««.5* '"Si* '•" '

Ca^XH O'^O

of 1 M, t 'lit ISLAND 3RICADE.

TOPHER G-REEKji--
iND 3RICAD

THE INVASION OF CANADA IN 1775:

INCLUDIltG THB

\mxm\ of €^im ^xmm %\^tx,

DESCEIBING THE

PERILS AND SUFFERINGS

ARMY UNDER COLONEL BENEDICT ARNOLD,

IH- ITS MARCH

THEOUaH THB WILDEENESS TO QUEBEC:

Vitli Uotes and Appendix.

By EDWIN MARTIN STONE

PROVIDENCE:
KUO'WIiES, AKTHONT & CO.', PKINTEKS.
186 7.

PREEACE.

HE JOURNAL of Captain Simeon Thayer makes no
_J pretension to literary merit. It -was written, doubtless, to
keep fresh in the memory of the author the facts of his
personal experience during his march through the -wilder
ness to Quebec, as well as of his confinement while pris
oner of war, without expectation of its ever appearing in
print. It is here reproduced as it stands in the original,
without any change of capital letters or of orthography,
and with only such added punctuation as was thought
necessary to render clear the meaning of the text. For
this reason a number of words will be found incorrectly spelled. The Intro
duction, Notes and Appendix, are the results of extensive research. The
first is prefl.xed, and the latter are added, to give completeness to the story
of one of the most daring and important military enterprises of the Revolu-
+ionary War. ' A Bibliography of the Journals published on the subject, so
far as is known, and also a list of works which treat more or less fully upon
the Invasion of Canada, is herewith annexed ¦ — the first that has ever
been attempted — for the convenience of students of this portion of American
history. Possibly some Journals of " Arnold's Expedition " have been pub
lished that have escaped attention, and it is by no means certain that the list
of reference works is complete. Additions under either of these heads are
earnestly solicited, and -will be gratefully acknowledged. For facts and docu
ments communicated to the editor of the Journal, special thanks are ten
dered to Samuel G. Drake, Esq., of Boston ; Eev. Richard Eddy, Librarian
Pennsylvania Historical Society; Hon. M. H. Taggart, State Treasurer,
Pennsylvania ; Henry T. Drowne, Esq., New York ; George H. Moore,
Esq., Librarian New York Historical Society ; Richard R. Ward, Esq.,
Brooklyn, N. Y. ; Charles J. Hoadly, Esq., Secretary Connecticut Histori- '
cal Society; John G. Metcalf, M. D., Mcndon, Mass. ; Simon Henry Greene,
Esq., River Point, R. L ; David King, M. D., Newport, R. I. ; William W.
Burr, Stephen T. Olney, and Crawford Allen, Esqs., Providence, R. I.
E. M. 8.
Providence, R. I., January 19, 1867.

WORKS RELATING TO THE INYASION OF CANADA.

Akwold's Jotjunal. Colonel Benedict Arnold kept a Journal of his expedition. It was
left by him at West Point, when he fled on hearing of the capture of Andre, and was
found among his papers by Judge Tierpont Edwards, of Connecticul , who was appointed
to administer upon the goods and estate of Arnold, his treason making him dead in law.
The Manuscript was in existence in 1835, though in rather a dilapidated state. The wri
ting was in the middle style between copy and running hand. Extracts from this Jour
nal were published in the appendix to the Life of Burr, by Samuel L. Knapp.1835,
beginning Sept. 27. and ending Oct. 30, 1775. They confirm the accuracy of the state
ments in Capt. Thayer's Journal, but throw no additional light upon the history of the
expedition .
McCoy's Jouhnal. Ji^dge Henry states that Sergeant "William McCoy, of Captain Hen
dricks' company, while in confinement in Quebec, gave to Major Murphy, of the British
Garrison, a correct copy of a Journal kept by himself through the wilderness. Whether
it was carried to England, is not known. It probably was never published. Possibly it
may be in existence.
Feench Journalr. John G. Shea, Esq., of New Tork, brought from Canada two Jour
nals in Manuscript, written respectively by French Notaries ; one at Quebec, and the
other at Three Rivers, '* about the Invasion of the Bostonnais." The word Mosfonnais
was a designation intended to apply to nearly all New England. The word was found
by George G ibbs in the Chinook Jargon in Oregon, and he could not account for it. The
titles of the two French Journals, however, explain it. In Indian, Wastonroiion: W
being substituted for the B amongst the Indians.
An Acoubate anb Inteeesti^'G Accotjkt of the hardships and suflFeriugs of that Band
of Heroes, who traversed the W'ilderness in the Campa'gn against Quebec, in 1775. By
John Joseph Henry, Esq. Late President of the Second Judicial District of Pennsylva
nia. Lancaster: Printed by William Greer, 1812. pp. 225, small 12mo.
Tjie Same — Library Editiox. Campaign against Quebec, | being | an accurate and
interesting account 1 of the 1 Hardships and Suiferings | of that [ Baxd of Heroes |
who traversed the Wilderness | by the route of the Kennebec and Chaudiere Rivers | to
Quebec, in the year 1775. | By John Joseph Henry, Esq. | Late President of the second
Judicial District in Pennsylvania. | Revised edition, with corrections and alterations. |
Watertown, N. Y. | Printed and Published by Knowlton & Rice, | 1844. | pp. 212, 16mo.
[Sketch of the Life of Arnold copied mainly from Sparks' Biography, at the end of the
second edition in place of notes in the first edition.]
^HE-rn'R JoiTRWAL. Lieutenant [afterwards Colonel] WiUiam Heth, 2d, kept a Journal of
Arnold's Expedition, which is referred to in Marshall's Life of ^Vashington, Vol. L, pp.
53, 57, second edition. It is thought to have been published in Virginia.
A Journal of the hardships and privations endured by the troops in this expedition was
kept by Caleb Haskell, of Newburyport, Mass , a private in Cai)t. Ward's company, but
was never published.
Letters of Colonol, generally known as Major Henry Caldwell, written on board the
Hunter, British armed vessel, relate particularly to the attack on Quebec.

WORKS RELATING TO THE INVASION OF CANADA. V,
A Journal op the Expedition to Quebec, in the year 1775, under tho command of
Colonel Benedict Arnold. By James Melvin, a private iu Captain Dearborn's company.
New York : 1857. AVith Introductory Remarks and Notes by W. J. D. Largo 8vo, tinted
paper: pp. SO. 100 copies only printed.
This Journal commences at Cambridge, Sept. 13, 1775, and terminates at Quebec, Aug.
6, 1776. It was edited by William J. Davis, Esq., late private Secretary of Hon. George
Bancroft. Of the author nothing is known beyond the statement made in the title page.
W. J. D. says, "Tho style of the composition, aud exceedingly neat penmanship of tho
Journal, is strong evidence, however, that he possessed, for tho times, considerable edu
cation." The Journal, as a contribution to the history of Arnold's Expedition, is of great
value. -,
The Same, with Introduction and copious Notes, printed for the Franklin Club, Philadel
phia, 1864. 100 copies 8vo. ; 20 quarto.
Journal OE the Expedition against Quebec, under command of Colonel Benedict
Arnold, in the year 1775, by Major Return J. Meigs, with Introduction aud Notes by
Charles J. Bushnell. New York: Privately printed, 18G4. 8vo. fine tinted paper, with
portrait of Colonel Christopher Greene, pp. 57.
This Journal begins Sept. 9, at Roxbury, and closes at Quebec, January 1, 1776. ¦ The
Notes are full and valuable. The Journal was printed in the Massachusetts Historical
Collections, Second Series, Vol, II.
Mantjscripts relating to tre Early History of Canada. Publi.shod under the
auspices of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec. (Quebec: Printed by Middle-
town and Davis, Shaw's Building, 1866.
The Journal of Isaac Senter, Physician and Surgeon to the troops detached from the
American Army encamped at Cambridge, Mass. , on a Secret Expedition against (Quebec,
under the command of Colonel Benedict Arnold, in September, 1775. Philadelphia:
Published by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1846. To this edition is prefixed a
brief notice of the Manuscript of the Journal, aud a biographical preface. A few notes
of reference are added.
This Journal was carried to Philadelphia, where it was lost sight of for many years,
and finally came into the hands of Dr. Lewis Uoper, of that city, whose perception of its
importance induced him to communicate it to the Pennsylvania Historical Society. It
commences at Cambridge, September 13th, 1775, and closes at Quebec, January 6, 1776.
The position of Dr. Senter in the Expedition imparts to it a special value.
Journal of Captain Si-meon Thayer, describing the perils and sufferings endured by
Arnold's detachment in their march through the Wilderness of Maine and Canada to
Quebec in 1775. Now first printed. «k
Captain John ToriiA^i's Journal of the Expedition to Quebec, through the Wilderness
of Maine, in September, October and Kovemberj 1775 Not published.
The first part of this Journal has been unfortunately lost by being worn off by use and
careless handling. It commences sometime before the20tli :?eptember, but in its present
dilapidated state, the legible part begins October 6, 1775. The last part is gone, aud the
manuscript ends at a time while Captain Topham was still a prisoner at Quebec, The
Journal is in the possession of David King, M. D., of Newport, R, I.
A Journal op a March fro-M Cambridge on an Expedition against Quebec, in Col.
Benedict Arnold's Detachment, S^pt. 13, 177-5. Kept by Joseph Ware, of Neodliam, Mass.
Published in the New England Historical and Genealogical KegistorjVol. VI.,1852, with
Notes by Justin Winsor, of Boston.
The au|hor was a private in Captain Samuel Ward's company. The Journal is one of
the most valuable that have been printed.
Arnold's History of Rhode Island, Vol. II. *
Allen's Biographical Dictionary.
Annual Register, London, 1776.
Amwell's History.
American Archives, 5th Series?
Bosworth's History of Montreal

I. WORKS RELATING TO THE INVASION OF CANADA.
Bancroft's History of the United States, Vol. VIH.
Botta's American Revolution.
Bloodgood's Sexagenary, or Reminiscences of the Revolution, 1866.
Colonial Records of Rhode Island.
Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. I.
Connecticut State Papers — War.
Dunlap's History of New York, Vol. II.
Davis's Memoirs of Aaron Burr, Vol. I.
Gordon's American Revolutionj Vols. I and II.
Hawkins' Picture of Quebec.
Holt's Paper, New York.
Historical and Genealogical Register, Boston.
Knapp's Life of Aaron Burr.
Life of Ethan Allen, or "Allen's Narrative."
Life of Richard Montgomery.
Life of Benedict Arnold.
Life of General Daniel Morgan.
Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed.
Life and Times of Gen. John Lamb, by Isaac Q. Leake.
Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, Vol. I.
Maine Historical Society's Collections, Vol. I.
Massachusetts Historical Society's Collections, 2d Series.
Madame De Reidesel's Journal.
Marshall's Life of Washington.
Parton's Life of Aaron Burr.
Peterson's History of Rhode Island.
Provideuce Gazette and Country Journal, 1776.
Palmer's History of Lake Champlain.
Remembrancer.Rogers' Biographical Dictionary.
Silliman's tour between Hartford and Quebec, 1819.
Trumbull's Reminiscences of his own Times.
Thatcher's Military Journal.
Writings of Washington, Vol. III.
"Wilkinson s Memoirs, Vol. I.
Warren s History of the American Revolution.

ADDENDA TO WORKS ON THE INVASION OF CANADA.

Deahborh's Journal. It is understood that Captain Henry Dearborn kept a Journ
of his march through the wilderness, and of his experiences while a prisoner at Quebec
but it is not known to have been printed.
HisTOKT OP Cakada, by Andrew Bell, 2 vols.
HoLLisTER's History of Connecticut.
Ievikcj's Life of Washington contains several chapters relating to the Invasion of Can
ada, and some references.
Journals of Congress. The Journals of the Proceedings of the Continental Con
gress, in 1776, contain interesting facts relating to the Invasion of Canada. The volumes
for 1775 and 1776 should not be overlooked by the historical student.
Journal of Madame De Eeidesel, translated by William L. Stone. This new trans
lation gives the portions of the Journal hitherto suppressed, touching American Slavery.
Journal, (MS.) kept at Three Eivers in 1776—6, by M. Badeux, a Eoyalist Notary.
Journal kept during the seige of Fort St. John, by one of its defenders, (M. Antoine
Foucher.) Journal, (MS.) of Sanguinet, a Montreal Barrister,
Two of the above Journals have already been referred to p. iv, under the head of
" French Journals."
Memoikes de Sanguinet. (MS.)
Morgan's Sketches of celebrated Canadians.
Peircb's Journal. Of this Journal and its author, Charles Congdon, Esq., Treasurer
of the Bradford Club,* in New Tork, has kindly communicated the following particulars :
It is a closely written manuscript, containing the daily occurrences from September 8th,
1775, to January 16th, 1776. The first leaf, and several leaves at the end, are unfortunately
wanting. The author, John Peirce, was of Worcester, Mass. He belonged to the contin
gent, and as Engineer and Surveyor was attached to one of the parties mentioned by
Meigs and Henry, as being sent forward from Fort Western to establish the bearings of
the route through the wilderness. This Journal, it is believed, has not hitherto been
known to any of our historians.
Sedgwick's History of Sharon.
Statement of the Expedition to Canada, &c. By Lieut. Gen. Burgoyne. Six
maps. Quarto, untrimmed, boards, 1780. Octavo, bound, second edition, 1780.

Acknowledgments. In the acknowledgments of courtesies, the names of A. W Green,
Esq., Librarian of the New York Mercantile Library Association, and of Francis Lawton,
Esq., Newport, K. I., should have been included.
Errata. Preface. The residence of Richard E. Ward, Esq., is New York. The middle
initial in Mr. Bushnell's name should be I.
•The publications of the Bradford Club have reached six in number, the first being
" Hatfield and Deerfleld," and all in the highest style of art. One hundred copies only of
Melvin's Journal were printed for the Club.

INTRODUCTION.

INVASION OF CANADA.

SHEN, early in 1775, a breach with the Mother Country seemed
inevitable, and far-sigbted men like the Adamses, Samuel
Ward and Patricls; Henry, perceived in the events of the
hour the embryo of an Independent Nation, the leaders of
popular rights cast about for help to strengthen their plans
when they should be developed in positive action. They nat
urally looked to Canada as an important northern barrier.
The interests of the French popijlation were thought lo be iden
tical with those of the Colonies, and there was reason for the
belief that in a general uprising their support would readily
be given. Should Canada be invaded by a provincial army,
and St. John's, Montreal and Quebec secured by conquest,
nothing would be in the way of the people there throwing off the British yoke.
With some, however, the invasion of Canada was not a favorite scheme. They
had not gone so far yet as to decide affirmatively upon the question of National
Independence, and when the first Congress met, many were decided on a further
attempt to reconcile the existing difficulties, by a petition to the King.
Whatever might have been the contingent purpose of Congress in reference to
Canada, a disclaimer of an intended invasion was deemed, under the circumstances,
expedient; and accordingly on the 1st of June, such a disclaimer was made. But a
violent proclamation issued by the British Governor, denouncing the border inhab
itants of the Colonies as traitors, and inciting the Indians against New York and
New England, changed the current of opinion in the Congress, and led to the
avowal of an aggressive purpose. In July, preliminary to a movement of this
character. Major John Brown, accompanied by four men, visited Canada for the
purpose of obtaining intelligence in regard to the military preparations making
there by the King's troops, the situation of St. John's, Chambly, Montreal and
Quebec, and also to ascertain the feelings of the Canadians towards the Colonial
cause. They found them favorably affected, were kindly received by the French,
were often protected when exposed to danger, and were assured it was their wish
to see a Continental army in Canada; engaging, if It came, to supply it with every
thing in their power. The Indians also expressed a determination to act with the
Canadians. At this time there were hut about seven hundred of the King's troops
in Canada, of which near three hundred were at St. John's and only about fifty at
Quebec. The residue were at Montreal, Chambly, and at the upper posts. Every
thing seemed favorable for the contemplated invasion. Major Brown and his party

Vm. INTRODUCTION.
remained in Canada but three days, and after several hair-breadth escapes reached
Crown Point August 10th, in safety.
Events had now ripened for action. Colonel Ethan Allen had taken possession
of Ticonderoga, "In the name of the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress."
Crown Point had surrendered to the Provincial forces, two British vessels had
been taken, which gave to the Americans the control of Lake Champlain, and thus
" the gates of Canada were thrown open," inviting an unresisting entrance. Noth-
ins; now remained but to improve the opportunity by pushing forward. For this
work of invasion. Generals Schuyler and Montgomery were designated, who at once
begun an advance from Ticonderoga. On reaching Isle-aux-Noix, Colonel Allen
was sent forward with Major Brown, accompanied by interpreters, into Canada,
with letters to the Canadians, to let them Isnow that the design of the army was
only against the English garrisons, and not the country, their liberties, or their
religion. Thi.^ undertaking, though attended with much danger, was successfully
accomplished. But before the army was ready to leave the Isle-aux-Noix, General
Schuyler was taken sick and letuvned to Albany, leaving the command with Gene
ral Montgomery. He subsequently returned, with the hope of being able to move
with the army, but his disorder (a bilious fever) reappearing with increased vio
lence, he was obliged, reluctantly, to withdraw from personal participation in the
enterprise. General Schuyler had entered heartily into the scheme of getting pos
session of Canada, and securing it to the cause of National Freedom, and felt deeply
chagrined in not being able to lead his troops forward. Writing to Washington on
the subject, he says:
" The vexation of spirit under whieh I labor, that a barbarous complication of
disorders should prevent me. from reaping those laurels for which I have unwear-
iedly wrought, since I was honored with this command; the anxiety I have suffered
since my arrival here, lest the army should starve, occasioned by a scandalous want
of subordination and inattention to my orders, in some of the offi(;ers I left to com
mand at the different posts; the vast variety of disagreeable and vexatious inci
dents, that almost every hour arise in some department or other, — not only retard
my cure, but have put me considerably back for some days past. If Job had been
a General in my situation, his memory had not been so famous for patience. But
the glorious end we have in view, and which I have confident hope will be attained,
will atone for all."* ^
The army at Isle-aux-Noix, on the 10th of Septemhe^, consisted of 1394 rank and
file. These were reenforced by Colonel Livingston's company of New Yorkers, 170
Green Mountain Boys under Colonel Seth Warner, Captain Allen's company of the
same corps raised in Connecticut, about 100 men of Colonel Bedel's from New
Hampshire, and a company of artillery under Captain Lamb; the whole probably
not exceeding 1800 men. Up to September 26th, 726 men were found to be unfit for
farther service during this campaign, and were discharged.
On the 5th of September, the army embarked at the Isle-aux-Noix for St. John's,
which was at once besieged, and on the 3d of November was taken possession of
by the victorious Continentals. On the 13th of the same month Montreal surren
dered. Quebect was the next ohject of possession, for without that the subjugation
*Gon. Schuyler's letter to Washington.
tQuebec was founded on the 3d of July, 1608, by Captain Samuel de Champlain, Geog
rapher to the French King. His commencement was on Cape Diamond, on the site of an
Indian village called Studacone. Chanijilain died in Quebec, and according to tradition
was buried in the upper town. This, it apjiears, was a mistake. Eecontly, the original
grave was discovered in the lower town, there having boon one or two removals. About
ten years ago tho bones were placed in a box, but whoro deposited is not at this time (Deo.,
1866,) known.

INTRODUCTION. IX.
or deliVerance of Canada was impossible. To aid the invading army under Mont
gomery iu the attempt upon that city, a cooperative expedition by the way of the
Kennebec river through the wilderness of Maine and Canada, to form a junction
before Quebec, was devised, and the command given to Colonel Benedict Arnold.
He was well adapted to such an undertaking. He was a brave, skillful and ener
getic ofBcer; was inured to the hardships of military life ; was sufficiently ambitious
to insure vigorous activity to all his movements, and having previous to the war,
visited Quebec as a trader, he had formed an acquaintance with many of its citi
zens, and acquired a knowledge of its localities that could be turned to advantage
in his military operations .
The following were officers in this expedition :
Colonel. Benedict Arnold,* Norwich, Conn.
Lieut. Colonels. Cebistopher Greene, Warwick, R. I. ; Eoqer Enos, Conn.
Majors. Rbidrn'J. Meigs, Middletown, Conn. ; Timothy Bigelow, Worces
ter, Mass.
Lieutenant and Adjutant. Christian Febigir, Copenhagen, Denmark. Quar
termaster.  Hyde, Mass. Chaplain. Rev. Samuel Spring, Newburyport,
Mass. Surgeon. Isaac Senter, Newport, R. I. Surgeon's Mate.  Greene.
Captains. Simeon Thayer, Providence, R. I.; Samuel Ward, Westerly, R. I.;
John Topham, Newport, R. I, ; William Goodrich, Great Barrington, Mass. ;
Jonas Hubbard, Worcester, Mass.;  Williams, Mass.;  Scott, Mass.;
Oliver Hanchet, Suffield, Conn.; Eleazer Oswald, New Haven, Conn. ; Wil
liam Hendricks, Penn.; Matthew Smith, Lancaster, Penn.; Henry Dear
born, East Nottingham, N. H.; Daniel Morgan, Frederick Co., Va.;  Mc-
CoBB, Georgetown. Brigade Major. Matthias Ogden, aud Aaron Burr, vol
unteer, N. J.
Lieutenants. Archibald Steele, (Adjutant) Lancaster, Penn.; Michael
[George?] Simpson, Penn.; Francis Nichols, Cumberland Co., Penn.; Andrew
Moody; John Humphreys, Va. ; William Heth, 2d, Frederick Co. Va.; Peter
O'Brien Bruln, Frederick Co., Va. ; Samuel Cooper, Conn. ; Aeijah Savage,
(Quartermaster) Middletown, Conn.; Joseph Webb, Newport, R. I.; Edward
Slooum, Tiverton, R. I.; William Humphrey, Providence, R, I.; Lemuel Bai
ley, Providence, R. I. ; Sylvanus Shaw, Newport, R. I. ; John Compston, Saco,
(Dist. Maine) Mass.; John Clark, Hadley, Mass.; Samuel Brown, Acton, Mass.;
James Tisdale, Medfield, Mass.;  Cumstock, Mass. ; Ammi [Amos?] An
drews, Hillsborough, N. H.; Nathaniel Hutchins, Dunbarton, N. H., after
wards Captain; Joseph Thomas, Deerfield, N. H., fell in the action at Quebec;
 McCleland, Penn., died in the wilderness;  Church; Benjamin
Catlin, (Quartermaster) Weathersfield, Conn.t
It will be seen by the foregoing list that Rhode Island was ably represented in
this Expedition. Lieutenant Colonel Greene proved, both in the wilderness and
before Quebec, that the judgment which selected him for that trying and perilous
service had not been mistaken. He subsequently served with distinction as a Colo
nel in the Continental line, and at Red Bank crowned his name with imperishable
•Colonel Benedict Arnold was born in Norwich, Conn., January 3d, 17il, and conse
quently was thirty-four years of age when he entered upon this command. He was an able
and intrepid officer, but unfortunately the victim of a low moral sense. His career as a
General in the Continental army is too familiar to require particular notice. A life bril
liant in promise, closed in ignominy. He died in London, June 14th, 1801, aged 60 years.
See Life of Arnold in Spark's Biography.
tThia list has been coUected irom various authentic sources. It is probably incomplete.
B

X. INTKODUCTION.
honor. Captain Topham was esteemed a valuable officer, and succeeded Colonel
Barton in the command of a Rhode Island regiment. Captain Ward showed great
energy of character and undoubted patriotism. He was promoted to be Major, and
at Red Bank, and afterwards to the close of the war, met promptly and satisfacto
rily, the demands made upon his military abilities. Captain Thayer, who was
honored after his release from imprisonment, with the rank of Major, is identified
with one of the most brilliant battles of the Revolutionary war. Dr. Senter, who
served so usefully in this Expedition, took position after leaving the army, as a
leading physician and surgeon in the State. The under ofBcers and privates com
posing Arnold's command were for the most part taken from among the yeomanry,
and were men who comprehended the nature of the conflict to which they were
committed. To them, the freedom of their country was dear, and to secure it Shey
were ready to lay upon the altar their cherished personal comforts, and to abide the
results of battle. Such men were likely to make good soldiers, and by their correct
deportment to gain the commendation of general officers under whom they might
be called to serve. And thus it proved with them. The eye of General Montgom
ery was quick to recognize their soldierly qualities. "I find," he said, "Colonel
Arnold's corps an exceedingly fine one, inured to fatigue, and well accustomed to
cannon shot (at Cambridge). There is a style of discipline among them much
superior to what I have been used to see this campaign. He himself is active, intel
ligent and enterprising."
General Washington had carefully studied the plan for acquiring possession of Can
ada and inducing the native population to join their fortunes with the Americans,
in rising to the dignity of a Nationality. He had a keen perception of the impor
tance of this movement, and was solicitous that nothing should occur to mar its
success. He foresaw the possibility of the invading army indulging in pillage on
their march, or of committing other acts when established in the country that might
convert friends into foes. To guard against this, he drew up a series of instructions,
clear and explicit in their details, which were communicated to Colonel Arnold for
the government of himself and his men. He was to exercise the utmost vigilance
in guarding against surprisals. On arriving in Canada, he was to ascertain by
every means in his power, the real sentiments of the inhabitants towards the Ameri
can cause, and to maintain the strictest discipline and good order among his own
troops. He was to conciliate the affections both of the Canadians and of the
Indians, and convince them that his army came among them as friends and " not
as robbers." He was to pay the full value for all provisions and accommodations
received, and abstain from pressing the people or any of their cattle into his service,
while he was " amply to compensate " those who voluntarily assisted him. Only
the "King's stores" were to be appropriated to the Continental use. In case of a
union with General Schuyler, who it was then expected would lead the Invasion by
way of St. John's and Montreal, Arnold was to serve under him, and not to consider
himself " as upon a separate and independent command." He was to keep Wash
ington acquainted with his progress and prospects, and to send the intelligence of
any important occurrence by express. He was lo protect and support the fl-ea
exercise of the religion of the country, and the undisturbed enjoyment of the rights
of conscience in religious matters. If Lord Chatham's son should be in Canada,
and in any way should fall into his power, he was to treat him with all possible
deference and respect. " Tou cannot err," said the instructions, " in paying too
much honor to the son of so illustrious a character, and so true a friend to America,
Any other persons who may fall into your hands, you will treat with as much
humanity and kindness as may be consistent with your own safety and the public
interest." The plan of reaching Quebec by the Kennebec and Chaudiere rivers is said to

