either natural sagacity,
or particular skill in interpreting hie
roglyphics and symbols, or uncommon
spiritual discernment, (d) Some man,
or order of men, is referred to that could
properly be designated in this manner.
(e) The method of designating persons
obscurely by a reference to the numeri
cal signification of the letters in their
names was not very uncommon, and was
one that was not unlikely, in tho circum
stances of the case, to have been resorted
to by John. " Thus, among the Pagans,
the Egyptian mystics spoko of Mercury,
or Thouth, under tho name 1218, be
cause the Greek lettors composing the
word Thouth, when estimated by their
numerical value, together mada up that

number. By others, Jupiter was invoked
under the mystical number 717; because
tha letters of 'H APXH — Beginning, or
First Origin, which was a characteristic
of the supreme deity worshipped as Ju
piter, made up that number. And Apollo
under the number 60S, as being that of
yvs or vns, words expressing certain
solar attributes. Again, the pseudo-
Christian or semi-Pagan Gnostics, from
St. John's time and downwards, affixed
to their gems and amulets, of which mul
titudes remain to the present day, the
mystic word afipatral; [abrasax] or afipal-as
[abraxas] under the idea of some magic
virtue attaching to its number 365, as
being that of the days of the annual
Bolar circle," &e. See other instances
referred to in Elliott, iii. 205. These
facts show that John would not be un
likely to adopt some such method of ex
pressing a sentiment which it was de
signed should be obscure in form, but
possible to be understood. It should be
added here, that this was more common
among the Jews than among any other
people, (f) »It seems clear that' some
(?ree& word is here referred to, and that
the mystic number is to be found in some
word of that language. The reasons for
this opinion are these: (1) John was
writing in Greek, and it is most natural
to suppose that this would be the refe
rence ; (2) he expected that his hook
would be read by those who under
stood the Greek language, and it would
have been unnatural to have increased
the perplexity in understanding what he
referred to by introducing a word of a
foreign language ;. (3) the first and lost
letters of the Greek alphabet, and not
those of the Hebrew, are expressly
selected by the Saviour, to denote his
eternity, " I am Alpha and Omega,"
ch. i. 8, 11; and (4) the numerals by
which the enigma is expressed— ^.fy— ore
Greek. It has indeed been supposed by
many that the solution is to be found in
tho Hebrew language, but these reasons
seem to me to show conclusively that we
are to look for the solution in some
Greek word.
The question now is, whether there iB
any word which corresponds with these
conditions, and which would naturally
be referred to by John in this manner.
The exposition thus far has led us to
suppose that tho Papacy in some form
is referred to; and the enquiry now is,

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XII.

373

whether there is any word which is so
certain and determinate as to make it
probable that John meant to designate
that. The word Aaretvos — Lateinos — th*
Latin [Man], actually has all the con
ditions supposed in the interpretation of
this passage, tfrom this word the num
ber specified — 666 — is made out as fol
lows : —
AATEINOS
30 1 300 5 10 50 70 200 = 666.
In support of the opinion that this is the
word intended to be referred to, the fol
lowing suggestions may be made : —
(a) It is a Greek word. (6) It expresses
the exact number, and corresponds in
this respect with the language used by
John, (o) It was early suggested as
the probable meaning, and by those
who lived near to the time of John ;
who were intimately acquainted with
the Greek language; and who may
be supposed to*have been familiar with
this mode of writing. Thus it was sug
gested by Irenaeus, who says, " It seems
to me very probable ; for this is a name
of the last of Daniel's four kingdoms ;
they being Latins that now reign." It
is- true -that he also mentions two other
words as those which may be meant —
cvavSag — a word which had been sug
gested by others, but concerning Which
he makes no remarks, and which, of
course, must have been destitute of any
probability in his view; and Turav —
which he thinks has the clearest claims
for admission — though he speaks of the
word Lateinos as having a claim of pro
bability, (d) This word would properly
denote the Roman power, or the'then
Latin power, and would refer to that
dominion as a Latin dominion — as it
properly was ; and if it be supposed that
it was intended to refer to that, and, at
the same time, that there should be some
degree of obscurity aooiit it, this would
be more likely to he selected than the
word Roman, which was better known ?
and (e) there was a special propriety in
this on the supposition that it was in
tended to refer to the Papal Latin
power. The most appropriate appel
lation, if it was designed to refer to
Rome as a civil power, would undoubt
edly have been the word Roman j but
if it was intended to refer to the ecclesias
tical power, or to the Papacy, this is the
very word to oxpress the idea. In earlier
32

times the more common appellation waF
Uoman. This continued until the sepa
ration of the Eastern and Western em
pires, when the Eastern was called the
Greek, and' the Western the Latin;
or when the Eastern empire assumed the
name of Roman, and affixed to the
Western kingdoms one and all that were
connected with Rome, the appellation of
Latin. This appellation, originally ap
plied to the language only, was adopted
by tho Western kingdoms, and came to
be that by which they were best desig
nated. It was the Latin world, the
Latin kingdom, the Latin church, the
Latin patriarch, the Latin clergy, the
Latin councils. To use Dr. More's
words, "They Latinize every thing:
Mass, prayers, hymns, Litanies, canons,
decretals, bulls, are conceived in Latin.
The Papal councils speak in Latin,
women themselves pray in Latin. The
Scriptures are read in no other language
under the Papacy than Latin. In short,
all things are Latin." With what pro
priety, then, might John, under the
influence of inspiration, speak, in this
enigmatical manner of the new power
that was symbolized by the beast, as
Latin. The only objection to this solution that
has been suggested is that the ortho
graphy of the Greek word is Aarivos —
Latinos — and not Aretvos — Lateinos —
giving the number 616, and not 666;
and Bellarmine asserts that this is the
uniform method of spelling in Greek
authors. All that is necessary in reply
to this, is to copy the following remark
from Prof. Stuart, vol. ii. p. 456 : " As. to
the form of the Greek word Aaretvos
[Lateinos], viz., that « is employed for
the Latin long I, it is a sufficient vindi
cation of it to cite Xaffcivos, $avor£ivo$,
TlavKtivos, AvrwvEivos, ArtiXtos, Merci'Xiog,
Uaweepios, Ovei^tog, etc. Or we may refer
to the custom of the more ancient Latin,
as in Plautus, of writing I by ei, e. g.?
solitei, Diveis,captivei, preimus, Lateino,
etc." See this point examined further,
in Elliott, iii. 210-213.
As a matter of historical interest, it
may be observed that the solution of the
difficulty has been sought in numerous
other words, and the friends of the Pa
pacy, and the enemies of the Bible, havo
endeavored to show that such terms are
so numerous that there can be no cer
tainty in the application. Thus Calmet

374

REVELATION,

LA.D.98.

(Die., art. Antichrist), after enumerating
many of these terms, says, " The num
ber 666 is found in names the most
sacred, the most opposite to Antichrist.
The wisest and best way is to be
Silent."

We have seen that, besides the name
Lateinos, two other words had been re
ferred to in the time of Irenssus. Some
of the words in which the mysterious
number has been since supposed to be
found, are the following : —

666. 666.666.
666.
666.

DIT ID'p, Caesar Romas (Emperor of Rome), that is 100 + 10 + 60 +
1 200 and 200 + 6 + 40=  666.
"1DP ]V1J Nero Cassar, 50 + 200 + 6 + SO, and 100 + 60 +200 =  666.
Diocles Augustus (Dioclesian) =  dclxvi.
C. F. Julianus Cesar Atheus' (the Apostate) =  dclxvi.
Luther— TTlSlS = 200+400 + 30 + 6 + 30 =  666.
Lampetis, ka/urms = 30 + 1 + 40 + 80 + 5 + 300 + 10 + 200 =  666.
n Aaruvt, fao-ikua = 8 + 30 + 1 + 300 + 10 + 50 + 8 + 2 + 1 + 200 +
10 + 30 + 5 + 10 + 1 = 
IrdXiKa cKi&rwa = 10 + 300 + 1 + 30 + 10 + 20 + 1 + 5 + 20 + 20 +
30 + 8 + 200 + 10 + 1 =  ..
Amararns (the Apostate) 1 + 80 + 70 + 6 + 1 + 300 + 8 + 200 = ..
n"On (Roman, Sc. Sedes) =200 + 6 + 40 + 10 + 10 + 400= 
»Ui>D1 (Romanus, So. Man) = 200 + 40 + 10 + 50 + 6 + 300 = ...
It will be admitted that many of these, CHAPTER XIV
and others that might be named, are
fanciful, and perhaps had their origin in
a determination, on the one hand, to find
Rome referred to somehow, or in a de
termination, on the other hand, equally
strong, not to find this ; but still it is re
markable how many of the most obvious
solutions refer to Rome and the Papacy.
But the mind need not be distracted, nor
need doubt be thrown over the subject
by the number of the solutions proposed.
They show the restless character of the
human mind, and the ingenuity of men ;
but this should not be allowed to bring
into doubt a solution that is simple and
natural, and that meets all the circum
stances of tbe case. Such a solution, I
believe, is found in the word Aaruros —
Lateinos, as illustrated above; and as
that, if correct, settles the case, it is un
necessary to pursue the matter further.
Those who are disposed to do so, how
ever, may find ample illustration in
Calmet, Diet., Art. Antichrist / Elliott,
Horae Apoca. iii. 207-221 ; Prof. Stuart,
Com. vol. ii., Excursus, iv. ; Bibliotheca
Sacra, i. 84-86 ; Robert Fleming on the
Rise and Fall of the Papacy, 28, seq. ;
De Wette, Exegetisches Handbuch, JV. T.,
iii. 140-142; Vitringa, Com. 625-637,
Excursus, iv. ; Nov. Tcs. Edi. Konpi-
anae, vol. x. b, pp. 235-266 ; and the
Commentaries generally.

ANALYSIS OP THE CHAPTER.
In the previous chapters (xii. xiiL)
there is a description of the woes and
sorrows which, for a long period, would
come upon the church, and which would
threaten to destroy it. It was proper
that this gloomy picture should be re
lieved, and accordingly this chapter,
having much of the aspect of an episode,
is thrown in to comfort the hearts of
those who should see those troublous
times. There were bright scenes beyond,
and it was important to direct the eye to
them, that the hearts of the sad might
be consoled. This chapter, therefore,
contains a succession of symbolical re
presentations designed to show the ulti
mate result of all these things — " to hold
out the symbols of ultimate and certain
victory." Prof. Stuart. Those symbols
are the following : —
(1) The vision of the hundred and
forty-four thousand on Mount Zion, as
emblematic of the final triumph of the
redeemed, vs. 1-5. They have the
Father's name in their foreheads (ver.
1) ; they sing a song of victory (vs. 2, 3) ;
they are found without fault before Qod
— representatives, in this respect, of all
that will be saved, vs. 4, 5.
(2) The vision of the final triumph of
the gospel, vs. 6, 7. An angel is seen

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIV.

375

CHAPTER XIV.
AND I looked, and, lo, a Lamb ¦
stood on the mount Sion, and
with him an hundred forty and four

flying in the midst of heaven, having
the everlasting gospel to preach to all
that dwell upon the earth, and an
nouncing that the end is near : — a repre
sentation designed to show that the
gospel will be thus preached among all
nations ; and when that is done, the
time will draw on when the affairs of the
world will be wound up.
(3) The fall of Babylon, the mighty
Anti-christian power, ver. 8. An angel
is seen going forth announcing the glad
tidings that this mighty power is over
thrown, and that, therefore, its oppres
sions are come to an end. This, to tbe
church in trouble and persecution, is one
of the most comforting of all the assur
ances that God makes in regard to the
future. (4) The certain and final destruction
of all the upholders of that Anti-christian
power, vs. 9-12. Another angel is seen
making proclamation that all the sup
porters and abettors of this formidable
power would drink of the wine of the
wrath of God ; that they would be tor
mented with fire and brimstone; and
that the smoke of their torment would
ascend up for ever and ever.
(5) The blessedness of all those who
die in the Lord ; who, amidst the perse
cutions and trials that were to come
upon the church, would be found faithful
unto death, ver. 13. They would rest
from their .labors ; the works of mercy
which they had done on the earth would
follow them to the future world, securing
rich and eternal blessings there.
(6) The final overthrow of all the en
emies of the church, vs. 14-20. This is
the grand completion ; to this all things
are tending; this will be certainly ac
complished in due time. This is repre
sented under various emblems :—
(a) The Son of man appears seated
on a cloud, having on his bead a
golden crown, and in his hand a
sharp sickle — -emblem of gather
ing in the great harvest of the
earth, and of his own glorious
reign in heaven, ver. 14.
(4) An angel is seen coming out of
the temple, announcing that the

thousand, * having his Father's
name e written in their foreheads.
a c. 5. 12.
» c. 7. 4. e c. 3. 12.

time had come, and calling on
the Great Reaper to thrust in his
sickle, for the harvest of the world
was ripe, ver. 15.
(c) He that has the sickle thrusts in
his sickle to reap the great har
vest, ver. 16.
(d) Another angel is seen represent
ing the final judgment of God on
the wicked, vs. 17-20. He also
has a sharp sickle; he is com
manded by an angel that has
power over fire to thrust in his
sickle into the earth ; he goes forth
and gathers the clusters of the
vine of the earth, and casts them
into the great wine-press of the
wrath of God.
This whole chapter, therefore, is de
signed to relieve the gloom of the former
representations. The action of the grand
moving panorama is stayed that tbe
mind may not be overwhelmed with
gloomy thoughts, but that it may be
cheered with the assurance of the final
triumph of truth and righteousness. Tho
chapter, viewed in this light, is intro
duced with great artistic skill, as we,U
as great beauty of poetic illustration;
and, in its place, it is adapted to set forth
this great truth, that, to the righteous,
and to the church at large, in the dark
est times, and with the most threatening
prospect of calamity and sorrow, there
is the certainty of final victory, and that
this should be allowed to cheer and sus
tain the sonl.
1. And I looked. My attention was
drawn to a new vision. The eye was
turned away from the beast and his
image to the heavenly world — the Mount
Zion above. If And lo a Lamb. See Notes
on ch. v. 6. ^[ Stood on the Mount Sion.
That is, in heaven. See Notes on Heb.
xii. 22. Zion, literally the Southern hill
in the city of Jerusalem, was a name also
given to the whole city; and, as that was
.the seat of the divine worship on earth,
it became an emblem of heaven — tho
dwelling-place of God. The scene of the
vision here is laid in heaven, for it is a
vision of the ultimate triumph of the re
deemed, designed to sustain the church

376

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

2 And I heard a voice from hea
ven, as the voice ° of many waters,
and as the voice of a great thunder :
and I heard the voice of harpers b
harping with their harps.
3 And they sung as it were a
a c. 19. 6. b c. 5. 8, 9.

in view of the trials that had already
come upon it, and of those which were
yet to come. \\ And with him a hundred
forty and four thousand. These are evi
dently the same persons that were seen
in the vision recorded in chapter vii. 3-8,
and the representation is made for the
same purpose — to sustain the church in
trial, with the certainty of its future glory.
See Notes on ch. vii. 4. ^ Having his
Father's name written in their foreheads.
Showing that they were his. See Notes
on ch. vii. 3, xiii. 16. ' In eh. vii. 3, it is
merely said that they were 'sealed in
their foreheads ;' the passage here shows
how they were sealed. They had the
name of God so stamped -or marked on
their foreheads as to show that they be
longed to him. Comp. Notes on ch.vii. 3-8.
2. And I heard a voice from heaven.
Showing that the scene is laid in heaven,
but that John in the vision was on the
earth. ^[ As the voice of many waters.
As the- sound of the ocean, or of a mighty
cataract. That is, it was so loud that it
could be heard from heaven to earth. No
comparison could express this more sub
limely than to say that it was like the
roar of the ocean. % As the voice of a
great' thunder. As the loud sound of
thunder. % And I heard the voice of
harpers. In heaven: — the song of re
demption accompanied with strains of
sweet instrumental music. For a de
scription of the harp, see Notes on Isa.
v. 12. ^[ Harping with their harps.
Playing on their harps. This image
gives new beauty to the description.
Though the sound was loud and swell
ing, so loud that it could be heard on the
earth, yet it was not mere shouting, or
merely a tumultuous cry. " It was like
the sweetness of symphonious harps."
The music of heaven, though elevated
and joyous, is sweet and harmonious;
and perhaps one of tho best representa
tions of heaven on earth is the effoct pro
duced on the soul by strains of sweet and
solemn music
32 •

new c song before the throne, and
before the four beasts, and the el
ders : and no man could learn that
song but the d hundred and forty
and four thousand, which were re
deemed from the earth.
c c. 15. 3. d ver. 1.

3. And they sung as it were a new song.
See Notes on ch. v. 9. It was proper to
call this 'new/ because it was on a new
occasion, or pertained to a new object.
The song here was in celebration of the
complete redemption of the church, and
was the song to be sung in view of its
final triumph over all its foes. Comp.
Notes ch. vii. 9, 10. % Before the throne.
The throne of God in heaven. See Notes
on ch. iv. 2. fl And before the four beasts.
See Notes on ch. iv. 6-8. fl And the el
ders. _ See Notes on eh. iv. 4. ^ And no
man coxdd learn that song, <fcc. None
could understand it but the redeemed.
That is, none who had not been redeemed
could enter fully into the feelings and
sympathies of those who were. A great
truth is taught here. To appreciate fully
the songs of Zion j to understand the lan
guage of praise ; to enter into the spirit
of the truths which pertain to redemp
tion, one must himself have been re
deemed by the blood of Christ He must
have, known what it is to be a sinner un
der the condemnation of a holy law; he
must have known what it is to be in dan
ger of eternal death; he must have ex
perienced the joys of pardon, or he can
never understand in its true import the
language used by the redeemed. And
this is only saying what we are familiar
with in other things. He who is saved
from peril; he who is rescued from long
captivity; he who is pardoned at the foot
of the scaffold ; he who is recovered from
dangerous illness; he who presses to his
bosom a beloved child just rescued from
a watery grave, will have an apprecia
tion of the language of joy and triumph
which he can never understand who has
not been placed in such circumstances;
but of all the joy ever experienced in the
universe, so far as we can see, that must
be the most sublime and transporting
which will be experienced when the
redeemed shall stand on Mount Zion
above, and shall realize that they are
saved.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIV.

377

4 These are they which were not
defiled with women ; for they are
a Ca. 1. 3. 6. 8.
4. These are they. In this verse, and
in tbe following verse, the writer states
the loading characteristics of. those who
are saved. The general idea is, that
they are chaste ; that tbey are the fol
lowers of the Lamb ; that they are re
deemed from among men; and that they
are without guile. %Which were not
defiled with women, who were chaste.
The word defiled here determines the
meaning of the passage, as denoting that
they were not guilty of illicit intercourse
with women. It is unnecessary to show
that this is a virtue every where required
in the Bible, and every where stated as
among the characteristics of the re
deemed. On no point are there more
frequent exhortations in the Scriptures
than on this ; on no point is there more
solicitude manifested that the professed
friends of the Saviour should be without
blame. Comp. Notes on Acts xv. 20 ; 1
Cor. vi. 18 ; Rom. i. 24-32 ; Heb. xiii. 4.
See also 1 Cor. v. 1, vi. 13; Gal. v. 19;
Eph. v. 3; Col. iii. 5; 1 Thess. iv. 3.
This passage cannot be adduced in favor
of celibacy, whether among the clergy or
laity, or in faver of monastic principles
in any form, for the thing that is speci
fied is that they were not ' defiled with
women/ and a lawful connexion of the
sexes, such as marriage, is not defile
ment. See Notes on Heb. xiii. 4. The
word here rendered defiled — luo\$v§naav,
from uoXvvut — is a word that cannot he,
applied to the marriage relation. It
means properly to soil, to stain, to defile.
1 Cor. viii. 7, ' Their conscience being
weak, is defiled.' Rev. iii. 4, 'Which
have not defiled their garments.' The
word does not elsewhere occur in the
New Testament, except in the passage
before us, and it will be seen at once that
it cannot be applied to that which is law
ful and proper, and consequently that it
cannot be construed as an expression
against marriage and in favor of celibacy.
It is a word that is properly expressive
of illicit intercourse — of impurity and
unchastity of life — and the statement is,
that they who are saved are not impure
and unchaste, ^f For they are virgins.
zapSivoi. This is the masculine form, but
this form is found in the later Greek, and
in the Christian fathers. See Suidas and
32*

virgins. ' These are they which
follow * the Lamb whithersoever he
b Jno. 10. 27.

Suioer, Thes. The meaning of the word,
when found in the feminine form, is well
understood. Itdenotes a virgin, a maiden,
and thence it is used to denote that which
is chaste and pure: — virgin modesty;
virgin gold ; virgin soil ; virgin blush ;
virgin shame. The word in the mascu
line form must have a similar meaning
as applied to men, and may denote («)
those who are unmarried; (4) those who
are chaste and pure in general. The
word is applied by Suidas to Abel and
Melchizedek. "The sense," says De
Wette (in loc), " cannot be that all these
144,000 had lived an unmarried life, for
how could the Apostle Peter, and others
who were married, have been excluded ?
But the reference must be to those who
held themselves from all impurity — un-
keuschkeit und hurerei — which, in the
view of the apostles, was closely connect
ed with idolatry." Comp. Bleek, Beitr.
i. 185. Prof. Stuart supposes that the
main reference here is to those who had
kept themselves from idolatry, and who
were thus pure. It seems to me, how
ever, that the most obvious meaning is
the correct one, that it refers to the re
deemed as chaste, and thus brings into
view one of the prominent things in
which Christians are distinguished from
the devotees of nearly every other form
of religion, and indeed extensively from
the world at large. This passage, also,
cannot be adduced in favor of tho mo
nastic system, because (a) whatever may
be said any where of the purity of virgins,
there is no such commendation of it as
to imply that the married life is impure ;
(b) it cannot be supposed that God meant
in any way to reflect on the married life
as in itself impure or dishonorable; (c)
the language does not demand such an
interpretation ; and (d) the facts in re
gard to the monastic life have shown
that it has had very little pretensions to
a claim of virgin purity. S These are
they which follow the Lamb. This is ano
ther characteristic of thoso who are re
deemed — that they are followers of the
Lamb of God. That is, they are his dis
ciples ; they imitate his example ; they
obey his instructions ; they yield to his
laws ; they receive him as their counsel
lor and their gnide. See Notes on John

378

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

goeth. Those were ¦ redeemed from
among men, being the first fruits s
unto God and to the Lamb.
5 And in their mouth was found
a Bougld. 1 Co. 6. 20. b Ja. 1. 18.

X. 3, 27. 1f Whithersoever he goeth. As
sheep follow the shepherd. Comp. Ps.
xxiiii: 1, 2. It is one characteristic of
true Christians that they follow the Sa
viour wherever he leads them. Be it into
trouble, into danger, into difficult duty;
be it in Christian or heathen lands ; be
it in pleasant paths, or in roads rough
and difficult, they commit themselves
wholly to his guidance, and submit them
selves wholly to his will. ^ These were
redeemed from among men. This is ano
ther characteristic of those who are seen
on Mount Zion. They are there because
they are redeemed, and they have the
character of tbe redeemed. They are
not there in virtue of rank or blood (John
i. 13) ; not on the ground of their own
works (Titus iii. 5), but because they are
redeemed unto God by the blood of bis
Son. See Notes on ch. v. 9, 10. None
will be there of whom it cannot be said
that they are ' redeemed ;' none will be
absent who have been truly redeemed
from sin. ^[ Being the first-fruits itnto
God. On the meaning of the -word first-
fruits, see Notes on 1 Cor. xv. 20. The
meaning here would seem to be, that the
hundred and forty-four thousand were not
to be regarded as the whole of the num
ber that was saved, but that they were
representatives of the redeemed. They
had the same characteristics which all
the redeemed must have ; they were a
pledge that all the redeemed would be
there. Prof. Stuart supposes that the
sense is, that they were, as it were, ' an
offering peculiarly acceptable to God.*
The former explanation, however, meets
all the circumstances of the case, and is
more in accordance with the usual mean
ing of the word, ^ And to the Lamb.
They stood there as redeemed by him,
thus honoring him as their Redeemer,
and showing forth his glory.
5. And in their mouth was found no
guile. No deceit, fraud, hypoorisy.
They were sincerely and truly what
they professed to be — the children of
God. This is the last charaoteristio
which is given of them as redeemed, and
it is not necessary to say that this i*

no guile: c for they are without'
fault before the throne of God.
6 And I saw another angel fly
c Ps. 32. 2. d Ep. 5. 27 ; Jude 24.

always represented as one of the char
acteristics of the true children of God.
See Notes on John i. 47. ^ For they
are without fault before the throne of God.
The word here rendered without fault —
u/ju/ioi — means properly spotless, without
blemish, 1 Pet i. 19. See Notes on CoL
i. 22. This cannot be construed as
meaning that they were by nature pure
and holy, but only that they were pure
as they stood before the throne of God
in heaven — ' having washed their robes,
and made them pure in the blood of the
Lamb.' See Notes on ch. vii. 14. It
will be certainly true that all who stand
there will be in fact pure, for nothing
impure or unholy shall enter there.
Ch. xxi. 27.
The design of this portion of the chap
ter was evidently to comfort those to
whom the book was addressed, and, in
the same way, to comfort all the children
of God in times of persecution and trial.
Those living in tbe time of John were
suffering persecution, and, in the pre
vious chapters, be had described more
fearful trials yet to come on the church.
In these trials, therefore, present and
prospective, there was a propriety in
fixing the thoughts on the final triumph
of the redeemed — that glorious state in
heaven where all persecution shall cease,
and where all the ransomed of the Lord
shall stand before his throne. What
eould be better fitted than this view to
sustain the souls of the persecuted and
the sorrowful ? And how often since in
the history of the church — in the dark
times of religious declension and of per
secution — i];is there been occasion to
seek consul:i tiun in this bright view of
heaven ! liow often in the life of each
believer, when sorrows come upon him
like a flood, and earthly consolation is
gone, is there occasion to look to that
blessed world where all the redeemed
shall stand before God ; where all tears
shall be wiped away from every face;
and where there shall be the assurance
that the last pang nas been endured, and
that the soul is to be happy for ever
6. And I saw another angel. Thif

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIV.

379

in the midst of heaven, having the ¦
everlasting gospel to preach unto
them that dwell on the earth, and
to every * nation, and kindred, and
tongue, and people,
must of course mean a different one
from some one mentioned before; but
no such angel is referred to in the pre
vious chapters, unless we go back to ch.
xii. 7. It is not necessary, however, to
suppose that John refers to a particular
angel immediately preceding this. In
the course of these visions he had seen
many angels; and now, accustomed to
these visions, he says that he saw * an
other* one employed in a remarkable em
bassy, whose message was fitted to cheer
the hearts of the desponding, and to
support the souls of the persecuted and
the sad — for his appearing was the
pledge that the gospel would be ulti
mately preached to all that dwell upon
the earth. The design of this vision is,
therefore, substantially the same as the
former — to cheer tbe heart, and to sus
tain the courage and the faith of tbe
church, in the persecutions and trials
which were yet to come, by the assurance
that the gospel would "be ultimately tri.
umphant. ^ Fly in the midst of heaven.
In the air ; so as to appear to be moving
along the face of the sky. The scene
cannot be in heaven, as the gospel is not
to be preached there, but the word must
denote heaven as it appears to us — the
sky. Prof. Stuart renders it correctly,
' mid-air.' He is represented as flying,
to denote the rapidity with which the
gospel would spread through the world
in that future period referred to. Comp.
Notes on Isa. vi. 2. fl Having the ever
lasting gospel. The gospel is here called
everlasting or eternal, (a) because its
great truths have always existed, or it
is conformed to eternal truth; (b) be
cause it will for ever remain unchanged
— not being liable to fluctuation like the
opinions held by men ; (c) because its
effects will be everlasting — in the re
demption of the soul and the joys of
heaven. In all the glorious eternity
before the redeemed, they will be but
developing the effects of that gospel on
their own hearts, and enjoying the re
suits of it in the presence of God. f To
preach unto them that dwell on the earth.
To all men — as is immediately specified.

7 Saying with a loud voice, Fear
God, and give glory to him ; for*'
the hour of his judgment is come :
a 2Sa.23. 5; Is. 40. 8.
b Ep. 8. 9. c c. 15. 4.

Comp. Matt, xxviii. 19; Mark xvi. 15.
% And to every nation, and kindred, &c.
To all classes and conditions of men ; to
all men without any distinction or ex
ception. See Notes on eh. vii. 9. The
truth here taught is, that the gospel is
to be preached to all men as on an
equality, without any reference to their
rank, their character, or their complex
ion ; and it is implied also that at the
time referred to, this will be done.
When that time will be, the writer does
not intimate farther than that it would
be after the beast and his adherents had
attempted to stay its progress ; and for
the fulfilment of this, therefore, we are
to look to a period subsequent to the
rise and fall of that great Antichristian
power symbolized by the beast and his
image. This is in entire accordance
with the prediction in Daniel. See
Notes on Dan. vii. 19-22.
7. Saying, with a loud voice. As if
all the nations were summoned to hear.
% Fear God. That is, reverence, honor,
obey God. Render homage not to the
beast, to his image, or to any idol, but
to the only true God. This is the sub
stance of the gospel — its end and design
— to turn men from all forms of idol-
worship and superstition, to the worship
of the only true God. ^f And give glory
to him. To give glory to him is to
acknowledge him as the only true God; .
to set up his pure worship in the heart ;
and to praise him as the great Ruler of
heaven and earth, fl For the hour of
his judgment is come. His judgment on
the beast and on those who worship him.
The imagery here is substantially the
same as in Dan. vii. 9, 10, 14, 26, 27, and
there can be no doubt that there is refer
ence to the same subject. See Notes on
those verses. The main idea is, that
when God shall be about to cause his
gospel to spread through the world, there
will be, as it were, a solemn judgment
on that Antichristian power which had
so long resisted his truth and persecuted
his saints, and that on the fall of that
power his own kingdom will be set up
on the earth ; that is, in the language

380

REVELATION,

[A. IX, 96.

and "worship him that made heaven,
and earth, and the sea, and the
fountains of waters.

of Daniel, "the kingdom, and the do
minion, and the greatness of the king
dom under the whole heaven, shall he
given to the people of the saints of the
Most High." % And worship him that
made heaven, and earth, Ac. The true
God, the Creator of all things. As
already remarked, this is the ultimate
design of the gospel, and when this is
accomplished, the great end for which it
was revealed will be reached.
The design of this portion of the chap
ter (vs. 6, 7), also, was to comfort those
to whom the book was addressed, and
in the same way to comfort the church
in all the persecution and opposition
which the truth would encounter. The
ground of consolation then was that a
time was predicted when the * everlasting
gospeV would be made to fly speedily
through the earth, and when it would be
announced that a final judgment had
come upon the great Anti-christian
power which had prevented its being
before diffused over the face of the world.
The same ground of encouragement and
consolation exists now, and the more so
as we see the day approaching ; and in
all times of despondency we should allow
our hearts to be cheered as we see
that great Antichristian power waning,
and as we see evidence that the way
is thus preparing for the rapid and
universal diffusion of the pure gospel
of Christ.
8. And there followed another angel.
That is, in the vision. It is not neces
sary to suppose that this would, in the
fulfilment, succeed the other in time, j
The chapter is made up of a number of
representations, all designed to illustrate \
the same general thing, and to produce
the same general effect on the mind —
that the gospel would be finally triumph- !
ant, and that, therefore, the hearts of
tho troubled and the afflicted should be
comforted. Tho representation in this
verse, bearing on this point, is, that
Babylon, the great enemy, would fall to
rise no more. \ Babylon. This is the '
first time that the word Babylon occurs
in this book, though it is repeatedly '
mentioned afterwards, ch. xvi. 19, xvii. j
6, xviii. 2, 10, 21. In reference to the ,

8 And there followed another
angel, saying, Babylon a is fallen,
a Is. 21. 9; Je. 51. 7, 8; c. 18. ^8.
literal Babylon, the word is used, in
the New Testament, in Matt. i. 11, 12,
13 ; Acts viL 43 ; 1 Pet. v. 13. See In
tro, to I. Peter, § 2. Babylon was a
well-known city on the Euphrates (for a
full description of which see Notes on
Isa. Analysis of chs. xiii., xiv.), and was
in the days of its pride and glory the
head of the heathen world. In refe
rence to :he meaning of the word in this
place, it may be remarked (1) that the
general characteristics of Babylon were,
that it was proud, haughty, insolent,
oppressive. It was chiefly known and
remembered by the Hebrew people as a
power that had invaded the holy land;
that had reduced its capital and temple
to ruins; that had destroyed the inde
pendence of their country, subjecting it to
the condition of a province, and that had
carried away the inhabitants into a long
and painful captivity. It became, there
fore, the emblem of all that was haughty
and oppressive, and especially of all that
persecuted the church of God. (2) The
word must he used, here to denote some
power that resembled the ancient and
literal Babylon in these characteristics.
The literal Babylon was no more; but
the name might be properly used to
denote a similar power. We are to seek,
therefore, in the application of this, for
some power that had the same general
characteristics which the literal Babylon
had. (3) In enquiring, then, what is
referred to here by the word Babylon,
we may remark (a) that it could not be
the literal Babylon on the Euphrates, for
the whole representation here is of
something future, and the literal Baby
Ion had long since disappeared, never,
according to the prophecies, to be rebuilt.
See Notes on Isa. xiii. 20-22. (6) All
the circumstances require us to under
stand this of Rome — at some period of
its history: — for Rome, like Babylon,
was the seat of empire, and the head of
the heathen world; Kome was charac
terized by many of the same attributes
as Babylon, being arrogant, proud, op
pressive ; Rome, like Babylon, was dis
tinguished for its oonquests, and for the
fact that it made all other nations sub
ject to its control ; Rome had been, like

A D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIV.

381

is fallen, that great city, because
she made all nations drink of the
Babylon, a desolating power, having
destroyed the capital of the holy land
and burnt its beautiful temple, and re
duced the country to a province. Rome,
like Babylon of old, was the most formi
dable power with which the church had
to contend. Yet (c) it is not, I suppose,
Rome considered as Pagan that is here
meant — but Rome considered as the
prolongation of the ancient power in the
Papal form. Alike in this book and in
Daniel, Rome, Pagan and Papal, is re
garded as one power, standing in direct
opposition to- the gospel of Christ; re
sisting its progress in the world ; and pre
venting its final prevalence. See Notes
on Dan. vii. When that falls, the last
enemy of the church will be destroyed,
and the final triumph of the true religion
will be speedy and complete. See Dan.
vii. 26, 27. (d) So it was understood
among the early Christians. Mr. Gib
bon, speaking of the expectations of the
early Ceristians about the end of the
world, and the glory of the literal reign
of the Messiah, says, " While the happi
ness and glory of a temporal reign were
promised to the disciples of Christ, the
most dreadful calamities were denounced
against an unbelieving world. The edi
fication of the New Jerusalem was to
advance by equal steps with the destruc
tion of the mystic Babylon ; and as long
as the emperors who reigned before Con
stantine persisted in the profession of
idolatry, the epithet of Babylon was ap
plied to the city and to the empire of
Rome." i.p.263. ^ Is fatten. That is,
an event appeared in vision, as if a
mighty city fell to rise no more. *[[ Is
fallen. This is repeated to give em
phasis to the declaration, and to express
the joyousness of that event. ^[ That
great city. Babylon in its glory was the
largest city of the world; Rome, in its
turn, also became the largest; and the
expression used here denotes that the
power here referred to would be pro
perly represented by cities of their mag
nitude, ^f Because she made all nations
drink of the wine. This language is
probably taken from Jeremiah li. 7 :
" Babylon hath .been a golden cup in
the Lord's hand, that made all the
earth drunken : the nations have drunken
of the wine, therefore the nations are

wine of the wrath of her forni
cation.

mad." Babylon here, in accordance
with the usual custom of the sacred
writers when speaking of cities (see Notes
on Isa. i. 8), is represented as a female —
here a female of abandoned character,
holding in her hand a cup of wine to
attract her lovers; that is, she allures
and intoxicates them. This is a beauti
ful image to denote the influence of a
great and corrupt city, and especially a
oity corrupt in its religion, and devoted
to idolatry and superstition — and may
well be applied either to Babylon or
Rome literal or mystical. ^[ Of the
wrath. There seems an incongruity. in
the use of this word here, and Prof
Stuart proposes to render it ' the inflam
matory wine of her fornication ;' that is,
inebriating wine; wine that excited the
passions and that led to uncleanness.
He supposes that the word here used —
&vji6s — means heat, inflammation, cor
responding to the Hebrew 7XOT\- There
are no instances, however, in the New
Testament, in which the word is used in
this sense. The common and proper
meaning is mind, soul ; then mind
agitated with passion, or under the in
fluence of desire — a violent commotion
of mind, as wrath, anger, indignation.
Rob. Lex. The ground of the represen
tation here seems to be, that Jehovah is
often described as "giving to the nations
in his wrath an intoxicating cup, so that
they should reel and stagger to their
destruction. Comp. Jer. li. 7, xxv. 15.
The. meaning here is, that the nations
had drunk of that cup which brought on
the wrath of God on account of her
'fornication.' Babylon is represented
as a harlot, with a cup of wine in her
hand, and the effect of drinking that
cup was to expose them to the wrath of
God, hence called 'the wine of the
wrath of her fornication :' — the alluring
cup that was followed by wrath on ac
count of her fornication. \ Of her for
nication. Due to her fornication. The
word ' fornication* here is used to denote
spiritual uncleanness; that is, heathen
and superstitious rites and observances.
The term is often used in the Scriptures
as applicable to idolatry and supersti
tion. The general meaning here is, that
Rome — Papal Rome — would employ all

382

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

9 And the third angel followed
them, saying with a loud voice, If"
any man worship the beast and his
image, and receive his mark in his
forehead, or in his hand,
a c. 13. 14-16.
forms of voluptuous allurements to bring
the nations to the worship of the beast
and his image, and that the ' wrath' of
God would be peured out on account of
these abominations.
The design of this verse, also, is to
impart consolation by the assurance that
this great enemy — this mighty, formi
dable, persecuting power — would be en
tirely overthrown. This is everywhere
held up as the brightest hope of the
church; for with this will fall its last
great enemy, and the grand obstruction
to the final triumph of the gospel on
earth will be removed.
9. And the third angel followed them.
This was a new vision designed to repre
sent the removal of all the obstructions
to the final prevalence of the gospel.
"We are not neessarily to suppose that
this event would succeed those men
tioned before, in the order , of time,
though this wonld be the natural con
struction. The design of this is to show
that the worshippers of the beast and
his image would be certainly and finally
destroyed. ^[ Saying with a loud voice.
Making a loud proclamation. Ver. 7.
^[ If any man worship the beast and his
image. Notes ch. xiii. 4, 8, 12, 15. This
declaration is universal, affirming of all
who thus render idolatrous reverence
to the power represented by the beast
and his image, that they should drink of
the wine of the wrath of God. The
general meaning is, that they were guilty
of idolatry of a gross form, and wherever
this existed, they who were guilty of it
would come under the denunciations in
the Scriptures against idolaters. And
why should not such denunciations fall
on idolaters under the Papaoy as well
as on others? Is it not true that
there is as real idolatry there as in the
heathen world? Is not the idolatry as
gross and debasing ? Is it not attended
with as real corruption in the heart and
the life ? Is it not encompassed with as
many things to inflame the passions, cor
rupt the morals, and alienate the soul
from God ? And is it not all tho worse

10 The same, shall drink b of the
wine of the wrath of God, which is
poured out without mixture into
the cup of his indignation; and
he shall be tormented with fire '
b Ps. 75. 8. c c. 19. 20.

for being a perversion of Christianity,
and practised under the forms of the
religion of the Saviour ?• On what prin
ciple should idolatry be denounced and
condemned anywhere, if it is not in
Papal Rome ? Comp. Notes on 2 Thess.
ii. 4. ^ And receive his mark in his
forehead, or in his hand. See Notes on
ch. xiii. 16. The word 'receive' here
implies that there was, on their part,
some degree of voluntariness : it was not
a mark impressed by force, but a mark
received. This is true in respect to all
idolatry; and this lays the ground for
condemnation. Whatever art is used to
induce men to worship the beast and his
image, it' is still true that the worship- <
pers are voluntary, and that, being vo
luntary, it is right that they should be
treated as such. It is on this ground
only that any idolaters, or any sinners
of any kind, can be, in tbe proper sense
of that term, punished.
10. The same shall drink of the wine of
the wrath of God. See Notes on ver. 8.
The ' wine of tbe wrath of God' is the cup
in the hand of the Lord, which when
drunk makes them reel and fall. The
image would seem to have been taken
from the act of holding out a cup of poison
to a condemned man that he might drink
and die. See the sentiment here express
ed illustrated in the Notes on Isa. li. 17.
If Wliich is poured out without mixture.
Without being diluted with water; that
is, in its full strength. In other words,
there would be no mitigation of the
punishment, ^f Into the cup of his indig
nation. The cup held in his hand and
given them to drink. This is expres
sive of his indignation, as it causes them
to reel and fall. The sentiment hers
is substantially tbe same, though in
another form, as that which is expressed
in 2 Thess. ii. 12. See Notes on that
verse, ^f And he shall be tormented.
Shall be punished in a manner that
would be well represented by being
burned with fire and brimstone. On the
meaning of this word, see Notes on oh.
ix. 5, xi. 10. Comp. also ch. xviii. 1,

A, D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIV.

383

and brimstone in the presence of
the holy angels, and in the pre
sence of the Lamb :
11 And the smoke * of their
torment ascendeth up for ever and

10, 15, xx. 10; Mark v. 7; Luke viii.
28 ; Matt. viii. 29. The word commonly
denotes severe torture, ^f With fire
and brimstone. As if with burning
sulpher. See Notes on Luke xvii. 28-
30. Comp. Ps. xi. 6; Job xviii. 15;
Ezek. xxxviii. 22; Isa. six. 33. The
imagery is taken from the destruction
of Sodom and Gomorrah, Gen. xix.
24. The common representation of the
punishment of the wicked is, that
it will be in the manner here repre
sented. Mark ix. 44-48 ; Matt. v. 22,
xiii. 42, xviii. 9, xxv. 41 ; 2 Peter iii. 7 ;
Jude 7 ; Eev. xx. 14. Comp. Notes on
Matt. v. 22; Mark ix. 44. \In the
presence of the holy angels. This may
mean either (a) that the angels will be
present at their condemnation (Matt.
xxv. 31), or (b) that the punishment will
be actually witnessed by the angels — as
it is most probable it will he. Comp.
Luke xvi. 23-26 ; Isa. lxvi. 24. % And
in the presence of the Lamb. The Lamb
of God — the final Judge. This also may
mean either that the condemnation will
occur in bis presence, or that the pun
ishment will be under his eye. Both of
these things will be true in regard to
him ; and it will be no small aggrava
tion of tbe punishment of the wicked
that it will occur in the very presence
of their slighted and rejected Saviour.
11. And the smoke of their torment.
The smoke proceeding from their place
of torment. This language is probably
derived from the account of the destruc
tion of Sodom and Gomorrah (Gen. xix.
28). "And he [Abraham] looked to
ward Sodom and Gomorrah, and toward
all the land of the plain, and beheld, and,
lo, the smoke of the country went up as
the smoke of a furnace." The destruction
of these cities is regarded as an emblem
of the destruction of the wicked, and the
smoke that ascended from them as a re
presentation of that which ascends from
the place where the wicked suffer for
ever. See Notes on Jude 7. % Ascend
eth up. Continually rises from that world
of woe. ^[ For ever and ever. See Notes
on Jude 7. This does not indeed affirm

ever: and they have no rest * day nor
night, who worship the beast and his
image, and whosoever receiveth the
mark of his name.
a Is. 34. 10. 4 Is. 57. 20, 21.

that their individual sufferings would be
eternal — since it is only a declaration
that 'the smoke of their torment ascends ;'
but it is such language as would be used
on the supposition that they would suffer
for ever, and as can be explained only
on that supposition. It implies that
their torments continued, and were the
cause of that ascending smoke; that is,
that they were tormented while it as
cended, and as this is declared to be 'for
ever and ever,' it implies that the suffer
ings of the wicked will be eternal : and
this is such language as would not and
could not have been used in a revelation
from God, unless the punishment of the
wicked is eternal. Comp. Notes on Matt.
xxv. 46. ^[ And they have no rest day
nor night. 'Day and night ' include all
time, and hence the phrase is used to
denote perpetuity; always. The mean
ing here is, that they never have any
rest ; any interval of pain. This is stated
as a circumstance strongly expressive of
the severity of their torment. Here,
rest comes to the sufferer. The .prisoner
in his cell lies down on his bed, though
hard, and sleeps ; the over-worked slave
has also intervals of sleep; the eyes
of the mourner are locked in repose, and
for moments, if not hours, he forgets his
sorrows ; no pain that we endure on
earth can be so certain and prolonged
that nature will not, sooner or later, find
the luxury of sleep, or will find rest in
the grave. But it will be one of the bit
terest ingredients in the cup of woe, in the
world of despair, that this luxury will be
denied for ever, and that they who enter
that gloomy prison sleep no more ; never
know the respite of a moment — never
even lose the consciousness of their heavy
doom. O how different from the condi
tion of sufferers here ! And 0 how
sad and strange that any one of our race
will persevere in sin, and go down to
those unmitigated and unending sorrows !
^f Wlio worship the beast and his image,
&c. See Notes on ch. xiii. 4, 15. ^[ And
whosoever receiveth the mark of his name.
See Notes «n ch. xiii. 17. The meaning
here is, that such worshippers will re-

384

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

12 Here is the patience of the
saints : here are they that keep the
commandments of God, and the
faith of Jesus.
ceive the punishment which other idola
ters and sinners do. No exception will
J>e made in favor of an idolator, though
he worships idols under the forms of an
abused Christianity; none will be made
in favor of a sinner because he practised
iniquity under the garb of religion.
12. Here is the patience , of the saints.
See Notes on eh. xiii. 10. ^[ Here are
they that keep the commandments of God.
That is, in exercising such patience.
Those who exercise that * patience' in
these long-continued persecutions and
trials, will show that they belong to those
who keep the commandments of God,
and are his true children. ' Or, perhaps
the meaning may be/'here is a disclo
sure respecting the final destiny of these
persecutors, which is adapted to comfort
and sustain the saints in the trials which
they will endure ; an encouragement to
constancy in obeying the commands of
God, and in evincing the meek faith of
the gospel.' ^[ And the faith of Jesus^
To encourage persevering faith in the
Saviour. In these times of trial it will
be shown who are the friends of the Sa
viour j and in the prospect of the certain
overthrow of all the enemies of God and
his cause, there is a ground of encourage
ment for continued attachment to him.
The design jf this portion of the chap
ter (vs. 9-' i), is to encourage Christians
in their trials by the assurance that this
formidable Antihristian power would be
overthrown, and that all the enemies
of God would receive their just doom in
the world of despair. Fearful as that
doctrine is, and terrible as is the idea of
the everlasting suffering of any of the
creatures of God, yet the final overthrow
of the wicked is necessary to the triumph
of truth and holiness, and there is con
solation in the belief that religion will
ultimately triumph. The desire for its
triumph necessarily supposes that the
wicked will be overthrown and pun
ished ; and indeed it is the aim of all
governments, and of all administrations
of law, that the wicked shall be over
thrown, and that truth and justice shall
prevail. What would bo more1 consola
tory in a human government than the |

13 And I heard a voice from
heaven saying unto me, Write,
Blessed are the, dead which die ¦ in
a 1 Th. 4. 14, 16
idea that all the wicked would be arrest
ed and punished as they deserve ! For
what else is government instituted ?
For what else do magistrates and police
officers discharge the functions of their
office ?
13. And I heard a voice from heaven.
A voice that seemed to speak from heaven.
% Saying unto me, Write. Make a record
of this truth. We may suppose that John
was engaged in making a record of what
he saw in vision; he was now instructed
to make a record of what he heard. This
passage may be referred to as a proof
that he wrote this book while in Patmos,
or as the heavenly disclosures were made
to him, and not afterwards from memory.
^ Blessed are the dead. That is, the con
dition of those who die in tbe manner
which is immediately specified, is to be
regarded as a blessed or happy one. It
is much to be able to say of the dead that
they are £ "blessed.* There is so much in
death that is sad ; we so much dread it
by nature j it cuts us off from so much
that is dear to us; it blasts so many hopes;
and the grave is so cold and cheerless a
resting-place, that we owe much to a sys
tem of religion which will enable us to
say and to feel that it is a blessed thing
to die. Assuredly we should be grateful
for any system of religion which will en
able us thus to speak of those who are
dead ; which will enable us, with corres
ponding feeling, to look forward to our
own departure from this world. % Which
die in the Lord. Not all the dead; for
God never pronounces the condition of
the wicked who die, blessed or bapjjy.
Religion guards this point, and confines
the declaration to those who furnish evi
dence that they are prepared for heaven.
The phrase ' to die in the Lord* implies
the following things : (1) That they who
thus die are the friends of the Lord Jesus.
The language * to bo in the Lord' is often
used to denote true attachment to him,
or close union with him. Comp. John
xv. 4r-7 ; Rom. xvi. 13, 22 ; 1 Cor. iv. 17,
vii. 39; Phil. i. 14; Col. iv. 7. The assu
rance, then, is limited to those who are
sincere Christians, for this the language
properly implies, aud we are authoriied

A. D. 96.1

CHAPTER XIV.

385

the Lord ° from henceforth: Yea,
saith the* Spirit, that they may rest

to apply it only as there is evidence of
true religion. (2) To 'die in the Lord*
would seem also to imply that there should
be, at the time, the evidence of his favor
and friendship. This would apply (a) to
those who die as martyrs, giving their
lives as a testimony to the truth of reli
gion, and as an evidence of their love for
it ; and (&) to those who have the com
forting evidence of his presence and favor
on the bed of death. ^ From henceforth.
cnrdpn. This word has given no little
perplexity to expositors, and it has been
variously rendered. Some have connected
it with the word blessed — 'blessed hence
forth are the dead who die in the Lord ;*
that is, they will he ever-onward blessed :
some with the word die, referring to the
time when the apostle was writing —
' blessed are they who after this time die
in the Lord,' designing to comfort those
who were exposed to death, and who
would die as martyrs ; — some as referring
to the times contemplated in these visions
— * blessed will they be who shall die in
those future times.' Witsius understands
this as meaning that from the time of their
death they would be blessed, as if it had
been said, immediately after their disso
lution they would be blessed. Doddridge
readers it, 'henceforth blessed are the
dead.' The language is evidently not to
be construed as implying that they who
had died in the faith before were not
happy, but that in the times of trial and
persecution that were to come, they were
to be regarded as peculiarly blessed who
should escape from these sorrows by a
Christian death. Scenes of woe were in
deed to occur, in which many believers
would die. But their condition was not
to be regarded as one of misfortune, but
of blessedness and joy, for (a) they would
die in an honorable cause ; (b) they would
emerge from a world of sorrow; and (c)
they would rise to eternal life and peace.
The design, therefore, of the verse is to
impart consolation and support to those
who would be exposed to a martyr'B
loath, and to those who, in times of per
secution, would see their frienls exposed
Co such a death. It may be added that
the declaration here made is true still,
«nd ever will he. It is a Messed thing to
33

from their labors ; and their works
do follow them.
a Or, From liencefortli saith the Spirit, Tea.

die in the Lord. ^[ Yea, saith the Spirit.
The Holy Spirit; 'the Spirit by whose
inspiration and command I record this.
Doddridge. ^[ That they may rest from
their labors. The word here rendered
labor — kokos — means properly wailing,
grief, from k6htu, to beat, and hence a
beating of the breast as in grief. Then
the word denotes toil, labor, effort. John
iv. 38 ; 1 Cor. iii. 8, xv. 58 ; 2 Cor. vi. 5,
x. 15, xi. 23, 27. It is here used in tho
sense of wearisome toil in doing good, ru
promoting religion, in saving souls, in
defending the truth. From such toils the
redeemed in heaven will be released ; for
although there will be employment there,
it will be without the sense of fatigue or
weariness. And in view of such eternal
rest from toil, we may well endure the
labors and toils incident to the short pe
riod of the present life, for however ar
duous or difficult, it will soon be ended.
Tf And their works do follow them. That
is, the rewards or the consequences of their
works will follow them to the eternal
world, the word works here- being used
for the rewards or results of their works.
In regard to this, considered as an en
couragement to labor, and as a support
in tbe trials of life, it may be remarked,
(a) that all that the righteous do and
suffer here will be appropriately recom
pensed there, (b) This is all that can
follow a man to eternity. He can take
with him none of his gold, his lands, his
raiment; none of the honors of this We.
none of the means of sensual gratification,
All that will go with him will be his char*
acter, and the results of his conduct here,
and, in this respect, eternity will be but*
prolongation of the present life, (c) It ii
one of the highest honors of our nature
that we can make the present affect the
future for good ; that by our conduct on
the earth we can lay the foundation for
happiness millions of ages hence. In no
other respect does man appear so digni
fied as in this ; nowhere do we so clearly
see the grandeur of the soul as in the fact
that what we do to-day may determine
our happiness in that future period, when
all the affairs of this world shall have been
wound up, and when ages which cannot
now be numbered shall have rolled by. It

386

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

14 And I looked, and behold a
white cloud, and upon the cloud
one sat like " unto the Son of man,
having on his head a golden crown,
and in his hand a sharp sickle.
15 And another angel came out
a Eze. 1. 26; Da. 7. 13. 4 Joel 3. 13.

is then a glorious thing to live, and will
be a glorious thing to die. Comp. Notes
on 1 Cor. xv. 58.
14. And I looked. See Notes on ver.
1. His attention is arrested by a new
vision. The Son of Man himself comes
forth to close the scene, and to wind up
the affairs of the world. This too is of
the nature of an episode, and tbe design
is the same as the previous visions — to
support the mind in the prospect of the
trials that the church was to experience,
by the assurance that it would be finally
triumphant, and that every enemy would
be destroyed. ^[ And behold a white
cloud. Bright, splendid, dazzling — ap
propriate to be the seat of the Son of
God. Comp. Notes on Matt. xvii. 5, and
Rev. i. 7. See also Luke xx. 27, Acts
i. 9, Rev. x. 1, Matt. xxiv. 30, xxvi. 64,
1 Thess. iv. 17. ^ And upon the cloud
one sat, like unto the Son of man. Comp.
Notes on ch. i. 13, and Daniel vii. 13.
It is probable that there is here a de
signed reference to the passage in Dan
iel. The meaning is, that one appeared
on the cloud in a human form, whom
John at onco recognized as he to whom
the appellation of 'the Son of man'
peculiarly belonged — the Lord Jesus."
The meaning of that term had not been
fixed in the time of Daniel (vii. 13) j
subsequently it was appropriated by the
Saviour, and was the favorite term by
which he chose to speak of himself.
Matt. viii. 20, ix. 6, x. 23, xi. 19, xii. 8,
32, 40, et al. ^ Having on his head a
golden crown. Appropriate to him as
king. It was mainly in virtue of his
kingly power and office that the work
was to be done which John is now about
to describe, ^f And in his hand a sharp
sickle. The word sickle here — Splnavov
— means a crooked knife or scythe for
gathering the harvest, or vintage, by
cutting off the clusters of grapes. See
ver. 17. The image of a harvest is often
employed i i the New Testament to de-
eoribe moral subjeots. Matt. ix. 37, 38,
xiii. 30, 39; Mark iv. 29 j Luke x. 2;

of the temple, crying -with a loud
voice to him that sat on the cloud,
Thrust * in thy sickle, and reap:
for the time is come for thee to
for the harvest c of the earth

reap is ^npe.
c Je. 51.33: Mat. 13.

d Or, dried.

John iv. 35. Here the reference is to
the consummation of all things, when
the great harvest of the world will be
reaped, and when all the enemies of the
church will be cut off — for that is the
grand idea which is kept before the
mind in this chapter. In various forms,
and by various images, that idea had
already been presented to the mind, but
here it is introduced in a grand closing
image, as if the grain of the harvest-
field were gathered in - — illustrating the
reception of the righteous into the king
dom — and the fruit of the vineyard were
thrown into the wine-press, representing
the manner in which the wicked would
be crushed (vs. 19, 20).
15. And another angel. The fourth
in order, vs. 6, 8, 9. ^ Came out of the
temple. See Notes'on ch. xi. 19. Came,
as it were, from the immediate presence
of God ; for the temple was regarded as
his peculiar dwelling-place, ^f Crying
with a loud voice to him that sat on the
cloud. To the Messiah, ver. 14. That
is, tbe command was borne directly from
God by the angel to the Messiah, to go
forth and reap the great harvest of the
world. It is not a command of the angel,
but a command from God the Father to
the Son. This is in accordance with all
the representations in the New Testa
ment, that the Son as Messiah or Re
deemer is subordinate to the Father,
and performs tbe work which has been
given him to do. See John iii. 3 6, 17,
v. 19, x. 18, xii. 49, xiv. 31. Comp.
Notes on Rev. i. 1. ^ Thrust in thy
sickle, and reap. Into the great harvest
of the world. % For the time is come for
thee to reap. That is, 'the harvest whioh
thou art to reap is ripe ; the seed which
thou hast sown has grown up ; the earth
whioh thou hast cultivated has produced
this golden grain, and it is fit that thou
shouldst now gather it in.' This lan
guage is appropriately addressed to the
Son of God, for all the fruits of righte
ousness on the earth may be regarded
as the result of his oulture. 1f .For tht

A. D. 9fe.}

CHAPTER XIV.

387

16 And he that sat on the cloud
thrust in his sickle on the earth ;
and the earth was reaped.
17 And another angel came out
of the temple which is in heaven,
he also having a sharp sickle.
18 And another angel came out
from the altar, which had power
over fire: and cried with a loud
cry to him that had the sharp

harvest of the earth is ripe. The 'har
vest' in reference to the righteous — the
fruit of the good seed sown by the Sa
viour and his apostles and ministers.
The time alluded to here is the end of
the world, when the affairs of earth shall
be about to be wound np. The design
is to state that the Redeemer will then
gather in a great and glorious harvest,
and by this assurance to sustain the
hearts of his people in times of trial and
persecution. 16. And he that sat on the cloud. The
Saviour, ver. 14. ^f Thrust in his sickle
on the earth. To cut down the harvest;
that is, to gather his people to himself.
^[ And the earth was reaped. So far as
the righteous were concerned. The end
hod come ; the church was redeemed ;
the work contemplated was accom
plished; and the results of the work of
the Saviour were like a glorious harvest.
17. And another angel. The fifth in
order. This angel came for a different
purpose — with reference to the cutting
off of the enemies of God, represented
by the gathering of a vintage. Comp.
Matt, xiii, 41, xxiv. 31. ^ Came out of
the temple which is in heaven. Sent, or
commissioned by God. See Notes on
ver. 15. ^ He also having a sharp
tickle. On the word sickle, see Notes
on ver. 14.
• 18. And another angel. The sixth in
order. He came, like the angel in ver.
15, with a command to him who had the
sickle to go forth and execute his com
mission. , fl Game out from the altar.
This stood iif the front of the temple
(see Notes on Matt. xxi. 12, comp. Notes
on Matt. v. 23, 24), and was the place
where burnt-sacrifices were made. As
the work now to be done was a work of
destruction, this was an appropriate
plane in the representation. ^ Which
had power over fire. As if he kept ,the

sickle, saying, ° Thrust in thy sharp
sickle, and gather the clusters of
the vine of the earth ; for her grapes
are fully ripe.
19 Aid the angel thrust in his
sickle into the earth, and gathered
the vine of the earth, and cast it
into the great wine-press h of the
wrath of God.

a ver. 15.

& c. 19. 15.

fire on the altar. Fire is the usual em
blem of destruction; and as the work
now to be done was such, it was proper
to represent this angel as engaged in it.
^[ And cried with a loud cry, &c. See
ver. 15. That is, he came forth as with
a command from God, to call on him
who was appointed to do the work of
destruction, now to engage in perform
ing it. The time had fully come.
^ Thrust in thy sharp sickle. Ver. 15.
^[ And gather the clusters of the vine of
the . earth. That portion of the earth
which might be represented by a vine
yard in which the grapes were to be
gathered and crushed. The image here
employed occurs elsewhere to denote the
destruction of the wicked. See the very
beautiful description in Isa. Ixiii. 1-6,
respecting the destruction of Edom, and
the Notes on that passage. ^[ For her
grapes are f idly ripe. That is, the time.
has eome for the ingathering; or, to
apply the image,, for the winding up of
human affairs by the destruction of the
wicked. The time here, as in the pre
vious representation, is the end of the
world ; and the design is to comfort the
church in its trials and persecutions, by
the assurance that all its enemies will
he cut off.
19. And the angel thrust in his sickle
into the earth. That is, into that part
of the earth which might be represented
by a vineyard ; or the earth considered
as having been the abode of wicked men.
\\ And cast it into the great wine-press
of the wrath of God. See Isa. Ixiii. 1-6.
That is, the wine-press where the grapes
are crushed, and where the juice, resem
bling blood, flows out, may be used as a
symbol to denote the destruction of the
wicked in the last day ; and as the num
bers will be immensely great, it is called
the ' great wine-press of divine wrath/
The symbol appears to be used here

388

REVELATION.

[A. D. 96.

20 And the wine-press was trod
den a without * the city, and blood"
came out of the wine-press, even d
a Is. 63. 3. b He. 13. 11, 12.

alike with reference to the color of the
wine resembling blood, and the pressure
necessary to force it out ; and thus em
ployed, it is one of the most striking
emblems conceivable to denote the final
destruction of the wicked.
20. And the wine-press was trodden
without the city. The representation was
made as if it were outside of the city ;
that is, the city of Jerusalem, for that is
represented as the abode of the holy.
The word trodden refers to the manner
in which wine was usually prepared, by
being trodden by the feet of men. See
Notes on Isa. Ixiii. 2. The wine-press
was usually in the vineyard — not in a
city — and this is the representation here.
As appearing to the eye of John, it was
not within the walls of any city, but
standing without. ^[ And blood came
out of the wine-press. The representa
tion is, that there would be a great de
struction which would be well represented
by the juice flowing from a wine-press.
^[ Even unto the horse-bridles. Deep —
as blood would be in a field of slaughter
where it would come up to the very bri
dles of the horses. The idea is, that
there would be a great slaughter^ ^ By
the space of a thousand and six hundred
furlongs. That is, two hundred miles ;
covering a space two hundred miles
square — a lake of blood. This is de
signed to represent a great slaughter;
bat why the space here employed to
describe it was chosen is unknown.
Some have supposed that it was in allu
sion to" the length of Palestine. Prof.
Stuart supposes that it refers to the
breadth of Italy, and that the allusion
is to the attack made on the city of the
beast. But it is impossible to determine
why this space was chosen, and it is un
necessary. The idea is, that there woul^l
be a slaughter so great, as it were, as to
produce a lake or sea of blood ; that the
enemies of the churoh would be com
pletely and finally overthrown, and that
tho church, therefore, delivered from all
its enemies, would be triumphant.
The design of this, as of the previous
representations in this chapter, is to
show that all the enemies of God will

unto the horse-bridles, by the space
of a thousand and six hundred fur
longs. e Is. 34. 7. d c 19. 14.

be destroyed, and that, therefore, the
hearts of the friends of religion should
be cheered and consoled in the trials
and persecutions which were to come
upon it. What could be better fitted to
sustain the church in the time of trial,
than the assurance that every foe will
be ultimately cut off? What is better
fitted to sustain the heart of the indi
vidual believer than the assurance that
all his foes will be quelled, and that he
will be ere long safe in heaven?
CHAPTER XV.
ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.
This chapter has a close connexion in
design with the previous chapter. In
that, pledges and assurances had been
given that all the enemies of religion
would .be cut off, and that the church
would he ultimately triumphant, and par
ticularly that that formidable Antichris
tian power represented by the ' beast'
would be destroyed. This chapter com
mences the statement in regard to the
manner in which these pledges would be
accomplished, and the statement is pur
sued through the subsequent chapters,
giving in detail what is here promised in
a general manner. The vision in this
chapter may be thus described : —
I. The writer sees a new sign or won
der in heaven. Seven angels appear,
having the seven last plagues that fill up
or complete the wrath of God; represent
ing the wrath that is to come upon the
boast, or the complete overthrow of this
formidable Antichristian power, ver. 1.
II. Those who in former times had
1 gotten the victory over the beast/ now
appear standing on a sea of glass, re
joicing and rendering thanks for the
assuranoe that this great enemy of the
church was now to be destroyed, and
that now all nations were* to como ani
worship before God, vs. 2-4.
III. The writer sees the interior of the
temple opened in heaven, and the seven
angels, having the seven plagues, issuing
forth to execute their commission. They
come clothed in pure and white linen,
and girded with golden girdles. One of

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XV.

389

CHAPTER XV.
AND I saw another sign in hea
ven, great and marvellous,
seven angels having the seven last

the four beasts before the throne forth
with gives them the seven golden vials
full of the wrath of God, to empty them
upon the earth, that is, to bring upon
the beast the predicted destruction. The
temple is immediately filled with smoke,
so that no one might enter; that is, no
one oould now approach to make inter
cession, and the destruction of this great
enemy's power is now certain, vs. 5-8.
This chapter, therefore, is merely in
troductory to what follows, and its inter
pretation is attended with no particular
difficulty. It is a beautiful scenic rep
resentation preparatory to the infliction
of predicted judgments, and designed
to introduce tbe account of those judg
ments with suitable circumstances of so
lemnity. 1. And I saw another sign in heaven.
Another wonder, or extraordinary sym
bol. The word sign here — frnuho* — is
the same which in chs. xii. 1, 3, xiii. 13,
is rendered wonder and wonders, and in
chs. xiii. 14, xvi. 14, xix. 20, miracles.
The word is not elsewhere found in the
book of Revelation, though it is of fre
quent occurrence in other parts of the
New Testament. See it explained in the
Notes on ch. xii. 1. Here it is used to
denote something wonderful or marvel
lous. This is represented as appearing
in heaven, for the judgments that were
to fall upon the world were to come
thence. Comp. ch. xi. 19, xii. 1, xiv. 1,
6, 13, 14, 17. % Cheat and marvellous.
Great and wonderful, or fitted to excite
admiration — Savpaordv. The subsequent
statements fully justify this, and show
that the vision was one of portentous
character, and that was fitted to hold the
mind in astonishment, ^f Seven angels.
Comp. Notes on ch. i. 4. % Having the
seven last plagues. The article here, 'the
seven last plagues/ would seem to imply
that the plagues referred to had been
before specified, or that it would be at
once understood what is referred to.
These plagues, however, have not been
mentioned before, and the reason why
the article is used here seems to ho this :
the destruction of this great Antichristian
power had been distinctly mentioned, ch.
33*

plagues: for in them is filled up the
wrath a of God.
2 And I saw as it were a sea ft of
a c. 14. 10. b c 4. 6.

xiv. That might be spoken of as a thing
now well known, and the mention of it
would demand the article; and as that
was well known, and would demand the
article, so any allusion to it, or descrip
tion of it, might be spoken of in the same
manner, as a thing that was definite and
fixed, and hence the mention of the
plagues by which it was to be accom
plished, would be referred to in the same
manner. The word plagues — lzXnyas,
from TrXriyjj — means properly a wound
caused by a stripe or blow, and is fre
quently rendered stripe and stripes.
Luke xii. 48 ; Acts xji. 23, 33 ; 2 Cor.
vi. 5, xi. 23. It does not elsewhere oc
cur in the New Testament except in the
hook of Revelation. In this book it is
rendered wound in ch. xiii. 3, 12, 14; and
plagues in ch. ix. 20, xi. 6, xv. 1, 6, 8,
xvi. 9, 21, xviii. 4, 8, xxi. 9, xxii. 18. It
does not occur elsewhere. Tbe secondary
meaning of the word, and the meaning
in the passage before us, is a stripe or
blow inflicted by God; calamity or pun
ishment. The word 'last' means those
under which the order of things here re
ferred to would terminate; the winding
up of the affairs respecting the beast and
his image, — not necessarily the closing
of the affairs of the world. Important
events were to occur subsequent to the
destruction of this Antichristian power
(xix.-xxii.), but these were the plagues
which would come finally upon the beast
and his image, and which would termi
nate the existence of this formidable
enemy. ^T For in them is filled up the
wrath of God. That is, in regard to the
beast and his image. All the expressions,
of the divine indignation towards that
oppressive and persecuting power will
be completed or exhausted by the pour
ing out of the contents of these viols.
Comp. Notes on ch. x. 7, where the word
rendered filled vp — ireXiaSn — is rendered
finished. 2. And I saw as it were a sea of glass.
In ch. iv. 6, a similar vision is recorded —
"And before the throne there was a sea
of glass, like unto a crystal." See the
Notes on that passage. The sea of glass
here means a sea clear, pellucid, like

390

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

glass mingled with fire: ° and them
that had gotten the victory over b
the beast, and over his image, and
*>ver his mark, and over the number
a Is. 4. 4, 5. b c. 13. 15-17.

glass : an expanse that seemed to be
made of glass. There it was entirely
-»!aar; here it is mingled with fire.
^[ Mingled with fire. That is, a portion
of the sea was red like fire. It was not
all clear and pellucid, as in ch. iv. 6, but
it was, as it were, a tesselated expanse,
composed in part of what seemed to be
glass, and in part of a material of a red
or fiery color. In the former case (ch.
iv. 6), the emblem was designed to repre
sent the pure worship of heaven without
reference to any other symbolic design,
and hence the sea it wholly clear and pel
lucid ; here, in connexion with the pur
pose of furnishing an appropriate symbol
of the divine majesty, there is united
the idea of punishment on the foes
of God, represented by the fiery or red
color. If it is proper, from conjecture,
to suggest the meaning- of this as an em
blem, it would be that the- foundation —
the main element — of all the divine deal
ings is justice or holiness — represented
by the portion of the sea that seemed to
be glass ; and that there was, in this case,
intermingled with that, the image of
wrath or anger — represented by the por
tion that was fiery or red. The very
sightof the pavement, therefore, on which
they stood when worshipping God would
keep before their minds impressive views
of his character and dealings, f And
them that had gotten the victory. over the
beast. Ch. xiii. 11. That is, they who
had gained a victory in times of persecu
tion and temptation ; or they whom the
* beast* had not been able by arts or arms
to subdue. The persons referred td here,
I suppose, are those who in the long do
minion of the Papal power, and amidst
all its arts and corruptions — its threats
and persecutions — had remained stead
fast in the truth, and who might thus be
said to have gained a victory — for such
victories of piety, virtue, and truth,
amidst tho corrupting influences of sin
and error, and the intimidations of power,
arc the most important that are gained
in this world. % And over his image.
See Notes on ch. xiii. 14, 15. The mean
ing is, that they had not been led to

of his name, stand on the sea of
glass, having the harps c of God.
3 And they sing the song of
Moses d the servant of God, and the
c c 14. 2. d Ex. 15. 1-19. De. 32. 1-43.

apostatize by the dread of the power re
presented here by the 'image of the
beast/ In all the attempts of that power
to subdue them — to intimidate them — to
induce them to give up their attachment
to the truth as it is in Jesus — they had
remained steadfast in tbe faith, and had
triumphed, f And over his mark. See
Notes on ch. xiii. 16. Over all the at
tempts of the beast to fix his mark upon
them, or to designate them as his own.
% And over the number of his name. See
Notes on ch. xiii. 17, 18. Over all the
attempts to fix upon them that myste
rious number which expressed his name.
The general sense is, that in times of
general error and corruption ; when the
true friends of Christ were exposed to
persecution; when every effort was made
to induce them to become the followers
of the ' beast/ and to yield to the corrupt
system represented by the ' beast/ they
remained unmoved, and adhered firmly
to the truth. The number of such in the
aggregate was not small ; and with great
beauty and propriety they are here repre
sented as rejoicing and giving thanks to
God on the overthrow of that corrupt
and formidable power. *fi Stand on the
sea of glass. That is, before God. They
are now seen in heaven, redeemed and
triumphant. % Having the harps of God.
Harps that pertained to the worship of
God ; harps to be employed in his praise.
See Notes on ch. xiv. 2.
3. And they sing the song of Moses the
servant of God. A song of thanksgiving
and praise, snch as Moses taught the
Hebrew people to sing after their de
liverance from Egyptian bondage. Bee
Ex. xv. The meaning here is not that
they would sing that identical song, but
that as Moses taught the people to cele
brate their deliverance with an appro
priate hymn of praise, the redeemed
would celebrate their delivery and re
demption in a similar manner. There
is an obvious propriety here in referring
to the ' Song of Moses/ because the cir
cumstances are very similar; tho occasion
of the redemption from that formidable
Antichristian power here referred to had

1. D. 96.}

CHAPTER XV.

391

song of the Lamb, " saying, Great
and marvellous are thy works;
Lord God Almighty; just ana
true are thy ways, * thou King
of c Baints.

a e. 14. 3.
c Or, nations, or, ages.

b Hos. 14. 9.
d Je. 10. 17.

a strong resemblance to the rescue from
Egyptian bondage, ^f And the song of
the Lamb. The hymn which is sung in
honor of the Lamb, as their great
deliverer. Comp. Notes on ch. v. 9, 10,
12, 13. % Saying, Great and marvellous
are thy works. See Notes on ver. 1.
The meaning is, that great power was
evinced in redeeming them; and that
the interposition of the divine goodness
in doing it was marvellous, or was such
as to excite wonder and admiration.
^[ Lord God Almighty. This would
seem to mean the same thing as the ex
pression so common in the Old Testa-
mont, ' Jehovah, God of hosts.' The
union of these appellations gives Solem
nity and impressireness to the ascrip
tion of praise, for it brings into view the
fact that he whose praise is celebrated is
Lord — the Jehovah — the uncreated and
eternal One; that he is God — the Cre
ator, upholder, and Sovereign of all
things ; and that he is Almighty — having
all power in all worlds. All these
names and attributes are suggested when
we think of redemption ; for all the per
fections of a glorious God are suggested
in the redemption of the soul from
death. It is the Lord — the Ruler of all
worlds; it is God — the Maker of the
race, and the Father of the race, who
performs the work of redemption ; and
it is a work which could be accomplished
only by one who is Almighty. ^[ Just
and true. The attributes ei justice and
truth are brought prominently into view
also in the redemption of man. The
fact that God is just, and that in all this
work he has "been careful to maintain
his justice (Rom. iii. 26) ; and the fact
that he is true to himself, true to the
creation, true to the fulfilment of all his
promises, are prominent in this work,
and it is proper that these attributes
should be celebrated in the songs of
praise in heaven, % Are thy ways. Thy
ways or dealings with us, and with the
enemies of the church. That is, all the
acts or ' ways' of God in the redemption

4 Who d shall not fear thee, 0
Lord, and glorify thy name'? for
thou only • art holy : for all t nations
shall come and worship before
thee ; for thy judgments are made
manifest. e 1 Sa. 2. 2. / Is. 45. 23,

of his people had been characterized by
justice and truth. *,] Thou king of
saints. King of those who are holy ; of
all who are redeemed and sanctified.
The more approved reading here, how
ever, is, King of nations — h jWiAfus rffiv
t'3vwv — instead of King of saints — rum
iymv. So it is read in the critical edi
tions of Grieshach, Tittmann, and Hahn.
The sense is not materially affected by
the difference in the reading.
4. Who shall not fear thee, 0 Lord.
Reverence and adore thee ; for the word
fear in the Scriptures is commonly used
in this sense when applied to God. The
sense here is, that the judgments about
to be inflicted on the beast and his
image should, and would teach men to
reverence and adore God. There is,
perhaps, included here also the idea of
awe, inasmuch as this would be the
effect of punishment. % And glorify
thy name. Honor thee — the name being
put for the person who bare it. The
sense is that, as a consequence of these
judgments, men would be brought to
honor God, and to acknowledge him as
the Ruler of the earth. % For thou
only art holy. That is, in these judg
ments he would show himself to be a
holy God ; a God hating sin, and loving
righteousness and truth. When it is
said that he 'only' is holy, the expres
sion is used, of course, in a comparative
sense. He is so pure that it may be
said that, in comparison with him, no
one else is holy. Comp. Notes on Job
iv. 18, xv. 15. 1f For all nations shall
come and worship before thee. That is,
as the result of these punishments in
flicted on this dread Antichristian power,
they shall come and worship thee.
Everywhere in the New Testament the
destruction of that power is connected
with the promise of the speedy conver
sion Of the world. ^[ For thy judgments
are made manifest. To wit, on the
beast. That formidable power is over
thrown, and the grand hindranee to the
universal spread of the true religion is

392

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

5 And after that I looked, and,
behold, the temple ° of the taber
nacle of the testimony in heaven
was opened :
6 And the seven angels came
a c. u. 19.

¦bow taken away ? Comp. Notes on Isa.
xxvi. 9.
5. And after that I looked, &c. After
T had seen in vision the redeemed thus
referred to, celebrating the praises of
God, I saw the preparation made for the
execution of these purposes of judgment.
^ And the temple of the tabernacle of the
testimony. Not the Whole temple, but
only that part to which this name was
given. The word tabernacle — otnvr'j —
means properly a booth, hut, tent, and
was the name commonly given to the
tent or tabernacle that was erected in
the wilderness for the service of God.
See Notes on Acts vii. ii. The same
word came naturally to be applied to the
temple that was reared for the same
purpose in Jerusalem. It is called the
' tabernacle of testimony,' because it was
a testimony or witness of the presence of
God among the people — that is, it served
to keep up the remembrance of him.
See Notes as above on Acts vii. 44,
where the same Greek phrase is used as
here — rendered there ' tabernacle of
witness.' The word, temple here — vabs —
does not refer to the whole of the build
ing called the ' temple,' but to the Holy
of Holies. See Notes on Heb. ix. 3.
This was regarded as the peculiar
dwelling-place of God, and it was this
sacred place, usually closed from all
access, that now seemed to be opened,
implying that tho command to execute
these purposes came directly from God
himself. 1f In heaven. That is, that
part of heaven which corresponds to the
most hey place in the temple was
opened ; to wit, that which is the pecu
liar residence of God himself. % Was
opened. Was thrown open to the view
of John, so that he was permitted to look,
aa it were, upon the very dwelling-place
of God. From his holy presence now
came forth the angels to execute his
purposes of judgment on that Anti-
ohristian power which had so long
corrupted religion, and oppressed the
world. 0. And the seven angels. See Notes

out of the temple, having the seven
plagues, clothed in pure and white
linen, and having their breasts
girded with golden girdles.
7 And one of the four beasts
gave unto the seven angels seven

on ver. 1. ^ Came out of the temple.
Were seen to come from the temple;
that is, from the immediate presence of
God. ^[ Having the seven plagues. See
Notes on ver. 1. Each one entrusted
with a single 'plague' to be executed
upon the earth. The meaning here is,
that they were designated or appointed
to execute those plagues in judgments.
The symbols of their office — the golden
vials — were given to them afterwards,
ver. 7. H Clothed in pure and white
linen. "The emblem of holiness — the
common representation in regard to the
heavenly inhabitants. See Notes on ch.
iii. 4, vii. 13. Comp. Matt. xvii. 2;
Luke ix. 29, Mark xvi. 5. ^f And having
their breasts girded with golden girdles.
See Notes on ch. i. 13. Tbe meaning is,
that they were attired in a manner be
fitting their rank and condition.
7. And one of the four beasts. See
Notes on ch. iv. 6, 7. Which one of
the four is not mentioned. From the
explanation given of the design of the
representation of the 'four beasts,' or
living creatures, in the Notes on ch. iv. 6,
1, it would seem that the meaning here
is, that the great principles of the divine
government would be illustrated in the
events which are now to occur. In
events that were so closely connected
with the honor of God and the triumph
of his cause on the earth, there was a
propriety in the representation that these
living creatures, symbolizing the great
principles of the divine administration,
would be particularly interested, fl Gave
unto the seven angels seven golden vials.
The word here used — 0i<iAi) — means pro
perly 'a bowl or goblet, having more
breadth than depth.' Sob. Lex. Our
word vial, though derived from this,
means rather a thin, long bottle of glass
used particularly by apothecaries and
druggists. The word would be better
rendered by bowl or goblet, and probably
the representation here was of such
bowls as were used in the temple ser
vice. See Notes on eh. v. 8. They are
called in oh. xvi. 1, ' vials of the wrath

A. D. 96.J

CHAPTER XVI.

393

golden vials, full of the wrath
of God, who liveth for ever and
ever. 8 And. the temple was filled"
with smoke from the glory * of

of God ;' and here they are said to be
' full of the wrath of God.' The allusion
seems to be to a driuking-cup or goblet
filled with poison and given to persons
to drink — an allusion drawn from one
of the methods of punishment in ancient
times. See Notes on ch. xiv. 10. These
vials or goblets thus became emblems of
divine wrath to he inflicted on the beast
and his image, ^f Full of the wrath of
God. Filled with that which represent
ed his wrath ; that is, they seemed to he
filled with a poisonous mixture, which
being poured upon the earth, the sea,
the rivers, the sun, the seat of the beast,
the river Euphrates, and into the air,
was followed by severe divine judg
ments on this great Antichristian power.
See ch. xvi. 2, 3, 4, 8, 10, 12, 17. ^j Who
liveth for ever and ever. The eternal
God. The particular object in referring
to this attribute here appears to be that,
though there may seem to be delay in
the execution of his purpose, yet they
will be certainly accomplished, as he is
the ever-living and unchangeable God.
He is not under a necessity of abandon
ing his purposes, like men, if they are
not soon accomplished.
8. And the temple was filled with smoke.
The usual symbol of the divine presence
in the temple. See Notes on Isa. iv. 5,
vi. 4. 1f From the glory of God. From
the manifestation of the divine majesty.
That is, the smoke was the proper accom
paniment of the divine being when ap
pearing in majesty. So on Mount Sinai
he is represented as appearing in this
manner: "And Mount Sinai was alto
gether on a smoke, because the Lord
descended on it in fire : and the smoke
thereof ascended as tho smoke of a fur
nace, and the whole mount quaked
greatly." Ex. xix. 18. The purpose
here seems to have been partly to repre
sent the smoke as the proper symbol of
the divine presence, and partly to repre
sent it as so filling the temple that no
one could enter it until the seven plagues
were fulfilled, f And from his power.
Produced by his power ; and the symbol
of his power, fl And no man was able

God, and from his power ; and no
man was able to enter into the
temple, till the seven plagues of the
seven angels were fulfilled.
a Is. 6. 4. 4 Ps. 29. 9.

to enter into the temple, till the seven
plagues of the seven angels were fulfilled.
Till those vials had been poured out, and
all that was indicated by them was ac
complished. The meaning here seems
to be, that no one would be permitted to
enterto make intercession — to mm away
his wrath — to divert him from his pur
pose. That is, the purpose of punish
ment had been formed, and would cer
tainly be executed. The agents or
instrumentalities in this fearful work
had been now sent forth, and they would
by no means be recalled. The mercy-
seat, in this respect, was inaccessible;
the time of judgment on the great foe
had come, and the destruction of the
grand enemy of the church was certain.
The point, therefore, at which this vision
leaves us, is that where all the prepara
tions are made for the infliction of the.
threatened punishment on the grand
Antichristian power which had so long
stood up against the truth; where the
agents are prepared to go forth; and
where no intercession will ever avail to
turn away the infliction of the divine
wrath. The detail follows in the next
chapter. CHAPTER XVI.
ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.
The previous chapter had described
the preparation for the last plagues that
were to come upon that mighty Anti
christian power to which this series of
prophetic visions refers. All is now
ready; and this chapter contains the
description of those seven last 'plagues'
under which this power would reel and
fall. These 'plagues' are described as
if they were a succession of physical
calamities that would come upon this
Antichristian power, and bring it to an
end ; though, perhaps, it is not necessary
to look for a literal infliction of such
calamities. The course of the exposition
thus far will lead us to regard this chap
ter as a description of the successive
blows by which the Papacy will fall. A
part of this is still undoubtedly future,

394

REVELATION,

[A. IX 96.

AND I heard a great voice out
of the temple saying to the
seven « angels, Go your ways, and
a c. 15. 1, 7. 6 c. 8. 7.

though perhaps not far distant; and, in
reference to this, and to some portions
of the remainder of the Book, there may
be more difficulty in satisfying the mind
than in the portions which pertain to
past events.
The chapter comprises statements on
the following points : —
A command is issued from the temple
to the seven angels, to go and exe
cute the commission with which
they were entrusted, ver. 1.
The first angel pours out his vial upon
the earth — followed by a plague
upon those who had worshipped
the beast and his image, ver. 2.
The second angel pours out his vial
upon the sea — followed by the death
of all that were in the sea, ver. 3.
The third angel pours out his vial
upon the rivers and fountains of ,
waters, and they become blood.
This is followed by an ascription of
praise from the angel of the waters,
because God had given to those
who had shed the blood of the
saints blood to drink, with a re
sponse from the altar that this was
just, vs. 4-7.
The fourth angel pours out his vial
upon the sun, and an intenser heat
is given to it to scorch men. The
consequence is, that they blaspheme
the name of God, but repent not of
their sins, vs. 8, 9.
The fifth angel pours Out his Vial
upon the very seat of the beast, and
his kingdom is full of darkness.
Men still blaspheme the name of
God, and repent not of their sins,
vs. 10, II.
The sixth angel pours out his vial
upon the great river Euphrates.
The consequence is, that the waters
of the river are dried up so that
the Way of the kings of the East
might be prepared. Tho writer sees
also, in this connexion, three un
clean spirits, like frogs, come out
of the mouth of the dragon, and out
of the mouth of the beast, and out
of the mouth of the false prophet,
that go forth into all the earth to

pour out the vials of the wrath of
God upon the earth.
2 And the first went, and poured
out his vial upon the earth ; * and

gather all nations to the great day
of the battle of God Almighty, vs.
12-16.
The seventh angel pours out his vial
into the air, and a voice is heard
answering that 'it is done:' the
time of the consummation has come
^-the formidable Antichristian pow
er is to come to an end. The great
city is divided into three parts; the
cities of the nations fall; Great
Babylon thus comes up in remem
brance before God to receive the
punishment which is her due. This
terrific scene is accompanied with
voices, and thunderings, and light-"
nings, and an earthquake, and with
great hail — a tempest of wrath heat
ing upon that formidable power that
had so long stood up against God,
vs. 17-21. The detail of the actual
destruction of this power, is carried
forward in the subsequent chapters.
1. And I heard a great voice out of the
A loud voice out of the temple
as seen in heaven (Notes ch. xi. 19), and
that came, therefore, from the very pre
sence of God. ^f Saying to the seven
angels. That had the seven vials of
wrath. Notes ch. xv. 1, 7. ^ Go your
ways. Your respective ways, to the ful
filment of the task assigned to each
^[ And pour out the vials of the wrath of
God. Empty those vials ; cause to come
upon the earth the plagues indicated by.
their contents. The order in which this
was to be done is not intimated. It
seems to be supposed that that would be
understood by each, ^f Upon the earth.
The particular part of the earth is not
here specified, but it should not be in
ferred that it was to be upon the earth
in general, or that there were any cala
mities in consequence of this pouring out
of the vials of wrath, to spread over the
whole world. The subsequent state
ments show what parts of the earth
were particularly to be affected.
2. And the first went. Went forth
from heaven, where the seat of the vi
sion was laid, f And poured out hit
vial upon the earth. That is, upon the
land, in contradistinction from the sea,

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVI.

395

there fell a noisome and grievous
sore " upon the men which had the
a Ex. 9. 8-11.
the rivers, the air, the seat of the beast,
the sun, as represented in the other vials.
In ver. 1, the word earth is used in the
general sense, to denote this world as
distinguished from heaven ; in this verse
it is used in the specific sense, to denote
land as distinguished from other things.
Comp. Mark iv. 1; vi. 47 ; John vi. 21 ;
Acts xxvii. 29, 43, 44. In many re
spects there is a strong resemblance
between the pouring out of these seven
vials, and the sounding of the seven
trumpets, in chs. viii., ix., though they
refer to different events. In the sound
ing of the first trumpet (eh. viii. 7), it was
the earth that was particularly affected,
in contradistinction from the sea, the
fountains, and the sun : " The first angel
sounded, and there followed hail and fire
mingled with blood,' and they were cast
upon the earth." Comp. ch. viii. 8, 10,
12. In regard to the symbolical mean
ing of the term earth, considered with
reference to divine judgments, see Notes
on ch. viii. 7. ^[ And there fell a
noisome and grievous sore. The judg
ment here is specifically different from
that inflicted under the 'first trumpet, ch.
viii. 7. There it is said to have been
that " the third part of trees was burnt
up, and all green grass was burnt up."
Here it is, that there fell upon men- a
' noisome and grievous sore.' The two,
therefore, are designed to refer to differ
ent events, and to different forms of
punishment. The word rendered sore
properly denotes a wound, Horn. H. xi.
812, and then, in later Writers, an ulcer
or sore. It is used in the New Testa
ment only in the following places : Luke
xvi. 21, 'the dogs came and licked bis
sores,' and in Rev. xvi. 2, 11, where it is
rendered sore, and sores. It is used in
the Septuagint, in reference to the boils
that were brought upon the Egyptians,
in Ex. ix. 9, 10, 11, 12, and probably
Deut. xxviii. 27 ; in reference to the
leprosy, Lev. xiii. 18, 19, 20, 23 ; in re
ference to the boil, ulcer, or Elephantia
sis brought upon Job, Job ii. 7 ; and in
reference to any sore or ulcer, in Deut*
xxviii. 35. In all these places it is the
translation of the word tt\& — Shehhin —
rendered in our English version, boil,

mark * of the beast, and upon them
which worshipped his image.

b c. 13. 15-17.

Ex. ix. 9, 10, 11, Lev. xiii. 18, 19, 20,
23, 2 Kings xx. 7, Job ii. 7, Isa. xnviii.
21, and botch, Deut. xxviii. 27, 35. The
proper meaning, therefore, is that of a
sore, ulcer, or boil of a severe and pain
ful character ; and the most obvious
reference of the passage, to one who was
accustomed to the language of Scripture,
would be to some fearful plague like that
which was sent upon the Egyptians. In
the case of Hezekiah (2 Kings xx. 1, Isa.
xxxviii. 21), it was probably used to de
note a plague-boil, or the black leprosy.
See Notes on Isa. xxxviii. 21. The word
' noisome' — kukcv, evil, Jad— is used here
to characterize the plague referred te as
being peculiarly painful and dangerous.
The word grievous — novijpbv, bad, malig
nant, hurtful — is further used to Increase
the intensity of the expression, and to
characterize the plague as particularly
severe. There is no reason to suppose
that it is meant that this would be lite
rally inflicted, any more than it is in the
next plague, where it is said that the
'rivers and fountains became blood.'
What is obviously meant is, that there
would be some calamity which would
be well represented or symbolized by
such a fearful plague. ^[ Upon the men.
Though the plague was poured upon
' the earth,' yet its effects were seen upon
'men.' Some grievous calamity would
befall them, as if they were suddenly
visited with the plague, ^f Which had
the mark of the beast. Notes ch. xiii.
16, 17. This determines the portion of
the earth that was to be afflicted. It
was not the whole world; it was only
that part of it where the 'beast' was
honored. According to the interpreta
tion proposed in ch. xiii., this refers to
those who areiinder the dominion of the
Papacy. ^[ And upon them which wor
shipped his image. See Notes ch. xiii.
14, 15. According to the interpretation
in ch. xiii., those are meant who sustained
the civil or secular power to which the
Papacy gave life and strength, and from
whiob it, in turn, received countenance
and protection.
In regard to the application or fulfil
ment of this symbol, it is unnecessary to
say that there have been very different
opinions in the world, and that very dif-

396

REVELATION,

[A. D. 9U

forent opinions still prevail. The great
mass of Protestant commentators sup
pose that it refers to the Papacy, and of
those who entertain this opinion, the
greater portion suppose that the cala
mity referred to by the pouring out of
this vial is already past, though it is
supposed by many that the "things fore
shadowed by a part of these ' vials,' are
yet to be accomplished. As to the true
meaning of the symbol before us, I would
make the following remarks : —
(1) It refers to the Papal power. This
application is demanded by the results
which were reached in the examination
of ch. xiii. See the remarks on the ' beast'
in the Notes on ch. xiii, 1, 2, 11, and on
the ' image of the beast' in the Notes on
ch. xiii. 14, 15. This one mighty power
existed in two forms closely united, and
mutually sustaining each other — the civil
or secular, and the ecclesiastical or spi
ritual. It is this combined and consoli
dated power — the Papacy as such — that
is referred to here, for this has been the
grand Antichristian power in the world.
(2) It refers to some grievous and fear
ful calamity which would come upon that
power, and which would be like a plague-
spot on the human body — something
which would he of the nature of a divine
judgment resembling that which came
upon the Egyptians for their treatment
of the people of God.
(3) The course of this exposition leads
us to suppose that this would be the be
ginning in the series of judgments which
would terminate in the complete over
throw of that formidable power. It is
the first of the vials of wrath, and the
whole description evidently contemplates
a series of disasters which would be prop
erly represented by these successive vials.
In the application of this, therefore, we
should naturally look for the first of a
series of such judgments, and should ex
pect to find some facts in history whioh
would be properly represented by the
vial ' poured upon the earth.'
(4) In accordance with this represen
tation, we should expect to find such a
series of calamities gradually weakening,
and finally terminating the Papal power
in tho world, as would bo properly repre
sented by tho number seven.
(5) In regard now to the application of
this series of symbolical representations,
vt may be remarked that most recent
.xpositors —an Elliott, Cunninghame,

Keith, Faber, Lord, and others, refer
them to the events of the French revolu
tion — as important events in the over
throw of the Papal power; and this, I
confess, although the application is at
tended with some considerable difficulties,
has more plausibility than any other ex
planation proposed. In support of this
application, the following considerations
may be suggested : —
(a) France, in the time of Charle
magne," was the kingdom to which the
Papacy owed its civil organization and
its strength — a kingdom to which could
be traced all the civil or secular power
of the Papacy, and which was, in fact, a
restoration or re-construction of the old
Roman power — the fourth kingdom of
Daniel. See Notes on Dan. vii. 24-28,
and comp. Notes on Rev. xiii. 3, 12-14.
The restoration of the old Roman do
minion under Charlemagne, and the aid
which he rendered to the Papacy in its
establishment as a temporal power, would
make it probable that this kingdom
would be referred to in the series of judg
ments that were to accomplish the over
throw of the Papal dominion.
(b) In an important sense, France has
always been the head of the Papal power.
The king of France has been usually
styled by the Popes themselves, 'the
eldest son of the church.' In reference
to the whole Papal dominion in former
times, one of the principal reliances has
been on France, and, to a very large
extent, the state of Europe has been
determined by the condition of France.
" A revolution in France," said Napo
leon, " is sooner or later followed by a
revolution in Europe." Alison. Its cen
tral position; its power; its direct rela
tion to all the purposes and aims of the
Papacy, would seem to make it probable
that in the account of the final destruction
of that power, this kingdom would not
be overlooked.
(c) The scenes which occurred in the
times of the French Revolution were
such as would be properly symbolized by
the pouring out of the first, the second,
the third, and the fourth vials. In the
passage before us — the pouring out of
the first vial — the symbol employed
is that of ' a noisome and grievous sore'
— boil, uloer, plague-spot — 'on the men
which had the mark of the beast, and on
them whioh worshipped his image.' This
representation was undoubtedly derived

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVI.

397

from the account of the sixth plague on
Egypt (Ex. ix. 9, 10, 11), and the sense
here is, not that this would be literally
inflicted on the power here referred to,
but that a calamity would come upon it
which would be well represented by that,
or of which that would be an appropriate
emblem. This interpretation is further
confirmed by ch. xi. 8, where Reme is
referred to under the name of Egypt,
and where it is clear that we are to look
for a course of divine dealing in regard
to the one resembling that which oc
curred to the other. See Notes on that
passage. Now, this 'noisome and griev
ous sore' would well represent the moral
corruption, the pollution, the infidelity,
the atheism, the general dissolution of
society that preceded and accompanied
the French Revolution — for that was
a universal breaking out of loathsome
internal disease— of corruption at tho
centre — and in its general feature? might
be represented as a universal" plague-spot
on society, extending over the countries
where the beast and his image were prin
cipally worshipped. The symbol would
properly denote that "tremendous out
break of social and moral evil, of demo
cratic fury, atheism, and vice which was
specially seen to characterize the French
Revolution : — that of which the ultimate
source was in the long and deep-seated
corruption and irreligion of the nation ;
the outward vent, expression, and organ
of its Jacobin clubs, and seditions and
atheistic publications; the result, the dis
solution of all society, all morals, and all
religion ; with acts of atrocity and horror
accompanying, scarce paralleled in the
history of men ; and suffering and an
guish of correspondent intensity throb
bing throughout the social mass and
corroding it; that which from France as
a centre, spread like a plague through
its affiliated societies, to the other coun
tries of Papal Christendom, and was,
wherever its poison was imbibed, as
much the punishment as the symptoms
of the corruption within." Of this sad
chapter in the history of man, it is un
necessary to give any description here.
For scenes of horror, pollution and blood,
its parallel has never heen found in the
history of our race, and as an event in
history it was worthy of a notice in the
symbols which portrayed the iuture. The
full details of these amazing scenes must
be Bought in the histories which describe
34

them, and to such works as Alison's His
tory of Europe, and Burke's Letters on a
Regicide Peace, the reader must be re
ferred. A few expressions copied from
those letters of Mr. Burke, penned with
no design of illustrating this passage in
the Apocalypse, and no expectation that
they would be ever so applied, will show
with what propriety the spirit of inspira
tion suggested the phrase 'a noisome
and grievous sore* or -plague-spot; on the
supposition that the design was to refer
to these scenes. In speaking of the revo
lutionary spirit in France* Mr. Burke
calls it ' the fever of aggravated Jacobin
ism/ 'the epidemic of atheistical fanati
cism/ 'an evil lying deep in the corrup
tions of human nature/ 'the malignant
French distemper,' ' a plague, with its fa
natical spirit of proselytism, that needed
tbe strictest quarantine to guard against
It/ whereof though the mischief might
be 'skimmed over' for a time, Jet the
result, into whatever country it entered,
was * the corruption of all morals/ ' the
decomposition of all society/ &c. But it
is unnecessary to describe those scenes
farther. The 'world has them by heart,1
and they can never be obliterated from
the memory of man. In the whole his
tory of the race there has never been an
outbreak of evil that showed so deep
pollution and corruption within.
(d) The result of this was to affect the
Papacy — a blow, in fact, aimed at that
power. Of course, all the infidelity and
atheism of the French nation, before so
strongly Papal, went just so far in weak
ening the power of the Papacy, and in
the ultimate result it will, perhaps yet be
found that the horrid outbreaks in the
French Revolution were the first in the
series of Providential events that will
result in the entire overthrow of that
Antichristian power. At all events, it
will be admitted, I think, that on the
supposition that it was intended that this
should be descriptive of the scenes that
occurred in Europe at the close of the last
century, no more expressive symbol
could have been chosen than has been
employed in the pouring out of this first
vial of wrath.
3. And the second angel poured out his
vial upon the sea. So the second trumpet
(ch. viii. 8), "And the second angel
sounded, and as it were a great mountain
burning with fire was cast into the sea:
and the third part of the sea became

5598

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

3 And tht second angel poured
out his vial upon the sea; " and it
became as the blood 'of a dead
blood." For the meaning of this as a
symbol, see Notes on that verse, f And
it became as the blood of a dead man.
" Either very bloody, like a mangled
corpse, or else, colored as it were with
the dark and almost black blood of a
dead man." Prof. Stuart, in loc. The
latter would seem to be most probably
the meaning, implying that the ocean
would become discolored, and indicating
that this was the effect of blood shed in
great quantities on its waters. In ch.
viii. 8, it is, "the sea became blood;"
here the allusion to the blood of a dead
man would more naturally suggest the
idea of naval conflicts, and of the blood
of the slain poured in great quantities
into the deep, ^f And every living soul
died in the sea. In ch.- viii. 9, it is said
that " the third part of the creatures that
were in the sea died, and the third part
of the ships were destroyed." Here the
destruction is more general; the calamity
Is more severe and awful. It is as if
ivery living thing — natra ^vxh $atfa— had
died. No emphasis should be put on
the word soul here, for the word means
merely a creature, a living thing, an
animal. 1 Cor. xv. 45; Aots ii. 43, iii. 23;
Rom. xiii. 1. See Bob. Lex. sub voce, c.
The sense here is, that there would be
some dreadful calamity, a« if the sea
were to be changed into dark blood, and
as if everyliving thing in it were to die.
In enquiring into the proper applica
tion of this, His natural to look for some
thing pertaining to the sea, or the ocean
(see Notes on ch. viii. 8, 9), and we
should expect to find the fulfilment in
some calamity that would fall ' on the
marine force, or the commerce of the
power that is here referred to ; that is,
according to the interpretation all along
adopted, of the Papal power ; and the
proper application, aooording to this in
terpretation, would be the complete
destruction or annihilation of the naval
force that contributed to sustain tho
Papaoy. This wo should look for in
respect to the naval powor of France,
Spain, and Portugal, for these are the
only Papal nations that have had a
navy. Wo should expect, in the fulfil
ment of this, to find a scries of naval

man: and every living soul died in
the sea. a c 8. 8 4 Ex. 7. 17-20.

disasters, reddening the sea with blood,
which would tend to weaken the power
of the Papacy, and which might be re
garded as one in the series of events
that would ultimately result in its entire
overthrow. Accordingly, in pursuance
of the plan adopted in explaining the
pouring out of the first vial, it is to be
observed that immediately succeeding,
and connected with, the events thus re
ferred to, there was a series of naval
disasters that swept away the fleets of
France, and that completely demolished
the most formidable naval power that
had ever been prepared by any nation
under the Papal dominion. This series
of disasters is thus noticed by Mr. Elliott,
iii. 329, 330: "Meanwhile the great
naval war between France and England
was in progress ; which, from its com
mencement, in February, 1793, lasted
for above twenty years, with no inter
mission but that of the Short and delusive
peace of Amiens ; in which war the mari
time power of Great Britain was strength
ened by the Almighty Providence that
protected her to destroy everywhere the
French ships, commerce, and smaller
colonies ; including those of the fast and
long-continued allies of the Frenoh, Hol
land and Spain. In the year 1793 the
greater part of the French fleet at Tou
lon was destroyed by Lord Hood; in
June, 1794, followed Lord Howe's great'
victory over the French off Ushant; then
the taking of Corsica, and nearly all the
smaller Spanish and French West India
islands; then, in 1795, Lord Bridpertfs
naval victory, and the capture of the
Cape of Good Hope ; as also soon after,
of a French and Dutch fleet, sent to re
take it; then, in 1797, the victory over
the Spanish fleet off Cape St. Vincent,
and that of Camperdown over the Dutch ;
then, in succession, Lord Nelson's three
mighty victories — of the Nile, in 1798,
of Copenhagen, in 1801, and, in 1805, of
Trafalgar. Altogether in this naval war,
from its beginning, in 1793, to its end, in
1815, it appears that there were destroy
ed near 200 ships of the line, between
300 and 400 frigates, and an almost
incalculable number of smaller vessels
of war and ships of enmmeroe. The

AD 96.]

CHAPTER XVI.

399

4 And the third angel poured
out his vial upon the rivers and
fountains of waters ; ° and they be
came blood.
5 And I heard the angel of the
waters say, Thou art righteous, * 0
act. 10. b ver. 7.
c De. 32. 32, 43; Is. 49. 26.

Lord, which art, and wast, and
shalt be, because thou hast judged
thus. 6 For they have shed the blood
of saints and. prophets, and c thou
hast given them blood to drink ; for
they are worthy.

whole hiBtory of the world does not
present such a period of naval war,
destruction and bloodshed." This brief
summary may show, if this was referred
to, the propriety of the expression,
' The sea became as the blood of a dead
man ;' and may show also that on the
supposition that it was intended that
these events should be referred to, an
appropriate symbol has been employed.
No language could more strikingly
set forth these bloody scenes.
4. And the third angel poured out his
vial upon the rivers and fountains of
water. This coincides also with the ac
count of the sounding of the third
trumpet (ch. viii. 10, 11) : " And the
third angel sounded, and there fell a
great star from hoaven burning as a
lamp, and it fell upon the third part
of the rivers, and upon' the fountains
of waters." As to the meaning of
the phrase 'rivers and fountains of
waters,' see Notes on that passage. We
found, it was supposed, in the application
of that passage, that the invasion of the
Roman empire by Attila, king of the
Huns, was referred to, affecting mainly
those parts of the empire where the
rivers and streams had their origin.
Tbe analogy would lead us, in the fulfil
ment of the passage before us, to look
for some similar desolations on those
portions of Europe. See Notes at the
close of ver, 1. ^[ And they became blood.
This would properly mean that they be
came as blood ; or became red. with blood,
and it would be fulfilled If bloody battles
were fought near them so that they
seemed to run blood.
5. And I heard the angel of the waters
say. The angel who presides over the
element of water; in allusion to the
common opinion among the Hebrews
that- the angels presided over the ele
ments, and that each element was com
mitted to the jurisdiction of a particular
angel. Oomp. Notes on oh. vii. 1.
^ Thou art righteous, 0 Lord. In view

of the judgments that reddened these
streams and fountains with the blood of
men, the angel ascribes righteousness to
God, These judgments seemed terrible
— the numbers slain were so vast —
the bloody streams indicated so great
slaughter, and such severity of the
divine judgment ; yet the angel sees in
all this only the act of a righteous God
bringing just retribution on the guilty.
^[ Which art and wast and shalt be.
That is, who art eternal : — existing now ;
who hast existed in all past time ; and
who will exist ever onward. See Notes
on eh. i. 8. The reason why this attri
bute of God is here referred to, seems to
be, that the mind of the angel adverts to
it in the changes and desolations that
were occurring around him. In such
overturnings among men — such revolu
tions of kingdoms — such desolations of
war — the mind naturally turns to one
who is unchanging ; to one whose throne
is from everlasting to everlasting, ^f Be
cause thou hast judged thus. Hast suf
fered these wars to occur that have
changed ViverB and fountains to blood.
6. For they have shed the blood of
saints. The nations here referred to.
They have been engaged in scenes of
bloody persecution, and this is a just
recompense. 1f And propJiets. Teachers-
of religion ; ministers of truth. It is not
necessary to understand the word pro
phets here in its technical sense as de
noting those who are raised up by God
and sent forth as inspired men, but it
may be understood in its more common
signification in the New Testament as
denoting teachers of religion in general.
See Notes on Bom. xii. 6. 1 ; Cor. xiv. 1.
^[ And thou hast given them blood to
drink. To wit, by turning the streams
and fountains into blood, ver. 4. Blood
had been poured out in such abundance
that it seemed to mingle with the very
water that they drank. This was a re
compense for their having, in those very
regions, poured out so much blood in

400

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

7 And I heard another out of the
altar say, Even so, Lord God Al-
persecuting the saints and prophets — the
pious private members of the church,
and the public teachers of religion.
J For they are worthy. That is, they
eserve this ; or this is a just recompense
for their sins. It is not intended that
those who would thus Buffer had been
individually guilty of this, or that this
was properly a punishment on them, but
it is meant that in those countries there
had been bloody persecutions, and that
this was a fit recompense for what had
there occurred.
7. And I heard another. Evidently
another angel, though this is not speci
fied. ^[ Out of the altar. Either the
angel of the altar; that is, who presided
over the altar (Prof. Stuart); or an
angel whose voice seemed to come from
the altar. The sense is essentially the
same. The writer seemed to hear a
voice coming from the altar responding
to what had just been said in regard to
the judgment of God, or to his righteous
ness in bringing the judgment upon men,
ver. 5. This was evidently the voice of
some one who was interested in what
was occurring, or to whom these things
particularly appertained; that is, one
who was particularly connected with the
martyrs referred to, whose blood was
now, as it were, to be avenged. We are
naturally reminded by this of the martyr-
scene in ch. vi. 9-11, in the opening of
the fifth seal, though it cannot be sup
posed that the same events are referred
to. There, ' the souls of those that had
been slain for the word of God' are re
presented as being ' under the altar' and
as crying to God to ' avenge their blood
on them who dwelt on the earth.' Here,
a voice is heard with, reference to mar
tyrs, as of one interested in them,
ascribing praise to God for having
brought a righteous judgment on those
who had shed the blood of the saints.
They are both, for similar reasons, con
nected with the ' altar,' and the voice is
heard proceeding from the same source.
In regard to the meaning of the word
altar here, and the reason why the
martyrs are represented in connexion
with it, see Notes on ch. vi. 9. <$ True
and righteous are thy judgments. Re
sponding to what is said in ver 5. That
is. God is ' true' or faithful to his pro-

mighty, ° true and righteous are
thy judgments. a c 15. 3, 19. 2.
mises made to his people, and 'righteous'
in the judgments which he has now
inflicted. These judgments had come
upon those who had shed the blood of
the martyrs, and they were just.
In regard to the application of this,
there are several things to be said. The
following points are clear : (a) That this
judgment would succeed the first men
tioned, and apparently at a period not
remote, (b) It would occur in a region
where there had been much persecution.
(c) It would be in a country of streams,
and rivers, and fountains, (d) It would
be a just retribution for the bloody per
secutions which had occurred there.
The question now is, where we shall
find the fulfilment of this — assuming that
the explanation of the pouring out of the
first vial is correct. And here, I think,
there can be no mistake in applying it to
the events bearing on the Papacy, and the
Papal powers, which followed the French
Revolution. The next material event,
after that revolution, was the invasion of
Italy, where Napoleon began his career
of victories, and where he first acquired
bis fame. At this stage of my examina
tion of this passage, I looked into Ali
son's History of Europe, to see what
events, in fact, followed the scenes of
confusion, crime, blood, atheism, and
pollution in th'e French revolution, and
I found that the next chapters in these
eventful scenes were such as would be
well represented by the vial poured upon
the rivers and fountains, and by their
being turned into blood. The detail
would be too long for my limits, and I
can state merely a summary of a few of
the chapters in that History. Chapter
XIX. contains the ' history of the French
Republic from the fall of Robespierre to
the establishment of the Directory' — ¦
comprising properly the closing scents
of 'the Reign of Terror.' Chapter xx.
contains an acount of the campaign in
Italy in 1796, embracing, as stated in
the summing up of contents in this
chapter, the ' battles of Montenotte,
Millesimo, Dego : — the passage of the
bridge of Lodi, aud fall of Milan ; the
siege of Mantua, and the battle of Cas-
tiglionej the battles of Caldero and
Aroola; and the battles of Rivoli and
Mantua.' This is followed (ch. xxiii.'

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVI.

403

8 Asd the fourth angel poured

out his vial upon the sun'; ¦ and
a o. 8. 12.

with an account of the campaign of
1797, which closed with the fall of
Venice, and this is followed (eh. xxvi.)
with an account of the invasion of
Switzerland, &o. It is unnecessary to
dwell on the details of the wars which
followed the French Revolution, on the
Rhine, the Po, and tho Alpine streams of
Piedmont and Lombardy. The slightest
acquaintance with that history will show
the propriety of the following remarks : —
(a) These wars occurred in regions under
the influence of the Papacy, for these
were all Papal states and territories.
(b) These scenes followed olosely on
the French Revolution, and grew out of
it as a natural consequence, and would
be properly represented as a second
' vial' poured out immediately after the
first, (c) The country is such as here
supposed — ' of rivers and fountains,' for,
being mostly a mountainous region, it
abounds with springs, and fountains,
aud streams. Indeed, on the supposition
that this is the land referred to, a more
appropriate description could not have
been given of it than is found in this
passage. One has only to look upon a
map of Northern Italy to see that there
is no other portion of the world which
would more naturally be suggested when
speaking of a country abounding in
'rivers and fountains of water.' The
annexed admirable map of this region,
for which I am indebted to the work of
Dr. Alexander Keith, on the Signs of
the Times, will Clearly illustrate this
passage, and the corresponding passage
in oh. viii. 10, 11. Let any one look at
the Po and its tributaries on the annexed
map, and then read with attention the
xxth chapter of Alison's History of Eu
rope (vol. i. pp. 391-424), and he will be
struck with the appropriateness of the
description on the supposition that this
portion of the book of Revelation was
designed to refer to these scenes, for he
cannot but see that the battles there
described were fought in a country in
every way corresponding with the state
ment h»re. (ol) This country corresponds
with the description here given in an
other respect. Iri*vs. 5, 6, there is a
tribute of praise rendered to God, in
view of these judgments, because he was
righteous in bringing them upon a land
34*

where the blood of saints and prophets
had been shed: — a land of martyrs.
Now this is applicable to the circum
stances supposed not only in the sense
that Italy in general had been the land
where the blood of martyrs had been
shed — the land of Roman persecution,
alike under Paganism and the Papacy,
but true in a more definite sense from
the fact that this was the very region
where the persecutions against the Wal
denses and the Albigenses had been
carried on — the valleys of Piedmont. In
the times of Papal persecution these
valleys had been made to flow with the
blood of the saints, and it seemed, at
least, to be a righteous retribution that
these desolations of war, these confla
grations, and these scenes of carnage,
" should occur- in that very land, and that
the very fountains and streams which
had before been turned into blood by
the slaughter of the friends of the
Saviour, should now be reddened with
the blood of men slain in battle. This
is, perhaps, what John saw in vision : —
a land where persecution had raged, and
the blood bf the holy had flowed freely,
and then the same land brought under
the awful judgments of God, and the
fountains and streams reddened with the
blood of the slain. There was a pro
priety, therefore, that a voice should be
heard ascribing righteousness to God for
avenging the blood of the saints (vs. 5,
6), and that another voice should be
heard from the 'altar' of the martyrs
(ver. 7) responding and saying, " Even
so, Lord God Almighty, true and
righteous are thy judgments." (e) It
may be added, to show the propriety of
this, that this was one of the series of
events which will be found in the end to
have contributed to the overthrow of the
Papal power : — for a blow was struck in
the French invasion of Italy from which
Rome has never recovered, and senti
ments were diffused as the result in favor
of liberty which it lias been difficult
ever since to suppress, and which arc
destined yet to burst out in favor of
freedom and to bo one of the means
of the final destruction of the power.
Comp. Alison's History of Europe, vol. i.
p. 403.
8. And the fourth angel poured out his

404

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

powerwas given unto him to scorch
men with " fire.
9 And men were * scorched with
great heat, and blasphemed ° the
a c. 9. 17. b Or, Burned.

vial upon the sun. Toward the sun, or
so as to reach the sun. The effect was
as if it had been poured upon the sun,
giving it an intense heat, and thus in
flicting a severe judgment upon men.
This corresponds also with the fourth
trumpet (ch. viii. 12), where it is said
that the ' third part of the sun was smit
ten, and the third part of the moon, and
the third part of the stars.' For the
general meaning of this symbol, see
Notes on that place. The idea is, that
a scene of calamity and woe would occur
as if the sun should be made to pour
forth such intense heat that men would
be 'scorched.' It cannot be supposed'
that the sun would be literally made
hotter, or that the exact nature of these
calamities would be that men would be
consumed by its rays, f And power was
given unto him. To the sun. The mean
ing is, that a calamity would follow as if
such an increased power should be given
to its rays. \ To scorch men with fire.
Literally, 'And it was given him to scorch
men with fire ;' that is, with heat so great
that it seemed to be fire. The Greek
word — Kavfiartaat — meaning to burn, to
scorch, is used in the New Testament
only in Matt. xiii. 6, Mark iv. 6, Rev.
xvi. 8, 9, in all which places it is ren
dered scorch and scorched. Comp. how
ever, the use of the word ndvpa in Rev.
vii. 16, xvi. 9 ; kSvsis, in Heb. vi. 8 ; Kav-
a6u, th 1 Pet. iii. 10, 12 ; and Kavcutv, in
Matt. xx. 12, Luke xii.. 55, James i. 11.
The notion of intense or consuming heat
is implied in all the forms of the word ;
and the reference here is to some calamity
that would be well represented by such
an increased heat of the sun.
9. And men were scorched with great
heat. That is, as above expressed, calam
ity oame upon them which would be well
represented by such heat. It is said that
this calamity would come upon men, and
we are to suppose that it would be such
that human life would be particularly
affected ; and as that heat of the sun must
bo exceedingly intense whioh would cut
down men, wo are to suppose that the
Judgment here referred to would bo in-

name of God, which hath power
over these plagues : and * they re
pented not, to give him glory.
e ver. 11, 21.
d Da. 5. 22, 23. c 9. 20.
tensely severe, f And blasphemed the
name of God. The effect weuld be to
cause them to blaspheme God, or to re
proach him as the author of these calam
ities, and in the fulfilment of this we are
to look for a state of things when thero
would be augmented wickedness and ir-
religion, and when men would become
worse and worse notwithstanding the
woes that had come upon them. ^ Which
hath power over these plagues. Who had
brought these plagues upon them; and
who had power to remove them, f And
they repented not. The effect was not to
produce repentance, though it was mani
fest that these judgments had come upon
them on account of their sins. Comp.
Notes on eh. ix. 21. ^ To give him glory.
To turn from sin ; to honor him by lives
of obedience. Comp. Notes' on John ix,
24. In regard to the application of this,
the following things may be remarked :
(a) That the calamity here referred to
was one of the series of events which
would precede the overthrow of the
'beast,' and contribute to that — for to
this all these judgments tend, (6) In
the order in which it stands it is to fol
low, and apparently to follow soon, the
third judgment — the pouring of the vial
upon the fountains and streams, (c) It
would be a calamity such as if tbe sun,
the source of light and comfort to man
kind, were,smitten, and became a source
of torment (d) This would be attended
by a great destruction of men, and we
should naturally look in such an appli
cation for calamities in which multitudes
of men would be, as it were, consumed.
(e) This would not be followed, as it
might be hoped it would, by repentance,
but would be attended with reproaches
of God, with profaneness, with a great
increase of wickedness.
Now, on the supposition that the ex
planation of the previous passages is
correct, there can be no great difficulty
in supposing that tb* refers to the wars
of Europe following the French Revolu
tion ; the wars that preceded the direot
attack on the Papacy, and the overthrow

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVI.

405

10 And the fifth angel poured
out his vial upon the seat * of the
beast; and his kingdom was full of
of the Papal government. For these
events had all the characteristics here
referred to. (a) They were one of a se
ries in weakening the Papal power in
Europe — heavy blows that will yet be
seen to have been among the means pre
liminary to its final overthrow, (b) They
followed in their order the invasion of
Northern Italy — for one of the purposes
of that invasion was to attack the Aus
trian power there, and ultimately through
the Tyrol to attack Austria itself. Na
poleon, after his victories in Northern
Italy, above referred to (comp. ch. xx.
of Alison's History of Europe), thus writes
to the French Directory: " Coni, Ceva,
and Alexandria are in the hands of our
army; if you do not ratify the convention I
will keep their fortresses, and march upon
Turin. Meanwhile, I shall march to
morrow against Beaulieu, and drive him
across the Po; I shall follow close at his
heels, overawe Lombardy, and in a
month be in the Tyrol, join the army of
tbe Rhine, and carry our united forces
into Bavaria. That design is worthy of
you, of the army, and of the destinies of
France." Alison, i. 401. (c) The cam
paign in Germany in 1796 followed im
mediately this campaign in Italy. Thus,
in ch. xx. of Alison's History, we have
an account of the campaign in Italy ; in
ch. xxi. we have the account of the cam
paign in Germany — and the other wars
in Europe that continued so long, and
that were so fierce and bloody, followed
in quick succession — all tending, in their
ultimate results, to weaken the Papal
power, and to secure its final overthrow.
(d) It is hardly necessary to say here
that these wars had all the characteris
tics here supposed. It was as if the
sun wore smitten in the heavens, and
power were given to scorch men with
fire. Europe seemed to be on fire with
musketry and artillery, and presented
almost the appearance of the broad blaze
of a battle-field. The number that perish
ed was immense. These wars were attend
ed with the usual consequences — blasphe
my, profaneness, and reproaches of God
in every form. And yet there was ano
ther effect wholly in accordance with the
statement here, that none of these judg
ments brought men to. 'repentance that

darkness ; * and they gnawed their
tongues for pain,
a c. 13. 2-4. 6 c. 9. 2.

they might give God the glory.' Perhaps
these remarks, which might be extended
to great length, will show that, on the
supposition that it was intended to refer
to those scenes by the outpouring of this
vial, the symbol was well chosen and
appropriate. 10. And the fifth angel poured out his
vial upon the seat of the beast. The pre
vious judgments had been preparatory
to this. They all had a bearing on this,
and were all preliminary to it; but the
' seat' — the home, the centre of the power
of the beast, had not yet been reached.
Here, however, there was a direct blow
aimed at that power, yet not such aa
to secure its final overthrow, for that is
reserved to the pouring out of the last
vial, vs. 17-21. All that is represented
here is a heavy judgment which was
merely preliminary to that final over
throw, but which affected the very seat
of the beast. The phrase, 'the seat of
the beast' — rbv &p6vov rov Snpiov — means
the seat or throne which the representa
tive of that power occupied; the central
point of the Antichristian- dominion.
Comp. Notes on ch. xiii. 2. See also ch.,
ii. 13. I understand this as referring to
the very seat of the Papal power — Eome
— the Vatican. ^[ And his kingdom was
full of darkness. Confusion; disorder;
distress; for darkness is often the emblem
of calamity. Jer. xiii. 16 ; Isa. lix. 9, 10 ;
Ezekiel xxx. 18, xxxii. 7, 8, xxxiv. 12;
Joel ii. 2. ^[ And they gnawed their
tongues for pain. This is a " most sig
nificant expression of the writhings of
anguish." The word here rendered
gnawed does not occur elsewhere in the
New Testament, nor is the expression
elsewhere used in the Bible, but its
meaning is plain — it indicates deep an

il. And blasphemed the God of heaven.
The same effect which it was said would
be produced by the pouring out of the
fourth vial, ver. 9. ^[ Because of their
pains and their sores. Of the calamities
that had come upon them. ^ And re
pented not of their deeds. See Notes on
ver. 9. Comp. ch. ix. 21.
In regard to the fulfilment and appli
cation of this, the following general
remarks may be made here, (a) It

406

REVELATION,

LA. D- 96.

11 And blasphemed the God of
heaven because of their pains and

would succeed, at no great interval pro
bably, what is referred to under the pre
vious 'vials,' and would be one in the
series tending to the same result, (b) It
would fall directly on the seat of the
authority of the 'beast' — on the central
power of the Papacy, according- to the
interpretation of the other symbols, and
we should look, therefore, for some cala
mity that would come upon Rome itself,
and still more specifically upon the Pope
himself and those immediately around
him. (c) This would be attended with
deep distress and darkness in the Papal
dominions, (d) There would be an in
crease of what is here called 'blas
phemy;' that is, of impiety and re
proaches of the divine Being, (e) There
would be no repentance produced. There
would be no reformation. The system
would be as corrupt as it was before, and
men would be as much under its influ
ence. And (/) we should not expect
that this would be the final overthrow
of the- system. That is reserved for the
outpouring of the seventh and last vial
in the series (vs. 17-21), and under that
the system would be overthrown, and
would come to an end. This is distinctly
stated in the account of that 'vial,' and
therefore we are not to expect to find in
the application of the fifth ' vial,' that the
calamity brought upon ' the seat of the
beast' would be such that it would not
recover for a time, and maintain, appa
rently, in some good degree, its former
power and influence.
With this view of what we are to ex
pect, and in connexion with the expla
nations of the previous symbols, it seems
to me that there can be no hesitation in
applying this to the direct attacks on
the Papal power and on the Pope him
self, as one of the consequences of the
French Revolution, and to the calami
ties that were thus brought upon the
Papal states. In order to show the
appropriateness of this application, I
will state a few facts which will show
that, on the supposition that it was the
intention in this symbol to refer to the
Papal power at that time, the symbol
has been well chosen, and has been ful
filled. And, in doing this, I will merely
copy from Alison's History of Europe

their sores, " and repented not of
their deeds. a ver. 2.
(vol. i. pp. 542-546), a few statements,
which, like many that have been quoted
from Mr. Gibbon in the former part of
these Notes, would seem almost to have
been penned in view of this prophecy,
and with a view to record its fulfilment*
The statement is as follows : —
" The Ecclesiastical States were the next object
of attack. It had long been an avowed object of
ambition with the Republican government to revo
lutionize the Roman people, and plant the tricolor
flag in the city of Brutus, and fortune at length
presented them with a favorable opportunity to
accomplish tbe design.
"The situation of the pope had become, since the
French conquests in Italy, in the highest decree
precarious. Cut off, by the Cisalpine Republic, >
from any support from Austria ; left, by the treaty
of Campo Formio, entirely at the mercy of the
French Republic ; threatened by the heavings of
the democratic spirit within his own dominions;
and exposed to all the contagion arising from the
complete establishment and close vicinity of Re
publican governments in the north of Italy, he was
'almost destitute of the means of resisting so many
seen and unseen enemies. The pontifical treasury
was exhausted by the immense payments stipu
lated by the treaty of Tolentino: while the activity
and zeal of the revolutionary clubs in all the prin
cipal towns of the Ecclesiastical States, was daily
increasing with the prospect of success. To enable
the government to meet the enormous demands of
the French array, the principal Roman Families,
like tbe pope, had sold their gold, their silver, tlieii
jewels, their horses, their carriages— in a word,
alt their valuable effects ; but the exactions of the
Republican agents were still unabated. In despair,
they had recourse to the fatal expedient of issuing
a paper circulation ; but that, in a country destitute
of credit, soon fell to an inconsiderable value, and
augmented rather than relieved the public distress.
Joseph Bonaparte, brother to Napoleon, had been
appointed ambassador at the court of Rome ; bat
as his character was deemed too honorable for po
litical intrigue, Generals Duphot and Sherlock were
sent along with him, the former of whom had been
so successful in effecting the overthrow of Genoese
aristocracy. The French embassy, under their
direction, soon became* the centre of tbe revolu
tionary action, and those numerous ardent charac
ters with which the Italian cities abound, flocked
there as to a common focus, from whence the next
great explosion of democratic power was to be
expected, in this extremity, Pius VI., who was
above eighty years of age, and sinking into the
grave, called to his counsels the Austrian general
Provera, already distinguished in the Italian cam
paigns ; but the Directory soon compelled the hu
miliated pontiff to dismiss that intrepid counsellor.
As his recovery then seemed hopeless, the instruc
tions of government to their ambassador were to
delay the proclamation of a Republic till his death,
when the vacant chair of St. Peter might be over
turned with little difficulty; but such was the
activity of the revolutionary agents, that the train
was ready to take fire before that event took* lace,
and the ears of the Romans were assailed by in
cessant abuse of the ecclesiastical government, and
vehement declamations in favor of Republican
freedom, "The resolution to overturn the papal govern
ment, like all the other ambitious projects of the
Directory, received a very great impulse from toe

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVI.