INTRODUCTION. XI.
have been original with Arnold, and to have been suggested to him by the perusal of
a Journal of an exploring expedition from Quebec into the interior of Maine, about
the year 1760, written by Colonol Montroser, an officer of Engineers in the British
service. The troops to accompany Colonel Arnold assembled at Cambridge, and on the
13th of September commenced their march to Newburyport Previous to leaving,
General Washington, with increasing solicitude for the prosperity of the Expedition,
addressed a letter to Colonel Arnold, again charging him, his officers and soldiers,
to respect the persons, private property and religion of the people whose country
they were soon to occupy, and to refrain from every act that might militate against
personal honor or the success of the enterprise. An address to the inhabitants of
Canada was also printed and forwarded to Arnold at Fort Western, to be distributed
among the people on his arrival at Quebec, explaining the object of the invasion,
assuring them of protection, inviting them to furnish supplies for the Provincial
army, and urging them to make common cause in the overthrow of tyranny by
joining " the standard of general liberty."
Arnold's force consisted of thirteen companies, comprising 1100 men. These
were divided into two battalions, the first commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Chris
topher Greene, and the second by Lieutenant Colonel Roger Enos. On the 19th of
September they sailed in ten transports from Newburyport, the fleet being under
the command of Captain Clarkson, and reached the Kennebec river the next day.
On the 23d they arrived at Fort Western, where they remained a day or two, and
then proceeded to Fort Halifax. From thence they advanced to Norridgewock, at
which place they halted until the morning of October 9th, when a general move
ment commenced.
The army set off in high spirits. A month, however, sufficed to cool the ardor of
the less sanguine. Unthought of obstacles impeded their progress. The streams
were rapid and hard to navigate; boats were dashed in pieces, and the hardy voya
gers barely escaped watery graves; the autumn storms were cold and piercing;
encampments were flooded by overflowing rivers ; swamps and morasses spread iu
the track of the advancing columns; little confidence was felt in the intelligence of
guides who were leading them daily deeper into an almost unknown wilderness;
provisions had become exhausted; roots, dog-meat, soup made of raw-hide mocca
sins, and entrails broiled on the coals, became luxuries ; and death by starvation
stared them in the face. It required nerves of steel to survey the prospect before
them with calmness, much more with hope, and the question of return was often
discussed. In the then crude state of military authority, the control held by officers
over their men was more the result of personal regard than of deference to^position.
Every man had an opinion, and was free to express it. Among a portion of the
troops tfie views of both officers and men coincided. Disaffection had extended to
three companies, and it became advisable to hold a council of war for decisive
measures. This took place October 2.'<th, on reaching Dead River.
Arnold, who was ignorant of the design afterwards put in execution, had gone
on with the advance. At the council. Lieutenants Colonel Greene and Enos, Major
Bigelow, Captains Topham, Thayer, Ward, Williams, McCobb, Scott, Aijjutant
Hyde and Lieutenant Peters were present. Major Meigs, Captains Morgan, Smith,
Hanchet, Hubbard, Goodrich, Hendricks and Dearborn were absent on duty. It
was now a moment of anxious interest. The decision of the hour would strengthen
a patriotic resolve, or fill the country with painful disappointment. In accordance
with military custom the opinions of the younger officers were first elicited. Cap
tain Ward, a youth of only eighteen years, was now called upon for his opinion.
He expressed it frankly and decidedly. The idea of giving up the expedition was
totally repugnant to his brave nature, and with a patriotism for which he was ever

XU. INTRODUCTION.
after distinguished, he gave his voice for advancing. There was power in that decis
ion, and one can readily imagine with what a look of approval it was recognized by
the gallant Greene. Captains Thayer and Topham took the same side with no less
promptness, as did Lieutenants Colonel Greene and Enos, and Major Bigelow.
Captains Williams, McCobb and Scott, Adjutant Hyde and Lieutenant Peters, took
an opposite view. They considered the success of the Expedition hopeless, and
gave their voices for returning. The decision to advance was carried by a single
vote; but the minority, immediately after the dissolution of the council, conferred
together, and unanimously resolved to go back with thei'' men. As the three dis
affected companies belonged to Lieutenant Colonel Enos' battalion, he decided,
though as he said, reluctantly, and for reasons that he considered a justification of
the step, to go back with them. This he accordingly did.*
The withdrawal of so many men was a serious loss to Arnold, but did not in the
least shake his determination to see Quebec. To f2icilitate the advance of the army,
he had sent forward a party consisting of Lieutenant Archibald Steele, Jesse Wheel
er, John Joseph Henry, George Merchant, James Cliffton, Robert Cunningham,
Thomas Boyd, John Tidd, John McKonkey, Jeremiah Getcheland John Home, the
two latter being guides, for the purpose of finding and marking the paths used by
the Indians at the numerous carrying places iu the wilderness, and also to ascertain
the course of the Chaudiere river. Provided with two birch bark canoes, they set
out in high spirits, and travelled until October 8th, blazing trees and " snagging
bushes" with their tomahawks, when they reached the height of land which divides
the waters of New England from those of Canada. Another day brought them to
the Chaudiere river, when they commenced their return. They continued their
course until October 17th, when, to their great joy, they fell in with a party of pio
neers building a causeway for the passage of the army, having suffered excessively
from hunger and exhaustion.
Sickness, the concomitant of exposure, soon made its appearance among the
troops. On the seventh day after leaving Norridgewock, fatigue, diarrhoea and
rheumatism had so multiplied the sick, as to render the erection of a building for
their reception necessary. Accordingly a block house was built and named " Ar
nold's Hospital," which was immediately filled. Among the patients was a young
gentleman by the name of Irvin, an Ensign in Captain Morgan's company. He
was a native of Pennsylvania, and had been educated for the medical profession.
Early in the march from Cambridge, he was seized with dysentery, for which he
could not be prevailed upon to take medicine. Wading in the water by day, and
sleeping on the ground at night, brought on a violent rheumatism, which swelled
the joints of his extremities to an enormous size, and rendered them inflexible. He
was left at the hospital to be sent back with others.
Weakened as the little army was by the defection of three companies, the courage
• and spirit of the remaining ten still held good. Scouting the idea of abandoning
the Expedition, they continued their advance to the Chaudiere river, and thence to
Sartigan, a Canadian settlement, where they arrived November 3d. Here, the next
day. Colonel Arnold was waited upon by a body of savages accompanied by an
interpreter, to inquire his reason for coming among them in a hostile manner.
Theyaddressed him in great pomp, and one of their chiefs delivered an oration
with all the air and gesture of an accomplished orator. After this being explained
or translated, the Colonel returned the following answer :
" Friends and Brethren : — I feel myself very happy in meeting with so many of my
brethren from the different quarters of the great country, and more so as I find we meet as
friends, and that wo are equaUy concerned in this expedition. Brethren, we are the chil-
*See Journal, pp. 10, 11.

INTRODUCTION. XUl.
dren of those people who have now taken up the hatchet against us. More than one hun
dred years ago, we were all as one family. We then differed in our religion, and came
over to this great country by consent of the King. Our fathers bought land of the sava
ges, and have grown a great people. Even as the stars in the sky. We have planted the
ground, and by our labor grow rich. Now a new King and his wicked great men want to
take our lands and money without our consent. This we think unjust, and all our great
men from the river St. Lawrence to the Mississippi, met together at Philadelphia, where
they all talked together, and sent a prayer to the King, that they would be brothers and
fight for him, but would not give up their lands and money. The King would not hear
our prayer, but sent a great army to Boston, and endeavored to set our brethren against
us in Canada. The King's army at Boston came out into the flelds and houses, killed a
great many women and children, while they were peaceably at work. The Bostonians
sent to their brethren in the country, and they came in unto their relief, and in six days
raised an army of fifty thousand men, and drove the King's troops on board their ships,
killed and wounded fliteen hundred of their men. Since that they durst not come out of
Boston. Now we hear the French and Indians in Canada have sent to us, that the King's
troops oppress them and make them pay a great price for their-rum, &c. ; press them to
take up arms against the Bostonians, their brethren, who have done them no hurt. By the
desire of the French and Indians, our brothers, we have come to their assistance, with an
intent to drive out the King's soldiers ; when drove ofi' we will return to our country, and
leave this to the peaceable enjoyment of its proper inhabitants. Now if the Indians, our
brethren, will join us, we will be very much obliged to them, and will give them one Por
tuguese per month, two dollars bounty, and flnd them their provisions, and they liberty to
choose their own ofiicers."
This declaration had the desired effect. About fifty of them embodied according
to agreement, took their canoes and proceeded.*
Soon after the battle of Bunker Hill, Aaron Burr, accompanied by his friend Mat
thias Ogden, set out from Elizabethtown, N. J., for Cambridge, to offer his services
to the Colonial cause. Burr had now entered his twentieth year, and with an
enthusiastic and adventurous nature, he gladly improved the opportunity to join
Arnold, as a volunteer, in this expedition. The step was contrary to the wishes of
his friends, one of whom followed him to Newburyport to induce him to return.
Entreaties proving unavailing, he was furnished with a small sum of gold to meet
necessary incidental expenses. He continued with Arnold, sharing in the priva
tions of his companions until the army reached Chaudiere Pond, when he was
despatched with a verbal message to General Montgomery. Disguised as a young
Catholic Priest, he proceeded on his journey, which was successfully accomplished.
Pleased with the appearance of Burr, General Montgomery at once gave him a place
in his military family. Upon the duties of his new position he enterered with char
acteristic vigor, and in the assault upon Quebec led a forlorn hope of forty men.
He stood near Montgomery when he fell, but escaped being taken prisoner.! And
*" From our last lodgings [Sartigan] hired a peasant, and proceeded down the river in a
canoe five miles to a victualing house, or other place of rendezvous. This village, St.
Josephs, made a further agreement, and continued down the river about four miles fur
ther, as we found nothing agreeable since our arrival, except one quart of New England
rum, (if that was to be allowed so,) for which I paid one hard dollar. We were making
enquiry at every likely stage; for this purpose visited an old peasant's house, where was a
merry old woman at her loom, and two or three flne young girls. They were exceedingly
rejoiced with our company. Bought some eggs, rum, sugar, sweetmeats, &c., where we
made ourselves very happy. Upon the old woman being acquainted from whence we came,
[she] immediately fell singing and dancing " Yankee Doodle " with the greatest air of
good humour. After making the old woman satisfied for her kickshaws, saluted her for
her civilities, &c., marched. The distance computed from the Chaudiere Lake to the
inhabitants, one hundred miles. From thence to Quebec, ninety." — Senter' s Jowrnal.
tColonel Trumbull, in his great national painting, represents General Montgomery as
falling into Burr's arms.

XIV. INTRODUCTION.
thus was opened to an ambitions young man, resembling, in some qualities of char.
acter, his commander Arnold, a career of high promise, destined however, as the
sequel proved, to an unhappy blight. Having achieved a distinguished military
reputation, and after filling the position of Vice-President of the United States, he
closed an eventful life with a cloud resting upon his name.t
Pressing forward in defiance of all untoward circumstances, Arnold and his devo
ted band, now reduced to about 550 effective men, reached Point Levi on the 8th
November, crossed the St. Lawrence with the aid of thirty-five canoes on the 13th,
and advancing to the Plains of Abraham, sat down in defiant attitude before Que
bec. On the 14th, Arnold sent a flag with a letter to Lieut. Governor Cramah^,
demanding the surrender of the city. The officer bearing the flag, on approaching
the walls was fired upon, and narrowly escaped being killed. The officer retired
from his perilous position. A second flag was sent, with a similar result. This
method of refusing to receive a flag, so contrary to military usage, called forth an
indignant letter from Arnold, in which he threatened the British commander with
retaliation. On the 18th he inspected the condition of the arms and ammunition of
his little army, and found that a great part of the cartridges were unfit for service,
leaving not more than five rounds for each man, while one hundred muskets, or
about one-fifth of the whole, proved to be worthless for present use. In the mean
time, he had ascertained that the garrison of the enemy had been augmented to
about seven hundred men — and soon swelled to about nineteen hundred— a force
too large to justify an immediate attempt to storm the city. It was deemed there
fore prudent to fall back to Point-aux-Trembles, and await the arrival of General
Montgomery. This, after trying in vain to draw the enemy into the open field, was
done, Nov. 19th.
The work undertaken by General Montgomery ,was environed with no ordinary
difficulties. He had not only to contend with the rigors of a Canadian winter, —
with the small pox and other forms of disease which ravaged his camp and threat
ened more destruction than was to be apprehended from the enemy, but also to
compose the dissentions that had sprung up among his officers, and to allay the
spirit of disaffeciion they had spread among the men, which presaged ruin to the
campaign. But te showed himself equal to the emergency, and under all these
unpromising circumstances continued his advance from Montreal. On the 3d
December he formed a junction with Arnold at Point-aux-Trembles and the next
day the united forces appeared before Quebec. On the 6th General Montgomery
sent a flag of truce to Governor Carleton, summoning a surrender. The flag he
refused to receive, declaring that he would hold no parley with rebels. Batteries
were established within striking distance of the walls, protected by breastworks of
snow, converted into solid ice by pouring water upon it. But it was soon found
that the metal thrown by the artillery was too light to breach the walls or do any
essential damage inside.* Here the dissensions before mentioned again broke out,
which necessitated a change in the original plan of attack. December 31st had been
fixed upon for making an assault. Early in the morning of that day the army, now
only eight hundred strong, began to move in two columns upon the Lower Town.
The first, led by Montgomery, was to make an attack at Cape Diamond, while the
second, under Arnold, was to attack through St. Roque. The assaults were made
with great vigor, but with disaster to the American cause. General Montgomery
tTo the Lives of Burr written by Davis, Knapp and Parton, the reader is referred for
details of an extraordinary man.
*" I never expected any other advantage from our artillery than to amuse the enemy and
blind them to my real intention." — Montgomery to General Wooster.

INTRODUCTION. XV.
early fell mortally wounded, while aiding in removing the pickets at Cape Dia
mond, for the ingress of his men. Arnold's command carried a two-gun battery,
which the enemy bravely defended tor an hour. In this attack he was shot through
the leg, and was compelled to retire from the field,* while his men pushed on to a
second barrier, which they took, but not without severe loss. The enemy had the
advantage of the ground in front, a vast superiority of numbers, and dry and better
arms, which gave them an irresistible power in so narrow a space. Humphreys,
upon a mound, which was speedily erected, attended by many brave men, attempt
ed to scale the barrier, but was compelled to retreat by the formidable phalanx of
bayonets within, and the weight of fire from the platform and the adjacent build
ings. Morgan, brave to temerity, stormed and raged. Hendricks, Steele, Nichols
and Humphrey, equally brave, were calm, though under a tremendous fire. Hen
dricks, when aiming his rifle, received a ball through his heart, and instantly
expired. Humphrey, of Virginia, in like manner received a death wound. Lieut.
Cooper, of Connecticut, was killed. Captain Lamb had a portion of his face carried
away by a grape or canister shot. Lieut. Steele lost three of his fingers as he was
presenting his gun to fire. Captain Hubbard and Lieut. Tisdale were also among
the wounded. t The battle raged fiercely for the space of four and a half hours,
when a sudden sally of the enemy from the Palace gate upon their rear, forced the
surrender of such of Arnold's men as could not effect an escape. Thus, in one brief
half day, vanished the brilliant anticipations of the preceding three months.
The number of killed, wounded, and taken prisoners in this battle has been vari
ously stated, and may not as yet be definitely certain. Immediately after the fight.
General Carleton reported the American loss in killed and wounded to be one hun
dred. Major Meigs estimated the loss at the same number. A/School history fixes
the killed at 160, and the prisoners at 426. Ware gives a list of names, and sums
up results as follows : Killed, 48; wounded, 34; taken prisoners, 372; total, 454. This
is more reliable than any statement that has previously been made. Yet this list
may not include all of either class. Of the company with which Captain Thayer
started from Cambridge, 22 were sent back from the wilderness sick, 11 were killed
at Quebec, 27 including himself were taken prisoners, 3 deserted, 8 enlisted in the
King's service, 3 entered on board a man-of-war, and 2 on board fishermen, leaving
8 as escaped, or to be otherwise accounted for. Of Captain Morgan's company, less
than twenty-five regained their native homes. " Our loss and repulse," says Arnold,
in a letter to Washington, "struck an amazing panic into both officers and men,
and had the enemy improved their advantage, our affairs here must have been
* " Daylight had scarce made its appearance, ere Colonel Arnold was brought in sup
ported by two soldiers, wounded in the leg with a piece of a musket ball. The ball had
probably come in contact with a cannon, rock, stone or the like, ere it entered the leg
which had cleft ofi'nigh a third. The other two-thirds entered the outer side of the leg,
about midway, and in an oblique course passed between the libia and fibula, lodged in the
gastroennemea muscle at the rise of the tendon achilles, where upon examination I easily
discovered and extracted it Before the Colonel was done with. Major Ogden came in
wounded through the left shoulder, which proved only a flesh wound.
" We were momentarily expecting them [the enemy] out upon us, as we concluded
Arnold's division, then under the command of Lieut. Col. Greene, were all killed, cap
tured, &c. Under these circumstances, we entreated Colonel Arnold for his own safety to
be carried back into the country where they would not readily find him when out, but to
no purpose. He would neither be removed nor suffer a man from the Hospital to retreat.
He ordered his pistols loaded, with a sword on his bed, &c., adding that he was determined
to kill as many as possible it they came into the room. We were now all soldiers, even to
the wounded in their beds were ordered a gun by their side."— ZV. Senter's Journal.
t Henry, pp. 117-119.

XVl. INTRODUCTION.
entirely ruined. It was not in my power to prevail on the officers to attempt saving
our morters, which had been placed in St. Roque's. Of course they fell into the
h*ids of the enemy. Upwards of one hundred officers and soldiers instantly set
off for Montreal, and it was with the greatest difficulty I could persuade the rest to
make a stand."
" During the night of the attack on Quebec, there was a tempestuous snow-storm.
The bodies of the persons slain under the cliff of Cape Diamond, were not discov
ered till morning, when they were found nearly enveloped in snow. They were
taken into the city on a sled. Three of them were known to the officers, and from
the initials R. M. written in a fur cap, picked up at the place of the bloody catas
trophe, it was conjectured to have belonged to General Montgomery. His features
were disfigured by a wound, which he had received in the lower part of the head
and neck. At length a woman and a boy were brought, who had lately come into
the city from the American camp, and who had often seen the principal officers.
They identified the bodies of Montgomery, Captain McPberson, Captain Cheese-
man, and an Orderly Sergeant.
Mr. Cramah^, an officer in the British army, and for a time Lieutenant-Governor
of Canada, had served in the late [French] war with Montgomery, and entertained
for him a warm personal attachment. He asked permission of General Carleton to
bury his friend with marks of honor aud respect. This was granted in part, and a
coffin lined with black was provided. But the Governor did not consent to the
reading of the funeral service, probably not deeming this indulgence conformable
to military rules. But when the time of burial approached, Mr. Cramah^ invited a
clergyman [Rev. Mr. de Montmolin,] to be present, who read the service privately
and unmolested."*
General Montgomery was buried on the evening of January 4th, near the ram
parts bounding on St. Louis-Gate. There the body rested until June, 1818, when it
was exhumed and conveyed to the city of New Tork, and reenterred with the high
est civil and military honors. The General's sword, after he fell, was taken by
James Thompson, a citizen of Quebec, who served in the capacity of Assistant
Engineer during the siege of the city, by whom it was worn until going one day to
the Seminary where the American officers were lodged, they recognized it andwere
moved to tears. Out of respect to their feelings he laid it aside, and never wore it
more. The General's knee buckles were given by Major McKenzie to Major Meigs,
as was also a gold broach that belonged to Capt. McPberson. Both the General's
aides, Captains McPhefson and Cheeseman, were buried in their clothes without
coffins, and in the military manner.
Several circumstances combined to render this attack unsuccessful. In the first
place, the Indian Messenger by whom Colonel Arnold, while on his march, for
warded a letter to Mr. Mercier, of Montreal, proved treacherous, and delivered it
to the Lieutenant Governor, thereby revealing impending danger, and affording
about twenty days' time to put the city of Quebec in a state of defence. Then there
was a delay of several days after arriving at Point Levi, opposite Quebec, in getting
all the troops across the river, the enemy (apprised of their approach) having
destroyed all the canoes upon whieh Arnold had relied, at that point. This delay
enabled the Governor to avail of the services of one hundred men, chiefly carpen
ters, who arrived in a, vessel from Newfoundland November 5th, in repairing the
defences, and in making platforms for the cannon. It also afforded time for Colo
nel Maclean to reach the city with 170 men of his regiment, with which to mm the
fortifications. This was a very important fact in its bearings upon the general ope-
•Spark's Washington, iii, p. 264, note.

1^ i!^!
M S (, •§ ^ S?

liotype. 0' S'

6 ri M k4 '^

INTRODUCTION. XVH.
rations; for up fo Nov. 5th, when Arnold's forces were at St. Mary's, thirty miles
from Quebec, there was not a soldier in the city, and had he pushed on and
reached there on the 10th, with even half his force, the gates of the city would have
been opened to him. Then, finally, the death of General Montgomery and his own
wounded condition changed the situation of affairs at a critical moment, and that
portion of the troops led by General Montgomery having retreated after his fall,
gave the enemy an opportunity to turn their whole force and attention upon those
who remained still fighting. To contend longer with superior numbers was only to
sacrifice life without an equivalent; and after a sortie by the enemy, in which they
captured an entire company, and retreat appeared impracticable, surrender or anni
hilation became inevitable. The first of these alternatives was chosen, and after
maintaining their ground from SJ o'clock until 10 o'clock, A. M., the gallant band
gave themselves up prisoners of war.
The death of General Montgomery devolved the command of the assaulting forces
upon Colonel Arnold, but he being already wounded was unable to act, and tem
porarily gave the command to Colonel Campbell. The day following the repulse,
Arnold assumed the position that disaster had assigned him, and in the midst of
excessive pain from his wound, began to plan for retrieving the fortunes of his little
army. On the 10th of January, Congress appointed him Brigadier General, as a
reward for his good conduct during the march and before Quebec.
The energy displayed by Arnold, and the fortitude shown by his men, extorted
expressions of admiration from an English writer describing the occurrences of
that remarkable campaign . " Their perseverance," he says, "was astonishing in
their circumstances. They had lost beside their General, (in whom it might be said
all their hopes and confidence resided,) the best of their own officers, and the brav
est of their fellows, with a part of their small artillery. The hope of assistance was
distant, and at best, the arrival of succors must be slow. It was well known that
the Canadians, besides being naturally quick and fickle in their resolutions, were
peculiarly disposed to be biased by success, so that their assistance now grew ex
tremely precarious. The severity of a Canadian winter was also far beyond any
thing they were acquainted with, and the snow lay about five feet deep upon a level.
In these circumstances, it required no small share of activity, as well as address,
to keep them in any manner together. Arnold, who had hitherto displayed uncom
mon talents in his march into Canada, (which may be compared to the greatest
things done in that kind) discovered on this occasion the utmost vigor of a deter
mined mind, and a genius full of resources. Defeated and wounded as he was, he
put his troops into such a situation as to keep them formidable."*
Arnold wrote to Washington from Quebec, on the 27th of February, and seemed
in high spirits, though encompassed with innumerable difficulties. His mind was
of so elastic a nature, that the mote it was pressed, the greater was its power of re
sistance." The severity of the climate," he observes, " the troops very ill clad and
worse paid, the trouble of reconciling matters among the inhabitants,! and lately
•Annual Register, 1776, p. 16.
t One difBculty experienced by the American Army grew out of the scarcity of hard
money in the Paymaster's Exchequer, and for which Continental paper money was substi
tuted. Of this the inhabitants of Canada were difetmstful, and were unwilling to receive
It in payment for supplies, especially as army drafts had frequently been dishonored.
When this currency was forced upon them as their only alternative, it is not surprising
that a feeling akin to indignation should have been excited. An actor in the scenes of the
Canadian campaign writes : ' Our Continental Money required a good deal of gesticulation
to make it go. It was not much relished by our Canadian friends, at its par value. One
of my amusements was to play tricks upon an old market woman, who retailed articles out
of a dog-cart, still a vehicle of great repute in Canada. Her shrill voice, and exclamations
of vola (voila) mauvay (mauvais) Bostony ! still haunt my memory." — The Sexagenary, p. 46.

XVlll. INTRODUCTION.
an uneasiness among some of the New York and other officers, who think them
selves neglected in the new arrangement, while those who deserted the cause and
went home last fall have been promoted; in short, the choice of difficulties I have
had to encounter has rendered affairs so perplexing, that I have often been at a loss
how to conduct them." He alludes here, and perhaps with some justice, to the
case of Colonel Enos, and his officers, who as already mentioned, deserted him in
the wilderness on their way to Canada, but were nevertheless retained and pro
moted in the new establishment.*
This disastrous repulse did not crush out hope of ultimate success. " Quebec
appears to me," writes Arnold to the Continental Congress, "an object of the
highest importance to the Colonies, and, if proper methods are adopted, must inev
itably fall into their hands before the garrison can be relieved." He adds, " I beg
leave to recommend the sending a body of at least flve thousand men, with an
experienced General, into Canada as early as possible; and in the mean time that
every possible preparation of mortars, howitzers, and some heavy cannon should be
made, as the season will permit our raising batteries by the middle of March; which
may very possibly be attended with success, as we can place our mortars under
cover within two hundred yards of the walls, and within one thousand feet of the
centre of the town."t In his future, Arnold calculated largely on the good will of
the citizens, who were supposed to be friendly to his success. " I am well assured,"
he says, " more than one-half of the inhabitants of Quebec would gladly open the
gates to us, but are prevented by the strict discipline and watch kept over them;
the command of the guards being constantly given to officers of the Crown known
to be firm in their interest. The garrison consists of about flfteen hundred men,
great part of whom Governor Carleton can place no confidence in, or he would not
suffer a blockade, and every distress of a siege, by seven hundred men, our force
consisting of no more at present, including Colonel Livingston's regiment of two
hundred Canadians."
Washington warmly sympathized with the determined persistent spirit of Arnold,
and had it been in his power would gladly have given him the reenforcements he
desired.t" It would give me great pleasure," he said, "if I could be the happy
* Sparks.
t " The 22d of this month [January] a battery opened from the bank of Charles river, by
name of Smith's battery. From this was discharged red hot shot, in hopes of firing the
tovra. They returned the fir^ exceeding heavy, but no considerable harm from either side.
Two of our artillery-men were wounded very much by the cartridges taking fire while
ramming them home, but recovered again. The enemy continued their cannonade and
bombardment excessive heavy, while we were restricted to a' certain number per day, in
consequence of very little ammunition. There was very little damage from either cannon
or bombs." — Senter.
t January 27, 1776, Washington wrote to Arnold ; " I need not mention to you the great
importance of this place, and the consequent possession of all Canada, in the scale of
American affairs. Tou are well apprised of it. To whomsoever it belongs, in their favor,
probably, will the balance turn. If it is in ours, success I think will most certainly crown
our virtuous struggles. If it is in theirs, the contest at best will be doubtful, hazardous,
and bloody. The glorious work must be accomplished in the course of this winter, other
wise it will become difficult, most probably impracticable ; for administration, knowing
that it will be impossible ever to reduce us to a state of slavery aud arbitrary rule without
it, will certainly send a large re-enforcement thither in the spring. I am fully convinced
that your exertions will be invariably directed to this grand object, and I already view the
approaching day, when you and your brave followers will enter this important fortress,
with every honor attendant on victory. Then will you have added the only link wanting
in the great chain of Continental union, and render the freedom of your country secure."
The confident expectations here expressed were destined five months later to be sadly dis
appointed.