407

reascendent of Jacobin influence at Paris, by the
results of the revolution of 18th Fructklor. One
of the first measures of the new government was
•At despatch ah order to Joseph Bonaparte ut Rome,
to promote, by all the mean's in his power, the ap
proaching revolution in the papal states; and,
above all things, to take care that at the pope's
death no successor should be elected to the chair
of St. Peter. Napoleon's language to the Roman
pontiff became daily more menacing. Immediately
before setting out for Rastadt, he ordered his bro
ther Joseph to intimate to the pope that three thou
sand additional troops had been forwarded to An-
rona ; that if Provera was not dismissed within
twenty-four hours, war would be declared; that
if any of the revolutionists who had been arrested.
were executed, reprisals would forthwith be exer
cised on the cardinals ; and that, if the Cisalpine
Republic was not instantly recognized, it would be
the signal for immediate hostilities. At the same
time, ten thousand troops of the Cisalpine Republic
advanced to St. Leon, in the papal duchy of Ur-
bino, and made themselves masters of that fortress ;
while at Ancona, which was still garrisoned by
French troops, notwithstanding its stipulated re
storation by the treaty of Tolentino to the Holy See,
the democratic party openTy proclaimed ' the An-
conite Republic.' Similarrevolutionary movements
took plane at Corneto, Civita Vecchia, Pesaro, and
Senigaglia; while at Rome itself, Joseph Bona
parte, by compelling the papal government to libe
rate all persons confined for political offences,
suddenly vomited forth upon the capital several
hundreds of the most heated Republicans in Italy.
After this great addition, measures were no longer
kept with the government. Seditious meetings were
constantly held in every part of the city ; immense
collections of tricolor cockades were made to dis
tinguish the insurgents, and deputations of the
citizens openly watted on the French ambassador
to invite him to support the insurrection, to which
he replied, in ambiguous terms, — * The fate of na
tions, as of individuals, being buried in the womb.
of futurity, it is not given to me to penetrate its
mysteries.' " In this temper of men's minds, a spark was suf
ficient to occasion an explosion. On the 27th of
December, 1798, an immense crowd assembled,
with seditious- cries, and moved to the palace of
the French ambassador, where they exclaimed,
* Vive la Repnblique Romaine !' and loudly invoked
the aid of the French to enable them to plant the
tricolor flag on the Capitol. The insurgents dis
played the tricolor cockade, and evinced the most
menacing disposition; the danger was extreme;
from similar beginnings the overthrow of Che gov
ernments of Venice and Genoa had rapidly fol
lowed. The papal ministers sent a regiment of
dragoons to prevent any sortie of the Revolutionists
from the palace of the French ambassador; and
they repeatedly warned the insurgents that their
orders were to allow no one to leave the precincts.
Dupbot, however, indignant at being restrained by
the pontifical troops, drew his sword, rushed down
the staircase, and put himself at the head of one
hundred and fifty armed Roman democrats, who
were now contending with the dragoons in the
courtyard of the palace. He was immediately killed
by a discharge ordered by the sergeant command
ing the patrol of the papal troops ; and the ambas
sador himself, who had followed to appease the
tumult, narrowly escaped the same fate. A violent
scuffle ensued; several persons were killed and
wounded on boui sides : and, after remaining seve
ral hours in thffgreatest alarm, Joseph Bonaparte,
with his suite, retired to Florence.
" This catastrophe, however obviously occasioned
by the revolutionary schemes which were in agita
tion at the residence of the French ambassador,
having taken place within the precincts of his pal
ace, was, unhappily, a violation of the law of na
tions, and gave the Directory too fair a ground to

demand satisfaction. But they instantly resolved
to make it the pretext for the immediate occupa
tion of Rome and overthrow of the papal govern
ment. The march of troops out of Italy was
countermanded, and Berthier,.the commander-in-
chief, received orders to advance rapidly into the
Ecclesiastical States. Meanwhile, the democratic
spirit burst forth more violently than ever at An
cona and the neighbouring town?, and the papal
authority was soon lost in all theprovinces on the
eastern slope of the Appenines. To these accumu
lated disasters the pontiff could only oppose the
fasts and prayers of an aged conclave — weapons
of spiritual warfare little calculated to arrest the
conquerors of Areola and Lodi.
" Berthier, without an instant's delay, carried
into execution the orders of the Directory. Six
thousand Poles were stationed at Rimini to covar
the Cisalpine Republic; a reserve was established
at Tolentino, while the commander-in-chief, at the
head of eighteen thousand veteran troops, entered
Ancona. Having completed the work of revolution
in that turbulent district, and secured the fortress,
he crossed the Apennines; and, advancing byFo-
ligno and Nami, appeared on the IDth of February
before the Eternal City. The pope, in the utmost
consternation, shut himself up in the Vatican, and
spent night and day at the foot of the altar in im
ploring the Divine protection.
'* Rome, almost defenceless, would have offered
no obstacle to the entrance of the French troops ;
but it was part of the policy of the Directory to
make it appear that their aid was invoked by the
spontaneous efforts of the inhabitants. Contenting
himself, therefore, with occupying the castle of St.
Angelo, from which the feeble guards of the pope
were soon expelled, Berthier kept his troops foi
five days encamped without the walls. At length,
the Revolutionists having completed their prepara
tions, a noisy crowd assembled irs the Campo Vac-
cino, the ancient Forum ; the old foundations of the
Capitol were made again to resound with the cries,
if not the spirit* of freedom, and the venerable en
signs, S. P. Q. R., after the lapse of fourteen hun
dred years, again floated in the winds. The multi
tude tumultunusly demanded the overthrow of the
papal authority; the French troops were invited- to
enter; the conquerors of Italy, with a haughty air,
Passed the gates of Aurelian, defiled through the
iazza del Popolo, gazed on the indestructible
monuments of Roman grandeur, and, amid the
shouts of the inhabitants, the tricolor flag was
displayed from the summit of the Capitol.
" But while part of the Roman populace were
surrendering themselves to a pardonable intoxica
tion upon the fancied recovery of their liberties,
the agents of the Directory were preparing for them
the sad realities of slavery. The pope, who had
been guarded by five hundred soldiers ever since
the entry of the Republicans, was directed to retire
into Tuscany ; his fawiss guard relieved by a French
one, and he himself ordered to dispossess himself
of all his temporal authority. He replied, with the
firmness of a martyr, * I am prepared for every spe
cies of disgrace. As supreme pontiff, I am resolved
to die in the exercise of all my powers. You may
employ force— you have the power to do so: but
know that, though you may be masters of my body
you are not so ofrny sonl. Free in the region where
it is placed, it fears neither the events nor the suf
ferings of this life. I stand on the threshold of ano
ther world ; there I shall be sheltered alike from
the violence and impiety of this.' Force was soon
employed to dispossess him of his authority; he
was dragged from the altar in his palace, his repos
itories allransacked and plundered, the rings even
torn from his fingers, the whole effects in the Vati
can and Quirinal inventoried and seized, and the
aged pontiff conducted, with only a few lomestits,
amid the brutal jests and sacrilegious songs of the
French dragoons, into Tuscany, wherft tn« gene-
rous hospitality of the grand duke stri -*) t* «i>ften

408

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

12 And the sixth angel poured out his vial upon the great river

the hardships of his exile. But, though a captive
in the hands of his enemies, the venerable old man
Btill retained the supreme authority in the Church.
From his retreat in the convent of Chartreuse, he
yet guided the counsels of the faithful; multitudes
fell on their knees wherever he passed, and sought
that benediction from a captive which they would,
perhaps, have disregarded from a triumphant
pontiff. "The subsequent treatment of this venerable
man was as disgraceful to the Republican govern
ment as it was honorable to his piety and constancy
as the head of the Church. Fearful that from his
virtues and sufferings he might have had too much
influence on the continent of Italy, he was removed
by their orders to Leghorn, in March, 1799, with
the design of transferring him to Cagliari in Sar
dinia ; and the English cruisers in the Mediterra
nean redoubled their vigilance, in the generous
hope of rescuing the father of an opposite church
from the persecution of his enemies. Apprehensive
of losing their prisoner, the French altered his des
tination, and forcing him to traverse, often during
the night, the Apennines and the Alps in a rigorous
season, he at length reached Valence, where, after
an illness of ten days, he expired, in the eighty-
second year of his age, and the twenty- fourth of
his pontificate. The cruelty of the Directory in
creased as he approached their dominions ; all his
old attendants were compelled to leave him, and
the Father of the Faithful was allowed to expire,
-„_ attended only by his confessor. Yet even in 'Ins
jtt" .disconsolate state he derived the highest satisfac
tion from the devotion and reverence of the people
in the provinces of Franc* through which he passed.
Multitudes from Gap, Vizelle, and Grenoble flocked
to the road to receive his benediction; and he fre
quently repeated, with tears in his eyes, the words
of Scripture, * Verily, I say unto you, I have not
seen such faith, no, hot in Israel.'
" But long before the Pope had sunk under the
persecution of his oppressors, Rome, had expe
rienced the bitter fruits of Republican fraterniza
tion. Immediately after the entry of the French
troops commenced the regular and systematic pil
lage of the city. Not only the churches and the
convents but the palaces of the cardinals and of
the nobility were laid waste. The agents of the
Directory, insatiable in the pursuit of plunder, and
merciless in the means of exacting it, ransacked
every quarter within its walls, seized the most
valuable works of art, and stripped the Eternal
City of those treasures which bad survived the
Gotlric fire and the rapacious hands of the Spanish
soldiers. The bloodshed was much less, but the
spoil collected incomparably greater, than at the
disastrous sack which followed the death of the
Constable Bourbou. Almost all the great works
of art -which have since that time been collected
throughout Europe, were then scattered abroad.
The spoliation exceeded all that the Goths or Van
dals had effected. Not only the palaces of the
Vatican, and the Monte Cuvallo, and the chief
nobility of Rome, but those of Castel Gandolfo, on
the margin of the Alban Lake, of Terracina, the
Villa Album, and others in the environs of Rome,
were plundered of every article of value which
they possessed. The whole sacerdotal habits ofi
the pope and cardinals were burned, in order to
collect from the flames the gold with which they
were adorned, The Vatican was stripped to its
naked walls; the immortal frescoes of Raphael
and Michael Angelo remained in solitary beauty
amid the general desolation. A contribution of
four millions in money, two millions in provisions,
and three thousand horses, was imposed on a city
already exhausted by the enormous exactions it
had previously undergone. Under the direction
pi the infamous commissary Halle r, the domestic
library, museum, furniture, jewels, and even the

private clothes of the pope, were sold. Nor did the
palaces of the Roman nobility escape devastation.
The noble galleries of the Cardinal Braschi, and
{he Cardinal York, the last relic of the Stuart line,
underwent the same fate. Others, as those of the
Chigi, Borghese, and Doria palaces, were rescued
from destruction only by enormous ransoms.
Everything of value that the Tolentino had left in
Rome became the prey of Republican cupidity, and
the very name of freedom soon became odious,
from the sordid and infamous crimes which were
committed in its name.
" Nor were the exactions of the French confined
to the plunder of palaces and churches. Eight
cardinals were arrested and sent to Civita Castel-
lana. while enormous contributions were levied on
the Papal territory, and brought home the bitter
ness of conquest to every poor man's door. At the
same time, the ample territorial possessions of the
church and the monasteries were confiscated, and
declared national property: a measure which, by
drying up at once the whole resources of the
affluent classes, precipitated into the extreme of*
misery the numerous poor who were maintained
by their expenditure or fed by their bounty. AH
the respectable citizens and clergy were in fetters ;
and a base and despicable faction alone, among
whom, to their disgrace be it told, were found four
teen cardinals followed in the train of the oppres
sors ; and at a public festival, returned thanks to
God for tbe miseries they had brought upon their
country." *
12. And the sixth angel poured out hit
vial upon the great river Euphrates,
On the situation of that river, and the
symbolical meaning of this language,
see Notes on ch. ix. 14-21. The refe
rence there was supposed to be to the
Turkish power, and the analogy of inter
pretation would seem to require that it
should be so understood here. There is
every reason, therefore, to suppose that
this passage has reference to something
in the future history of the Turkish
dominion?, and to some bearing of the
events' which are to occur in that his
tory on the ultimate downfall of the

* lo this connexion, I may insert here the remark-
able calculation of Robert Fleming, in his work en-
tilled .ipocalvptical Key, or the Pouring out of the
Vialx, first published in 1701. It is in Ihe following
words: "The fifth via] (ver. 10, 11), which is to be
poured out on the scat of the beast, or the dominion*
which more immediately belong to and depend on the
Roman sec ; that, I say, this judgment uml probabO/
begin about the year 1794, and expire about A. D. 1S48 ;
or that the duration of it upon this tuppotition unit be
the space of fifty-four ytart. For I do suppose that
seeing the rope received the title of Supreme Bishop,
no sooner than A. D. 606 be cannot be supposed to
have any vial poured opnn his seat immediately (so at
to receive his authority so signally as this judgment
must be supposed to all) until the year 1848, which it
the date of the twelve hundred and swty yean in pro.
phetical account when they are reckoned jrom J. B.
606. But yet we are not to imagine that this will
totally destroy the Papacy (though it will exceedingly
weaken it) for ws find that still in being and alive,
when the next vial is poured out." p. 68. Ed, New
York. It is a circumstance remarkably in accordanee
with this calculation, that in the year 1848 the Pops wu
actually driven away to G&eta, and that at the prevent
time (1851) lie is restored, though evidently with
diminished power.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVI.

409

Euphrates ; * and the water thereof
was dried up, * that the way of
• t.9.14, b Is. 41. 3; Je. 50. 38, 61.

Antichristian power referred to by the
' beast/ ^f And the water thereof was
dried up, that the way of the kings of the
east might be prepared. That is, as the
effect of pouring out the vial. There is
an allusion here, undoubtedly, -to the
dividing of. the waters of the Red Sea,
so that the children of Israel might pass.
See Ex. xiv. 21, 22. Comp. Notes on
Isa. xi. 15. In this description the
Euphrates is represented as a barrier
to prevent the passage of 'the kings
of the Bast' on their way to the West
- for some purpose not yet specified ;
that is, applying the symbol of the
Euphrates as being the seat o'f the
Turkish power, the meaning is; that
that power is such a hindrance, and that,
in some way that hindrance is to be re
moved as if the waters of an unbridged
and unfordable river were dried up so
as to afford a safe and easy passage
through. Still there are several en
quiries as to the application of this which
it is not easy, and as it refers to what is
still future, it may be impossible, to
answer. The language requires us to
put upon it the following interpreta
tion : — (a) The persons here referred to
as 'kings of 'the East* were ready to
make a movement towards the West,
over the Euphrates, and would do
this if this obstruction were not in
their way. Who these ' kings of the
East' are, is not said, and perhaps can
not be conjectured. The natural inter
pretation is, that they are the kings that
reign in the East, or that preside over
the countries of the eastern hemisphere.
Why there was a proposed movement to
the West is not said. It -might have
been for conquest, or -it might have been
that they were to bring their tribute to
tho Spiritual Jerusalem, in accordance
with what is so often said in the pro
phets, that under the gospel, kings and
princes would consecrate themselves and
their wealth to God. See Ps. lxxii. 10,
11, "The kings of Tarshish and of the
isles shall, bring presents ; the kings of
Sheba and Seba shall offer gifts. Yea
all kings shall fall down before him."
So also Isa. lx., " Thy sons shall come
from far." " The forces of the Gentiles
35

the kings of the east might be pre
pared. 13 And I saw three unclean

shall come unto thee." " All they from
Sheba shall come ; they shall bring gold
and incense." " Tb.9 isles shall wait for
me, and the ships of Tarshish first, to
bring thy sons from far, their silver and
their gold with them." " Thy gates
shall be open continually; they shall
not be shut day or night ; that men may
bring unto thee the forces of the Gen-
tiles, and that their kings may be
brought." All that is fairly implied in
the language used here is, that the kings
of the east would be converted .to the
true religion, or that they were at the
time referred to in a state of readiness to
be converted if there were no hindrance
or obstruction, (b) There was some hin
drance or obstruction ¦ to their conver
sion; that is,, as explained, from the
Turkish power: in other words they
would be converted to the true faith if
it were not for the influence of that
power. (c) The destruction of that
power, represented by the drying up of
¦the Euphrates, would remove that ob
struction, and the way would thus be
'prepared' for their conversion to the
true religion. We should most natu
rally, therefore, look in the fulfilment of
this for some such decay of tho Turkish
power as would be followed by the con
version of the rulers of the east to the
gospel. 13. And I saw three unclean '. spirits.
They assumed a visible form which
would well represent their odiousness —
that of frogs — but still they are spoken
of as ' spirits.' They were evil powers,
or evil influences (ver. 14, 'spirits of
devils'), and the language here is un
doubtedly designed to represent some
such power or influence, which would,
at that period, proceed from the dragon,
the beast, and the false prophet. <|f Like
frogs. — jiaTodxmi. This word does not
occur in the New Testament except in
the passage before us. It is properly
translated frogs. The frog is hero em
ployed clearly as a symbol, and it is
designed that certain qualities of the
'spirits' here referred to should be desig
nated by the symbol. For a full illus
tration of the meaning of the symbol,
the reader may consult Bochart, Hieroz.

410

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

spirits like frogs come out of the
mouth of the dragon, a and out of
a c. 12. 3, 9.
P. II. Lib. v. c. iv. According to Bo
chart, the frog is characterize d, as a
symbol, (1) for its rough, harsh, coarse
voice ; (2) on this account as a symbol
of complaining or reproaching; (3) as a
symbol of empty loquacity; (4) as a
symbol of heretics and philosophers —
as understood by Augustine; (5) because
the frog has its origin in mud, and lives
in mud, as a symbol of those who are
born in sin, and live in pollution ; (6)
because the frog endures all changes of
the season — cold and heat, summer, win
ter, rain, frost — as a symbol of monks
who practise self-denial; (7) because the
frog, though abstemious of food, yet lives
in water and drinks often, as a symbol -
of drunkards ; (8) as a symbol of impu
dence; (9) because the frog swells his
size, and distends his oheeks, as a sym
bol of pride. See the authorities for
these uses of the word, in Bochart How
many or few of these ideas enter into the
symbol here, it is not easy to decide.
We may suppose, however, that the
spirits referred to would be character
ized "by pride, arrogance, impudence,
assumption of authority; perhaps im
purity and r vileness, for all these ideas
enter into the meaning of the symbol.
They are not here probably symbols of
persons, but of influences or opinions
which would be spread abroad, and
which would characterize the age re
ferred to. The reference is. to what the
'dragon/ the 'beast/ and the 'false pro
phet* would do at that time in- opposing
the truth, and in preparing the world
for the great and final conflict. % Out
of the mouth of the dragon. One of
which seemed to issue from the mouth'
of the dragon. On the symbolic mean-
fog of the 'dragon/ see Notes on ch.
xii. 3. It, in general, represents Satan,
the great enemy of the ohurch ; perhaps
here Satan under the form of Heathen
ism or Paganism, as in ch. xii. 3, 4. The
idea then is, that, at the time referred
to, there would bo some manifestation
of the power of Satan in the heathen
nations, whioh would be bold, arrogant,
proud, loquaoious, hostile to truth, and
whioh would be well represented by the
hoarse murmur of the frog. '% And out
of thf. mouth of tho beast. The Papacy-

the mouth of the beast, * and out of
the mouth of the false prophet. c

as above explained. — Ch. xiii. That is,
there would be some putting forth of
arrogant pretensions ; some loud denun
ciation or complaining; some manifesta
tion of pride and self-consequence, which
would be well represented by the croak
ing of the frog. We have seen above
(Notes on vs. 5, 6) that although the
fifth vial was poured upon 'the seat of
the beast/ the effect was not to crush
and overthrow that power entirely. The
Papacy would still survive, and would
be finally destroyed under the outpouring
of the seventh vial, vs. 17-21. In the
passage before us we have a representa
tion of it as still living ; as having appa
rently recovered its strength; and as
being as hostile as ever to the truth, and
able to enter into a combination, secret
or avowed, with the 'dragon' and the
'false prophet,' to oppose the reign of
truth upon the earth. ^ And out of the
mouth of the false prophet. The word
rendered false prophet— ipcv&oirpoaMjTJis —
does not before occur in the book of
Revelation, though the use of the article
would seem to amply that some well-
known power or influence was referred
to by this. Comp. Notes on ch. x. 3.
The word occurs in other places in the
New Testament — Matt. vii. 15, xxiv. 11,
24; Mark xiii. 22; Luke vi. 26; Acts
xiii. 6 ; 2 Peter ii. 1 ; 1 John iv. 1 ; and
twice elsewhere in the book of Revela
tion with the same reference as here,
ch. xix. 20, xx. 10. In both these latter
places it is connected with the 'beast:'
' And the beast was taken, and with him
the false prophet/ 'And tho devil that
deceived them was cast into the lake of
lire and brimstone, where the beast and
the false prophet are.' It would seem
then to refer to some power that was
similar to that of the beast, and that was
to share the same fate in the overthrow
of the enemies of the gospel. As to the
application of this, there is no opinion
so probable as that it alludes to the
Mohammedan power — not strictly the
Turkish power, for that was to be ' dried
up' or to diminish, but to the Moham
medan power as such, that was still to
continue for a while in its vigor, and
that was yet to exert a formidable influ
ence against the gospel, and probably in

CHAPTER XVI.

A. D. 96.]

14 For they are the spirits of
devils, " working miracles, b which,
go forth unto the kings of the earth
and of the c whole world, to. gather
them to the battle d of that great day
of God Almighty.

411

some combination, in fact, if not in form,
with Paganism and the Papacy. The
reasons for this opinion are, (a) that this
was referred to'in the former part of the
book as one of the formidable powers
that would arise, and that would mate
rially affect the destiny of the world, and
it may be presumed that it would be
again referred to in the account of the
final consummation; see ch. ix. 1-11;
(6) the name 'false prophet' would bet
ter than any other describe that power,
and would naturally suggest it in future
times — for to no one that has ever ap
peared in our world could the name be
so properly applied as to Mohammed;
and (c) what is said will be found to
agree with the facts in regard to that
power, as, in connexion with the Papacy
and with Paganism, constituting the sum
of the obstruction to the spread of the
gospel around the world.
14. For they are the spirits of devils.
On the meaning of the word used here,
see Notes on ch. ix. 20. It is used here,
as it is inch. ix. 20, in a had sense as
denoting evil spirits. Comp. Notes on
Matt. iv. 1, 2, 24. f Working miracles.
Working what seemed to, be miracles;
that is, such wonders as to deceive the
world with the belief that they were
miracles. See Notes on ch. xiii. 13, 14,
where the same power is ascribed to the
* beast/ % Which go forth into the kings
of the earth. Which particularly affect
and influence kings and rulers. No class
of men have been moro under the influ
ence of Pagan superstition, Mohamme
dan delusion, or the Papacy, than kings
and princes. We are taugnt J>y this
passage that this will continue to be so
in the circumstances referred to. % And
of the whole world. That is, so far that
it might be represented as affecting the
whole world — to wit, the heathen, the
Mohammedan, and the Papal portions
of the earth. These still embrace so
large a portion of the globe, that it might
be said that what would affect those
powern now would influence the whole
world, fl To gather them. Not literally

15 Behold, I come as a thief. *
Blessed is he that watefceth, and
keepeth his garments, lest he walk
naked, / and they see his shame.

al:Ti.4.l.d c. 19. 19.

b 2 Th. 2. 9.
e 2 Pe. 3. 10.

e 1 Jno. 5. 19.
/ c. 3. 4, 18.

to assemble them all in one place, but
so to unite and combine them that it
might be represented as an assembling
of the hosts for battle. % To the battle
of that great day of God Almighty. Not
the day of judgment; but the day which
would determine the ascendency of true
religion in the world; — the final conflict
with those powers which had so long
opposed the gospel. It is not necessary
to suppose that there would be a literal
' battle,' in which GocT would be seen to
contend with his foes ; but there would
be that which might be properly repre
sented as a battle. That is, there would
be a combined struggle against the truth,
and in that God would appear by his
Providence and Spirit on the side of the
church, and would give it the victory.
It accords with all that has occurred in
the past, to suppose that there will be
such a combined struggle before the
church shall finally triumph in the
world. 15. Behold, I come as a thief. That
is, suddenly and unexpectedly. See
Notes on Matt. xxiv. 43, 1 Thess. v. 2.
This is designed evidently to admonish
men to watch, or to be in readiness for
his coming — since, whenever it would
occur, it would be at a time when men
were not expecting him. f Blessed is
he that watcheth. Comp. Matt. xxiv. 42-
44. The meaning here is, that he who
watches for these events; who marks the
indications of their approach ; and who
is conscious of a preparation for them,
is in a better and happier state of mind
than he on whom they come suddenly
and unexpectedly, ^f And keepeth his
garments. The allusion here seems to
be to one who, regardless of danger, or
of the approach of an enemy, should lay
aside his garments, and lie down to sleep.
Then the thief might come and take
away his garments, leaving him naked.
The essential idea, therefore, here, is the
duty of vigilance. We are to be awake
to duty and to danger; we are not to
be found sleeping on our post ; we are
to be ready for death — ready for the

412

REVELATION.

[A. D.. 96

16 And he gathered them toge-

coming of the Son of man. ^ Lest he
walk naked. His raiment being carried
away while he is asleep, f And they
see his shame. Comp. Notes on ch. iii.
18. The meaning here is, that, as Chris
tians are clothed with the garments of
righteousness, they should not lay them
aside, so that their spiritual nakedness
should be seen. They are to be always
clothed with the robes of salvation; al
ways ready for any event, however soon
or suddenly it may come upon them.
16. And he gathered them together.
Who gathered them ? Prof. Stuart ren
ders it, 'they gathered them together,'
supposing that it refers to the ' spirits' —
jrvtvaara — in ver. 13, and that this is the
construction of the neuter plural with a
singular verb. So De Wette understands
it. Hengstenberg supposes that it means
that God gathered them together; others
suppose that it was the sixth angel;
others that it was Satan ; others that it
was the beast ; and others that it was
Christ. See Pool's Synopsis in loc. The
authority of De Wette and Prof. Stuart
is sufficient to show thatthe construction
which they adopt is authorized by the
G-reek, as indeed no one can doubt, and
perhaps this accords better with the con
text than any other construction pro
posed. Thus in ver. 14, the spirits are
represented as going forth into the whole
world for the purpose of gathering the
nations together to the great battle, and
it is natural to suppose that the reference
is to them here as having accomplished
what they went forth" to do. But who
are to be gathered together? Evidently
those who in ver. 14 are described by the
word 'them' — the 'kings of the earth,
and the whole world ;' that is, there will
be a state of things which would be well
described by a universal gathering of
forces in a central battle-field. It is by
no means necessary to suppose that what
is here represented will literally occur.
There will be a mustering of spiritual
forces ; there will be a combination and
a unity of opposition against the truth ;
thero will bo a rallying of the declining
powers of Heathenism, Mohammedanism,
and Romanism, as if the forces of the
earth, marshalled by kings and rulers,
were assembled in somo great battle-field
where the destiny of the world was to be

ther into a place called in the He
brew tongue Armageddon.

decided. ^Into a place called in the
Hebrew tongue Armageddon. The word
Armageddon — 'Ap/iaysd&Sv — occurs no
where else in the New Testament, and
is not found in the Septuagint. It seems
to be formed from the Hebrew VUD *TTI
— Har Megiddo — Mountain of Megiddo.
Comp. 2 Chron. xxxv. 22, where it is
said that Josiah " came to fight in the
valley of Megiddo." Megiddo was a town
belonging to Manasseh, although within
the limits of Issachar, Josh. xvii. 11. It
had been originally one of the royal cities
of the Canaanites (Josh. xii. 21), and
was one of those of which the Israelites
were unable for a long time to take pos
session. It was rebuilt and fortified by
Solomon (1 Kings ix. 15), and thither
Ahaziah king of Judah fled when wound
ed by Jehu, and died there. 2 Kings ix.
27. It was here that Deborah and Barak
destroyed Sisera and his host (Judges v.
19) ; and it was in a battle near this that
Josiah was slain by Pharaoh-nechoh, 2
Kings xxiii. 29, 30 ; 2 Chron. xxxv. 20-25.
From the great mourning held for his
loss, it became proverbial to speak of
any grievous mourning as being "like
the mourning of Hadadrimmon _in the
valley of Megiddon," Zech. xii. 11. It
has not been found easy to identify the
place, but recent researches have made
it probable that the vale or plain of
Megiddo comprehended, if it was not
wholly composed of, the prolongation of
the plain of Esdra-elon towards Mount
Carmel ; that the city of Megiddo was
situated there ; and that the waters of
Megiddo, mentioned in Judges v. 19, are
identical with the stream Kishon in that
part of its course. See Bibli. Repository,
i. 602, 603. It is supposed that the
modern town called Lejjun occupies the
site of the ancient Megiddo. Robinson's
Biblical Besearches, iii. 177-180. Me
giddo was distinguished for being the
place of the decisive conflict between
Deborah and Sisera, and of the battle in
which Josiah was slain by the Egyptian
invaders, and hence it became emble
matic of any decisive battle-field — just
as Marathon, Leuotra, Arbela, or Water
loo, is. The word ' mountain' in the
term Armageddon — ' Mountain of Me
giddo' — seems to have been used because

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVI.

413

Megiddo was in a mountainous region,
though the battles were fought in a val
ley adjacent. The meaning here is, that
there would be, as it were, a decisive
battle which would determine the ques
tion of tho prevalence of true religion on
the earth. What we are to expect as
the fulfilment of this would seem to be,
that there will be some mustering of
strength — some rallying of forces — some
opposition made to the kingdom of God
in the gospel by the powers here referred
to whioh would be decisive in its charac
ter, and which would be well represented
by the battles between the people of God
and their foes in the conflicts in the val
ley of Megiddo.

As this constitutes, according to the
course of the exposition by which we
have been conducted, an important di
vision in the book of Revelation, it may
be proper to pause here, and make a few
remarks. The previous parts of the
book, according to the- interpretation
proposed, relate to the past, and thus far
we have found such a i correspondence
between the predictions and facts which
have oocurred as to lead us to suppose
that these predictions have been fulfilled.
At this point, I suppose, we enter on
that part which remains yet to be ful
filled, and the investigation must carry
us into the dark and unknown future.
The remaining portion comprises a very
general sketch of things down to the end
of time, as the previous portion has
touched on the great events pertaining
to the church and its progress for a pe
riod of more than one thousand eight
hundred years. A few general remarks,
therefore, seem not inappropriate at this
point. (o) In the previous interpretations we
have had the facts of history by which to
test the accuracy of the interpretation.
The plan pursued has been, first, to in
vestigate the tneaning of the words and
symbols, entirely independent of any
supposed application, and then to inquire
whether there have been any facts that
may be regarded as corresponding with
the meaning of the words and symbols
as explained. Of this method of testing
the aocuracy of the exposition we must
now take our leave. Our sole reliance
must be in the exposition itself, and our
Work must be limited to that.
(i) It is always difficult to interpret a
35*

prophecy. The language of prophecy ia
often apparently enigmatical; the sym
bols are sometimes obscure ; and prophe
cies relating to the same subject are often
in detached fragments, uttered by differ
ent persons at different times, and it is
necessary to collect and arrange them,
in order to have a full view of the one
subject. Thus the prophecies respecting
the Messiah were many of them obscure,
and indeed apparently contradictory, be
fore he came ; they were uttered at dis
tant intervals, and by different prophets ¦
at one time one trait of his character was
dwelt upon, and at another another; and
it was difficult to combine these so as to
have an accurate view of what he would
be, until he came. The result has shown
what the meaning of the prophecies was;
and at the same time has demonstrated
that there was entire consistency in the
various predictions, and that to one who
could have comprehended all, it would
have been possible to- combine them so
as to have had a correct view of the
Messiah and of his work even before he
came. The same remark is still more
applicable to the predictions in the Book
of Revelation, or to the similar predic
tions in the Book of Daniel, and to many
portions of Isaiah. It is easy to see how
difficult it would have been, or rather
how impossible by any human powers to
have applied these prophecies in detail
before the events occurred ; and yet, now
that they have occurred, it may be seen
that the symbols, were the happiest that
could have been chosen, and the only
ones that could with propriety have
been selected to describe the remarkable
events which were to take place in future
times. *
(c) The same thing we may presume to
be the case in regard to events which are
to occur. We may expect to find (1)
language and symbols that are, in them
selves, capable of clear interpretation as
to their proper meaning; (2) the events
of the future so sketched out by that lan
guage and by those symbols, that we may
obtain a general view that will be accu
rate ; and yet (3) an entire impossibility
of filling up beforehand the minute de
tails. In regard, then, to the application of
the particular portion now before ns, vs.
12-16, the following remarks may be
made : —
(1) The Turkish power, especially

414

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

since its conquest of Constantinople un
der Mohamed II. in 1453, and its estab
lishment in Europe, has been a grand
hindrance to the spread of the gospel.
It has occupied a central position; it
has possessed some of the richest parts
of the world ; it has, in general, excluded
all efforts to spread the pure gospel within
its limits; and its whole influence has
been opposed to the spread of pure Chris
tianity. Comp. Notes on ch. ix. 14-21.
" By its laws it was death to a Mussul
man to apostatize from his faith, and be
come a Christian ; and examples, not a
few, have occurred in recent times to
illustrate it." It is not until quite re
cently, and that under the influence of
missionaries in Constantinople, that evan
gelical Christianity has been tolerated in
the Turkish dominions.
(2) The prophecy before us implies
that there would be a decline of that
formidable power — represented by the
'drying up of the great river Euphrates.'
See Notes on ver. 12. And no one can
be insensible to the fact that events are
occurring which would be properly re
presented by such a, symbol; or that
there is, in fact, now such a decline of
that Turkish power, and that the begin
ning of that decline closely followed, in
regard to time, if not in regard to the
cause, the events which it is supposed
were designated by the previous vials —
those connected with the successive blows
on the Papacy and the seat of the beast.
In reference, then, to the decline of that
power, we may refer to the following
things, (a) The first great cause was
internal revolt and insurrection. In 1820,
Ali Pasha asserted his independence,
and by his revolt precipitated the
Greek insurrection which had been a
long time secretly preparing — an insur
rection so disastrous to the Turkish'
power. (6) The Greek insurrection fol
lowed. This soon spread to the iBgean
isles, and to the districts of Northern
Greece, Epirus, and Thessaly; while at
the same time the standard of revolt was
raised in Wallachia and Moldavia. The
progress and issue of that insurrection
are well known. A Turkman army of
30,000 that entered the Morea to recon
quer it, was destroyed in 1823 in detail,
and the freedom of the peninsula was
nearly completed by the insurgents. By
sea the Greeks emulated their ancestors
of Salamis and Myoale; and, attended

with almost uniform success, encountered
and vanqnished the superior Turkish and
Egyptian fleets. Meanwhile the sym-^,
pathies of Western Christendom were
awakened in behalf of their brother
Christians struggling for independence ;
and just when the tide of success began
to turn, and the Morea was again nearly
subjected by Ibrahim Pasha, the united
fleets of England, France, and Russia
(in contravention of all their usual prin
ciples of policy) interposed in their favor ;
attacked and destroyed the Turco-
Egyptian fleets in the battle of Navarino
(September, 1827), and thus secured the
independence of Greece. Nothing had
ever occurred that tended so much to
weaken the power of the Turkish empire.
(e) The rebellion of the great Egyptian
Pasha, Mehemet Ali, soon followed. The
French invasion of Egypt had prepared
him for it, by having taught him the
superiority of European discipline, and
thus this event was one of the proper
results of those described nnder the first
four vials. Mehemet Ali, through Ibra
him, attacked and conquered Syria; de
feated the Sultan's armies sent against
him in their great battles of Hems, of
Nezib, and of Iconinm ; and, but for the
intervention of the European powers of
England, Russia, Prussia, and Austria,
by which he was driven out of Syria,
and forced back to his proper Pashalio
Egypt, he would probably have ad
vanced to Constantinople, and subdued
it. (d) There has been for centuries a
gradual weakening of the Turkish power.
It has done nothing to extend its empire
by arms. It has been resting in inglo
rious ease, and, in the mean time, its
wealth and its strength have been grad
ually decreasing. It has lost Moldavia,
Wallachia, Greece, Algiers, and practi
cally Egypt; and is doing nothing to re
cruit its wasted and exhausted strength.
Russia only waits for a favorable oppor
tunity to strike the last blow on that en
feebled power, and to put an end to it
for ever, (e) The general condition of
the Turkish empire is thus described by
the Rev.' Mr. Walsh, Chaplain to the
British Ambassador to Constantinople:
" The circumstances most striking to a
traveller passing through Turkey is ito
depopulation. Ruins where villages had
been built, and fallows where land had
been cultivated, arc frequently seen with
no living thing near them. This effect

AD. 96.]

CHAPTER XVI.

415

17 And the seventh angel poured out his vial into the air ; and thero
to the diffusion of the gospel in the lands
where it has prevailed. How rapidly,
we may suppose, the gospel would spread
in the East, if all the obstacles thrown in
its way by the Turkish power were at
once removed !
(4) In accordance with the interpreta
tion suggested on vs. 13, 14, we may look
for something that would be well repre
sented by a combined effort on the part
of heathenism, Mohammedanism, and
Romanism, to stay the progress and pre
vent the spread of evangelical religion.
That is, according to the fair interpreta
tion of the passage, we should look for
some simultaneous movement as if their
influence was to be about to cease, and
as if it were necessary to arouse all their
energies for a last and desperate struggle.
It may be added that, in itself, nothing
would be more probable than this ; but
when, it will oocur, and what form the
aroused energy will assume, it would be
vain to conjecture.
(5) And in accordance with the inter
pretation suggested on ver. 15, we are to
suppose that something will occur whioh
would be well represented by the decisive
conflicts in the valley of Megiddo ; that
is, something that will determine the
ascendency of true religion in tbe world,
as if these great powers of heathenism,
Mohammedanism, and Romanism should
stake all their interests on the issue of a
single battle. It is not necessary to sup
pose that this will literally occur, and
there are no certain intimations as to the
time when what is represented will hap
pen ; but all that is meant may be that
events will take place which would be
well represented by such a conflict. Still,
nothing in the prophecy prevents the
supposition that these combined powers
may be overthrown in some fierce conflict
with Christian powers.
17. And the seventh angel poured out
his vial into the air. This introduces
the final catastrophe in regard to the
'beast:' — his complete and utter over
throw, accompanied with tremendous
judgments. Why the vial was poured
into the air is not stated. The most pro
bable supposition as to the idea intended
to be represented is, that as storms and
tempests seem to be engendered in the
air, so this destruction would come from
some supernatural cause, as if tho whole

is not so visible in larger towns, though
tho cause is known to operate there in a
still greater degree. Within tho last
twenty years, Constantinople has lost
more than half its population. Two
conflagrations happened while I was in
Constantinople, and destroyed fifteen
thousand houses. The Russian and
Greek wars were a constant drain on the
janisaries of the capital ; the silent ope
ration of the plague is continually aotive,
though not always alarming ; it will be
no exaggeration to say that, within the
period mentioned, from three to four
hundred thousand persons have been
swept away in one city in Europe by
causes which were not operating in any
other — conflagration, pestilence, and civil
commotion. The Turks, though natu
rally of a robust and vigorous constitu
tion, addict themselves to such habits as
are very unfavorable to population— the
births do little more than exceed the
ordinary deaths, and cannot supply the
waste of casualties. The surrounding
country is, therefore, continually drained
to supply this waste in the capital, which
nevertheless exhibits districts nearly de
populated. We see every day life going
out in the fairest portion of Europe ; and
the human race threatened with extinction
in a soil and climate capable of support
ing the most abundant population." —
Walsh's Narrative, pp. 22-26, as quoted
in Bush on the Millenium, pp. 243, 244.
The probability now is, that this gradual
decay will be continned ; that the Turk
ish power will more and more diminish ;
that one portion after another will set
up for independence ; and that by a gra
dual process of decline, this power will
become practically extinct, and what is
here symbolized by the ' drying up of
the great river Euphrates' will have been
accomplished. . (3) This obstacle removed, we may
look for a general turning of the princes,
and rulers, and people of the Eastern
world to Christianity, represented (ver.
12) by its being said that 'thewayof the
kings, of the east might be prepared.'
See Notes on that verse. It is clear that
nothing would be more likely to contri
bute to this; or to prepare the way for it,
than the removal of that Turcoman do
minion which for more than four bun
dred years has been an effectual barrier

416

REVELATION,

[A. D. !

came a great voice out of the tem
ple of heaven, from the throne,
saying, It " is done.
, 18 And there were voices, and
thunders, and lightnings; and there
waB a great earthquake, * such ' as
a c. 21. 6. b c. 11. 13.

atmosphere should be filled with wind
and storm, and a furious and desolating
whirlwind should be aroused by some
invisible power. \ And there came a
great voice out of the temple of heaven.
The voice of God. See Notes on ch. xi.
19. ^ From the throne. See Notes on
ch. iv. 2. This shows that it was the
voice of God, and not the voice of an
angel. ff Saying, It is done. The
series of judgments is about to be com
pleted; the dominion of the beast is
about' to come to an end for ever. The
meaning here is, that that destruction
was so certain, that it might be spoken
of as now actually accomplished.
18. And there were voices, and thun
ders, and lightnings. Accompanying
the voice that was heard from the
throne. See Notes on ch. iv. 5, xi. 19.
^f And there was a great earthquake, Ac.
See Notes on ch. xi. 19, and ch. vi. 12.
The meaning is, that a judgment fol
lowed as if the world were shaken by
an earthquake, or which would be pro
perly represented by that. ^[ So mighty
an earthquake, and so .great* All this is
intensive, and is designed to represent
the severity of the judgment that would
follow. 19. And the city was divided into three
parts. The city of Babylon; or the
mighty power that was represented by
Babylon. See Notes on ch. xiv. 8. The
division here mentioned into three parts
was manifestly with reference to its
destruction : — either that one part was
smitten and the others remained for a
time; or that one form of destruction
came on one part and another on the
others. In ch. xi. 13, it is said, speak
ing of- " the great city spiritually called
Sodom and Egypt" — representing Rome,
that " the tenth part of tho city fell, and
in tho earthquake were slain of men
seven thousand" (see Notes on that
place) ; hero it is said that tho whole
oity, in tho calamities that came upon
it, was divided into three portions,

was not since men were upon the
earth, • so mighty an earthquake,
and so great.
_ 19 And the great city * was di
vided into three parts, and the
cities of the nations fell : and great
e Da. 12. 1. d c. 14. 8.

though it is evidently implied that in
these calamities, the whole, city was
sooner or later destroyed. Prof. Stuart
(in loc.) supposes that the number three
is usei here as it is throughout the
book ': in a symbolical way," and that
the meaning is, that " the city was
severed and broken in pieces, so that
the whole was reduced to a ruinous
state." He supposes that it refers to
Pagan Rome, or to the Pagan Roman
persecuting power. Others refer it to
Jerusalem, and suppose that the allusion
is to the divisions of the oity, in the
time of the siege, into Jewish, Sama
ritan, and Christian parties ; others
suppose that it refers to a division of
the Roman empire uhder Honorius,
Attalus, and Constantine ; others to
the fact that when Jerusalem was
besieged by Titus it was divided into
three factions; and others that the num
ber three is used to denote perfection, or
the total ruin of the city. All that it
seems to me can be said now on the
point is, (a) that it refers to Papal Rome,
or the Papal power ; (b) that it relates to
something yet future, and that it may
not be possible to determine with pre
cise accuracy what will occur ; (c) that
it probably means that, in the time of
the final ruin of that power, there will
be a threefold judgmont; either a dif
ferent judgment in regard to some three
fold manifestation of that power, or a
succession of judgments' as if one part
were smitten at a time. The certain
and entire ruin of the power is predicted '
by this, but still it is not improbable that
it will be by such divisions, or such suc
cessions of judgments, that it is proper
to represent the city as divided into
three portions. ^[ And the cities of the
nations fell. In alliance with it, or
under the control of the central power.
As the capital fell, the dependent cities
fell also. Considered as relating to
Papal Romo the meaning here is, that
what may be properly called ' the cities

A D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVI.

417

Babylon came in remembrance be
fore God, to give unto her the cup ¦
of the wjne of the fierceness of his
wrath. 20 And l every island fled away,
and the mountains were not
found. a Is. 51. 17, 23; Je. 25. 15, 16. 6 c. 6. 14.

of the nations' that were allied with it
would show the same fate. The cities
of numerous ' nations' are now, and
have been for ages, under the control of
the Papal power, or the spiritual Baby
lon, and the calamity that will smite
the central power as such ; that is, as a
spiritual power, will reach and affect
them all. Let the central power at
Rome be destroyed ; the Papacy cease ;
the superstition with which Rome is re
garded come to an end ; the power of
the priesthood in Italy be destroyed,
and however widely the Roman domi
nion is spread now, it cannot be kept up.
If it falls in Rome there is not influence
enough out of Rome to continue it in
being : — and in all its extended ramifi
cations it would die, as the body dies
when the head is severed; as the power
of provinces ceases when ruin comes
upon the capital. This, the prophecy
leads us to suppose will be the final
destiny of the Papal power, ^f And
great Babylon. See Notes on ch. xiv. 8.
^ Came in remembrance before God.
That is, for purposes of punishment.
It had been, as it were, overlooked. It
had been permitted to carry on its pur
poses, and to practise its abominations,
unchecked, as if God did not see it.
Now the time had come when all that it
had done was to be remembered, and
when the long-suspended judgment was
to fall upon it. ^f To give unto her
the cup of the wine, 4c. To punish ;
to destroy her. See Notes on ohapter
xiv. 10.
20. And every island fled away. Ex
pressive of great and terrible judgments,
as if the very earth were convulsed, and
every thing were moved out of its place.
See Notes on ch. vi. 14. % And the
mountains were not found. The same
image occurs in ch. vi. 14. See Notes
on that place.
21. And there fell upon men a great
hail out of heaven. Perhaps this is

21 And there fell upon men a
great hailc out of heaven, every
stone about the weight of a talent :
and men blasphemed God because
of the plague of the hail; for
the plague thereof was exceeding
great. c c. 11.19.

an allusion to one of the plagues of
Egypt. Ex. ix. 22-26. Comp. Notes
ch. xi. 19. For a graphic description
of the effects of a hail storm, see
Notes on Isa. xxx. 30, second edition.
Comp. Notes on Job xxxviii. 22. ^f Every
stone about the- weight of a talent. The
Attic talent was equal to about 55 or
56 lbs. Troy weight ; the Jewish talent
to about 113 lbs. Troy. Whichever
weight is adopted; it is easy to conceive
what must be the horror of such a storm,
and what destruction it must cause. We
are not, of course, to suppose necessarily
that this would literally occur: it is a
frightful image to denote the terrible
and certain destruction that would eome
upon Babylon, that is, upon the Papal
power. ^ And men blasphemed God.
See Notes on ver. 9. f" Because of the
plague of the hail. Using the word'
plague in allusion to the plagues of
Egypt. ^[ For the plague thereof was
exceeding great. The calamity was great
and terrible. Tho design of the whole
is to show that the destruction would
be complete and awful.
This finishes tbe summary state
ment' of the final destruction of this
formidable Antichristian power. The
details and the consequences of that
overthrow are more fully stated in the
subsequent chapters. The fulfilment of
what is here stated will be found, ac
cording to the method of interpretation
proposed, in the ultimate overthrow of
the Papaoy. The process described in
this chapter is that of successive cala
mities that would weaken it, and prepare
it for its fall ; then a rallying of its dying
strength; and then some tremendous
judgment that is compared with a storm
of hail, accompanied with lightning, and
thunder, and an earthquake, that would
completely overthrow all that was con
nected with it, and that sustained it.
We are not indeed to suppose that this
will literally occur; but the fair inter-

418

REVELATION,

[A.D.96.

pretation of prophecy leads us to sup
pose that that formidable power will,
at no very distant period, be over
thrown in a manner that would be well
represented by such a fearful storm.
CHAPTER XVIL
ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.
This chapter properly commences a
more detailed description of the judg
ment inflicted on the formidable Anti
christian power referred to in the last
chapter, though under a new image. It
contains an account of the sequel of the
pouring out of the last vial, and the
description, in various forms, continues
to the close of ch. xix.. The whole of
this description (ch. xvii.-xix.), consti
tutes the last great catastrophe repre
sented under the seventh vial (ch. xvi.
17-21), at the close of which the great
enemy of Ghod and the church will be
destroyed, and the church will be
triumphant, ch. xix. 17-21. The image
n this chapter is that of a harlot, or
abandoned woman, on whom severe
judgment is brought for her sins. Tbe
action is here delayed, and this chapter
bis much the appearance of an ex
planatory episode, designed to give a
more clear and definite idea of the cha
racter of that formidable Antichristian
power on which the judgment was to
descend. The chapter, without any formal di
vision, embraces the following points : —
(1) Introduction, vs. 1-3. One of the
seven angels entrusted with the seven
vials, comes to John saying that he
would describe to him the judgment that
was to come upon the great harlot with
whom the kings of the earth had com
mitted fornication, and who had made
the dwellers upon the earth drunk by
the wine of her fornication : — that is, of
that Antichristian power so often re
ferred to in this book, which by its
influence had deluded the nations, and
brought their rulers under its control.
(2) A particular description of this
Antichristian power — represented as an
abandoned and attractive fomale — in the
usual attire of an harlot, vs. 3-6." She
is seated on a scarlet- colored beast
covered over with blasphemous names —
a beast with seven heads and ten horns.
She is arrayed in the usual gorgeous and
alluring attire of an harlot, olothed in
purple, deoked with gold, and precious

stones, and pearls, with a golden cup in
her hand full of abomination and filthi
ness. She has on her forehead a name
expressive of her character. She is re
presented as drunken with the blood of
the saints, and is sueh as to attract
attention and excite wonder.
(3) An explanation of what is meant
by this scarlet-clothed woman, and of
the design of the representation, vs. 7-
18. This comprises several parts : —
(a) A promise of the angel that he
would explain this, ver. 7.
(b) An enigmatical or symbolical re
presentation of the design of the
vision, vs. 8-14. This description
consists of an account of the beast
on which the woman sat, ver. 8; of
the seven heads of the beast, as
representing seven mountains, ver.
9; of the succession of kings or
dynasties represented, vs. 9, 10, 11 ,
of the ten horns as representing ten
kings or kingdoms giving their
power and strength to the beast,
vs. 12, 13; and of the conflict or
warfare of all these confederated or
consolidated powers with the Lamb,
and their discomfiture by him,
ver. 14.
(c) A more literal statement of what
is meant by this, vs. 15-18. The
waters on which the harlot sat
represent a multitude of people sub
ject to her control, ver. 15. The
ten horns, or the ten kingdoms, on
the beast, would ultimately hate
the harlot, and destroy her, as if
they should eat her flesh, and con
sume her with fire, ver. 16. This
would be done because God would
put it into their hearts to fulfil his
purposes, alike in giving their king
dom to the beast, and then turning
against it to destroy it, ver. 17. The
woman referred to is at last declared
to be the great city which reigned
over the kings of the earth, ver. 18.
For particularity and definiteness
this is one of the most remarkable
chapters in the book, and there can
be no doubt that it was the design
in it to give sueh an explanation of
what was referred to in these visions,
that there could be no mistake in
applying the description. " All that
remains between this and the twen
tieth chapter," says Andrew Fuller
" would in modern publications b«

419

upon

A.. D. 96.] CHAPTER XVII.
CHAPTER XVII. I great whore * that sitteth
A ND there came one of the seven ¦. many waters : l
t\. angels which had the seven : 2 With whom c the kings of the
vials, and talked with me, saying ' earth have committed fornication,
unto me, Come hither ; I will show ' and the inhabitants of the earth

unto thee the judgment of the
a Nil 3. 4; c 19. 2. b Je. 51. 13. c 18. 3.
called notes of illustration. No new
subject is introduced, but mere en
largement on what has already been
announced." Works, vi. 205.
1. And there came one of the seven
angels which had the seven vials. See
Notes on ch. xv. 1, 7. Reference is again
made to these angels in the same man
ner in ch. xxi. 9, where one of them
says that he would show to John ' the
bride, the Lamb's wife.' No particular
one is specified. The general idea seems
to be, that to those seven angels was
entrusted the execution of the last
things, or the winding up of affairs in
troductory to the reign of God, and that
the communications respecting those last
events were properly made through
them. It is clearly quite immaterial by
which of these it is done. The expres
sion ' which had the seven vials,' would
seem to imply that though they had
emptied the vials in the manner stated
in the previous chapter, they still re
tained them in their hands. 1] And
talked with me. Spake to me. The
word talk would imply a more pro
tracted conversation than occurred here.
% Gome hither. Qr.SeVpo — 'here, hither.'
This is a word merely calling the atten
tion, as we should say now ' here.' It
does not imply that John was to leave
the place where he was. ^[ / will show
thee. Partly by symbols, and partly by
express statements : — for this is the way
in which, in fact, he showed him. ^[ The
judgment. The condemnation and cala
mity that will come upon her. f Of
the great whore. It is not uncommon
in the Scriptures to represent a city under
the image of a woman — a pure and holy
city under the image of a virgin or chaste
female ; a corrupt, idolatrous, and wicked
city under the image of an abandoned
or lewd woman. See Notes on Isa. i.
21.: "How is the faithful city become
an harlot." Comp. Notes on Isa. i. 8.
In vor. 16 of this chapter it is expressly
said that "this woman is that great

have been made drunk with the
wine of her fornication.

city which reigneth over the kings of
the earth ;" that is, as I suppose, Papal
Rome, and the design here is to repre
sent it as resembling an abandoned
female — fit representative of an apostate,
corrupt, unfaithful church. Comp; Notes
on ch. ix. 21. ^f That sitteth upon many
waters. An image drawn either from
Babylon, situated on the Euphrates, and
encompassed by the many artificial
rivers which had been made to irri
gate the country, or Rome, situated
on the Tiber. In ver. 15, these wa
ters are said to represent the peoples,
multitudes, nations, and tongues over
which the government symbolized by
the woman ruled. See Notes on that
verse. Waters are often used to sym
bolize nations.
2. With whom the kings of the earth
have committed fornication. Spiritual
adultery. The meaning is, that Papal
Rome, unfaithful to God, and idolatrous
and corrupt, had seduced the rulers oi
; the earth, and led them into the sauut
kind of unfaithfulness, idolatry, and cor-
| ruption. Comp. Jer. iii. 8, 9, v. 7, xiii.
27, xx'iii, 14; Ezek. xvi. 32, xxiii. 37;
Hosea ii. 2, iv. 2. How true this is in
history, need not be stated. All the
princes and kings of Europe in the dark
ages and for many centuries were, and
not a few of them are now, entirely under
the influence of Papal Rome. \And the
inhabitants of the earth have been made
drunk with the wine of her fomiedtion.
The alluring cup which as an harlot she
had extended to them. See this image
explained in the Notes on ch. xiv. 8.
There it is said that Babylon — referring
to the same thing — had "made them
drink of the wine of the wrath of her for
nication;" that is, of the cup that led to
wrath or punishment. Here it is said
, that the harlot had made them "drunk
I with the wine of her fornication ;" that
. is, they had been, as it were, intoxicated
, by the alluring cup held out to them.
What could better describe the influence

420 REVELATION, [A. P. 96.
3 So he carried me aVay in the Spirit into the wilderness : and I
of Home on tho people of the world, in
making them, under these delusions, in
capable of sober judgment, and in com
pletely fascinating and controlling all
their powers ?
3. So he carried me away in the Spirit.
In vision. He seemed to himself to be
thus carried away; or the scene which
he is about to describe was made to pass
before him as if he were present. If Into
the wilderness. Into a desert. Comp.
Notes on ch. xii. 6. Why this scene is
laid in a wilderness or desert is not men
tioned. Prof. Stuart supposes that it is
because it is " appropriate to symbolize
the future condition of the beast." So
De Wette and Rosenmuller. The im
agery is changed somewhat from the first
appearance of the harlot in ver. i.~ There
she is represented as "sitting upon many
waters." Now she is represented as
'riding on a beast/ and, of course, the
imagery is adapted to that. Possibly
there may have been no intentional sig-
nificancy in this j but on the supposition,
as the interpretation has led us to be
lieve all along, that this refers to Papal
Rome, may not the propriety of this be
seen in the condition of Home and the
adjacent country, at the rise of the Papal
power? That had its rise (see No(tes on
Daniel vii. 25, seq.) after the decline of
the Roman civil power, and properly in
the time of Clovis, Pepin, or Charle
magne. Perhaps its first visible appear
ance as a power that was to influence
the destiny of the world, was in the time
of Gregory the Great, A. D. 590-605. On
the supposition that the passage before
us refers to the period when the Papal
power became thus marked and defined,
tho state of Rome at this time, as de
scribed by Mr. Gibbon, would show with
what propriety the term wilderness or
desert might be then applied to it. The
following extract from this author, in
describing the state of Rome at the ac
cession of Gregory the Great, has almost
the appearance of being a designed com
mentary on this passage, or is, at any
rate, such as a partial interpreter of this
book would desire and expect to find.
Speaking of that period, he says (Decline
and Fall, iii. 207-211,): "Rome had
reached, about the close of the sixth
century, the lowest period of her depres
sion. By tho removal of the seat of

empire, and the successive loss af the
province, the sources of private an J pub
lic opulence were exhausted , the lofty
tree under whose shade the nations of
the earth had reposed, was deprived of
its leaves and branches, and the sapless
trunk left to wither on the ground. The
ministers of command and the messen
gers of victory no longer met on the
Appian or Haminian way; and the hos
tile approach of the Lombards was often
felt and continually feared. The inha
bitants of a potent and peaceful capital,
who visit without an anxious thought
the garden of the adjacent country, will
faintly picture in their fancy the distress
of the Romans ; they shut or4 opened
their gates with a trembling hand, be
held from the walls the flames of their
houses, and heard the lamentations of
their brethren who were coupled together
like dogs, and dragged away into distant
slavery beyond the sea and the moun
tains. Snch incessant alarms must anni
hilate the pleasures, and interrupt the
labors of rural life; and the Oampagna
of Borne was speedily reduced to the state
of a dreary wilderness, in which the
land is barren, the waters are impure, and
the air infectious. Curiosity and ambi
tion no longer attracted the nations to
the capital of the world ; but if chance or
necessity directed the steps of a wander
ing stranger, he contemplated with hor
ror the vacancy and solitude of the cityj
and might be tempted to ask, where is the
Senate, and where are the people? In
a season of excessive rains, the Tiber
swelled above its banks, and rushed with
irresistible violence into the valleys of
the seven hills. A pestilential disease
arose from the stagnation of the deluge,
and so rapid was the contagion that four
score persons expired in an hour in the
midst of a solemn procession which im
plored the mercy of heaven. A society
in which marriage is encouraged, and
industry prevails, soon repairs the acci
dental losses of pestilence and war; but
as the far greater part of the Romans
was condemned to hopeless indigence
and celibacy, the depopulation was con
stant and visible, and the gloomy enthu
siasts might expect the approaching fail
ure of the human race. Yet the number
of citizens still exceeded the measure of
subsistence; their precarious food va*

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVII.

421

saw a woman sit upon a " scarlet-
a c. 12. 3.

colored beast full of names of bias-

supplied from the harvest of Sicily and
Egypt; and the frequent repetition of
famine betrays the inattention of the
emperor to a distant province. The edi
fices of Borne were exposed to the same
ruin and decay; the mouldering fabrics
were easily overthrown by inundations,
tempests and earthquakes, and the monks
who had occupied the most advantageous
stations exulted in their base triumph over
the ruins of antiquity.
" Like Thebes, or Babylon, or Car
thage, the name of Rome might have
been erased from the earth, if the city
had not been animated by a vital prin
ciple which again restored her to honor
and dominion. The power as well as the
virtue of the apostles revivedwith living
energy in the breasts of their successors ;
and the chair of St. Peter, under the reign
of Maurice, was occupied by the first and
greatest of the name of Gregory. The
sword of the enemy was suspended over
Rome ; it was averted by the mild elo
quence and seasonable gifts of the Pontiff;
who commanded the respect of heretics
and barbarians." Comp. Rev. xiii. 3,
12—15. On the supposition now that the
inspired author of the Apocalypse had
Rome in that state when the civil power
declined and the Papacy arose in his
eye, what more expressive imagery could
he have used to denote it than he has
employed ? On the supposition— if snch
a supposition could be made — that Mr.
Gibbon meant to furnish a commentary
on this passage, what more appro
priate language could he have used ?
Does not this language look as if the
author of the Apocalypse and the author
of the ' Decline and Fall' meant to play
into each other's hands ?
And in further confirmation of this, I
may refer to the testimony of two Roman
Catholic writers, giving the same view
of Rome> and showing that, in their
apprehension, also, it was only by the
reviving influence of the Papacy that
Rome was saved from becoming a total
waste. They are both of the middle
ages. The first is Augustine Steuchus,
who thus writes: "The empire having
been overthrown, unless God had raised
up the Pontificate, Rome, resuscitated
and restored by nene, would have be-
eonie uninhabitable, and been a most
36

foul habitation thenceforward of cattle,
But in the Pontificate it revived as with
a second birth; its empire in magnitude,
not indeed equal to the old empire, but
its form not very dissimilar: because all
nations, from East and from West, vene
rate the Pope, not otherwise than they
before obeyed the Emperors." The other
is Flavio Blondas. " The Princes of the
world now adore and worship as Per
petual Dictator the successor not of
Caesar but of the Fisherman Peter; that
is, the Supreme Pontiff, the substitute of
the aforesaid Emperor." See the original
in Elliott, iii. 113.
^And I saw a woman. Evidently the
same which is referred to in ver. 1. J Sit
upon a scarlet-colored beast. That is,
either the beast was itself naturally of
this color, or it was covered with trap
pings of this color. The word scarlet
properly denotes a bright red color — ¦
brighter than crimson, which is a red
color tinged with blue. See Notes on
Isa. i. 18. The word here used — k&kkivos
— occurs in the New Testament only in
the following places : Matt, xxvii. 28 ;
Heb. ix. 19 ; Rev. xvii. 3, i, xviii. 12, 16,
in all which places it is rendered scarlet.
See Notes on Matt, xxvii. 28, and Heb.
ix. 19. The color was obtained froni a
small insect which was found adhering
to the shoots of a species of oak in Spain
and Western Asia. This was the usual
color in the robes of princes,, military
cloaks, Ac. It is applicable in , the de
scription of Papal Rome, because this is
a favorite color there. Thus it is used
in eh. xii. 3, where the same power is
represented under the image of a 'red
dragon.' See Notes on that passage. It
is remarkable that nothing would better
represent the favorite color at Rome
than this, or the actual appearance of
the Pope, the Cardinals, and the priests
in their robes, on some great festival
occasion. Those who are familiar with
the descriptions given of Papal Rome
by travellers, and those who have passed
much time in Rome, will see at once the
propriety of this description, on the sup
position" that it was intended to refer to
the Papacy. I caused this inquiry to be
made of an intelligent gentleman who
had passed much time in Rome — withont
his knowing my design — what would

422

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

phemy, having " seven heads and
ten horns.
4 And the woman was arrayed
in purple and scarlet color, and
1 decked with gold and precious

strike a stranger on visiting Rome, or
what would be likely particularly to ar
rest his attention as remarkable there,
and he unhesitatingly replied, ' the scar
let color.' This is the color of the dress
of the cardinals — their hats, and cloaks,
and stockings being always of this
color. It is the color of the carriages of
the cardinals, the entire body of the
carriage being scarlet, and the trappings
of the horses the same. On occasion of
public festivals and processions, scarlet
is suspended from the windows of the
houses along which processions pass.
The inner color of the cloak of the Pope
is scarlet; his carriage is scarlet; the
carpet on which he treads is scarlet. . A
large part of the dress of the body-guard
of' the Pope is scarlet ; and no one can
take up a picture of Rome without seeing
that this color is predominant. I looked
through a volume of engravings repre
senting the principal officers and public
persons of Rome. There were few in
which the scarlet color was not found as
constituting some part of their apparel ;
in not a few the scarlet color prevailed
almost entirely. And in illustration of
the same thought, I introduce here an
extract from a foreign newspaper, copied
into an American newspaper of Feb. 22,
1851, as an illustration of the fact that
the scarlet color is characteristio of
Rome, and of the readiness with which
it is referred to in that respect : " Curious
Costumes. — The three new Cardinals, the
Archbishops of Toulouse, Rheims, and
Bensacon, were presented to the Presi
dent of the French Republio by the
Pope's Nuncio. They wore red caps,
red stockings, black Roman coats lined
and bound with red, and small cloaks."
I conclude, therefore, that if it be admit
ted that it was intetided to represent
Papal Rome in the vision, the precise
description would have been adopted
which is found here, fl Full of names
of blasphemy. All covered over with
blasphemous titles and names. What
oould more accurately describe Papal
Rome than this? Comp. for some of
those names and titles, the Notes on 2

stones and pearls, having a golden
cup in her hand full of abomina
tions and filthiness of her fornica
tion. "
a c. 13. 1. b Gilded. e Jo. 51. 7.

Thess. ii. 4, 1 Tim. iv. 1-4, and Notes on
Rev. xiii. I, 5. ^ Having seven heads
and ten horns. See Notes on ch.
xiii. 1.
i. And the woman was arrayed in
purple and scarlet color. On the nature
of the scarlet color, see Notes on ver. 3.
The purple color — xopQv'pa — was obtained
from a species of shell-fish found on the
coasts of the Mediterranean, which yield
ed a reddish-purple dye, much prized by
the ancients. Robes dyed in that color
were commonly worn by persons of rank
and wealth. Luke xvi. 19; Mark xv.
17, 20. The purple color contains more
blue than the crimson, though the limits
are not very accurately defined, and the
words are sometimes interchanged. Thns
the mock robe put on the Saviour is called
in Mark xv. 17, 20, rraoqyvpav — purple,
and in Matt, xxvii. 28, kokkiwiv — crimson.
On the applicability of this to the Papacy,
see Notes on ver. 3. f And decked with
gold. After the manner of an harlot,
with rich jewelry, ^f And precious stones
Sparkling diamonds, &c ^f And pearls.
Also a much-valued female ornament.
Comp. Notes on Matt vii. 6, xiii. 46.
% Having a golden cup in her hand. As
if to entice lovers. See Notes ch. xiv. 8.
^f Full of abominations. Of abominable
things ; of things fitted to excite abhor
rence and disgust; things unlawful and
forbidden. The word, in the Scriptures,
is commonly used to denote the impuri
ties and abominations of idolatry. See
Notes on Dan. ix. 27. The meaning here
is, that it seemed to be a cup filled with
wine, but it was in fact a cup full of all
abominable drugs, leading to all kinds
of corruption. How much in accordance
this is with the fascinations of the Pa
paoy, it is not necessary now to say, after
the ample illustrations of the same thing
alroady furnished in these Notes. *[ And
filthiness of her fornication. The image
here is that of Papal Rome, represented
as an abandoned woman in gorgeous
attire, alluring by her arts the nations
of the earth, and seducing them into all
kinds of pollution and abomination. . It
is a most remarkable fact that the Pa-

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVII.

423

5 And upon her forehead was a
name written, MYSTERY," BABY
LON THE GREAT, THE MO-

a 2 Th. 2. 7.

pacy, as if designing to furnish a fulfil
ment of this prophecy, has chosen to
represent itself almost precisely in this

THER OF HARLOTS * AND
ABOMINATIONS OP THE
EARTH.
b Or, Fornications.

manner — as a female extending an al
luring cup to passers-by — as will be seen
by the following cut : —

Far as the design of striking this medal
may have been from confirming this por
tion of the Book of Revelation, yet no
one can fail to see that if this had been
tho design, no more happy illustration
could have been adopted. Apostate
churches, and guilty nations, often fur
nish the very proofs necessary to con
firm the truth of the Scriptures.
5. And upon her forehead. In a circlet
around her forehead. That is, it was
made prominent and public, as if written
on the forehead in blazing capitals. In
ch. xiii. 1, it is said that " the name of
blasphemy" was written on the " heads"
of the beast. The meaning in both
places is substantially the same, that it
was prominent and unmistakeable. See
Notes on that verse. Comp. Notes on
ch. xiv. 1. ^[ Was a name written. A
title, or something that would properly
indicate her character. ^[ Mystery. It
is proper to remark that there is nothing
in the original as written by John, so far
as now known, that corresponded with
what is implied in placing this inscrip
tion in capital letters; and the same
remark may be made of the 'title' or
inscription that was placed over the
head of the Saviour on the cross, Matt.
xxvii. 37 ; Mark xv. 26 ; Luke xxiii. 38 ;
John xix. 19. Our translators have
adopted this form, apparently, for the
sole purpose of denoting that it was an
inscription or title. On the meaning of
the word mystery, see Notes on 1 Cor.

ii. 7. Comp. Notes on 1 Tim. iii. 16.
Here it seems to be used to denote that
there was something hidden, obscure,' or
enigmatical under the title adopted; that
is, the word Babylon, and the word mo
ther, were symbolical. Our translators
have printed and pointed the word mys
tery as if it were part of the inscription.
It would probably be better to regard it
as referring to the inscription thus —
'a name was written — a mysterious
name, to wit, Babylon,' Ac. Or, 'a
name was written mysteriously.' Ac
cording to this it would mean, not that
there was any wonderful 'mystery' about
the thing itself, whatever might be true
on that point, but that the name was
enigmatical or symbolical ; or that there
was something hidden or concealed un
der the name. It was not to be literally
understood. ^[ Babylon the great. Pa
pal Rome, the nominal head of the
Christian world, as Babylon had been
of the heathen world. See Notes on ch.
xiv. 8. fl The mother of harlots, (a)
Of that spiritual apostacy from God
which in the language of the prophets
might be called adultery, see Notes on
ch. xiv. 8 ; (6) the promoter of lewdness
by her institutions. See Notes on ch.
ix. 21. In both these senses, there never
was a more expressive or appropriate
title than the one here employed. ^ And
abominations of the earth. Abominable
things that prevail on the earth. Ver. 4.
Comp. Notes on ch. ix. 20, 21.

424

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

6 And I saw the woman drunk i i
m "with the blood of the saints, and
with the blood of the martyrs of
Jesus ; and when I saw her, I won
dered with great admiration.
7 And the angel said unto me,
Wherefore didst thou marvel? I
c c. 16. 6.

6. And I saw the icoman drunken with
the blood of the saints. A reeling, intox
icated harlot — for that is the image which
is kept up all aloiig. , In regard to the
phrase ' drunken with blood/ comp. Jer.
xlvi. 10. " The phraseology is derived
from the barbarous custom (still extant
among many Pagan nations) of drinking
the blood of the enemies slain in the way
of revenge. The effect of drinking blood
is said to be, to exasperate, and to in
toxicate with passion and a desire of
revenge." Prof. Stuart, in loc. The
meaning here is, that the persecuting
power referred to had shed the blood
of the saints; and that, in its fury,
it had, as it were, drunk the blood of
the slain, and had become, by drinking
that blood, intoxicated and infuriated.
No one need say how applicable this has
been to the Papacy. Compare, however,
the Notes on Ban. vii. 21, 25, and Rev.
xii. 13, 14, xiii. 15. ^f And with the
blood of the martyrs of Jesus. Especially
with their blood. The meaning is, that
the warfare in which so much blood was
shed was directed against the saints as
such, and that in fact it terminated par
ticularly on those who, amidst cruel suf
ferings, we-re faithful witnesses for the
Lord Jesus, and deserved to be called,
by way of eminence, martyrs. Comp.
Notes on ch. ii. 13, vi. 0, xi. 5, 7. How
applicable this is to the Papacy, let the
blood shed in the valleys of Piedmont;
the blood shed in the Low Countries by
the Duke of Alva; the blood shed on
St. Bartholomew's day; and the blood
shed in the Inquisition, testify. ^[ And
when I saw her, I wbndered with great
admiration. I was astonished at her
appearance; at her apparel, and at the
things which were so significantly sym
bolized by her.
7. And the angel said unto me, Where
fore didst thou marvel t He was doubt
less struck with the appearance of John
as he stood fixed in astonishment The
question asked him why he wondered,

will tell thee the mystery of the
woman, b and of the beast-' that
carrieth her, which hath the seven
heads and ten horns.
8 The beast that thou sawest
was, and is not; and shall ascend-
out of the bottomless pit, and go
b ver. 1. e ver. 3. d c 11. 7.

was designed to show him that the cause
of his surprise would be removed or les
sened, for that he would proceed so to
explain this that he might have a correct
view of its design. ^ I will tell thee the
mtfstery of the woman. On the word
mystery, see Notes on ver. 5. The sense
is, 'I will explain what is meant by the
sj'mnol — tbe hidden meaning that is
couched under it/ That is, he would
so far explain it that a just view might
be obtained of its signification. The
explanation follows, vs. 8-18. f And
of the beast that carrieth her, &c, ver. 3.
8. The beast that thou sawest was, and
is not. In the close of the verse it is
added, "and yet is" — "the beast that
was, and is not, and yet is." There are
three things affirmed here, first, that
there is a sense in which it might be said
of the power here referred to that it 'was/
or that before this it had an existence ;
second, that there was a sense in which
it might be said that it is 'not* — that is,
that it had become practically extinct;
and, third, that there is a sense in which
that power would be so revived that it
might be said that it 'still is.* The
'beast' here referred to is the same that
is mentioned iu ver. 3 of this chapter,
and in ch. xiii. 1, 2, 3, and in ch. xiii.
11-16. That is, there was one great for
midable power, having essentially the
same origin, though manifested under
somewhat different modifications, to one
and all of which might, in their different
manifestations, be given the same name,
'the beast.' f And shall ascend out of the
bottomless pit. Ik t3v ajSvcraov. On the
meaning of the word here used, see Notes
on oh. ix. 1. The meaning here is, that
this power would seem to come up from
the nether world. It would appear at one
time to be extinct, but would revive again
as {^coining from the world over /which
Satan presides, and would in its revived
character be such as might be expected
from such an origin. ^ And go into per
dition. That is, its end will be destine-

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTEK XVII.

425

into perdition, " and they that
dwell on the earth shall wonder,
b whose names were not written in
the book of life from the foundation
of the world, when they behold the
beast that was, and is not, and
yet is.

9 And here is the mind which
hath wisdom. The seven heads c
are seven mountains, on which the
woman sitteth,
10 And- there are seven kings :
five are fallen, and one is, and the
aver. 11. b c. 13.3,8. cc,l3.1.

tion. It will not be permanent, but will
be overthrown and destroyed. . The word
perdition here is properly rendered by
Prof. Stuart destruction, but nothing is
indicated by the word of the nature of
the destruction that would come upon it.
^[ And they that dwell on the earth. The
inhabitants of the earth generally; that
is, the matter referred to will be so re
markable as to attract general attention.
^f Shall wonder. It will be so contrary
to the regular course of events ; so diffi
cult of explanation; so remarkable in
itself, as to excite attention and surprise.
^ Whose names were not written in the
book of life from the foundation of the
world. See this explained in the Notes
on ch. xiii. 8. The idea seems to be,
that those whose names are written in
the book of life, or who are truly the
friends of God, would not be drawn off
in admiration of the beast, or in render
ing homage to it. f When they behold
the beast that was, and- is not,, and yet is.
That is, the power that once was mighty;
that had declined to such a state that it
became, as it were, extinct ; and that was
revived again with so much of its origi
nal strength that it might be said that it
still exists. The fact of its being revived
in this manner, as well as the nature of
the power itself, seemed fitted to excite
this admiration.
9. And here is the mind which hath
wisdom. Here is that which requires
wisdom to interpret it; or, here is a case
in which the mind that shows itself able
to explain it, will evince true sagacity.
So in ch. xiii. 18. See Notes on that
place. Prof. Stuart renders this, " Here
is a meaning which compriseth wisdom."
It is undoubtedly implied that the sym
bol might he understood — whether in the
time of John or afterwards, he does not
say, but it was a matter which could not
be determined by ordinary minds, or
without an earnest application of the
understanding. ^[ The seven heads are
seven mountains. Referring undoubtedly
to Rome — the seven-hilled city — Septi-
36*

collis Boma. See Notes on ch. xii. 3, (d).
^[ On which the woman sitteth. The city
represented as a woman, in accordance
with a common usage in the Scriptures.
See Notes on Isa. i. 8.
10. And there are seven kings. That
is, seven in all, as they are enumerated
in this verse and the next. An eighth is
mentioned in ver. 11, but it is at the
same time said that this one so pertains
to the seven, or is so properly in one
sense of the number seven, though in
another sense to be regarded as an
eighth, that it may be properly reckoned
as the seventh. The word kings here —
(JaatSeu — maybe understood, so far as
the meaning of the word is concerned,
(a) literally as denoting a king, or one
who exercises royal authority; (6) in a
more general sense as denoting one of
distinguished honor — a viceroy, prince,
leader, chief, Matt. ii. 1, 3, 9, Luke i. 5,
Acts xii. 1 ; (c) in a still larger sense as
denoting a dynasty, a form of govern
ment, a mode of administration—as that
which in fact rules. See Notes on Dan.
vii. 24, where the word king undoubtedly
denotes a dynasty, or form of rule. The
notion of ruling, or of authority, is un
doubtedly in the word — for the verb
0toai\Evu means to rule, but the word
may be applied to any thing in which
sovereignty resides. Thus it is applied
to a king's son ; to a military command
er; to the gods; to a Greek archon, &e.
See Passow. It would be contrary to
the whole spirit of this passage, and to
what is demanded by the proper mean
ing of the word, to insist that the word
should denote literally kings, and that it
cpuld not be applied to emperors, or
dictators, or to dynasties, f Five have
fallen. Have passed away as if fallen ;
that is, they have disappeared. The
language would be applicable to rulers
who have died, or who had been de
throned ; or to dynasties or forms of go
vernment that had ceased to be. In the
fulfilment of this, it would be necessary
to find Jive such successive kings or

426

REVELATION,

LA. D. 96.

other is not yet come; and when he
cometh, he must continue a short
spaoe.

rulers who had died, and who apper
tained to one sovereignty or nation ; or
five such dynasties or forms of adminis
trations that had successively existed,
but which had ceased, ^ And one is.
That is, there is one — a sixth — that now
reigns. The proper interpretation of this
would be, that this existed in the time
of the writer; that is, according to the
view taken of the time of the writing of
the Apocalypse (see Intro. $ 2), at the
close of the first century. ^[ And the
other is not yet come. The sixth one is
to be succeeded by another in the same
tine, or occupying the same dominion.
fl And when he cometh. When that form
of dominion is set up. No intimation is
yet given as to the time when this would
occur. ^[ He must continue a short space.
l\iyov. A short time ; his dominion will
be of short duration. It is observable
that this characteristic is stated as appli
cable only to this one of the seven ; and
the fair meaning would seem to be, that
the time would be short as compared with
the six that preceded, and as compared
with the one that followed — the eighth —
into which it was to be merged, ver. 11.
11. And the beast that was, and is not.
That is, the one power that was formerly
mighty ; that died away so that it might
be said to be extinct; and yet (ver. 8)
that ' still is,' or has a prolonged exist
ence. It is evident that by the 'beast*
here there is some one power, dominion,
empire, or rule, whose essential identity
is preserved through all these changes,
and to which it is proper to give the
same name. It finds its termination —
or its last form — in what is here called
the 'eighth;' a power which, it is ob
served, sustains such a peculiar relation
to the seven that it may be said to be ' of
the seven,' or to be a mere prolongation
of the same sovereignty, f Even he is
the eighth. The eighth in the succession.
This form of sovereignty, though a mere
prolongation of the former government
— so muoh so as to be in faot but keep
ing up the same empire in the world,
appears in sueh a novelty of form that
in one sense it deserves to'be oallod the
eighth in order, and yet is so essentially
n mero concentration and continuance

11 And the beast that was; and is
not, even he is the eighth, and is of
the seven, and goeth into perdition.

of the one power, that in the general
reckoning (ver. 10) it might be regarded
as pertaining to the former. There was
a sense in which it was proper to speak
of it as the eighth power; and yet,
viewed in its relation to the whole, it so
essentially combined and concentrated
all that there was in the seven, that, in
a general view, it scarcely merited a
separate mention. We should look for
the fulfilment of this in some suoh con
centration and embodiment of all that
that it was in the previous forms of sove
reignty referred to, that it perhaps would
deserve mention as an eighth power, but
that it was nevertheless such a mere pro
longation of the previous forms of the
one power, that it might be said to be
'of the seven;' so that, in this view, it
would not claim a separate considera
tion. This seems to be the fair meaning;
though there is much that is enigmatical
in the form of the expression. ^ And
goeth into perdition. Notes ver. 8.
In enquiring now into the application
of this very difficult passage, it may be
proper to suggest some of the principal
opinions which have been held, and
then to endeavor to ascertain the true
meaning. I. The principal opinions which have
been held may be reduced to the follow- \ «
ing: —
(1) That the seven kings here refer
to the succession of Roman emperors,
yet with some variation as to the manner
of reckoning. Prof. Stuart begins with
Julius Csesar, and reckons them in this
manner : the 'five that are fallen' are Ju
lius Cassar, Augustus, Tiberius, Caligula,
Claudius. Nero, who, as he supposes, was
the reigning prince at the time when the
book was written, he regards as the
sixth; Galba, who succeeded him, as the
seventh. Others, who adopt this literal
method of explaining it, suppose that the
time begins with Augustus, and then
Galba would be the sixth, and Otho, who
reigned but three months, would be the
seventh. The expression 'the beast that
was and is not, who is the eighth,' Prof.
Stuart regards as referring to a general
impression among the heathen and
among Christians, in the time of the

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVII.

427

persecution under Nero, that he would
again appear after it was reported that
he was dead, or that he would rise from
the dead and carry on his persecution
again. See Prof. Stuart, Com. vol. ii.
Excur. iii. The beast, according to this
view, denotes the Roman emperors, spe
cifically Nero, and the reference in ver.
8, is to " the well-known hariolation re
specting Nero, that he would be assassi
nated, and would disappear for a while,
and then make his appearance again to
the confusion of all his enemies." "What
the angel," says he, " says, seems to be
equivalent to this : ' The beast means the
Roman emperors, specifically Nero, of
whom the report spread throughout the
empire that he will revive, after being
apparently slain, and will come, as it
were, from the abyss or Hades, but he
will perish, and that speedily.' " vol. ii.
p. 323.
(2) That the word 'kings' ia not to be
taken literally, but that it refers to forms
of government, dynasties, or modes of
administration. The general opinion
among those who hold this view is, that
the first six refer to the forms of the
Roman government: (1) kings; (2)
consuls; (3) dictators; (i) decemvirs;
(5) military tribunes; (6) the imperial
form, beginning with Augustus. This
has been the common Protestant inter
pretation, and in reference to these six
forms of government, there has been a
general agreement But, while the mass
of Protestant interpreters have supposed
that the ' six' heads refer to these forms
of administration, there has been much
diversity of opinion as to the seventh ;
and here, on this plan of interpretation,
the main, if not the sole difficulty lies.
Among the opinions held are the follow
ing:— (a) That of Mr. Mede. > He makes the
seventh head what he calls the " Demi-
Cassar," or the " Western emperor who
reigned after the division of the empire
into East and West, and which contin
ued, after the last division under Hono
rius and Arcadius, about sixty years —
a short space." Works, B. iii. ch. 8.
v. ch. 12.
(6) That of Bishop Newton, who re
gards the sixth or imperial 'head' as
continuing uninterruptedly through the
line of Christian as well as Pagan empe
rors, until Augustulus and the Heruli ;
and the seventh to be the Dukedom of

Rome established soon after under the
Exarchate of Ravenna. Prophecies, pp.
575, 576.
(c) That of Dr. More and Mr. Cun-
ninghame, who suppose the Christian
emperors, from Constantine to Augustu
lus, to constitute the seventh head, and
that this had its termination by the
sword of the Heruli.
(d) That of Mr. Elliott, who supposes
the seventh head or power to refer to a
new form of administration introduced
by Diocletian,, changing the administra
tion from the original imperial charactei
to that of an absolute Asiatic sovereignty.
For the important changes introduced
by Diocletian that justify this remark,
see the 'Decline and Fall,' vol. i. pp.
212-217. Numerous other solutions may be
found in .Pool's Synopsis, but these em
brace the principal, anrl the most plausi
ble that have been proposed.
II. I proceed, then, to state what
seems to me to be the true explanation.
This must be found in some facts that
will accord with the explanation given
of the meaning of the passage.
(1) There can be no doubt, that this
refers to Rome — either Pagan, Christian,
or Papal. All the circumstances com
bine in this ; all respectable interpreters
agree in this. This would be naturally
understood by the symbols used by John,
and by the explanations furnished by
the angel. See ver. 18, "And the wo
man which thou sawest is that great
city, which reigneth over the kings of
the earth." Every circumstance com
bines here in 'leading to the conclusion
that Rome is intended. There was no
other power or empire on the earth to
which this could be properly applied;
there was every thing in the circum
stances of the writer to lead us to sup
pose that this was referred to; there is
an utter impossibility now in applying
the description to any thing else.
(2) It was to be a revived power; not
a power in its original.form and strength.
This is manifest, because it is said (ver.
8) that the power represented by the
beast "was, and^ is not, and yet is;"
that is, it was once a mighty power ; it
then declined so that it could be said
that 'it is not;' and yet there was so
much remaining vitality in it, or so much
revived power, that it could be said that
it 'still is' — nahio iariv. Now, this is

428

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

itrictly applicable to Rome when the
Papal power arose. The old Banian
might had departed ; the glory and
strength evinced in the days of the con
suls, the dictators, and the emperors, had
disappeared ; and yet there was a linger
ing vitality, and a reviving of power
under the Papacy, which made it proper
to say that it still continued, or that that
mighty power was prolonged. The civil
power connected with 'the Papacy was a
revived Roman power — the Roman pow
er prolonged under another farm — for it
is susceptible of clear demonstration that
if it had not been for the ris3 of the Pa
pal power, the sovereignty of Rome as
such would have been wholly extinct.
For the proof of this, see the passages
quoted in the Notes on ver. 3. Comp.
Notes on ch. xiii. 3, 12, 15.
(3) It was to be a power emanating
from the 'abyss/ or that would seem to
ascend from the dark werld beneath.
See ver. 8. This was true in regard to
the Papacy> either (a) as apparently as
cending from the lowest state and the
most depressed condition, as if it came
up from below (see Notes on ver. 3,
comp. ch. .xiii. 11); or (&) as, in fact,
having its origin in the world of dark
ness, and being under the control of the
Prince of that world— which, according'
to all the representations of that formi
dable Antichristian power in the Scrip
tures, is true, and which the whole his
tory of the Papacy, and of its influence
on religion, confirms.
(4) One of the powers referred to sus
tained the other. " The seven heads are
seven mountains on which the woman
sitteth," ver. 9. That is, the power re
presented by the harlot was sustained or
supported by the power represented by
the seven heads or the seven mountains.
Literally applied, this would mean that
the Papacy, as an ecclesiastical institu
tion, was sustained by the civil power
with which it was so closely connected.
For the illustration and support of this,
see Notes on ch. xiii. 2, 3, 12, 15. In
the Notes on those passages, it is shown
that the support was mutual; that while
the Papacy in fact revived the almost
extinct Roman civil power, and gave it
new vitality, the prioe of that was that
it should be in its turn sustained by that
revived Roman civil power. All history
shows that that has been the fact; that
In all its aggressions, assumptions, and

persecutions, it has in fact, and profes
sedly, leaned on the arm of the civil
power. - "*
(5) A more importaut enquiry, and a
more serious difficulty, remains in re
spect to the statements respecting) the
' seven kings,' vs. 10, 11. The. state
ments on this point are, that the whole
number properly was seven ; that of this
number Ave had fallen or passed away ,
that one was in existence at the time
when the author wrote; that another
one was yet to appear who would con
tinue for a little time; and that the
general power represented by all these
would be embodied in the " beast that
was and is not," and that might, in
some respects, be regarded as an ' eighth.'
These points may be taken up in their
order. (a) The first enquiry relates to -the
five that were fallen and the one that
was then in existence — the first six.
These may be taken together, for they
are manifestly of the same class, and
have the same characteristics, at least
so far as to be distinguished from the
* seventh,' and the ' eighth-' The mean
ing of the word ' kings' Irere has been
already explained, ver. 10. It denotes
ruling power, or forms of power, and so
far as the signification of the word is con
cerned it might be applicable to royally,
or to any other form of administration
It is not necessary, then, to find an
exact succession of princes or kings
that would correspond with this — five
of whom were dead, and one of whom
was then on the throne, and all soon to
be succeeded by one more who would
soon die.
The true explanation of this seems to
be that which refers this to the forms
of the Roman government or adminis
tration. These six * heads' or forms
of administration were, in their order,
Kings, Consuls, Dictators, Decemvirs,
Military Tribunes, and Emperors. Of
these, five had passed away in the time
when John wrote the Apocalypse ; the
sixth, the Imperial, was then in power,
and .had been from the time of Augustus
Csesar. The only questions that can be
raised are, whether these forms of ad-
ministration were so distinct and pro
minent, and whether in the times pre
vious to John they so embraced tht
whole Roman power, as to justify this
interpretation; that is, whether these

A. D. 96.J

CHAPTER XVII.

429

forms of administration were so marked
in this respect that it may he supposed
that John would use the language here
employed, in describing them. As
showing the probability .that he would
use this language, I refer to the follow
ing arguments, viz. i — (!) the authority
of Livy, Lib. vi. c. i. Speaking of the
previous parts of his history, and of
what he had done in writing it, he
says, "Quae ab condita urbe Roma ad
captam eaudem, urbem Romani sub
regibus priinum, consulibus deinde ac
dictataribus, decemviris ac tribunis con-
sularibus gessere, foris bella, domi sedi-
tiones, quinque libris exposui." That
is, " In five books I have related what
was done at Rome, pertaining. both to
foreign wars, and domestic strifes, from
the foundation of the < oity to the time
when it was taken, as it was governed
by kings, by consuls, by dictators, by
the decemvirs, and .by consular tribunes.'
Here he mentions five forms of adminis
tration under which Rome had been
governed in the earlier periods of its
history. The imperial . power had a
later origin, and ,did not exist until near
the time of Livy himself. (2) The same
distribution of power, or forms of go
vernment, among the Romans, is made
by Tacitus, Annal, lib. i. cap. 1 : — " Ur
bem Romam ii principio Beges habuere.
Libertatem et Gonsulatum h. Brutus in-
stituit. ¦ .Dietaturm ad tempus suine-
bantur. Nequo Decemviralis potestas
ultra biennium, neqne tribunorum mili-
tum consulage jus diu vasuit. Non
Cinnae, non Syllae longa dominatio : et
Pompeii Crassique potentia cito in Cajsa-
rem, Lepidi atque . Antonii arma in
Augustum cessere ; qui cuncta, dis
entails civilibus fessa, nomine Prmeipis
sub impcrium aceepit." That is, " In
the beginning, Rome was governed by
kings. Then L. Brutus gave to her
liberty and the Consulship. A temporary
power was conferred on, the Dictators.
The authority of the Decemvirs did not
continue, beyond the space of two years,
neither was the. .consular power of the
military tribunes of long duration. The
rule of Cinna and Sylla was brief, and
the power of Pompey and Crassus passed
into the hands of Caesar, and the arms of
Lepidus and Antony were surrendered
to Augustus, who united all things,
broken by Civil discord, under the name
of Prince in .the imperial government."

Here Tacitus distinctly mentions the six
forms of administration that had pre
vailed iin Rome, the last of which was
the imperial. It is true also that he
mentions the brief rule of certain men —
as Cinna, Sylla, Antony, and Lepidus ;
but these are not forms of administra
tion, and their temporary authority did
not indicate any change in the govern
ment — for some of these men were dic
tators, and none of them, except Brutus
and Augustus, established any perma
nent form of administration. (3) The
same thing is apparent in the usual
statements of history, and the books
that describe the forms of government
at Rome. In so common a book as
Adams's Boman Antiquities, a descrip
tion may be found of the forms of Ro
man administration that corresponds
almost precisely with this. ' The fprms
of supreme power in Rome, as enumerated
there, are what are called ordinary, and
extraordinary magistrates. Under the
former are enumerated Kings, Consuls,
Praetors, Censors, Quaestors, andTribunes
of the people. Bui^ of these, in fact,
the supreme power was vested in two,
for there were, under this, but two
forms of administration — that of kings
and consuls — the offices of Praetor,
Censor, Quaestor, and Tribune of the
people being merely subordinate to that
of the consuls, and no more a new form
of administration than the offices of
Secretary of the State, of War, of the
Navy, of the Interior, are now. Under
the latter-^that of extraordinary magis
trates — are enumerated Dictators, De
cemvirs, Military Tribunes, and the
Int&rrex. But the Interrex did not con
stitute a form of administration, or a
change of government, any more than
when the President or Vice-President of
the United States should die, the per
formance of the duties of the office
of President by the Speaker of the
Senate would indicate a change, or than
the Regency: of the Prince: of Wales, in
the time of George III. constituted a
new form of government. So that, in
fact, we haye enumerated, as constitut
ing the supreme power at Rome, Kings,
Consuls, Dictators, Decemvirs, and Mili
tary Tribunes^ five in number. The
imperial power was the sixth, (i) In
confirmation of the same thing, I may
refer to the authority of Bellarmine, a
distinguished Roman Catholic writer.

430

REVELATION,

IA. D. 96

In his work De Pontiff, cap. 2, he thus
enumerates the changes which the Ro
man government had experienced, or
the forms of administration that had
existed there : — 1. Kings ; 2. Consuls ;
3. Decemvirs ; 4. Dictators ; 5. Military
Tribunes with consular power; 6. Em
perors. See Pool's Synop., in loc. And
(5) it may be added, that this would be
understood by the contemporaries of
John in this sense. These forms of go
vernment were so marked that, in con
nexion with the mention of the " seven
mountains," designating the city, there
could be no doubt as to what was in
tended. Reference would at once be
made to the Imperial power as then
existing, and the mind would readily
and easily turn back to the five main
forms .of the supreme administration
which had existed before.
(b) The next enquiry is, what is de
noted by the seventh. If the word
' kings' here refers, as is supposed
(Notes on ver. 10), to a form of govern
ment or administration; if the 'five'
refer to the forms previous to the Im
perial, and the * sixth' to the Imperial ;
and if John wrote during the imperial
government, then it follows that this
must refer to some form of administra
tion that was to succeed the imperial.
If the Papacy was ' the eighth, and of
the seven,' then it is clear that this
must refer to some form of civil ad
ministrations lying between the decline
of the Imperial, and the rise of the
Papal power: — that 'short space' — for
it was a short space that intervened.
Now, there can be no difficulty, I think,
in referring this to that form of adminis
tration over Rome — that 'Dukedom'
under the Exarchate of Ravenna, which
succeeded the decline of the Imperial
power, and which preceded the rise of
the Papal power: — between the year
566 or 568, when Rome was reduced
to a Dukedom, under the Exarchate
of Ravenna, and the time when the
city revolted from this authority and
became subject to that of the Pope,
about the year 727. This period con
tinued, according to Mr. Gibbon, about
two hundred years. He says, "Du
ring a period of two hundred years,
Italy was unequally divided between
the kingdom of the Lombards and the
Exarchate of Ravenna. The offices and
professions, which tho jealousy of Con

stantino had separated, were united by
the indulgence of Justinian; and eighteen
successive exarchs were invested, in
the decline of the empire, with the full
remains of civil, jof military, and even of
ecclesiastical power. Their immediate
jurisdiction^ which was afterwards con
secrated as the patrimony of St. Peter,
extended over the modern Romagna, the
marshes or valleys of Ferrara and Comma'
chio, five maritime cities from Rimini to
Ancona, and a secondinland Pentapolis,
between the Adriatic coast and the hills
of the Apennine. The dutchy of Rome
appears to have included the Tuscan,
Sabine, and Latian conquests, of the first
four hundred years of the city, and the
limits may be distinctly traced along thi
coast, from Civita Vecchia to Terracing
and with the course of the Tiber from
Ameria and Narni to the port of Ostia."
Dec. and Fall, iii. 202. How accurate
is this if it be regarded as a statement
of a new power or form of administation
that succeeded the imperial — a power
that was in fact a prolongation of the
old Roman authority, and that was
designed to constitute and embody it all !
Could Mr. Gibbon have furnished a
better commentary on the passage if he
had adopted the interpretation of this
portion of the Apocalypse above pro
posed, and if he had designed to describe
this as the seventh power in the succes
sive forms of the Roman administration?
It is worthy of remark, also, that this
account in Mr. Gibbon's history imme
diately precedes the account of the rise
of the Papacy : the record respecting
the exarchate, and that concerning
Gregory the Great, described by Mr.
Gibbon as " the Saviour of Rome," oc
curring in the same chapter. Vol. iii.
202-211. (c) This was to ' continue for a short
space' — for a little time. If this refers
to the power to which in the remarks
above it is supposed to refer, it is easy
to see the propriety of this statement.
Compared with the previous form of
administration — the imperial — it was of
short duration ; absolutely considered, it
was brief. Mr. Gibbon (iii. 202,) has
marked it as extending through "a pe
riod of two hundred years ;" and if this
is compared with the form of adminis
tration which preceded it, extending to
more than five hundred years, and more
especially with that whioh followed— th<

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVII.

431

12 And the • ten horns "which
thou sawest are ten kings, 'which
have received no kingdom as yet ;
Papal form — which has extended now
some twelve hundred years, it will be
seen with what propriety this is spoken
of as continuing for " a short space."
(d) " The beast that was, and is not,
even he is the eighth, and is of the
seven," ver. 11. If the explanations
above given are correct, there can be no
difficulty in the application of this to the
Papal power; for (1) all this power was
concentrated in the Papacy, for all that
revived or prolonged Roman power, that
had now passed into the Papacy, consti
tuting that mighty dominion which was
to be set up for so many centuries over
what had been the Roman world. See
the statements of Mr. Gibbon (iii. 207-
211), as quoted in the Notes on ver. 3.
Compare, also, particularly, the remarks
of Augustine Steuchus, a Roman Catho
lic writer, as quoted in the Notes on that
verse : " The empire having been over
thrown, unless God had raised up the
Pontificate. Rome, resuscitated and re
stored by none, would have become un
inhabitable, and been thenceforward a
most foul habitation of cattle. But in
the Pontificate it revived as with a second
birth; in empire or magnitude not indeed
equal to the old empire, but its form not
very dissimilar: because all nations,
from East and from West, venerate the
Pope, not otherwise than they before
obeyed the emperor." (2) This was an
eighth power or form of administration —
for it was different, in many respects,
from that of the kings, the consuls, the
dictators, tha decemvirs, the military
tribunes, the emperors, and the duke
dom — though it comprised substantially
the power of all. Indeed, it could not
have been spoken of as identical with
either of the previous forms of adminis
tration, though it concentrated the power
which had been wielded by them all.
(3) It was ' of the seven ;' that is, it per
tained to them ; it was a prolongation of
the same power. It had the same cen
tral seat — Rome; it extended over the
same territory, and it embraced sooner
or later the same nations. There is not
one of those forms of administration
which did not find a prolongation in the
Papacy; for it aspired after, and sue-

but receive power as kings one hom
with the beast.
a Da. 7. 20. Zee. 1. 18-21.

ceeded in obtaining, all the authority ot
kings, dictators, consuls, emperors. It
was in fact still the Boman sceptre swayed
over the world; and with the strictest
propriety it could be said that it was iof
the seven,' as having sprung out of the
seven, and as perpetuating the sway ot
this mighty domination. For full illus
tration of this, see the Notes on Dan. vii.
and Rev. xiii. (4) It would ' go to per
dition ;' that is, it would be under this
form that this mighty domination that
had for so many ages ruled over the
earth would die away, or this would be
the last in the series. The Boman do
minion, as such, would not be extended
to a ninth, or tenth, or eleventh form,
but would finally expire under the eighth.
Every indication shows that this is to be
so, and that with the decline of the Papal
power the whole- Boman domination that
has swayed a sceptre for two thousand
five hundred years, will have come for
ever to an end. If this is so, then we
have found an ample and exact applica
tion of this passage even in its most mi
nute specifications.
12. And the ten horns which thou saw
est. On the scarlet-colored beast, ver. 3.
^[ Are ten kings. Represent or denote
ten kings.; that is, kingdoms or powers.
See Notes on Dan. vii. 24. % Which
have received no kingdom as yet. That
is, they were not in existence when John
wrote. It is implied that during the
period under review they would arise,
and would become connected in an im
portant sense, with the power here repre
sented by the 'beast.' For a full illus
tration respecting the ten 'kings,' or
kingdoms here referred to, see Notes on
Dan. vii., at the close of the chapter.
IT. (2) ^ But receive power. It is not
said from what source this power is re
ceived, but it is simply implied that it
would in fact be conferred on them.
^ As kings. That is, the power would
be that which is usually exercised by
kings. 5f One hour. It cannot be sup
posed that this is to be taken literally.
The meaning clearly is, that this would
be brief and temporary; that is, it was
a form of administration which would be
succeeded by one more fixed and perma-

.432

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

,13,|These, haye one mind, and
shall give' their power and strength
unto the, beast.
a c. 19. 19. b Je. 50. 44.

' nent. Any one can see that, in fact,
this is strictly applicable to the govern
ments, as referred to in the Notes
on Daniel, which sprang up after the
incursion of the Northern barbarians,
and which were finally succeeded by the
permanent forms of government in Eu
rope. Most of them were very brief in
their duration, and they were soon re
modelled in the forms of permanent ad
ministration. Thus to take the arrange
ment proposed by Sir Isaac Newton, (1)
the kingdom of the Vandals and Alans
in Spain and Africa ; ( 2) the kingdom of
the Suevians in Spain ; (3) the kingdom
of the Visigoths ; (4) the kingdom of the
Alans in Gallia; (5) the kingdom of the
Burgundians; (6) the kingdom of the
flanks ; (7) the kingdom of the Britons;
(8) the kingdom of the Huns; (9) the
kingdom of the Lombards; (10) the
kingdom of Ravenna — how temporary
were most of these; how soon they passed
into the more permanent forms of ad
ministration which succeeded them in
Europe ! f With the beast. With that
rising Papal power. They would exer
cise their authority in connection with
that, and under its influence.
13. These have one mind. That is,
they are united in the promotion of the
same object. Though in some respects
wholly independent of each other, yet
they may be regarded as, in fact, so far
united that they tend to prevent the
same ultimate end. As a fact in history,
all these kingdoms, though of different
origin, and though not unfrequently en
gaged in war with each other, became
- Boman Catholics, and were united in the
support of the Papacy. It was with pro
priety, therefore, that they should be re
garded as so closely connected with that
power that they could be represented as
'ten horns' on the seven-headed mon
ster. ^[ And shall give their power and
strength, unto the beast. Shall lend their
influence to the support of the Papaoy,
and become the upholders of that power.
The meaning, according to the inter
pretation above proposed, is, that they
would all become Papal kingdoms, and
supporters of the Papal power. It is

14 These shall make war • with
the Lamb, and the Lamb shall
* overcome them: for he is Lord 'of
c De. 10. 17 ; 1 Ti. 6. 15 ; A 19. 16.

unnecessary to pause to show how true
this has been in history. At first, most
of the people out of whom these king
doms sprang were Pagans ; then many
of them embraced Christianity under
the prevailing form of Arianism, and
this fact was for a time a bar to their per
fect adhesion to the Boman See ; but they
were all ultimately brought wholly under
its influence, and became its supporters.
In A. D. 496, Clovis, the king of the
Franks, on occasion of his victory over
the Aliemanni, embraced the Catholu
faith, and so received the title transmit
ted downward through nearly thirteeo
hundred years to the French kings aa
his successors, of ' the eldest son of the
church ;' in the course of the sixth cen
tury, the kings of Burgundy, Bavaria,
Spain, Portugal, England, embraced the
same religion, and became the defenders
of the Papacy. It is well known that
each one of the powers above enume
rated as constituting these ten kingdoms,
became subject to the Papacy, and con
tinued so during their separate exist
ence, or when merged into some other
power, until the Reformation in the six
teenth century. All 'their power and
strength was given unto the beast;' all
was made subservient to the purposes of
Papal Borne.
14. These shall make war with the
Lamb. The Lamb of God — the Lord
Jesus (Notes, ch. v. 6) ; that is, they
would combine with the Papaoy in op
posing evangelical religion. It is not
meant that they would openly and avow
edly proclaim war against the Son of
God, but that they would practically de
this in sustaining a persecuting power.
It is unnecessary to show how true this
has been in history; how entirely they
sustained the Papaoy in all its measures
of persecution. f And the Lamb shall
overcome them. Shall ultimately gain
the victory over them. The meaning is,
that they would not be able to extin
guish the true religion. In spite of all
opposition and persecution, that would
still live in the world, until it would be
said that a complete triumph was gained.
|T For he is Lord of lords vmd King of

A D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVII.

433

lords, and King of kings : and they
* that are with him are called, * and
chosen, c and faithful.''
15 And he saith unto me, The
* waters which thou sawest, where
a Mi. 5. 8, 9. 4 Ro. 8. SO, 37. c Jno. 15. 16.
d c. 2. 10. « Is. 8. 7 ; ver. 1.
kings. He has supreme power over all
the earth, and all kings and princes are
subject to his control. .Comp. ch. xix.
16. ^f And they that are with him. The
reference is to the persecuted saints who
have adhered to him as his faithful fol
lowers in all these protracted conflicts.
fl Are called. That is, called by him to
be his folllowers; as if he had selected
them out of the world to maintain his
cause. See Notes on Bom. i. 7. If And
chosen. See Notes on John xv. 16, and
1 Pet. i. 2. In their stedfast adherence
to the truth, they had shown that they
were truly chosen by the Saviour, and
could be relied on in the warfare against
the powers of evil. ^ And faithful.
They had shown themselves faithful to
him in times of persecution, and in the
hour of darkness.
15. And he saith unto me. The angel,
ver. 7. This commences the more lite
ral statement of what is meant by these
symbols. See the Analysis of the chap
ter, ^f The waters which thou sawest.
See Notes on ver. 1. ^f Are peoples, and
multitudes, and nations, and tongues.
For an, explanation of these terms, see
Notes on ch. vii. 9. The meaning here
is, (a) that these waters represent a mul
titude of people. This is a common and
an obvious symbol — for outspread seas
or raging floods would naturally repre
sent such a multitude. See Jer. xlvii.
2; Isa. viii. 1, 8, xvii. 12, 13. Comp.
Iliad, v. 394. The sense here is, that
vast numbers of people would be subject
to the power here represented by the
Woman, (b) They would be composed
of different nations, and would be of
different languages; ¦ It is unnecessary
to show that this, in both respects, is
applicable to' the Papacy. Nations have
been, and are, subject to its control, and
nations speaking a large part of the
languages of the world. Perhaps under
no one government — not even the Baby
lonian, the Macedonian, or the ancient
Boman — was there so great a diversity
of people, speaking so many different
37

the whore sitteth, are peoples, i
and multitudes, and nations, and
tongues. 16 And the ten horns whioh thou
sawest upon the beast, these * shall
hate the whore, and shall make her
/ c. 13. 7. g Je. 50. 41, 42.

languages, and having so different an
origin. 16. And the ten horns which thou saw
est upohT the beast. Ver.' 3. The ten
powers or kingdoms represented by those
horns. See Notes on ver. 12. ^f These
shall hate the whore. There seems to be
some incongruity between this statement
and that which was previously made.
In the former (vs. 12-14), these ten
governments are represented as in alli
ance with the beast; as 'giving all their'
power and strength' unto it; and as
uniting with it in making war with the
Lamb. What is here said must, there
fore, refer to some subsequent period,
indicating some great change in their
feelings and policy. We have seen the
evidence of the fulfilment of the former
statements. This statement will be ac
complished if these same powers repre
sented by the ten horns, that were for
merly in alliance with the Papacy, shall
become its enemy, and contribute to its
final overthrow. That is, it will be ac
complished if the nations of Europe,
embraced within the limits of those ten
kingdoms, shall become hostile to the
Papacy, and shall combine for its over
throw. Is any thing more probable than
this? France (see Notes on ch. xvi.)
has already struck more than one heavy
blow on that power ; England has been
detached from it; many of the states
of Italy are weary of it, and are ready
to rise up against it; and nothing is
more probable than that Spain, Portu
gal, France, Lombardy, and the Papal
states themselves will yet throw off the
yoke for ever, and put an end to a power
that has so long ruled over men. It was
with the utmost difficulty in 1848 that
the Papal power was sustained, and this
was done only by foreign swords; the
Papacy could not probably be protected
in another such outbreak. And this
passage leads us to anticipate that the
peridd will come — and that probably not
far in the future — when those powers
that have for so many ages sustained the

434

REVELATION,

[AD, 96

desolate and naked, ° and shall eat i beast, until the words of God shall
her flesh, and * burn her with fire, be fulfilled.1'
17 For God c hath put in their | 18 And the woman which thou
hearts to fulfil his will, and to agree, sawest is that great city, • which
and give their kingdom unto the reigneth over the kings of the earth,
a Eze. 16. 37-44. b c. 18. 8, 16. c Ac 4. 27, 28. d c. 1*. 7. « c. 16. 19.

Papaoy will become its determined foes,
.»nd will rise in their might and bring it
ftv ever to an end. f* And shall make
her desolate and naked. Strip her of all
her'power and all her attractiveness.
That is, applied to Papal Borne, all that
is so gorgeous and alluring — her wealth,
and pomp, and splendor — shall be taken
away, and she will be seen as she is,
without any thing to dazzle the eye or
to blind the mind, fl And shall eat her
flesh. Shall completely destroy her —
as if her flesh were consumed. Perhaps
the image is taken from the practices of
cannibals eating the flesh of their ene
mies slain in battle. If so, nothing could
give a more impressive idea of the utter
destruction of this formidable power, or
of the feelings of those by whom its end
would be brought about. % And burn
her with fire. Another image of total
destruction. Perhaps the meaning may
be, that after her flesh was eaten, such
parts of her as remained would be thrown
into the fire and consumed. If this be
the meaning, the image is a very im
pressive one to denote absolute and total
destruction. Comp. Notes on ch. xviii. 8.
17. For God hath put in their hearts
to fulfil his will. That is, in regard to
the destruction of this mighty power.
They would be employed as his agents
in bringing about his designs. Kings
and princes are under the control of
God, and, whatever may be their own
designs, they are in fact employed to
accomplish his purposes, and are instru
ments in his hands. See Notes on Isa.
x. 7. Comp. Ps. lxxvi. 10. ^f And to
agree. See ver. 13. That is, they act
harmoniously in their support of this
power, and so they will in its final de
struction, ^f And give their kingdom
unto the beast. Notes ver. 13. *f Until
the words of God shall be fulfilled. Not
for ever; not as a permanent arrange
ment. God has fixed a limit to the
existence of this power. When his pur
poses are accomplished, these kingdoms
will withdraw their support, and this
mighty power will fall to rise no more.

18. And the woman which thou sawest.
Ver. 3. ^f Is that great city. Represents
that great city, ^f Which reigneth over
the kings of the earth. Borne would of
course be understood by this language
in the time of John, and all the circum
stances, as we have seen, combine to
show that Borne, in some form of its
dominion, is intended. Even the name
could hardly have designated it more
clearly, and all expositors agree in sup
posing that Bome, either as Pagan or as
Christian, is referred to. The chaptei
shows that its power is limited; and
that although, for purposes which he
saw to be wise, God allows it to have s
wide influence over the nations of the
earth, yet in his own appointed time the
very powers that have sustained it will
become its foes, and combine for it?
overthrow. Europe needs but little
farther provocation, and the fires of
liberty, which have been so long pent
up, will break forth, and that storm of
indignation which has expelled the Jes
uits from all the courts of Europe;
which has abolished the Inquisition;
which has more than once led hostile
armies to the very gates of Papal Bome,
will again be aroused in a manner which
cannot be allayed, and that mighty pow
er which has controlled so large a part
of the nations of Europe for more than
a thousand years of the world's history,
will come to an end.
CHAPTEB XVIII.
ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.
This chapter may be regarded as a
still further explanatory episode (comp.
Anal, to oh. xvii.), designed to show the
effect of pouring out the, seventh vial
(ch. xvi. 17-21) on the formidable Anti
christian power so often referred te.
The description in this chapter is that
of a rich merchant-city reduced to deso
lation, and is but carrying out the gene
ral idea under a different form. The
chapter comprises the following points :
(1) Another angel is seen descending

CHAPTER XVIII.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVIII.
AND after these things I saw
another angel come down from
heaven, having great power ; and
the earth was lightened with his
glory. "
2 And he cried mightily with a
a Eze. 43. 2.
from heaven, having great power, and
making proclamation that Babylon the
great is fallen, and is become utterly
desolate, vs. 1-3.
(2) A warning voice is heard from
heaven, calling on the people of God to
come out of her, and to be partakers
neither of her sins nor her plagues. Her
torment and sorrow would be propor
tionate to her pride and luxury; and
her plagues would come upon her sud
denly — death, and mourning, and fam
ine, and consumption by fire, vs. 4-8.
(3) Lamentation over her fall — by
those especially who had been connected
with her; who had been corrupted by
her ; who had been profited by her, vs.
9-19. (a) By kings, vs. 9, 10. They had
lived deliriously with her, and they
would lament her.
(4) By merchants, vs. 11-17. They
had trafficked with her, but r.ov,
that traffic was to cease, and no man
would buy of her. Their business,
so far as she was concerned, was at
an end. All that she had accumu
lated was now to be destroyed ; all
her gathered riches were to be con
sumed; all the traffic in those
things by which she had been en
riched was to be ended; and the
city that was more than all others
enriched by these things, as if
clothed in fine linen, and purple,
and scarlet, and decked with gold,
and precious stones, and pearls, was
to be destroyed for ever.
(r) By shipmasters and seamen, vs.
17-19. They had been made rich
by this traffic, but now all was
ended; the smcke of her burning is
seen to ascend, and they stand afar
off and weep.
(4) Bejoicing over her fall, ver. V0.
Heaven is called upon to rejoice, and
the holy apostles and prophets, for their
blood is avenged, and persecution ceases
in tho earth.

435

strong voice, saying, Babylon » the
great is fallen, is fallen, and is
become ° the habitation of devils,
and the hold of every foul spirit,
and a cage of every unclean and
hateful bird.
b Is. 13. 19, 21. 9; Je. 51. 8; c 14. 8.
c Is. 34. 11, 14 ; Jo. 50. 39, 51. 37 ; c. 17. 2.

(5) The final destruction of the city,
vs. 21-24. A mighty angel takes up a
stone and casts it into the sea as an
emblem of the destruction that is to
come upon it. The voice of harpers,
and musicians, and pipers would be
heard no more in it; and no craftsmen
would be there, and the sound of the
millstone would be heard no more, and
the light of a candle would shine no
more there, and the voice of the bride
groom and the bride would be heard no
more. 1. And after these things. After the
vision referred to in the previous chapter.
^f / saw another angel come down from
heaven. Different from the one that had
last appeared, and therefore coming to
make a new communication to him. It
is not unusual in this book that dif
ferent communications should be en
trusted to different angels. Comp, ch.
*W. 6, 8, 9, 15, 17, 18. % Having great
power. That is, he was one of the
highenank or order of angels, ^f And
the earth was lightened with his glory.
The usual representation respecting* the
heavenly beings. Comp. Luke ii. 9;
Ex. xxiv. 16 ; Acts ix. 3 ; Matt. xvii. 2.
This would, of course, add greatly to
the magnificence of the scene.
2. And he cried mightily. Literally,
' he cried with a strong great voice.'
See ch. x. 3. ^f Babylon the great is fallen,
is fallen. See Notes on ch. xiv. 8. The
proclamation here is substantially the
same as in that place, and no doubt the
same thing is referred to. If And is
become the habitation of devils. Of
demons — in allusion to the common
opinion that the demons inhabited aban
doned cities, old ruins, and deserts. See
Notes on Matt." xii. 43-45. The lan
guage here is taken from the. description
of Babylon in Isa. xiii. 20-22, and for a
full illustration of the meaning, see
Notes on that passage, f And the hold
of every foul spirit — (f>v\aicr). A watch-
post, station, haunt of such spirits.

436

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

3 For all nations have drunk a of
the wine of the wrath of her forni
cation, and the kings of the earth
have committed fornication with
her, and the b merchants of the
a Is 47. 15. b ver. 11. 15. c Or, power.

That is, they, as it were, kept guard
there j were stationed there ; haunted th&
place. \ And a cage of every unclean
and hateful bird. That is, they would
resort there, and abide there as in a
cage. The word translated ' cage' is the
same which is rendered 'hold' — 0uA<z*j).
In Isa, xiii. 21, it is said, 'and owls
shall dwell there;' and in Isa. xiv. 23, it
is said that it would be a * possession
for the bittern/ The idea is that of utter
desolation ; and the meaning here is,
that spiritual Babylon — Papal Eome
(ch. xiv. 8) will be reduced to a state of
utter desolation resembling that of the
real Babylon. It is not necessary to
suppose this of the city of Rome itself —
for that is not the object of the repre
sentation. It is the Papacy, repre
sented under the image of the city, and
having its seat there. That is to be
destroyed as utterly as was Babylon of
old; that will become as odious, and
loathsome, and detestable as the literal
Babylon, the abode of monsters, is.
3. For all nations have drunk of the
wine of the wrath of her fornication.
See Notes on ch. xiv. 8. This is given
as a reason why this utter ruin had
com© upon her. She had beguiled and
corrupted the nations of the earth, lead
ing them into estrangement from God,
and into pollution and sin. See Notes
on ch. ix. 20, 21. ^f And the kings of the
earth have committed fornication with her.
Spiritual adultery; that is, she hits been
the means of seducing them from God
and leading them into sinful practices.
^[ And the merchants of the earth are
waxed rich through the abundance of her
delicacies. The word rendered ' abund
ance1 here, means commonly power. It
might hero denote influence, though it
may also mean number, quantity, wealth.
Comp. ch. iii. 8, where the same word
is used. The word rendered delicacies
— trrpljvos — occurs nowhero else in the
now Testament. It properly means
rudeness, insolence, pride ; and henoe
renel, riot, luxury. It may be rendered

earth are waxed rich through the
abundance c of her delicacies.
4 And I heard another .voice
from heaven, saying, Come out* of
her, my people, that ye- be not par-
d Is. 48. 20, 52. 11 ; Je. 50. 8, 51. 6, 45 ; 2 Co. 6. 17.

here properly luxury, or proud volup
tuousness ; and the reference is to such
luxuries as are found commonly in- a
great, a gay, and a splendid city. These,
of course, give rise to much traffic, and
furnish employment to many merchants
and sailors, who thus procure a liveli
hood, or become wealthy as the result of
such traffic. Babylon — or Papal Rome —
is here represented under the image of
such a luxurious city; and of course
when she falls they who have thus been
dependent on her, and who have been
enriched by her, have occasion for
mourning and lamentation. It is not
necessary to expect to find a literal ful
filment of this, for it is emblematic and
symbolical. The image of a great, rich,
splendid, proud, and luxurious city
having been employed to denote that
Antichristian power, all that is said in
this chapter follows, of course, on its
fall. The general idea is, that she
was doomed to utter desolation, and
that all who were connected with her,
far and near, would be involved in her
ruin. 4. And I heard another voice from
heaven. He does not say whether this
was the voice of an angel, but the idea
seems rather to be that it is the voice of
God. f Come outofher, my people. The
reasons for this, as immediately stated,
are two :^(a) that they might not partici
pate in her sins ; and (6) that they might
not be involved in the ruin that would
come upon her. Tho language seems to
be derived from such passages in the
Old Testament as the following: Isa.
xlviii. 20, " Go ye forth of Babylon, flee
from the Chaldeans, with a voice of
singing." Jer. li. 6, "Flee out of the
midst of Babylon, and deliver every
man his soul; be not cut off in her
iniquity." Jer. li. 45, *' My people, go
ye* out out of the midst of her, and
deliver ye every man *his soul from the
fierce anger of the Lord." Comp. Jer.
1. 8. ^f That ye be not partakers of her
sins. For the meaning of this expres-

A. D. 90.]

CHAPTER XVIII.

437

takers of her sins, and that ye re
ceive not of her plagues.
5 For her sins have reached"
unto heaven, and God hath reinem-
Oered4 her iniquities.
6 Reward her " even as she re-
a Je. 51. 9. b c. 16. 19.

sion, see Notes on 1" Tim. v. 22. It is
implied here that by remaining in Baby
lon they would lend their sanction to
its sins by their presence, and would, in
all probability, become contaminated by
the influence around them. This is an
universal truth in regard to iniquity,
and hence it is the duty of those who
would be pure to come out from the
world, and to separate themselves from
all the associations of evil. If And that
ye receive not of her plagues. Of the
punishment that was to come upon- her
— as they must certainly do if they re
mained in her. The judgment of God
that was to come upon the guilty city
would make no discrimination among
those who were found there ; and if they
would escape these woes, they must
make their escape from her. As ap
plicable to Papal Rome, in view of her
impending ruin, this, means (a) that
there might be found in her some who
were the true people of God ; (b) that it
was their duty to separate wholly from
her: a command that will not only.
justify the Reformation, but which
would have made a longer continuance
in communion with the Papacy, when
her wickedness was fully seen, an act of
guilt before God; (c) that they who re
main in such a communion cannot but
be regarded as partaking of her sin ; and
(d) that if they remain, they must ex
pect to be involved in the calamities that
will come upon her. There never "was
any duty plainer than that of with
drawing from Papal Rome ; thero never
has been any act attended with more
happy consequences than that by which
the Protestant world separated itself
for over from the sins and the plagues
of the Papacy.
5. For her sins have reached unto hea
ven. So in Jer. li. 9, speaking of Baby
lon, it is said, " for her judgment reach-
eth unto heaven, and is lifted up even to
the skies." The meaning is not that the
•ins of thiB mystical Babylon were like
87*

warded you, and double unto her
double according to her works : in
the cup which she hath filled, fill to
her double.
7 How much she hath glorified
herself, and lived deliriously, bo
c Ps. 137. 8; Je. 50.15, 29.
a mass or pile so high as to reach to
heaven, but that it had become so pro
minent as to attract the attention of God.
Comp. Gen. iv. 10, " The voice of thy
brother's blood crieth unto me from the
ground." See also Gen. xviii. 20. ^ And
God hath remembered her iniquities. He
had seemed to forget them or not to no
tice them, but now he acted as if they
had come to his recollection. See Notes
on ch. xvi. 19.
6. Beward her even as she rewarded
you. It is not said to whom this com
mand is addressed, but it would seem to
be to those who had been persecuted and
wronged. Applied to mystical Babylon
— Papal Rome — it would seem to be a
call on the nations that had been so long
under her sway, and among whom, from
time to time, so much blood had been
shed by her, to arise now in their might,
and to inflict deserved vengeance. See
Notes on ch. xvii. 16, 17. % And double
unto her double according to her works.
That is, bring upon her double the
amount of calamity which she has
brought upon others ; take ample ven
geance upon her. Comp. for similar
language, Isa. xl. 2. " She hath received
of the Lord's hand double for all her
sins." Isa. lxi. 7. " For your shame ye
shall have double." f In the cup which
she. hath filled. To bring wrath on others.
Notes ch. xiv. 8. f Fill to her double.
Let her drink abundantly of the wine of
the wrath of God — double that which
she has dealt out to others. That is,
either let the quantity administered to
her be doubled, or let the ingredients in
the cup be doubled in intensity.
7. How much she has glorified herself.
Been proud, boastful, arrogant. This
was true of ancient Babylon that she
was proud and haughty; and it has been
no less true of mystical Babylon — Papal
Rome. ^[ And lived deliciously. By as
much as she hns lived in luxury and
dissoluteness, so let her suffer now. The
word used here and rendered lived deli.

438

REVELATION,

[A. D. %*

much torment and sorrow give her ;
for she saith in her heart, I sit a
" queen, aud am no widow, and
shall see no sorrow.
8 Therefore shall her plagues
a Is. 47. 7-11; Zep. 2.15.

come in one day, death, and mourn
ing, and famine ; and she shall be
utterly * burned with fire : foi
strong ' is the Lord God who judg-
eth her.

6 c 17. 16.

e Ps. 62.11; Je. 60.34

eiously — hronvlaae — is derived from the
noun — arpijvos — which is used in ver. 3,
and rendered delicacies. See Notes on
that Verse. It means, properly, 'to live
strenuously, rudely,' as in English ' to
live hard;' and then to revel, to live in
luxury, riot, dissoluteness. No one can
doubt the propriety of this as descriptive
of ancient Babylon, and as little can its
propriety be doubted as applied to Papal
Rome, f So much torment and sorrow
give her. Let her punishment correspond
with her sins. This is expressing sub
stantially the same idea which occurs in
the previous verse, ^f For she saith in
her heart. This is the estimate which
she forms of herself. ^[ / sit a queen.
Indicative of pride, and of an asserted
claim to rule. %And am no widow. Am
not in the condition of a widow — a state
of depression, sorrow, and mourning. All
this indicates security and self-confi
dence, a description in any way applica
ble to Papal Rome. ^ And shall see no
sorrow. This is indicative of a state
where there was nothing feared, notwith
standing all the indications which existed
of approaching calamity. In this state
we may expect to find Papal Rome, even
when its last judgments are about to
come upon it ; in this state it has usually
been ; in this state it is now, notwith
standing all the indications that are
abroad in the world that its power is
waning, and that the period of its fall
approaches. 8. Therefore. In consequence of her
pride, arrogance, and luxury, and of the
calamities that she has brought upon
others. ^] Shall her plagues come in one
day. They shall come in a time when
she is living in ease and security; and
thoy shall come at the same time — so
that all these terrible judgments shall
seem ty be poured upon her at once.
^ Dea.il. . This expression and those
which follow are designed to denote the
same thing under different images. The
general meaning is, that there would be
utter and final destruction. It would bo
as (/'death should come and cut off the

inhabitants, fl And mourning. As there
j would be where many were cut off by
death. ^ And famine. As if famine
raged within the walls of a besieged city,
or spread over a land. f And she shall
be utterly burned with fire. As com
pletely destroyed as Y/*she were entirely
i burned up. The certain and complete
destruction of that formidable Antichris
tian poweV is predicted under a great
variety of emphatic images. See ch. xiv.
10, 11, xvi. 17-21, xvii. 9, 16. Perhaps
in this so frequent reference to a final
destruction of that formidable Antichris
tian power by fire, there may be more
intended than merely a figurative repre
sentation of its final ruin. There is some
degree of probability at least that Rome
itself will be literally destroyed in this
manner, and that it is in this way that
God intends to put an end to the Papal
power, by destroying that which has been
so long the seat and the centre of this
authority. The extended prevalence of
this belief, and the grounds for it, may
be seen from the following remarks : (1)
It was an early opinion among the Jew
ish Rabbies that Rome would be thus
destroyed. Vitringa, in the Apocalypse,
cites some opinions of this kind; the
Jewish expectation being founded, as he
says, on the passage in Isa. xxxiv. 9, as
Edom was supposed to mean Rome.
"This chapter," says Kimchi, "points
out the future destruction of Rome, here
called Bozra, for Bozra was a great city
of the Edomites." This is indeed worth
less as a proof or an interpretation of
Scripture — for it is a wholly unfounded
interpretation ; it is of value only as
showing that somehow the Jews enter
tained this opinion. (2) The same ex
pectation was entertained among the
early Christians. Thus Mr. Gibbon (vol.
i. p. 263, ch. xv.), referring to the expect
ations of the glorious rejgn of the Mes
siah on the earth (comp. Notes on ch.
xiv. 8), says, speaking of Rome as the
mystic Babylon, and of its anticipated
destruction ; " A regular series was pre
pared [in the minds of Christians! of all

A. D. 96J

CHAPTER XVIII.