INTRODUCTION. XIX.
means of relieving our fellow-citizens now in Canada, and prevent the ministerial
troops from exulting long, and availing themselves of the advantages arising from
this repulse. But it is not in my power. Since the dissolution of the old army, the
progress in raising recruits for the new has been so very slow and inconsiderable,
that five thousand militia have been called for the defence of our lines. A great
part of these have gone home again, and the rest have been induced to stay with
the utmost difficulty and persuasion, though their going would render the holding
of the lines truly precarious and hazardous, in case of an attack. In short, I have
not a man to spare."
But Washington was not idle. He called a council of general officers, who after
due consideration of the importance of sustaining Arnold, " determined that the
Colonies of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Connecticut should each immedi
ately raise a regiment to continue in service for one year, and to march forthwith
to Canada." Without waiting for Congress to carry out a resolution to raise nine
battalions for that purpose, passed before the news of the failure of the attack on
Quebec had reached them, Washington addressed letters to the General Court of
Massachusetts, to the Governor of Connecticut and to the President of the Conven
tion of New Hampshire, requesting them to act at once upon the decision of the
war council. Connecticut had already anticipated the call, and sent off troops with
out delay to Canada, under the command of Colonel Warner. Other troops fol
lowed. After the fall of Montgomery, General Schuyler was expected to repair to Can
ada, and take the chief command, but continued ill health and other causes induced
him to decline going there. In February, 1776, General Lee was designated by
Congress for that field, but was soon after transferred to the command of the Con
tinental forces South of the Potomac, much to the gratification of Washington, who
had already found him " fickle and violent." For a few months. General Wooster
was the highest officer in Canada. On the ist of April he took command of the
army before Quebec, and on the day following, Arnold having received an injury
from his horse falling upon him, retired on leave to Montreal for recovery.* May
1st, General Wooster gave place to General 'Thomas of Massachusetts. About this
time a plot was formed to burn the shipping of the enemy in the harbor. A fire
ship was completed in charge of Adjutant Anderson, a very brave officer, but proved
abortive, by reason of the tide ebbing before he could get up to the shipping. The
combustibles look fire before he intended, by which accident he was much burnt.
He was, however, got on shore, and no lives were lost.t
When General Thomas arrived at the camp before Quebec, he found his army
there to consist of 1900 men. Of these, only 1000 were fit for duty, officers included.
The remainder were invalids, chiefly confined with the small pox. Three hundred
of the effective were soldiers whose enlistments had expired. Many of these
peremptorily refused duty, and all were Importunate to return home. In all the
magazines there were but one hundred and fifty pounds of powder, and not more

* February 15th, 1778, Congress appointed Dr. Franklin, Samuel Chase and Charles Car
roll Commissioners to repair to Canada, and use all suitable means to induce the Canadi
ans to join the other colonies in the contest with England. They were accompanied by
Reverend John Carroll, afterwards Catholic Archbishop of Baltimore, whose influence
with the people it was thought would be useful, on account of his religious principles and
character. They arrived at Montreal April 29th, and used every effort in their power to
accomplish the object of their mission, without success. Ill health caused Dr. Franklin to
return in a few days. His associates remained till after the American forces had retreated
to Sorel, and were preparing to evacuate Cstaada.— Sparks.
t Senter.

XX. INTRODUCTION.
than six days provisions. The French inhabitants, too, were much disaffected,
which rendered it more difficult to obtain supplies in the country.*
The state of blockade in which Arnold, immediately after the battle of December
31st, had placed Quebec, did not prevent re-enforcements being thrown into that
city. Before the arrival of General Thomas the enemy had in their magazine more
than 3000 barrels of powder, 10,000 stands of arms, and a large quantity of artillery
stores. Two frigates and a number of other vessels were in the harbor, ready to
render aid to the British garrison. On the 10th of May five more ships of war were
added to the naval force of the enemy. The besieged, under Beaujean, attempted
in March to raise the blockade, but failed. In May, however, a sally was made by
the garrison upon the Continental forces, who were so dispersed that not more than
two hundred men could be collected at head quarters, which compelled a retreat to
the mouth of the Sorel. This was made in the utmost precipitation and confusion,
with the loss of cannon, batteries, provisions, flve hundred stands of small arms, and
a batteau load of powder going down with Colonel Allen. t Two of the enemy's
frigates proceeded immediately up the river, not only to annoy the retreating troops
on their march, but also to seek several vessels of the fleet which General Mont
gomery brought from Montreal. Wind and tide favoring the enemy's frigates, they
were brought within cannon shot of the American vessels before they could get
under way. They hauled upon our shipping so rapidly as to oblige the Captains
to mn them ashore, and set them on fire. They kept in pursuit up the river both by
land and by water, increasing the disorder of the retreat.
The detachment stationed at Point Levi.J as well as those at Chairlebore, were
not apprised of a retreat till they saw the Provincials quitting the ground. They
were forced to escape through the woods a very great distance before they fell in
with the St. Lawrence. Most of the sick fell into the hands of the enemy, with
all the hospital stores, &c. The first stand made was at Chambaud, forty-five miles
from Quebec, but not being able to collect sufficient provisions, they were obliged to
abandon the position and proceed. " The poor inhabitants, seeing the army aban
doning their country, were in the utmost consternation, expecting, as many had
been aiding us in every way, to be sacrificed to the barbarity of those whose sever
ity they had long felt, though under the specious pretence of civil government,
which, in fact, had been in essence nothing but an arrogant military one. No pro
visions could be obtained but by force of arms. No conveniences for ferrying the
troops over the rivers emptying in upon either side of the St. Lawrence, except a
canoe or two, and these were rare. The spring flood had submerged many low
places, and the army was obliged to travel a great distance around them. In this

* Letter of General Thomas to Washington, May 8,1776. On the same day, Arnold
writes from Montreal: " We have very little provisions, no cash and less credit."
t The town of Sorel, or (as it is sometimes called) William Henry, stands on the site of a
fort, built in the year 1665, by order of Mons. de Tracy. It was intended as a defence
against the incursions of the Indians, and received its name of Sorel from a Captain of
engineers, who superintended its construction.
The river Sorel is two hundred and fifty yards broad opposite to the town, but it presents
a singular example of a river, much narrower at its embouchure than at its origin. It is
more than four times as wide at St. John's, as at Sorel, and continues to widen all the
way up the stream, to the Lake Champlain. From St. John's there is also a ship naviga
tion into the lake ; but from the town of Sorel, vessels'of one hundred and fifty tons ascend
only twelve or fourteen miles, — Silliman's Tour.
t Colonel Clinton, afterwards well known in our Revolution as a gallant general officer,
and now not less remembered as the father of the illustrious DeWitt Clinton, commanded
a battery at Point Levi. He afterwards commanded at Montreal.— TAe Sexagenary, p. 44.

INTRODUCTION. XXI.
perplexed situation, they arrived at Sorel, about forty miles below Montreal, where
they made a stand and collected our whole force."*
At Sorel, General Thomas died of small pox.t On being taken sick, he sent for
General Wooster, then at Montreal, to come and take the command, which for a
short time he did. But General Sullivan was already on his way to Canada with
re-enforcements, to join General Thomas, and the death of that officer devolved on
him the command. He advanced to Sorel, where he established his head-quarters.
His entire force consisted of about 3500 men, and he felt confident of soon being
able to reduce Quebec. Writing to Washington in glowing strains, under date of
June 5th, he says: " Our affairs here have taken a strange turn since our arrival.
The Canadians are flocking by hundreds to take a part with us. I am giving them

[The following should prece.le the death of General Thoma*, mentioned at the
top of page XXI.]
Colonel Bedel, with ,3.50 continental troops, held a post at the Cedars, about forty
three miles above Montreal, Learning on the 15th May that a party of the enemy
consisting of about 600 regulars and Indians were marching to attack him, he set
out for Montreal to obtain re-enforcements, Iraving Major Butterfield in command.
On the 17th, during his absence, the post was invested, and on the 19th contrary to
the remonstrance." of the officers, the fort and garrison were surrendered. On the
20th Major Shurhurne with 100 men, landed at Quinze Chenes, about nine miles
from the Cedars, where he wa.s attacked by about 500 of the enemy, and after
maintaining his ground for nearly an hour was constrained to retreat, but being
intercepted on his route was, with his men, taken prisoner. The prisoners after
the surrender, were treated with savage barbarity. One wns shot and while yet
alive, roastfd, and others, worn down by famine and cruelty, were left exposed on
an inland to perish with cold and hunger. General Arnold advanced from Montreal
to attack Quinze Chenes. Captain Foster, the English commander, si'nt a fldg to
meet him with a proposition to exchange prisoners, stating that if not complied
with those in his possession would he exposed to merciless treatment from his sav
age allies, and to save them General Arnold reluctantly entered into a cartel, and
the attack was not made. A Congressional Committee of Inquiry subsequently
investisated the whole subject, and reported that "the shameful surrender of the
post at the Cedars was chargeable on the commanding officer." Conaress also con
demned in severe terms the cruelties practiced upon the American prisoners, and
other viola'ions of the comity of war.*
* Proceedings of Congress, 1776.

divided, ragged^ iindisciplined', andliiibHTcered, as we are. IT we are not soon re-enrorceo,
I tremble for the event. A loss of our heavy cannon, which is all ordered to Sorel, must
ensue, if not of our army, as our retreat is far from being secured. Not one stroke has
been struck to secure our encampment here. I have ordered men out to-morrow morning
to inclose our encampment and the two old forts with an abatis and breastwork. Dr.
Stringer is in a disagreeable situation. Three thousand men are sick here and at Chambly,
and no room or convenience for them. I should advise his going to the Isle-aux-Noix,
was there any convenience for the sick, or boards to make any."

XX. INTRODUCTION.
than six days provisions. The French inhabitants, too, were much disaffected,
which rendered it more difficult to obtain supplies in the country.*
The state of blockade in which Arnold, immediately after the battle of December
31st, had placed Quebec, did not prevent re-enforcements being thrown into that
city. Before the arrival of General Thomas the enemy had in their magazine more
than 3000 barrels of powder, 10,000 stands of arms, and a large quantity of artillery
stores. Two frigates and a number of other vessels were in the harbor, ready to
render aid to the British garrison. On the 10th of May five more ships of war were
added to the naval force of the enemy. The besieged, under Beaujean, attempted
in March to raise the blockade, but failed. In May, however, a sally was made by
the garrison upon the Continental forces, who were so dispersed that not more than

a singular example of a river much narrower at its eiiibouchure than at its origin. It is
more than four times as wide at St. John's, as at Sorel, and continues to widen all the
way up the stream, to the Lake Champlain. From St. John's there is also a ship naviga
tion into the lake ; but from the town of Sorel , vessels*of one hundi'ed and fifty tons ascend
only twelve or fourteen miles. — Silliman's Tour,
J Colonel Clinton, afterwards well known in our Revolution as a gallant general officer,
and now not less remembered as the father of the illustrious DeWitt Clinton, commanded
a battery at Point Levi. He afterwards commanded at Montreal.— T/ie Sexagenary, p. 44.

INTRODUCTION. XXI.
perplexed situation, they arrived at Sorel, about forty miles below Montreal, where
they made a stand and collected our whole force."*
At Sorel, General Thomas died of small pox.t On being taken sick, he sent for
General Wooster, then at Montreal, to come and take the command, which for a
short time he did. But General Sullivan was already on his way to Canada with
re-enforcements, to join General Thomas, and the death of that officer devolved on
him the command. He advanced to Sorel, where he established his head-quarters.
His entire force consisted of about 3500 men, and he felt confldent of soon being
able to reduce Quebec. Writing to Washington in glowing strains, under date of
June 5th, he says : " Our affairs here have taken a strange turn since our arrival.
The Canadians are flocking by hundreds to take a part with us. I am giving them
commissions agreeable to the enclosed form, which I hope will not be thought an
unnecessary assumption of power. I really flnd most of them exceedingly friendly.
I have sent out for carts and teams, &c. They have come in with the greatest
cheerfulness; and, what gives still greater evidence of their friendship is, that they
have voluntarily offered to supply us with what wheat, flour, &c., we want, and
ask nothing in return but certificates. They begin to complain against their priests,
and wish them to be secured; I shall, however, touch this string with great tender
ness at present, as I know their sacerdotal influence."
Either General Sullivan was greatly deceived by appearances, or had been grossly
imposed upon by false professions. At any rate, two weeks sufficed to cloud these
bright skies, and doom him to disappointment. Two days after his arrival at Sorel,
he sent General Thompson with three regiments to attack the enemy at Three
Rivers, but unfortunately for the enterprise Burgoyne arrived the night before the
battle, with a strong party. General Thompson was defeated and with other
officers was taken prisoner. The fortunes of war were now against Sullivan.
There was a want of almost every necessary for the army, while repeated misfor
tunes and losses had greatly dispirited the troops. The British land force had not
only been heavily strengthened, but they had thirty-six sail of vessels lying in the
lake near Sorel, and sixty-six more lying at Three Rivers. The numbers under
the command of Sullivan were entirely inadequate to the work he had undertaken,
while " small pox, famine and disorder, had rendered them almost lifeless." The
warmth of Canadian friendship, which had been so conspicuous when Montgomery
crossed the line seven months before, and so suddenly cooled after the disaster at
Quebec, which rose again to summer heat on the appearance of Sullivan, now sank
to zero. The fickle population changed with every turn of fortune. Success was
the price to be paid for their good will. From a doubtful cause they withheld sup
port. Every day the situation of affairs became more precarious, and in view of all
circumstances, a council of war decided upon an entire withdrawal from Canada.

*Dr. Senter.
t June 13, 1776, Arnold wrote from St. John's to General Schuyler as follows: " Near
one-half of our army are sick, mostly with the small pox. If the enemy have a force of
six or eight, and some say ten thousand men, we shall not be able to oppose them, sick,
divided, ragged, undisciplined, and unofScered, as we are. If we are not soon re-enforced,
I tremble for the event. A loss of our heavy cannon, which is all ordered to Sorel, must
ensue, if not of our army, as our retreat is far from being secured. Not one stroke has
been struck to secure our encampment here. I have ordered men out to-morrow morning
to inclose our encampment and the two old forts with an abatis and breastwork. Dr.
Stringer is in a disagreeable situation. Three thousand men are sick here and at Chambly,
and no room or convenience for them. I should advise his going to the Isle-aux-Noix,
was there any convenience for the sick, or boards to make any."

XXU. INTRODUCTION.
This was effected about the middle of June in an orderly manner, without loss of
men, armament or baggage.*
On the 17th of June, before this event was known. Congress directed General
Washington to send General Gates to Canada to assume the chief command. Gates
had then a popular military reputation, and strong hopes were entertained that he
would soon be able to give a successful tum to affairs. Receiving his instructions
in New York, he proceeded June 3d, by way of Albany to Ticonderoga. But the
evacuation of Canada, which had already taken place, put an end to a project that
for more than nine months had occupied the attention of Congress, and which had
given great anxiety to Washington.
The termination of the invasion of Canada, so differently from universal expecta
tion, was a deep disappointment to the country. Life, treasure and time seemed
to have been expended in vain.t Yet this expenditure was not wholly without
compensation. The experience gained was calculated to toughen the will, and
to make more energetic soldiers of both officers and men. Besides, viewing
the result through the medium of subsequent events, it is questionable whether
the possession of Canada at that time would have secured to the Continental
Confederacy the advantages then anticipated. It has been said, with much
plausibility, that had Quebec fallen, while it would have seemed a most impor
tant and glorious event, yet it might have been the ruin of America; for in
order to defend it, a considerable force would have been requisite, thus dividing our
strength, while the British, in despair of recovering so strong a place, might have
concentrated their (forces at New York, and the capture of Burgoyne would not
have electrified the friends of liberty through America.};
But however this may be, the plan of wresting Canada from Great Britain, and
giving the blessings of freedom to its people, was a grand conception, while the
record of the manly fortitude displayed by the army under the most trying circum
stances, is a noble monument to its patriotism. The simple, unambitions story
told in the following Journal, well illustrates the spirit that fired the army of the
Revolution, and shows, in vivid light, how much our ancestors were ready to endure
to secure for their posterity the boon of human rights. It has been truly said,
"The long, difficult and laborious march of Arnold through hardships and dangers
?"I advised General Sullivan to secure his retreat by retiring to St. John's. He was
determined to keep his post at Sorel, if possible, and did not retire until the 14th [June]
instant, at which time the enemy were as high up with their ships as the Sorel.
On the 15th at night, when the enemy were at twelve miles distant from me, I quitted
Montreal with my little garrison of three hundred men. The whole army with their bag
gage and cannon (except three heavy pieces left at Chambly,) arrived at St. John's the
17th, and at the Isle-aux-Noix the 18th; previous to which it was determined by a Council
of War at St. John's, that in our distressed situation, (one-half of the army sick, and
almost the whole destitute of clothing and every necessary of life, except salt pork and
flour,) it was not only imprudent but impracticable to keep possession of St. John's.
Crown Point was judged the only place of health and safety, to which the army could
retire and oppose the enemy. It was found necessary to remain at the Isle-aux-Noix for
some few days, until the sick, heavy cannon, &c., could be removed." — Arnold to General
Washington, June 25, 1776.
t " The loss of Canada," writes Hancock, President of Congress, "is undoubtedly on
some accounts to be viewed in the light of a misfortune. The Continent has been put to a
great expense in endeavoring to get possession of it. That our army should make so pru
dent a retreat, as to save their baggage, cannon, ammunition and sick from faUing into
the hands of the enemy, is a circumstance that will afford a partial consolation, and reflect
honor upon the oflicers who conducted it."
} Allen.

INTRODUCTION. XXUI.
that would have appalled the stoutest follower of Xenophon— his subsequent siege
and blockade of one of the strongest military posts in the world, itt~the heart of the
enemy's country, in the midst of a northern winter, where nothing was seen but
ice and snow, with raw recruits, half clad, half fed, and scarcely half covered from
the storms of wind and snow— the expedition to Canada may fairly be placed on a
parallel with any of the boasted achievements of ancient Greece or Rome." We
tum painfully away from Arnold's display of patriotic devotion in this marvelous
march, and before Quebec, as we remember his base and heartless treachery at West
Point. How sad, that a life of such glorious promise should have draped itself for
ever in a robe of infamy!

NOTES.
Death of General Montgomert. Page xvi.
" Some American gentlemen who were at Quebec about sixteen years since, saw a man
who asserted that he was the person who touched off the cannon, and what was very
remarkable he was a New Englander. He related that the barrier was abandoned, and
that the party who had been stationed at it were in full flight; but as it occurred to him
that there was a loaded cannon, he turned, and discharged it at random, and then ran.
This anecdote I had from one of the gentlemen who conversed with this man.
That there was some such occurrence, appears probable, and the following circumstances
having a similar bearing, were related to me by the person who showed me this fatal
ground. The spot may be known at the present moment, by its being somewhat farther
up the river than the naval depot, where great numbers of heavy cannon are now lying.
The battery stood on the flrst gentle declivity, beyond this pile of cannon, and the deaths
happened on the level ground, about forty yards still farther on. My informant stated
that the people in the block-house, as he called it, loaded their cannon over night, and
retired to rest. It so happened, (and it was perfectly accidental,) that a Captain of a vessel
in the port, lodged in the block-house that night. He was an intemperate man . half
delirious when most sober, and never minded any one or was much listened to by others.
Early on the fatal morning, before light, he exclaimed, all of a sudden,—'' they are com
ing, I s  r they are coming." No one regarded him, but he got the iron rods, which
they used to touch off the cannon, heated them, and flred the pieces. Immediately sky
rockets were seen to fly into the air, which were signals to Arnold's party that all was lost.
When light returned. General Montgomery and his aids and many others, in the whole
twenty-seven (as he stated,) were found either dead or grievously wounded."— Siffiman's
Tour, 1819. Washington to Arnold on the Death op Montgomery.
Cambridge, 27th January, 1776.
Dear Sir:
On the 17th instant I received the melancholy account of the unfortunate attack on the
city of Quebec, attended with the fall of General Montgomery and other brave oflBcers and
men, and of your being wounded.
This unhappy affair affects me in a very sensible manner, and I sincerely condole with
you upon the occasion; but, in the midst of distress, I am happy to flnd that suitable
honors were paid to the remains of Mr. Montgomery; and that our officers and soldiers,
who have fallen into their hands, were treated with kindness and humanity.

Colonel Arnold's Accooht or the Attack on Quebec, in jl Letter to
General Wooster. General Hospital, 31 December, 1775.
Dear Sir :— I make no doubt but General Montgomery acquainted you with his inten
tions of storming Quebec as soon as a good opportunity offered. As we had several men

XXIV. INTRODUCTION.
deserted from us a few days past, the General was induced to alter his plan, which was to
have attacked the Upper and Lower Town at the same time. He thought it most prudent
to make two different attacks upon the Lower Town ; the one at Cape Diamond, the other
through St. Roc. For the last attack, I was ordered with my own detachment and Cap
tain Lamb's company of artillery. At five o'clock, the hour appointed for the attack, a
false attack was ordered to he made upon the Upper Town.
"We accordingly began our march. I passed through St. Roc, and approached near a
two-gun battery, picketed in, without being discovered, which we attacked. Itwas bravely
defended for about an hour; but with the loss of a number of men, we carried it. In thfe
attack, I was shot through the leg, and was obliged to be carried to the hospital, where I
soon heard the disagreeable news that the General was defeated at Cape Diamond ; himself,
Captain Macpherson, his Aide de Camp, and Captain Cheeseman, killed on the spot, with
a number of others not known. After gaining the battery, my detachment pushed on to
a second barrier, which they took possession of. At the same time, the enemy sallied out
from Palace Gate, and attacked them in the rear. A field-piece, which the roughness of
the road would not permit our carrying on, fell into the enemy's hands, with a number of
prisoners. The last accounts from my detachment, about ten minutes since, they were
pushing for the Lower Town. Their communication with me was cut off. I am exceed
ingly apprehensive what the event will be; they will either carry the Lower Town, be
made prisoners, or cut to pieces.
I thought proper to send an express to let you know the critical situation we are in, and
make no doubt you will give us all the assistance in your power. As I am not able to act,
I shall give up the command to Colonel Campbell. I beg you will immediately send an
express to the Honorable Continental Congress, and His Excellency General Washington.
The loss of my detachment before I left it, was about twenty men killed and wounded ; among
the latter is Major Ogden, who, with Captain Oswald, Captain Burr, and the other volun
teers, behaved extremely well. I have only time to add that I am, with the greatest esteem,
&C., BeHEDICT ARTfOLD.
P. S. It is impossible to say what our future operations will be until we know the fate
of my detachment. Page xx.
JaniMiry 6, 1776. — A battery opened from Point Levi upon the city, but being scanty of
ammunition, were allowanced only a few rounds per day, just to keep the enemy in a con
tinued alarm. About this time an insurrection happened down the river St. Lawrence,
about six leagues from Quebec, in consequence of some of the enemy's emissaries, joined
to the envious instigations of some of their priests. They collected a number of Canadi
ans, and were marching up in form to take possession of our troops at Point Levi. Of this
the General obtained intelligence, and immediately detached Major Dubois, a very brave
ofBcer, with a number of men to oppose them. The Major fell in with their party upon
surprise, killed some, wounded others, (among the last was a priest) and captured a num
ber more and brought them to Headquarters.— denier.

JOURNAL

A Journal of the indefatigable march of Col. Benedict Arnold
from Prospect Hill Fort, in order to join the detachment
which was going on a secret expedition, consisting of two
Battalions, one commanded by Lieut. Col. Greene, and the
other by Lieut. Col. Enos, with all circumstances, and par
ticularly the difficulties that I myself have labored under,
having the command of a company of Foot under Lieut. Col.
Greene, in the years 1775 and 1776.

The first Battalion consisted of
1 Lieut. Colonel, (Greene,)
1 Adjutant,

1 Major,
1 Quartermaster.

The second Battalion consisted of
1 Lieut. Colonel, (Enos,) 1 Major,
1 Adjutant, 1 Quartermaster.
1 Surgeon and Mate for both Battalions.

Captain Smith's Compai
" Hendrick's "

ij'

Captain

Morgan's Company,
Williams' "

" Ward's "

Hanchet's "

" Topham's "

Goodrich's "
" McCobb's "
Dearborn's "
" Hubbard's "
Scott's "
" Thayer's
One Chief Colonel, 1
1
Chaplain
for both Battalions.
CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1775.

MARCH TO NEWBURYPORT.
Sept. 11. — Remained in Cambridge in order to fill up each
company to 84 effective men. Got all necessaries and began
our march.
Sept. 13. — This day our Battalion marched towards New
buryport, reached Beverly and remained there thie night.
Sept. 14. — Continued our march and reached Maiden and
lodged there.
Sept. 15. — Arrived at Newburyport about sunset, and quar
tered our men in the Presbyterian Meeting House. [See Ap
pendix A.]
Sept. 16. — Capt. Topham's company, together with mine,
arrived, Sept. 17. — Being Sunday we paraded our men, and went to
meeting under arms,* after which we had orders to hold our
selves in readiness to embark at a moment's warning, in eleven
small vessels purposely engaged to receive us on Board. Agree
able to orders we embarked about sunset. But finding it diffi
cult to keep the men on board, we were obliged to keep a
guard over them.
Sept. 18. — About 9 o'clock the fleet sailed for Kennebeck
River, bearing W. S. W., got over the bar, and stood off until
Cpl. Arnold came on board the Broad Bay schooner where
little after the swallow Sloop struck a Rock where she stuck,.
on board of which was Capt. Scott's company who were dis
tributed among the fleet, and Capt. Hendrick's company of
Riflemen, together with mine, which were on board the Broad
Bay. At 2 o'clock a signal was made for sailing, and run
along shore until midnight, when a signal was given for heav
ing to, off the shore, under our jib and mainsail.
Sept. 19. — About Daybreak, discover'd • the mouth of the
river, for which ,we stood in and anchor'd, tarried all Day for
the fleet.
Sept. 20. — They all came up but the Conway and Abigail
sloops. The weather, accompanied by a fog and heavy rain,
* At the Preshyterian Meeting-house, Eev. Jonathan Parsons.

1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER S JOURNAL. 3
blowed very fresh. Stood up the river, but the above sloops did
not come up. [See Appendix B.]
Sept. 21. — Came to the head of Sheeps Gut River, out of
which we discovered the missing vessels making sail, to our
great satisfaction, on board of which were Capt. Topham's
and iny companys.
Sept. 22. — Went on shore with Col. Arnold at Capt. Cope-
lins, where there were one hundred men to row the Batteaux
to Fort Western.
Sept. 23. — Proceeded to Fort Western.* This place was
formerly pretty strong ; was built against the French and Indi
ans, but at present of no great consequence. It has two large
and two small block houses.
Sept. 24. — Occupied in getting our men and Provisions up
from Gardner's Town. After Capt. Topham and myself went
to bed at a neighbor's house, some dispute arose in the house
between some of our soldiers, on which we were requested to
get up and appease them. I got out of Bed, and ordered them
to lie down and be at rest ; and on going to the door, I ob
served the flash of the priming of a gun, and called to Capt.
Topham who arose likewise and went to the door, was fired
at, but was miss'd, on which he drew back, and I with Top
ham went to bed, biit the felon who had fully determined mur
der in his heart, came again to the door and lifted the latch,
and fired into the room, and killed a man lying by the fireside.
On suspicion, we took up a man, but did not prove to be the
nlurderer. Sept. 25. — The perpetrator of the above facts was taken by
a Sergeant, who, thinking he was a deserter, questioned him
accordingly, and who came to understand that he crossed the
river opposite to the place where he killed the man, and gave
himself up to the mercy of the Sergeant, who brought him
back and was sentenced to die. This afternoon an advanced
guard went forward, consisting of four Batteaux. This day
the three companies of Riflemen sat off for Quebec, the place of
our destination, and Col. Greene's Battalion received orders to
be ready at a minute's wairning.
* Opposite tlie present town of Augusta.