439

the moral and physical evils which can
afflict a flourishing nation ; intestine dis
cord, and the invasion of tho fiercest
barbarians from the unknown regions of
the North ; pestilence and famine, comets
and eclipses, earthquakes and inunda
tions. All these were only so many pre
paratory and alarming signs of the great
catastrophe of Rome, when the company
of the Scipios and Csesars should be con
sumed by a flame from heaven, and the
city of the seven hills, with her palaces,
her temples, and her triumphal arches,
should be burned in a vast lake of fire
and brimstone." So even Gregory the
Great, one of the most illustrious of the
Roman Pontiffs, himself says, acknow
ledging his belief in the truth of the tra
dition — Roma a Gentilibus non exter-
minabitur; sed tempestatibus, coruscis
turbinibus, ac terrae motu, in se mar-
cescet. Dial. ii. 15. (3) Whatever may
be thought of these opinions and expec
tations, there is some foundation for the
opinion in the nature of the case, (a)
The region is adapted to this. " It is
not JStna, the Lipari volcanic islands,
Vesuvius, that alone offer visible indica
tions of the physical adaptedness of Italy
for such a catastrophe. The great Apen-
nine mountain-chain is mainly volcanic
in its character, and the country of Rome
more especially is as strikingly so almost
as that of Sodom itself." Thus the mine
ralogist Ferber, in his Tour in Italy,
says, " The road from Rome to Ostia is
all volcanic ashes till within two miles
of Ostia." " From Rome to Tivoli I went
on fields and hills of volcanic ashes or
tufa." " A volcanic hill in an amphi-
theatrical form includes a part of the
plain over Albano, and a flat country of
voloanio ashes and hills to Rome. The
ground about Rome is generally of that
nature." Pp. 189, 191, 200, 234. (4) Mr.
Gibbon, with his usual accuracy, as if
commenting on the Apocalypse, has re
ferred to the physical adaptedness of the
soil of Rome for such an overthrow.
Speaking of the anticipation of the end
of the world among the early Christians,
he says, "In the opinion of a general
conflagration, the faith of the Christian
very happily coincided with the tradition
of the East, the philosophy of the stoics,
and the analogy of nature; and even the
country, which, froift religious motives,
had been chosen for the origin and prin
cipal scene of this conflagration, was the

best adapted for that purpose by natural
and physical causes; by its deep caverns,
beds of sulphur, and numerous volca
noes, of which those ot'iEtna, of Vesuvius,
and of Lipari, exhibit a very imperfect
representation." Vol. i. p. 263, ch. xv.
As to the general state of Italy in refe
rence to volcanoes, the reader may con
sult, with advantage, Lyell's Geology,
B. II., chs. ix.-xii. See also Murray's
Encyclopedia of Geography, II. ii. Of
the country around Rome it is said, in
that work, among other things, "The
country around Rome, and also the hills
on which it is built, is composed of ter
tiary marls, clays, and sandstones, and
intermixed with a preponderating quan
tity of granular and lithoidal volcanio
tufas. The many lakes around Rome
are .formed by craters of ancient volca
noes." " On the road to Rome is the
lake of Vico, formerly the lacus Cimini,
which has all the appearance of a
crater." The following extract from a recent
traveller will still further confirm this
representation : — " I behold every where
— in Rome, near Rome, and through the
whole region from Rome to Naples — the
most astounding proofs, not merely of
the possibility, but the probability, that
the whole region of central Italy will
one day be destroyed by such a catas
trophe, [by earthquakes or volcanoes.]
The soil of Rome is tufa, with a volcanio
subterranean action going on. At Na
ples, the boiling sulphur is to be seen
bubbling near the surface of the earth.
When I drew a stick along the ground,
the sulphurous smoke followed the inden
tation ; and it would never surprise me
to hear of the utter destruction of the
southern peninsula of Italy. The entire
country and district is volcanic. It is
saturated with beds of sulphur and the
substrata of destruction. It seems as
certainly prepared for the flames, as the
wood and coal on the hearth are prepared
for the taper which shall kindle the fire
to consume them. The Divine hand
alone seems to me to hold the element
of fire in check by a miracle as great as
that which proteeted the cities of the
plain, till the righteous Lot had made
his escape to the mountains." — Town-
send's Tour in Italy in 1850. ^ For
strong is the Lord God who judgeth her,
That is, God has ample power to bring
all these calamities upon her.

440

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

9 And the kings ° of the earth,
who have committed fornication
and lived deliciously with her, shall
bewail her, and lament for her,
when they shall see the smoke of
her burning,
10 Standing afar off for the fear
of her torment, saying, Alas, alas I
that great city Babylon, that mighty

a Eze. 26. 16, IT.

b ver. 17, 19.

9. And the kings of the earth. This
rerse commences the description of the
lamentation over the fall of the mystical
Babylon (see the analysis of the chap
ter). ^[ Who have committed fornication.
That is, who have been seduced by her
from the true God, and have been led
into practical idolatry. Notes ch. xiv. 8.
The kings of the earth seem to be repre
sented as among the chief mourners,
because they had derived important aid
from the power which was now to be re
duced to ruin. As a matter of fact, the
kings of Europe have owed much of their
influence and power to the support which
has beerl derived from the Papacy, and
when that power shall fall, there will fall
much that has contributed to sustain
oppressive and arbitrary governments,
and that has prevented the extension of
popular liberty. In fact, Europe might
have been long since free, if it had not
been for the support which despotic go
vernments have derived from the Papacy.
^[ And lived deliciously with her. In the
same kind of luxury and dissoluteness
of manners. See vs. 3, 7. The courts
of Europe, under the Papacy, have had
the same general character for dissolute
ness and licentiousness as Home itself.
The same views of religion produce the
same effects every where. % Shall be
wail and lament her, &c. Because their
ally is destroyed, and the source of their
power is taken away. The fall of the
Papacy will be the signal for a general
overturning of the thrones of Europe.
^[ When they shall see the smoke of her
burning. When they shall see her on
fire, and her smoke ascending towards
heaven. Notes ch. xiv. 11.
10. Standing afar off for the fear of
her torment. Not daring to approach to
attempt to rescue and save her. They
who had so long contributed to the sup
port of the Papal power, and who had in
turn been upheld by that, would not I

city! for in one hour b is thy judg
ment come.
11 And the merchants c of the
earth shall weep and mourn over
her; for no man buyeth her mer
chandise any more :
12 The merchandise of gold,*
and silver, and precious stones, and
of pearls, and fine linen, and pur-
c Eze. 27. 27-36. d c.17.4.

now even attempt to rescue her, but
would stand by and see her destroyed —
unable to render relief, ^ Alas, alas I
that great city Babylon. The language
of lamentation that so great and so
mighty a city should fall, f For in one
hour is thy judgment come. Notes on
ver. 8. The general sentiment here is,
that in the final ruin of Papal Rome, the
kings and governments that had sus
tained her, and had been sustained by
her, would see the source of their power
taken away, but that they would not, or
could not, attempt her rescue. There
have been'not a few indications already
that this will ultimately occur, and that
the Papal power will be left to fall with
out any attempt on the part of those go
vernments which have been so long in
alliance with it, to sustain or restore it.
11. And the merchants of the earth.
Who have been accustomed to traffic
with her, and who have been enriched
by the traffic. The image is that of a
rich and splendid city. Of course, such
a city depends much on its, merchandise;
and when it declines and falls, many
who had been accustomed to deal with
it as merchants or traffickers, are affected
by it, and have occasion to lament ita
fall, ^f Shall weep and mourn over her,
for no man buyeth their merchandise any
more. The merchandise which they
were accustomed to take to the city, and
by the sale of which they lived. The
enumeration of the articles of merchan
dize which follows, seems to have been
inserted for the purpose of filling out the
representation of what is usually found
in such a city, and to show the desola
tion which would occur when this traffic
was suspended.
12. The merchandise of gold and silver.
Of course these constitute an important
article of commerce in a great city.
fl And precious stones. Diamonds, eme
ralds, rubies, <fco. These have always

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVIII.

441

pie, and silk, and scarlet, and all
" thyine wood, .and all manner ves
sels of ivory, and all manner vessels
of most precious wood, and of brass,
and iron, and marble,
13 And cinnamon, and odours,
been important articles of traffic in the
world, and of course most of the traffic
in them would find its way to great com
mercial cities. 1[ And pearls. See Notes
on Matt. vii. 6, xiii. 46. These too have
been always, and were particularly in
early times, valuable articles of com
merce. Mr. Gibbon mentions them as
among the articles that contributed to
the luxury of Bome in the age of the
Antonines :' — " Precious stones, among
which the pearl claimed the first rank
after the diamond." Vol. i, p. 34. IjAnd
fine linen. This was also a valuable
article of commerce. It was obtained
chiefly from Egypt. See Notes on Isa.
xix. 9. Linen among the ancients was
an article of luxury, for it was worn
chiefly by the rich. Ex. xxviii. 42 ; Lev.
vi. 10 ; Luke xvi. 19. The original word
here is (3ioovs — byssus, and it is found in.
the New Testament only in this place
and in Luke xvi. 19. It was a " species
of fine cotton, highly prized by the an
cients." Various kinds are mentioned,
as that of Egypt, the cloth which is still
found wrapped around mummies ; that
of Syria ; and that of India, whioh grew
on a tree similar to the poplar ; and that
of Achaia, which grew in the vicinity of
Elis. See Bob. Lex. \ And purple. See
Notes on Luke xvi. 19. Cloth of this
color was a valuable article of commerce,
as it was worn by rich men and princes.
^ And silk. Silk was a very valuable
article of commerce, as it was costly, and
could be worn only by the rich. It is
mentioned by Mr. Gibbon a,s such an
article in Rome in the age of the Anto
nines : — " Silk, a pound of which was
esteemed not inferior in value to a pound
of gold." i. 34. On the cultivation and
manufacture of silk by the ancients, see
the work entitled The History of Silk,
Cotton, Linen, and Wool, Ac, published
by Harper and Brothers, New York, 1845,
pp. 1-21. ^f And scarlet. See Notes on
ch. xvii. 3. % And all thyine wood. The
word hero used — iiivos — occurs nowhere
else in the New Testament. It denotes
an evergreen African tree, from whioh

and ointments, and frankincense,
and wine, and oil, and fine flour,
and wheat, and beasts, and sheep,
and horses, and chariots, and
slaves, ' and souls » of men.
a Or, sweet. b Or, bodies. e Eze. 27. 13.
statues and costly vessels were made. It
is not agreed, however, whether it was a
species of cedar, savin, or lignum-vitae,
which latter constitutes the modern genus
thuja, or thyia. See Bees' Cyclop., art.
Thuja. ^And all manner vessels of
ivory. Every thing that is made 6f ivory.
Ivory, or the tusk of the elephant, has
always been among the precious articles
of commerce. *H And all manner vessels
of most precious wood. Furniture of
costly wood : — cedar, the citron tree,
lignum-vitaa, &c. ^[ And of brass, and
iron, and marble.^ Brass or copper would
of course be a valuable article of com
merce. The same would- be the case with
iron ; and so marble for building, for sta
tuary, ia., would likewise be.
13. And cinnamon. Cinnamon is the
aromatic bark of the Laurus Ginna-
niomam, which grows in Arabia, India,
and especially in the island of Ceylon.
It was formerly, as it is now, a valuable
article in the Oriental trade, ^f And
odours. Aromatics employed in reli
gious worship, and for making perfumes.
Mr.' Gibbon (i. 34) mentions, among the
articles, of commerce and luxury in the
age of the Antonines, " a variety of aro
matics that were consumed in religious
worship and the pomp of funerals." It
is unnecessary to say that the use of
such odors has been always common
at Bome. ^[ And ointments. Unguents
— as spikenard, ia. These were in com
mon use among the .ancients. See
Notes on Matt. xxvi. 7 ; Mark xiv. 3.
^[ And frankincense. See Notes on
Matt. ii. 1L It is unnecessary to say
that incense has been always much used
in public worship in Rome, and that it
has been, therefore,, a valuable article of
commerce there, ^ And wine. An ar
ticle of commerce and luxury in all
ages. ^[ And oil. That is, olive oil.
This, in ancient times, and in Oriental
countries particularly, was an import
ant article of commerce, % And fine
flour. The word here means the best
and finest kind of flour. \ And beasts,
and sheep, and horses. Also important

442

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

14 And the fruits that thy soul
lusted after are departed from
thee, and all things which were

articles of merchandise, ^f And chariots.
The word here used — J>i6a — means, pro
perly, a carriage with four wheels ; or a
carriage drawn by mules (Prof. Stuart).
It was properly a travelling carriage.
The word is of Gallic origin. Quinctil.
i. 9 ; Cic. Mil. 10, Att. v. 17, vi. 1. Sec
kdams's Bom. Ant. p. 525. It was an
article of luxury, ^f And slaves. The
Greek here is ataudriav — 'of bodies.'
Prof. Stuart renders it grooms, and sup
poses that it refers to a particular kind
of slaves who were employed in taking
care of horses and carriages. The word
properly denotes body — an animal body,
whether of the human body living or
dead; or the body of a beast; and then
the external man — the person, the indi
vidual. In later usage, it comes to de
note a slave (see Rob. Lex.) and in this
sense it is used here. The traffic in
slaves was common in ancient times, as
it is now. We know that this traffic
was carried on to a large extent in
ancient Rome — the city which John
probably had in his eye in this descrip
tion. See Gibbon, Dec. and Fall, i. pp.
25, 26. Athenaeus as quoted by Mr.
Gibbon (p. 26), says that " he knew very
many Romans who possessed, not for
use, but for ostentation, ten and even
twenty thousand slaves." It should be
said here, however, that although this
refers evidently to traffic in slaves, it is
not necessary to suppose that it would
be literally characteristic of Papal Rome.
AH this is symbolical, designed to ex
hibit the Papacy under the image of a
great city, with what was customary in
such a city, or with what most naturally
presented itself to the imagination of
John as found in such a city, and it is
no more necessary to suppose that the
Papacy would be engaged in the traffic
of slaves, than in the traffic of cinnamon,
or fine flour, or sheep and horses. If And
souls of men. The word used, and ren
dered souls — -bvxb — though commonly
denoting the soul (properly the breath,
or vital principle), is also employed to
denote the living thing — the animal — in
which the soul or vital principle resides ;
and hence may denote a person or a man.
Under this form it is used to denote a

dainty and goodly are departed
from thee, and thou shalt find them
no more at all.

servant, or slave. (See Rob. Lex. ) Pro£
Robinson supposes that the word here
means female slaves, in distinction from
those designated by the previous word.
Prof. Stuart (in loc.) supposes that the
previous word denotes a particular kind
of slaves — those who had the care of
horses — and that the word here is used
in a generic sense, denoting slaves in
general. This kind of traffic in the
' persons' or souls of men is mentioned
as characterizing ancient Tyre, in Ezek.
xxvii. 13: "Javan, Tubal, and Mechech,
they were thy merchants ; they traded in
the persons of men." It is not quite clear
why, in the passage before us, this traffic
is mentioned in two forms— as that of the
bodies, and the souls of men ; but it would
seem most probable that the writer meant
to designate all that would properly come
under this traffic : — whether male or
female slaves were bought and sold;
whether they were for servitude, or for
the gladiatorial sports (see Wetstein, in
loc.) ; whatever might be the kind of
servitude that they might be employed
in; and whatever might be their con
dition in life. The use of the two words
would include all that is implied in the
traffic — for in most important senses, it
extends to the body and the soul. In
slavery both are purchased, both are
supposed, so far as he can avail himself
of them, to become the property of the
master. 14. And the fruits that thy soul lusted
after. Literally, ' The fruits of the
desire of thy soul.' The word rendered
fruits — in&pa — properly means, late sum
mer; dog-days — the time when Sirius,
or the dog star, is predominant. In the
East this is the season when the fruits
ripen, and hence the word comes to
denote fruit. The reference is to any
kind of fruit that would be brought for
traffic into a great city, and that would
be regarded as an article of luxury.
f Are departed from thee. That is, they
are no more brought for sale into the
oity. ^f And all things which were dainty
and goodly. These words "characterize
all kinds of furniture and clothing
whioh were gilt, or plated, or em
broidered, and therefore were bright or

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XVIII.

443

15 The merchants of these things,
which were.made rich by her, shall
stand afar off for the fear of her
torment, weeping and wailing,
16 And saying, Alas, alas ! that
great city that was clothed " in fine
linen, and purple, and scarlet, and
decked with gold, and precious
stones, and pearls !
17 For in one hour so great
aim. 16. 19,&c Us. 23. 14. cje.51. 37.
splendid." Prof. Stuart. ^ And thou
shalt find them no more at all. The ad
dress here is decidedly to the city, itself.
The meaning is, that they would no
more be found there.
15. The merchants of these things.
Who trafficked in the e things, and who
supplied the city with .them, ver. 11.
^f Which were made rich by her. By
traffic with her. ^f Shall stand afar off.
Ver. 10. ^f For fear of her torment.
Struck with terror by her torment, so
that they did not dare to approach her.
Ver. 10.
16. And saying, Alas, alas, &e. Notes,
ver. 10. -^f That was clothed in fine linen',
«fcc. In the previous description (vs. 12,
13), these are mentioned as articles of
traffic ; here the city, under the image
of a female, is represented as clothed in
the most rich and gay of these articles.
^f And purple and scarlet. See Notes on
ch. xvii. 3, 4. Comp. ver. 12. of this
chapter, ^f And gold, and precious
stones, andpearls. Notes, ch. xvii. 4.
17. For in one hour. In a very brief
period— so short that it seemed to them
to be but one hour. In the prediction
(ver. 8) it is said that it would be ' in
one day (see Notes on that place) ; here
it is said that to the lookers-on it seemed
to be but an hour. There is no incon
sistency, therefore, between the two
statements, ^f So great riches is come to
nought. All the accumulated wealth of
so great and rich a city. This should
have been united with ver. 16, as it is a
part of the lamentation of the merchants,
and as the lamentation of the mariners
commences in the other part of the verse.
It is so divided in the Greek Testaments.
ff And every ship-master. This intro
duces the lamentation of the mariners,
who would, of course, be deeply inte
rested in the destruction of a oity with

riches is come to nought. And
every ship-master, and all the com
pany in ships, * and sailors, and
as many as trade by sea, stood
afar off, .
18 And cried when they saw
the smoke of her burning, saying,
What * city is like unto this great
city? 19 And they cast dust1* on their
d Jos. 7. 6; Job 2. 12; Eze. 27. 30.
which they had been accustomed to
trade, and by carrying merchandise to
which they had been enriched. The
vrorishipmaster — Kv$iQvb.rm — means pro
perly a governor ; then a governor of a
ship — the steersman, ov pilot. Acts xxvii.
11. ^[ And all the company in ships.
Prof. Stuart renders this coasters. There
is here, however, an important diffe
rence in the reading in the text. The
commonly received text is, 7ras hi rdv
v\ot(av b '6nt\os — 'the whole company in
ships,' as in our common version; the
reading which is now commonly adopted,
and which is found in Griesbach, Hahn,
and Tittmann, is b iiri rHov ir\iuv — 'he
who Bails to a place ;' that is, he who
sails from one place to another along
the coast, or who does not venture out
far to sea; and thus the phrase would i
denote a secondary class of sea-captains
or officers — those less venturesome, ex
perienced, or bold than others. There
can be little doubt that this is the cor
rect reading (Comp. Wetstein, in loc),
and hence the class of seamen here re
ferred to is coasters. Such seamen would
naturally be employed where there was
a great and luxurious maritime city,
and would have a deep interest in its
fall, ^f And sailors. Common seamen.
^f And as many as trade by sea. In any
kind of craft, whether employed in a
near or a remote trade, fl Stood afar
off. Notes ver. 10.
18. And cried, &c. That is, as they
had a deep interest in it, they would, on
their own account, as well as hers, lift
up the voice of lamentation, ^f What
city is like unto this great city ? In her
destruction. What calamity has ever
come upon a city like this ?
19. And they cast dust on their heads.
A common sign of lamentation and
mourning among the Orientals. Bee

444

REVELATION,

[A.D.96

heads, and cried, weeping and
wailing, saying, Alas, alas! that
great city, wherein were made rich
all that had ships in the sea by
reason of her costliness ! for in one
hour is she made desolate.
20 Rejoice over her, " thou hea
ven, and ye holy aposties and pro-
a Je. 51. 48.

Notes on Job ii. 12. ^f By reason of her
costliness. The word rendered costliness
— nui6rn$ — means properly preeiousness,
costliness; their magnificence, costly
merchandise. The luxury of a great
city enriches many individuals, however
much it may impoverish itself, ^f For
in one hour is she made desolate. So it
seemed to them. Notes, ver. 17.
20. Bejoice over her. Over her ruin.
There is a strong contrast between this
language and that which precedes.
Kings, merchants, and seamen, who had
been countenanced and sustained by her
in the indulgence of corrupt passions, or
who had been enriched by traffic with
her, would have occasion to mourn.
But not so they who had been perse
cuted by her. Not so the church of the
redeemed. Not so heaven itself. The
great oppressor of the church, and the
corrupter of the world, was now de
stroyed; the grand hindrance to the
spread of the gospel was now removed,
and all the holy in heaven and on earth
would have occasion to rejoice. This is
not the language of vengeance, but it is
the language of exultation and rejoicing
in view of the fact that the cause of
truth might now spread without hin
drance through the earth, ^f Thou hea
ven. The inhabitants of heaven. Comp.
Notes on Isa. i. 2. The meaning here
is, that the dwellers in heaven — the holy
angels and the redeemed — had occasion
to rejoice over the downfall of tbe great
enemy of the church, ^f And ye holy
apostles. Prof. Stuart renders this,
" Ye saints, and apostles, and prophets."
In the common Greek text it is, as in
our version, 'holy apostles and pro
phets.' In the text of Griesbach, Hahn,
and Tittmann, the word sal (and) is
interposed between the word ' holy* and
'apostle.' This is doubtless the true
reading. Tho meaning, then, is, that
the saints in heaven are oalled on to
rejoice over tho fall of the mystical

phets ; for God hath avenged * you
on her.
21 And a mighty angel took up
a stone like a great millstone, and
cast it into the sea, saying, Thus
' with violence shall that great city
Babylon be thrown down, and shall
be found no more at all.
&De,34.43;Lu.l8.7,8;cl9.2. e Je.51.64.

Babylon, fl Apostles. The twelve who
were chosen by the Saviour to be her
witnesses on earth. See Notes on 1 Cor.
ix. 1. The word is commonly limited to
the twelve, but in a larger sense it is
applied to other distinguished' teachers
and preachers of the gospel. See Notes
on Acts xiv. 14. There is no impro
priety, however, in supposing that tho
apostles are referred to here as such,
since they would have occasion to re
joice that the great obstacle to the
reign of the Redeemer was now taken
away, and that that cause in which they
had suffered and died was now to be
triumphant, ^f And prophets. Prophets
of the Old Testament, and distinguished
teachers of the New. See Notes on
Rom. xii. 6." All these would have oc
casion to rejoice in the prospect of the
final triumph of the true religion, ^f For
God 'hath avenged you on her. Has
taken vengeance on her for her treat
ment of you. That is, as she had per
secuted the church as such, they all
might be regarded as interested in it,
and affected by it. All the redeemed,
therefore, in earth and in heaven, are
interested in whatever tends to retard
or to promote the cause of truth. All
have occasion to mourn when the ene
mies of the truth triumph; to rejoice
when they fall.
21. And a mighty angel. Notes ver. 1.
This seems, however, to have been a
different angel from the one mentioned
in ver. 1, though, like that, he is de
scribed, as having great power. If Took
up a stone like a great millstone. On the
structure of mills among the ancients,
see Notes on Matt. xxiv. 41. % And
cast it into the sea. As an emblem of
the utter ruin of the city ; an indication
that the city would be as completely
destroyed as that stone was covered bj
the waters. ^ Saying, Thus with vio
lence. With force — as the stone was
thrown into the sea. The idea is, that

A. D. 96.1

CHAPTER XVIII.

445

22 And the voice of harpers, and
musicians, and of pipers, and trum
peters, shall be heard no more at
all in thee ; and no craftsman, of
whatsoever craft he be, shall be
found any more in thee ; and the
sound of a millstone " shall be heard
no more at all in thee.
a Je. 25v10. 6 Je. 7. 34 ; 16. 9 ; 33. II.
it would not be by a gentle and natural
decline, but by the application of foreign
power. This accords with all the repre
sentations in this book, that violence will
be employed to overthrow the Papal
power. See ch. xvii. 16, 17. The origin
of this image is probably Jer. li. 63, 64 :
" And it shall be, when thou hast made
an end of reading this book, that thou
shalt bind a stone to it, and cast it into
the midst of Euphrates : and thou shalt
say, Thus shall Babylon sink, and shall
not rise from the evil that I will bring
on her."
22. And the voice of harpers. Those
who play on the harp. This was usually
accompanied with singing. The idea in
this verse and the following is substan
tially the same as in the previous parts
of the chapter, that the mystical Baby
lon — Papal Rome — would be brought to
utter desolation. This thought is here
exhibited under another form — that all
which constituted festivity, joy, and
amusement, and all that indicated thrift
and prosperity, would disappear. Of
course in a great and gay oity there
would be all kinds of music, and when
it is said thai this would be heard there
no more, it is a most striking image of
utter desolation, ff And musicians. Mu
sicians in general; but perhaps here
singers, as distinguished from those who
played on instruments, ^f And of pipers.
Those who played on pipes or flutes.
See Notes on 1 Cor. xiv. 7 ; Matt. xi. 17.
^f And trumpeters. Trumpets were com
mon instruments of music, employed on
festival occasions, in war, and in worship.
Only the principal instruments of music
are mentioned here, as representatives
of the rest. The general idea is, that
the sound of music, as an indication of
festivity and joy, would cease, ^f Shall
be heard no more at all in thee. It would
become utterly and permanently deso
late. ^ And no craftsman of whatsoever
craft. That is, artificers of all kinds

23 And ths light of a candle
shall shine no more at all in thee ;
and the jroice of the bridegroom
' and of the bride shall be heard
no more at all in thee : for thy mer
chants were * the great men of the
earth ; for by thy sorceries ' were
all nations deceived.
c Is. 23. 8. ii Ki. 9. 22; Na. 3. 4.

would cease to ply their trades there.
The word here used — rvxyhns — would
include all artizans or mechanics; all
who were engaged in any kind of trade
or craft. The meaning here is, that all
these would disappear; an image, of
course, of utter decay, \ And the sound
of a millstone shall be heard no more.
Taylor (Frag, to Gal. Die. vol. iv. p. 346)
supposes that this may refer not so much
to the rattle of the mill, as to the voice
of singing which usually accompanied
grinding. The sound of a mill is cheer
ful, and indicates prosperity ; its ceasing
is an image of decline.
23. And the light of a candle sha\l
shine no more at all in thee. Another
image of desolation, as if every light
were put out, and there were total dark
ness, ^f And the voice of the bridegroom
and of the bride shall be heard no mors
at all in thee. The merry and cheerful
voice of the marriage procession in the
streets (Notes on Matt. xxv. 1-7), or the
cheerful, glad voice of the newly-married
couple in their own dwelling (Notes John
iii. 29). ^f For thy merchants were the
great men of the earth. Those who dealt
with thee were therich, and among them
were even nobles and princes, and now
that they trade with thee no more, there
is occasion for lamentation and sorrow.
The contrast is great between the time
when distinguished foreigners crowded
thy marts, and now, when none of any
kind come to traffic with thee. The ori
gin of this representation is probably th«
description of Tyre in Ezekiel xxvii.
If For by thy sorceries were all nationt
deceived. This is stated as a reason fox
the ruin that had come upon her. It ia
a common representation of Papal Rome
that she has deceived or deluded the na
tions of the earth (see Notes on ch. xiii.
14), and no representation ever made
accords more with facts as they have
occurred. The word sorceries here refers
to the various arts — the tricks, impos-

446

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

24 And in her was found the
blood of prophets, and of saints,

tures, and false pretences, by which this
has been done. See Notes on ch. ix. 21.
24. And in her. When she came to be
destroyed, and her real character was
seen, ^f Was found the blood of pro
phets. Of the public teachers of the true
religion. On the word prophets, see
Notes on ver. 20. «J And of saints. Of
the holy. See Notes on ver. 20. ^ And
of all that were slain upon the earth. So
numerous have been the slain; so con
stant and bloody have been the persecu
tions there, that it may be said that all
the blood ever shed has been poured out
there. Comp. Notes on Matt, xxiii. 35.
No one can doubfc the propriety of this
representation with respect to Pagan and
Papal Rome.
In regard to the general meaning and
application of this chapter, the following
remarks may be made : ¦ —
(1) It refers to Papal Rome, and is
designed to describe the final overthrow
of that formidable Antichristian power.
The whole course of the interpretation
of the previous chapters demands suoh
an application, and the chapter itself
naturally suggests it.
(2) If it be asked why so much of this
imagery is derived from the condition
of a maritime power, or pertains to com
merce, since both Babylon and Rome
were at some distance from the sea, and
neither could with propriety be regarded
as sea-port towns, it may be replied, (a)
that the main idea in the mind of John
was that of a rich and magnificent city ;
(b) that all the things enumerated were
doubtless found in fact in both Babylon
and Rome ; (c) that though not properly
sea-port towns, they were situated on
rivers that opened into seas, and were
therefore not unfavorably situated for
commerce; and (d) that in fact they
traded with all parts of the earth. Tbe
leading idea is that of a great and
luxurious city, and this is filled up
and decorated with images of what is
commonly found in large commercial
towns. We are not, therefore, to look
for a literal application of this, and it is
not necessary to attempt to find all these
things in fact in the city referred to.
Much of the description may be for the
mere sake of keeping, or ornament.

and of all that were slain " upon
the earth. a Je. 51. 49.

(3) If this refers to Rome, as is sup
posed, then, in accordance with the pre
vious representations, it shows that the
destruction of the Papal power is to be
complete and final. The image which
John had in his eye as illustrating that
was undoubtedly ancient Babylon as
prophetically described in Isa. xiii, xiv., ..
and the destruction of the power here
referred to is to be as complete as was
the destruction described there. It would
not be absolutely necessary in the fulfil
ment of this to suppose that Rome itself
is to become a heap of ruins like Baby
lon, whatever may be true on that point,
but that the Papal power as such is to
be so utterly destroyed that the ruins
of desolate Babylon would properly re
present it.
'(4) If this interpretation is correct,
then the Reformation was in entire ac
cordance with what God would have his
people do, and was demanded by solemn
duty to him. Thus in ver. 4 of this
chapter, his people are expressly com
manded to " come out of her, that
they might not be partakers of her sins,
nor of her plagues." If it had been the
design of the Reformers to perform a
work that should be in all respects a
fulfilling of the command of God, they
could have done nothing that would
have more literally met the divine
requirement. Indeed the church has
never performed a duty more manifestly
in accordance with the divine will, and
more indispensable for its own purity,
prosperity, and safety, than the act of
separating entirely and for ever from
Papal Rome.
(5) The Reformation was a great
movement in human aSairs. It was the
index of great progress already reached,
and the pledge of still greater. The
affairs of the world were at that period
placed on a new footing, and from the
period of the Reformation, and just in
proportion as the principles of the Re
formation are acted on, the destiny of
mankind is onward.
(6) The fall of Papal Rome, as de
scribed in this chapter, will remove one
of the last obstructions to the final tri
umph of the gospel. In the Notes on
oh. xvi. 10-16, we saw that one great

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIX.

447

A

CHAPTER XIX.
ND after these things I heard
a great voice a of much people

hindrance to the spread of tbe true reli
gion would be taken away by the decline
and fall of the Turkish power. A still
more formidable hindrance will be taken
away by the decline and fall of the Papal
power j for that power holds more mil
lions of the race under its subjection,
and with a more consummate art, and a
more powerful spell. The Papal influ
ence has been felt, and still is felt, in a
considerable part of the world. It has
churches and schools and colleges in
almost all lands. It exercises a vast
influence over governments. It has
powerful societies organized for the pur
pose of propagating its opinions ; and it
so panders to some of the most powerful
passions of our nature, and so converts
to its own purposes all the resources of
superstition, as still to retain a mighty,
though a waning hold, on the human
mind. When this power shall finally
cease, any one can see that perhaps the
most mighty obstruction which has ever
been on the earth for a thousand years
to the spread of the gospel, will have
been removed, and the way will be pre
pared for the introduction of the long-
hoped-for Millennium. CHAPTER XIX.
ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.
This chapter, as well as the last, is an
episode, delaying the final catastrophe,
and describing more fully the effect of
the destruction of the mystical Babylon.
Tho chapter consists of the following
parts : —
I. A Hymn of the heavenly hosts in
view of the destruction of the mystical
Babylon, vs. 1-7. (a) A voice is heard
in heaven shouting Hallelujah, in view
of the fact that God had judged the great
harlot that had corrupted the earth, vs.
1, 2. (b) The sound is echoed and re
peated as the smoke of her torment
ascends, ver. 3. (c) The four and twenty
elders, and the four living creatures, as
interested in all that pertains to the
church, unite in that shout of Hallelujah,
ver. 4. (d) A voice is heard from the
throne commanding them to praise God,
ver. 5, and (e) the mighty shout of Hal
lelujah is echoed and repeated from un
numbered hosts, vs 6, 7.

in heaven, aaying, Alleluia ; b Sat
a c. 11. 15.
b ver. 3. 4,6.

II. The marriage of the Lamb, vs. 8, 9
The Lamb of God is united to his bride
— the church — nevermore to be sepa
rated, and after all the persecutions, con
flicts and embarrassments which had
existed, this long-desired union is con
summated, and the glorious triumph of
the church is described under the image
of a joyous wedding ceremony.
III. John is so overcome with this re
presentation, that inhis transports of feel
ing he prostrates himself before the angel
who shows him all this, ready to worship
one who discloses such bright and glori
ous scenes, ver. 10. He is gently re
buked for allowing himself to be so
overcome that he would render divine
homage to any, creature, and is told that
he who communicates this to him is but
a fellow- servant, and that God only is to
be worshipped.
IV. The final conquest over the beast
and the false prophet, and the subjuga
tion of all the foes of the church, vs.
11-21. (a) A description of the conqueror —
the Son of God, vs. 11-16. He appears
on a white horse — emblem of victory.
He has on his head many crowns ; wears
a vesture dipped in blood ; is followed by
the armies of heaven on*white horses;
from bis month goes a sharp sword ; and
his name is prominently written on his
vesture and his thigh—all emblematic of
certain victory.
(6) An angel is seen standing in the
sun, calling on all the fowls of heaven to
come to the great feast prepared for them
in the destruction of the enemies of God
— as if there were a great slaughter suffi
cient to supply all the fowls that feed on
flesh, vs. 17, 18.
(c) The final war, vs. 19-21. The
beast, and the kings of the earth, and
their armies are gathered together for
battle ; the beast and the false prophet
are taken, and are cast into the lake that
burns with fire and brimstone ; and all
that remain of the enemies of God are
slain, and" the fowls are satisfied with
their flesh. The last obstacle that pre
vented the dawn of the Millennial morn
ing is taken away, and the church is tri
umphant. 1. And after these things. The things

448

REVELATION,

LA. D. 9t>.

ration, ° and glory, and honor, and
power, unto the Lord our God :
2 For true b and righteous are
his judgments : for he hath judged
the great whore, which did corrupt
the earth with her fornication, and
nath avenged c the blood of his ser
vants at her hand.
a c. 7. 10, 12- 6 c.16.7.

particularly that were exhibited in the
previous chapter. See Notes on ch.
xviii. 1, ^ I heard a voice of much peo
ple in heaven. The voice of the wor
shippers before the throne, ^ Saying,
Alleluia. The Greek method of writing
Hallelujah. This word — aAAj/AotJta — oc
curs in the New Testament only in this
chapter, vs. 1, 3,4, 6. The Hebrew phrase
"T ^'7*3 — Hallelujah, occurs often in
the Old Testament. It means properly
Praise Jehovah, or Praise the Lord. The
occasion on which it is introduced here
is very appropriate. It is uttered by the
inhabitants of heaven, in the immediate
presence of God himself, and in view of
the final overthrow of the enemies of the
church and the triumph of the gospel.
In such circumstances it was fit that
heaven should render praise, and that a
song pf thanksgiving should be uttered
in which all holy beings could unite.
^[ Salvation. That is, the salvation is to
be ascribed to God. See Notes on ch.
vii. 10. ^[ And glory and honor. Notes
ch. v. 12. ^[ And power. Notes ch. v.
13. ^ Unto the Lord our God. That is,
all that there is of honor, glory, power,
in the redemption of the world belongs
to God, and should be ascribed to him.
This is expressive of the true feelings
of piety always ; this will constitute the
song of heaven.
2. For true and righteous are his judg
ments. That is, the calamities that come
upon the power here referred to, are de
served. % F°r he hath judged the great
whore. The power represented by tbe
harlot. See Notes on ch. xvii. 1. ^ Which
did corrupt the earth by her fornication.
See Notes on ch. xiv. 8, xvii. 2, 4, 5,
xviii. 3. Comp. Notes on ch. ix. 21. ^And
hath avenged the blood of his servants.
See Notes on oh. xviii. 20, 24. ^ At her
hand. Shed by her hand.
3. And again they said, Alleluia.
Notes ver. 1. The oventwas so glorious

3 And again they said, Alleluia.
And her smoke d rose up for ever
and ever.
4 And the four and twenty elders
and the four beasts feU down and
worshipped God that sat on the
throne, saying, Amen ; Alleluia.
5 And a voice came out of the
c c. 18. 20. d Is. 34. 10 ; c. 18. 9, 18.
and so important; the final destruction
of the great enemy of the church was of
so much moment in its bearing on the
welfare of the world, as to call forth re
peated expressions of praise. $ And her
smoke rose up for ever and ever. See
Notes on ch. xiv. 11. Thi3 is an image
of final ruin ; the image being derived
probably from the description in Genesis.
of the smoke that ascended from the
cities of the plain. Gen. xix. 28. On the
joy expressed here in her destruction,
comp. Notes on ch. xviii. 20.
4. And the four and twenty elders and
the four beasts. See Notes on eh. iv. 4,
6, 7. As representatives of the church,
and as interested in its welfare, they are
now introduced as rejoicing in its final
triumph, and in the destruction of its
last foe. ^f Fell down. Prostrated them
selves — the usual posture of worship.
^f And icorshipped God that sat on the
throne. Ch. iv. 2, 3, 10. That is, they
now adored him for what he had done in
delivering the church from all its perse
cutions, and causing it to triumph in the
world. % Saying, Amen. See Notes on
Matt vi. 13. The word here is expres
sive of approbation of what God had
done; or of their solemn assent to all
that had occurred in the destruction of
the great enemyof the church, ^f Alleluia.
Notes ver. 1. The repetition of this word
so many times shows the intenseness of
the joy of heaven in view of the final
triumph of the church.
5. And a voice came out of the throne.
A voice seemed to come from the very
midst of the throne. It is not said by
whom this voice was uttered. It cannot
be supposed, however, that it was uttered
by God himself, for the command which
it gave was this : " Praise our God," <fcc.
For the same reason it seems hardly
probable that it was the voice of the
Messiah, unless it be supposed that he
hero identifies himself with the redeemed
church, and speaks of God as his God

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIX.

449

throne, saying, Praise • our God all
ye his servants, and ye that fear
him, both small and great.
6 And I heard as it were the
voice of a great multitude, and as
the voice of many waters, and as
a Ps. 135.1.
b Ps. 97. 1, 12.

the voio 3 of many thunderings, say
ing, Alleluia : ; for h the Lord God
omnipotent reigneth.
7 Let us he glad and rejoice, and
give honor to him : for the marriage
" of the Lamb is come, and his wife
hath made herself ready.1*
c Matt 25: 10. d Is. 52.1.

and h ers. It would seem rather' that it
was a responsive voice that came from
those nearest the throne, calling on all
to unite in praising God in view of what
was done. The meaning then will be,
that all heaven was interested in the tri
umph of the church, and that one por
tion of the dwellers there called on the
others to unite in offering thanksgiving.
f Praise our God. . The God that we
worship. IT All ye- his servants. All in
heaven and earth ; all have occasion for
thankfulness. T And all ye that fear
him. That reverence and obey him. The
fear of the Lord is a common expression
in the Scriptures to denote true piety.
IT Both small and great. All of every
class and condition — poor and rich —
young and old; those of humble, and
those of exalted rank. Comp. Ps. cxlviii.
7-13. 6. And I heard as it were the s)oice of
a great multitude. In verse 1, he says
that he * heard a great voice of much
people ;' here he says he 'heard as it
were a voice of a great multitude.' That
is, in the former case he heard a shout
that he at once recognized as the voice
of a great multitude of persons ; here he
says that he heard a sound not distinctly
recognized at first as such, but which
resembled such a shout of a multitude.
In the former case it was distinct; here
it was confused — bearing a resemblance
to the sound of roaring waters, or to
muttering thunder, but less distinct than
the former. This phrase would imply
(a) a louder sound; and (b) thai, the
sound was more remote, and therefore
less clear and distinct. IT And as the
voice of many waters. The comparison
of the voices of a host of people with the
roar of mighty waters, is not uncommon
in the Scriptures. See Notes on Isa. xvii.
12, 13. So in Homer,
"The monarch spoke, and straight a murmur rose,
Loud as the surges when the tempest blows ;
That dash'd on broken rocks tumultuous roar,
And foam and thunder on the stony shore."
1 And as the voice of mighty thunderings.
38*

The loud, deep, heavy voice of thunder.
The distant shouts of a multitude may
properly be represented by the sound of
heavy thunder. T Saying, Alleluia.
Notes ver. 1. This is the fourth time
in which this is uttered as expressive of
the joy of the heavenly hosts in view of
the overthrow of the enemies of the
ohurch. The occasion will be worthy of
this emphatic expression of joy. IT For
the Lord God omnipotent reigneth. -Jeho
vah — God Almighty — the true God. The
meaning is, that as the last enemy of the
church is destroyed, he now truly reigns.
This is the result of his power, and there
fore it is proper that he should bo praised
as the omnipotent or Almighty God — for
he has shown that he can overcome all
his enemies, and bring the world to his
feet. 7. Let us rejoice. "Let all in heaven
rejoice — -for all have an interest in the
triumph of truth ; all should be glad that
the government of God is set up over an
apostate world. ^[ And give honor to
him. Because the work is glorious ; and
because it is by his power alone that it
has been accomplished. Notes ch. v. 12.
^[ For the marriage of the Lamb is come.
Of the Lamb of God — the Redeemer of
the world. Notes ch. v. 6. The re
lation of God, and especially of the
Messiah, to the church, is often in the
Scriptures represented under the image
of marriage. See Notes on Isa. liv. 4-6,
lxii. 4, 5, 2 Cor. xi. 2, Eph. v. 23-33.
Comp. Jer. iii. 14, xxxi. 32, Hos. ii. 19,
20. The idea is also said to be common
in Arabic and Persian poetry. It is to
be remembered also that Papal Home
has just been represented as a gay and
meretricious woman, and there is a pro
priety, therefore, in representing the true
church aa a pure bride, the Lamb's wife,
and the final triumph of that church as
a joyous marriage. The meaning is; that
the church was now to triumph and re
joice as if in permanent union with her
glorious head and Lord. % And his wifi

450

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

8 And to her waB granted that
she should be arrayed a in fine lin
en, clean and b white : for the fine
linen is the righteousness c of saints.
9 And he saith unto me, Write,
a Is. 61. 10 ; c. 3. 4. b Or, bright, c Ps. 132. 9.
hath made herself ready. By putting on
her beautiful apparel and ornaments.
All the preparations had been made for
a permanent and uninterrupted union
with its Redeemer, and the church was
henceforward to be recognized as his
beautiful bride, and was no more to ap
pear as a decorated harlot — as it had
during tbe Papal supremacy. Between
the church under the Papacy, and the
church in its true form, there is all the
difference which there is between an
abandoned woman gayly decked with
gold and jewels, and a pure virgin,
chastely and modestly adorned, about to
be led to be united in bonds of love to a
virtuous husband.
8. And to her was granted. It is not
said here by whom this was granted, but
it is perhaps implied that this was con
ferred by the Saviour himself on his
bride. ^[ That she should be arrayed in
fine linen, clean and white. See Notes
on ch. iii. 4, 5, 18, vii. 13. White has
perhaps in all countries been the usual
color of the bridal dress — as an emblem
of innocence. ^[ For the fine linen is the
righteousness of saints. Represents the
righteousness of the saints ; or is an em
blem of it. It should be remarked, how
ever, that it is implied here, as it is every
where in the Scriptures, that this is not
their own righteousness, for it is said
that this was f given' to the bride — to
the saints. It is the gracious bestow-
ment of their Lord; and the reference
here must be to that righteousness which
they obtain by faith — the righteousness
which results from Justification through
the merits of the Redeemer. Of this
Paul speaks, when he says (Phil. iii. 9),
" And be found in him, not having mine
own righteousness, which is of the law,
but that which is through the faith of
Christ, the righteousness whioh is of
God by faith." Comp. Notes on Rom.
iii. 25, 26.
9 And he saith unto me. The angel
who made these representations to him.
See ver. 10. 1T Write, blessed are they.
Seo Notes on ch. xiv. 13. IT Which are

a blessed are they which are called
unto the marriage-supper • of the
Lamb. And he saith unto me,
These / are the true sayings of God.
10 And s I fell at his feet to wor-
dLu.14.15. ec.3.20. /c.22.6. .fe.22.8,9.
called unto the marriage-supper of the
Lamb. The idea of a festival, or a mar
riage-supper, was a familiar one to the
Jews to represent the happiness of hea
ven, and is frequently found in the New
Testament. Comp. Notes on Luke xiv.
15, 16, xvi. 22, xxiL 16, Matt. xxii. 2.
The image in the passage before us is
that of many guests invited to a great
festival. % And he saith unto me, These
are the true sayings of God. Confirming
all by a solemn declaration. The im
portance of what is here said; the de
sirableness of having it fixed in the
mind amidst the trials of life and the
scenes of persecution through which the
church was to pass, makes this solemn
declaration proper. The idea is, that in
all times of persecution ; in every dark
hour of despondency; the church, as
such, and every individual member of
the church, should receive it as a solemn
truth never to be doubted, that the
religion of Christ would finally prevail,
and that all persecution and sorrow
here would be followed by joy and
triumph in heaven.
10. And I fell at his feet to worship
him. At the feet of the angel. Notes
ver. 9. This is a common posture of
adoration in the East. See Rosenmttl-
ler's Morgenland, in loc. Notes 1 Cor.
xiv. 25. John was entirely overcome
with the majesty of the heavenly mes
senger, and with the amazing truths that
he had disclosed to him, and in the over
flowing of his feelings, he fell upon the
earth in the posture of adoration. Or,
it may be that he mistook the rank of
him who addressed him, and supposed
that he was the Messiah whom he had
been accustomed to worship, and who
had first (eh. i.) appeared to him. If so,
his error was soon corrected. He was
told by the angel himself who made
these communications that he had no
claims to such homage, and that the
praise which he offered Aim should be
rendered to God alone. It should be
observed that there is not the slight
est intimation that this was the Mob-

CHAPTER XIX.

A. D. 96.]

ship. him. And he said unto me,
See thou do it not : I am thy fellow-
servant, and of thy brethren that

siah himself, and consequently this does
not contain any evidence that it would
be improper to worship him. The only
fair conclusion from the passage is, that
it is wrong to offer religious homage
to an angel. H And he said unto me, See
thou do it not. That is, in rendering the
homage which you propose to me, you
would in fact render it to a creature.
This may be regarded as an admonition
to be careful in our worship ; not to allow
our feelings to overcome us ; and not to
render that homage to a creature which
is due to God alone. Of course this
would prohibit the worship of the Virgin
Mary, and of any of the saints, and all
that homage rendered to a created being
which is due to God only. Nothing is
more carefully guarded in the Bible than
the purity and simplicity of worship;
nothing is more sternly rebuked than
idolatry; nothing is more contrary to
the divine law than rendering in any
way that, homage to a creature which
belongs of right to the Creator. It was
necessary to guard even John, the be
loved disciple, on that subject; how
much more needful, therefore, is it to
guard the church at large from the dan
gers to which it is liable. 1T / am thy
fellow-servant. Evidently this was an
angel, and yet he here speaks of himself
as a 'fellow-servant' of John. That is,
he was engaged in the service of the
same God; he was endeavoring to ad
vance the same cause, and to honor the
same Redeemer. The sentiment is, that
in promoting religion in the world, we
are associated with angels. It is no
condescension in them to be engaged in
the service of the Redeemer, though it
seems to be condescension for them to be
associated with us in any thing ; it con
stitutes no ground of merit in us to be
engaged in the service of the Redeemer
(comp. Luke xvii. 10), though we may
regard it as an honor to be associated
with the angels, and it may raise us in
conscious dignity to feel that we are
united with them. IT And of thy breth
ren. Of other Christians; for all are
engaged in the same work. 1T That have
the testimony of Jesus. "Who are wit-

45]

have the testimony of Jesus : wor
ship God : for the testimony of Je
sus ¦ is the spirit of prophecy.
a Ac. 10. 43. 1 Pe. 1. 10, 11.

nesses for the Saviour. It is possible
that there may be here a particular re
ference to those who were engaged in
preaching the gospel, though the lan
guage will apply to all who give their
testimony to the value of the gospel by
consistent lives. H Worship God. He
is the only proper object of worship; he
alone is to be adored. IT For the testi
mony of Jesus. The meaning here seems
to be, that this angel, and John, and
their fellow-servants, were all engaged
in the same work — that of bearing their
testimony to Jesus. Thus, in this re
spect, they were on a level, and one of
them should not worship another, but
all should unite in the oommon worship
of God. No one in this work, though an
angel, could have such a pre-eminence
that it would be proper to render tho
homage to him which was due to God
alone. There could be but one being
whom it was proper to worship, and they
who were engaged in simply bearing
testimony to the work of the Saviour,
should not worship one another. II Is
the spirit of prophecy. The design of
prophecy is to bear testimony to Jesus.
The language does not mean, of course,
that this is the only design of prophecy,
but that this is its great and ultimate
end. The word prophecy here seems to
be used in the large sense in which it is
often employed in the New Testament —
meaning to make known the divine will
(see Notes on Rom. xii. 6), and the pri
mary reference here would seem to be to
the preachers and teachers of the New
Testament. The sense is, that their
grand business is to bear testimony to
the Saviour. They are all — whether
angels, apostles, or ordinary teachers —
appointed for this, and therefore should
regard themselves as 'fellow-servants.'
The design of the angol in this seems to
have been, to state to John what was his
own specific business in the communica
tions which he made, and then to state a
universal truth applicable to all minis
ters of the gospel, that they were en
gaged in the same work, and that no one
of them should claim adoration from
others. Thus understood, this passage

452

REVELATION,

I A. D. 96.

11 And I saw heaven opened,
and behold, a white * horse ; and
he that sat upon him was called
Faithful * and True, and in right
eousness c he doth judge and make
war. 12 His d eyes were as a flame of

a c. 6. 2.
c Ps.45.3, 4; Is. 11. 4.

ft c. 3. 14.
del. 14, 2. 18.

has no direct reference to the prophecies
of the Old Testament, and teaches no
thing iu regard to their design, though
it is in fact undoubtedly true that their
grand and leading object was to bear
testimony to the future Messiah. But
this passage will not justify the attempt
so often made to 'find Christ* everywhere
in the prophecies of the Old Testament,
or justify the many forced and unnatural
interpretations by which the prophecies
are often applied to him.
11. And I saw heaven opened. He
saw a new vision, as if an opening were
made through the sky, and he was per
mitted to look into heaven. See Notes
on ch. iv. 1. 1T And behold, a white horse.
On the white horse as a symbol, see
Notes on ch. vi. 2. He is here the sym
bol of the final victory that is to. be ob
tained over the beast and the false pro
phet (ver. 20), and of the final triumph
of the church. IT And he that sat upon
him was called Faithful and True. He
is not designated here by his usual and
real name, but by his attributes. There
can be no doubt that the Messiah is in
tended, as he goes forth to the subjuga
tion of the world to himself. The attri
butes here referred to—; faithful and true
— are peculiarly appropriate, for they
are not only strongly marked attributes
of his character, but they would be par
ticularly manifested in tbe events that
are described. He would thus show that
he v:a,s faithful — or worthy of the con
fidence of his church in delivering it
from all its enemies ; and true to all the
promises that he has made to it. 1T And
in righteousness doth he judge. All his
nets of judgment in determining the
destiny of men are righteous. See Notes
on Isa. xi. 3-5. IT And make war. That
is, the war which he wages is not a war
of ambition; it is not for the mere pur
pose of conquest j it is to savo the right
eous, nnd to punish the wicked.
12. His eyes were as a flame of fire.

fire, and on his head were manj
crowns ; e and he had a name '
written that no man knew but he
himself. 13 And he was clothed with a
vesture dipped in blood: and hia
name is called The s Word of God.
e Ca. 3. 11 ; Is. 32. 3; Zee. 9. 16; He. 2. 9; c. 6. 2.
/ c, 3. 12. ff Jno. 1. 1.

See Notes on ch. i. 14. IT And on hi*
head were many crowns. Many diadems^
indicative of his universal reign. It is
not said how these were worn or arranged
on his head — perhaps the various dia
dems worn by kings were in some way
wreathed into one. ^ And he had a name
written. That is, probably on the fronts
let of this compound diadem. Comp.
Notes ch. xiii. 1, xiv. 1. T Which no
man knew but himself. See Notes on ch.
ii. 17. This cannot here mean that no
one could read the name, but the idea is,
that no one but himself could fully un
derstand its import. It involved a depth
of meaning, and a degree of sacredness,
and a relation to the Father, which he
alone could apprehend iu its true import.
This is true of the name here designated
— * the word of God* — the Logos — Aoyo? ;
and it is true of all the names which he
bears. See Matt. xi. 27. Compare a
quotation from Dr. Buchanan in the Asi
atic Besearches, vol. i, vi. p. 264, as
quoted by Rosen miiller, Iforgenland,
in loc.
13. And he was clothed tcith a vesture
dipped in blood. Red, as if dipped in
blood — emblem of slaughter. The origi
nal of this image is probably Isa. Ixiii.
2, 3. See Notes on that passage. IS And
his name is called, The Word of God.
The name which in ver. 12, it is said that
no one knew but -he himself. This name
is 'O \6yos rov Qcdv, or 'the Logos of God.'
That is, this is his peculiar name; a name
which belongs only to him, and which
distinguishes him from all other beings.
The name Logos, as applicable to tho
Son of God, and expressive of his nature,
is found in the New Testament only in
the writings of John, and is used by him
to denote the higher or divine nature of
the Saviour. In regard to its meaning,
and the reason why it is applied to him,
see Notes on John i. 1. The reader also
may consult with great advantage an
article by Prof. Stuart in the Bibliotheca

A. D. 96.J

CHAPTER XIX.

453

14 And the armies which were in
heaven followed him upon white
horses, clothed " in fine linen, white
and clean.
15 And out of his mouth » goeth
a sharp sword, that with it he
should smite the nations: and he
a Matt. 28. 3. 6 c 1.16. c Ps. 2. 9.
d Is. 63. 3. e c. 17. 14.
Sacra, vol. vii., pp. 16-31. The follow
ing may be some of the reasons why it is
said (ver. 12) that no one understands
this but he himself: — (1) No one but he
can understand its full import, as it im
plies so high a knowledge of the nature
of the Deity; (2) no one but he can un
derstand the relation which it supposes
in regard to God, or the relation of the
Son to the Father; (3) no one but he
can understand what is implied in it
regarded as the method in which God
reveals' himself to his creatures on earth;
(4) no one but he can understand what
is implied in it in respect to the manner
in which God makes himself known to
other worlds. It may be added, as a
further illustration of this, that none of
the attempts made to explain it have
left the matter so that there are no ques
tions unsolved which one would be glad
to ask.
14. And the armies which were in hea
ven followed him. The heavenly hosts,
particularly, it would seem, the redeemed,
as there would be some incongruity in
representing the angels as riding in this
manner. Doubtless the original of this
picture is Isaiah Ixiii. 3, " I have trod
den the wine-press alone, and of the
people there was none with me." These
hosts of the redeemed on white horses
accompany him to be witnesses of his
victory, and to participate in the joy of
the triumph, not to engage in the work
of blood. IT Upon white horses. Emblems
of triumph or victory. Notes ch. vi. 2.
H Clothed in fine linen, white and clean.
The usual raiment of those who are in
heaven, as every where represented in
this book, see ch. iii. 4, 5, iv. 4, vii. 9,
13, xv. 6.
15; And out of his mouth goeth a sharp
sword. See Notes on ch. i. 16. In that
place the sword seems to be an emblem
of his words or doctrines, as penetrating
the hearts of men ; here it is the emblem
of a work of destruction wrought on his

shall rule them with a rod ° of iron :
and he d treadeth the wine-press of
the fierceness and wrath of Al
mighty God.
16 And he hath on his vesture
and on his thigh a name written,
KING ' OF KINGS AND LORD
OF LORDS.

foes. 1T That with it he should smite the
nations. The nations that were opposed
to him ; to wit, those especially who were
represented by the beast and the false
prophet, vs. 18-20. IT And he shall rule
them with a rod of iron. See Notes on
ch. ii. 27, xii. 5, IT And he treuueth the
wine-press of the fierceness and wrath of
Almighty God. This language is proba
bly derived from 16a. Ixiii. 1-4. See it
explained in the Notes on that place,
and on ch. xiv. 19, 20. It means here
that his enemies would be certainly
crushed before him — as grapes are
crushed under the feet of him that treads
in the wine-vat.
16. And he hath on his vesture. That
is, this name was conspicuously written
on his garment — probably his military
robe. 1f And on his thigh. The robe or
military cloak may be conceived of as
open and flowing, so as to expose the
limbs of the rider ; and the idea is, that
the name was conspicuously written not
only on the flowing robe, but on the
other parts of his dress, so that it must be
conspicuous whether his military cloak
were wrapped closely around him, or
whether it was open to the breeze.
Grotius supposes that this name was
on the head or hilt of the sword
which depended from his thigh. ^ A
name written. Or a title desoriptive of
his character. ^[ King of kings, and
Lord of Lords. As in ch. xvii. 5, so
here, there is nothing in the original to
denote that this should'be distinguished
as it is by capital letters. As a con
spicuous title, however, it is not im
proper. It means that he is, in fact,
the sovereign over the kings of the
earth, and that all nobles and princes
are under his control — a rank that pro
perly belongs to the Son of God. Comp.
Notes on Eph. i. 20-22. See also ver.
12 of this chapter.- Tho custom here
alluded to of inscribing the name or
rank of distinguished individuals on

454

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

17 And I saw an angel standing
in the sun ; and he cried with a
loud voice, saying to all the
fowls that fly in the midst of hea
ven, Come a and gather yourselves
together unto the supper of the
great God ; a Eze. 39. 17-20.
their garments, so that they might be
readily recognised, was not uncommon
in ancient times. For full proof of this,
see Rosenmiiller, Morgenland, iii. 232-
236. The authorities quoted there are,
Thevenot's Travels, i. 149 ; Gruter, p. 989 ;
Dempster's Etruria Begalis, T. ii. tab. 93 ;
Montfaucon, Antig. Expliq. T. iii. Tab. 39.
Thus Herodotus (ii. 106), speaking of the
figures of Sesostris in Ionia, says that,
" Across his breast, from shoulder to
shoulder, there is this inscription in the
sacred characters of Egypt, * I conquered
this country by the force of my arms.' "
Comp. Cic. Verr. iv. 23 ; Le Moyne ad
Jer. xxiii. 6; Miinter, Diss, ad Apoc.
xvii.*5, as referred to by Prof. Stuart,
in loc.
17. And I saw an angel standing in
the sun. A different angel evidently
from the one which had before appeared
to him. Tbe number of angels that ap
peared to John, as referred to in this
book, was very great, and each one came
on a new errand, or with a new message.
Every one must be struck with the
image here. The description is as
dimple as it can be ; and yet as sublime.
The fewest words possible are used j and
yet the image is distinct and clear. A
heavenly being stands in the blaze of
the brightest of the orbs that God per
mits us here to see — yet not consumed,
and himself so bright that he can be
distinctly seen amidst the dazzling
splendors of that luminary. It is diffi
cult to conceive of an image more sub
lime than this.' Why he has his plaoe
in the sun is not stated, for there does
not appear to be any thing more in
tended by this than to give grandeur
and impressiveness to the scene. % And
he cried with a loud voice. So that all
the fowls of heaven could hear, ff To
all the fowls that fly in the midst of hea
ven. That is, to all the birds of prey —
all that feed on flesh — such as hover
over a battle-field. Comp. Notes on
Isa. xviii. 6, lvi. 9. See also Jer. vii. 33,

18 That ye may eat the flesh of
kings, and the flesh of captains,
and the flesh of mighty men, and
the flesh of horses, and of them
that sit on them, and the flesh of
all men, both free and bond, both
small and great.

xii 9 ,* Ezek. xxxix. 4-20. ^f Come and
gather yourselves together. All thii
imagery is taken from the idea that
there would be a great slaughter, and
that the bodies of the dead would be
left unburied to the birds of prey.
^[ Unto the supper of the Great God.
As if the Great God were abont to give
you a feast: — to wit, the carcasses of
those slain. It is called * his supper/
because he gives it, and the image is
merely that there would be a great
slaughter of his foes, as is specified in
the following verse.
18. That ye may eat the flesh of kings.
Of the kings under the control of the
beast and the false prophet. Ch. xvi
14, xvii. 12-14. ^ And the flesh of cap
tains. Of those subordinate to kings in
command. The Greek word is xi^aPXut
— chiliarchs — denoting captains of a
thousand, or as we should say, com
manders of a regiment. The word
colonel would better . convey the idea
with us ; as he is the commander of a
regiment, and a regiment is usually
j composed of about a thousand men.
% And the flesh of mighty men. The
| word here means strong, and the refe
rence is to the robust soldiery — rank
; and file in the army. ^[ And the flesh of
i horses, and of them that sit on them.
Cavalry — for most armies are composed
in part of horsemen. If And the flesh of
all men, both free and bond. Freemen
and slaves. It is not uncommon that
, freemen and slaves are mingled in the
same army. This was the case in thfl
American Revolution, and is common
in the East. % Both small and great.
Young and old ; of small size and of
great size ; of those of humble, and those
i of exalted rank. The later armies of
Napoleon were composed in great part
of conscripts, many of whom were only t
about eighteen years of age, and to tins
oiroumstance many of his later defeats
are to be traced. In the army that was
raised after the invasion of Russia, nc

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XIX.