4 CAPTAIN THAYER S JOURNAL. [1775.
Sept. 26. — We began our march. The above perpetrator,
by name Jno McCormick, was to suffer at 3 o'clock, but was re
prieved at that time to be sent back to Gen. Washington.
The river here is very rapid and difficult. [See Appendix C]
Sept. 27. — Arrived at Fort Halifax about 3 o'clock, P. M.,
which greatly resembles Fort Western. The river here is both
rapid and rocky. Proceeded to the foot of the falls. Here
is the first carrying place we come to. We encamped on the
west side of the river, and carried over our provisions and Bat
teaux. The carrying place is about eighty rods wide.
Sept, 28. — Proceeded about 3 miles through I'apid water.
Our men are obliged to wade more than half their time. It
begins to be cold and uncomfortable. Here are few scat
tering inhabitants. [See Appendix D.]
.Sept. 29. — Proceeded on our march ; made large fires and
refreshed ourselves. Our People are in good health. But some
keep lurking behind and get lost from the party. At 12
o'clock, set out again for Squhegan* Falls ; the stream is very
swift, which makes it difficult, and our Batteaux leaky, besides
the place being very shallow, which obliges our men to go into
the river and haul the Batteaux after them, which generally
occupies three or four men, two of whom are at her head and
one or two at her stern, which occasioned a slow progress.
To-night we encamped within three miles of the falls, the
water still continues to run very rapid.
Sept. 30. — Proceeded through the falls in rapid water ; here
is the second carrying place. We found that the course of
A the river differ'd from the Draught we had seen. We en
camped on the main on the west side of the river. The
carrying place is across an island. Here is a mill erecting,
(the property of Mr. Copelin,) the worst constructed I ever
saw. The People call this place Canaan ; a Canaan, Indeed !
The land is good, the timber large and of various kinds, such as
Pine, Oak, Hemlock and Rock Maple. Last night, our clothes
being wet, were frozen a pane of glass thick, which proved very
disagreeable, being obliged to lie in them. The land is very
fine, and am thinking if worked up, would produce any grain
* Skowhegan.

1775.1 CAPTAIN THAYER S JOURNAL. 5
whatsoever. The people are courteous and breathe nothing
but liberty. Their produce, (they sell at an exorbitant price)
which consists of salted Moose and Deer, dried up like fish.
They have Salmon in abundance. The cataracts here are
neither so high nor so rapid as those at the fort, but narrow,
which occasions the water below them to run very swift. The
carrying place is very difficult, occasioned by the height of the
land, and more so, being obhged to carry our provisions and
Batteaux up a steep rocky precipice. Our men are as yet in
very good spirits, considering they have to wade half the time,
and our boats so villainously constructed, and leaking so much
that they are always wet. I would heartily wish the infamous
constructors, who, to satisfy their avaricious temper, and fill
their purses with the spoils of their country, may be obliged to
trust to the mercy of others more treacherous than themselves,
that they might judge the fear and undergo the just reward of
their villainy. This is the second carrying place.
Oct. 1. — Proceeded on our march seven miles. Stopped
about an hour, advanced to Norridgewalk, and reached the falls
about 12 o'clock and encamped on the west side of the river.*
Oct. 2. — This Day we saw an altar constructed by the Indians,
and the remains of a Roman Chapel, where they paid their de
votions. Their Curate, or Friar, named iVancisco was killed
about 40 years ago, at the time when the Provincials drove
back the Indians. His remains lie buried here with a cross
over them, as is customary in France, Spain, Italy and all Ro
man Catholic countries, when their clergy Die. This place, was
remarkable formerly for being the Indians' Headquarters.
There we were busy in repairing our boats and carrying our
Provisions over the carrying place, (the 3d) which is about one
mile and a quarter long. We had some sleds and oxen to as
sist us in carrying our Luggage. We are at the Last inhabitan ts
now, and meet no other until we come to Canada. Col. Ar
nold came up to us and encamped on the west side of the river.
This is the fourth carrying place.
Oct. 3. — Overhauled our Biscuit and found it to be much
* See Appendix B.

6 CAPlAiN THAYEr's journal. [17?3.
dataaged by the leaking of thfe Batteaux ; passed the whole
day in crossing the River.
Oct. 4; — Came tb the mouth of the 7 mile streams, and en-
camp'd on a {)oint of land.
Oct: 5. — Came to the falls called Carrytuck, otherwise
Devil's Falls. They fall about sixteen feet. The carrying place
is about 8 Rods, and very difficult ; the water is frozen; This
is the 5th carrying place.
Oct. 6i — ^Carried our Batteaux across, and proceeded to the
Great carrying place ; went about seven miles, and came to
Seven Islands on the east side of the river, the mountains ap
pearing ahead, which looked dismal to us, and especially more
so, knowing we had them to cross without a conductor.
Oct. 1. — Got on our march to the great carrying place ;
the land is low and rich in grass. In spring time the edge
of the River seems to be overflown, and gradually as we pro
ceed, begins to be less fertile.
Oct. 8. — Lieut. Church returned" with his party, who went
to reconnoitre the Place, and informed us the first carrying
place to be within three and one-fourth miles and then a pond.
We encamped here, and employed our men in dealing the
road for carrying our boats, &c. It rained hard all Day, which
hindeired us much. Hitherto we had fair weather. At 3
o'clock, the remainder of our Battalion came up, but we re
mained here. The three companies of Riflemen were helping
to clear the roads : they had killed a Moose ; the skin ap
peared -to be as large as that of an ox of 600 lbs. This ani
mal is of the same species as the Reindeer, and might be of the
same service to the inhabitants as the Reindeer is to the Lap
landers and Upper Norwegians. They are so numerous that
we can hardly walk 50 yards without meeting their tracks ;
their meat is good and refi-eshing. We encamped here.
Oct. 9. — Detached two Subalterns and 36 rank and file, to
clear the road to the first Pond. The remainder of the men
were employed in unbarreling our Pork and stringing it on poles
for convenience of carriage, and carrying our Batteaux from the
river to the pond. The carrying place is about 4 miles long ;
the weather is fair, but Very fresh. Here came up two com-

1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER S JOURNAL. 7
panics of the other Battalion ; this pond is full of trout, of which
we caught plenty. This is the 6th carrying place.
Oct. 10. — Employed getting our men over the pond ; this
is one-half mile distant from the preceding one, which is
the 7th carrying place.
Oct. 11. — Came to the 8th carrying place, which is about
four and; one-quarter Miles, and made the rivulet that runs
into the Dead River, (so call'd) but undeservedly, because it
runs swiftly, except where the rivulet enters the river.
Oct. 12. — Had a beautiful prospect; of a high mountain that
bears S. S. W. of us, about fifteen miles. This last carrying
place is very difficult — sinking half leg deep carrying over our
Batteaux and Provisions, the ground being wet and boggy,
and to add to our difficulties, we had to wade through the
whole bog. At the east side of the mountain is the Creek
that runs into the Dead River.
Oct. 13. — Proceeded on, our mai'ch about three miles up
Dead River.
Oct^ 1^. — Prpceeded . about ten miles only, the current be
ing so strong, and, the shore so bold that our poles would not
reach the bottom, and were oblig'd to pull them by the Bushes
that hung over the water.
Oct. 15. — Dispatch'd , two Indians and a. white man to de
liver some letters to a gentleman in Quebec, whose return we
expected in ten or twelve days ; waited some time for a com
pany in the rear tp come up; clean'd our arms. The moun
tain bears W. S. W., and the River runs N. W. by W. Thick
weather, and .calm, with some rain, but not very cold ; the land
is good. Oct. 16. — Fell short of Provisions and ¦ brought to half aij
allow^ance per man — waited until 9 o'clock for the Rifle com
panies in order to get sojne supply, but they not appearing,, we
pnsh'd pui:,. journey. Past the ninth: carrying place and came
to an Indian hut where one Sataness dwell'd, both as rogueish
and I malicious as ever existed. Proceeded about ¦ 4 miles
and encamped. Col.; Arnold ' came up , in the Evening, and
understanding our want of supplies, ordered i four Batteaux
with thirty-two men of Each company to return to the rear

8 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1775.
for some. In the morning our company had but 5 or 6 pounds
of flour for 60 men.
Oct. 17. — Detached 12 Batteaux with 96 men, officers in
cluded, on the above Business.
Oct. 18. — Employed making cartouches — took an observa
tion of the mountain, which we found to be 6 miles S. E. by
E. —the river runs W. N. W., and bears more to the north ;
the weather is fair. We tarried until Major Meigs' division
arrived. Oct. 19. — Heavy rain until 3 o'clock ; then Major Meigs and
his division marched on ; we expect our supply of Provisions,
as the officers and men are eager to get forward.
Oct. 20. — Rain'd very hard, and our Batteaux not appearing,
we pack'd up our cartouches in casks in order to be ready for
an immediate embarkation, having lain by 6 Days waiting for
supplies to no purpose.
Oct. 21. — A continuance of rain, and a most heavy storm.
Col. Enos came up with us about 11 o'clock, in expectation
of finding Col. Arnold, but on his disappointment returned,
aud drove up his rear. In the afternoon Capt. Williams' Ser
geant came up with that company. Major Bigelow, who car
ried the boats, returned with only 2 barrels of flour, and the
detachments returned immediately to their respective companies.
Now we found ourselves in a distress'd and famish'd situa
tion, without provisions and no hopes of getting any, until we
reach'd Sartigan. Having no other view now but to proceed
to Canada, (or retreat) we concluded to send back such as
were not able to do Duty ; the river rose 3 foot, which in
creased the rapidity of the current. Our encampment grew
quite uncomfortable, and especially to those who had no Tents,
and not being much used to the inconveniencies that a soldier Is
obliged to undergo, suffered exceedingly.
Oct. 22. — Myself and eight more of the men, missing our
way by the freshet of the River and the overflowing of the
surface, were cast into the greatest consternation, not being able
to make any other way but by wading through the water, in
which situation we were obliged to remain without victuals or
drink until the next morning about 9 o'clock, exhausted with

1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER'S JOURNAL. 9
cold and fatigue, reached the detachment as they Were beginning
their march. The storm abated, the river rose 6 feet perpen
dicular, and ran exceeding rapid. The sun rose with a little
rain, but soon grew fair, and we embark'd on board our Bat
teaux, and after going about 6 miles against the current,
which ran at least 5 miles an hour, came to a carrying place
entirely overflowed, that our Batteaux went through the woods,
without the trouble of carrying them ; advanced about 50
rods and encamped. This is the 10th carrying place.
Oct. 23. — Proceeded a little further and came to a carrying
place, which is the eleventh. At six o'clock proceeded against
the freshet, being altogether as high as before, which made us
repent of our Delays ; went about 2 miles and cross'd another
carrying place, and half a mile further cross'd again ; went
about 7 miles and cama to another, by which we expect
to be within 6 miles of the second great carrying place,
and encamp'd. It is to be observed here that by ye freshet
overflowing, our salt was wash'd out of the Boats, and had no
more to supply our want.*
Oct. 24. — Had intelligence of its being twenty-five miles to
the great carrying place where the height of land is, and in the
meantime destitute of provisions, for the two Barrels we brought
gave two pounds Each man, and we had only [a] half pint left
to deliver out ; besides, the continual snow aggravated us more,
and left [us] in a situation not to be described.
Oct. 25. — We staid for Col. Greene to consult about our
situation, and what to do for provisions ; however we trusted
in the Almighty, and hoped he would prove propitious to
wards us; for the present we had no hopes, unless some
Glimpses from the part of the French, which at any rate
could not be much. We sent back in three Batteaux, forty-
eight sick men, and one subaltern ; the river is narrow and of
*Oct. 23. " Encamped this evening at a carrying place, fifteen perches across.
Here a council was held, in which it was resolved that a captain with fifty men
should march, with all despatch, by land, to Chaudiere pond, and that the sick of
my division and Captain Morgan's should return to Cambridge. At this place the
stream is very rapid, in passing which five or six battoes filled and overset, by
which we lost several barrels of provisions, a number of guns, some clothes and
cash." — Meigs' Journal.
2

10' CAPTAIN Tli-AYER'S JOURNAL. - [1775.
course rapid, Besides bad walking by land ; the men are much
disheartened and Eagerly wish to return — however, I am cer
tain if their Bellies were full, they would "be wilhng eno' to
advance. Whether or no, necessity obliges [us] to proceed at
present. Col. Arnold has sent with Capt. Hanchet a party of 60
men, to purchase provisions of the French, if possible. In the
afternoon, went about three miles and encamped, waiting for
our boats. Here Col. Greene, Capt. Topham and myself staid,
by desire of Col. Enos, to hold a council of war, in which it
was resolved that Col. Enos should not return back. His party,
who were 6 in number, and by one inferior to ours, and ob
served with regret that we voted for proceeding ; on which they
held a council of war amongst themselves, of which were the Capts.
McCobb, Williams and Scott, and unanimously declar'd that
they would return, and not rush into such imminent danger ; to
which we replied, if thus determined to grant ns some supply,
which they promis'd, if we could get a boat from Mr. Copelin,
tho' with ye utmost reluctance.
Mr. Ogden, a volunteer under Colonel Greene, and myself,
took the Boat, in which we ran rapidly down with the cur
rent, where we expected to receive from the returning party,
four barrels of flour and two of Pork, according to promise.
But we were utterly deceived, and only received two Bar
rels of flour, notwithstanding all our entreaties, and that few
only through the humanity of Capt. Williams. Col. Enos De
clared to us [that] he was willing to go and take his boat in
which there was some provisions, and share the same fate with
us. But was obliged to tarry thro' the means of his Effeminate offi
cers, who rather pass their time in sippling than turn it to the profit
and advantage of their country, who stood in need of their assist
ance. Capt. Williams stept'd towards me, and wish'd me suc
cess. But in the meantime told me he never expected to see me,
or any of us, he was so conscious of the imminent Danger we
were to go through ; in meantime Col. Enos advanced,
with tears in his Eyes, wishing me and mine success, and took ,
as he then suppos'd and absolutely thought, his last farewell of
me, demonstrating to me that it was with the utmost reluctance
he remain'd behind, tho' being certain he never would

1775.] CAPTAIN Thayer's journal. 11
escape the attempt.* I took the little flour, bemoaning our sad
fate, and cursing tli^ill-heart'd minds of the timorous party I
left behind, " and working, together with Mr. Ogden and my
self, up against a most rapid stream for a mile and a half, where,
after inconceivable difficulties, I reach'd and met some of our
boats coming to me and take the flour they suppos'd I had in
theirs ; but to their great surprise, they found but the little I
mention'd just now. However, it is surprising that the party
returning, professing Christianity, should prove so ill-disposed
toward their fellow-brethren and soldiers, in the situation
we were in, and especially •when we observe our numerous
wants, and the same time they overflowing in abundance of
all sorts, and far more than what was necessary for their return.
But not the least, when again considering the temerity and
effeminency of 'em not willing to pursue the eager desires of
their Colonel, nor suffer the same fate, nor willingly assist their
courageous countrymen in the plausible cause of their common
Country. In the meantime, Mr. Ogdenf and myself were
oblig'd to keep the course towards the river, in sight of our
boats, and lay that [night] disagreeably in the snow, without the
least to cover or screen us from the inclemency of the Weather,
until next morning.
About nine o'clock we overtook our troops, who were
just ready to march forward — even had not the satisfaction

*"Enos, either through a false construction of the order, or willful disobedience,
returned to Cambridge with his whole division. His appearance excited the great
est indignation iu the Continental camp, and Enos was looked upon as a traitor for
thus deserting his companions and endangering the whole expedition. He was
tried by a court-martial, and it being proved that he was short of provisions, and
that none could be procured in the wilderness, he was acquitted. He was never
restored in public estimation, however, and soon afterward left the army." — Loss
ing's Field Book of the Revolution, vol.1, p. 192. The statement above made by
Capt. Thayer would seem to justify the acq uital of Colonel Enos, and to remove,
in part, the opprobrium with which historical writers have clothed his memory.
t This was Matthias Ogden, who joined the army at Cambridge, and accom
panied Arnold through the wilderness. He was wounded at the assault upon
Quebec. On his return from this expedition he was appointed to the command of
a regiment, which position he held until the termination of the war. On the
occurrence of peace, he was honored by Congress with a commission of Brigadier
General in the army of the United States. General Ogden was distinguished for
his liberality and philanthropy. He died at Elizabethtown, N. J., in the year 1791.

12 CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. [1775.
or conveniency to build ourselves, as we usually had done,
a Bush hut to pass the tedious night in.
Oct. 26. — Proceeded over three carrying places, two of thepi
small, and the third half a mile, running through a pond
one-quarter of a mile, and a carrying place as much more ; came
to another pond and Encamped.
Oct. 27. — This Day after a cold and frosty night, went over
this pond and came to another carrying place. This is the 20th
carrying-place, being three-fourths of a mile, and came to another
pond and encamp'd.
Oct. 28. — Past the twenty-first carrying place, and came to
another small pond, to a carrying place, and then to a pond,
to a carrying place, and then to a pond, and then came to
a height of land to another carrying place of four miles and a
quarter.* It is to be observed here, with such horror, that the
most ferocious and unnatural hearts must shudder at, when
knowing the dismal situation of courageous men, solely bent to
extirpate the tyranny with which the country was influenced,
taking up some raw-hides, that lay for several Days in the bottom
of their boats, intended for to make them shoes or moccasins of in
case of necessity, which they did not then look into so much
as they did their own preservation, and chopping them to pieces,
singeing first the hair, afterwards boiling them and living on the
juice or liquid that they soak'd from it for a considerable time.f
After such sufferings they came to a small rivulet which leads
into the great Ammeguntick Lake, otherwise Shadeur Pond,
fourteen miles in length and six Broad. Here our division left all
the Batteaux But one to carry the sick, if any ; at four o'clock,
*Oct. 28<ft. " In the morning crossed the heights to Chaudiere river. Made
division of our provisions and ammunition, and marched back upon the height and
encamped. Here I delivered the following sums of money to the following persons :
To Col. Greene, 500 dollars, to Major Bigelow, 501 do,, and paid to Mr. Gatchel 44
dollars; paid lo Mr. Berry £i, 5s. lawful money." — Meigs' Journal. Nehemiah
Gatchel and John Home were employed as guides.
t" Tliey washed their moose-slsin moccasins in the river, scraping away the dirt
and sand with great care. These were brought to the kettle and boiled a consider
able time, under the vague but consolatory hope that a mucilage would take place.
The poor fellows chewed the leather, but it was leather still. They had not received
food for the last forty-eight hours. Disconsolate and weary we passed tjie night."
—Henry's Narrative.

1775.] CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. 13
an Express came from Col. Arnold, with intelligence that the
French were ready to receive us, and that they would supply
us with Provisions. Glad tidings to People that are brought to
one pint of flour to Each man, and no more to depend upon. An
Express pass'd us, going to His Excellency Genl. Washington.
A pilot was sent to lead us through the woods ; two companies
of musketry are gone forward, but the three companies of Ri
flemen staid with us. This is the twenty-fourth carrying place.
Here we divided our remaining flour Equally in 10 companies
between the ofiicers and soldiers, the quantity amounting to seven
Pints Each man, for 7 Days, (expecting to meet the Inhabit
ants at that time) which we divided thus daily for our support :
In the morning a gill for breakfast, half a pint for Dinner, and
the remaining Gill for supper, which we mix'd up with clear
water, having no salt, and stirring it up together, laid it on
the coals to heat a little, after which we nibbled it along our
journey, without making any halt ;* walk'd about three miles
and then encamp'd.
Oct. 29. — We march'd in the front ; the travelling is very
bad, so that we sunk half leg deep every step, but our Pilot says
it is better ahead. We lost one man belonging to Capt. Top
ham's company who must have inevitably perish'd, to wit:
Samuel Nichols. We find now that the Pilot knows no more
the way than the most ignorant of ourselves ; we travelled about
five miles and encamped.f This night we had the good fortune
to kill a partridge, of which we made good soup and some supper.

*" The brealdast and supper were boil'd much like starch; ye dinner was some
what bak'd on the coals."
t" Early this morning set out for the head of Chaudiere river. This day we
sufltered greatly by our bateaux passing by us, for we had to wade waist high
through swamps and rivers and breaking ice before us. Here we wandered round
all day, and came at night to the same place we left m the morning, where we found
a small dry spot, where we made a fire, and we were obliged, to stand up all night
in order to dry ourselves and keep from freezing. "^Ware's Journal in Gen. Sea
Vol. VL, p. 131.
Joseph Ware, author of this journal, was the son of Josiah and Dorothy Dewen
Ware, of Wrentham, Mass. He was born October 15, 1753, and married Esther Smith.j
of Needham. He was a farmer, and followed that occupation till the commence
ment of the Revolution, when he entered the army; served through the war- was
at the battles of Concord and Ticonderoga; acted as orderly sergeant and recruiting
officer. He died Nov. 12, 1805.— Cm. Beg. Vol. VI., p. 148.

14 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1775.
Oct. 80 — Proceeded through a swamp above 6 miles,
which was pane glass thick frozen, besides the mud being
half leg deep ; got into an alder swamp ; steering southerly,
reach'd a small River which we forded, the water being so
high that a middle sized man would be arm pit deep in it ; very
cold and about 3 Rods wide, from whence we proceeded to a
great eminence and shaped our course N. |- W. towards ano
ther River, being obliged to cross it on a narrow log. Many of
the men unfortunately fell in. Now, verily, I began to feel con-
cern'd about the abated situation of the men, having no more
than a small share of allowance for 4 Days, in the midst of a
frightful wilderness, habit'd by ferocious animals of all sorts,
without the least sign of human trace. At |- after 4, after
a journey of 13 miles and bad traveling, reached a beautiful
grove of birch woods, and about 2| miles further, discovered
to our great satisfaction the tracks of the foremost party, which
rejoiced our men so much, that they shuddered at the thoughts
of the long and painful March which they sustained with
becoming courage, though famished and under the greatest
Inconveniences. Here we encamped at the end of the grove.
Oct. 31. — Proceeded 6 miles and came in sight of our Boats
that were wrecked^ — March'd 6 miles further, But did not come
up with Col. Arnold as we expected. A man was drowned
here by the over-setting of the Boat.f
Nov. 1. Proceeded on our march ; The people are very
weak and begin to lack in the rear, being so much reduced
with hunger and cold. Capt. Topham and myself being behind
spurring on the men as M-ell as we could, tho' the orders were
t" Pushed on for Chaudiere with all speed, in hopes of overtaking our bateaux
in order to get some flour, for ours was all expended; but, to our great grief and
sorrow, our bateaux were stove and the flour was lost, and the men barely escaped
with their lives; now we were in a miserable situation, not a mouthful of provisions,
and by account 70 miles from inhabitants, and we had a wilderness, barren and
destitute of any sustenance to go through, where we expected to suffer hunger,
cold and fatigue. Here the captain with the ablest men pushed forward, in order
to get provisions to send back for the sick."— TTare's Journal. " Henry says of
the Chaudiere, " that for 60 or 70 miles it is a continual rapid, without any apparent
gap or passage, even for a canoe. Every boat we put in the river was stove in, one
part or other of it. Capt. Morgan lost all his boats, and the life of a much valued
soldier."— iVo!e on Ware's Journal, Gen. Reg. F7,p. 142. This man was named
George Innis,— Melvin.

1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 15
for every man to do for himself as well as he could. We
observed at a little distance a Sergeant and 10 or 12 men round
a fire, towards whom we made up, and saw with astonishment
that they were devouring a Dog between them, and eating
paunch, Guts and skin, part of which they generously offered
us, but did not accept of it, thinking that they were more in the
want of it than what we were at that time.* We pushed on
and encamp'd 12 miles further, being at that period in the dis
tressed situation the remainder' were in, and after marching 2
Days and two nights without the least nourishment, traveling
on the shore side, discover'd about 12 o'clock the 3d Day some
men and horses and cattle making towards us, at which sight
Capt. Topham and myself shed tears of joy, in our happy deliv
ery from the grasping hand of Death. The Driver was sent
towards us by Col. Arnold, in order to kill them for our sup
port. He deslr'd us stop in order that he might kill one for us,
but we desir'd him proceed and not stop until about nightfall,
and gather together all the men he could find, and kill one
*S'ov. 1. " This day I passed a number of soldiers who had no provisions, and
some that were sick, and not in my power to help or relieve them, except to en
courage them ." — Meigs.
"This morning started very early and hungry, and little satisfied with our night's
rest. Travelled all day very briskly, and at night encamped in a miserable situa^
tion. Here we killed a dog, and we made a very great feast without either bread
or salt, we having been 4 or 5 days without any provisions, and we went to sleep
that night a little better satisfied. Our distress was so great that dollars were
offered for bits of bread as big as the palm of one's hand." — Ware's Journal.
Judge John Joseph Henry, of Pennsylvania, was a private in Smith's company
of riflemen, and in 1812 his account of the hardships and sufferings of the Expedition
against Quebec was published. Under date Nov. 2, he says, "Came up with
some of Thayer's and Topham's men. Coming to their fire, they gave me
a cup of their broth. A table-spoonful was all that was tasted. It had a greenish
hue, and was said to be that of a bear. This was instantly known to be untrue,
from the taste and smell. It was that of a dog. He was a large, black Newfound
land dog, and very fat."— [Note to Ware's Journal.] The aforenamed dog belonged
to Captain Dearborn, and though a great favorite, was given up and killed to appease
the cravings of hunger. "They ate every part of him, not excepting his entrails;
and after finishing their meal, they collected the bones and carried them to be
pounded up, aud to make broth for another meal. There was but one other dog
with the detachment. It was small, and had been privately killed and eaten. Old
Moose-hide breeches were boiled, and then broiled on the coals and eaten. A bar
ber's powder bag made a soup in the course of the last three or four days before we
reached the first settlements in Canada. Many men died of fatigue and hunger
frequently four or five minutes after making their last effort and sitting down."—
Letter from Gen. Dearborn in Allen's Biog. Die.

16 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL, [1775.
creature for them to feed on. He inform'd us of killing one
about 9 miles further for Col. Greene and the men with him,
to whom we repli'd we would suffer contentedly thus far as we
had done for the 2 foregoing Days, and expect'd to get some
thing from the foregoing party whom we met about 4 o'clock,
devouring with avidity a calf that was between 3 and 4 months
gone, and that was taken from the cow that was kill'd a little
further [on] of which we fortunately got some, and satisfied
with eagerness our drooping stomachs ;* after which we sat out
and pass'd three pair of Falls, went one mile and Encamp'd.
Came to an Indian's hut, and being hungry we call'd for
victuals ; had none but some few Potatoes, for 8 of which he
charged us 2 pistareens.f
Nov. 4. Proceeded and came to a River which we forded,
and got over without any accidents. Save only myself, when
stepping from the last stone to the latid, accidentally slipp'd and
fell on the broad of my back, on which occasion I suffer'd
exceedingly, having my clothes frozen to my back, and a march
of 5 miles before I could get to any house to warm myself, which

*" Nov.2d. This morning when we arose many of us were so weak that we
could hardly stand, and we staggered about like drunken men. However, we made
shift to get our packs on, and marched off, hoping to see some inhabitants this
night. A small stick across the road was sufficient to bring the stoutest to the
ground. In the evening we came in sight of the cattle coming up the river side,
which were sent by Col. Arnold, who got in two days before. It was the joyfullest
that I ever beheld, and some could not refrain from crying for joy. We were
told by the men who came with the cattle that we were yet twenty miles from the
nearest inhabitants. Here we killed a creature, and we had some coarse fiour served
out, straws in it an inch long. Here we made a noble feast, and some of the men
were so hungry, before the creature was dead, the hide and flesh were on the fire
broiling."— Ware's Journal.
" We proceeded till towards mid day, the pale and meagre looks of my compan
ions, tottering on their feeble limbs, corresponding with my own. Slipshod and
tired, I sat down on the end of a log, against which the fire was built, absolutely
fainting with hunger and fatigue." — Henry.
" Our greatest luxuries now consisted in a little water, stiffened with flour, in
imitation of shoemakers' paste, which was christened with the name of Lillip-n.
Several had been entirely destitute of either meat or bread for many days." —
Senter's Journal.
t" At this period several died, and many sickened by excessive indulgence foUow
ing so suddenly in their previous famine. At this place the army was joined by
an Indian named Natanis, and his brother Sabatis, and seventeen other Indians, who
proceeded with them. Natanis had been represented to Arnold as a spy, and orders

1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 17
however ha]Dpen'd to be below the falls, where we got a little
repast and paid very dear for it.*
Nov. 6. — Proceeded, and reach'd another house, where pro
visions were procured for the troops. We bought fowls [and]
refresh'd ourselves. The people were civil, but mighty extrava
gant with what they have to sell.f
Nov. 6. — Being in great want of spirits, we happen'd on [a]
man that lived with the Indians whom we ask'd if he could
procure us any, to which he answer'd yes, and got 10 of us 1
gallon of very Bad New England Rum, for which we were
obliged to pay 10 pistareens.
Nov. 7. — Col. Greene, being one of 10, order'd Capt. Topham
and myself to remain there 3 Days, in order to bring up the
men in the rear, and push off from thence to St. Mary's ; again
from thence I was sent back to Sartigan by Col. Arnold, in
order to hire Boats to bring up the invalids. We were well
treated. The troops were provided for. Even the minister
was generous eno' to let us have all he could spare. Tiiis place
is well settled, and is good land all to the back mountains, which
are somewhat poor.
Nov. 8. — Major Meigs met me at St. Marys with the 96
invalids, in order to purchase canoes to help them off', which
we perform'd, and bought 20. Then Major Meigs left me,
whom I never saw since, J and had to carry them 30 miles on

had been given to take him, dead or alive. They had now reason to consider him
a friend. He was wounded in the attack on Quebec, and taken prisoner, but soon
released. This is said to be the first employment of the Indians against the English
iu the Revolution."— iVoie on Ware's Journal, Gen. Reg. Vol. VI., p. 143.
[See Appendix F.]
*"Nov. 4. In the morning continued our march. At 11 o'clock arrived at a French
house, and was hospitably used. This is the first house I saw for 31 days, having
been that time in a rough, barren, uninhabited wilderness, where we never saw hu
man being, except our own men. Immediately after our arrival we were supplied
with fresh beef, fowls, butter, pheasants and vegetables. This settlement is called
Sertigan. It lies 25 leagues from Quebec."— jifejffs.
tiVou. 5. " Continued our march down the river. The people very hospitable,
provisions plenty but very dear, milk one shilling sterling per quart, and bread a
shilling per loaf, weighing no more than 3 pounds. Came this day twelve miles."
— Ware's Journal.
^Meaning during the march.
3

18 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1775.
our Backs, 4* men under each canoe to Point Levi, going 12
miles without meeting an house, then 15 more, and staid at St.
Mary's Parish at a house near the Chapel of the same name.
There we dined, and set out again for Point Levi, where we
arrived about 8 o'clock. There met Col. Arnold and our vol
unteers all in good spirits.
Nov. 9. — This Day the Hunter, Sloop of War, sent her Boat
on shore for some oars. We saw them and fir'd on them.
They put off in confusion, and Mr. McKenzie, a Midshipman,
who was taken and brought to Head Quarters, tried to swim
off, but an Indian went in after him and brought him out. He
strictly adher'd to the old doctrine of War, viz., not to discover
their weakness. He is but a youth of about 15 years of age, a
genteel well behaved young lad.
Nov. 10. — ^Remain'd, getting some Provisions, &c. We were
obliged to purchase some Canoes to cross the St. Lawrence,
because the enemy having timely notice of our approaching,
order'd them to be destroy'd or taken away, in order to obstruct
our proceedings, on which occasion Capt. Topham and Company
was order'd, if possible, to secure them from the Enemy and
procure some others for convenience. The Enemy had then a
Sloop of War in the River, the property of Simeon Pease, of
Rhode Island, and of James Frost, of the same place, who com
manded her.
Nov. 11. — Capt. Hanchet took 6 smiths to make spears.
Canoes, and hooks for Ladders. Lieut. Savage with a number
of carpenters, went and made Ladders for scaling ye Walls of
Quebec. Nov. 12. — Capt. Hanchet returned. The same night a coun
cil of war was held, whether we were to attack or not after
crossing, being carried in the negative, to the mortification of
the opposite party, being informed of they having no cannon
mounted, cartridges made, and even the Gates of the City open.
Col. Greene, Arnold & the Rhode Island, with some other offi
cers, were for the attack.
Nov. 13. — Continued making Ladders ; receiv'd some favor
able accounts from Gen. Montgomery. In the afternoon a
*16 remaining men not able to do duty.

1775.] CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. 19
council of War was held, wherein it was resolved to cross the
River at night, which Capt. Topham and I done, but could not
then bring the whole party over ; however We brought the
remainder over the second attempt, tho' mighty difficult on
account of the Enemy lying await of us in the River.* The
Hunter's Boat rowing down was hail'd by Col. Arnold, myself
and 4 more. But on her not coming too, we fir'd at her, and
perceived by ye screaming and dismal lamentations of the crew
that there were some of them kill'd or wounded.
Nov. 14. — A boat came to Wolfe's Cove with a Carpenter
& 4 men who were taken by Lieut. Webb. They were un-
arm'd, and bound up the River for some timber belonging to
Government that lay in the Cove. They were carried to Head
Quarters. One of them was a Swiss, of whom we got some
inteUigence ; the others wSre Canadians. The Enemies sallied
out and surpris'd one of our sentries, whereon we immediately
turn'd out our men and march'd within 80 Rods of the walls,
giving 3 Huzzas, and marching in such a manner that they
could not discover our numbers. They fir'd some Cannon at
us. But to no Effect.
Nov. 15. — This Day busy in getting our men in order and
regulating Guards and other Duties. The French seem for the
most part in our favor. There are some lurking about our
Camp whom we suspect, But don't like to take them for fear of
aggravating the minds of the People. Last night the English
troops set Fire to some part of St. John's.f
*"Nov. 13. In the evening crossed St. Lawrence at the mill above Point Levi, and
landed at Wolfe's Cove. I went back twice to fetch over the people, and staid till
day. The town was alarmed by our Colonel firing at a boat in the river. We
went to Major Caldwell's house, about two miles from the city, where we were
quartered; a whole company having only one small room.."— Melvin. "We began to
embark our men on board 35 canoes, and at 4 o'clock in the morning we got over
and landed about 500 men, entirely undiscovered, although two menof-war were
stationed to prevent us."— Meigs.
t " On the 15th one of Morgan's lieutenants, with a party, reconnoitered the
walls. Henry states that Arnold had only 350 effective men. Lt. Gov. Caldwell's
well furnished farm house in the suburbs was occupied by the troops. Arnold
formed his line without musket range in front of the walls, and kept them in posi
tion, while a thirty-six pounder of the enemy's opened upon them, and which they
answered by huzzas. Henry relates that this caused much dissatisfaction in those
who thought the conduct of Arnold sprung from a vain desire to parade his power

20 CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. [1775.
Nov. 16. — We march'd our men in order to take some live
stock belonging to Government. We post'd near St. John's,
But finding none, except a few Yearlings and an old Cow, we
left a strong guard to cut off the communication with the City
and returned.
Nov. 17. — Relieved guards and took two Gentlemen who
were Capt's of the Militia in Quebec. They had been out to
see what Interest they could make in the country. This Morn
ing an Express arrived from Brig. Gen. Montgomery with some
agreeable news.
Nov. 18. — This Day being relieving guards at the nunnery,
Sergt. Dixon had his leg shot off by a 12 pounder, and after
having it cut off, he expired in the agonies he partly went
through.* Nov. 19. — Relieved guards as usual ; then, by desire of Col.
Arnold, I went and got 4 Boats along the shore, after which I
cross'd the river in order to bring Back some invalids that were
left behind ; in the meantime they holding a council of war, [it]
was resolved witliout my knowledge, as being then on the other
side, to decamp, having understood that the Enemy was inform'd
of their situation, which on my return I found them to my
before those who had formerly contemned him as a " horse jockey," — for Arnold
had in previous years traded with the inhabitants, in horses. This parade gave
Henry " a contemptible opinion of Arnold." Gordon, the historian, applauds the
manoeuvre. Amwell, the British historian, says their commander killed several.
Henry says, all the blood spilt that day flowed from Gov, Caldwell's fattened
cattle." — Note on Ware's Journal, Gen. Reg. Vol. VI.,p. 143.
"Nov. 15. The commanding officer this day sent into the town a flag, concluding
that the firing on our flag yesterday was through mistake; but he was treated in
the same manner as yesterday, on which he returned." — Meigs.
*This was the first blood shed before Quebec. The casualty occurred on the 16th.
Sergeant DixO!i was from West Hanover, Dauphin Co., Pennsylvania, where he
possessed a good estate. He held his warrant in one of the rifle companies, prob
ably Smith's. After receiving the fatal shot, " he was conveyed upon a litter to
the house of an English gentleman, about a mile off. An amputation took place 
a tetanus followed, which, about nine o'clock of the ensuing day, ended in the
dissolution of this honorable citizen and soldier. An anecdote of him is well worthy
of record, showing, as it does, his patriotic character. The lady of the house where
he was taken, though not approving of the principles or actions of the Americans,
was nevertheless very attentive to Dixon, and presented him with a cup of tea
which he declined, saying, " No, madam, I cannot take it; it is the ruin of my
country." Uttering this noble sentiment, he died, sincerely lamented by every one
who had the opportunity of knowing bis virtues." — Henry.

1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 21
great surprise marching off. We hear likewise that they were
to sally out upon us, with seven field Pieces, at which time
there was a Frigate that sail'd up the River, which made us
suspect the report to be true. About 3 o'clock in the morning
set out for Point-au-Tremble.
Nov. 20. — An express arrived from Genl. Montgomery with
ac'ts that Genl. Carleton quitted Montreal to go to Quebec,
which he determines to hold out at all events.
Nov. 21. — Sent an Express to Genl. Montgomery ; Besides
sent a man over the River, to stop the men that were there.^
It freezes smartly. Our men are brought to a distress'd situa
tion, deficient of all necessaries, and obliged to hard Duty.
Numbers of the men are working at moccasins, but the leather
proves to be of a bad quality.
Nov. 22. — The Express we sent to Genl. Montgomery re
turned with letters from him. We set a guard of two Lieuts.
and 40 men over a river and a Bridge between us and Quebec.
A man belonging to Capt. Topham's company who was suppos'd
to be starv'd to death, return'd and inform'd us that he and one
Onley Hart kept together for some time, both sick and wading
through the rivers. After being 6 days from the height of
Land, Hart was seized by the cramp and expired shortly after.
Burdeen and 5 Rifiemen left him dead, and shortly after met
another ; then espied a horse that stray'd away from the man
that brought us provisions, which they shot, and eat heartily of
the flesh for 3 or 4 Days, with 7 or 8 more that came up ; by
which means they fortunately escaped the dismal pangs of Death,
which they partly endur'd for 7 Days before, not having any
sort of nourishment but Roots and black birch bark, which they
boil'd and Drank. He inform'd us of a man aud wife, belonging
to the Battalion of Riflemen being Dead, with 12 more. But
the woman return'd about 6 weeks afterwards, and left her hus
band in the last agonies.* When reflecting on the dismal marches
* Judge Henry speaks of two women, the wives of soldiers attached to the
division of the army to which he belonged. Their names deserve preservation for
the admiration of posterity. " One was the wife of Sergeant Grier, a large, virtuous
and respectable woman." The other was the wife of - private soldier named
Warner. Judge H. says, in reference to their march through the wet country near
Megantic Lake, " Entering the ponds, and breaking the ice here and there with the

22 CAPTAIN THAYER'S JOURNAL. [1775.
and the famish'd situation of our troops, it is wonderful how we
are able to endure the hardships, with such undaunted courage
and steadfastness ; and were the Cambridge officers to review
our men at present, they certainly would sooner prefer the Hos
pital for them than the field, tho' recruiting fast, and am willing
to think, if once cloth'd and refresh'd a little, would be as eager
as ever, tho' many having their constitutions Racked, are in
such a condition as never to be capable of enduring half what
they have done hitherto. This Place is called Point-au-Tremble.
The church is dedicated to St. Nicholas. Two of our Volunteers
began this Day their journey homeward.
Nov. 23. — Col. Arnold call'd a council of War, to choose a
committee to examine into the conduct of Col. Enos and his
detachment, Nov. 24. — Had intelligence of 4 arm'd vessels beating up the
River from Quebec. A Canoe and a Sergeant with 6 men
were dispatch'd to Gen'l Montgomery with intelligence, who
was coming to join us with the troops under his command.
Nov. 25. — The Hunter Sloop of War, in conjunction with a
Brig and a Schooner, hove in sight and came too off Point-au-
Tremble. Nov. 26. — This Day the above Vessels stood up the River, in
order to obstruct Gen'l Montgomery and his party from coming
down. Seven or eight masters of Vessels that came from Que
bec brought a proclamation of Gen'l Carleton, the purport of
which was as follows : that Every man who would not take up
arms and defend the city should be proclaim'd as traitors to their
country, and be obliged to depart in 4 Days the district of Que
bec, and have their Goods confiscated and their persons liable to
the Law. The sailors were oblig'd to [do] soldier's dutv on
shore.

butts of our guns and feet, we were soon waist deep in mud and water. As is generally
the case with youths, it came to my mind that a better path might be found than that
of the more elderly guide. Attempting this, the water in a trice cooling my arm
pits, made me gladly return in the file. Now Mrs. Grier had got before me. My
mind was humbled, yet astonished, at the exertions of this good woman. Her
clothes more than waist high, she waded on before me to firm ground. No one,
so long as she was known to us, dared to intimate a disrespectful idea of her,"

1775.] CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. 23
Nov. 27. — Our Detachment was order'd to hold themselves
in readiness to march at a moment's warning. Last [night]
Lieut. Brown was detach'd on some Business and return'd this
morning with 4 Cows, 4 Calves, 2 Horses, and a Calash belong
ing to the Enemy.
Nov. 28. — Capt. Goodrich with 2 subalterns, 4 Sergeants and
64 men, were detach'd to meet Gen. Montgomery's advanced
guard with necessary stores, &c., and to watch the Vessels ;
also Capt. Morgan with a like number of men, to go before
Quebec to watch their motions. Capt. Callwel Burnt His own
house, in order that we might not have the satisfaction to quarter
in it, as we had done before, a poor malice tending to his own
disadvantage. Nov. 29. — Snows hard. Major Callwel's clerk was taken
Prisoner, and confirms the foremention'd intelligence.
Nov. 30. — Continued snowing. The 3 vessels that went from
Quebec came down the River again, much to our satisfaction.
Deo, 1. — Intelligence of Gen. Montgomery's sailing down the
River with 5 Vessels, [which] had 15 Barrels of Powder and
2 Boxes of Lead.
Dec, 2. — This Day a Detachment was commanded to go
down to Celer's, within a league of Quebec, under command of
Capt. Hanchet, to carry down the Cannon, artillery, stores,
and some provisions, in three Batteaux, which he abruptly re-
fus'd, alleging the Danger of such an undertaking to be too
imminent ; upon which Col. Arnold sent for Capt. Topham and
myself, enraged at the refusal of the Connecticut officer, swore
he would arrest him, and desir'd it as a favor of one of us to
perform the said command, which we eagerly accepted, and
turning " head or tail," it happen'd to fall to my lot, equally to
my satisfaction, and vexation of Capt. Topham, who was alwavs
ready to Encounter the greatest Dangers.* I marched down
*"2)ec. 2. In the morning I assisted in sending down our field artillery by land.
The large cannon are ordered down in battoes, which, when landed, the battoes
are to go to Point Levi for the scaling ladders." — Meigs.
" We retraced the route from Quebec. A snow had fallen during the night, and
continued falling. To march on this snow was a most fatiguing business. By this
time we had generally furnished ourselves with seal-skin moccasins, which are
large, and according to the usage of the country, stuffed with hay or leaves, to keep

24 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1775.
to the nunnery, went on board the vessel, and lodg'd. This
Day Capt. Ogden arrived with stores of all kinds for the soldiers.
Genl: Montgomery hove in sight; at 9 o'clock came into Point-
au-Tremble. March'd our men to receive him at the shore.
He received us politely. He is a genteel appearing man, tall
and slender of make, bald on the Top of his head, resolute
[word unintelligible] and mild, of an agreeable temper, and a
virtuous General.
J)ec. 3. — Orders were given to distribute Clothes to the sol
diers. I went with the Batteaux which we loaded ; the tide
serving, towards the evening we cut through the ice for \ mile,
and row'd down 18 miles in the night time, being so cold that
we strove with the utmost Eagerness to Row, in order to keep
ourselves from being frozen with cold until we reach'd Celer's.
Besides, such a prodigious snow-storm rais'd that we separated,
and could not come up with each other until I order'd some
guns to be fir'd, by the flashing of which with the utmost difB
culty we rejoined, and immediately making for the shore. The
Batteaux being heavy and quite frozen, got on the Ground
amongst Rocks, and the men being very impatient and not will
ing to remain there long, jump'd into the river, being up to
their armpits in the water, and with the utmost difBculty reach'd
the shore, from whence they brought some horses in order to ena
ble me and the remainder to reach it with much less difficulty.*
Dec. 4. — This morning we landed our guns, &c., and tarried
there 3 Days in a most disagreeable situation, until relieved the
9th Day by the York line, detaining such as pass'd, for fear of
bringing intelligence to the Enemy, who were within 3 miles of
us at St. Roques. This Day the detachment rec'd orders for

the feet dry and warm. Every step taken in the dry snow, the moccasin having no
raised heel to support the position of the foot, it slipped back, and thus produced
great weariness. On this march the use of the snow-shoe was very obvious, but we
were destitute of that article. The evening brought up the riflemen at an extensive
house in the parish of St. Foix, about three miles from Quebec. It was inhabited by
tenants. We took possession of a front parlor on the left, Morgan one on the right,
Hendricks a back apartment, and the soldiery in the upper parts of the house, and
some warm out buildings." — Henry.
*"I>ec. M. Major Brown arrived from Sorel. The soldiers drawing their cloth
ing."— ilfcigs. [See Appendix G. for biographical sketches of officers.]

1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 25
marching to visit Quebec once more.*
Dec. 5. — Fair, though cold weather.
" 6. — Two companies were sent to Beauport to watch the
motions of the enemy. Capt's Duggen and Smith took a Ves
sel and 6 men loaded with Provisions and small stock, besides
382 Dollars belonging to Government.
Dec. 7 ^ 8. — Busied in regulating Guards and Quartering
our men. Order'd three Companies to march forward, amongst
whom was the Connecticut oflficer Hanchet, but abruptly refus'd,
alleging his usual allegations of being too Dangerous, as being
for the matter of half a mile expos'd to the Cannon of the enemy,
on which denial Col. Arnold sent for Capts. Topham, Hurlbert
and myself, to which we consented, and were expos'd for 3
weeks to the most imminent Danger, instances of which I will
let the curious reader know some. Being one morning alarm'd
by the continual firing of the Enemy on our quarters, Capt.
Topham and myself rising out of Bed had several Balls fir'd
through our lodgings ; one particularly went through our bed,
and pass'd midway between him and myself, without any hurt,
and clear'd quite through the other end of our Room, to our
astonishment. Brought 2 Field Pieces to Col. Arnold's Head
Quarters. Dec. 9. — Prepar'd for erecting a Battery. Drafted 100 men
for fatigue, 100 to cover the Mortars, and 20 for an advanced
guard. Dec. 10. — This Day as soon as the Enemy perceiv'd our Bat
tery, made a continual firing all day, throwing some shells. But
to no Effect.

*" General orders for all to decamp, and I hired a Frenchman with his charrioU,
and proceeded to St. Foys, from thence to St. Charles, and took lodgings at Mr.
Burrough's. Dec. 5th. — I had now orders to take possession of the General Hospi
tal for the reception of our sick and wounded. This was an elegant building, situate
upon St. Charles river, half a mile from St. Roque's gate. A chapel, nunnery, and
hospital were all under one roof. This building was every way flt for the purpose,
a fine spacious ward, capable of containing fifty patients, with one fire-place, stoves
&c. The number of sick was not very considerable at this time; however, they
soon grew more numerous. The Hospital being in an advanced part of the army,
I did not think it expedient to assume a residence therein as yet. In consequence
of which I was obliged to visit it daily in open view of the enemy's walls, who
seldom failed to give me a few shots every time."— Dr. Senter's Journal.
4

26 CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. [1775,
Dee. 12. — We fir'd a few Shots from our Battery.
" 13.— Furnish'd our men with 26 Rounds of Cartridges.
" 14. — Fir'd a Ball through our Breastwork, which kill'd
two men and wounded 5.
Dec. 15.— We fir'd Briskly on the Town all Day.*
" 16. — There was a Brisk Cannonading on both sides,
which obliged Col. Arnold to Quit his Quarters ; had one man
kill'd. A council of war being held, resolv'd to storm the Town.
Deo. 17. — A return was made of what Arms our men had.
" 18. — A General return was made for all the arms and
ammunition wanting in our detachment.
Dec. 19. — Busied in delivering arms and ammunition to our
men. Dec. 20. — On the same Business.
" 21. — Nothing worth mentioning.!
" 24. — Busied in making Ciartouches.^
" 25. — Every Capt. of our Detachment had orders to
march his Company to Mr. Desvin's, to be reviewed by Genl.
Montgomery. Dee. 26. — Nothing remarkable.
" 27. — Stormy weather. The men were order'd to hold
themselves in readiness to storm the Town at the shortest notice.
About 12 at night, the army being divided according to the
plan the Gen'l had laid, the Capts. Smith, Topham, Hendrick
*I>ec. 15. " At the dawn of day our battery opened upon them, in which was
mounted five guns, none larger than 12 s. The enemy soon followed suit, and the
fire and re-fire was almost incessant for several hours. In the afternoon a flag of
truce attempted to go in, but was ordered back immediately, or be fired upon." —
Senter's Journal.
Dec. 16. " Cannonade from both sides, not so severe as yesterday. A brave
soldier by the name of Morgan received a grape shot under the lower edge of the
left scapula, close to the uxila, and went obliquely through both lobes of the lungs.
Walked more than a mile, with the assistance of a messmate, into the Hospital.
A superficial dressing was all that could be done, as violent henoptoi ensued; con
cluded his residence was not long." — Senter's Journal.
t" Dec 22. Preparation is making, and things seem ripening fast for the assault
upon the works of Quebec. The blessing of heaven attend the enterprise. This
evening is celebrated as the anniversary of a happy event or circumstance in my
life."-J

t" Dec. 24. I was on a general Court-martial. Our chaplain, [Rev. Samuel
Spring,] preached a sermon in the General Hospital, which is exceedingly elegant
inside, and richly decorated with carvings and gilt vtoik."— Meigs .

1775.] CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. 27
and myself were to attack the upper town under Gen. Mont
gomery, whilst the other party would make feint attack on the
lower town, under Col. Greene. But the Darkness of the
weather not answering to the General's expectations, was de
tained ; but [he] favourably countenanc'd our undaunt'd courage,
and said he was exceeding sorry to have stopp'd the career of
so Brave men in the expectations they entertain'd in the ensuing
occasion ; but hoped a more favorable moment should shortly
answer, in which he was willing to sacrifice his Life in adding
by any means to the honor of his Brother soldiers and country ;
But then saw not only the impossibility of his most earnest de
sires. But likewise the unhappy fate that should succeed the
attempt, begging of them in the meantime not to be the least
dismay'd or dishearten'd ; that the few moments they had to
draw back were only a true source to add more lustre and Glory
to their undertakings; adding that, being then their Gen'l and com
mon leader, if rushing into the imminent and inevitable Danger he
foresaw, [he] was not only answerable to his country, but likewise
to his merciful Creator, for the lives of his fellow soldiers, in rashly
exposing them to ye merciless rage of their common Enemies.
Dec. 28. — Some of the soldiers took 4 men that refus'd to
turn out, and led them from place to place with Halters round
their necks, exposing them to the ridicule of the soldiers, as a
punishment Due to their effeminate courage, who, after suffering
in their fatigues to a degree of spirit not as yet known to be equal'd,
timorously withdrew from the Laurels they were ready to gather.
Dec. 29. — A number of shells were thrown into the town.
A file of men were sent into one Drummond's Still House to
take a man that was suspect'd of giving intelligence to the
Enemy, of whom one was wounded in bringing him off". Capt.
Duggen took another, who carried on for some time a corres
pondence with the Enemy.
Dec. 30. — The Enemy kept up a smart fire all day on St.
Roques, but Done little or no Damage. This Evening rec'd
orders that the General determin'd to storm the city this night,
ordering our men to get their arms in readiness.* It was very
*The entry here commenced on the 30th, was probably completed the next day,
without prefixing the proper date.

28 CAPTAIN THAYER'S JOURNAL. [1775.
dark, and snowed. The plan was as follows : Genl. Montgom
ery, with the York forces. Was to proceed around Cape Diamond
and make his attack there. Col. Livingston, with a party of
Canadians, to make a false attack on the same, and on St. John's
Gate. An advanced party of 25 men to go to Drummond's
wharf. Col. Arnold's detachment to attack the lower town in
the following manner : Capt. Morgan's company in the front,
with Col. Arnold and Lieut. Col. Greene ; then Capt. Lamb's
company with one field piece ; then Capt. Dearborn's, Capt.
Topham's and mine, and Ward's, Bigelow's in the centre, then
Capt. Smith's, Hendricks', Goodrich's, Hubbard's, and Major
Meigs' in the Rear.* We were to receive the signal by the
firing of three sky-rockets to attack, but not observing them soon
eno', Capt. Dearborn's company, on acct. of being Quartered
over Charles' river, and the tide being high, did not come up,
and march'd on without him, imagining he would soon over
take us. They fir'd briskly upon us as we pass'd the street for
the space of half a mile, killing and wounding numbers of our
men, of whom was Capt. Hubbard, who died shortly after in
the hospital of Quebec.
The front having got lost by a prodigious snow storm, I
undertook to pilot them, having measur'd the works before, and
knowing the place. But coming to the Barrier, two field pieces
played briskly on us that were placed there. But on their
drawing them back to re-charge, Capt. Morgan and myself
Quickly advanced through the Ports, seized them with 60 men
rank and file, which was their main guard, and made Prisoners. f
*Capt. Lamb's company were York artillerists. Morgan's were the celebrated
Virginia Rangers. Smith's and Hendricks' were from Lancaster and Cumberland
counties, Pennsylvania. Henry thus describes their dress : "Each man of the
three companies bore a n&e barreled gun, a tomahawk, or small axe, and a long
knife, usually called a scalping knife, which served for all purposes in the woods.
His under-dress, by no means in a military style, was covered by a deep ash-colored
hunting-shirt, leggins, and mocassins, if the latter could be procured. It was a silly
fashion of those times for riflemen to ape the manners of savages." " The Cana
dians who first saw these [men] emerge from the woods, said they were vetu en toile
—clothed in linen. The word toile was changed to tole, iron plate. By a mistake
of a single word the fears of the people were greatly increased, for the news spread
that the mysterious army that descended from the wilderness was clad in sTieet iron.''
—Lossing's Field Book I. p. 195.
tSee Appendix H.