455

19 And I saw the beast, and the
kings of the earth, and their ar
mies, gathered together to make
war ° against him that sat on the
horse, and against his army.
20 And the beast' was taken,
and with him the false prophet

a c. 16. 14, 16.

b c 16. 13, 14.

less than one hundred and fifty thou
sand of the conscripts were between
eighteen and nineteen years of age.
Alison's History of Europe, iv. 27. Jn-
deed it is common in most armies that
a considerable portion of the enlist
ments are from those in early life,
and besides this, it is usual to employ
mere boys on various services about a
camp. 19. And I saw the beast. Notes, ch.
xiii. 1, 11 ; comp. ch. xvii. 13. f And
the kings of the earth, and their armies,
gathered together. There is allusion
here to the same assembling of hostile
forces which is described in ch. xvi. 13,
14, for the great decisive battle that is
to determine the destiny of the world —
the question whether the Messiah or
Antichrist shall reign. There can be
no doubt that the writer in these pas
sages designed to refer to the same
events — the still future scenes that are
to occur when the Boman, the Pagan,
and the Mohammedan powers shall be
aroused to make common cause against
the true religion, and shall stake all on
the issue of the great conflict. See the
Notes on ch. xvi. 13, 14. ^f Against
him that sat on the horse. The Messiah
— the Son of God. Notes, ver. 11.
^[ And against his army. The hosts
that are associated with him — .his re
deemed people. Notes, ver. 14.
20. And the beast was taken. That is,
was taken alive, to be thrown into the
lake of fire. The hosts were slain (verA
21), but the leaders were made prisoners
of war. The general idea is, that these
armies were overcome, and that the
Messiah was victorious ; but there is a
propriety in the representation hero that
the leaders — the authors of the war —
should be taken captive, and reserved
for severer punishment than death on
the battle-field would be — for they had
stirred up their hosts, and summoned
iheso armies to make rebellion against

that wrougiiit miracles before him,
with which he deceived them
that had received the mark of the
beast, and them that worshipped
his image. These both were cast
alive into a lake' of fire burning
with brimstone. c Da. 7.11; c.20.10.

the Messiah. The beast ^ere, as all
along, refers to the Papal power; and
the idea is that of its complete and
utter overthrow, as if the leader of an
army were taken captive and tormented
in burning flames, and all bis followers
were cut down on the field of battle.
^[ And with him the false prophet. As
they had been practically asssociated
together, therg was a propriety that they
should shun the same fate. In regard
to the false prophet, and the nature of
this alliance, see Notes on ch. xvi. 13.
^f That wrought miracles before him
That is, the false prophet had been
united with the beast in deceiving tho
nations of the earth. See Notes on ch. •
xvi. 14. ^[ And with which he deceived
them that had received the mark of the
beast. Notes, ch.ixiii. 16-18. By these
acts they had been deceived; that is,
they had been led into the alliance, and
had been sustained in their opposition
to the truth. The whole representation
is that of an alliance to prevent th*
spread of the true religion, as if the
Papacy and Mahommedanism were com
bined, and the one was sustained by the
pretended miracles of the other. There
would be a practical array against the
reign of the Son of God, as if these
great powers should act in concert, and
as if the peculiar claims which each set
up in behalf of its own divine origin,
became a claim which went to sup
port the whole combined organization.
^[ These were both cast alive into a lake
of fire. The beast and the false pro
phet. That is, the overthrow will be as
signal, and the destruction as complete,
as if the leaders of the combined hosts
should be taken alive, and thrown into
a pit or lake that burns with an intense
heat. There is no necessity for sup
posing that this is to be literally in
flicted — for the whole scene is symbolical
— meaning that the destruction of these
powers would be as complete as if

456

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

21 And the remnant were slain
¦with the sword * of him that sat
upon the horse, which sword pro-
a c. 1. 16: ver. 15.

they were thrown into such a burning
lake. Comp. Notes on ch. xiv. 10, 11.
^[ Burning with brimstone. Sulphur —
the usual expression to denote intense
heat, and especially as referring to the
punishment of the wicked. See Notes
on ch. xiv. 10.
21. And the remnant. The remainder
of the assembled, hosts — the army at
large, in contradistinction from the
leaders, *|[ Were slain with the sword.
Cut down with the sword,* not rescued
for protracted^ torment. A proper dis
tinction is thus made between the de
ceived multitudes and the leaders who
had deceived them, fl Of him that sat
on the horse. The Messiah, ver. 11.
^ Which sword proceeded out of his
mouth. Notes, ver. 15. That is, they
were cut down by a word. They fell
before him as he spake, as if they were
slain by the sword. Perhaps this indi
cates that the effect that is to be pro
duced when these great powers shall be
destroyed, is a moral effect j that is, that
they will be subdued by the word of
the Son of God. ^f And all the fowls
were filled with their flesh. Notes, ver.
17. An effect was produced as if the
fowls of heaven should feed upon the
carcases of the slain.
The general idea here is, that these
great Antichristian powers which had so
long resisted the gospel, and prevented
its being spread over the earth ; which
had shed so much blood in persecution,
and had so long corrupted and deceived
mankind, would be subdued. The true
religion would be as triumphant as if
the Sou of God should go forth as a
warrior in his own might, and secure
their leaders for punishment, and give
up their hosts to the birds of prey. This
destruction of these great enemies —
which the whole course of the inter
pretation leads us to suppose is still
future — prepares the way for the Millen
nial reign of the Son of God — as stated
in the following chapter. The 'beast'
and the * false prophet' are disposed of,
and there remains only tho subjugation
of the great dragon — the source of all
this evil — to prepare the way for the

ceeded out of his mouth ; and all
the fowls b were filled with their
flesh. b ver. 17, 18.

long-anticipated triumph of the gospel.
This subjugation of the great original
source of all those evil influences ia
stated in ch. xx. 1-3, and then follows
the account of the thousand years' rest
of the saints; the resurrection of the
dead * and the final judgment
CHAPTER XX.
ANALYSIS OF THE CHAPTER.
This chapter, like chapters xvi. 12-21,
xvii., xviii., xix., pertains to the future,
and discloses things which are yet to
occur. It is not to be wondered ac,
therefore, for the reason stated in the
Notes on ch. xvi. 16, that much obscu
rity should hang over it, nor that it is
difficult to explain it so as to remove all
obscurity. The statement in this chap
ter, however, is distinct and clear in its
general characteristics, and time will
make all its particular statements free
from ambiguity.
In the previous chapter, an account is
given of the final destruction of tiro of
the most formidable enemies of the
church, and consequently the removal
of two of the hindrances to the universal
spread of the gospel — the beast and the
false prophet — the Papal and the Mo
hammedan powers. But one obstacle
remains to be removed — the power of
Satan as concentrated and manifested in
the form of Pagan power. These three
powers it was said (ch. xvi. 13, 14) would
concentrate their forces as the time of
the final triumph of Christianity drew
on ; and with these the last great battle
was to be fought. Two of these have
been subdued* the conquest over the
other remains, and Satan is to be ar
rested and bound for a thousand years.
He is then to be released for a time, and
afterwards finally destroyed, acd at that
period the end will come.
The chapter comprises the following
parts : —
I. The binding of Satan, vs. 1-3. An
angel comes down from heaven, with the
key of the bottomless pit, and a great
chain in his hand, and seizes upon the
Dragon, and casts him into the pit, that

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XX.

457

for a thousand years he should deceive
the nations no more. The great enemy
of God and his cause is thus made a
prisoner, and is restrained from making
war in any form against the church. The
way is thus prepared for the peace and
triumph which follow.
II. The Millennium, vs. 4-6. John
sees thrones, and persons sitting on
them; he sees the souls of those who
were beheaded for the witness of Jesus,
and for the word of God — those who had
not worshipped the beast nor his image
— living and reigning with Christ during
the thousand years : — the spirits of the
martyrs revived, and becoming again
the reigning spirit on earth. This he
calls the first resurrection ; and on nil
such he says the second death has no
power. Temporal death they might
experience — for such the martyrs had
experienced- — but over them the second
death has no dominion, for they live and
reign with the Saviour. This is properly
the Millennium — the long period when
the principles of true religidn will have
the ascendency on the earth, aa if the
martyrs and confessors — the most devoted
and eminent Christians of other times —
should appear again upon tbe earth, and
as if their spirit should become the
reigning and pervading spirit of all who
professed the Christian name.
III. The release of Satan, vs. 1, 8.
After the thousand ^ears of peaoe and
triumph shall have expired, Satan will
be released from his prison, and will
be permitted to ga ' out and deceive
the nations which are in the four
quarters of the earth, and gather them
together to battle; that is, a state of
things will exist as if Satan were then
released. There will be again an out
break of sin on the earth, and a conflict
with the principles of religion, as if an
innumerable multitude of opposers should
be marshalled for the conflict by the great
author of all evil.
IV. The final subjugation of Satan,
and destruction of his powers on the
earth, vs. 9, 10. After the temporary
and partial outbreak of evil (vs. 7, 8),
Satan and his hosts will be entirely
destroyed. The destruction will be
as if fire should come down from heaven
to devour the assembled hosts (ver. 9),
ind as if Satan, the great leader of evil,
should be cast into the same lake where
the beast and false prophet are, to be

tormented for ever. Then the church
will be delivered from all its enemies,
and religion henceforward will be tri
umphant. How long the interval will
be between this state and that next dis
closed (vs. 11-15) — the final judgment —
is not stated. Tho eye of the Seer glances
from one to the other, but there is nothing
to forbid the supposition, that, according
to the laws of prophetio vision, there may
be a long interval in which righteousness
shall reign upon the earth. Comp. Intro.
to Isaiah, g 1, III. (3)-(5).
V. The final judgment, vs. 11-15.
This closes the earthly scene. Hence
forward (chs. xxi., xxii.), the scene is
transferred to heaven — the abode of the
redeemed. The last judgment is the
winding up of the earthly affairs. The
enemies of the church are all long since
destroyed; the world has experienced,
perhaps for a long series of ages, the full
influence of the gospel ; countless mil
lions have been, we may suppose, brought
under its power ; and then at last, in the
winding up of human affairs, comes the
judgment of the great day, when the
dead, small and great, shall stand before
God ; when the sea shall give up its
dead ; when death and hell shall give up
the dead that are in them ; when the re
cords of human actions shall be opened,
an d all shall be judged according to their
works, and when all who are not found
written in the book of life shall be cast
into the lake of fire. This is the earthly
consummation ; henceforward the saints
shall reign in glory — the New Jerusalem
above, chs. xxi., xxii.
In order to prepare the way for a
proper understanding of this chapter, the
following additional remarks maybe here
made : —
(a) The design of this book did not
demand a minute detail of the events
which would occur in the consummation
of human affairs. The main purpose was
to trace the history of the church to the
scene of' the final triumph when all itv
enemies would be overthrown, and when
religion would be permanently establish
ed upon the earth. Hence, though in
the previous chapters we have a detailed
account of the persecutions that would
be endured; of the enemies that would
rise up against the church, and of their
complete ultimate overthrow — leaving
religion triumphant on the earth — yet
we have no minute statement of what

458

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

will occur in the Millennium. A rapid
view is taken of the closing scenes
of the earth's history, and the general
results only are stated. It would not
be strange, therefore, if there should
be much in this that would seem to be
enigmatical and obscure — especially as it
is now all in the future.'
(b) There may be long intervening
periods between the events thus thrown
together into the final grouping. We
are not to suppose necessarily that these
eveats will succeed each other imme
diately, or that they will be of short
duration. Between these events thus
hastily sketched, there may be long in
tervals that are not described, and whose
general character is scarcely even glanced
\t. This results from the very nature of
'.he prophetic vision, as described in the
Intro, to Isaiah, g 7, III. (3)-(5). This
may be illustrated by the view which
we have in looking at a landscape. When
¦me is placed in a favorable situation, he
can mark distinctly the order of the ob
jects in it — the succession — the grouping,
fie can tell what objects appear to him
O lie near to each other, and are appa
rently in juxtaposition. But there are
objects which, in such a vision, the eye
cannot take in, and which would not be
exhibited by any description which might
be given of the view taken. Hills in the
distant view may seem to lie near each
other; one may seem to rise just back of
another, and to the eye they may seem
to constitute parts of the same mountain,
and yet between them there may be deep
and fertile vales, smiling villages, run
ning streams, beautiful gardens and
water-falls, which the eye cannot take
in, and the extent of which it may be
wholly impossible to conjecture • and a
•lesoription of the whole scene, as it ap
pears to the observer, would convey no
idea of the actual extent of the intervals.
So it is in the prophecies. Between the
events which are to occur hereafter, as
seen in vision, there may be long inter
vals, but the length of these intervals
the prophet may have left us no means
of determining. See these thoughts
more fully illustrated in the introduction
to Isaiah as above referred to.
What is here stated may have occurred
in the vision which John had of the fu
ture as described in this chapter. Time
is marked in the prophetic description
nntil tho fall of tho groat enemy of the

church * beyond that it does not seem to
have been regarded as necessary to de
termine the actual duration of the events
referred to. Comp. Prof! Stuart, Com. ii.
353, 354.
(c) These views are sustained by the
most cursory glance of the chapter be
fore us. There is none of the detail
which we have found in the previous
portions of the book — for such detail was
not necessary to the accomplishment of
the design of the book. The grand par-
pose was to show that Christianity would
finally triumph, and hence the detailed
description is carried on until that oc
curs, and beyond that we have only the
most general statements. Thus in this
chapter, the great events that are to oc
cur are merely hinted at. The events
of a thousand years ; the invasion by
Gog and Magog; the ultimate confine
ment and punishment of Satan ; the gene
ral judgment, are all crowded into the
space of twelve verses. This shows that
the distant future is only glanced at by
the writer; and we should notwouder,
therefore, if it should be found to be
obscure, nor should we regard it as
strange that much is left to be made
clear by the events themselves when they
shall occur.
(d) The end is triumphant and glorious.
We are assured that every enemy of the
church will be slain, and that there will
be a long period of happiness, prosperity,
and peace. "The eye of hope," says
Prof. Stuart beautifully, " is directed for
ward, and sees the thousand years of
uninterrupted prosperity; then the sud
den destruction of a new and fatal enemy j
and all the rest is left to joyful anticipa
tion. When all clouds are swept from
the face of the sky, why should not the
sun shine forth in all his glory? I can
not, therefore, doubt that the setting sun
of the church on earth is to be as a hea
ven of unclouded splendor. Peaceful
and triumphant will be her latest age.
The number of the redeemed will be
augmented beyond all computation* and
the promise made from the beginning,
that 'the Seed of the woman should
bruise the serpent's head/ will be ful
filled in all its extent, and with a divine
plenitude of meaning. The understand
ing and pious reader closes the book
with admiration, with wonder, with de
light, with lofty anticipation of the future,
and with undaunted resolution to follow

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XX.

459

CHAPTER XX.
AND I saw an angel come down
from heaven, having the key a
of the bottomless pit and a great
chain in his hand.
on in the steps of those who through
faith and patience have inherited the
promises and entered into everlasting
rest." Vol. ii. pp. 354, 355.
1. And I saw an angel come down from
heaven. Comp. Notes on ch. x. 1. He
does nbt say whether this angel had ap
peared to him before, but the impression
is rather that it was a different one. The
whole character of the composition of
the book-leads ns to suppose that differ
ent angels were employed to make these
communications to John, and that in
fact, in the progress of things disclosed
in the book, he had intercourse with a
considerable number of the heavenly
inhabitants. The scene that is recorded
here occurred after the destruction of the
beast and the false prophet (ch. xix. 18-
21), and therefore, according to the prin
ciples expressed in the explanation of
the previous chapters, what is intended
to be described here will take place after
the final destruction of the Papal and
Mohammedan powers. ^[ Having the
key of the bottomless pit. See Notes on
ch. i. 18, ix. 1. The fact that he has the
key of that under-world is designed to
denote here that he can fasten it on
Satan so that it shall beco.me his prison.
\ And a great chain in his hand. With
which to bind the dragon, ver. 2. It is
called great because of the strength of
aim that was to be bound. The chain
only appears to have been in his hand.
Perhaps the key was suspended to his
side. 2. And he laid hold on. Seized him
by violence — ixpanjcs. The word de
notes the employment of strength or
force, and it implies that he had power
. superior to that of the dragon. Comp;
Matt. xiv. 3, xviii. 28, xxi. 46, xxii. 6,
xxvi. 4. We can at once see the pro
priety of the use of this word in this
connexion. The great enemy to be
bound has himself mighty power, and
can be overcome only by a superior.
This may teach us that it is only a
power from heaven that can destroy the
empire of Satan in the world; and per
haps it may teach us that the interposi-

2 And lie laid hold on the dra
gon, * that old serpent, which is the
Devil, and Satan, and bound e him
a thousand years.
a c. 1. 18 ; 9. 1. 6 c. 12. 9. c 2 Pe. 2. 4. Jude 6.

tion of angels will be employed in bring
ing in the glorious state of the Millenni
um. Why should it not be? If The
dragon. See Notes on ch. xii. 3. Comp.
ch. xii. 4, 7, 13, 16, 11; xiii. 2,-4, 11;
xvi. 13. There can be no doubt as to
the meaning of the word here ; for it is
expressly said to mean the Devil, and
Satan. It would seem, however, that it
refers to some manifestation of the pow
er of Satan that would exist after the
beast and false prophet — that is the
Papacy and Mohammedanism — should
be destroyed, and probably the main
reference is to the still existing power
of -Paganism. Comp. Notes on ch. xvi.
13, 14. It may include, however, all
the forms of wickedness which Satan
shall have kept up on the earth, and all
the modes of evil by which he will en
deavor to perpetuate his reign. % That
old serpent. This is undoubtedly an
allusion to the serpent that deceived our
first parents (Gen. iii. 1, seq.), and there
fore a proof that it was Satan that, under
the form of a serpent, deceived them.
Comp. Notes on ch. xii. 3. ^[ Which is
the Devil. On the meaning of this word,
see Notes on Matt. iv. 1. ^[ And Satan.
On the meaning of ^his word, see Notes
on Job i. 6. In regard to the repetition
of the names of that great enemy of God
and the church here, Mr. Taylor, in the
Fragments to Cahners Dictionary, No.
152, says, that this " almost resembles a
modern Old Bailey indictment, in which
special care is taken to identify the cul
prit by a sufficient number of aliases.
An angel from heaven, having the key
of the prison of the abyss, and a great
chain to secure the prisoner, 'appre
hended the dragon, alias the old serpent,
alias the devil, alias the Satan, alias the
seducer of the world/ who was sentenced
to a thousand years' imprisonment." The
object here, however, seems to be not so
much to identify the culprit by these
aliases^ &3 to show that under whatever
forms and by whatever names he had
appeared, it was always the same being,
and that now the author of the whole
evil would be arrested. Thus the one

460

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96

3 And cast him into the bottom
less pit, and shut him up, and set
a seal a upon him, that he should
a Da. 6. 17.

great enemy sometimes has appeared in
a form that would be best represented
by a fierce and fiery dragon ; at another
in a form that would be best represented
by a cunning and subtle serpent; now
in a form to which the word devil, or
accuser, would be most appropriate ; and
now in a form in which the word Satan
— an adversary — would be most expres
sive of what he does. In these various
forms and under these various names, he
has ruled the fallen world; and when
this one great enemy shall be seized and
imprisoned, all these forms of evil will
of course come to an end. If A thousand
years. This is the period usually desig
nated as the Millennium — for the word
Millennium means a thousand years. It
is on this passage that the whole doctrine
of the Millennium as such has been
founded. It is true that there are else
where in the Scriptures abundant pro
mises that the gospel will ultimately
spread over the world ; but the notion
of a Millennium as such is found in this
passage alone. It is, however, enough
to establish the doctrine, if its meaning
be correctly ascertained, for it is a just
rule in interpreting the Bible that the
clearly-asoertainetLsense of a single pas
sage of Scripture i* ufficient to establish
the truth of a doctrine. The fact, how
ever, that this passage stands alone in
this respect, makes it the more important
to endeavor accurately to determine its
meaning. There are but three ways in
which the phrase ( a thousand years' can
be understood here : either (a) literally;
or (b) in the prophetic use of the term,
where a day would stand for a year, thus
making a period of three hundred and
sixty thousand years ; or (c) figuratively,
supposing that it refers to a long but in
definite period of time. It may be im
possible to determine which of these
periods is intended, though the first has
been generally supposed to be tbe true
one, anil hence the common notion of
the Millennium. There is nothing, how
ever, in the use of the language here, as
there would be nothing contrary to the
common use of symbols in this book in
regard to time, in the supposition that

deceive the nations no more, till the
thousand years should be fulfilled .
and after that he must be loosed a
little season.
this was designed to describe the longest
period here suggested, or that it it
meant that the world shall enjoy a reign
of peace and righteousness during the
long period of three hundred and sixty
thousand years. Indeed, there are some
things in the arrangements of nature
which look as if it were contemplated
that the earth would continue under a
reign of righteousness through a vastly
long period in the future.
3. And cast him into the bottomless pit.
See Notes on ch. ix. 1. A state of peace
and prosperity would exist as if Satan,
the great disturber, were confined in the
nether world as a prisoner, f And shut
him up. Closed the massive doors of the
dark prison-house upon him. Comp.
Notes on Job x. 21, 22. ^ And set a
seal upon him. Or, rather, 'upon it* —
t-dvu) ivrov. The seal was placed npon
the door or gate of the prison, not be
cause this would fasten the gate or door
of itself and make it secure, for this was
secured by the key, but because it pre
vented intrusion, or any secret opening
of it without its being known. See Notes
on Dan. vi. 17, and Matt, xxvii. 66. The
idea here is, that every precaution was
taken for absolute security, ^f That he
should deceive the nations no more. That
is, during the thousand years. Comp.
Notes on ch. xii. 9. f Till the thousand
years should be fulfilled. That is, during
that period there will be a state of things
upon the earth as if Satan should be
withdrawn from the world, and confined
in the great prison where he is ultimately
to dwell for ever, -fl And after that he
must be loosed for a little season. See
vs. 7, 8. That is, a state of things will
then exist, for a brief period, as if he
were again released from his prison-
house, and suffered to go abroad upon
the earth. The phrase 'a little season'
— fwepbv XP&v0Vf kittle time — denotes pro
perly that this would be brief as com
pared with the thousand years. No in
timation is given as to the exact time,
and it is impossible to conjecture how
long it will be. All the circumstances
stated, howover, here and in vs. 7-10,
would lead us to suppose that what ii

AT. D. 96.1

CHAPTER XX.

461

referred to will be like the sudden out
break of a rebellion in a time of general
peace, but which will soon be quelled.
\ a. Condition of the world in the
period referred to in vs. 1-3.
It may be proper, in order to a correct
understanding of this chapter, to present
a brief summary under the different parts
(see the Analysis of the chapter), of what,
according to the interpretation proposed,
may be expected to be the condition of
things in the time referred to. On the
portion now before us (vs. 1-3), accord
ing to the interpretation proposed, the
foflowing suggestions may be made :
(1,) This will be subsequent to the
downfall of the Papaoy and the termi
nation of the Mohammedan power in the
world. Of course, then, this lies in the
future — how far in the futurejt is impos
sible to determine. The interpretation
of the various portions of this book and
the book of Daniel, have, however, led
to the conclusion that .the termination
of those powers cannot now be remote.
If so, we are on the eve of important
events in the world's history. The affairs
of the world look as if things were tend
ing to a fulfilment of the prophecies so
understood. (2) It will be a condition of the world
as if Satan were bound; that is, where
hi; influences will be suspended, and the
principles of virtue and religion will pre
vail. According to the interpretation
ef the previous chapters, it will be a state
in which all that has existed, and that
now exists in the Papacy to corrupt man
kind, to maintain error, and to prevent
the prevalence of free and liberal prin
ciples, will cease ; in which all that there
now is in the Mohammedan system to
fetter and enslave mankind — now con
trolling more than one hundred and
twenty millions of the race — shall have
come to iui end; and in which, in a great
measure, all that occurs under the direct
influence of Satan in causing or perpetu
ating slavery, war, intemperance, lust,
avarice, ' disorder, scepticism, atheism,
will be checked and stayed. It is proper
to say, however, that this passage does
not require us to suppose that there will
be a total cessation of Satanic influence
in the earth during that period. Satan
will indeed be bound and restrained as
to his former influence and power. But
there will be no change in the character
of man as he comes into the world.
3»»

There will still be corrupt passions in
the human heart. Though greatly re
strained, and though there will be a
general prevalence of righteousness on
the earth, yet we are to remember that
the race is fallen, and that even then,
if restraint should be taken away,
man would act out his fallen nature.
This fact, if remembered, will make it
appear less strange that after this period
of prevalent righteousness, Satan should
be represented as loosed again, and as
able once more for a time to deceive the
nations. (3) It will be a period of long dura
tion. On the supposition that it is to be
literally a period of one thousand years,
this is in itself long, and will give, espe
cially under the circumstances, oppor
tunity for a vast progress in human
affairs. To form some idea of the length
of the period, we need only place our
selves in imagination hack for a thonsand
years — say in the middle of the ninth
century, and look at the condition of the
world then, and think of the vast changes
in human affairs that have occurred dur
ing that period. It is to be remembered
also that if the Millennial period were
soon to commence, it would find the
world in a far different state in reference
to future progress from what it was in
.the ninth century, and that it would
start off, so to speak, in that period, with
all the advantages in the arts and sci
ences which have been accumulated in
all the past periods -of the world. Even
if there were no special divine interposi
tion, it might be presumed that the race,
in such circumstanoes, would make great
and surprising advances in the long pe
riod of a thousand years. And here a
very striking remark of Mr. Hugh Miller
may be introduced as illustrating the
subject. " It has been remarked by
some students of the Apocalypse," says
he, " that the course of predicted events
at first moves slowly, as, one after one,
six of seven seals are opened; that on
the opening of the seventh seal, the pro
gress is so considerably quickened that
the seventh period proves as fertile in
events — represented by the sounding of
the seven trumpets — as the foregoing
six taken together; and that on thj
seventh trumpet, so groat isthe further
acceleration, that there is an amount of
incident condensed in this seventh part
of the seventh period equal, as in the

462

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

former case, to that of all the previous
six parts in one. There arc three cycles,
it has been said, in the scheme — cycle
within cycle — the second comprised
within a seventh portion of the first, and
the third within a seventh portion of the
second. Be this as it may, we may at
least see something that exceedingly
resembles it in that actual economy of
change and revolution manifested in
English history for the last two centuries.
It would seem as if events in their down
ward course, had come under the influ
ence of that law of gravitation through
which falling bodies increase in speed, as
they descend, according to the squares of
the distances." First Impressions of Eng
land and its People, pp. vii. viii. If to
this wo add the supposition which we
have seen (Notes on ver. 2) to be by no
means improbable, that it is intended in
the description of the Millennium in this
chapter, that the world will continue
under a reign of peace and righteousness
for the long period of three hundred and
- sixty thousand years, it is impossible to
anticipate what progress will- be made
during that period, or to enumerate the
numbers that will be saved. On this
subject, see somo very interesting re
marks in the Old Bed Sandstone, by
Hugh Miller, pp. 248, 249, 250, 258,
259. Comp. Prof. Hitchcock's Beligion
and Geology, pp. 370-409.
(4) "What, then, will be the state of
things during that long period of a thou
sand years ?
(a) There will be a great increase in
the population of the globe. Let wars
cease, and intemperance cease, and
slavery cease, and the numberless pas
sions that now shorten life be stayed,
and it is easy to see that there must be a
vast augmentation in the number of the
human species.
(6) There will be a general diffusion
of intelligence on the earth. Every cir
cumstance would be favorable to it, and
the world would be in a condition to
make rapid advances in knowledge.
Dan. xii. 4.
(o) That period will be characterized
by the universal diffusion of revealed
truth. Isa. xi. 9, xxv. 7.
(d) It will be marked by unlimited
subjection to the sceptre of Christ. Ps.
ii. 7; Zech. ix. 10 ; Ps. xxii. 27-29 ; Isa.
ii. 2, 3, lxvi. 23 ; Zeoh. xiv. 9 ; Matt. xiii.
81/ 32 ; Rev. xi. 15.
(o) There will be great progress in all

that tends to promote the welfare of man.
We are not to suppose that the resources
of nature are exhausted. Nature gives
no signs of exhaustion or decay. In the
future, there is no reason to doubt that
there will yet be discoveries and inven
tions more' surprising and wonderful than
the art of printing, or the uses of steam,
or the magnetic telegraph. There are -
profounder secrets of nature that may bo
delivered up than any of these, and the
world is tending to their development.
! (/) It will be a period of the universal
reign of peace. The attention of man
kind will be turned to the things which
tend to promote the welfare of the race,
and advance the best interests of society.
The single fact that wars will cease, will
make an inconceivable difference in the
aspect of ihe world; for if universal
peace shall prevail through the long
period of the Millennium, and the
, wealth, the talent, and the science now
employed in human butchery shall be
devoted to the interests of agriculture,
the mechanic arts, learning, and religion,
it is impossible now to estimate the pro
gress which the race will make, and the
changes which will be produced on the
earth. For scripture proofs that it will
be a time of universal peace, see Isa. ii.
4, Mic. iv. 3, Isa. xi. 6-9.
(g) There will be a general prevalence
of evangelical religion. This is apparent
in the entire description in this passage,
for the two most formidable opposing
powers that religion has ever known —
the beast and the false prophet — will be
destroyed, and Satan will be bound. In
this long period, therefore, we are to
suppose that the gospel will exert its fair
influence on governments, on families,
on individuals; in the intercourse of
neighbors, and in the intercourse of na
tions. God will be worshipped in spirit
and in truth, and not in the mere forms>
of devotion ; and temperance, truth, lib
erty, social order, honesty, and love, will
prevail over the world.
(A) It will be a time when the He
brew people — the Jews — will be brought
to the knowledge of the truth, and will
embrace the Messiah whom their fathers
oruoifled. Eom. xi. 26-29 ; Zech. xii. 10,
xiii. 1.
(«") Yet, we are not necessarily to sup
pose that all the world will be absolutely
and entirely brought under the power of
the gospel. There will be still on the
earth the remains of wickedness ia the

4. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XX.

4 And I saw thrones, • and they
a Da. 7. 9, 22.27; Lu.22.30.
•orrupted human heart, and there will
be so much tendency to sin. in the human
soul, that Satan, when released for a
time (vs. 7, 8), will be able once more to
deceive mankind, and to array a formi
dable force, represented by Gog and
Magog, against the cause of truth and
righteousness. We are not to suppose
that the nature of mankind as fallen will
be essentially changed, or that there
may not be sin enough in the human
heart to make it capable of the same op
position to the gospel of God which has
thus far been evinced in all ages. Prom
causes which are not fully stated, (vs. 8,
9), Satan will bo enabled once more to
rouse up their enmity, and to make one
more desperate effort to destroy the
kingdom of the Redeemer by rallying
his forces for a conflict. See these views
illustrated in the work entitled Ohrisfs
Second Coming, by Rev. David Brown,
of St. James' Free Church, Glasgow. N.
Y., 1851. Pp. 398^42.
4. And I saw thrones — Seivovs. See
ch. i. 4, iii. 21, iv. 2, 4. John here sim
ply says that he saw in vision thrones,
with persons sitting on them, but with
out intimating who they were that sat
on themg It is not the throne of God
that is now revealed, for the word is in
the plural number, though the writer
does not hint how many thrones there
were. It it intimated, however, that
these thrones were placed with some re
ference to pronouncing a judgment, or
determining the destiny of some portion
of mankind, for it is immediately added,
" and judgment was given unto them."
There is considerable resemblance, in
many respects, between this and the
statement in Daniel (vih 9) : "I beheld
till the thrones were cast down, and the
Ancient of days did sit ;" or, as it should
be rendered, 'I beheld' — that is, I con
tinued to look — ' until the thrones were
placed or set,' to wit, for purposes of
judgment. See Notes on that passage.
So John here sees, as the termination of
human affairs approaches, thrones placed
with reference to a determination of the
destiny of some portion of the race, as if
they were now to have a trial, and to
receive a sentence of acquittal or con
demnation. The persons on whom this
Judgment is to pass, are specified in the

sat

upon them, and judgment
b l Co. 6. 2, 3.

463
* was

course of the verse — as those who were
* beheaded for the witness of Jesus, who
had the word of God, who had not wor
shipped the beast,' &e. The time when
this was to occurmanifestly was at the
beginning of the thousand years, f And
they sat on them. Who sat on them is
not mentioned. The natural construc
tion is, that judges sat on them, or that
persons sat on them to whom judgment
was entrusted. The language is such as
would be used on the supposition either
that he had mentioned the subject before,
so that he would be readily understood,
or that, from some other cause, it was so
well understood that there was no neces
sity for mentioning who they were. John
seems to have assumed that it would be
understood who were meant. And yet to
us it is not entirely clear — for John has
not before this given us any such intima
tion that we can determine with certainty
what is intended. The probable con
struction is, that those are referred to
to whom it appropriately belonged to
occupy such seats of judgment, and
"who they are is to be determined from
other parts of the Scriptures. In Mat
thew xix. 28, the Saviour says to his
apostles, " When the Son of man shall
sit on the throne of his glory, ye also
shall, sit upon twelve thrones, judging
the twelve tribes of Israel." In 1 Cor.
vi. 2, Paul asks the question, " Do ye
not know that the saints shall judge the
world ?" The meaning, as thus explain
ed, is, that Christians will, in some way,
be employed in judging the world : — that •
is, that they will be exalted to the right
hand of the Judge, and be elevated to a
station of honor, as if they were asso
ciated with the Son of God in the judg
ment. Something of that kind is doubt
less referred to here, and John probably
means to say that he saw the thrones
placed on which those will sit who will
be employed in judging the world. If
the apostles are specially referred toy
it was natural that John, ominent for
modesty, should not particularly men
tion them, as he was one of them, and
as the true allusion would be readily
understood. ^ And judgment was given
unto them. The power of pronouncing
sentence in the case referred to was con
ferred on them, and they proceeded to

464

REVELATION,

[A. D. %.

given unto them: and i" saw the
souls ° of them that were beheaded

exercise that power. This was not in
relation to tbe whole race of mankind,
but to the martyrs, and to those who,
amidst many temptations and trials, had
kept themselves pure. The sentence
which is to be passed would seem to be
that in consequence of which they are to
be permitted to 'live and reign with
Christ a thousand years/ The form of
this expressed approval is that of a
resurrection and judgment j whether
this be the literal mode is another en
quiry, and will properly be considered
when the exposition of the passage
shall have been given, f And I saw
the soids of them. This is a very im
portant expression in regard to the
meaning of the whole passage. John
says he saw the souls — not the bodies.
If the obvious meaning of this be the
correct meaning ; if he saw the souls of
the martyrs, not the bodies, this would
seem to exclude the notion of a literal
resurrection, and consequently overturn
many of the theories of a literal resur
rection, and of a literal reign of the
saints with Christ during the thousand
years of the Millennium. The doctrine
of the last resurrection, as everywhere
stated in the Scripture, is, that the body
will be raised up, and not merely that
the soul will live (see 1 Cor. 1 Cor. xv.
and the Notes on that chapter), and
consequently John must mean to refer
in this place to something different from
that resurrection, or to any proper re
surrection of the dead as the expression
is commonly understood. The doctrine
which has been held, and is held, by
those who maintain that there will be a
literal resurrection of the saints to reign
with 'Christ during a thousand years,
can receive no support from this pas
sage, for thero is no ambiguity respect
ing the word souls — ^X^5 — as use<^ here.
By no possible construction can it mean
the /•"dies of the saints. If John had
intended to state that the saints, as such,
would be raised as they will be at the
last day, it is clear that he would not
have used this language, but would have
employed the common language of the
New Testament to denote it The lan
guage here doos not express the doo-

for the witness of Jesus, and for
the word of God, and which had
not worshipped the beast, neither

trine of the resurrection of the body,
and if no other language but this had
been used in the New Testament, the
doctrine of the resurrection, as now
taught and received, conld not be esta
blished. These considerations make it
clear to my mind that John did not
mean to teach that there would be a
literal resurrection of the saints, that
they might live and reign with Christ
personally during the period of a thou
sand years. There was undoubtedly
something that might be compared with
the resurrection, and that might, in some
proper sense, be called a resurrection
(vs. 5, 6), but there is not the slightest
intimation that it would be a resur
rection of the body, or that it would
be identical with the final resurrection.
John undoubtedly intends to describe
some honor conferred on the spirits or
souls of the saints and martyrs during
this long period, as if they were raised
from the dead, or which might be repre
sented by a resurrection from the dead.
What that honor is to be, is expressed
by their * living and reigning with Christ.'
The meaning of this will be explained
in the exposition of these words; —
but the word used here is fatal to the
notion of a literal resurrection and a
personal reign with Christ on the earth.
fl That were beheaded. The word here
used — n-cAcici^w — occurs nowhere else in
the New Testament. It properly means,
to axe, that is, to hew or cut with an
axe — fromjrtA«u$ — axe. Hence it means
to behead with an axe. This was a
common mode of execution among the
B^raans, and doubtless many of tho
Christian martyrs suffered in this man
ner, but "it cannot be supposed to have
been the intention of the writer to confine
the rewards of martyrs to those who
suffered in this particular way; for this
specific and ignominious method of
punishment is designated merely as the
symbol of any and eveiy kind of mar
tyrdom." Prof. Stuart, f For the wit
ness of Jesus. As witnesses for Jesus ;
or bearing iu this way their testimony to
the truth of his religion. See Notes on
ch. i. 9 ; comp. ch. vi. 9. % And for the
word of God. See Notes on oh. i, 9.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XX.

465

his image, neither had received
his mark upon their foreheads,
or in their hands; and they lived
f Which had not worshipped the beast.
Who had remained faithful to the prin
ciples of the true religion, and had re
sisted all the attempts made to seduce
them from the faith, even the temptations
and allurements in the times of the
Papacy. See this language explained
in the Notes on ch. xiii. 4. ^f Neither
his image. Notes, chapter xiii. 14, 15.
•J Neither had received his mark upon
their foreheads, or in their hands. See
Notes on ch. xiii. 16. ^[ And they lived.
tyiouv, from £au — to live. Very much,
ia the whole passage, depends on this
word. The meanings given to the word
by Prof. Robinson (Lex.) are the follow
ing : — (a) to live, to have life, spoken of
physical life and existence; (b) to live 5-
that is, to sustain life, to live on or by
any thing; (c) to live in any way, to
pass one's life in any manner; (d) to
live and prosper; to be blessed. It
may be applied to those who were
before dead (Matt. ix. IS ; Mark xvi.
11 ; Luke xxiv. 23 ; John v. 25 ; Acts
i. 3, ix. 41), but it does not necessarily
imply this, nor does the mere use of the
word suggest it. It is the proper notion
of living, or having life now, whatever
was the former state — whether non
existence, death, sickness, or health.
The mind, in the use of this word, is
fixed on tho present as a state of living.
It is not necessarily in contrast with a
former state as dead, but it is on the fact
that they are now alive. As, however,
there is reference, in the passage before
us, to the fact that a portion of those men
tioned had been ' beheaded for the wit
ness of Jesus,' it is to be admitted that
the word here refers, in some sense, to
that fact. They were put to death in
the body* but their 'souls' were now
seen to be alive. They had not ceased
to be, but they lived and reigned with
Christ as if they had been raised up
from the dead. And when this is said
of the ' souW of those who were be
headed, and who were seen to reign
with Christ, it cannot mean (a) that
their souls came to life again — for
there is no intimation that they had for
a moment ceased to exist ; nor (b) that
they then became immortal — tor that

and reigned " with Christ a thou
sand years. a c. 5. 10.

was always true of them; nor (c) that
there*was any literal resurrection of the
body, as Prof. Stuart (ii. 360, 475, 476),
supposes, and as is supposed by those
who hold to a literal reign of Christ on
the earth, for there is no intimation of
the resurrection of the body. The mean
ing, then, so far as the language is con
cerned, must be, that there would exist
at the time of the thousand years, a
state of things as if the martyrs were
raised up from the dead — an honoring
of the martyrs as if they should live and
reign with Christ. Their names would
be vindicated; their principles would be
revived ; they would be exalted in pub
lic estimation above other men; they
would be raised from the low rank in
which they were held by the world in
times of persecution, to a state which
might well be represented by their
sitting with Christ on the throne of
government, and by their being made
visible attendants on his glorious king
dom. This would not occur in respect
to the rest of the dead — even the pious
dead (ver. 5), for their honors and re
wards would be reserved for the great
day when all the dead should be judged
according to their deeds. In this view
of the meaning of this passage, there is
nothing that forbids us to suppose that
the martyrs will be conscious of the
honor thus done to their names, their
memory, and their principles on earth,
or that this consciousness will in
crease their joy even in heaven. This
sense of the passage is thus expressed,
substantially, by Archbishop Whateley
(Essays on the Future State) : " It may
signify not the literal raising of dead
men, but the raising up of an increased
Christian zeal and holiness : the re
vival in the Christian church, or in
some' considerable portion of it, of the
spirit and energy of the noble martyrs
of old (even as John the Baptist came
in the spirit and power of Elias) ; so that
Christian principles shall her. displayed
in action throughout the world in an
infinitely greater degree than ever be
fore." This view of the signification of
the word lived is sustained by its use else
where in the Scriptures, and by its com-

466

REVELATION,

[A. D.

5 But the rest of the dead lived not again until the thousand years

mon use among men. Thus in this
very book, ch. xi. 11, "And after three
days and an half, the Spirit of life from
God entered into them, and they j^ood
upon their feet." So in EzekieT, in
speaking of the restoration of the Jews,
" Thus saith the Lord God, 0 my
people, / will open your graves, and
cause you to come up out of your graves,
and bring you into the land of Israel.
And ye shall know that I am the Lord,
when I have opened your graves, and
brought you up out of your graves, and
shall put my Spirit in you, and ye shall
live," ch. xxvii. 12-14. So in Hosea,
vi. 2, " After two days he will revive us
[cause us to live again ] ; in the third
day he will raise us up, and we shall
live in his sight." So in the Parable of
the Prodigal Son : " This thy brother
was dead, and is alive again," Luke xv.
32. So in Isaiah xxvi. 19, " Thy dead
men shall live, together with my dead
body shall they arise." The following
extract from D'Aubigne's History of the
Reformation, will show how natural it is
to use the very language employed here
when the idea is intended to be con
veyed of reviving former principles as if
the men. who held them should be raised
to life again. It is the language of the
martyr John Huss, who, in speaking of
himself -in view of a remarkable dream
that he had, said, " I am no dreamer,
but I maintain this for certain that the
image of Christ will never be effaced.
They [his enemies] have wished to
destroy it, but it shall be painted afresh
in all hearts by much better preachers
than myself. The nation that loves
Christ will rejoice at this. And I,
awaking from among the dead, and
rising, so to speak, from my grave, shall
leap with great joy." So a Brief ad
dressed by Pope Adrian to the Diet at
Nuremberg, contains these words : " The
heretics Huss and Jerome are now alive
again in the person of Martin Luther."
For a further illustration of the pas
sage, see the remarks which follow Q b)
on the state of things which may be
expected to exist in the time referred
to in vs, 4-6. f And reigned with
Christ. Were exalted in their princi
ples, and in their personal happiness in
heaven, as if they occupied the throne
with him, and personally shared his

honors and his triumphs. Who can tell,
also, whether they may not be employed
in special services of mercy, in adminis
tering the affairs of his government
during that bright and happy period?
^[ A thousand years. During the period
when Satan will be bound, and when
the true religion will have the as
cendency in the earth. Notes, ver. 2.
5. But the rest of the dead. In contra
distinction from the beheaded martyrs,
and from those who had kept themselves
pure iu the times of great temptation.
The phrase 'rest of the dead' here would
most naturally refer to the same general
class which was before mentioned — the
pious dead. The meaning is, that the
martyrs would be honored as if they were
raised up and the others not; that' is,
that special respect would be shown to
their principles, their memory, and their
character. In other words, special honor
would be shown to a spirit of eminent
piety during that period, above the com
mon and ordinary piety which has been
manifested in the church. The •* rest of
the dead' — the pious dead — would indeed
be raised up and rewarded, but they.
would occupy comparatively humble
places, as if they did not partake iu the
exalted triumphs when the world should
be subdued to the Saviour. Their places
in honor, in rank, and in reward, would
be beneath that of those who in fiery times
had maintained unshaken fidelity to the
cause of truth. V Lived not. On the
word lived, see Notes on ver. 4. Thfct is,
they lived not during that period in the
peculiar sense in which it is said (ver. 4,)
that the eminent saints and martyrs
lived. They did not come into remem
brance j their principles were not what
then characterised the church ; they did
not see, as the martyrs did, their princi
ples and mode of life in the ascendency,
and consequently they had not the aug
mented happiness and honor whioh the
more eminent saints and martyrs had.
If Until the thousand years are finished.
Then all who were truly the children of
God, though some might be less eminent
than others had been, would come into
remembrance, and would have their
proper place in the rewards of heaven(
The language here is not necessarily to
be interpreted as meaning that they would
be raised up then, or would live then,

4. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XX.

467

were finished. This is the first
resurrection. 6 Blessed and holy is he that
bath part in the first resurrection :
a c.2.11; 21.8.

whatever may be true on that point. It
is merely an emphatic mode of affirming
that up to that period they would not live
in the sense in which it is affirmed that
the others would. But it is not affirmed
that they would even then * live' imme
diately. A long interval might elapse
before that would occur in the general
resurrection of the dead. See the Ana
lysis of the chapter. ^[ This is the first
resurrection. The resurrection of the
saints and martyrs, as specified in ver. i.
It is called the first resurrection in con
tradistinction from the second and lost —
the general resurrection — when all the
dead will be literally raised np from their
graves, and assembled for the judgment,
ver. 12. It is not necessary to suppose
that what is called here the ' first resur
rection* will resemble the real and literal
resurrection in every respect. All that
is meant is, that there will be such a re
semblance as to make it proper to call it
a resurrection * — a coming to life again.
This will be, as explained in the Notes
on ver. 4, in the honor done to the mar
tyrs ; in the restoration of their principles
as the great actuating principles of the
church; and perhaps in the increased
happiness conferred on them in heaven,
and in their being employed in promot
ing the cause of truth in the world.
6. Blessed. That is, his condition is
to be regarded as a happy or a favored
one. This is designed apparently to sup-
'port and encourage those who in the
time of John suffered persecution, or
who might suffer persecution afterwards.
'IT And holy. That is, no one will be thus
honored who has not an established
character for holiness. Holy principles
will then reign, and none will be exalted
to that honor who have not a character
for eminent sanctity. "J That hath part
in the first resurrection. That partici
pated in it; that is, who is associated
with those who are thus raised up. <$ On
such the second death hath no power. The
'second death' is properly the death
which the wicked will experience in the
world of woe. See ver. 14 The mean
ing here is, that all who are here referred

on such the second death ° hath no
power, hut they shall be priests '
of God and of Christ, and shall
reign with him a thousand years.
4 Is. 61. 6: c. 1. 6.

to as having part in the first resurrection,
will be secure against that. It will be
one of the blessed privileges of heaven
that there will be absolute security
against death in any and every form ;
and when we think of what death is here,
and still more when we think of 'the
bitter pains of the second death,' we may
well call that state 'blessed' in whioh
there will be eternal exemption from
eith er. ^f But they shall be priests of God
and of Christ, and shall reign with him.
See Notes on chs. i. 6, v. 10.
g b. Condition of the world in the pe
riod referred to in vs. 4—6.
I. It is well known that this passage.
is the principal one which is, relied on
by those who advocate the doctrine of
the literal reign of Christ on the earth
for a thousand years, or who hold what
are called the doctrines of the 'second
advent.' The points which are main
tained by those who advocate these views,
are, substantially, (a) that at that period
Christ will descend from heaven to reign
personally upon the earth; (b) that he
will have a central place of power and
authority, probably Jerusalem ; (c) that
the righteous dead will then be raised,
in such bodies as are to be immortal;
(d) that they will be his attendents, and
will participate with him in the govern
ment of the world ; (e) that this will con
tinue during the period of a thousand
years; (/) that the world will be subdued
and converted during this period, not by
moral means, but by ' a new dispensa
tion' — by the power of the Son of God ;
and (g) that at the close of this period
all the remaining dead will be raised,
the judgment will take place, and the
affairs of - the earth will be consum
mated. The opinion here adverted to was held
substantially by Papias, Justin Martyr,
Irenaeus, Tertullian, and others among
the Christian Fathers, and, it need not
be said, is held by many modern exposi
tors of the Bible, and by large numbers
of Christian ministers of high standing,
and other Christians. See the LiteraUtt,
passim. The opinion of the Christian

468

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

Fathers, with which the modern ' literal-
ists/ as they are called, substantially co
incide, is thus stated by Mr. Elliott,: —
" This resurrection is to be literally that
of departed saints and martyrs, then at
length resuscitated in the body from
death and the grave ; its time to synchro
nize with, or follow instantly after, the
destruction of the beast Antichrist, on
Christ's personal second advent; the
binding of Satan to be an absolute re
striction of the power of hell from tempt
ing, deceiving, or injuring mankind,
throughout a literal period of a thousand
years, thence calculated; the government
of the earth during its continuance to be
administered by Christ and the risen
saints — the latter being now tcayytXot —
in nature like angels; and under it, all
false religion having been put down, the
Jews and saved remnant of the Gentiles
been converted to Christ, the earth reno
vated by the fire of Antichrist's destruc
tion, and Jerusalem made the universal
capital, there will be a realization on
earth of the blessedness depicted in the
Old Testament prophecies, as well as
perhaps of that too which is associated
with the new Jerusalem in the visions
of the Apocalypse — until at length this
Millennium having ended, and Satan
gone forth to deceive the nations, the
final consummation will follow; the new-
raised en21ni.es of the saints, Gog and
Magog, be destroyed by fire from heaven :
and then the general resurrection and
judgment take place, the Devil and his
servants be cast into the lake of fire,
and the Millennial reign of the saints
extend itself into one of eternal dura
tion." Elliott on the Apocalypse, iv.
177, 178.
Mr. Elliott's own opinion, represent
ing, it is supposed, that of the great body
of the ' literalists,' is thus expressed : "It
would seem, therefore, that in this state
of things and of feeling in professing
Christendom [a feeling of carnal securi
ty], all suddenly, and unexpectedly, and
conspicuous over the world as tho light
ning that shineth from the East even
unto the "VJest, the second advent and
appearing of Christ will take place ; that
at the accompanying voice of the Aroh-
angel, and trump of God, the departed
saints of either dispensation will rise
from their graves to meet him — alike
patriarohs, and prophets, and apostles,
and martyrs, and confessors — all at once

and in the twinkling of an eye ; and then
instantly the saints living at the time
will be also caught up to meet him in
the air; these latter being separated out
of the ungodly nations, as when a shep
herd divides his sheep from the goats,
and all, both dead and living saints,
changed at the moment from corruption
to incorruption, from dishonor to glory,
though with very different degrees of
glory; and so in a new angelic nature,
to take part in the judging and ruling in
this world. Meanwhile, with a tremen
dous earthquake accompanying, of vio
lence unknown since the revolutions of
primeval chaos, an earthquake under
which the Roman world at least is to
rock to and fro like a drunken man, the
solid crust of this earth shall he broken*,
and fountains burst forth from its inner
deep, not as once of water, but of liquid
fire; and that the flames shall consume
the Antichrist and his confederate kings,
while the sword also does its work of
slaughter; the risen saints being perhaps
the attendants of the Lord's glory in this
destruction of Antichrist, and assessors
in his judgment on a guilty world. And
then immediately the renovation of this
our earth is to take place, its soil being
purified by the very action of the fire,
and the Spirit poured out from on high,
in a yet better sense, the moral face of
nature ; the shekinab, or personal glory
of Christ amidst his saints being mani
fested chiefly in the Holy Land and at
Jerusalem, but the whole earth partaking
of the blessedness ; and thus the regene
ration of all things, and the world's re
demption from the curse, having their ac
complishment, according to the promise,
at the manifestation of the sons of God"
iv. 224r-231.*
To this account of the prevailing opi
nion of the 'literalists' in interpreting
the passage before us, there should be
added that of Prof. Stuart, who, in gene
ral, is as far as possible from sympa
thizing with this class of writers. He
says in his explanation of the expression
'they lived' in ver. 4, "There would
seem to remain, therefore, only one
meaning which can be consistently given
to £y?<T<iT, [they lived], viz.: that they {the
martyrs who renounced the beast) are
now restored to life, viz., such life as
implies the vivification of the body. Not

A. D. 96.J

CHAPTER XX.

469

to a union of the soul with a gross mate
rial body indeed, but with such an one
as the saints in general will have at the
final resurrection — a spiritual body.
1 Cor. xv. 44. In no other way can this
resurrection be ranked as correlate with
the second resurrection named in the
sequel." ii. 360. So again, Excursus vi.
(vol. ii. p. 476), he says, " I do not see
how we can, on the ground of exegesis,
fairly avoid the conclusion, that John
has taught in the passage before us, that
there will be a resurrection of the martyr-
saints, at the commencement of the period
after Satan shall have been shut .up in the
dungeon of the great abyss." This opi
nion he defends at length, pp. 476-490.
Prof. Stuart, indeed, maintains that the
martyrs thus raised up will be taken to
heaven and reign with Christ there, and
opposes the whole doctrine of the literal
reign on the earth, ii. 480. The risen
saint1? and martyrs are to be " enthroned
with Christ; that is, they are to be where
he dwells, and where he will continue to
dwell, until he shall make his descent at
the final judgment-day."
II. In regard to these views as ex
pressive of the meaning of the passage
under consideration, I would make the
following remarks : —
(1) There is strong presumptive evi
dence against this interpretation, and
especially against the main point in the
doctrine — that there will be a literal
resurrection of the bodies of the saints at
the beginning of that Millennial period
to live and reign with Christ on earth —
from the following circumstances: — (a)
It is admitted on all hands that this
doctrine, if contained in the Scriptures
at all, is found in this one passage only.
It is not pretended that there is in any
other place a direct affirmation that this
will literally occur, nor would the advo
cates for that opinion undertake to show
that it is fairly implied in any other part
of the Bible. But it is strange, not to
say improbable, that the doctrine of the
literal resurrection of the righteous a
thousand years before the wicked, should
be announced in one passage only. If it.
were so announoed in plain and unam
biguous language, I admit that the be
liever in the divine origin of the Scrip
tures would be bound to receive it ; but
this is so contrary to the usual method
of the Scriptures on all great and im
portant doctrines, that this circumstance
4*

should lead us at least to doubt whether
the passage is correctly interpreted. The
resurrection of the dead is a subject on
which the Saviour often dwelt in his in
structions ; it is a subject which the apos
tles discussed very frequently and at
great length in their preaching, and in
their writings ; it is presented by them
in a great variety of forms, for the con
solation of Christians in time of trouble,
and with reference to the condition of
the world at the winding up of human
affairs ; and it is strange that in respect
to so important a doctrine as this, if it
be true, there is not elsewhere in the
New Testament, a hint, an intimation,
an allusion, that would lead us to sup
pose that the righteous are to be raised
in this manner. (6) If this is a true
doctrine, it would be reasonable to ex
pect that a clear and unambiguous state
ment of it would be made. Certainly if
there is but one statement on the subject,
that might be expected to be a perfectly
clear one. It would be a statement
about which there could be no diversity
of opinion, concerning which those who
embraced it might be expected to hold the
same views. But it cannot be pretended
that this is so in regard to this passage.
It occurs in the book which of all the
books in the Bible is most distinguished
for figures and symbols; it cannot be
maintained that it is directly and clearly
affirmed; and it is not so taught that
there is any uniformity of view among
those who profess to hold it. In nothing
has there been greater diversity among
men than in the opinions of those who
profess to hold the 'literal' views re
specting the personal reign of Christ on
the earth. But this fact assuredly af
fords presumptive evidence that the doc
trine of the1 literal resurrection of the
saints a thousand years before the rest
of the dead is not intended to be taught.
(c) It is presumptive proof against this,
that nothing is said of the employment
of those who are raised up ; of the reason
why they are raised ; of the new circum
stances of their being; and of their con
dition when the thousand years shall
have ended. In so important a matter
as this, we can hardly suppose that the
whole subject would be left to a single
hint in a symbolical representation — de
pending on the doubtful meaning of a
single word, and with nothing to enable
us to determine with absolute certainty

470

REVELATION,

LA; D. 96.

that this must be the meaning, {d) If
it be meant that this is a description of
the resurrection of the righteous as such
— embracing all the righteous — then it
is wholly unlike all the other descrip
tions of the resurrection of the righteous
that we have in the Bible. Here the
account is confined to ' those that were
beheaded for the witness of Jesus,' and
to 'those who had not worshipped the
beast/ If the righteous as such are here
referred to, why are these particular
classes specified ? Why are not the usual
general terms employed? Why is the
account of the resurrection confined to
these ? Elsewhere in the Scriptures the
account of the resurrection is given in
the most general terms (comp. Matt. xxv.
41; John v. 28, 29, iv. 54; Rom. ii. 7;
1 Cor. xv. 23 ; Phil. iii. 20, 21 ; 2 Thess.
i. 10 ; Heb. ix. 28 ; 1 John ii. 28, 29, iii.
2), and if this had been the designed
reference here, it is inconceivable why
the statement should be limited to the
martyrs, and to those who have evinced
great fidelity in the midst of temptations
and allurements to apostacy. These cir
cumstances furnish strong presumptive
proofs, at least, against the doctrine that
•*Sere is to be a literal resurrection of all
th j saints at the beginning of the Millen
nial period. Comp. " Christ's Second
Coming," by Rev. David Brown, p. 219,
seq. (2) In reference to many of the views
necessarily implied in the doctrine of the
' Second Advent,' and avowed by those
who hold that doctrine, it cannot be
pretended that they receive any counte
nance or support from this passage. In
the language of Prof.- Stuart (com. ii.
479), there is "not a word of Christ's
descent to the earth at the beginning of
the Millennium. Nothing of tbe literal
assembling of the Jews in Palestine ;
nothing of the Messiah's temporal reigu
on earth; nothing of the overflowing
abundance of worlrjlypeace and plenty."
Indeed, in all this passage, there is net
the remotest hint of the grandeur and
magnificence of the reign of Christ as a
literal king upon the earth; nothing of
his having a splendid capital at Jerusa
lem or anywhere else; nothing of a new
dispensation of a miraculous kind ; no
thing of the renovation of the earth to
fit it for the abode of the risen saints.
All this is the mere work of fancy, and
no man can protend that it is to be found
iu this passage.

(3) Nor is there any thing here of
a literal resurrection of the bodies of
the dead, as Prof. Stuart himself sup
poses. It is not a little remarkable that
a scholar so accurate as Prof. Stuart is,
and one too who has so little sympathy
with the doctrines connected with a
literal reign of Christ on the earth,
should have lent the sanction of his
name to perhaps the most objectionable
of all the dogmas connected with thai
view — the opinion that the bodies of the
saints will be raised up at the beginning
of the Millennial period. Of this there
is not one word, one intimation, one hint
in the passage before us. John says
expressly, and as if to guard the point
from all possible danger of this construc
tion, that he 'saw the souls of them
that were beheaded for the witness of
Jesus ;' he saw them 'living* and * reign
ing' with Christ — raised to exalted honor
during that period, as if they had been
raised from the dead; but he nowhere
mentions or intimates that they were
raised up from their graves; that they
were clothed with bodies; that they
had their residence now literally on
the earth ; or that they were in any
way otherwise than disembodied spirits.
There is not even one word of their
having * a spiritual body.'
(4) There are positive arguments,
Evhich are perfectly decisive, against the
interpretation which supposes that the
bodies of the saints will be raised up at
the beginning of the Millennial period
to reign with Christ on the earth for &
thousand years. Among these ore the
following : —
(a) If the 'first resurrection' mean
rising from the grave in immortal and
glorified bodies, we do not need the as
surance (ver. 6) that "on such the se
cond death hath no power;" that is,
that they would not perish for ever.
That would be a matter of course, and
there was no necessity for such a state
ment. But if it be supposed that the
main idea is that the principles of the
martyrs and of the most eminent saints
would be revived and would live — as if
the dead were raised up — and would be
manifested by those who were in mortal
bodies — men living on the earth — then
there would be a propriety in saying that
all suoh were exempt from the danger
of the second death. Once indeed they
would die ; but the second death could
not reach them. Comp. Rev. ii. 10, 11.

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XX.

47i

(b) In the ^JVole passage there are
but two classes « i men referred to. There
are those 'who have part in the first
resurrection;' that is, according to the
supposition, all the saints ; and there
are those over whom ** the second death'
has power. Into which of these classes
are we to put the myriads of men having
flesh and blood who are to people the
world during the Millennium ? They
have no part in 'the first resurrection'
if it be a bodily one. Are they then
given over to the power of the ' second
death V But if the ' first resurrection' be
regarded as figurative and spiritual, then
the statement that those who are actu
ated by the spirit of the martyrs and of
tho eminent saints shall not experience
the 'second death,' is seen to have
meaning and pertinency.
(c) The mention of the time during
which they are to reign, if it be literally
understood, is contrary to the whole
statement of the Bible in other places.
TbCy are to 'live and reign with Christ'
a thousand years. What then ? Are
they to live no longer?" Are they to
reign no longer with him? This sup
position is entirely contrary to the cur
rent statement in the Scriptures, which
is, that they are to live and reign with
him for ever. 1 Thess. iv. 17 : " And so
shall we ever be with the Lord" Accord
ing to the views of the 'literalists,' the
declaration that they 'should live and
reign with Christ,' considered as the
characteristic feature of the Millennial
state, is to terminate with the thousand
years — for this is the promise, according
to that view, that they should thus live
and reign. But it need not be said that
this is wholly contrary to the current
doctrine of the Bible, that they are to
live and reign with him for ever.
(d) A farther objection to this view is,
that the wicked part of the world — "the
rest of the dead who lived not again un
til the thousand years were finished,"
must of course be expected to 'live
again' in the same bodily sense when
those thousand years were finished. But
so far from this, there is no mention of
their living then. When the thousand
years are finished, Satan is loosed for a
season; then the nations are roused to
opposition against God ; then there is a
conflict, and the hostile forces are over
thrown ; and then comes the final judg
ment. During all this time we read of

no resurrection at all. The period after
this is to be filled up with something
besides the resurrection of 'the rest of
the dead.' There is no intimation, as
the literal construction as it is claimed
would demand, that immediately after
the 'thousand years are finished' the
'rest of the dead' — the wicked dead —
would be raised up ; nor is there any in
timation of such a resurrection until all
the dead are raised up for the final trial,
ver. 12. But every consideration de
mands, if the interpretation of the 'lite
ralists' be correct, that the 'rest of the
dead' — the unconverted dead — should
be raised up immediately after the close
of the Millennial period, and be raised
up as a distinct and separate class.
(e) There is no intimation in the pas
sage itself that the righteous will be
raised up as such in tLis period, and the
proper interpretation of the passage is
contrary to that supposition. There are
but two classes mentioned as having pan
in the first resurrection. They are those
who were 'beheaded for the witness of
Jesus,' and those who 'had not wor
shipped the beast ;* that is, the martyrs,
and those who had been eminent- for
their fidelity to the Saviour in times of
great temptation and trial. There is no
mention of the resurrection of tbe right
eous as such — of the resurrection of the
great body of the redeemed ; and if it
could be shown that tfcis refers to a lite
ral resurrection, it would be impossible
to apply it, according to any just ruleB
of interpretation, to any more than the
two classes that are specified. By what
rules of interpretation is it made to teach
that all the righteous will be raised up
on that occasion, -and will live on the
earth during that long period? In this
view of the matter, the passage does not
express the doctrine that the whole
church of God will be raised bodily from
the grave. And supposing it had been
the design of the Spirit of God to teach
this, is it credible, when there are so
many clear expressions in regard to the
resurrection of the dead, that so import
ant a doctrine should have been reserved
for one single passage so obscure, and
where the great mass of the readers of
tho Bible in all ages have failed to per
ceive it? That is not the way in which,
in the Scriptures, great and momentous
doctrines are communicated to mankind
(/) The fair statement in vs>. 11-15

472

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

is, that all the dead will then be
raised up, and be judged. This is im
plied in the general expressions there
used — 'tie dead, small and great;' the
'book of life was opened' — as if not
opened before; 'the dead' — all the dead
— ' were judged, out of those things which
were written in the books ;' ' the sea gave
up the dead which were in it, and death
and hell (hades) delivered up the dead
which were in them.' This is entirely
inconsistent with the supposition that a
large part of the race — to wit, all the
righteous — had been before raised up;
had passed the solemn judgment; had
been clothed with their immortal bodies,
and had been admitted to a joint-reign
with the Saviour on his throne. In the
last judgment, what place arc they to
occupy ? In what sense are they to be
raised up and judged ? Would such a
representation have been made as is
found in vs. 11-15, if it had been de
signed to teach that a large part of the
race had been .already raised up, and had
received the approval of their judge?
(g) This representation is wholly in
consistent, .not only with vs. 11-15, but
with the uniform language of the Scrip
tures that all the righteous and the wicked
will be judged together, and both at the
coming of Christ. On no point are the
statements of the Bible more uniform
and explicit than on this, and it would
seem that the declarations had been of
design so made that there should be no
possibility of mistake. I refer for full
proof on this point to the following pas
sages of the New Testament : Matt. x.
32, 33, compared with Mark viii. 38;
Rev. xxii. 12-15; Matt. xvi. 24V-27, vii.
21-23, xxv. 10, 31-46, xiii. 30, 38-43 ;
John v. 28, 29 ; Acts xviii. 31 ; Rom. ii.
5-16; 2 Cor. v. 9-11; 1 Cor. iv. 5; 2
Thess. i. 6-10 ; 1 Cor. iii. 12-15 ; 1 John
ii. 28, iv. 17; Rev. iii. 5; 1 Tim. v. 24,
25 ; Rom. xiv. 10, 12 ; 2 Pet. iii. 7, 10,
12; Rev. xx. 11-15. It is utterly im
possible to explain these passages on
any other supposition than that they are
intended to teach that the righteous and
the wicked will be judged together, and
both at the coming of Christ. And, if
this is so, it is of course impossible to
explain them consistently with the view
that all the righteous will hnve been
already raised up at tho beginning of the
Millennium in their immortal and glori
fied bodies, and that they have been

solemnly approved by the Saviour, and
admitted to a participation in his glory.
Nothing could be more irreconcilable
than these two views, and it seems to
me, therefore, that the objections to the
literal resurrection of the saints at the
beginning of the Millennial period are
insuperable. III. The following points, then, ac
cording to the interpretation proposed,
are implied in this statement respecting
the 'first resurrection/ and these will
clearly comprise all that is stated on the
subject. (1) There will be a reviving, and a
prevalence of the spirit which actuated
the saints in the best days, and a restor
ation of their principles as the grand
principles which will control and govern
the church, as if the most eminent saints
were raised again from the dead, and
lived and acted upon the earth.
(2) Their memory will then be sacred
ly cherished, and they will be honored
on the earth with the honor which is due
to their names, and which they should
have received when in the land of the
living. They will be no longer cast out
and reproached; no longer held up to
obloquy and scorn ; no longer despised
and forgotten, but there will be a reviving
of sacred regard for their principles, as
if they lived on the earth, and hod the
honor which was due them.
(3) There will be a state of things
upon the earth as if they thus lived and
were thus honored. Religion will no
longer be trampled under foot, but will
triumph. In all parts of the earth it will
have the ascendency, as if the most emi
nent saints of past ages lived and reigned
with the Son of God in his kingdom. A
spiritual kingdom will be set up with the
Son of God at the head of it, which will
be a kingdom of eminent holiness, as if
the saints of the best days of the church
should come back to the earth and dwell
upon it The ruling influence in the
world will be the religion of the Son of
God, and the principles which have
governed the most holy of his people.
(4) It may be implied that the saints
and martyrs of other times will be em
ployed by the Saviour in embassies of
moroy; in visitations of grace to our
world to carry forward the great work
of salvation on earth. Nothing forbids
the idea that the saints in heaven may
be thus employed, and in this long

A.D. 96.]