1775.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 29
Immediately afterwards, advancing towards a Picket, that lay
further up the street, where there was a company of the most
responsible citizens of Quebec, found their Capt. Drunk, took
them likewise Prisoners, and taking their dry arms for our own
use, and laying ours up in order to dry them, being wet, and
advancing, by which time our whole party got into the first
Barrier. We rallied our men, and strove to scale the second.
Notwithstanding their utmost efforts, we got some of our ladders
up, but were obhg'd to retreat, our arms being wet, and scarcely
one in ten would fire ; whereon some did retreat back to the
first Barrier we had taken, and when we came there we found
we could not retreat without exposing ourselves to the most
imminent Dangers.
We had kill'd in our detachment Capt. Hendricks, Lieut.
Cooper & Lieut. Humphreys, with a number of Privates,
and in Genl. Montgomery's party there was kill'd the Brave
and much to be lamented Genl. Montgomery,* and his aid-de
camp McPberson, Capt. Cheeseman, and some Privates. Col.
Campbell then took the command, and order'd a retreat, so that
the force of the Garrison came upon us. Capt. Lamb was
wounded. There was no possibility of retreating, and they
promising us good quarters, we surrender'd. Col. Arnold being
wounded in the beginning of the action, was carried to the
General Hospital. The number of us that did not retreat,
amongst whom Were Col. Greene, Capt. Morgan, and a num
ber of other ofiicers and myself, with a number of Privates, after
passing the fi,rst Barrier, having been for upwards of 4 hours
victorious of the Lower town, in fact, and had about 130 prison
ers in our possession, fell unhappily the victims of them that a
little while before felt the same dismal fate with ourselves, which
thinking were the only [ones,] But to our great surprise, on
our coming into the upper town as prisoners, we found Capt.
Dearborn and company, who miss'd his way and advanced to
the palace gate, unfortunately, and to our astonishment, felt the
same fate 4 hours before.
*" A drunken sailor returned to his gun, swearing he would not forsake it while
undischarged. This fact is related from the testimony of the guard on the morning
of our capture, some of those sailors being our guard. Applying the match, this
single discharge deprived us of our excellent commander." — Henry.

30 CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. [1775.
It is much to be lamented the sad exit of this brave volunteer
djtachment, who, exposing their lives in the Common Cause of
their Country, marching thro' wildernesses, sometimes the
Tempest summoning all the forces of the air, and pouring itself
from the angry north, now scaling the rolling mountains. Shoot
ing with impetuosity into the yawning gulfs, struggling thro'
the forest boughs frightful eno' to terrify the most savage nations.
Now the inhabitants of the forest forsake their Dens ; a thousand
grim forms, a thousand growling monsters pace the Dessert,
Death in their jaM^s, while stung with hunger and a thirst for
blood. In this situation, we trembling with cold and famish'd
nerves, we reach deserts not less terrifying than those we past.
The more we advance, the fewer we are in number, for the
strength of our Limbs was hardly able to support the weakness
of our Body. Nay, even in this situation, some of our party
who were not willing to expose themselves further. Earnestly
wish'd we would return home with them. But no, we despised
their temerity and effeminate courage, and proceeded for our
destined place, contrary to their expectations, where at length
we arrived, promising ourselves shortly the fruits of our Labor ;
But, alas, fell the victims of merciless misery. Let us consider
what doleful recompence ; instead of being regaled with the
fruits of unwearied labor, we imagine our houses ransack'd, and
our Villages plundered. , We might behold our cities encom-
pass'd with armies, and our fruitful fields cloth'd with desolation,
or have been more frightfully shock'd at the images of slaughter
instead of peace, with her imperial scale securing oui- goods, and
the cheering olives sheltering our abodes, persecution brandish
ing her sword, and slavery clanking her chains. But then we
suffer'd, promising ourselves after some time the agreeable hopes
of victory, wishing an overthrow of the united forces of intestine
treason and foreign invasion, which finally happen'd, and pours
joy through the present age, and will transmit its influence to
generations yet unborn. Are not all the blessings that can
endear society or render life itself desirable, center'd in our
present constitution ? And were they all not struck at by that
impious and horrid blow meditated by our friends and relatives
in our Mother country, and seconded by factious spirits at home ?

1776.] CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. 31
Who, then, can be sufficiently thankful for the gracious inter
position of Providence, which has not only averted the impend
ing ruin, but turn'd it with aggravating confusion on the authors
of our troubles.
Liberty, that Dearest of names, and property, the best of
Charters, gave an additional desire to extirpate the malignant
root of Arbitrary power. But supposing the reverse should
have befallen us, how could we expect a mitigation of their
severity, or the tender mercies of a self thought injured King to
have been less merciful. Besides, where should have been the
encouragement to cultivate our little portion, or what pleasure
could arise from an improved spot, if both the one and the other
lay every moment at the mercy of lawless power. This embit
tering circumstance would spoil their relish, and, by rendering
them a precarious, would render them a joyless acquisition. In
vain might the vine spread her purple clusters, in vain be lavish
of her generous juices, if tyranny, like a ravenous Harpy, should
be always hovering over the bowl, and ready to snatch it from
the lip of industry.
Jan. 1, 1776. — The officers that were taken with myself at Que
bec, viz., Lieut. Col. Greene ; Majors Bigelow and Meigs; Capts.
Morgan, Goodrich, Lockwood, Oswald, Topham, Thayre, Ward,
Dearborn, Lamb, Hanchet & Hubbard, who died of his wounds ;
Adjutant Steele, Volunteers Duncan, McGuire and Porterfield,
Lieuts. Heath, O'Brian, Savage, Compston, Brown, Gisdale,*
Clark, Humphrey, Webb, Slocum, Shaw, Andrews, Hutchins,
Thomas & Nichols, Lieut. McDougall ; Adjutant Nebegry, &
Chattin, Quartermaster, were altogether imprisoned on the first
of January, being a bad method to begin the new year. How
ever, there was nothing to be done but strive to content ourselves
as well as time and place afforded us.f
*Written Tisdale in the list of officers.
t " January ye 1st, 1776. We had a straw bed between two, and a blanket each mani
served us. — Melvin. Our allowance of provisions is one pound of bread, and a.
half pound of pork, and one gill of rice for a day, and 6 oz. of butter for a week. —
2d. In prison. This day we had a cask of porter sent us by some gentlemen of the
town." — Ware's Journal. "Henry says that the merchants obtained General Carle-
ton's leave to make them [the prisoners] a New Year's present. It was a large
butt of porter, with a due quantity of bread and cheese. They shared more than a
pint a man 1" — Note on Ware's Journal.

32 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1776.
Jan. 2. — Major Meigs was allow'd to go out on his parole
and get our Baggage, and to return on Friday. We were
visited by the officers of the Garrison.
Jan. 3. — By consent of the General, Doct. Bullen came and
Innoculated 16 of us ; 3 had it the natural way, of whom one
Died. Again visited by the officers of the garrison.
Jan^y 4. — Major Meigs return'd with the Baggage.
" 5. — We had Liberty to visit the officers that were not
innoculated, on acct. of their having it before, which made our
situation more agreeable. But could not keep a regular journal
any longer, the General having order'd us to be depriv'd of our
Pens & ink, &c.* We were lodg'd in two separate Rooms.
But on one Mr. Hutchins saying that there were a number of
our men outside, in the hearing of one of the sentries, we were
instantly oblig'd to lodge in one Room, which was very disa
greeable, as some of us were ill, besides being 36 officers of us,
and 3 boys, in a small room about 30 foot square ; thus continu
ing, having Daily a field officer to visit us.f After Capt. Lamb
return'd from the Hospital, the Barrier was alter'd further back,
and we were allow'd 2 small rooms for 12 of us to sleep in,
which prov'd exceeding satisfactory. Continuing in this Lament
able situation for some time, and seeing no hopes of relief, we
unanimously resolv'd to make our escape if possible. Accord
ingly we curried the favor of one of the sentinels, who we found
willing to, be of our party, having inform'd us of the situation of
the Garrison, the strength of our forces, and the General's name.
In consequence,^ amongst the number of officers Capt. Lockwood

*" Jan. 9. Very dark weather and snowed. Some more taken with the small pox,
and we expect it will be a general disorder, for we are very thick, jiasty and lousy.
Our living is salt pork, biscuit, rice and butter, and a sufficiency allowed if we were
not checked in our weight by one Dewey, who is appointed our quartermaster ser
geant, to deal out our provision. We have not above three oz. of pork a day, and
not half a pint of rice, and two biscuit a day."— ifetom.
t "JPefi. 16. One of our men named Parrot, put in irons for calling one of the
emigrants a tory. Our army opened a battery." — Melvin.
JUiider date March " 30th to 31st," Ware says, " Most of the prisoners consulted
together to break out of prison, to try their best to take the town." Their plan
was frrastrated by noise made while cutting away ice at the cellar door, and by one
of their number turning informer. Their room and packs were searched for arms
and ammunition, without discovering any, and the prisoners were then put in

1776.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 33
and myself were pitch'd upon to make our Escape. Accordingly
we sounded Joe, (who we shall name the above sentinel,) and
found him desirous to assist us as much as laid in his power.
He furnish'd us with clubs apiece, and answering the counter
sign, we were to pass out of the chamber window, 4 stories high,
by the means of our blankets tied together, expecting the signal
from Joe, which was to be observed by 3 claps on the breach of
his gun, and an Equal number of siffling thro' his fingers, which
was partly done for three succeeding nights, but unfortunately
hinder'd by the means of the patrols, who were continually
watching, or some others not less interesting.*
Finding, with the utmost regret, that our plan was not seem
ingly to answer our expectations, we meditated another not less
dangerous, which was as follows : By cutting off the planks
which were spik'd on the Door, we could pass to the garret
thro' a dormant window ; from thence by the means of a ladder
and a jump of about 14 foot into the yard, where we were to
meet Joe arm'd with his Gun and sufficient clubs to furnish us
with, and make towards the sentinels, who were 4 in number,
who we intended passing by the means of the countersign that
Joe had ; but then on the least suspicion were resolved that they
should not obstruct us, and push our way to the Sally Port,
from whence we were to leap about 30 foot down into the snow,
standing then about 6 foot high, and make immediately to our
own men, who were not far distant. But to our mortification,
all our intended hopes proved only false illusions. When think
ing ourselves at liberty we were the farther from it ; for on the
" strong irons." To carry out the enterprise of escape, Joseph Ashton, a sergeant
in Capt. Lamb's company, was chosen leader, with a full compliment of subordinate •
officers. Henry says, "they were divided into two detachments, one to attack the
guard house, the other the gate, when they were to turn the cannon upon the town.
They intended to make the sally by the cellar door, and the officers had planned
that the ice should be removed silently with their long knives, on the night of their
rising. One of their number escaped to the army without, and gave notice to them
to act in concert. By artifices they had procured a small supply of powder from
the sentries, for matches, &c." [See Appendix I.] The person who gave the
whole secret of the plot was an English deserter, who had joined the camp at Cam
bridge. His name was John Hall.
*"Mareh 17. The guard set over us are old Frenchmen and boys, who are very
saucy, telling us we shall be hanged; pointing their bayonets at us; threatening to
shoot ns for opening a window, or any such trifle." — Melvin.
5

34 CAPTAIN THAYEr's JOURNAL. [1776.
26th of April, all things being ready for the Event, I open'd the
door and went up to the Garret to make some necessary obser
vations. I perceived that the door open'd With difficulty, and
taking my knife to cut some more of the boards, to have it open
with less difficulty, Mr. Lockwood standing in the gangway to
notify me of any persons coming, observed the officer of the
guard advancing towards us, who was Earlier inform'd of the
fact, and finding the door open'd and ye planks unspiked, fol
lowed me into a separate room, enquiring my motive for acting
so, and who were concerned with me ; to which I replied that
there were none but myself, and that my sole motive was only
to go up to the garret to view the town and forces around it, as
being a more convenient place than any other I knew of. He
said that it was impossible for me to perform such a difficult
work without the rest, or at least some of them being privy to it.
To which I candidly answered, that I never work'd at it only
when they were out of the way; besides, the place being so
exceeding dark that they could not notice me, working Daily
and leisurely at it for two months. On which confession he
lock'd us all up together in one Room, and inform'd Col.
McLane, the commanding officer, of it, who after a short inter
val return'd, accompanied by some officers and a guard ; at
which my Brother officers and Prisoners were greatly alarm'd,
and earnestly show'd & desir'd to undergo the same fate with
myself. But I told them that it was better for one to suffer
than such a number, & that I was solely bent to undergo what
ever was allotted me, & taking my leave of them I was committed
to the care of a Capt. of the Main guard for some time, & a
little after to the care of a Captain of the Provost, who treated
me generously, from whence I was carried the ne?t morning at
9 o'clock by the guard board a schooner, carrying 9 6-pounders
& 36 men, & closely kept in the hold, both handcuffed & ironed,
lying on a plank in the turnkling of a cable, being 2^ foot frozen,,
and no more room to walk in than 2|- steps, & the deck so low
that I was obliged to keep myself always stoop'd, & my irons
being so small that my wrists were striped & swell'd ; so that
after some Days sufferings, and on my continual complaining,
the smith at length came, who was obliged to cut them and

1776.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 35
replace them with larger ones.* On the 30th, to my surprise,
Capts. Lockwood & Hanchet were detected in inquiring of Joe
some particulars concerning me & where I was, for they were
ignorant of my destiny ; & on Joe's discovering everything from
the very beginning until then, to the officer, he was sent to
England on board of a ship, & the Capts. to accompany me,
where we remain'd in the most lamentable situation until the
6th of May, in the afternoon, being the Day the fleet arrived
from England ; from whence we were sent back to our former
Prison, where we found our Brother officers in the same Situa
tion as we left them.
May 6. — Last night we heard some guns fired down the
River, and iu the morning saw a frigate coming up to Point
Levi, keeping a constant firings on which the Garrison fir'd into
the river, to let them know they were in possession of the place,
on which she came up and saluted the Garrison. About 10
o'clock a 50 Gun ship came up, Capt. Douglass commander, &
saluted ; likewise a 14 Gun sloop with some troops, who, with
those already in the fort, sallied out, and our men retreated with
such precipitation that they left their cannon, stores, ammunition,
and even the General's Coat and Dinner, behind. f In the
Evening, a small sloop went down the River with Pilots for
the fleet that is expected. A frigate and a sloop of war went
up the River to take some Vessels from our People. They took
a sloop & a Brig which our people had scuttled and left. Lieut.
McDougal & three men were taken in a schooner with 13 Bar
rels of Powder.
May 7. — Brigade Major LeMatre was sent by Genl. Carleton
to let us know that he intended henceforth to use us with as
much humanity as lay in his power, and hop'd we would make
Good use of it. We had again the Liberty to walk, in the

*" April 14. — Major McKenzie came in and took Capt. Morgan's company out of
irous."—Melvin. t" This morning 3 ships came in with a re-inforcement of about one thousand
men. All the bells in the town rang for joy most of the day. Then all the forces
in the town marched out on Abraham's Plains to have a battle with our people, but
they retreated as fast as possible, and left a number of sick in the hospital. Like
wise some of their cannon and ammunition, with a number of small arms and
packs."— TTare's Journal.

36 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1776.
passage, of which we had been debarred for some time. We
were, this afternoon. Visited by Lord Petersham & Major
Carleton. He is genteel, polite and humane. Caldwell was
expressing himself in his sneering, customary Way, mentioning
that he suffered much by our People, on which Maj. Carleton
reproved him in these words : " You should not say anything
disagreeable to them in their unfortunate situation. You must
consider us all as Brothers." He said there were numbers of
Hessians and Hanoverians coming to America.
May 8. — The remainder of the 29th Regiment and some of
the Artillery arrived. We were visited by the officers, who
enquired for the Troops that were taken at St. John's, &c.
May 9. — Were visited by some officers of the 29th regiment,
especially a very polite gentleman, a Lieut, of Grenadiers. A
small schooner came up. They have men out Daily to pick up
the sick men our people left behind. They have taken a great
number of papers, among which was an Orderly book. This
Day was taken Lieuts. Randall & Stephen McDougal on board
the schooner Mary. By the news he brings we are in hopes
things are not so bad as the people of the Garrison reported.
However, I think it is bad Enough.
May 10. — Two transports came up from Halifax with Pro
visions and part of the 47th Regiment.*
May 11. — Were visited by Col. McLane and other officers,
and were allowed to walk in the garden. Major Carleton visited
us, and said that there were 55000 men designed for America
this summer. We desir'd him to obtain liberty for our servants
to cook for us, which he promised to do.
May 12. — This day he brought us an answer that we might
walk in the garden. Two transports arrived with troops.
May 18. — We are this Day indulged more than common, and
allowed to go up stairs as often as we please. A Brig came too
off Beauport.

*"May 10. Two riflemen were taken out of jaol; we don't know on what terms.
Same day two Jersey dumpling caters were brought in; tliey were found among
the bushes, not having tried to make their escape, being too heavy laden with
dumplings and pork, having forty pounds of pork, a knapsack full of dumplings,
and a quantity of flour," — Melvin.

1776.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 37
May 14. — About 9 o'clock a broad pendant was hoisted
aboard the Isin man of war of 50 guns. Was saluted by all the
Ships in the Harbor, and returned 15 Guns. On the main top
mast head was hoisted a white pendant, and a pendant on her
ensign staff. The Garrison saluted with 15 guns. In the after
noon a frigate went down the River. At night an armed
schooner went up the River. Major Meigs went out with Doc
tor Mahon to get Mr. Monroe to supply us. He has obtained
the General's promise of going home on his parole. We have
had fair weather, except now and then a shower. The tide has
risen here from 19 to 22 feet with an easterly wind, & from 16
to 19 with a westerly. The wind in the spring blows from
eastward to northward, with showers of rain. It is very com
mon for it to rain one half hour, and suddenly clear up. They
continue to lock us up every night as yet.
May 15. — This Day we were once more allowed to use our
pens and Ink, having had none but a few pencils undiscovered,
by which means we kept our journals. Major Meigs was call'd
upon by the General, and promised to go off in a few Days to
Halifax on his way home.
May 16. — This day the Hunter Sloop of war sail'd for Eng
land with dispatches, in which went passengers Capt. Hamble-
don & Major Caldwell & his family. We had liberty to write
letters by Major Meigs, provided we wrote nothing concerning
the Garrison.
May 17. — Lieut. Born carried our letters to Col. McLane to
be examined. A small Sloop came up. Major Meigs had
liberty to walk the town until 4 o'clock. Mr. Laveris came
and informed Capt. Dearborn that he had obtained liberty for
him to go home on his parole, & that he must get ready to go
on board immediately. In the Evening they took their leave of
us, & went on board the schooner Magdalen.
May 18. — About ten o'clock they set sail for Halifax.
" 19. — Saw a Sloop of War come down, & the Commodore
came down about noon and saluted. There were a number of
officers walking in the Garden, one of them not above 15 years
of age. The Drummers of the 29tli Regiment are Blacks, &
the band wear red feathers in their hats, and look very neat.

38 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1776.
May 20. — Doctor Maben visited Mr. Porterfield, a sick vol
unteer, and told him he would endeavor to get him a parole to
go home. We were allowed two small Rooms for part to lodge
in, to our great satisfaction.
May 21. — General Carleton went up the River with 3 Vesselsj
in order if possible to drive our Army out of Canada. The
ships and Garrison saluted the General at his departure. A
Canadian told us that the 8th Regiment, which lay at Detroit,^
fort Hannicks & Swagocha, with about 500 Indians, were down
within 9 miles of Montreal, to a place called Lasheen, where
they had an engagement, — ^kill'd and wounded 150 of our men ;
to which report we can hardly give any credit.
May 22. — We were told by one Capt. McDougal that the
Virginians laid down their arms, and that there are more in the
Interest of Government than in the Interest of Liberty, which
does not seem probable. We hear that Montreal is taken.
May 27. — Some ships and transports came up, and were
order'd immediately for Montreal.
May 31. — Last night after 12 o'clock we heard the sentry
hail 3 times & fir'd, on which occasion we looked out and saw
the guard searching for the object, which we believed was no
more than conceit, or rather a trap laid by some of our Enemies,
that we might be more closely kept.
June . — 4 ships came up, the Intent of which is, as I con
ceive, to offer terms of reconcilliation M'ith the sword at the
breast of the Americans. This Army consists of Britains, Irish,
Hanoverians, Hessians, &c. Oh ! Britain, Britain, how art
thou fallen, that thou dost hire Foreigners to cut thine offspring's
throats ! 19 more ships came up. We were visited by some
Hessian officers. 6 more ships came up in the Evening. The
ships are to go up the River with the troops to give the Provin
cials battle.
June 5. — We hear that the Indians under the command of
Capt. Foster, took a number of the Provincials prisoners, and
made them promise never to take up arms against the King
again, and that they should [send] back as many of the King's
troops as there is of them in the way of exchange. They kept
several officers as hostages. They told them, with hatchet at

1776.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 39
their heads, that they would suffer immediate Death if they [did]
not comply with their promise. They bored their Ears, that
they might know them again.
June 6. — We learn that his Excellency proposed to our men
to swear allegiance to the king, and that he would send them
home. They are almost naked, and very Lousy & full of the
scurvy, many of them unable to Walk, being lame in their knees
lying so long in an unwholesome place ; all salt provisions, the
weather very cold and but little or no fire, & 30 in a Room
about 12 foot square. But were before much closer confined,
being about 6 months imprison'd, without money or friends to
assist them. But enemies continually threatening, scoffing and
abusing them, calling them Rebels, cut-throats, traitors, robbers,
murderers, and deluded fools. This was Major Caldwell's lan
guage & some others to them. They have not sworn yet, and
what they intend doing is uncertain. By what I can learn, they
must either swear or die, if they remain much longer in this
Dungeon.* *"June 5. This day General Carlton with a numberof his officers came to see us,
and enquired of us whether we had fared as well as they promised us we should
when we were taken. We told him we fared very well. He said he did not take
us as enemies, & likewise said if he could rely upon our honors, he would send us
to New England, if we would be quiet and peaceable, and not take up arms any
more. " June ye 6fft, A. D. 1776. A copy of an answer sent to Gen'l Carlton.
Mat it-please touk Excellency :
We, the prisoners in His Majesty's goals, return your Excelleney our most
happy aud unfeigned thanks for your clemency and goodness to us whilst iu impris
onment. Being sensible of your humanity, we give your Excellency thanks for
your offer made us yesterday, and having a desire to return to our friends and
families again, we promise not to take up arms against His Majesty, but remain
peaceable and quiet in our respective places of abode, and we further assure your
Excellency that you may depend on our fidelity.
So we remain your Excellency's humble servants.
Signed in behalf of the prisoners.
August ith. The General sent for all the prisoners to come in who were out in
the country at work, that were minded to go home.
5th. This day ninety-five prisoners embarked on board the ship.
Ith. This day the men all in good spirits, and embarked on board the ships.
Sixty of the prisoners on board the Mermaid.
nth. This morning the signal was given for sailing. Weighed anchor and went
down about one mile. At night weighed anchor aud went down the river thirteen
miles. The weather cold and stormy.
Sept. 6iA. We were informed by the shipmen, according to reckoning, that we
were in the latitude of PhiladelpWa, Latitude 39° North."— TFaj-c's Journal.

40 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1776.
June 7. — We addressed the General with the following Peti
tion, in order that he might grant us a Parole to go home. But
rec'd no answer as yet.
May it please your Excellency :
Impressed with a deep sense of your Excellency's humanity
and benevolence, & urged by the peculiarity of our present dis
agreeable situation, being destitute of both friends & money, we
beg leave that your Excellency will condescend to take our case
into consideration, & grant us relief by permitting us to return
to our respective homes on our Parole, which we shall ever
deem sacred, assuring your Excellency that we shall make it a
point to surrender ourselves to any of His Majesty's Officers,
when and where your Excellency may think proper to direct.
Being likewise sensibly touched with the state of our men who
remain prisoners at present, we take the liberty to recommend
them to your Excellency's consideration, earnestly soliciting
that some measures may be taken for their relief; & we should
be extremely happy if they could possibly return to their fami
lies, many of whom must be reduced to the greatest distress.
Your Excellency's compliance will be esteem'd a singular favor,
& ever greatly acknowledged by
Your Excellency's Most obedient & very
Humble servants.
[This petition is also contained in a small memorandum book
kept by Captain Thayer, and is in his hand writing. Attached
to it are the following names : The heading of the list is,
" Officers taken December 31, 1775." The names are inserted
here, though without positive evidence that they constituted a
part of the petition, e. m. s.]
Names. Ool. or Provinces. Town or County. Commissions.
Christopher Greene, Rhode Island, Warwick, Lieut. Colonel.
Timothy Bigelow, Massachusetts, Worcester, Major.
Return Jonth'n Meigs, Connecticut, Middleton, Major.
Daniel Morgan, Virginia, Frederick Co., Captain.
Will'm Goodrich, Massachusetts, G't Barrington, Captain.
Samuel Lockwood, Connecticut, Greenwich, Capt.
Eleazer Oswald, do. New Haven, Capt. Volunteer.
John Topham, Rhode Island, Newport, Capt.

1776.]

CAPTAIN THAYER S JOURNAL.

41

Names. Col. or Provinces.

Town or County.

Commissions.

Simeon Thayre,

Rhode Island,

Providence,

Capt.

Samuel Ward,

do.

Westeriy,

Capt.

Jonas Hubbard,

Miissachusetts,

Worcester,

Capt., dy'd of his

Henry Dearborn,

New Hampshire,

. E. Nottingham

., Capt. [wouni

*John Lamb,

New York,

City,

Capt.

Oliver Hanchet,

Connecticut,

Suffield,

Capt.

Archibald Steele,

Pennsj'lvania,

Lancaster,

Adjutant & Lieut.

Matthew Duncan,

do.

Philadelphia,

Volunteer.

William Heath, [Meth,]

Virginia,

Frederick Co.,

Lieutenant.

Peter O'Brien Bruen,

do.

do.

Lieutenant.

John M'Guire,

do.

do.

Volunteer.

Charles Porterfield,

do.

do.

Volunteer. '

Abijah Savage,

Connecticut,

Middleton,

Lieutenant,

John Compston,

Massachusetts,

Sawco,

Lieut.

Samuel Brown,

do.

Acton,

Lieut.

James Tisdale,

do.

Medfield,

Lieut.

John Clark,

do.

Hadley,

Lieut.

Will'm Humphrey,

Rhode Island,

Providence,

Lieut.

James Webb,

do.

Newport,

Lieut.

Edward Slocum,

do.

Tiverton,

Lieut.

Sylvanus Shaw,

do.

Newport,

Lieut.

Ammi Andrews,

New Hampshire

!, Hillsborough,

Lieut.

Nath'l Hutchins,

do.

Dunbarton,

Lieut.