CHAPTER XX.

473

7 And when the thousand years
are expired, Satan shall be loosed
out of his prison.

period of a thousand years, it may be
that they will be occupied in such mes
sages and agencies of meroy to our world
as they have never been before — as if
they were raised from the dead, and were
employed by the Redeemer to carry
forward his purposes of mercy to man
kind. (5) In connexion with these things,
and in consequence of these things, they
may be, during that period, exalted to
higher happiness and. honor in heaven.
The restoration of their principles to
the earth ; the Christian remembrance
of their virtues ; the prevalence of those
truths to establish which they laid down
their lives, would in itself exalt them,
and would increase their joy in heaven.
All this would be well represented, in
vision, by a resurrection of the dead ;
and admitting that this was all that was
intended, the representation of John
here would be in the highest degree ap
propriate. What could better symbolize
it — and we must remember that this is
a symbol — than to say that at the com
mencement of this period there was, as
it were, a solemn preparation for a judg
ment, and that the departed dead seemed
to stand there, and that a sentence was
pronounced in their favor, and that they
became associated with the Son of God
in the honors of his kingdom, and that
their principles were now to reign and tri
umph in the earth, and that the king
dom which they labored to establish
would be set up for a thousand years,
and that in high purposes' of mercy
and benevolence during that period
they would be employed in maintaining
and extending the principles of reli
gion in the world? Admitting that
the Holy Spirit intended to represent
these things, and these only, no more
appropriate symbolical language could
have been used ; none that would more
accord with the general style of the
Book of Revelation.
7. And when the thousand years are
expired. See ver. 2. If Satan shall be
loosed out of hie prison. See ver. 3
That is, a state of things will then oocur
as if Satan should be for a time let lease
40*

8 And shall go out to deceive
the nations which are in the four
quarters of the earth, Gog ° and

.9.1.

again, and should be permitted to go as
formerly over the world. No intima
tion is given why or how he would be
thus released from his prison. We are
not, however, to infer that it would be
a mere arbitrary act on the part of God.
All that is necessary to be supposed is,
that there would be, iu certain parts of
the world, a temporary outbreak of
wickedness, as if Satan were for a time
released from his chains.
8. And shall go out to deceive the
nations. See Notes on ch. xii. 9. The
meaning here is, that he would again,
for a time, act in his true character, and
in some way delude the nations once
more. In what way this would be done
is not stated. It would be, however,
clearly an appeal to the wicked passions
of mankind, exciting a hope that they
might yet overthrow the kingdom of
God on the earth, ^f Which are in the
four quarters of the earth. Literally
corners of the earth, as if the earth were
one extended square plain. The earth
is usually spoken of as divided into
four parts or quarters — the eastern, the
western, the northern, and the southern.
It is implied here that the deception or
apostacy referred to would not be con
fined to one spot or portion of the world,
but would extend afar. The idea seems
to be, that during that period, though
there would be a general prevalence of
the gospel, and a general diffusion of
its blessings, yet that the earth would
not be entirely under its influence, and
especially that the native character of
the human heart would not be changed.
Man, under powerful temptations, would
be liable to be deluded by the great
master spirit that has so often corrupted
the race. Once more he would be per
mitted to make the trial, and then his
power would for ever come to an end.
f Gog and Magog. The name Gog oo-
curs as the name of a prince, in Ezek.
xxxviii. 2, 3, 16, 18, xxxix. 1, 11. He
is an invader of the land of Israel, the
chief prince of Meshech and Tubal,"
Ezek. xxxviii. 2. Magog is also men
tioned in Ezek. xxxviii. 2, " the land af
Magog," and in Ezek. xxxix. 6, " I will

474

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

Magog, to ° gather them together
a c. 16. 14.

send a fire on Magog." As the terms
are used in the Old Testament, the re
presentation would seem to be that Gog
was the king of a people called Magog.
The signification of the names is un
known, and consequently nothing can
be determined about the meaning of this
passage from that source. Nor is there
much known about the people who are re
ferred to by Ezekiel. His representation
would seem to be, that a great and pow
erful people, dwelling in the extreme re
cesses of the North (ch-. xxxviii. 15, xxxix.
2), would invade the holy land after the
return from the exile, ch. xxxviii. 8-12.
It is commonly supposed that they were
Scythians, residing between the Caspian
and Euxine Seas, or in the region of
Mount Caucasus. Thus Josephus (Ant.
i. 6, 3) has dropped the Hebrew word
Magog, and rendered it by 2kiS0<ii —
Scythians ; and so does Jerome.- Suidas
renders it Uip<rat — Persians; but this
does not materially vary the view, since
the word Scythians among the ancient
writers is a collective word to denote all
the north-eastern, unknown, barbarous
tribes. Among the Hebrews, the name
Magog, also, would seem to denote all
the unknown barbarous tribes about the
Caucasian Mountains. The fact that
the names Gog and Magog are in Eze
kiel associated with Meshechjind Tubal
seems to determine the locality of these
people, for those two countries lie
between the Euxine and Caspian Seas,
or at the south-east extremity of the
Euxine Sea. Rosenm. Bib. Geog. i. p.
240. The people of that region were,
it seems, a terror to Middle Asia, in
the same manner as the Scythians were
to the Greeks and Romans. Inter
course with such distant and savage
nations was scarcely possible in ancient
times ; and hence, from their numbers
and strength, they were regarded with
great terror, just as the Scythians
were regarded by the ancient Greeks
and Romans, and as the Tartars were
in the Middle Ages. In this manner
they became an appropriate symbol of
rude and savage people; of enemies
fierce and warlike ; of foes to be dreaded ;
and as suoh they were referred to by ,
both Ezekiel and John. It has been
made a question whether Ezekiol and j

to battle : the number of whom U
as the sand of the sea.

John do not refer to the same period,
but it is not necessary to consider that
qnestion here. All that is needful to be
understood is, that John means to say
that at the time referred to, there would
he formidable enemies of the church
who might be compared with the dread
ed dwellers in the land of Magog; or,
that after this long period of Millennial
tranquillity and peace, there would be a
state of things which might be properly
compared with the invasion of the holy
land by the dreaded barbarians of Ma
gog or Scythia. It is not necessary to
suppose that any particular country is
referred to, or that there would be any
one portion of the earth which the gos
pel would not reach, and which would
be still barbarous, heathen, and savage:
all that is necessary to be supposed is,
that though religion would generally
prevail, human nature would remain
essentially corrupt and unchanged ; and
that, therefore, from causes which ore
not stated, there might yet be a fearful
apostacy, and a somewhat general pre
valence of iniquity. This would be
nothing more than has occurred after the
most favored times in the church, and
nothing more than human nature would
exhibit at any time, if all restraints were
withdrawn, and men were suffered to
act out their native feelings. Why4his
will be permitted; what causes will
bring it about; what subordinate agen
cies will be employed, is not said, and
conjecture would be vain. The reader
who wishes more information in regard
to Gog and Magog, may consult Prof.
Stuart on this book, vol. ii. pp. 364r-368,
and the authorities there referred to.
Comp. especially Rosenmiiller on Ezek.
xxxviii. 2. See also Sale's Koran, Pre.
Dis. \ 4, and the Koran itself, Sura xviii.
94, and xxi, 95. \ To gather them to
gether to battle. As if to assemble them
for war ; that is, a state of things would
exist in regard to the kingdom of God
and the prevalence of the true religion,
as if distant and barbarous nations
should be aroused to make war on tho
churoh of God. The meaning is, that
there would be an awakened hostility
against the kingdom of Christ in the
earth. See Notes on ch. xvi. 14. f The
number of whom is as the sand of the

A D. 96.]

CHAPTER XX.

475

sea. A common comparison in the Scrip
tures to denote a great multitude. Glen.
xxii. 17, xxxii. 12, xii. 49 ; 1 Sam. xiii.
5 ; 1 Kings iv. 20, et al.
3 c. Condition of things in the period
referred to in vs. 7, 8.
(1) This will occur" at the close of the
Millennial period — the period of the
thousand years. It is not said, indeed,
that it would be immediately after that ;
but the statement is explicit that it will
be after that, or "when the thousand
years are expired." There may be an
interval before it shay be accomplished
of an indefinite time ; the alienation and
" corruption may be gradual ; a considera
ble period may elapse before the apos-
tacy shall assume an organized form, or,
in the language of John, before the hosts
shall "be gathered to battle," but it is to
be the next marked and prominent event
in the history of the world, and is to pre
cede the final consummation of all things.
(2) This will be a brief period. Com
pared with the long period of prosperity
that preceded it, and perhaps compared
with the long period that shall follow it
before the final judgment, it will be short.
Thus in ver. 3, it is said- that Satan
" must be loosed a little season." See
Notes on that verse. There is no way of
determining the time with exactness; but
we are assured that it will not be long.
(3) What will be the exact state of
things then, can be only a matter of con
jecture. We may say, however, that it
will not he (a) necessarily war. The lan
guage is figurative and symbolical, and
it is not necessary to suppose that an
actual and bloody warfare will be lite
rally waged against the church. Nor (b)
will there be a literal invasion of the
land of Palestine as the residence of the
saints, and the capital of the Redeemer's
visible empire ; for there is not a hint of
this — not a word to justify such an in
terpretation. Nor (c) is it necessary to
suppose that there will be literally such
nations as will be then called .' Gog and
Magog' — for this language is figurative,
and designed to characterize the foes of
the church — as being in some respects
formidable and terrible as were those
ancient nations.
We may thus suppose that at that
time, from causes which are unexplained,
there will bo (a) a revived opposition to
the truths of religion; (6) the prevalence,
to a groater or less extent, of infidelity;

(c) a great spiritual declension; (d) a
combination of interests opposed to the
gospel; (e) possibly some new form
of error and delusion that shall exten
sively prevail. Satan may set up some
new form of religion, or he may breathe
into those that may already exist a spirit
of worldliness and vanity. — some new
manifestation of the religion of forms —
that shall for a limited period produce a
general decline and apostacy. As there
is, however, no distinct specification of
what will characterize the world at that
time, it is impossible to determine what
is referred to any more than in this gene
ral manner.
(4) A few remarks may, however, be
made on the probability of what is here
affirmed — for it seems contrary to what
we should suppose would be the charac
teristics of the closing period of tho
I world. The following remarks, then,
may show that this anticipated state
of things is not improbable : (o) We
are to remember that human nature will
then be essentially the same as now.
There is no intimation that man as born
into the world will be then different from
what he is now; or that any of the natu
ral corrupt tendencies of the human
heart will be changed. Men will be
liable to the same outbreaks of passion ;
to be influenced by the same forms of
temptation ; to fall into the same degene
racy and corruption ; to feel the same
unhappy influences of success and pros
perity as now — for all this appertains to
a fallen nature, except as it is checked
and controlled by grace. We often mis
take much in regard to the Millennial
state by supposing that all the evils of
the apostacy will be arrested, and that
the nature of man will be as wholly
changed as it will be in the heavenly
world. (6) The whole history of the
church has shown that there is a liability
to declension even in the best state, and
in the condition of the highest spiritual
prosperity. To see this we have only to
remember the example of the Hebrews,
and how readily they apostatized after
the most striking manifestation of the
divine mercies ; the early Christian
church, and how soon it declined; the
seven churches of Asia Minor, and how
soon their spirituality departed ; the va
rious revivals of religion that have oc
curred from time to time, and how soon
they have been succeeded by coldness.

476

KEYELATION,

IA, P. !

9 And ° they went up on the
a Is. 8. 8 ; Eze. 38. 9, 16.
worldliness, and error ; the fact that great
religious denominations which have be
gun their career with zeal and love, have
so soon degenerated in spirit, and fallen
into the same formality and worldliness
which they have evinced who have gone
before them ; and tbe case of the indi
vidual Christian, who from the most ex
alted state of love and joy, so soon often
declines into a state of conformity to the
world. These are sad views of human
nature, even under the influence of true
religion ; but the past history of man has
given but too much occasion for such
reflections, and too much reason to ap
prehend that the same things may occur,
for a time, even under the best forms in
which religion mayyaanifest itself in a
fallen world. Man's nature will be better
in heaven, and religion there in its
purest and best form will be permanent;
here we are not to be surprised at any
outbreak of sin, or any form of declen
sion in religion. What has often occurred
in the world on a small scale, we may
suppose may then occur on a larger scale.
" Just as on a small scale, in some little
community like that of Northampton,
as described by President Edwards, after
the remarkable sense of God's presence
over the whole town had begun to wax
feeble, the still unconverted persons of
it, though subdued and seemingly won
over to Christ, would by little and little
recover themselves, and at length ven
ture forth in their true character, so it
will be, in all probability, on a vast scale,
at the close of the latter day. The un
converted portion of the world* — long
constrained by the religious influences
every where surrounding them to fall in
with the spirit of the day, catching ap
parently its holy impulses, but never
coming savingly under its power — this
portion of mankind, which we have rea
son to fear will not be small, will now be
freed from these irksome restraints, no
longer obliged to breathe an atmosphere
uncongenial to their nature." Brown on
the Second Coming of Christ, p. 442.
" No oppression is so grievous to an un-
sanctified heart as that which arises from
the purity of Christianity. A desire to
shake off this yoke is the true cause of
the opposition which Christianity has
met with iu the world in every period,

breadth of the earth, and compassed
the camp of the saints about, and

and will, it is most likely, be the chief
motive to influence the followers of Gog
in his time." Fraser*s Key, p. 455. (c)
The representations of the New Testa
ment elsewhere confirm this view in re
gard to the latter state of the world — the
state when the Lord Jesus shall come to
judgment. Luke xviii. 8: "When the
Son of man cometh, shall he find faith
on the earth?" 2 Peter iii. 3, 4 : "There
shall come in the last days scoffers,
walking after their own lusts, and saying,
Where is the promise of his coming?"
1 Thess* v. 2, 3 : " The day of the Lord
so cometh as a thief in the night. For
when they shall say, Peace and safety,
then sudden destruction cometh upon
them, as travail upon a woman with
child, and they shall not escape." See
especially Luke xvii. 26-30 : "As it was
in the days of Noe, so shall it be also
in the days of the Son of man. They
did eat, they drank, they were given in
marriage, until the day that Noe entered
into the ark, and the flood came and de
stroyed them all. Likewise also as it
was in the days of Lot; they did eat,
they drank, they bought, they sold, they
planted, they builded ; but the same day
that Lot went out of Sodom it rained
fire and brimstone from heaven, and
destroyed them all. Even thus shall it
be in the day when the Son of man is re
vealed." 9. And they went up on the breadth of
the earth. They spread over the earth
in extended columns. The image is that
of an invading army that seems, in its
march, to spread all over a land. The
reference here is to the hosts assembled
from the regions of Gog and Magog;
that is, to the formidable enemies of the
gospel that would be roused up at the
close of the period properly called the
Millennial period — the period of the
thousand years. It is not necessary to
suppose that there would be literally
armies of enemies of God summoned
from lands that would be called lands of
' Gog and Magog,' but all that is neces
sarily implied is, that there will he a
state of hostility to the church cf Christ
which would be well illustrated by such
a comparison with an invading host of
barbarians. The expression ' the breadth
of the land' occurs in Habakkuk i. 6, ia

A.-D.96.]

CHAPTER XX.

477

the beloved city: and fire came
down from God out of heaven, and
devoured them.'
10 And the devil that deceived
them was cast into the lake ° of fire
a description of the invasion of the Chal
deans, and means there the whole extent
of it; that is, they would spread over
the whole country, f And compassed
the camp of the saints about. Besieged
the camp of the saints considered as en
gaged in war, or as attacked by an ene
my. The "camp of the saints" here
seems to be supposed to be without the
walls of the city; that is, the army was
drawn out for defence. The fact that
the foes were able to ' compass this camp
about/ and to encircle the city at the
same time, shows the greatness of the
numbers of the invaders. IT And the be
loved city. Jerusalem — a city repre
sented as beloved by God and by his peo
ple. The whole imagery here1 is derived
from a supposed invasion of the land of
Palestine — imagery than which nothing
could be more natural to John in de
scribing the hostility that would be
aroused against the church in the latter
day. But no just principle of interpre
tation requires us to understand this
literally. Comp. Heb. xii. 22. Indeed
it would be absolutely impossible to give
this chapter throughout a literal inter
pretation. What would be the literal
interpretation of the very first verses ? " I
saw an angel come down from heaven,
having the key of the bottomless pit, and
a great chain in his hand; and he laid
hold on the dragon, and bound him."
Can any one believe that there is to be a
literal key, and a chain, and an act of
seizing a serpent, and binding him? As
little is it demanded that the passage
before us should be taken literally ; for
if it is maintained that this should be,
we may insist that the same principle of
interpretation should be applied to every
part of the chapter, and every part of
the book, ^j And fire came down from,
God out of heaven, and devoured them.
Consumed them — fire being represented
as devouring or eating. See Notes on
ch, xvii. 16. The meaning is, that they
would be destroyed as if fire should
come down from heaven, as on Sodom
and Gomorrah. But it is not necessary
to understand this literally any more

and brimstone, where the beast and
the false prophet are, and shall be
tormented day and night for ever
and ever. a c. 19. 20.

than it is the portions of the chapter just
referred to. What is obviously meant
is, that their destruction would be sudden,
certain, and entire, and that thus the
last enemy of God and the church would
be swept away. Nothing can be deter
mined from this about the means by
which this destruction will be effected;
and that must be left for time to disclose.
It is suflicient to know that the destruc
tion of these last foes of God and the
church will be certain and entire. This
language as denoting the final destruc
tion of the enemies of God, is often
employed in the Scriptures. See Ps. xi.
6 ; Isa. xxix. 6 ; Ezek. xxxix. 6, xxxviii.
22. 10. And the devil that deceived them.
See Notes on vs. 3, 8. ^ Was cast into
the lake of fire and brimstone. In ch.
xix. 20, it is said of the beast and the
false prophet that they were ' cast alive
into a lake of fire, burning with brim
stone.' Satan, on the other hand, in
stead of being doomed at once to that
final ruin, was confined for a season in a
dark abyss, ch. xx. 1-3. As the final
punishment, however", he is appropriately
represented as consigned to the same
doom as the beast and the false prophet,
that those great enemies of God that had
been associated and combined in deceiv
ing the nations, might share the same
appropriate punishment in the end.
Comp, ch. xvi. 13, 14. ^ Where the
beast and the false prophet are. Notes
ch. xix. 20. -fl And shall be tormented
day and night for ever. Comp. Notes
ch. xiv. 11. All the great enemies of
the church are destroyed, and hencefor
ward there is to be no array of hostile
forces; no combination of malignant
powers against the kingdom of God.
The gospel triumphs; the way is pre
pared for the final consummation.
3 d. Condition of things in the period
referred to in vs. 9, 10.
(1) There will be, after the release of
Satan, and of course at the close of the
Millennial period properly so called, a
state of things which may bo well repre
sented by the invasion of a country by

478

REVELATION,

[A.D.96

11 And I saw a great white throne and him that sat on it, from

hostile, formidable forces.' This, as shown
in the exposition, need not be supposed
to be literal, but it is implied that there
will be decided hostility against the true
religion. It may be an organization and
consolidation, so to speak, of infidel prin
ciples, or a decided worldly spirit, -or
some prevalent form of error, or some
new form of depravity that shall be de
veloped by the circumstances of that age.
What it will be, it is impossible now to
determine, but, as shown above (# b, 4),
it is by no means improbable that this
will occur even at the close of the Mil
lennium. (2) There will be a decided defeat of
these forGes thus combined, aa if fire
should come down from heaven to de
stroy an invading army. The mode in
which this will be done is not indeed
stated, for there is no necessity of under
standing the statement in ver. 9 literally,
any more than the other parts of the
ehapter. The fair inference, however,
is, that it will be by a manifest divine
agency; that it will be sudden, and that
the destruction will be entire. We have
no reason, therefore, to suppose that the
outbreak will be of long continuance, or
that it will very materially disturb the
settled order of human affairs on the
earth — any more than a formidable in
vasion of a country does, when the in
vading army is suddenly cut off by some
terrible judgment from heaven.
(3) This overthrow of the enemies of
God and of the church will be final.
Satan will be " cast into the lake of fire
and brimstone, to be tormented day and
night for ever." The beast and the false
prophet are already there (ch. xix. 20) ;
that is, they will have ceased long since
— even before the beginning of the Mil
lennial period (ch. xix. 20, compared with
ch. xx. 1-3) — to have opposed the pro
gress of truth in the world, and their
power will have been brought to an end.
Satan now, the last enemy, will be
doomed to the same hopeless woe, and
all the enemies that have ever opposed
the church — in all forms of Paganism,
Mohammedanism, Popery, and delusion,
will be destroyed for ever. The world
then will have peace ; the church will
have rest; the groat triumph will have
been achieved.
(4) for reasons stated in tho 'Analy

sis* of the chapter, V. (c), it is possible
that there will be a long period of con
tinued prosperity and peace between the
events stated in vs. 9, 10, and the final
judgment, as described in vs. 11-15.
If so, however, the purpose of the book
did not require that that should be de
scribed at length, and it must be admit
ted that the most obvious interpretation
of the New Testament would not be
favorable to such a supposition. Comp.
Luke xvii. 26-30; 1 Thess. v. 2, 3; 2
Peter iii. 3, 4 ; Luke xviii. 8. The great
glory of the world will be the Millennial
period ; when religion shall have the as
cendency, and the race shall have reached
its highest point of progress on earth,
and the blessings of liberty, intelligence,
peace, and piety, shall have during that
period been spread over the globe, in
that long duration, who can estimate
the numbers that shall be redeemed and
saved? That period passed, the great
purpose contemplated by the creation of
the earth — the glory of God in the re
demption of a fallen race, and in setting
up a kingdom of righteousness in a world
of apostacy, will have been accomplished,
and there will be no reason why the final
judgment should not then occur. " The
work of redemption will now be finished.
The end for which the means of grace
have been instituted, shall be obtained.
All the effect which was intended to be
accomplished by them shall now be ac
complished. All the great wheels of
Providence have gone round — all things
are ripe for Christ's coming to judg
ment." Pres. Edwards, History of Re
demption. 11. And I saw a great white throne.
This verse commences the description
of the final judgment, which embraces
the remainder of the chapter. The first
thing seen in the vision is the burning
throne of the Judge. The things that
ore specified in regard to it are that it
was great, and that it was white. The
former expression means that it was high
or elevated. Comp. Isa. vi. 1. The lat
ter expression — ich i tc — means that it was
splendid or shining. Comp. 1 Kings x.
18, 19, 20. Tbe throne here is the same
which is referred to in Matt. xxv. 31,
and called there "the throne of his
glory." ^ And him that sat on it. The
reference here, undoubtedly, is to the

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XX.

479

whofje fece the earth " and the hea
ven fled away ; and there was found
no place for them.
12 And I saw the dead, small
a 2 Pe. 3. 10, 12.

Lord Jesus Christ, the final Judge of
mankind (comp. Matt. xxv. 31), and the
scene described is that which will occur
at his Second Advent. ^[ From whose
face. Or from whose presence ; though
the word may he used here to denote
more strictly his face — as illuminated,
and shining like the sun. See ch. i. 16,
" And his countenance was as the sun
shineth in his strength." ^ The earth
and the heaven fled away. That is, as
the stars, at the rising of the sun, seem
to flee to more remote regions, and -van
ish from human view, so when the Son
of God shall descend in his glory to
judge the world, the earth and all other
worlds shall seem to vanish. Every one
must admire the sublimity of this image;
no one can contemplate it without being
awed by the majesty and glory of the
final Judge of mankind. Similar ex
pressions, where the natural creation
shrinks back with awe at the presence
of God, frequently occur in the Bible.
Comp. Ps. xviii. 7-15, lxxvii. 16-19,
cxiv. 3-5, Habak. iii. 6, 10, 11. ^[ And
there was found no place for them. They
seemed to flee entirely away, as if there
was no place where they could find a
safe retreat, or which would receive and
shelter them in their flight. The image
expresses in the most emphatic manner
the idea that they entirely disappeared,
and no language could more sublimely
represent the majesty of the Judge.
12. And I saw the dead, -small and
great. All the dead — for this language
would express that — the whole race be
ing composed of the 'small and great/
Thus, in other language, the same idea
might he expressed by saying the young
and old; the rich and poor; the bond
and free;, the sick and well; the happy
and the. unhappy ; the righteous and the
wicked ; for all the human family might,
in these respects, be considered as thus
divided. The fair meaning in this place,
therefore, is, that all the dead would be
there, and of course this would preclude
the idea of a previous resurrection of any
part of the dead, as of the saints, at the
beginning of the Millennium. There is

and great, stand before God: and
the books h were opened ; and an
other book e was opened, which is
the book of life : and the dead were
b Da. 7. 10. c Da. 12. 1 ; o. 21. 27.

no intimation here that it is the wicked
dead that are referred to in this descrip
tion of the final judgment. It is the
judgment of all the dead. ^[ Stand be
fore God. That is, they appear thus to
oe judged. The word ' God' here must
naturally refer to the final Judge on the
throne, and there can be no doiibt (see
Matt. xxv. 31) that this is the Lord
Jesus. Comp. 2 Cor. v. 10. None can
judge the secrets of the heart; none can
pronounce on the moral character of all
mankind of all countries and ages, and
determine their everlasting allotment,
but he who is divine. ^[ And the books
were opened. That is, the books con
taining the record of human deeds. The
representation is, that all that men have
done is recorded, and that it will be ex
hibited on the final trial, and will con
stitute the basis of the last judgment.
The imagery seems to be derived from
the accusations made against such as are
arraigned before human courts of justice.
^[ And another book was opened, which is ¦
the hook of life. The book containing
the record of the names of all who shall
enter into life, or into heaven. See
Notes on ch. iii. 5. The meaning here
is, that John saw not only the general
books opened containing the records of
the deeds of men, but that he had a dis
tinct view of the list or roll of those who
were the followers of the Lamb. It
would seem that in regard to the multi
tudes of the impenitent and the wicked,
the judgment will proceed on their deeds
in general; in regard to the righteous,
it will turn on the fact that their names
had been enrolled in the book of life.
That will be sufficient to determine the
nature of the sentence that is to be passed
on them. He will be safe whose name
is found in the book of life ; no one will
be safe who is to have his eternal des
tiny determined by his own deeds. This
passage proves particularly that the
righteous dead are referred to here as
being present at the final judgment;
and . is thus an additional argument
against the supposition of a resurrection
of the righteous, and a judgment on

480

REVELATION,

[A.I)«!

judged out of those things which
were written in the books, accord
ing • to their works.
13 And the sea gave up the dead
which were in it; and death and
' hell delivered up the dead which
a Je. 32. 19; Mat. 16. 27. * Or, the grave.

them, at the beginning of tho Millen
nium, ^f And the dead were judged out
of those things which were written in the
booles. The records which had been made
of their deeds. The final judgment will
proceed on the record that has been
made. It will not be arbitrary, and will
not be determined by rank, condition, or
profession, but it will be according to tbe
record, ^f According to their works. See
Notes on 2 Cor. v. 10. The fact that the
name of any one was found in the book
of life would seem, as above remarked,
to determine the certainty of salvation,
but the amount of reward would be in
proportion to the service rendered to the
Redeemer, and the attainments made in
piety. 13. , And the sea gave _ up the dead
which were in it. All that had been
buried in the depths of oceans.' This
number in the aggregate will be great.
If we include all who were swept off by
the flood, and all who have perished by
shipwreck, and all who have been killed
in naval battles and buried in the sea,
and all who have been swept away by
inundations of the ocean, and all who
have peacefully died at sea, as sailors,
or in the pursuits of commerce or bene
volence, the number in the aggregate
will be immense — a number so vast
that it was proper to notice them parti
cularly in the account of the general
resurrection and the last judgment.
% And death and hell delivered up the
dead which were in them. That is, all
the dead came, from ail regions where
they were scattered — on the land and in
the ocean — in this world and in tho in
visible world. ' Death and hell' are here
personified, and are represented as hav
ing dominion over the dead, and as now
delivering up, or surrendering those who
were held under them. On the meaning
of the words here used, see Notes on ch.
i. 18, vi. 8. Comp. Notes on Matt. x.
23, Luke xvi. 23, Job x. 21, 22, Isa.
xiv. 9. This whole representation is
entirely inoonsistent with the suppoei-

were in them; and they were
judged every man according to
their works.
14 And death * and hell were
cast into the ^ake of fire. This is
the second death.
e Hos. 13. 14; 1 Co. 15. 26, 54.
tion that a large port of the dead hod
been already raised up at the beginning
of the Millennial period, and had been
permitted, in their glorified bodies, to
reign with Christ 1f And they were
judged, Ac. All thes,e were judged —
the righteons and the wicked; those
buried at sea, and those buried on the
land; the small and the great; the dead,
in whatever world they may have been.
14. And death and hell were cast into
the lake of fire. Death and Hades (hell)
are here personified, as they are in the
previous verse. The declaration is equi
valent to the statement in 1 Cor. xv. 26,
" The last enemy that shall be destroyed
is death." See Notes on that passage.
The idea is, that death, considered as
the separation of soul and body, with
all the attendant woes, will exist no
more. The righteous will live for ever,
and the wicked will linger on in a state
never to be terminated by death. The
reign of Death and Hades, as such,
would come to an end, and a new order
of things would commence where this
would be unknown. There might be
that which would be properly called
death, but it would not be death in this
form ; the soul would live for ever, but it
would not be in that condition repre
sented by the word aons — hades. There
would be death still, but a " second
death differs from the first, in the fact
that it is not a separation of the soul and
body, but a state of continual agony like
that which the first death inflicts — like
that in intensity, but not in kind."
Prof. Stuart, ^f This is the second death.
That is, this whole process here described
— the condemnation, and the final death
and ruin of those whose names are ' not
found written in the book of life,' pro
perly constitutes the second death.
This proves that when it is said that
¦ death and hell were cast into a lake of
fire,' it cannot be meant that all punish
ment will cease for ever, and that all
will be saved, for the writer goes on to
describe what he calls ' the seeond

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XX.

485

15 And whosoever, was not found
a Mat. 25. 41.
death' as still existing. See ver. 15.
John describes this as the second death,
not because it in all respects resembles
the first death, but because it has so
many points of resemblance that it may
be properly called death. Death, in
any form, is the penalty of law; it
is attended with pain ; it cuts off from
hope, from friends, from enjoyment;
it subjects him who dies to a much
dreaded condition,' and in all these
respects it was proper to call the final
condition of the wicked, death — though
it would still be true that the soul would
live. There is no evidence that John
meant to affirm that the second death
would imply an extinction of existence.
Death never- does that; the word does
not naturally and properly convey that
idea. 15. And whosoever. All persons, of
all ranks, ages, and conditions. No
word could be more comprehensive than
this. Tho single condition here stated,
as being that which would save any from
being cost into the lake of fire, is, that
they are " found written in the book of
life." All besides these, princes, kings,
nobles, philosophers, statesmen, con
querors ; rich men and 'poor men ; the
borid'and the free; the young and the
aged ; the gay, the vain, the proud, and
the sober ; the modest, and the humble,
will be doomed to the lake of fire. Unlike
in all other things, they will be alike in
the only thing on which' their eternal
destiny will depend — that they have
not so lived that their names have be
come recorded in the book of life. As
they will also be destitute of true reli
gion, there will be a propriety that they
shall share the same doom in the future
world, fl Written in the book of life.
See Notes on oh. iii. 5. ^[ Was cast
into the lake of fire. See Notes on
Matt. xxv. 41. That is, they will be
doomed to a punishment which will be
well represented by their lingering in a
sea of fire for ever. This is the termi
nation of the judgment ; the winding up
of the affairs of men. The vision of
John here rests for a moment on the
doom of the wicked, and then turns to
a more full contemplation of the happy
lot of the righteous as detailed in the
two closing chapters of the book.
41

written in the book of life was cast
into the lake of fire."

Z d. Condition of things referred to in
vs. 11-15.
(1) There will be a general resurrec
tion of the dead — of the righteous and
the wicked. This is implied by the
statement that the ' dead small and
great' were seen to stand before God;
that 'the sea gave up the dead which
were in it;' that ' Death and Hades gave
up their dead.' All were there whose
names were or were not written in the
book of life.
(2) There will be a solemn and im
partial judgment. How long a time this
will occupy, is not said, and is not neces
sary to be known — for time is of no con
sequence where there is an eternity of
devotion — but it is said that they will
all be judged " according to their works;"
that is, strictly according to their cha
racter. They will receive no arbitrary
doom ; they will have no sentence which
will not be just. See Matt. xxv. 31-46.
(3) This will be the final judgment.
After this, the affairs of the race will be
put on a different footing. This will be
the end of the present arrangements ;
the end of the present dispensations ; the
kend of human probation. The great
question to be determined in regard to
our world will have been settled ; what
the plan of redemption was intended to
accomplish on the earth will have been
accomplished; the agency of the Divine
Spirit in converting sinners will have
come to an end; and the means of grace,
as such, will be employed no more.
There is not here or elsewhere an inti
mation that beyond this period any of
these things will exist, or that the work
of redemption, as such, will extend into
the world beyond the judgment. As
there is no intimation that the condition
of the righteous will be changed, so there
is none that the condition of the wicked
will be; as there is no hint that the
righteous will ever he exposed to temp
tation, or to the danger of falling into
sin} so there is none that tbe offers of
salvation will ever again ho made to the
wicked. On the contrary, the whole
representation is, that all beyond this
will be fixed and unchangeable for ever.
See Notes on ch. xxii. 11.
(4) The wicked will be destroyed, in
what may be properly called the second

482

REVELATION,

[A. D, 96.

death. As remarked in the Notes, this
does not mean that this death will in all
respects resemble the first death, but
there will be so many points of re
semblance that it will be proper to call
it death. It does not mean that they will
be annihilated, for death never implies
that. The meaning is, that this will be
a cutting off from what is properly called
Ufe, from hope, from happiness, and
from peaee, and a subjection to pain
and agony, which it will be proper to
call death — death in the most fearful
form; death that will continue for ever.
No statements in the Bible are more
clear than those which are made on this
point; no affirmation of the eternal
punishment of the wicked could be more
explicit than those which occur in the
Sacred Scriptures. See Notes on Matt.
xxv. 46, and 2 ThesB. i. 9.
(5) This will be the end of the woes and
calamities produced in the kingdom of
God by sin. The reign of Satan and of
Death, so far as the Redeemer's kingdom
is concerned, will be at an end, and hence
forward the church will be safe from all
the arts and efforts of its foes. Religion
will be triumphant, and the affairs of
the universe be reduced to permanent
order. (6) The preparation is thus made for
the final triumph of the righteous — the
state to which all things tend. The
writer of this hook has conducted the
prospective history through all the times
of persecution which awaited the church,
and stated the principal forms of error
which would prevail, and foretold the
conflicts through which the church would
pass, and described its eventful history
to the Millennial period, and to the
final triumph of truth and righteous
ness, and now nothing remains to com
plete the plan of the work but to give
a rapid sketch of the final condition
of the redeemed. This is done in the
two following chapters, and with this
the work is ended.
CHAPTER XXI.
ANALYSIS OF CHS. XXI., XXII., 1-5.
Thb whole of ch. xxi., and the first
five verses of ch. xxii., relate to scenes
beyond the judgment, and are desoriptive
of tho happy and triumphant state of the
redeemed churoh, when all its conflicts
shall have ceased, and all its enemies

shall have been destroyed. That happy
state is depicted under the image of a
beautiful city, of which Jerusalem was
the emblem, and it was disclosed to
John by a vision of that city — the New
Jerusalem — descending from heaven.
Jerusalem was regarded as the peculiar
dwelling-place of God, and to the He
brews it became thus the natural em
blem or symbol of the heavenly world.
The conception having occurred of
describing the future condition of the
righteous nnder the image of a beau
tiful city, all that follows is in keeping
with that, and is merely a carrying out
of the image. It is a city with beautiful
walls and gates; a city that has no
temple — for it is all a temple ; a oity that
needs no light — for God is its light; a
city into which nothing impure ever
enters; a city filled with trees, and
streams, and fountains, and fruits — the
Paradise Regained.
The description of that blessed state
comprises the following parts : —
I. A vision of a new heaven and a
new earth, as the final abode of the
blessed, ver. 1. The first heaven and
the first earth passed away at the judg
ment (ch. xx. 11-15), to be succeeded
by a new heaven and earth fitted to be
the abode of the blessed.
II. A vision of the holy city — the
New Jerusalem — descending from hea
ven, as the abode of the redeemed, pre
pared as a bride adorned for her husband
— representing the fact that God would
truly abide with, men, vs. 2-4. Now all
the effects of the apostacy will cease ; all
tears will be wiped away, and in that
blessed state there will he no more
death, or sorrow, or pain. This contains
the general statement of what will be the
condition of the redeemed in the future
world. God will be there ; and all sor
row will cease.
III. A command to make a record of
these things, ver. 5.
IV. A general description of those
who should dwell in that future world
of blessedness, vs. 6-8. It is for all who
are athirst; for all who desire it, and
long for it ; for all who ' overcome' their
spiritual enemies, who maintain a steady
conflict with sin, and gain a victory
over it. But oil who ore fearful and
unbelieving — all the abominable, and
murderers, and soroerers, and idolaters,
and liars, shall have their part in the

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XXI.

483

lake that burns with fire and brimstone.
That is, that world will bo pure and holy.
V. A minute description of the city,
representing the happy abode of the re
deemed, vs. 9-26. This description em
braces many-particulars : —
(1) Its general appearance, vs. 11, 18,
21. It is bright and splendid — like a
precious jasper-stone, clear as crystal,
and composed of pure gold.
(2) Its walls, vs. 12, 18. The walls
are represented as ' great and high,' and
as composed of 'jasper.'
(3) Its gates, vs. 12, 13, 21. The
gates are twelve in number, three on
each side,; and are each composed of
a single pearl.
(4) Its foundations, vs. 14, 18-20.
There are twelve foundations, corre
sponding to the number of the apostles
of the Lamb. They are all composed
of precious stones — jasper, sapphire,
chalcedony, emerald, sardonyx, sardius,
chrysolite, beryl, topaz, chrysoprasus,
jacinth, and amethyst.
(5) Its size, vs. 15-17. It is square —
the length being as great as the breadth,
and its height the same. The extent of
each dimension is twelve thousand fur
longs — a length on each side and in
height of three hundred and seventy-five
miles. It would seem, however, that
though the city was of that height, the
wall was only an hundred and forty-four
cubits, or about two hundred and sixteen
feet high. The idea seems to be ffat
the city — the dwellings.within it — tow
ered high above the wall that was thrown
around it for protection. This is not
uncommon in cities that are surrounded
by walls.
(6) Its light, vs. 23, 24, ch. xxii. 5.
It has no need of the sun, or of the moon,
or of a lamp (ch. xxii. 5), to enlighten
it, and yet there is no night there (ch.
xxii. 5), for the glory of God gives light
to it.
(1) It is a oity without a temple, ver.
22. There is no one place in it that is
peculiarly sacred, or where the worship
of God will be exclusively celebrated. It
will be all a temple, and the worship of
God will be celebrated in all parts of it.
(8) It is always open, ver. 25. There
will be no need of closing it as walled
cities on earth are closed to keep ene
mies out, and it will not be shut to
prevent those who dwell there from go
ing out and coming in when they please.

The inhabitants will not be prisoners,
norwill they be in danger, or be alarmed
by the prospect of an attack from an
enemy. (9) Its inhabitants will all be pure
and holy, ver. 27. There will in no
wise enter there any thing that defiles,
or that works abomination, or that is
false. They only shall dwell there whose
names are written in the Lamb's book
of life.
(10) Its enclosures and environs, ch.
xxii. 1, 2. A stream of water, pure as
crystal, proceeds froni the throne of
God and the Lamb. That stream flows
through the city, and on its banks is the
tree of life constantly bearing fruit —
fruit to be partaken of freely. It is
Paradise Regained — a holy and beauti
ful abode, of which the garden of Eden
was only an imperfect emblem, where
there is no prohibition, as there was there,
of any thing that grows, and where there
is no danger of falling into sin.
(11) It is a place free, consequently,
from the curse that was pronounced on
man when he forfeited the, blessings of
the first Eden, and when he was driven
out from the happy abodes where God
had placed him.
(12) It is a place where the righteous
shall reign for ever, ch. xxii. 5. Death
shall never enter there, and the presence
and glory of God shall fill all with peace
and joy.
Such is an outline of the figurative
and glowing description of tbe future
blessedness of the redeemed ; the eternal
abode of those who shall be saved. It is
poetic and emblematical ; but it is ele
vating, and constitutes a beautiful and
appropriate close, not only of this single
book, but of the whole sacred volume —
for to this the saints are every where
directed to look forward ; this is the glo.
rious termination of all the struggles and
conflicts of the church ; this is the result
of the work of redemption in repairing
the evils of tbe fall, and in bringing man
to more than the bliss which he lost in
Eden. The mind rests with delight on
this glorious prospect; the Bible closes,
as a revelation from heaven should, in a
manner that calms down every anxions
feeling; that fills the soul with peace,
and that leads the child of God to look
forward with bright anticipations, and
to say, as John did, ' Come, Lord Jesus.'
ch. xxii 20.

484

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96,

AND
XX a
heaven passed

CHAPTER XXI.
I saw a new ° heaven and
new earth: for the first
and the first earth were
away, and there was no

more sea.

1. And I saw a new heaven and a new
earth. Such a heaven and earth that
they might properly be called new; such
transformations, and such changes in
their appearance, that they seemed to
be just created. He does not say that
they were created now, or anew; that
the old heavens and earth were annihi
lated ; — but all that he says is that there
were such changes, that they seemed to
be new. If the earth is to be renovated
by fire, such a renovation will give an
appearance to the globe as if it were
oreated anew, and might be attended with
such an apparent change in the heavens
that they might be said to be new. The
description here (ver. 1,) relates to scenes
'after the general resurrection and the
judgment — for those events are detailed
in the close of the previous chapter. In
regard to the meaning of the language
here, see Notes on 2 Peter iii. 13. Com
pare, also, " The Religion of Geology and
its Connected Sciences," by Edward
Hitchcock, D. D., LL. D., pp. 370-408.
fl For the first heaven and the first earth
were passed away. They had passed
away by being changed, and a renovated
universe had taken their place, f
Notes on 2 Peter iii. 10. ^f And there
was no more sea. This change struck
John more forcibly, it would appear,
than any thing else. Now, the seas and
oceans occupy about three-fourths of the
surface of tbe globe, and of course to that
extent prevent the world from being oc
cupied by men — except by the compara
tively small number that are mariners.
There, the idea of John seems to be, the
whole world will be inhabitable, and no
part will be given up to the wastes of
oceans. In the present state of things,
these vast oceans are neoessary to ren
der the world a fit abode for human
beings, as well as to give life and happi
ness to the numberless tribes of animals
that find their homes in the waters. In
the future state, it would seem, the
present arrangement will be unnecessa
ry, and if man dwells upon the earth at

2 And I John, saw the holy city,
* new Jerusalem, coming down from
God, out of heaven, prepared as a
' bride * adorned for her husband.
a Is. 65. 17-19, 66. 22 ; 2 Pe. 3. 13.
b Is. 52. 1; He. 11. 10, 12. 22.
els. 54. 5. d Ps. 45. 9-14.
all, or if he visits it as a temporary abode
(see Notes on 2 Peter iii. 13), these vast
wastes of water will be needless. It
should he remembered that the earth, in
its changes, according to the teachings
of geology, has undergone many revolu
tions quite as remarkable as it would be
if all the lakes, and seas, and oceans of
the earth should disappear. Still, it is
not certain that it was intended that this
language should be understood literally
as applied to the material globe. The
object is to describe the future blessed
ness of the righteous, and the idea is,
that that will be a world where there will
be no such wastes as those produced by
oceans. 2. And I, John, saw the holy city, new
Jerusalem, coming down from God out of
heaven. See the 'Analysis' of the chap
ter. On the phrase ' new Jerusalem,' see
Notes on Gal. iv. 26, and Heb. xii. 22.
Here it refers to the residence of the re
deemed, the heavenly world, of which
Jerusalem was the type and symbol. It
is-here represented as ' coming down
from God out of heaven.' This, of
course, does not mean that this great
city was literally to descend upon the
earth, and to occupy any one part of the
renovated world; but it is a symbolical
or figurative representation, designed to
show that the abode of tho righteous will
be splendid and glorious. The idea of a
city literally descending from heaven,
and being set upon the earth with such
proportions — three hundred and seventy
miles high (ver. 16), made of gold, and
with single pearls for gates, and single
gems for the foundations, is absurd. No
man can suppose that this is literally
true, and hence this must be regarded as
a figurative or emblematic description.
It is a representation of the heavenly
state under the image of a beautiful city,
of which Jerusalem was, in many.re-
speots, a natural and striking emblem.
¦J Prepared as a bride adorned for her
husband. See Notes on Isa. xlix. 18,
lxi. 10. The purpose here is, to repre-

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XXI.

485

3 And I heard a great voice out self shall be with them, and be their
¦){ heaven, saying, Behold, the tab- I God.

ernacle " of God is with men, and
he will dwell with them, and they
shall be his people, * and God him-
a 2 Co. 0. 16. b Zee. 8. 8.
sent it as exceedingly beautiful. The
comparison of the church with a bride,
or a wife, is common in the Scriptures.
See Notes on ch. xix. 7, 8, and on Isa. i.
21. It is also common in the Scriptures
to compare a city with a beautiful wo
man, and these images here seem to be
combined. It is a beautiful city that
seems to descend, and this city is itself
compared with a richly attired bride pre
pared for her husband.
3. And I heard a voice out of heaven.
As if uttered by God himself, or the voice
of angels. ^[ Behold the tabernacle of
God is with men. The tabernacle, as that
word is commonly used in the Scriptures
— referring to the sacred tent erected in
the wilderness — was regarded as the pe
culiar dwelling-place of God among his
people, as the temple was afterwards,
which was also called a tabernacle. See
Notes on Heb. ix. 2. The meaning here
is, that God would now dwell with the
redeemed, as if in a tabernacle, or in a
house specially prepared for his residence
among them. It is not said that this
would be on the earth, although that may
be, for it is possible that the earth, as
well as other worlds, may yet become
the abode of the redeemed. See Notes
on 2 Peter iii. 13. If And he will dwell
with them. As in a tent, or tabernacle —
eK7iv&o£t. This is a common idea in the
Scriptures. "J And they shall be his peo
ple. He will acknowledge them in this
publicway as his own, and will dwell with
them as such. ^[ And God himself shall
be with them. Shall he permanently with
them ; shall never leave them. ^[ And
be their God. Shall manifest himself as
such, in such a manner that there shall
be no doubt.
4. And God shall wipe away all tears
from their eyes. This will be one of the
characteristics of that blessed state, that
not a tear shall ever be shed there. How
different will that be from the condition
here — for who is there here who has not
learned to weep? See Notes'on ch. vii.
17. Comp. Notes on Isa. xxv. 8. ^ And
there shall be no more death. In all that
41*

4 And God shall wipe away all
c tears from their eyes ; and there
shall be no more death, d neither
e Is. 25. 8 ; c. 7. 17. d 1 Co. 15. 26, 54.

future world of glory, not one Bhall ever
die; not a grave shall ever be dug!
What a view do we begin to get of hea
ven, when we are told there shall be no
death there ! How different from earth,
where death is so common; where it
spares no one; where our best friends
die ; where the wise, the good, the useful,
the lovely, die; where fathers, mothers,
wives, husbands, sons, daughters, all die;
where we habitually feel that we must
die. Assuredly we have here a view of
heaven most glorious and animating to
those who dwell in a world like this, and
to whom nothing is more common than
death. In all their endless and glorious
career, the redeemed will never see death
again; they will never themselves die.
They will never follow a friend to the
tomb, nor fear that an absent friend is
dead. The slow funeral procession will
never be witnessed there; nor will the
soil ever open its bosom to furnish a
grave. See Notes on 1 Cor. xv. 55.
•J Neither sorrow. The word sorrow
here — irtvios — denotes sorrow or grief
of any kind; sorrow for the loss of pro
perty or friends ; sorrow for disappoint
ment, persecution, or care ; sorrow over
our sins, or sorrow that we love God so
little, and serve him so unfaithfully;
sorrow that we are sick, or that-we must
die. How innumerable are the sources
of sorrow here; how constant is it on
the earth ! Since the fall of man there
has not been a day, an ho.ur, a moment,
in which this has not been a sorrowful
world; there has not been a nation, a
tribe — a oity or a village — nay, not a
family where there has not been grief.
There has been no individual who has
been always perfectly happy. No one
rises in tho morning with any certainty
that he may not end the day in grief;
no one lies down at night with any
assurance that it may not be a night of
sorrow. How different would this world
be if it were announced that hencefor.
ward there would be no sorrow 1 Hon
different, therefore, will heaven be —hej
we shall have the assurance that hestia

486

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

sorrow, " nor crying, neither shall
there be any more pain: for the
former things are passed away.
5 And he that sat upon the throne
said, Behold, I make all things new.
And he said unto me, Write : for
these words are true and faithful.

forward grief shall be at an end ! f Nor
crying. — lepavyij. This Word properly
denotes a cry, an, outcry, as in giving a
public notice; a cry in a tumult — a
clamor, Acts xxiii. 9; and then a cry
of sorrow, or wailing. This is evidently
its meaning here, and it refers to all the
outbursts of grief arising from affliction,
from oppression, from violence. The
sense is, that as none of these causes of
wailing will be known in the future state,
all sueh wailing will cease. This, too,
will make the future state vastly differ
ent from our condition here ; for what a
change would it produce on the earth if
the ory of grief were never to be heard
again ! *J Neither shall there be any
more pain. There will be no sickness,
and no calamity ; and there will be no
mental sorrow arising from remorse,
from disappointment, or from the evil
conduct of friends. And what a change
would this produce — for how full oipain
is the world now ! How many lie on
beds of languishing ; how many are suf
fering under incurable diseases; how
many are undergoing severe surgical
operations ; how many are pained by the
loss of property or friends, or subjected to
acuter anguish by the misconduct of those
who are loved! How different would
this world be, if all pain were to cease
for ever; how different, therefore, must
the future state of the blessed be from
the present! *J For the former things
are passed away. The world as it was
before the judgment.
5. And he that sat upon the throne,
said. Probably the Messiah, the dis
penser of the rewards of heaven. See
Notes on oh. xx. 11. If Behold, I make
all things new. A new heaven and new
sarth (ver. 1), and an order of things to
correspond with that new oreation. The
former state of things when sin and
death reigned will be ohanged, and the
chango consequent on this must extend
to every thing, ^f And he said unto me,
Wt ite. Make a record of these things,
for they are founded in truth, and they

6 And he said unto me, It * is
done. C.I am Alpha and Omega,
the beginning and the end. I will
give unto him that is * athirst of
the fountain of the^water of life freel}>;
a Is. 35. 10. 4 c. 16. 17. c c. 1. 8 J 22. 13.
d Is. 55. 1; Jno. 4. 10, 14, 7. 37; c. 22. 17.

are adapted to bless a suffering world.
Comp. Notes on ch. xiv. 13. See also
ch. i. 19. ^f For these words are true
and faithful. They are founded in truth,
and they are worthy to he believed. See
Notes on eh. xix. 9. Comp. also Notes
on Dan. xii. 4.
6. And he said unto me. That is, he
that sat on the throne — the Messiah.
If It is done. It is finished, complete;
or still more expressively, it is. — yiyovc
An expression remarkably similar to this
occurs in John xix. 30, when the Sa- -
viour on the cross said, ' It is finished.'
The meaning in the passage before ns
evidently is, 'the great work. is accom
plished; the arrangement of human
affairs is complete. The redeemed are
gathered in; the wicked are cnt off;
truth is triumphant, and all is now com
plete — prepared for the eternal state of
things.' ^j lam Alpha and Omega, the
beginning and the end. The language
makes it morally certain that the speaker
here is the Lord Jesus, for it is the very
language which he uses of himself in ch.
i. 11. See its meaning explained in the
Notes on ch. i. 8. If it it applied to him
here, it proves that he is divine, for in
the following verse (7) the speaker says
that he would be a God to him who
should ' overcome.' The meaning of the
language as here used, regarded as
spoken by the Redeemer at the consum
mation of all things, and as his people
are about entering into the abodes of
blessedness, is, 'I am now indeed the
Alpha and the Omega — the first and the
last. The attributes implied in this lan
guage which I claimed for myself, are
now verified in me, and it is seen that
these properly belong to me. The scheme
for setting up a kingdom in the lost
world began in me, and it ends in me — •
the glorious and triumphant king.' % 1
will give unto him that is athirst. See
Notes on Matt. v. 6, John vii. 37, iv. 14.
^ Of the fountain of the water of life.
An image often used in the Scriptures
to represent salvation. It is compared

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XXI.

487

7 He that overcometh shall in
herit ° all things ; and I will be his
God, and he shall be my son.
8 But the fearful, b and unbe
lieving, ' and the abominable, * and
murderers, ' and whoremongers, f
and sorcerers, * and idolaters, * and
all liars, * shall have their part in
the lake which burneth with fire
a Or, these. b Eu. 12. 4-9.
e 1 Jno. 5. 4, 10. d 1 Co. 6. 9, 10.
e 1 Jno. 3. 15. / He. 13. 4.

with a fountain that flows in abundance,
where all may freely slake their thirst.
^f Freely. Withont money and without
price (Notes on Isa. Iv. 1 ; John vii. 37) ;
the common representation in the Scrip
tures. The meaning here is not that he
would do this in the future, but that he
had shown that this was his character,
as he had claimed, in the same way
as he had shown that he was the Al
pha and the Omega. The freeness and
the fulness of salvation will be one of
the most striking things made manifest
when the immense hosts of the redeemed
shall be welcomed to their eternal abodes.
7. LTe that overcometh. See Notes on
ch. ii. 7. ^f Shall inherit all things. Be
an heir of God in all things. See Notes
on Rom. viii. 17. Comp. Rev. ii. 1, 11,
17, 26, iii. 5, 12, 21. \ And I will be his
God. That is, for ever. He would be
to them all that is properly implied in
the name God; he would bestow npon
them all the blessings which it was ap
propriate for God to bestow. See Notes
on Heb. viii. 10; 2 Cor. vi. 18. f And
he shall be my son. He shall sustain to
me the relation of a son, and shall be
treated as such. He would ever onward
sustain this relation, and be honored as
a child of God.
8. But the fearful. Having stated, in
general terms, who they were who would
be admitted into that blessed world, he
now states explicitly who would not.
The fearful denote those who had not
firmness boldly to maintain their pro
fessed principles, or who were afraid to
avow themselves as the friends of God
in a wicked world. They stand in con
trast with those who ' overcome,' ver. 6.
If And unbelieving. Those who have not
true faith; avowed infidels; infidels at
heart; and all who have not the sincere
faith of the gospel. See Notes on Mark

and brimstone: which is the second
death. 9 And there came unto me one
of the seven i angels which had the
seven vials full of the seven last
plagues, and talked with me, say
ing, Come hither, I will show thee
the bride, the Lamb's wife.1

g Mai. 3. 5. h 1 Co. 10. 20, 21.
i Pr. 19. 5, 9, c. 22. 15.
j c. 15. 1, 6, 7. k c. 19. 7.

xvi. 16. ^f And the abominable. The
verb from which this word is derived^
means, to excite disgust; to feel disgust
at; to abominate or abhor; and hence
the participle — ' the abominable' — refers
to all who are detestable, to wit, on ac
count of their sins ; all whose conduct is
offensive to God. Thus it would include
those who live in open sin ; who prac
tise detestable vices; whose conduct is
fitted to excite disgust and abhorrence.
These must all, of course, be excluded
from a pure and holy world, and this
description, alas, would embrace a la
mentably large portion of the world, as it
has hitherto been. See Notes on Rom.
i. 26, seq. ^f And murderers. See Notes
on Rom. i. 29 ; Gal. v. 21. *J And whore-.
mongers. See Notes on Gal. v. 19. *J And
sorcerers. See the word here used —
tpapaaictvoi — explained in the Notes on
Gal. v. 19, under the word witcn^eaft.
•J And idolaters. Gal. v. 19 ; 1 Cor. vi. 9.
^fAnrf all liars. AH who are false in
their statements, their promises^ their
contracts. The word would embrace all
who are false towards God (Acts v. 1-3),
and false toward men. See Rom. i. 31.
^f Shall have their part in the lake which
burneth, Ac. Notes ch. xx. 14. That is,
they will he excluded from heaven, and
punished for ever. See Notes on 1 Cor.
vi. 9, 10; Gal. v. 19-21.
9. And there came unto me one of the
seven angels, Ac. See Notes on eh. xvi. 6,
7. Why one of these angels was employed
to make this communication, is not
stated. It may be that as they had been
engaged in bringing destruction on the
enemies of the church, and securing its
final triumph, there was a propriety that
that triumph should be announced by
one of their number, f And talked with
me. That is, in regard to what he was
about to show mc. *J / will show the*

488

REVELATION.

f A. D. 96.

10 And he carried me away in
the Spirit to a great and . high
mountain, and showed me that
great city, " the holy Jerusalem,
descending out of heaven from God,
11 Having the glory ' of God:
and her light was like unto a stone
most precious, even like a jasper
stone, clear as crystal ;
a Eze. 40, 48. b Is. 60. 1,2. c Eze. 48. 31-34.

the bride, the Lamb's wife. I will show
you what represents the redeemed church
now to be received into permanent union
with its Lord — as a bride about to be
united to her husband. See Notes on
ver. 2. Comp. ch. xix. 7, 8.
10. And he carried me away in the
Spirit. Gave him a vision of the city;
seemed to place him where he could
have a clear view of it as it came down
from heaven. See Notes on ch. i. 10.
^ To a great and high mountain. The
elevation, and the unobstructed range of
view, gave him an opportunity to behold
it in its glory, ^f And showed me that
great city, &a. As it descended from
heaven. Notes ver. 2.
11. Having the glory of God. A glory
or splendor such as became the dwelling-
place of God. The nature of that splen
dor is described in the following verses.
ff And her light. In ver. 23, it is said
that " the glory of God did lighten it."
That is, it was made light by the visible
symbol of the Deity — the shekinah. See
Notes on Luke ii. 9, Acts ix. 3. The
word here rendered light — QvoHjp — oc
curs nowhere else in the New Testament
except in Phil. ii. 15. It means properly
a light, a light-giver, and in profane
writers means commonly a window. It
is used here to denote the brightness or
shining of the divine glory, as supplying
the place of the sun, or of a window.
yi Like unto a stone most precious. A
stone of the richest or most costly nature.
^f Even like a jasper stone. On the jasper,
Bee Notes on ch. iv. 3. It is used there
for the same purpose as hero, to illustrate
the majesty and glory of God. ^f Clear
as crystal. Pellucid or resplendent like
crystal. There ore various kinds of jas
per, as rod, yellow, and brown, brownish
yellow, Ac. The stone is essentially a
quartz, and the word crystal here is used

12 And had a wall great ''and
high, and had twelve gates, c and
at the gates twelve angels, and
names written thereon, which are
the names of the twelve tribes of the
children of Israel :
13 On the east three gates; on
the north three gates; on the south
three gates ; and on the west three
gates.

to show that the form of it referred to by
John was clear and bright.
12, And had a wall great and high.
Ancient cities were always surrounded
with walls for protection, and John re
presents this as enclosed in the usual
manner. The word great means that it
was thick and strong. Its height also is
particularly noticed, for it was unusual.
See ver. 16. ^f And had twelve gates.
Three on each side. The number of the
gates correspond to the number of the
tribes of the children of Israel, and to
the number of the apostles. The idea
seems to be that there would be ample
opportunity of access and egress, ^f And
at the gates twelve angels. Stationed
there as guards to the new Jerusalem.
Their business seems to have been to
watch the gates that nothing improper
should enter; that the great enemy
should not make an insidious approach
to this city as he did to the earthly Para
dise, ^f And names written thereon. On
the gates, f Which are the names of
the twelve tribes of the children of Israel.
So in the city which Ezekiel saw in vi
sion, which John seems also to have had
in his eye. See Ezek. xlviii. 31. This
inscription in Ezekiel denoted that that
was the residence of the people of God ;
and the same idea is denoted here. The
new Jerusalem is the eternal residence
of the children of God, and this is indi
cated .at every gate. None can enter
who do not belong to that people ; all
who are within are understood to be of
their number.
13. On the east three gates, &c. The
city was square (ver. 16), and the same
number of gates is assigned to each
quarter. There does not appear to be
any special significancy in this fact, un
less it be to denote that there is access
to this city from all quarters of the world,

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XXI.