Joseph Thomas,

do.

Deerfleld,

Lieut.

Francis Nichols,

Pennsylvania,

Cumberl'nd Cc

). Lieut.

Randolph S. M'Dougal,

New York,

City,

Lieut. May 7, 1776.

Christian Phebeger,

' Denm'rk kingd'

m City Cop'hagen Adjutant.

Benjamin Chatlin,

Connecticut,

Wethersfield,

Quartermaster.

The answer to the above petition was, that he could not grant
it with propriety. We hear that the Provincials have taken the
8th Regiment, and that there are great divisions in Great
Britain concerning American affairs. We wrote a second peti
tion to the General, but what will be the effect of it we cannot
tell. We saw some of our men who had taken the oath ; they
looked very pale. We hear that a considerable number of them
lost the use of their limbs. We have received an answer to our
last Petition, viz : that we may go home on our parole.
June 9. — We are informed that Gen'l Washington has taken
Bunker's Hill, with 1500 prisoners.
June 14. — Nothing remarkable until the 14th, when we heard
that the Provincials have kill'd 50 of the Hessians, & sunk three
of their ships that attempted to pass our works at Sorell, & that
Philadelphia is beseiged by the King's troops.
June 16. — We hear of two skirmishes, in which a considerable
6

42 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1776.
number of men has been slain at or near Sorell. Gen'l Thomp
son and his aid-de-camp were taken.
June 19. — A shower of Hail, the Stones of which were as
large as walnuts. A woman was kill'd by the Lightning.
June 23. — The Provincials have Burnt Fort Chambelee, and
retreated to St. John's. It is reported they are from 300 to
7000 in number.
June 24. — The Hon. Lieut. Governor made us a present of a
gall. rum. Two vessels came down the river with the prisoners
taken at St. John's, Chambelee, &c.
June 26. — We hear that the 12 United Provinces declared
themselves independant, & have sent to France for assistance ;
also that they received a great Quantity of ammunition & 6000
stand of arms from them.
June 11. — Two vessels came up & saluted, which was returned
by the Commodore ; we are prohibited from going to the walls
of the garden, for what reasons I don't know.
July 4. — Nothing remarkable until the 4th, when we hear
that Gen'l Carleton has sent for all the troops that can be spared
to pass Lake Champlain. 4 Provincial Officers informed us of
their being taken by the Indians, viz: that they and 4 more
officers & 3 soldiers went fishing, and that they crossed the
river, to go to a house to get some Beer ; unfortunately were
not armed, thinking themselves secure from Danger ; they soon
heard the boy halloo, and running out to see the occasion, they
were fir'd on by 13 Indians ; they tried to get off the Boat, but
before they got it off they kill'd one officer and wounded another ;
they then ran down upon them, when two found means to
escape. They took five officers alive, one of which they toma
hawk' d, and scalp'd. The 2 officers took off with those that
they did not kill. They tied them round the necks with their
Belts, and made them run before them about a mile. They
stopped and halloed for their comrades, & paraded them to show
the great feats they had done ; they sat out again, & night com
ing on, they made them lie on their backs, and tied them down,
& lying on the ends of their Belts they went to Sleep. In the
morning they set out again. One of the Indians Snapp'd his
Gun at Wm. McFarlin, & then drew his own sword upon him ;

1776.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 43
they then stripp'd them to their Breeches, and carried them to
Montreal.* July 6. — Last night we were lock'd up in our Rooms, for
what reason I don't know. This morning 6 vessels arrived, I
believe loaded with provisions.
July 7. — Several officers of the Garrison came and looked
round in our apartments, but said nothing to us. We were
ignorant of the reason until some Sea Captains came into the
Garden and told us there was a report in town that we intended
to set the Seminary on fire, but they are false reports, & I don't
imagine there is not one amongst us that would perform such
an action.
July 8. — Different reports. Some say that the Provincials
took about 5000 British Prisoners. Others say that the British
have taken New York, & that the Pennsylvania & Virginia
[troops] laid down their arms. But the reports are so numerous
and various that we can hardly credit the least ; next Evening
a Sloop of war sail'd down the river.
July 12. — We hear that Major- Meigs and Capt. Dearborn
are exchanged by Admiral Howe.
July 17. — Nothing remarkable until the 17th, when wo hear
of a Skirmish take place at Point-au-faire, the Provincials seeing
them in their boats, which they stove to Pieces, Killed, wounded
and took 400 ; at 4 o'clock a Brig sail'd Vl\> the River.
July 18. — Locked up close in our rooms all night ; the reason
we are ignorant of.
July 19. — The Lizard Ship sail'd for New York. We under
stand that as soon as the General comes from Montreal we are
to be sent home. He is daily expected. Moderate weather
until the 22d, when accompanied with a Thunder Stormf .
July 22. — The Bland 32 Gun Ship sail'd this morning for
London. A brig & sloop sailed shortly after. Genl. Carleton

*" July 5. The prisoners brought in last night inform us that the Indians scalped
many of our soldiers, some of them alive; but that General Carleton, to his great
honor, has refused to pay those murdering fiends for any more scalps, but will
pay them the same reward for every prisoner."— ifefoira.
VJuly 19. The weather is so cold that the Canadians do not expect a good crop
of corn. It is so cold as to wear a great coat." — Melvin.

44 CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. [1776.
arrived in town this afternoon, & was saluted with a volley of
15 Guns from the Garrison, to our great satisfaction, because
our fate will be shortly determined. Nothing worth notice
until the 26th but some vessels going up and down the River.
July 26. — Capt. Foy informed us of the General's counte
nancing our going home, & was sorry we were detained so long.
July 28. — We hear that Gen. Thompson is to go home with us.
" 29. — Genl. Carleton hearing our extreme want of money,
was generous Eno' to send us .£100, which we are determined
to repay to some British officers. Prisoners in America, as a
necessary token of gratitude.*
July 30. — Genl. Thompson came to see us, and told us Gen.
Carleton desired him to call on us & let us know the terms
we were to go home on.
Aug. 1. — Genl. Thompson & several other Gentlemen came
and brought a copy of the Parole, which we did not like; on
which he said it might perhaps be alter'd, if not we must neces
sarily remain here longer.
Aug. 2. — Genl. Carleton sent us word that he would leave
out the words we objected to, wliich were, " that we should
never take up arms against His Majesty." This we did not
think proper to sign to.
Aug. 3. — The town Major & Mr. Murray brought our Parole,
which we signed.
Aug. 4. — We hear that Genl. Washington refuses to exchange
the men taken at the Cedars, & Genl. Carleton keeps 16, men
who came over the Lake as a Flag.
*In liis treatment of the American prisoners. General Carleton was humane.
The incident here mentioned by Captain Thayer is honorable to his character as a
generous enemy. When criticised by his officers for his leniency towards his pris
oners, he replied,—" Since we have tried in vain to make them acknowledge us as
brothers, let us send them away disposed to regard us as first cousins." Having
been informed that many persons, suffering from wounds and various disorders,
were concealed in the woods and obscure places, fearing that if they appeared
openly they would be seized as prisoners and severely treated, he issued a procla
mation, commanding the militia officers to search for such persons, bring them to
the general hospital, and procure for them all necessary relief, .it the public charge.
He also invited all such persons to come forward voluntarily, and i-eceive the assist-
once they needed, assuring them "that as soon as their health should be restored,
tliey should have free liberty to return to their respective provinces." Few names
that stand out in the history of the events in which he was concerned are remem-
beied with more respect, even in the country of his toes.— Sparks.

1776.] CAPTAIN THAYER's JOURNAL. 45
Aug. 5. — Had orders to be ready at a minute's warning for
embarking. Aug. 6. — Our men were oblig'd to sign a Paper, the contents
I know not. We are informed that we are to embark to-morrow
at 9 o'clock.
Aug. 7. — About 9 o'clock this morning I, with some more
officers and 77 of our men, embark'd on board a Ship of near
400 Tons, Joseph Lawton, master, accompanied by three other
Ships. Aug. 8. — Capt. Foy wish'd us well, and said when we met
again we should be friends, this gentleman & Mr. Murry having
come on board to see how we were accommodated.
Aug. 9. — ^Waiting for the remainder of the Prisoners to come
down the River ; dividing out stores to the men.
Aug. 10. — About Eleven o'clock a Brig hove in sight, & the
Prisoners were put on board of us.
Aug. 11. — About 11 o'clock weighed anchor, & went below
the town. The [wind] blowing hard at East, we came again
to anchor.
Aug. 12. — Weigh'd anchor and proceeded on our passage ;
spoke with the Jno. Rogers. Saw a brig wreck'd on the east
end of St. Johns. Arrived Sept. the 12 at Sandy hook, after a
tedious voyage, & had the mortification to see N. York in flames,
when our people Evacuated it. Landed the 20th Sept. in
Elizabethtown, with 9 Rank and file, & 1 Lieutenant, (named
Humphrey,) being the remainder of the number we had when
I left Cambridge, being 87, officers included ; [the residue]
perish'd by different casualties, as dying by different diseases,
such as in prison, some thro' hunger & fatigue, others running
away, others listing with the British, others dying with the small
pox, &c ; [started from Elizabethtown,] from whence each man
steer'd home to his native place ; accordingly [did so] myself,
where I remained until 1st of July, when I was exchanged,
& took up arms again in defence of my country.

THE RHODE ISLAND PRISONER.
A Sonnet.— Page 74.
The Prison-ship,— a tomb of living men,
Living in death, and longing but to die;
Or sadder still, the Royal prison, then
The foulest spot beneath the patient sky.
Both these have proved undaunted Yankee hearts.
Yet in their sad extremity forlorn,
Kind nature solaced with her tenderest arts
Those faithful souls by wasting torture torn.
For some Ehode Island captive, as he lay.
Saw in his sleep, with eager jo.y elate,
The level shores of Narragansett Bay,
And the plain landscape of his native State,
While his pale, dreaming lips did softly ope.
And murmur low her flag's dear legend, " Hope."

George WiiiLiAM Curtis.

22d June, 1865.

tt'^'\Mi''^PiS'^i?^

APPENDIX,

Note A., Page 2.
Under the head "]March to Newburyport," the entries upon the
Journal against the dates Sept. 13 and 14, are obviously erroneous.
The night of the 13th was probably spent in Maiden, on the line of
march to Beverly, and the night of the 14th in Beverly, about midway
between Maiden and l^ewburyport. Joseph Ware, a member of Cap
tain Samuel Ward's company, whose journal is frequently cited in these
pages, says he encamped on the evening of the 14th in Beverly.
Captain Thayer may not liave commenced his journal until he reached
Newburyport, and there made these entries under a lap.se of memory.
On arriving at Newburyport, the riflemen, under Captain Morgan,
encamped in the field, near Rolfe's lane. The otlier troops occupied
two of the rope-walks in town. Note B., Page 2.
" Sept. 19. — Embarked our whole detachment, consisting of 10 com
panies of musketmen and 3 companies of riflemen, amounting to 1,100
men, on board 10 transports. I embarked myself on board the sloop
Britannia. The fleet came to sail at 10 o'clock, A. M., and sailed out
of the harbour and lay to till one o'clock, P. M., when we received
orders to sail for the river Kennebeck, fifty leagues from Newburyport
— received with our sailing orders the following for signals, viz.
1st signal. For speaking with the whole fleet. Ensign at maintop-
masthead. 2d signal. For chasing a sail. Ensign at foretop-masthead.
3d sio-nal. For heaving to. Lanthorn at maintop-masthead, ;md
two guns if head on shore, and three if off shore.

48 APPENDIX.
4th signal. For making sail in the night. Lanthorn at masthead,
and four guns ; in the day jack at foretop-masthead.
5th signal. For dispersing and every vessel making the nearest
harbor. Ensign at main p^k.
6th signal. For boarding any vessel. Jack at maintop-masthead,
and the whole fleet drawn up in a line, as near as possible.
The wind being fair and very fresh, I was very sea-sick.
20<A. In the morning we made the mouth of Kennebeck, right
ahead, which we soon entered. The mouth of the river is narrow.
We were hailed from the shore by a number of men under arms, which
were stationed there. They were answered, that we were Continental
troops, and that we. wanted a pilot. They immediately sent one on
board. The wind and tide favoring us, we proceeded up the river; 5
miles from the mouth lies an island called Rousach. Upon this island
is a handsome meeting-house, and very good dwelling houses. The river
to this island of very unequal width, from one mile to a quarter of a
mile wide, the water deep, great tides, the shore generally rocky ; ten
miles from the mouth some elegant buildings, at a place called George
town ;* twenty miles from the mouth is a very large bay called Merry-
meeting Bay ; 25 miles from the mouth an island, called Swan Island.
Little above this island we came to anchor, opposite to Pownalborough,
where is a block-house. I would mention here, that this day makes
fourteen only since the orders were first given for building 200 battoes,
collecting provisions for and levying 1,100 men, and marching them to
this place, viz., Gardner's Town ; weather fine. — Meigs' Jour., pp. 8-11.
Note C, Page 3.
James McCormick, (not Jno., as written by Captain Thayer,) was
tried by a court-martial at Fort Western, found guilty, and sentenced to
death. The sentence was approved by Colonel Arnold, but the prisoner
was respited and sent on board the transport Broad Bay, Capt. Clarkson,
to Capt. Moses Nowell, of Newburyport, who was ordered to convey
him under a proper guard to General Washington at head-quarters in
Cambridge, foi' his final decision upon the case. McCormick denied
the crime until he was brought to the plaee of execution, when he con
fessed it. He was a resident of North Yarmouth, Mass., and was
*" At this place, in Georgetown, opposite Phipsburg, it is believed the late Gov.
Sullivan of Massachusetts, then lived, for it was here that he commenced the prac
tice of the law. When once asked by Gen. Knox why he selected such an obscure
spot, he replied, that he knew that he must break into the world, and he thought it
prudent to make the attempt in a weak place." — Allen.

APPENDIX. 49
drafted from Capt. Hill's company. Col. Scamraan's Regiment. He ,
was an ignorant and simple person, and bore in the company to which he
belonged the character of a peaceful man. In his letter to Washington,
Arnold adds to the foregoing statement, "'I wish he may be found a
proper object of mercy."
Fort Western stands on the east side of the river Kennebec, and con
sists of 2 block-houses, and a large house, 100 feet long, which were
enclosed only with pickets. This house is the property of [James]
Howard, Esq., where we were exceedingly well entertained. Captain
Morgan with 3 companies of riflemen embarked in battoes, with orders
to proceed with all expedition to the great carrying-place, and clear the
road while the other divisions came up. — Meigs' Journal, pp. 10, 11.
One of the block houses, a venerable memorial of Indian wars, is now
[1831] standing, near the covered bridge which stretches across the
river. Judge Howard, at whose house the o&cers were entertained,
died in May, 1787, aged 86 years. He was the first commandant at
this fort. John Gilley, an irishman, a soldier at the fort under Judge
Howard, died at Augusta, Me., July 9th, 1813, aged about 124 years.
— Maine Hist. Sac. Coll. vol. i, p. 390.
Note D., Page 4.
Sept. 29th. At 11 o'clock, A. M. arrived at Fort Halifax, which
stands on a point of land between the river Kennebec and the river
Sebastecook. This fort consists of two large block-houses, and a large
barrack, which is enclosed with a picket fort. I tarried half an hour
at the fort, then crossed the river to a carrying place, which is 97 rods
carriage — then proceeded up the river, which falls very rapidly over a
rocky bottom 5 miles, and encamped. The above falls are Toronock. —
Meigs. Fort Halifax was built by Mr. Shirley in 1754, to awe the
Indians, and cover the frontiers of New England. — Montresor's Journal.
Note E., Page 5.
October 3d. Proceeded up the river to Norridgewalk. On my
way I called at a house, where I saw a child 14 months old. This is
the first white child born in Norridgewalk.* At 7 o'clock in the eve
ning, a little below Norridgewalk, my battoe filled with water, going
up the falls. Here I lost my kettle, butter and sugar, a loss not to be
replaced here. At Norridgewalk are to be seen the vestiges of an
*The name of this child was Abel Farrington. He was the sou of Capt. Thomas
Farrington, formerly of Groton, Mass.
7

50 APPENDIX.
Indian fort and chapel, and a priest's grave.* There appears to have
been some intrenchment, and a covered way through the bank of the
river for the convenience of getting water. This must have been a
considerable seat of the natives, as there are large Indian flelds cleared.
Meig's Journal.
October 4ih. Went up to Bumazees Ripples, and came to Norridge
walk. The carriage-place is about a mile in length. We had oxen to
haul over our provision. Our batteaux were calked. We were now
to take leave of houses and settlements, of which we saw no more,
except one Indian wigwam, 'till we came among the French, in Canada.
— Melvin's Journal. Note F., Page 16 — note.
" In August, 1824, an Indian woman from Penobscot presented
herself at my house, with baskets to sell, and soliciting charity. She
exhibited a certificate signed by Major General Ulmer, stating that she
was the daughter of Sa Bates, a Penobscot Indian, who piloted Arnold's
army to Quebec in 1775. I asked her to pronounce the name of her
father, and she gave the sound — Sah-Bah-tis." — Allen.
Note G., Page 24.
Major TiMOTHT Bigelow was the son of Daniel Bigelow, and
lived in Worcester, Mass. On hearing of the battle of Lexington, he
marched at the head of minute men. In all the fatigues, perils and pri
vations of Arnold's expedition, he participated. At Quebec he was
taken prisoner. After his release, he, at the head of the fifteenth
Mass. regiment, was at Saratoga, Rhode Island, Valley Forge, and West
Point. He was an original grantor of Montpelier, and a liberal bene
factor of Leicester Academy. With an ardent temperament, his man
ners were dignified and graceful. He died in Worcester, March 31,
1790, aged 50 years. Major Bigelow was father of Timothy Bigelow,
who removed to Medford in 1807, and was distinguLshed as a learned,
eloquent and popular lawyer, and for more than twenty years as a
leading member of the Legislature, eleven of which he served as Speaker
of the House of Representatives.
*ThiB was the grave of Father Sebastian Ealle, whom Capt. Thayer, by mistake,
calls Francisco. He was a learned man, an effective preacher, and exercised a
remarkable influence over the Indians, among whom he dwelt at Norridgewalk, as
a Jesuit Missionary, for a period of twenty-six years. He was killed in the sur-
prisal of that place on the 23d August, 1724. A dictionary compiled by him of the
Abnaki's language, is preserved among the literary treasures of the libraiy of Har
vard College.

APPENDIX. 51
Major John Brown was born in Sandisfield, Mass., October 19,
1744. He was educated at Yale College, and after graduating studied
law with Oliver Arnold, in Providence, R. I. He established himself
in practice at Caghnawaga, now Johnston, N. Y., but at the opening of
the revolution took sides with the people against the Mother Country.
In 1775 he was a delegate to the Provincial Congress. He was with
Arnold at the capture of Ticonderoga, and afterward joined the assault
ing forces at Quebec. In 1776 he was commissioned Lieut. Colonel
by Congress, and continued in active service until the surrender of
Burgoyne. In 1780 he marched up the Mohawk for the relief of
Gen. Schuyler, but was led by a traitor into an ambuscade at Stone
Arabia, in Palatine, and was slain on his birth-day, October 19, 1780,
aged 36 years, He was a man of fine personal presence, and energetic
in all his undertakings.
Captain Henrt Deaeboen was born in Hampton, N. H., March
1, 1751. He .studied medicine with Dr. Hall Jackson, of Portsmouth,
N. H., and settled in practice at Nottingham square. When an ex
press announced the battle of Lexington, he marched the same day
with sixty volunteers for Cambridge. On his return he was commis
sioned a Captain in Stark's regiment. He raised a company, and
participated in the battle of Breed's [or Bunker's] Hill. He joined
Arnold in his wilderness march to Quebec, and was seized with fever
on the way. He lay in a cottage on the banks of the Chaudiere, with
out physician, and for ten days his life was despaired of. A good
Catholic woman even sprinkled him with holy water. But he grad
ually recovered, and hastening forward reached Wolfe's Cove in
season to rejoin his company, and participate in the assault on Quebec,
where he was taken prisoner. In May, 1776, he was paroled, and in
March, 1777, was exchanged. He was commissioned Major, in Scam-
mel's regiment, and fought at Ticonderoga and Monmouth ; was with
Sullivan in his expedition against the Indians in 1779 ; in 1780 was
with the army in New Jersey; in 1781 was at Yorktown, at the sur
render of Cornwallis. On the death of Scammel he succeeded to the
command of the regiment. In 1782 he was stationed in garrison at
Saratoga. After the peace he settled in Maine, of which District he
was appointed Marshal. He was twice elected a member of Congress,
and was eight years Secretary of War under Jefferson. In the war of
1812 he was commissioned as senior Major General in the army of
the United States. In 1815 he retired to private life, and in 1822
was appointed Minister plenipotentiary to Portugal. He died at the

52 APPENDIX.
residence of his son. General Henry A. S. Dearborn, in Roxbury,
Mass., June 6, 1829, aged 78 years.
Colonel Cheistophee Geeene was a lineal descendant of John
Greene, who emigrated from Wiltshire, England, to Plymouth Colony,
from whence he removed to Providence in 1 637. He soon" afterwards
went to that section of Warwick, R. I., which he had purchased of the
aboriginal owners. He was one of the twenty-four individuals to whom
Charles the Second granted the old Charter of Rhode Island. His
posterity often filled the most responsible stations under the Colonial
Government. One of them, William Greene, held the reins of the
State during the gloom and horror of the American Revolution ;
another, upon the Judicial Bench, was the inflexible minister of justice ;
while two others unsheathed their swords in the service of their country.
Christopher, the subject of this notice, was the son of Hon. Philip
Greene, a Judge of the Superior Court of the State, and distinguished
alike for his virtues as a private citizen and as a public ofiicer. Chris
topher was born in 1737, in that part of Warwick called Occupassa-
tiouxet, the patrimonial estate of the Judge, his father. His life, pre
viously to entering the army, was principally occupied in agriculture,
and in the care of a grist and saw mill, located on a branch of the
Pawtuxet river, at what is now called Centreville. His natural endow
ments were of a superior order. His mental powers, improved and
developed by education and refined social intercourse, toaether with
an elevated moral character, were calculated to command the confi
dence of his fellow-citizens, and at an early age he was elected by them
to represent his town in the State Legislature, an ofiice which he hon
orably filled for several years. At this time, the Mother country began
to seize, one after another, the inherent rights of the Colonies. When
the question of resistance came fo be discussed, young Greene boldly
took ground against the King, and his counsels in the Legislature tended
to encourage measures for military defence.
A military company was established at East Greenwich, in 1774, with
the title of " Kentish Guards," and Greene was chosen Lieutenant.
In the month of May, 1 775, he was appointed by the Legislature a
Major in the army created for the defence of the State, under the com
mand of his near relative and intimate friend. General Nathaniel
Greene. But, with characteristic self-denying patriotism, he preferred
to accept the office of Captain in the regiment organized by the Gene
ral Assembly for the Continental service, which opened to him a field
for more active usefulness. He marched to Cambridge, and was there

APPENDIX. 63
placed as Lieutenant Colonel in command of the first battalion of
Arnold's army, formed for a secret expedition against Quebec. The
duties of this new and responsible position were discharged with the
utmost faithfiilness. Through the entire wilderness march, his constant
presence and cheerful voice inspired the courage and hope of his men.
In the attack upon Quebec, Lieutenant Colonel Greene took a conspic
uous part. At the head of an assaulting column of infantry, he was in
the midst of the hottest conflict. But the early death of General Mont
gomery changed the fortunes of a day auspiciously begun, and after
three hours of hard fighting, Greene and his command were compelled
to surrender.
Eighteen months of prison life passed heavily with the active spirit
of Colonel Greene. His thoughts were with his suftering country, and
his uppermost desire was to again draw his sword in her behalf On
one occasion, when contemplating the British flag waving tauntingly
above him, and listening to the triumph-strains of British music, his
self-possession forsook him, and he exclaimed, with emphatic tone, " I
will never again be taken prisoner alive /" — a declaration never forgot
ten by those who heard it, and that became a proverb with the soldiers
who had served under him.
The value of the services of Lieutenant Colonel Greene and of his
fellow-ofiicers, were fully appreciated by General Washington, and in
a letter to Governor Cooke, dated " Head-quarters, Harlem Heights'
Oct. 12, 1776, he stated that their behaviour and merits, as well as
the severities they had experienced in the Canada Expedition, entitled
them to particular notice, and recommended that, in the new levies
then about to be raised by the State, vacancies should be reserved for
them, to be filled upon their exchange. Colonel Varnum, writing to
the Governor from West Chester, October 16, on the same subject,
says : " How the Field Ofiicers are recommended for the First Battal-
lion in our State, and who they are, I am ignorant. I hope Colonel
Greene will be thought of."
After being exchanged, Lieut. Colonel Greene, in 1 777, received a
commission of Colonel, and was placed in command of the highly
important post of Fort Mercer, at Red Bank, on the Delaware river.
This position was attacked by a large body of Germans under Colonel
Count Donop, who, after a fierce and desperate fight, were driven back
defeated, with heavy loss, including their commander.* Colonel
* "The late Dr. Turner, of Newport, who was in this battle, used to narrate the
following anecdote of Col. Greene's kind attention to a vanquished enemy. He
buried the remains of Count Donop with all the honors of war. A Frenchman, the

54 APPENDIX.
Jonathan Mifilin, in a letter to General Mifflin, dated " Headquar
ters, G. Morris's, Oct. 24, 1777, 5 o'clock, P. M.," says : ." The day
before yesterday, 4 o'clock P. M., Count Donop, with 1200 Hessian
Grenadiers, made their appearance before the garrison at Red Bank,
and by flag demanded a surrender, which being refused, they made an
immediate attack, fired above the abattis, crossed the ditch, and some
few had mounted the pickets. They were so warmly received that
they returned with great precipitation, leaving behind the Count and
the Brigade Major, who are wounded, iu the fort." The killed and
wounded, according to this letter, were 600. The same writer con
tinues : " Colonel Greene, who commanded, played upon them a very
good dec(iption. When the flag came in, he concealed all his men but
50 — saying, " wi<A these brave fellows, this fort shall be my tomb." — He
had 5 killed and 45 wounded."
Commodore John Hazlewood writing to Gen. Washington, under date
Red Bank, Oct. 24, 1777, says, "This will acquaint your Excellency
that early this morning we carried all our gallies into action, and, after
a long and heavy firing, we drove the enemy's ships down the river,
except a 64 gun ship and a small frigate, which we obliged them to
quit, as they got on shore, and by accident the 64 gun ship blew up,
and the frigate they set on fire themselves, took the people all out, and
quitted them. Our action lasted until 12 o'clock, and our fleet has
received but little damage.
" You will be informed of the glorious event of last night, by Col.
Greene. We, in our gallies, were of great use in flanking round the
fort. Besides the 64 and frigate being burnt, the Roebuck, which lay
to cover them, we damaged much and drove off, and had she laid fast,
we should have had her in the same situation.''
" The success of Col. Greene the day before, it is fair to infer, con
tributed much to the naval successes of the day following, and finally
to the enemy abandoning Philadelphia, thus breaking down, in an
eminent degree, their warlike power.

surgeon of the German Brigade, who was taken prisoner, on witnessing the Ameri
can troops following the corpse of his beloved commander, and depositing it, with
every manifestation of respect, in the grave, was so affected by the unexpected
spectacle that, springing up and striking his feet together, he exclaimed, with the
vivacity of his countrymen, " Be Gar, if dey bury me so, I die dis moment," —
Eather an odd, but certainly a very striking illustration of his devotedness to
Donop, and his gratitude to Greene."— Note to a sketch of Col. Greene in the Kent
County Atlas, Nov. 8 and 15, 1851, by Hon. H. Rousmaniere, of which use has been
made in this notice.