489

14 And the wall of the city had
twelve foundations, and ° in them
the names of the twelve apostles of
the Lamb.
15 And he that talked with me
had a golden reed * to measure the
city, and the gates thereof, and the
wall thereof.
and that they who will dwell there will
have come from each of the great divi
sions of the earth ; that is, from every
land. 14. And the walls of the city had twelve
foundations. It is not said whether
these foundations were twelve rows of
stones placed one above another under
the city, and extending around it, or
whether they were twelve stones placed
at intervals. The former would seem to
be the most probable, as the latter would
indicate comparative feebleness and lia
bility to fall. Comp. Notes on ver. 19.
If And in them. In the foundation stones.
That is, the names of the apostles were
cut or carved in them so as to be con
spicuous, ^f The names of the twelve
apostles of the Lamb. Of the Lamb of
God ; the Messiah. For an illustration
of this passage, see Notes on Eph. ii. 20.
15. And he that talked with me. The
angel, ver. 9. *f Had a golden reed to
measure the' city. See Notes on ch. xi. 1.
The reed, or measuring rod here, is of
gold, because all about the city is of the
most rich and costly materials. The rod
is thus suited to the personage who uses
it, and to the occasion. Comp. a similar
description in Ezek. xl. 3-5, xiii. 16.
The object of this measuring is to show
that the city has proper architectural
proportions, fl And the gates thereof, &c.
To measure every part of the city, and
to ascertain its exact dimensions.
16. And the city lieth foursquare.
It was an exact square. That is, there
was nothing irregular about it; there
were no crooked walls; there was no
jutting out, and no indentation in the
walls, as if the city had been built at
different times without a plan, and had
been accommodated to circumstances,
Most cities have been determined in
their outline by the character of the
ground — by hills, streams, or ravines ;
or have grown up by accretions, where
one part has been joined to another, so
that there is no regularity, and so that

16 And the city lieth four
square, and the length is as large
as the breadth: ana he measured
the city with the reed, twelve thou
sand furlongs. The length, and
the breadth, and the height of it
are equal. a Ep. 2. 20. * Eze. 40. 3.

the original plan, if there was any, has
been lost sight of. The new Jerusalem,
on the contrary, had been built accord
ing- to a plan of the utmost regularity,
which had not been modified by the
circumstances, or varied as the city
grew. The idea here may be that the
church, as it will appear in its state of
glory, will be in accordance with an
eternal plan, and that the great original
design will have been fully carried out.
^f And the length is as large as the
breadth. The height also of the oity
was the same — so that it was an exact
square. "J And he measured the city with
the reed, twelve thousand furlongs. As
eight furlongs make a mile, the extent
of the walls, therefore, must have been
three hundred and seventy-five miles.
Of course, this must preclude all idea of
there being such a city literally in Pales- ,
tine. This is clearly a figurative or
symbolical representation, and the idea
is that the city was on the most mag
nificent scale, and with the largest pro
portions, and the description here is
"adopted merely to indicate this vastness,
without any idea that it would be un
derstood literally, fl The length, and
the breadth, and the height of it, are
equal. According to this representation,
the height of the city, not of the walls
(comp. ver. 17), would be three hundred
and seventy miles. Of course this can
not be understood literally; and the
very idea of a literal fulfilment of this
shows the absurdity of that method of
interpretation. The idea intended to be
conveyed by this immense height would
seem to be that it would contain count
less numbers of inhabitants. It is true
that such a struoture has not existed,
and that a city of such a height may
seem to be out of all proportion ; but
we are to remember (a) that this is a
symbol; and (6) that considered as one
mass or pile of buildings it may not
seem to be out of proportion. It is no
uncommon thing that a house should be

490

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

17 And he measured the wall
thereof, an hundred and forty and
four cubits, according to the mea
sure of a man, that is, of the ang "

as high as it is long or broad. The idea
of vastness and of capacity is the main
idea designed to be represented. The
image before the mind is, that the num
bers of the redeemed will be immense.
17. And he measured the wall thereof.
In respect to its height. Of course its
length corresponded with the extent of
the city, ^f An hundred and forty and
four cubits. This would be, reckoning
the cubit at eighteen inches, two hun
dred and sixteen feet. This is less than
the height of the walls of Babylon,
which Herodotus says were three hun
dred and fifty feet high. See Intro, to
oh. xiii. of Isaiah. As the walls of a
city are designed to protect it from ex
ternal foes, the height mentioned here
gives all proper ideas of security ; and
wo are to conceive of the city itself as
towering immensely above the walls.
Its glory, therefore, would not be ob
scured by the wall that was thrown
around it for defence, ^f According to
the measure of a man. The measure
Usually employed by men. This seems
to be added in order to prevent any mis
take as to the size of the city. It is an
angel who makes the measurement, and
without this explanation it might per
haps be supposed that he used some
measure not in common use among
men, so that, after all, it would be
Impossible to form any definite idea of
the size of the city, fl That is, of the
angel. That is, 'which is the measure
employed by the angel.' It was indeed
an angel who measured the city, but the
measure which he employed was that in
common use among men.
18. And the building of the wall of it.
The material of which the wall was com
posed. This means the wall above the
foundation, for that was composed of
twelve rows of precious stones, vs. 14,
19, 20. The height of the foundation is
not stated, but the entire wall above
was composed of jasper. If Was of
jasper. See Notes on ch. iv. 3. Of
course, this cannot be taken literally ;
and an attempt to explain all this lite
rally would show that that method of
interpreting the Apocalypse is imprac-

18 And the building of the wall
of it was of jasper; and the city
was pure gold, like unto clear
glass.ticable. *J And the city was pure gold.
The material of which the edifices were
composed. \ Like unto clear glass. The
word rendered glass in this place — SaAos '
— occurs in the New Testament only
here and in ver. 21 of this chapter. It
means properly 'any thing transparent
like water,' as, for example, any trans
parent stone or gem, or as rock-salt,
crystal, glass. Bob. Lex. Here the
meaning is, that the golden city would
be so bright and burnished that it would
seem to be glass reflecting the sunbeams.
Would the appearance of a city as the
sun is setting, when the reflection of
its beams from thousands of panes of
glass gives it the appearance of bur
nished gold, represent the idea here?
If we were to snppose a city made en
tirely of glass, and the setting sun
beams falling on it, it might convey the
idea represented here. It is certain
that, as nothing could be more magni
ficent, so nothing would more beauti.
fully combine the two ideas referred to
here — that of gold and glass. Perhaps
the reflection of the sun-beams from the
' Crystal Palace,' erected for the late
' industrial exhibition' in London, would
convey a better idea of what is intended
to be represented here than any thing
which our world has furnished. The
following description from one who was
an eye-witness, drawn up by him at the
time, and without any reference to this
passage, and furnished at my request,
will supply a better illustration of the
passage before us than any description
which I could give : — " Seen as the
morning vapors rolled around its base —
its far-stretching roofs, rising one above
another, and its great transept, majes
tically arched, soaring out of the en
velope of clouds, its pillars, window-bars,
and pinnacles, looked literally like a
castle in the air, like some palace, such
as one reads of in idle tales of Arabian
enchantment, having about it all the
ethereal softness of a dream. Looked
at from a distance at noon, when the
sunbeams came pouring upon the ter
raced and vaulted roof, it resembles ~a
regal palaeo of silver, built for some

A.D.96.]

CHAPTER XS>

491

19 And the foundations " of the
wall of the city were garnished with
all manner of precious stones. The
first foundation was jasper ; the
second, sapphire ; the third, a chal
cedony ; the fourth, an emerald ;
a. Is. 54. ll.
Eastern prince; when the sun at even
tide sheds on its sides his parting rays,
the edifice is transformed into a temple
of gold and rubies ; and in the calm
hours of night, when the moon walketh
in her brightness, the immense surface
of glass whioh the building presents
looks like a sea or lake throwing back
in flickering smiles the radiant glances of
the queen of heaven."
19. And the foundation of the wall of
the city. Notes ver. 14. If Were gar
nished. Were adorned, or decorated.
That is, the foundations were composed
of precious stones, giving them this
highly ornamented and brilliant appear
ance. H The first foundation. The first
row, layer, or course. Notes ver. 14.
IT Was jasper. See Notes on ch. iv. 3.
V The second, sapphire. This stone is
not elsewhere mentioned in the New
Testament. It is a precious stone next
in hardness to the diamond, usually of
an azure or sky-blue color, but of various
shades. H The third, a chalcedony. This
word occurs nowhere else in the New
Testament. The stone referred to is an
uncrystallized translucent variety of
quartz, having a whitish color, and of a
lustre nearly like wax. It is found
covering the sides of cavities, and is a
deposit from filtrated silicious waters.
When it is arranged in stripes, it consti
tutes agate ; and if the stripes are hori
zontal, it is tho onyx. The modern
carnelian is a variety of this. The
carnelian is of a deep flesh red, or
reddish-white color. The name chalce
dony is from Chalcedon, a town in Asia
Minor, opposite to Byzantium, or Con
stantinople, where this stone was pro
bably first known. Webster, Die. If The
fourth, an emerald. See Notes on Rev.
iv. 3. The emerald is green.
20. The fifth, sardonyx. This word
does not occur elsewhere in the New
Testament. The name is derived from
Sardis, a city in Asia Minor (Notes, ch.
Si. 1), and awjf — a nail — so named, ac
cording to Pliny, from the resemblance

20 The fifth, sardonyx; the sixth,
sardius ; the seventh, chrysolite ;
the eighth, beryl; the ninth, a
topaz; the tenth,' a chrysoprasus ;
the eleventh, a jacinth ;-the twelfth,
an amethyst.

of its color to the flesh and the nail. It
is a silicious stone or gem, nearly allied
to the onyx. The color is a reddish-
yellow, nearly orange. Webster, Die.
^f The sixth, sardius. This word does
not elsewhere occur in the New Testa
ment. It is also derived from Sardis,
and the name was probably given to the
gem because it was found there. It is
a stone of a blood-red or flesh color, and
is commonly known as a carnelian. It
is the same as the sardine stone men
tioned in Rev. iv. 3. See Notes on that
place, ^f The seventh, chrysolite. This
word does not elsewhere occur in the
New Testament. It is derived from
Xpvads, gold, and, XlSoc, stone, and means
golden stone — and was applied by the
ancients to all gems of a golden or
yellow color, probably designating par- .
tieularly the topaz of the moderns.
Bob. Lex. But in Webster's Die. it is
said that its prevalent color is green, It
is sometimes transparent. This is the
modern chrysolite. The ancients un
doubtedly understood by the name a
yellow gem. % The eighth, beryl. This
word occurs nowhere else in the New
Testament. The beryl is a mineral of
great hardness, and is of a green or
bluish-green color. It is identical with
the emerald, except in the color, the
emerald having a purer and richer green
color, proceeding from a trace of oxyd
of chrome. Prisms of beryl are some
times found nearly two feet in diameter
in the State of New Hampshire. Web
ster, ^f The ninth, a topaz. This .word
does not elsewhere occur in the New
Testament. The topaz is a well-known
mineral, said to be so called from Topa-
zos, a small island in the Arabian Gulf.
It is generally of a yellowish color, and
pellucid, but it is also found of greenish,
bluish, or brownish shades, f The
tenth, a chrysoprasus. This word does
not elsewhere occur in the New Testa.
ment. It is derived from XP""^, gold,
and Tipdaov, a leek, and denotes a pre
cious stone of greenish golden color,

492

REVELATION,

IA. D. 96.

21 And tho twelve gates were
twelve pearls ; every several gate
was of one pearl: and the street
of the city was pure gold, as it
were transparent glass.
22 And I saw no temple therein ;
for the Lord God Almighty and the
Lamb are the temple of it.
23 And the city had no need of
a Is. 60. 19, 20, c. 22. 5. 6 Jno. 1. 4.

like a leek, that is, ' apple-green passing
into a grass-green.' Bob. Lex. " It is
a variety of quartz. It is commonly
apple-green, and often extremely beau
tiful. It is translucent, or sometimes
semi-transparent; its hardness little in
ferior to flint." Webster, Die. f The
eleventh, a jacinth. The word does not
elsewhere occur in the New Testament.
It is the same word as hyacinth — ¦hdKiv&os
— and denotes properly the well-known
flower of that name, usually of a deep
purple or reddish-blue. Here it denotes
a gem of this color. It is a red variety
of zircon. See Webster, Die, under the
word hyacinth, ^f The twelfth, an ame
thyst. This' word, also, is found only in
this place in the New Testament. It
denotes a gem of a deep purple or' violet
color. The word is derived from a, priv.
and ucS-ucj, to he intoxicated, because this
gem was supposed to he an antidote
against drunkenness. It is a species of
quartz, and is used in jewelry.
21. And the twelve gates. Ver. 12.
^f Were twelve pearls. See Notes on ch.
xvii. 4 ; Matt. xiii. 46. ^f Every several
gate was of one pearl. Each gate.
Of course this is not to be understood
iterally. The idea is that of orna
ment and beauty, and nothing could
give a more striking view of the mag
nificence of the future abode of the
saints, ^f And the street of the city was
pure gold. Was paved with gold ; that
is, all the vacant space that was not
occupied with buildings was of pure
gold. See Notes on ver. 18.
22. And I saw no temple therein. No
structure reared expressly for the wor
ship of God ; no partioular place where
he was adored. It was all temple — no
thing but a temple. It was not like Je
rusalem, where there was but one house
reared expressly for divine worship,
and to which the inhabitants repaired
to praise God ,- it was all one great toni-

the sun, ° neither of the moon, to
shine in it : for the glory of God did
lighten it, and the Lamb is the light
" thereof. 24 And the nations - of them,
which are saved shall walk in the
light of it: and the kings * of the
earth do bring their glory and honoi
into it.
c Is. 60. 3-11, 66. 10-12. d Ps. 72. 11
pie reared in honor of his name, and
where worship ascended from every part
of it. With this explanation, this passage
harmonizes with what is said in ch. iii.
12, vii. 15. ^ For the Lord God Almighty
and the Lamb are the temple of it. They
are present in all parts of it in their
glory; they fill it with light; and the
splendor of their presence may be said to
be the temple. The idea here is, that it
would be a holy world — all holy. No
particular portion would be set apart for
purposes of public worship, but in all
places God would be adored, and every
portion of it devoted to the purposes of
religion. 23. And the city had no need of the
sun, neither of the moon, to shine in it.
This imagery seems to be derived from
Isa. lx. 19, 20. See Notes on those
verses. No language could give a more
striking or beautiful representation of
the heavenly state than that which is
here employed, ^f For the Lord God
did lighten it. By the visible splendor
of his glory. See Notes on ver. 11. That
supplied the place of the sun and the
moon. ^ And the Lamb is the light thereof.
The Son of God ; the Messiah. Notes ch.
v. 6 ; Isa. lx. 19.
24. And the nations of them that ar^
saved. All the nations that are saved ,
or all the saved considered as nations.
This imagery is doubtless derived from
that in Isaiah, particularly ch. lx. 3-9.
See Notes on that passage, ^f Shall walk
in the light of it. Shall enjoy its splen
dor, and be continually in its light.
If And the kings of the earth do bring
their glory and honor into it. All that
they consider as constituting their glory,
treasures, crowns, sceptres, robes. The
idea is, that all these will be devoted to
God in the future days of the ohurch
in its glory, and will be, as it were
brought and laid down at the fed
of the Saviour in heaven. The Ian

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XXII.

493

25 And the gates of it shall not
be shut at all by day: for ¦ there
Bhall be no night there.
26 And they shall bring the
glory and honor of the nations
into it.
27 And J there shall in no- wise
enter into it any thing that defileth,
neither whatsoever worketh abomi
nation,, or maketh a lie: but they
a Zee. 14. 7.

guage is derived, doubtless, from the
description in Isa. lx. 3-14. Comp. Isa.
xlix. 23.
25. And the gates of it shall not be shut
at all by day. It shall be constantly
open, allowing free ingress and egress to
all who reside there. The language is
derived from Isa. lx. 11. See Notes on
that place. Applied to the future state
of. the blessed, it would seem to mean,
that, while this will be their permanent
abode, yet that the dwellers there will
not be prisoners. The universe will be
open to them. They will be permitted
to go forth and visit every world, and
Burvey the works of God in all parts of
his dominions. ^[ For there shall be no
night there. It shall be all day; all un
clouded splendor. When, therefore, it is
said that the gates should not be 'shut
by day,' it means that they would never
De shut. When it is said that there
would be no night there, it is, undoubt
edly, to he taken' as meaning that there
would be' no literal darkness, and nothing
of which night is the emblem : — no ca
lamity, no sorrow, no bereavement, no
darkened windows on account of the
loss of friends and kindred. Comp. Notes
on ver. 4.
26. And they shall bring, &c. See
Notes on ver. 24. That blessed world
shall be made up of all that was truly
valuable and pure on the earth.
27. And there shall in no wise. On no
account; by no means. This, strong
language denotes the absolute exclusion
of all that is specified in the verse.
if Any thing that defileth. Literally,
' any thing common.' See Notes on Acts
x. 14. It means here that nothing will
be found in that blessed abode which is
unholy or sinful. It will be a pure
world. 2 Peter iii. 13. f Neither what
soever worketh abominations or maketh
42

which are written in the Lamb's
book 'of life.
CHAPTER XXII.
AND he showed me a pure river
of water of life, clear as crystal.
proceeding out of the throne of God
and of the Lamb.
b Is. 35. 8, 52. 1, 60. 21 ; Joel 3. 17 ; Matt. 13
41; 1 Co. 6. 9, 10; Ga. 5. 19-21; Ep. 6. 5; H«
12. 14. c c. 13. 8.

a lie. See Notes on ver. 8. 1f But (iej
which are written in the Lamb's booh of
life. Whose names are there recorded..
See Notes ch. iii. 5. Comp. Notes on
ver. 8. CHAPTER XXII., 1-5.
For the Analysis of the first five verses
of this chapter, see the Analysis of ch. xxi.
This chapter comprises the remainder of
the description of the ' new Jerusalem' —
the blessed abode of the saints (vs. 1-5),
and then (vs. 6-21) the conclusion or Epi
logue of the whole book. It is difficult
to conceive what induced the author of
the division of the New Testament into
chapters, to separate the first five verses
of this chapter from the preceding chap
ter. A new chapter should have com
menced at verse 6, of the xxii. chapter,
for the remainder properly comprises the
conclusion of the whole book. Comp.
Intro, to Notes on the Gospels, vol. 1,
pp. viii. ix.
1. And he showed me a pure river of
water of life. In the New Jerusalem ;
the happy abode of the redeemed. The
phrase ' water of life,' means living or
running water, like a spring or fountain,
as contrasted with a stagnant pool. See
Notes on John iv. 14. The allusion here
is doubtless to the first Eden, where a
river watered the garden (Gen. ii. 10,
seq.), and as this is a description of
Eden recovered, or Paradise regained, it
was natural io introduce a river of water
also, yet in such away as to accord with
the general description of that future
abode of the redeemed. It does not
spring up, therefore, from the ground,
but flows from the throne of God and the
Lamb. Perhaps, also, the writer had in
his eye the description in Ezek. xlvii.
1-12, where a stream issues from under
the temple, and is parted in different di-

494

REVELATION,

LA. D.

2 In • the midst of the street 4 of
it, and on either side of the river,
was there the tree c of life, which
reotions. if Clear as crystal. See Notes
ch. iv. 6. ^f Proceeding out of the throne
of God and of the Lamb. Flowing from
the foot of the throne. Comp. ch. iv. 6.
This idea is strictly in accordance with
Oriental imagery. In the East, fountains
and running streams constituted an es
sential part of the image of enjoyment
and prosperity (see Notes on Isa. xxxv.
6), and such fountains were common in
the courts of Oriental houses. Here, the
river is an emblem of peace, happiness,
plenty; and the essential thought in its
flowing from the throne, is, that all the
happiness of heaven proceeds from God.
2. In the midst of the street of it. Pro
fessor Stuart renders this, " between the
street thereof and the river;" and says
that "the writer conceives of the river
as running through the whole city; flien
of streets parallel to it on -either side;
and then, on the banks of the river, be
tween the water and the street, the whole
stream is lined on either side with two
rows of the tree of life." The more
common interpretation; however, is
doubtless admissible, and would give a
more beautiful image; that in the street,
or streets of the city, as well as on the
banks of the river, the tree of life was
planted. It abounded everywhere. The
city had not only a river passing through
it, but it was pervaded by streets, and
all those streets were lined and shaded
with this tree. The idea in the mind of
the writer is that of Eden or Paradise;
but it is not the Eden of the book of
Genesis, or the Oriental or Persian Para
dise: — it is a picture where all is com
bined that in the view of the writer would
constitute beauty, or contribute to hap
piness, ^f And on either side of the river.
As well as in all the streets. The writer
undoubtedly conceives of a single river
running through the city — probably as
meandering along — and that river lined
on both sides with the tree of life. This
gives great beauty to the imagery.
•f Was there the tree of life. Not a sin
gle tree, but it abounded every where —
on the banks of the river, and in all the
streets. It was the common tree in this
blessed Paradise — of which all might
partake, and whioh was every where the
emblem of immortality. In this respect I

bare twelve manner of fruits, and
yielded her fruit every month : and

a. Eze. 47. 1, 12.

4 c 21. 21.

ec.2.7.
this new Paradise stands in strong con
trast with that in which Adam was
placed at his creation, where there seems
to have been a single tree that was de
signated as the, tree of life. Gen. iii. 22,
23. In the future state of the blessed,
that tree will abound, and all may freely
partake of it; the emblem — the pledge
of immortal life — will be constantly be
fore the eyes, whatever part of the future
abode may be traversed, and the inhabi
tants of that blessed world may con
stantly partake of it % Which bare
twelve manner of fruits. " Producing
twelve fruit-harvests ; not (as our ver
sion) twelve manner of fruits." Prof.
Stuart. The idea is not that there ore
twelve kinds of fruit on the same tree,
for'that is not implied in the language
used by John. The literal rendering is,
'producing twelve fruits' — -oilvv Kamois
StbSsKa. The word 'manner1 has been
introduced by the translators without
authority. The idea is, that the tree
bore every month in the year, so that
there were twelve fruit-harvests. It was
not like a tree that bears but once a
year, or in one season only, but it con
stantly bore fruit — it bore every month.
The idea is that of abundance, not vari
ety. The supply never fails ; the tree is
never barren. As there is but a single
class of trees referred to, it might have
been supposed, perhaps, that, according
to the common method in Which fruit is
produced, there would be sometimes
plenty and sometimes want; but the
writer says that, though there is but one
kind, yet the supply is ample. The tree
is everywhere; it is constantly producing
fruit if And yielded her fruit every
month. The word ' and' is also supplied
by the translators, and introduces an
idea which is not in the original, as if
there was not only a succession of har
vests, which is in the text — but that
each one differed from the former, which
is not in the text The proper transla
tion is, * producing twelve fruits, yielding
or rendering its fruit in each month.'
Thus there is indeed a succession of
fruit-crops, but it is the same kind of
fruit We are not to infer, however,
that there will not be variety in the oc
cupations and the joys of the heavenly

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XXII.

495

the leaves of the tree were for the
healing of the nations.
•3 And there • shall be no more
cuTse : but the throne of God * and
of the Lamb shall be in it ; and his
servants c shall serve him.
4 And d they shall see his face ;
a Zee. 14. 11. b Eze. 48. 35. e c. 7. 15.
d Hat 5. 8 j Jno. 12. 26, 17. 24; 1 Co. 13. 12;

state, for there can be no doubt that
there will be ample diversity in the em
ployments, and in the sources of happi
ness, in heaven ; but the single thought
expressed here is, that the means of life
will be abundant: — the trees of life will
be every where, and they will be con
stantly yielding fruit, if And the leaves
if the tree. Not only the fruit will con
tribute to give life, but even the leaves
will be salutary. Every thing about, it
will contribute to sustain life, if Were
for the healing. That is, they contribute
to impart life and health to those who
had been diseased. We are not to sup
pose that there will be sickness, and a
healing process in heaven, for that idea
is expressly excluded in ch. xxi. 4, but
the meaning is, that the life and health
of that blessed world will have been im
parted by partaking of that tree, and the
writer says that, in fact, it was owing to
it that they who dwell there had been
healed of their spiritual maladies, and
had been made to live for ever, if Of the
nations. Of all the nations assembled
there, ch. xxi. 24. There is a close re
semblance between the language here
used by John, and that used by Ezekiel,
xlvii. 12, and it is not improbable that
both these writers refer to the same thing.
Comp. also in the Apocrypha, 2 Ezra ii.
12, viii. 52-54.
3. And there shall be no mare curse.
This is doubtless designed to be in strong
contrast with our present abode, and it
is affirmed that what now properly
comes under the name of a curse, or
whatever is part of the curse pronounced
on man by the fall, will be there un
known. The earth will bo no more
cursed, and will produce no more thorns
and thistles; man will be no more com
pelled to earn his bread by the sweat of
his brow; woman will be no more
doomed to bear the sufferings which she
does now; and the abodes of the blessed

and his name * shall be in their
foreheads. 5 And t there shall be no night
there; and they need no candle,
neither light of the sun; for tho
Lord God giveth them light : * and
they shall reign * for ever and
ever. (13.12. / c. 21. 23, 25. g Ps. 36. 39.
* Bo. 5. 17.

will be no more cursed by sickness,
sorrow, tears, and death. if But the
throne of Go'd and of the Lamb shall be
in it. God will reign there for ever, the
principles of purity and love which the
Lamb of God came to establish, will
pervade that blessed abode to all eternity.
if And his servants shall serve him. All
his servants that are there ; that is, all
the inhabitants of that blessed world.
For the meaning of this passage, see
Notes on ch. vii. 15.
4. And they shall see his face. See
Notes on Matt xviii. 10. They would
be constantly in his presence, and be
permitted continually to behold his
glory, if And his name shall be in their
foreheads. They shall be designated as
his. See Notes on ch. iii. 12, vii. 3,
xiii. 16.
5. And there shall be no night there.
Notes, oh. xxi. 25. if And they used no
candle. No lamp ; no artificial light, as
in a world where there is night and
darkness, if Neither light of the sun ;
for the Lord God, Ac. Notes, ch. xxi.
23. if And they shall reign for ever
and ever. That is, with God; they shall
be as kings. See Notes on ch. v. 10,
xx. 6; comp. Notes on 2 Tim. 11, 12;
Rom. viii. 16.
REMARKS ON CH. XXI. XXII. 1-5.
This portion of the Apocalypse con
tains the most full and complete con
tinuous description of the state of the
righteous in' the world of blessedness,
that is to be found in the Bible. It
seems to be proper, therefore, to pause
on it for a moment, and to state in a
summary manner, what will be the
principal features of that blessedness.
All can see that, as a description, it
occupies an appropriate place, not only
in regard to this book, but to the
volume of revealed truth. In reference
to this particular hook, it is the appro-

496

REVELATION,

[A. D.96.

priate close of the account of the con
flicts, the trials, and the persecutions of
the church ; in reference to the whole
volume of revealed truth, it is appro
priate because it occurs in the last of the
inspired books that was written. It was
proper that a volume of revealed truth
fiven to mankind, and designed to
escribe a great Work of redeeming
mercy, should close with a description
of the state of the righteous after
death. The principal features in the descrip
tion are the following; —
(1) There will be a new heaven and, a
new earth : — a new order of things, and
a world adapted to the condition of the
righteous. There will be such changes
produced in the earth, and such abodes
fitted up for the redeemed, that it will
be proper to say that they are new,
ch. xxi. 1.
(2) The locality of that , abode is -not
determined. No particular place is re
vealed as constituting heaven ; nor is it
intimated that there would be such a
place. For any thing that appears the
universe at large will be heaven — the
earth and all worlds ; and we are left
free to suppose that the redeemed will
yet occupy any position of the uni
verse, and be permitted to behold the
peculiar glories of the divine character
that are manifested in each of the
worlds that he has made. Comp.
Notes on 1 Peter i. 12. That there may
be some one place in the universe that
will be their permanent home, and that
will be more properly called heaven,
where the glory of their God and
Saviour will be peculiarly manifested,
is not improbable ; but still there is no
thing to prevent the hope and the
belief that in the infinite duration that
awaits them, they will be permitted ta
visit all the worlds that God has made,
and to learn in each, and from each, all
that he has peculiarly manifested of his
own character and glory there.
(3) That future state will be entirely
and for ever free from all the conse
quences of the apostacy as now seen on
the earth. There will be neither tears,
nor sorrow, nor death, nor crying,
nor pain, nor curse, ch. xxi. '4* xxii. 3.
It will, therefore, be a perfectly happy
abode.

(4) It will be pure and holy. No
thing will ever enter there that shall .
contaminate and defile. Ch. xxi. 8. 27.
On this account, also, it will be a happy
world, for (a) all real happiness has its
foundation in holiness; and (b) the
source of all the misery that the unii
verse has experienced is sin. Let that
be removed, and the earth would be
happy ; let it be extinguished from
any world, and its happiness will be
secure. (5) It will be a world of perfect light,
ch. xxi. 22, 23, 24, 25, xxii. 5. There
will be (a) literally no night there ;
(b) spiritually and morally there will be
no darkness — no error, no sin. Light
will be cast on a thousand subjects now
obscure ; and on numerous points per
taining to the divine government and
dealings which now perplex the mind,
there will be poured the splendor of per
fect day. All the darkness that exists
here will be dissipated there; all that
is now obscure will be made light.
And in view of this fact, we may well
submit for a little time to the mys
teries which hang over the divine deal
ings here. The Christian is destined
to live for ever and ever. He is capable
of an eternal progression in knowledge.
He is soon to be ushered into the
splendors o£ that eternal abode where
there is no need of the light of the sun
or the moon, and where there is no
night. In a little time — a few weeks or
days — by removal to that higher state
of being, he will have made a degree of
progress in true knowledge compared
with which all that can be learned here
is a nameless trifle. In that future
abode be will be permitted to know all
that is to be known in those worlds that
shine upon his path by day or by
night; all that is to be known in the
character of their Maker, and the prin
ciples of his government ; all that is
to be known of the glorious plan of
redemption ; all that is to be known
of the reasons why sin and woe were
permitted to enter this beautiful world.
There, too, he will be permitted to enjoy
all that there is to be enjoyed in a world
without a cloud and without a tear ;
all that is beatific in the friendship of
God the " Father, of the Ascended Re
deemer, of the Sacred Spirit ; all that is
blessed in the goodly fellowship of the
angels, of the apostles, of the prophets

L D. 96.]

CHAPTER XXII.

497

all that is rapturous in re-union with
those that were loved on the earth.'
Well then may he bear with the dark
ness, and endure the trials of this state
a little longer.
(6) It will be a world of surpassing
splendor. This is manifest by the de
scription of it in chapter xx., as a gor
geous city, with ample dimensions, with
most brilliant colors, set with gems, and
composed of pure gold. The writer, in
tbe description of that abode, has accu
mulated all that is gorgeous and mag
nificent, and doubtless felt that even this
was a very imperfect representation of
that glorious world.
(7) That future world will he an abode
of the highest conceivable happiness.
This is manifest, not only from the fact
stated that there will be no pain or sor
row here, but from the positive descrip
tion in ch. xxii. 1, 2. It was, undoubt
edly, the design of the writer, under the
image of a Paradise, to describe the fu
ture abode of the redeemed as one of the
highest happiness — where there would
be an ample and a constant supply
of every want, and where the highest
ideas of enjoyment would be realized.
And (8) All this will be eternal. The uni
verse, so vast and so wonderful, seems
to have been made to be fitted to the
eternal contemplation of created minds,
and in this universe there is an adapta
tion for the employment of mind for ever
and ever.
If it be asked now why John, in the
account which he has given of the hea
venly state, adopted this figurative and
emblematic mode of representation, and
why it did not please God to reveal any
more respecting the nature of the em
ployments and enjoyments of the hea
venly world, it may be replied,
(a) That this method is eminently in
accordance with the general, character
of the book, as a book of symbols and
emblems. (b) He has stated enough to give us a
general and a most attractive view of
that blessed state.
(c) It is not certain that we would
have appreciated it, or could have com
prehended it, if a more minute and lite
ral description had been given. That
state may be so unlike this that it is
doubtful whether we could have compre-
43*

hended any literal description that could
have been given. How little of the fu
ture and the unseen can ever be known
by a mere description; how faint and
imperfect a view can we ever obtain of
any thing by the mere use of words, and
especially of objeots which have no re
semblance to any thing which we have
seen ! Who ever obtained any adequate
idea of Niagara by a mere description ?
To what Greek or Boman mind, how
ever cultivated, could there have been
conveyed the idea of a printing-press, of
a locomotive engine, of the magnetic tele
graph, by mere description ? Who can
convey to one born blind an idea of the
prismatic colors ; or to the deaf an idea
of sounds ? If we may imagine the world
of insect tribes to be endowed with the
power of language and thought, how
could the gay and gilded butterfly that
to-day plays in the sunbeam, impart to
its companions of yesterday — low and
grovelling worms — any adequate idea
of that new condition of being into which
it had emerged? And how do we know
that toe could comprehend any descrip
tion of that world where the righteous
dwell, or of employments and enjoyments
so unlike our own?
I cannot more appropriately close this
brief notice of the revelations of the hea
venly state, than by introducing an an
cient poem, which seems to be founded
on this portion of the Apocalypse, and
which is the original of one of the most
touching and beautiful hymns now used
in Protestant places of worship: — the
well-known hymn which begins, "Jeru
salem ! my Happy Home." This hymn
is deservedly a great favorite, and
is an eminently beautiful .composition.
It is, however, of Boman Catholic
origin. It is found in a small volume
of miscellaneous poetry, sold at Mr.
Bright's sale of manuscripts in 1844,
which has been placed in the British
Museum, and now forms the additional
MS. 15,225. It is referred, by the letter
ing on the book, to the age of Elizabeth,
but it is supposed to belong to the sub
sequent reign. The volume seems to
have been formed by or for some Roman
Catholic, and contains many devotional
songs or hymns, interspersed with others
of a mere general charaoter. See Littell's
Living Age, vol. xxviii. pp. 333-336. The
hymn is as follows : —

4m

REVELATION,

[A. i>.96.

A BOITG MADE BT T. B. P.
To (tie tune of "Diana."
Jerosalem ! mv happy home !
When shall 'I come to thee.
When shall my sorrows have an end,
Thy joys when shall I see 'I
0 happy harbor of the saints,
O sweet and pleasant soil,
In thee no sorrow may be found,
No grief, no care, no toil.
In thee no sickness may be seen,
No hurt, no ache, no sore ;
There is no death, no ugly deil,*
There 's life for evermore.
No dampish mist is seen in thee,
No cold nor darksome night;
There every soul shines as the sun,
There God himself gives light.
There lust and lucre cannot dwell,
There envy bears no sway.
There is ho hunger, heat, nor cold,
But pleasure every way.
Jerusalem I Jerusalem!
God grant I once may see
Thy endless joys, and of the same,
Partaker aye to be.
Thy walls are made of precious stones;
Thy bulwarks diamonds square.
Thy gates are of right orient pearl,
Exceeding rich and rare.
Thy turrets and thy pinnacles
With carbuncles do shine,
Thy very streets are paved with gold,
Surpassing clear and fine.
Thy houses are of ivory.
Thy windows crystal clear,
Thy tiles aTe made of beaten gold ;
0 God, that I were there 1
Within thy gates no thing doth come
That is not passing clean.
No spider's web, no dirt, no dust,
No filth may there be seen. ,
Ah, my sweet home, Jerusalem!
Would God I were in thee.
Would God my, woes were at an end,
Thy joys that I might see.
Thy saints are crowned with glory great,
They see God face to fane,
They triumph still, they still rejoice,
' Most happy is their case.
We that are here in banishment
Continually do moan;
We sigh and sob, we weep and wail.
Perpetually we groan. ^
Our sweet is mixed with bitter gall,
Our pleasure is but pain.
Our joys scarce last the looking on,
Our sorrows still remain.
But there they live in such delight,
Such pleasure, and such play,
As that to them a thousand years,
Doth seem as yesterday.
Thy vineyards and thy orchards are
Most beautiful and fair,
Full furnished with trees and fruits,
Most wonderful and rare.

* Devil, in MS., but it must have been pronounced
SaKi€«t Deil. t Musing-, ia MS.

Thy gardens and thy gallant walks
Continually are green ;
There grow such sweet and pleasant flowers
As nowhere else are seen.
There 's nectar and ambrosia made,
There 's musk and civet sweet,
There many a fair and dainty drag
Are trodden under feet.
There cinnamon, there sugar grows,
There nard and balm abound.
What tongue can tell, or heart conceive
The joys that there are found t
Quite through the streets, with silver scnnd,
The flood of life doth flow,
Upon whose banks, on every side,
The wood of life doth grow.
There trees for evermore bear fruit,
And evermore do spring','
There evermore the angels sit,
And evermore do sing.
There David stands with harp in hand,
As master of the quire ;
Ten thousand times that man were blest
That might this music + hear.
Our lady sings Magnificat,
With tune surpassing sweet,
And all the virgins bear their parts.
Sitting above her feet.
Te Deum doth Saint Ambrose sing,
, Saint Austine doth the like ;
Old Simeon and Zactlary
Have not their song to seek.
There Magdalene hath left her moan,
And cheerfully doth sing,
With blessed saints whose harmony
In every street doth ring.
Jerusalem, my happy home !
Would God I were in thee,
Would God my woes were at an end,
Thv joys that I might see 1

ANALYSIS OP CH. XXII. 6-20.
This portion of the book of Revelation
ia properly the Epilogue, or conclusion.
The main purposes of the vision are ac
complished ; the enemies of the church
are quelled; the church is triumphant;
the affairs of the world are wound up;
the redeemed are received to their bliss
ful, eternal abode; the wicked are out
off; the earth is purified, and the affairs
of the universe are fixed on their perma
nent foundation. A few miscellaneous
matters, therefore, close the book.
(1 ) A solemn affirmation on the part
of him who had made these revelations,
that they are true, and that they will
be speedily accomplished, and that he
will be blessed or happy who shall keep
the sayings of the book, vs. 6, 7.
(2) The effect of all these things on
John himself, leading him, as in a former
case (oh. xix. 10), to a disposition to wor
ship him who had been the medium in

A D. 96.]

CHAPTER XXII.

49P

6 And he said unto me, These
sayings are faithful and true : and
the Lord God of the holy prophets
gent " his angel to show unto his
servants the things which must
shortly be done.
7 Behold, I come quietly: b
ese.1.1.

making to him such extraordinary com
munications, vs. 8. 9.
(3) A command not to seal up what
had- been revealed, since the time was
near. These things would soon have
their fulfilment, and it was proper that
the prophecies should he unsealed, or
open, both that the events might be
compared, with the predictions, and that
a persecuted church might be able to see
what would be the result of all these
things, and to find consolation in the as
surance of the final triumph of the Son
of God, vs. 10.
(4) The fixed and unchangeable state
of the righteous and the wicked, vs.
11-13. (6)1 The blessedness of those who keep
the commandments of God, and who
enter, into the new Jerusalem, vs. 14,
15. (6) Jesus, the root and the offspring
of David, and the bright and morning
star, proclaims himself to be the author
of all these revelations by the instrumen
tality of an angel, ver. 16.
(7) The universal invitation of the
gospel — the language of Jesus himself —
giving utterance to his strong desire for
the salvation of men, ver. 17.
(8) A solemn command not to change
any thing that had been revealed in this
book, either by adding to it, or by taking
from it, vs. 18, 19.
(9) The assurance that he who had
made these revelations would come
quickly, and the joyous assent of John
to this, and prayer that his advent might
soon occur, ver. 20.
(10) The bendediction, ver. 21.
6. And he said unto me. The angel-
interpreter, who had showed John the
vision of the New Jerusalem, oh. xxi. 9,
10. As these visions are now at an end,
the angel comes to John directly, and
assures him that all these things are
true — that there has been no deception
of the senses in these visions, but that
they were really divine disclosures of

blessed is he that keepeth the say
ings of the prophecy of this book.
8 And I John saw these things,
and heard them. And when I hadl
heard and seen, I fell down to wor
ship before the feet of the angel
which showed me these things.
4 v. 10. 12, 20.

what would soon and certainly occur.
% These sayings are faithful and true.
These communications ; all that has been
disclosed to you by symbols, or in direct
language. See Notes on ch. xxi. 5.
^f And the Lord God of the holy prophets.
The same God who inspired the ancient
prophets. T Sent his angel. See Notes
eh. i. 1. ^f To show unto his servants..
To all his servants, that is, to all his
people, by the instrumentality of John.
The revelation was made to him, and he
was to record it for the good of the whole
church. If The things which must shortly
be done. The beginning of which must
soon occur — though the series of events
extended into distant ages, and even into
eternity; See Notes on eh. i. 1-3.
1. Behold I come quickly. . See Notes
on ch. i. 3. The words here used are,
undoubtedly, the words of the Redeemer,
although they are apparently repeated
by the angel. The meaning is, that they
were used by the angel as the words of
the Redeemer. See vs; 12, 20. % Bless
ed is he that keepeth the sayings of the
prophecy of this book. That receives
them as a divine communication; that
makes use of them to comfort himself in
the days of darkness, persecution, and
trial; and that is obedient to the pre
cepts here enjoined. See Notes ch.
i. 3. 8. And I John saw these things, and
heard them. That is, I saw the parts that
were disclosed by pictures, visions, and
symbols; I heard the parts that were
communicated by direct revelation.
If And when I had heard and seen, I fell
down to worship before the feet of the
angel, &a. As he had done on a former
occasion. See Notes on ch. xix. 10.
John appears to have been entirely over
come by the extraordinary nature of the
revelations made to him, and not impro
bably entertained some suspicion that it
was the Redeemer himself who had
manifested himself to him in this re
markable manner.

500

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

9 Then saith he unto me, See
thou do it not : for I am thy fellow-
servant, and of thy brethren the
prophets, and of them which keep
the sayings of this book : worship
God.

9. Then saith he unto me, See thou do
it not. See Notes on ch. xix. 10. ^ For
I am thy fellow-servant. Notes oh. xix.
10. ^f And of thy brethren the prophets.
In ch. xix. 10, it is, 'of thy brethren
that have the testimony of Jesus.' Here
the angel says that, in the capacity in
which he appeared to John, he belonged
to the general rank of the prophets, and
was no more entitled to worship than
any of tho prophets had been. Like
them, he had merely been employed to
disclose important truths in regard to
the future ; but as the prophets, even the
most eminent of them, were not regarded
as entitled to worship on account of the
communications which they had made,
no more was he. ^f And of them which
keep the sayings of this book. 'I am a
mere creature of God. I, like men, am
under law, and am bound to observe the
law of God.' The ' sayings of this book'
which he says he kept, must be under
stood to mean those great principles of
religion which it enjoined, and whioh
are of equal obligation on men and an
gels. 1f Worship God. Worship God
only. Notes ch. xix. 10.
10. And he saith unto me. The angel.
^f Seal not the sayings of the prophecy
of this book. That is, seal not the book
itself, for it may be regarded altogether
as a prophetio book. On the sealing of
a book, see Notes on ch. v. 1. Isaiah
(viii. 16, xxx. 8) and Daniel (viii. 26,
xii. 4, 9) were commanded to seal up
their prophecies. Their prophecies re
lated to far-distant times, and the idea
in thoir being commanded to seal them
was, that they should makej;he record
sure and unchangeable ; that they should
finish it and lay it up for future ages ; so
that, in far-distant times, the events
might be compared with the prophecy,
and it might be seen that there was an
exact correspondence between the pro
phecy and the fulfilment. Their prophe
cies would not be immediately demanded
for tho use of persecuted saints, but
would pertain to future ages. On the
other hand, the events which John

10 And he saith unto me, Seal
not " the sayings of the prophecy
of this book : for the time is at hand.
11 He * that is unjust, let him be
a Da. 8. 26. b Pr.l. 24-33: Ea 11.3;
Mat 26. 10; 2 Ti. 3. 13.

had predicted, though in their ultimate
development they were to extend to the
end of the world, and even into eternity,
were about to begin to be fulfilled, and
were to be of immediate use in consoling
a persecuted church. John, therefore,
was directed not to seal up his predic
tions ; not to lay them away to be open
ed, as it were, in distant ages, but to
leave them open so that a persecuted
church might have access to them, and
might in times of persecution and trial
have the assurance that the principles
of their religion would finally triumph.
See Notes on ch. x. 2. ^f For the time is
at hand. That is, they are soon to com
mence. It is not implied that they would
be soon completed. The idea is, that as
the scenes of persecution were soon to
open upon the church, it was important
that the church should have access to
these prophecies of the final triumph of
religion, to sustain it in its trials. Comp.
Notes on ch. i. 1, 3.
11. Be that is unjust, let him be unjust
still. This must refer to the scenes be
yond the judgment, and must be intended
to affirm an important truth in regard
to the condition of men in the future
state. It cannot refer to the condition
of men this side the grave, for there is
no fixed and unchangeable condition in
this world. At the close of this book,
and at the close of the whole volume of
revealed truth, it was proper to declare
in the most solemn manner that, when
these events were consummated, every
thing would be fixed and unchanging —
that all who were then found to be right
eous would remain so for ever ; and that
none who were impenitent, impure, and
wicked, would ever change their charac
ter or condition. That this is the mean
ing here seems to me to be plain ; and
this sentiment accords with all that is
said in the Bible of the final condition
of the righteous and the wicked. See
Matt. xxv. 46; Rom. ii. 6-9; Thess. i.
7-10; Dan. xii. 2; Eccl. xi. 3. Every
assurance is held out in the Bible that
the righteous will be seoure in holinesf

CHAPTER XXII.

A. I>. 96.]

unjust still : and he which is filthy,
let him be filthy still : and he that
is righteous, " let him be righteous
still: and he that is holy, let him
be holy still.
12 And behold, I come quickly ; '
and my reward is with me, to give
a Pr. 4.18; Mat. 5. 6. »Zep".l. 14.
and happiness, and that there will be no
danger — no possibility — that they will
fall into sin, and sink to woe; and by
the same kind of arguments by which it
is proved that their condition will be
unchanging, is it demonstrated that the
condition of the wicked will be un
changing also. The argument for the
eternal punishment of the wicked is as
strong as that for the eternal happiness
of the righteous ; and if the one is open
to doubt, there is no security for the
permanence of the other. The word
unjust here is a general term for an
unrighteous or wicked man. The mean
ing is, that he to whom that character
properly belongs, or of whom it is pro
perly descriptive, will remain so for ever.
The design of this, seems to be, to let
the ungodly and the wicked know that
there is no change beyond the grave,
and by this solemn consideration to warn
them now to flee from the wrath to come.
And assuredly no more solemn consider
ation can ever he presented to tbe bu-
- man mind than this. ^[ And he which is
filthy, let him be filthy still. The word
filthy here is, of course, used with refer
ence to moral defilement , or . pollution.
It refers to the sensual, the corrupt, the
profane ; and the meaning is, that their
condition will be fixed, and that; they
will remain in this state of pollution for
ever. There is nothing more awful than
the idea that a polluted soul will be
always polluted; that a heart corrupt
will be always corrupt ; that the defiled
will be put for ever beyond the possi
bility of being cleansed from sin. T And
he that is righteous, let him be righteous
still. The just, the upright man — in
contradistinction from the unjust men
tioned in the first part of tho verse.
f And he that is holy, let him be holy still.
He that is pure, in contradistinction from
the filthy mentioned in the former part
of the verse. The righteous and the
holy will bo confirmed in their character
and condition, as well as the wicked.

501

every man according * as his work
shall be.
13 I d am Alpha and Omega, the
beginning and the end, the first and
the last.
14 Blessed * are they that do his
commandments, that they may have
c c. 20. 12. d Is. 44. 6. e Lu. 12. 37, 38.

The affirmation that their condition will
be fixed is as strong as that that of the
wicked will be — and no stronger ; the
entire representation is; that all be
yond the judgment will be unchang
ing for ever. Could any more solemn
thought be brought before the mind of
man? 12. And behold I come quickly. See
Notes ch. i. 1, 3. These are, undoubt
edly, the words of the Redeemer, and the
meaning is, that the period when tho
unchanging sentenee would be passed
on each individual — on the unjust, the
filthy, the righteous, and the holy —
would not be remote. The design of this
seems to be to impress on the mind the
solemnity of the truth that the con
dition hereafter will soon be fixed,
and to lead men to prepare for it.
In reference to each individual, the
period is near when it is to be deter
mined whether he will be holy or sinful
to all eternity. What thought could
there be more adapted to impress on the
mind the importance of giving imme
diate attention to the concerns of the
soul ? T And my reward is with me.
I bring it with me to give to every man :
either life or death ; heaven or hell ; the
crown or the curse. He will be pre
pared immediately to execute the sen
tence. Comp. Matt. xxv. 31-46. f To
give every man according as his work
shall be. See Notes on Matt. xvi. 27 ;
Rom. ii. 6 ; 2 Cor. v. 10.
13. I am Alpha and Omega, See. See
Notes on ch. i. 8, 11. The idea here is,
that he will thus show that he is the
first and the last — the beginning and the
end. He originated the whole plan of
salvation, and he will determine its
close ; he formed the world, and he will
wind up its affairs. In the beginning,
the continuance, and the end, ho will
be recognized as the same being pre
siding over and controlling all.'
14. Blessed are they that do his com
mandments. See Notes ch. i. 3, xxii. 7.

502

REVELATION,

[A D. 96.

right to the tree of life, and may
enter in through the gates into the
city. 15 For without " am dogs, * and
sorcerers, and whoremongers* and
murderers, and idolaters, and who
soever loveth and maketh a lie.

^f That they may have right. That they
may be entitled to approach the tree of
life ; that this privilege may be granted
to them. It is not a right in the sense
that they have merited it, but ia the
sense that the privilege is conferred on
them as one of the rewards of God, and
that, in virtue of the divine arrange
ments, they will be entitled to this honor.
So the word here used — l^ovaia — means
in John i. 12, rendered power. The
reason why this right or privilege is con
ferred is not implied in the use of the
word. In this case it is by grace, and
all the right which they have to the tree
of life is founded on the fact that God
has been pleased graciously to confer it
on them. IT To the tree of life. See
Notes on ver. 2. They would not be
forbidden to approach that tree as Adam
was, but would be permitted always to
partake of it, and would live for ever.
^f And may enter in through the gates into
the city. The New Jerusalem. Ch. xxi.
2. They would have free access there ;
they would be permitted to abide there
for ever.
15. For without are dogs. The wicked,
the depraved, the vile : — for of such
characters the dog, an unclean animal
among the Jews, was regarded as a
symbol. Deut. xxiii. 18. On the mean
ing of the expression, see Notes on Phil.
iii. 2. The word ' without' means that
they would not be admitted into the
heavenly oity, the New Jerusalem,
ch. xxi. 8, 27. ^f And sorcerers, Ac.
All these characters are specified in ch.
xxi. 8, as exoluded from heaven. See
Notes on that verse. The only change
is, that those who ' love and make a lie,'
are added to the list; that is, who de
light in lies, or that which is false.
16. / Jesus. Here the Saviour ap
pears expressly as the speaker— ratifying
and confirming all that had been com
municated by the instrumentality of the
angel, ^f Have sent mine angel. Notes,
oh. i. 1. ^ To testify unto you. That
is, to be a witness for me in comuiuni*

16 I Jesus have sent mine angel
to testify unto you these things in
the churches. I am the ' root and
the offspring of David, and th*
bright and morning star.

a c. 21. 8, 27.

b Ph. 3. 2.

eating these things to you. ^ In the
churches. Directly and immediately tu
the seven churches in Asia Minor (che.
ii. iii.) ; remotely and ultimately to all
churches to the end of time. Comp.
Notes, ch. i. 11. ^f / am the root. Not
the root in the sense that David sprang
from him, as a tree does from a root,
but in the sense that he was the ' root-
shoot of David, or that he himself sprang
from him, as a sprout starts up from a
decayed and fallen tree — as of the oak,
the willow, the chesnut, &e. See this
explained in the Notes on Isa. xi. 1.
The meaning, then, is, not that he was
the ancestor of David, or that David
sprang from him, but that he was the
offspring of David, according to the pro
mise in the Scripture, that the Messiah
should be descended from him. No
argument, then, can be derived from
this passage in proof of the pre-exist-
ence, or the divinity of Christ. ^[ And
the offspring. The descendant; the
progeny of David : " the seed of David
according to the flesh." See Notes on
Rom. i. 3. It is not unusual to employ-
two words in close connection to express
the same idea with some slight shade of
difference. U And the bright and niorn-
ing star. See Notes ch. ii. 28. It is
not uncommon to compare a prince, a
leader, a teacher, with that bright and
beautiful star which at some seasons of
the year precedes the rising of the sun,
and leads on the day. Comp. Notes on
Isa. xiv. 12. The reference here is to
that star as the harbinger of day, and
the meaning of tho Saviour is, that he
sustains a relation to a dark world
similar to this beautiful star. At one
time he is indeed compared with the sun
itself in giving light to the world ; here
he is compared with that morning star,
rather with reference to its 6eau(y than
its light. May it not also have been one
objeot in this comparison to lead us
when wo look on that star, to think of
the Saviour? It is perhaps the most
beautiful object in nature; it succeeds

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XXII.

503

17 And the Spirit and the bride °
iy, Come. * And let him that
a c 21. 2, 9. b Is. 2, 5.

the darkness of the night; it brings on
the day— and as it mingles with the first
rays of the morning, it seems to be so
joyous, cheerful, exulting, bright, that
nothing can be better adapted to remind
us of him who came to lead on eternal
day. Its place, — the first thing that
arrests the eye in ' the morning — might
serve to remind us that the Saviour
should bo the first object that should
draw the eye apd the heart on the
return of each day. In each trial — each
scene of sorrow — let us think of the
bright star of the morning as it rises on
the darkness of the night — emblem of the
Saviour rising on our sorrow and our
gloom. 17. And the Spirit and the bride say,
Come. That is, come to the Saviour;
come and partake of the blessings of the
gospel; come and be saved. The con
struction demands this interpretation, as
the latter part of the verse shows. The
design of this whole verse is, evidently,
to show the freeness of the offers of the
Gospel ; tp condense in a summary man
ner all the invitations of mercy to man
kind; and to leave on the mind at the
close of the book a deep impression of
the ample provision which has been
made for the salvation of a fallen race.
Nothing, it is clear, could be more ap
propriate at the close of this book, and
at the close of the whole volume of
revealed truth, than to announce, in the
most clear and attracting form, that sal
vation is free to all, and that whosoever
will may be saved. ^ The Spirit.' The
Holy Spirit. He entreats all to come.
This he does (a) in all the recorded in
vitations in the Bible — for it is by the
inspiration of that Spirit that these invi
tations are recorded; (b) by all his in
fluences on the understandings, the
consciences, and the hearts of men;
(c) by fell tbe proclamations of mercy
made by the preaching of the gospel,
and by the appeal which friend makes to
friend, and neighbor to neighbor, and
stranger to stranger — for all these are
methods in which the Spirit invites men
to come to the Saviour, ^f And the
bride. The church. See Notes, ch.
xxi. 2, 9. That is, the church invites all

heareth say. Come. And c let him
that is athirst, come. And who-
c c. 21. 6.

to come and be saved. This it does
(a) by its ministers, whose main busi
ness it is to extend this invitation to
mankind; (b) by its ordinances — con
stantly sotting forth the freeness of the
gospel; (c) by the lives of its consistent
members — showing the excellency and
the desirableness of true religion ; (d) by
all its efforts to do good in the world ;
(e) by the, example of those who are
brought into the church — showing that
all, whatever may have been their former
character, may be saved ; and (/) by the
direct appeals of its individual mem
bers. Thus a Christian parent invites
hie children ; a brother invites a sister,
and a sister a brother; a neighbor in
vites his neighbor, and a stranger a
stranger ; the master invites his servant,
and the servant his master. The church
on earth and the church in heaven
unite in the invitation, saying, Come.
The living father, pastor, friend, invites
— and the voice of the departed father,
pastor, friend, now in heaven, is heard
re-echoing tbe invitation. The once-
loved mother that has gone to the skies
still invites her children to come ; and
the sweet-smiling babe that has been
taken up to the Saviour, stretches out
its arms from heaven, and says to its
mother— Cfome. ^f Say, Come. That is^
come to the Saviour; come into the
church ; come to heaven. U And let him
that heareth say, Come. Whoever hears
the gospel, let him go and invite
others to come. Nothing could more
strikingly set forth the freeness of the
invitation of the gospel than this. The
authority to make the invitation is not
limited to the ministers of religion ; it is
not even confined to those who accept
it themselves. All persons, even though
they should not accept of it, are autho
rised to tell others that they may be
saved. One impenitent sinner may go
and tell another impenitent sinner that
if he will he may find mercy and enter
heaven. How could the offer of salva
tion be made more freely to mankind ?
^f And let him that is athirst, come.
Whoever desires salvation, as the weary
pilgrim desires a cooling fountain to
allay his thirst, let him come as freely

504

REVELATION,

[A. D. 96.

soever will, let him take the water
of life freely.
18 For I testify unto every man
that heareth the words of the pro
phecy of this book, If any man
a Pr. 30. 6.

to the gospetas that thirsty man would
Stoop down . at the fountain and drink.
See Notes on Isa. Iv. 1. Comp. Notes
on Matt. v. 6 ; John vii. 37 ; Rev. xxi. 6.
^f And whpsoever will, let him take the
water of life freely. Ch. xxi. 6. Every
one that is disposed to come, that has
any sincere wish to be saved, is assured
that he may live. No matter how un
worthy he is ; no matter what his past
life has been ; no matter how old or how
young, how rich or how poor ; no matter
whether sick or well, a freeman or* a
slave; no matter whether educated or
ignorant; no matter whether clothed in
purple or in rags — riding in state or laid
at the gate of a rich man full of sores,
the invitation is freely made to all to
come and be saved. With what more
appropriate truth could a revelation from
heaven be closed ?
18 For I testify. The writer does not
specify who is meant by the word ' /,' in
this place. The most natural construc
tion is to refer it to the writer himself,
and not to the angel, or the Saviour.
The meaning is, 'I bear this solemn
witness, or make this solemn affirma
tion, in conclusion.' The object is to
guard his book against being corrupted
by any interpolation or change. It
would seem not improbable, from this,
that as early as the time of John, books
were liable to beoorrupted by additions or
omissions, or ihat at least there was felt
to be great danger that mistakes might
be made by the carelessness of tran
scribers. Against this danger, John
would guard this book in the most
solemn manner. Perhaps he felt too,
that as this book would be necessarily
regarded as obscure from the fact that
symbols were so much used, there was
great danger that changes would be
made by well-meaning persons with a
view to make it appear moro plain.
ff Unto every man that heareth the words
of the prophecy of this book. The word
'heareth' seems here to be used in a
very general sense. Perhaps in most
oases persons would be made acquainted

shall add " uvaSo these things, God
shall add unto him the plagues
that are written in this book :
19 And if any man shall take
away from the words of the book
of this prophecy, God shall take
with the contents of the book by hearing
it read in the churches ; but still the
spirit of the declaration must include all
methods of becoming acquainted with it
^f If any man shall add unto these
things. With a view to furnish a more
full and complete revelation ; or with a
profession that new truth had been com
municated by inspiration. The reference
here is to the book of Revelation only—
for at that time the books that now con
stitute what we call the Bible, were not
collected into a single volume. This
passage, therefore, should not be ad
duced as referring to the whole of the
sacred Scriptures. Still,, the principle is
one that is thus applicable; for it is
obvious that no one has a right to
change any part of a revelation which
God makes to man ; to presume to add
to it, or to take from it, or in any
way X6 modify it. Comp. Notes, 2 Tim.
iii. 16. ^f God shall add unto him the
plagues that are written in this book.
These 'plagues' refer to the numerous
methods described in this book as those
in which God would bring severe judg
ment upon the persecutors of the church,
and the corrupters of religion. The
meaning is, that such a person would be
regarded as an enemy of his religion,
and would shore the fearful doom of all
such enemies.
19. And if any man shall take away
from the words of the book of this pro
phecy. If he shall reject the book alto
gether; if he shall, in transcribing it,
designedly strike any part of it out
It is conceivable that, from the remark
able nature of the communications made
in this book, and tbe fact that they
seemed to be unintelligible, John sup
posed there might be those who would
be inclined to omit some portions as im
probable, or that he apprehended that
when the portions which describe Anti-
ohrist were fulfilled in distant ages,
those to whom those portions applied
would be disposed to strike them from
the sacred volume, or to corrupt them.
He thought proper to guard against thu

A. D. 96.]

CHAPTER XXII.

505

away" his part * out of the book of
life, and out of the holy city, and
from the things which are written
in this book.
a c 3. 5. 6 Or, from the tree.
by this solemn declaration of the conse
quence which would follow such an act.
The whole book was to be received — with
all its fearful truths — as a revelation
from God, and however obscure it might
seem, in due time it would be made
plain ; however faithfully it might depict
a fearful apostacy, it was important both
to show the truth of divine inspiration,
and' to save the church, that these dis
closures should be in their native purity
in the possession of the people of God.
^f God shall take away his part out of the
hook of life. Perhaps there is here an
intimation that this would be most likely
to be done by those who professed to be
Christians, and who supposed that their
names were in the book of life. In fact
most of the corruptions of the sacred
Scriptures have been attempted by those
who havf' professed some form of Chris
tianity. Infidels have but little interest
in attempting such changes, and but little
influence to make them received by the
church. It is most convenient for them,
as it is most agreeable to their feelings, to
reject the Bible altogether. When it is
said here that ' God would take away
his part out of the book of life,' the
meaning is not that his name had been
written in that book, but that he would
take away the part which he might
have had, or which he professed to have
in that book. Such corruption of the
divine oracles would show that they had
no true religion, and would be excluded
from heaven. On the phrase, ' book of
life)' see Notes on ch. iii. 5. 1f And out
of the holy city. Described in ch. xxi.
He would not be permitted to enter that
eity; he would have no part among the
redeemed, ^f And from the things that
are written in this book. The promises
that are made; the glories that are
described. 20. He which testifieth these things.
The Lord Jesus ; for he it was that had,
through the instrumentality of the angel,
borne his solemn witness to the truth of
these things, and this book was to be
segarded as his revelation to mankind.
See Notes on ch. i. 1, xxii. 16. He here
43

20 He which testifieth these
things saith, Surely ° I eomo quick
ly; Amen. Even * sOj come, Lord
Jesus. a ver. 7. 12. b He. 9. 28; Is. 25. 9.

speaks himself, and vouches for the truth
and reality of these things, - byr saying
that he ' testifies' of them, or bears wit
ness to them. Comp. John xviii. 37.
ihe fact that Je,sus himself veaiches for
the truth of what is here revealed, shows
the propriety of what John had said in
the previous verses about adding to it,
or taking from it. If Saith, Surely I
come quickly. That is, the development
of these events will soon begin — though
their consummation may extend into far
distant ages, or into eternity. See Notes
on ch. i. 1, 3, xxii. 7, 10. % Amen. A
word of solemn affirmation or assent.
See Notes on Matt. vi. 13. Hero it is to
be regarded as the expression of John,
signifying his solemn and cheerful as
sent to what the Saviour had said, that
he would come quickly. It is the utter
ance of a strong desire that it might be
so. He longed for his appearing. <§ Even
These too are the words of John,
and are a response to what the Saviour
had just said. In the original, it is a
response in the same language which the
Saviour had used, and the beauty of the
passage is marred by the translation
'Even so.' The original is, 'He which
testifieth to these things saith, Yea — va\
— I come quickly. Amen. Yea — vat,
come, Lord Jesus.' It is the utterance
of desire in the precise language which
the Sayiour had used : — heart responding
to heart % Come, Lord Jesus. That is,
as here intended, ' Come in the manner
and for the objects referred to in this
book.' The language, however, is ex
pressive of the feelings of piety in a more
extended sense, and may be used to de
note a desire that the Lord Jesus would
come in any and every manner : — that
he would come to impart to us the tokens
of his presence ; that he would come to
bless his truth and to revive his work in
the churches ; that he would come to
convert sinners, and t» build up his peo
ple in holiness ; that he would come to
sustain us in affliction, and to defend us
in temptation ; that he would come to
put a period to idolatry, superstition, and
error, and to extend the knowledge of

506

REVELATION, CHAPTER XXII. [A. D.

Sil The * grace of our Lord Je6us
c 2 Th. 3. 18.
his truth in the world; that he would
come to set up his kingdom on the earth,
and to rule in the hearts of men; that
he would come to receive us to his pre
sence, and to gather his redeemed people
into his everlasting kingdom, it was
appropriate to the aged John, suffering
exile in a lonely island, to pray that the
Lord Jesus would speedily come to take
him to himself: — and there could have
been no more suitable close of this mar
vellous book than the utterance of such a
desire. And it is appropriate for us as
rue finish its contemplation, disclosing so

Christ be with you all. Amen.

much of the glories of the heavenly world,
and the blessedness of the redeemed in
their final state, when we think of the
earth, with its sorrows, trials, and cares,
to respond to the prayer, and to say,
' Come, Lord Jesn's, come quickly.' For
that glorious coming of the Son of God,
when he shall gather his redeemed people
to himself, may all who read these Notes
be finally prepared, Amen.
21. -The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ
be with you all, Amen. The usual bene
diction of the sacred writers. See Notes
on Rom. xvi. 20.

IIS BSD,