APPENDIX. 55
In January, after the battle of Red Bank, a letter was written to
Gen. Washington, by Gen. J. M. Varnum, dated " Camp, January 2,
1778," in which he says: "The two Battalions for the State being
small, and there being a necessity of the State's furnishing an addi
tional number to make up their proportion in the Continental Army,
the Field Officers have represented to me the propriety of making one
temporary Battalion from the two, so that one entire corps of officers
may repair to Rhode Island, in order to receive and prepare the
recruits for the field. It is imagined that a Battalion of negroes may
be raised there  The Field Officers who go upon this
command, are Col. Greene, Lt. Col. Olney, and Major Ward."
Colonel Greene, after this, was employed in Rhode Island for a
period of the war, from 1778 to 1780, and had a spirited fight with
the enemy on the Island, in which the negro tiroops distinguished them
selves. He cooperated with the French fleet and army, the former
under Count D'Estaing, the latter under the command of General
Count Rochambeau. In 1781, he returned to the headquarters of
Gen. Washington, and on the night of the 13th of May, was attacked
at his quarters near Croton Bridge, Croton River, N. Y., by a party
of refugees, overpowered, and barbarously murdered. His left arm
was cut off, his right wounded to the bone in two wide gashes, his left
shoulder severely mutilated, his stomach pierced by a sword, his right
side shockingly lacerated by a bayonet, and his head mangled in seve
ral places. In this condition, he was dragged by the ruffians who had
overpowered him, to a wood about a mile distant, and there left.
General Washington learned, with the deepest sorrow, the details of
the melancholy fate of his honored friend and brother in arms. His
corpse was carried to the headquarters of the army on the subsequent
day, and buried with every token of military honor, and every sem
blance of individual grief* General Rochambeau took occasion to
remark in a letter to Gov. Greene, dated at Newport, 27th May, 1 781>
" Your Excellency will, I hope, be persuaded how much I lament the
loss of your friend and relative. Col. Greene. I had the greatest
esteem and regard for an officer of such merit." At the October Ses
sion of the General Assembly, 1785, seven years' half pay was allowed
to the widow and children of Col. Greene, dating from the day of his
death.

*Both Colonel Greene and Major Flagg, who was murdered at the same time,
were buried in the church-yard at Compond, where a tomb stone was erected,
Compond was about seven miles from Feekskill.

56 APPENDIX.
The gallant defence of Fort Mercer, at Red Bank, gave to Colonel
Greene a prominent mihtary reputation, and Congress was prompt to
recognize the briUiant deed by passing a resolution, Nov. 4, 1777,
" That an elegant sword be provided by the Board of War, and pre
sented to Col. Greene." The execution of this eomphmentary resolve
was delayed until several years after the death of the Colonel, when
the sword was forwarded to Job Greene, Esq., the son and legal repre
sentative of the deceased, accompanied with the following letter :
" Wae Office op the United States,)
New York, June 7, 1786. >
Sir: I have the honor to transmit to you, the son and legal representa
tive of the late memorable and gallant Col. Greene, the sword directed
to be presented to him, by the resolve of Congress of the 4th of No
vember, 1777.
" The repulse and defeat of the Germans at the Fort of Red Bank,
on the Delaware, is justly considered as one of the most brilliant
actions of the late war. The glory of that event is inseparably attached
fo the memory of your father and his brave garrison. The manner in
which the supreme authority of the United States is pleased to express
its high sense of his military merit, and the honorable instrument
which they annex in testimony thereof, must be peculiarly precious to ¦
a son emulative of his father's virtues. The circumstances of the war
prevented obtaining and delivery of the sword previous to your father's
being killed at Croton River, in 1780. [l.J
"On that catastrophe, his country mourned the sacrifice of a patriot
and a soldier, and mingled its tears with those of his family. That the
patriotic and military virtues of your honorable father may influence
your conduct in every case in which your country may require your
services, is the sincere wish.
Sir, Of your most obedient
and very humble servant,
H. Knox.
Job Greene, Esq.''
This sword is now in the possession of one of the grandchildren of
Colonel Greene, Simon Henry Greene, Esq., of River Point, R. I. Its
sheath is of rattle-snake skin, the blade a polished rapier, and its prin
ciple decorations of silver, inlaid with gold. At the time of his death
Col. Greene had entered upon his forty-fifth year. In 1758, he mar
ried Miss Anne Lippitt, the daughter of Mr. Jeremiah Lippitt, of

Con-ections. Page .57, line 16 from ton Th . •
presented to the .^allery in the HaU of rJ "t"t "" "' °""'"<^' '^^¦¦«''"« "'as

APPENDIX. 57
Warwick. He left three sons and four daughters. His portrait,
belonging to Simon Henry Greene, Esq., exhibits the appearance of
a man who would do effectual service on the battle-field. Under the
laborious exercise of the farm and the camp, he ripened into a rare
combination of symmetrical figure and solid expression. His height
was about five feet ten inches. His round, capacious chest, his upright
mien, his active, muscular limbs, indicated the enjoyment of perfect
physical vigor. Dark brown hair clustered around his forehead, which
bespoke deep thought rather than brilliant fancy. There was a strange
lustre in his eyes that would have given the expression of life to a face
of clay. The outline of his features was grave and stern, as if it were
but a transparent veil over his restless mind ; while his entire counten
ance was lit up with a ruddy, sanguine complexion, through which
coursing blood looked out to tell the story of inward health and joyous
ness. A copy of this portrait was a few years since painted at the
expense of the State of Rhode Island, and was made one of a growing
gallery of her eminent sons and benefactors now formed in the Hall of
Brown University. Col. Greene died at an age when his military
experience, maturity of judgment, and energy of character, gave prom
ise of rapid promotion. Had he lived to the close of the war, his rank
probably, would have been second only to that of his distinguished
kinsman. Captain Jonas Hubbard, the son of an early settler in Worcester,
Mass., was born in that town. Previous to the Revolution, he was
engaged in the cultivation of his patrimonial estate, and in the man
agement of extensive concerns of business. The first sounds of coming
war found him an Ensign in one of the three militia companies of the
town. When the volunteer company of minute men was raised, Hub
bard was elected Lieutenant, and actively participated in the evening
drills after the labors of the day were over, and in the preparations
made by the busy industry of the martial spirit of the times, for imme
diate action.
Soon after this gallant corps marched to Cambridge, Lieutenant
Hubbard was appointed Captain, and, when the expedition against
Quebec was planned, he was assigned to a company in the detachment
of Arnold. While the troops halted at Fort Western on the Kenne
bec, he wrote to his wife in terms worthy of a patriot martyr : " I
know not if I shall ever see you again. The weather grows severe
cold, and the woods, they say, are terrible to pass. But I do not value
life or property, if I can secure liberty for my children." Captain
Hubbard shared in the extreme sufferings of the march, and probably

58 APPENDIX.
more than his proportion, as, acting under a commission among those
who had no reverence for artificial distinctions, beyond that yielded to
the legitimate authority of courage and wisdom.
In the attack on Quebec, Captain Hubbard fell, at the head of his
company, severely wounded. Respected for his fearless intrepidity,
and loved for his personal worth, his men wished to remove him to a
place of shelter from the fast falling snow, and of safety from the vol-
lies of balls poured down from the ramparts. But he peremptorily
refused. 'I came here to serve with you, I will stay here to die with
you,' were his last words to a comrade who survived. Bleeding and
stretched on a bed of ice,- exposed to the bitter influence of a winter
storm, life soon departed. It was a glorious time and place for the
gallant soldier to yield up his breath, beneath the massive walls of the
impregnable citadel, with the death shot flying fast, and the thunder of
battle swelling round him. The sons of Captain Hubbard, inheriting
his adventurous and manly spirit, emigrated to Maine, where the eldest^
Gen. Levi Hubbard, became the first settler of Paris. Gen. Hubbard
held many offices with honor, and was representative of Oxford Dis
trict in Congress, from 1813 to 1815. — Lincoln's History of Worcester _
John Joseph Henet was the son of WiUiam and Ann Wood
Henry, of Lancaster, Penn. William, (whose parents emigrated from
Coleraine, Ireland,) was a distinguished Whig during the Revolution,
and had an extensive manufactory of arms, established previously to
the French War. In 1777, he was Deputy Commissary General, and
was active in sending supplies to the army at Valley Forge. In 1784,
he was elected to Congress, and died Dec. 15, 1786.
John Joseph was born in Lancaster, Penn., Nov. 4th, 1758, and
early manifested marked mechanical genius. At the age of 14, he
became an apprentice to his uncle at the gunsmith business, who subse
quently removed to Detroit. Here young Henry remained but a short
time, and returned home on foot through the wilderness. His ardent
mind panted for military glory, and sympathising warmly with his
struggling country, he, at the age of 1 6 years, clandestinely enlisted in
a company raised by Captain Matthew Smith, for the purpose of join
ing Arnold's Expedition against Quebec. His sufferings on the march
through the wilderness were extreme. He was captured in the attack
upon Quebec, and lay in prison nine months, where he contracted the
scurvy, which made its appearance on his return home, in a malignant
form, from the effects of which he never entirely recovered. Mr.
flenry spoke the German language, and while in prison was approached

APPENDIX. 59
by Captain Prentis, in behalf of Gen. Knyphausen, then at Quebec,
with the offer of a place in his military family, as an interpreter. The
offer was declined.
He sailed from Quebec Aug. 10, 1776, and after a voyage of four
weeks, reached New York. Of his advent into Elizabethtown, a few
days after, he gives the following description : " It was ten or eleven
at night before we landed. The moon shone beautifully. Morgan
stood in the bow of the boat, making a spring not easily surpassed, and
falling on the earth, as it were to grasp it, — cried, " Oh, my country."
We that were near him, pursued his example. Now a race com
menced, which in quickness, could scarcely be exceeded, and soon
brought us to Elizabethtown. Here, those of us who were drowsy
spent an uneasy night. Being unexpected guests, and the town full of
troops, no quarters were provided for us. Joy rendered beds useless.
We did not close our eyes till daylight. Singing, dancing, the Indian
halloo, in short, every species of vociferousness was adopted by the men
and many of the most respectable sergeants, to express their extreme
pleasure. A stranger coming among them, would have pronounced
them mad, or at least intoxicated, though since noon neither food nor
liquor had passed our lips. Thus the passions may, at times, have an
influence on the human frame, as inebriating as wine or any other
liquor. The morning brought us plenty, in the form of rations of beef
aud bread. Hunger allayed, my desire was to proceed homewards."
On reaching home, a Lieutenancy in the Pennsylvania Line was
offered Mr. Henry, and also a Captaincy in the Virginia Line. The
latter he designed to accept, under Morgan, but the state of his health
prevented. Continued lameness precluded all possibility of his again
entering the army, and he indentured himself for four years as a clerk
in the prothonotary's office of Lancaster County, and made himself
master of its duties. He subsequently studied law, under Stephen
Chambers, Esq., whose youngest sister he afterwards married. Mr.
Henry engaged successfully in the practice of law, from 1785 to the
close of 1793, when his well known legal abilities were rewarded with
an appointment by Governor Thomas Mifflin, to the office of President
of the Second Judicial District of Pennsylvania. This position he held
seventeen years, when, from illness and increasing infirmities, he felt it
a duty to resign. Four months after, he died. Judge Henry wrote an
interesting and valuable narrative of the Campaign against Quebec
which was published in 1812, and which has frequently been referred
to in the preceding pages.
Captain William Hendeicks, from Pennsylvania, was tall, of a mild

60 APPENDIX.
and beautiful countenance. His soul was animated by a genuine spark
of heroism. He was active and energetic in the march through the
wUderness, and shared freely in the toils and privations of his men.
When it became necessary to transport Lieutenant McCleland, of his
company, in a litter across the mountains, he took his turn with the
men. " If you had seen," says Henry, "the young yet venerable Cap
tain Hendricks, bearing his share of this loved burthen across the plain
to our camp, it would have raised esteem, if not affection, towards him."
He was no stickler for rank where the harmony of the service was
involved. Morgan had obtained the command of the rifle corps from
Arnold, without any advertence to the better claim of Hendricks, who-
though the youngest man, was, of the three Captains, in point of rank,
by the dates of commissions, the superior officer. For the sake of
peace in the army, and of good order, he prudently and good naturedly
acquiesced in Morgan's assumption of the command. He was conspic
uous in the assault upon Quebec, and, as mentioned in the Introduc
tion, was killed by a straggling ball received through the heart.
Captain John Lamb, son of Anthony Lamb, a celebrated optician
and mathematical instrument maker, in New York, was born in that
city, January 1, 1735. In early Ufe, he followed the profession of his
father. About 1760, he commenced the business of a wine merchant,
and nearly at the same time, married Catherine Jandine, a lady of Hu
guenot descent. He improved his opportunities for mental culture, spoke
the French and German languages, was a pleasant speaker and forci
ble writer. In the beginning of the troubles that led on to Revolution,
Mr. Lamb sided with the country, and became a prominent member of
the New York Sons of Liberty. Early in 1775, he offered his servi
ces to Congress, and was commissioned a Captain of Artillery, a posi
tion for which his military studies fitted him. For a time, he was
stationed, with his company, on the Battery, in New York ; but when
the invasion of Canada, by Generals Schuyler and Montgomery, was
determined upon, he marched and joined the invading army, at the
Isle-aux-Noix. When St. John's capitulated, Capt. Lamb and his
company, with two hundred other men, were ordered to march into
town to receive the surrender of the fort and take possession. In the
subsequent movements, he showed himself an intelligent, energetic and
reliable officer. He first met Colonel Arnold before Quebec, and was '
associated with him in the assault upon that city. He fought with
great bravery, was severely wounded, and taken prisoner.
A grape shot hit Lamb on the left cheek, near the eye, the sight of
which was ultimately lost, and carried away a part of the bone. The

APPENDIX. 61
force of the blow and the concussion of the shot, stunned him, and
threw him senseless on the snow. Some of his faithful followers car
ried him into a cooper's shop near at hand, and laid him upon a pile of
shavings insensible.
In searching for the dead and wounded, Capt. Lamb was found
where he had been left, still without consciousness, benumbed with cold
and loss of blood. A surgeon, after examination, pronounced him yet
alive, and made preparations to restore him to animation. A Scottish
commissary present, who knew Capt. Lamb, and was familiar with
some of his exploits that had made him obnoxious to British ire, sug
gested that it would be better to let him die, as, if he was recovered,
the King's vengeance would certainly be visited upon him. But the
suggestion was not accepted. Capt. Lamb was revived and carried to
the convent of the nuns of the order of Mercy, then a temporary hos
pital ; not, however, without being plundered of his shoes and buckles,
by some of the underlings ; and, without shoes, supported by two meni
he was assisted over the paved court, covered with snow, and put to
bed in that condition, in his wet garments. He recovered slowly, but
through life suffered inconvenience from rigidity of the jaw.
Before being released, Capt. Lamb was appointed by Washington
to be second Major in the regiment of Artillery commanded by CoLjnel
Henry Knox. He was subsequently made Lieutenant Colonel. He
was in command of the Artillery at West Point, when Arnold's
treachery and flight was discovered, and was filled with indignation
when the disclosure was made. He had been in the most friendly
relations with Arnold, but this event caused an instantaneous revulsion
of feeling. By one of the numerous flags which passed the lines on
the occasion of the capture of Andre, the officer who brought it was
charged to present the regards of Gen. Arnold to Col. Lamb. " Be
good enough, sir," was the reply, "to teU Gen. Arnold that the
acquaintance between us is forgotten, and that, if he were to be hanged
to-morrow, I would go barefooted to witness his execution."
In the battle at Compo HiU, Conn., in 1777, Col. Lamb was struck by
a grape shot and severely wounded. After the wound had been dressed,
he was taken to the house of Mr. Simpson, temporarily resident of
Norwalk, and afterwards to Col. Deming's, at Fairfield. As soon as
it was prudent to move, he repaired to New Haven and took command
of that place, which had been, in the absence of Gen. Arnold, confided
to Lieut. Colonel Oswald. Col. Lamb fought gallantly at Yorktown,
but did not secure the reward of promotion that his friends with good
reason expected he would. After leaving the army, in which he had

62

APPENDIX.

made an honorable record, he was elected a member of the New York
General Assembly, and took a prominent and influential part in pubUc
affairs. He was also raised to the rank of Brigadier General. He
was appointed CoUector of the Customs for the Port of New York, the
duties of which office he discharged with scrupulous fidelity, but the
embezzlement of a clerk in whom he imposed entire confidence,
involved him in pecuniary ruin. The reimbursement of the loss
absorbed his entire fortune, and he retired from office in poverty and
distress but with the warm sympathy of both friends and pohtical
opponents. General Lamb was an original member of the Society of
Cincinnati, and had been twice Vice-President of that body. He died
in New York, May 31st, 1800, aged 65 years, and was buried in
Trinity Church Yard, with the military honors which he had" so weU
deserved ; and the -long array of citizens, as they attended him to the
tomb, attested the respect which his virtues, his bravery, and worth
had universally commanded.* A very interesting Life of Gen. Lamb,
by Isaac Q. Leake, was published by Joel Munsell, Albany, in 1850.
The press of Mr. Munsell has become celebrated for elegant editions of
rare works.
General Richaed Montgomeet was a native of the North of
Ireland, and was born in the year 1737. Choosing the profession of
arms, he entered the British service, and, as Captain of a company in
the 17th Regiment of foot, he fought under General Wolfe in the
assault upon Quebec, in 1759. He returned to England, and in 1772,
retired from the army. Coming again to America, he settled in New
York and married a daughter of Judge Livingston. He was an officer
of superior military ability, and but for his untimely death, would
doubtless have rendered the country invaluable services. Few officers
were so universally beloved by his men, or held in warmer regard by
all who knew him.
" All enmity to Montgomery expired with his life, and the respect
to his private character prevailed over all other considerations 
The most powerful speakers in the British Parliament displayed their
eloquence in praising his virtues, and lamenting his fate. A great
orator, and veteran fellow-soldier of his in the late war, shed abundance
of tears whilst he expatiated on their past friendship and participation

*Several writers state that Capt, Lamb and his company, formed a part of Ar
nold's force, in the expedition by the Kennebec and Chaudiere rivers. This error
originated, perhaps, iu the fact that Lamb fought under Arnold's command in the
attack on Quebec, and his connection with Montgomery being genei-ally unknown.

APPENDIX. 63
of service in that season of enterprise and glory. Even the minister
extoUed his virtues." — Annual Register for 1776.*
Major Retorn J. Meigs was born in Middletown, Ct, in 1740.
Soon after the battle of Lexington, he marched a company of infantry
to the neighborhood of Boston, and received the commission of Major.
He was assigned to Arnold's command, and showed great energy as an
officer in the march through the wilderness against Quebec. He fought
bravely in the assault upon that place and was taken prisoner. Upon
being exchanged, he returned home, and in 1777 was appointed Colo
nel. For a brilliant expedition to Long Island that year, he received
the thanks of Congress and a sword. In 1779, he commanded a regi
ment under Wayne at the capture of Stony Point. After the war he
removed to Ohio, and settled near the confluence of the Ohio and
Muskingum rivers. As early as 1816 he was the agent for Indian
affairs. He died at the Cherokee agency. His christian name, Return,
was given him by his father, in commemoration of the happy termina
tion of an interview with a fair Quakeress who at first rejected his suit ;
but, on taking his departure, she sweetly caUed to him, saying, '•^return,
Jonathan^' and consented to become his bride.
Capt. Daniel Morgan was born in New Jersey in 1737, and in
1755 emigrated to Virginia, where he was employed first as a farmer,
and afterwards as a wagoner. He shared in the perils of Braddock's
expedition against the Indians, and received a wound in his neck and
cheek. At the commencement of the Revolutionary war he cast his
lot with the sons of freedom, and raised a company of riflemen. In the
assault upon Quebec he was in the hottest of the flght. On being
exchanged he rejoined the army, and received the command of a regi
ment. He fought with Gates at Saratoga, and with Greene in the South.
He was made brevet Brigadier GeneraL For his bravery at the bat
tle of the Cowpens, Jan. 1, 1781, Congress voted him a gold medal.
In the Whiskey Insurrection, Washington called him to command the
militia of Virginia. He was afterwards elected a member of Congres,*.
He died at Winchester, Va., after a long and painful sickness, in 1799.
Captain Eleazee Oswald was from New Haven, Conn. He
served under Arnold at Ticonderoga, and volunteering to accompany
him through the wilderness to Quebec, was made secretary to his com
mander. In the assault upon that place, he led a forlorn hope, and
exhibited great courage. He was taken prisoner, and after being
*See Introduction.

64 APPENDIX.
exchanged, received the appointment of Lieutenant Colonel in Colonel
Lamb's regiment of Artillery. For a short time he was stationed at
New Haven, with such recruits as he had been enabled to collect.
From thence he proceeded to Providence, to secure the services of an
accomplished musician who he had learned might be obtained there
and also to promote enlistments. On arriving at Providence he found
that the fifer had been recently promoted to a Majority in the line of
the army, and consequently, as he wrote, " above that business." In a
short time he returned to Connecticut, and, during the temporary
absence of Col. Lamb, took charge of the affairs of the regiment. He
was in the affair at Compo, and afterwards with part of two companies
and three field piecer-, joined Arnold at Norwalk. He was subsequently
with his regiment at Peekskill, where, receiving personal indignity
from Gen. Putnam, he determined to resign, but through the influence
of fi"iend3, was induced to forego his purpose. Lieut. Coh Oswald
participated in the battle of Monmouth, and for his gallant services
received the commendations of Generals Knox and Lee. In August,
1778, being unjustly outranked, through the enmity of Gen. Gates,
who disliked him on account ot his devotion to Washington, he resigned
his commission. After leaving the army, he entered into the printing
and publishing business in Philadelphia, was appointed public printer,
and was a resident of that city during the time it was under the com
mand of Arnold. The treason of that officer drew from Oswald several
indignant letter^. In a letter to Col. Lamb, he said : " Happy for him,
and for his friends, it had been, had the ball which pierced his leg at
Saratoo-a, been directed through his heart ; he then would have finished
his career in glory, but the remainder of his wretched existence, must
now be one continued scene of horror, misery and despair 
He has convinced the world that he is as base a prostitute as this or
any other country ever nurtured to maturity, and as a punishment for
the enormity of his crimes, the mark of Cain is branded on him in the
most indeUble characters."
In the political discussions of the times, Lieut. Col. Oswald took an
active part, and, under extraordinary provocation, sent a challenge to
Col. Hamilton, which, upon satisfactory explanation, was withdrawn.
Durinc the French Revolution he went to England on business, and,
guided by his natural enthusiasm for liberty and passion for mihtary
renown, crossed the channel and entered the army of Dumourier. He
was placed in command of a regiment of artillery, and served with
credit in the battle of Mons or Jemappe. He returned to his native
land and in October, 1795, died of smallpox, contracted while nursing

APPENDIX. 65
a friend who had been fataUy attacked by that pestilence. On the 2d
of October he was buried in St. Paul's church yard, in New York.
Rev. Samuel Spring, the chaplain of Arnold's detachment, was
born in Northbridge, Mass., February 27, 1746,-and was educated at
Princeton CoUege, where he graduated in 1771. On his return from
Quebec he left the army, and August 6, 1777, received ordination.
He was a minister for many years in Newburyport, Mass., and was an
attractive preacher. He was one of the founders of the Massachusetts
Missionary Society in 1799, and also of the Andover Theological Sem
inary, and the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Mis
sions. His publications were numerous. He died March 4, 1819,
aged 73 years. His son, Rev. Gardner Spring, D.D., has long been
one of the prominent clergymen of New York.
Captain Matthew Smith commanded a company from Lancaster
county, Penn. Henry, who served under him, says, " he was a good
looking man, had the air of a soldier, but was illiterate, and outrageously
talkative." Previous to the assault upon Quebec, he was present by
invitation of General Montgomery, at a council of officers. On one
occasion, in the march through the wilderness, he saved a soldier who
had violated an order prohibiting the firing of guns, from summary
punishment by Morgan. The soldier denied having committed the
offence. Morgan, in a momentary passion, seized a billet of wood and
threatened to knock him down unless he confessed the fact. Where
upon Smith seized another billet and threatened to serve Morgan in
like manner if he struck the man. Morgan knowing the tenure of his
rank, receded.
Dr. Isaac Sentee was born in Londonderry, in the State of New
Hampshire, in the year 1753. Of his boyhood life no particulars are
preserved. Choosing the Healing Art for a profession, he went to
Newport, R. I., and engaged in the study of medicine, under the direc
tion of Dr. Thomas Moffat, a Scotch physician of eminence. The
ardor with which he pursued his studies did not render him indifferent
to the important events then transpiring. Every fibre of his heart was
patriotic, and when the tidings of the battle of Lexington reached
Newport, he instantly joined the Rhode Island troops as a volunteer
surgeon, and accompanied them to the camp of the American army
in Cambridge. He soon after received an appointment of surgeon in
the Continental line, and was assigned to the detachment under Arnold
for the Canada expedition. Dr. Senter was now twenty-two years of
age, and his new position opened to him a wide field for gathering
9

66

APPENDIX.

medical and surgical experience. His Ufe, on the memorable march
through the wUderness to Quebec, was replete with adventure, while
frequent demands were made on his professional services. Cheerful
and hopeful under multiplied discouragements, he pressed on with his
companions, at one time wading through swamps, sinking half-leg deep
in the mire at every step, and at another feeding on " the jawbone of a
swine destitute of any covering, boiled in a quantity of water with a
little thickening ;" but all the way invulnerable to persuasions to turn
back. As a specimen of his experience, the following extracts from
his Journal are given :
Tuesday, Oc«. 24«A.— Approaching necessity now obliged us to double our dili
gence. Three miles only had we proceeded ere we came to a troublesome water
fall in the river, distant half a mile. Not more than the last mentioned distance
before we were brought np by another, distance the same. As the number of falls
increased, the water became consequently more rapid. The heights of land upon
each side of the river, which had hitherto been inconsiderable, now became prodi
giously mountainous, closing as it were up the river with an aspect of an immense
height. The river was now become very narrow, and such a horrid current as ren
dered it impossible to proceed in any other method than by hauling the batteaux
np by the bushes, painters, &c. Here we met several boats returning loaded with
invalids, and lamentable stories of the inaccessibleness of the river, and the imprac
ticability of any further progress into the country. Among which was Mr. Jackson,
before mentioned, complaining of the gout most severely, joined to all the terrors
of approaching famine. I was now exhorted in the most pathetic terms to return,
on pain of famishing upon contrary conduct, and the army were all returning except
a few who were many miles forward with Col. Arnold. However, his eloention
did not prevail; I therefore bid him adieu and proceeded. Not far had I proceeded
before I discovered several wrecks of batteaux belonging to the front division of
riflemen, &c., with an increased velocity of the water. A direful, howling wilderness
not descrlbable. With much labour and difBculty, I arrived with the principal part
of my baggage (leaving the batteaux made fast) to the encampment. Two miles
from thence I met the informants last mentioned, where were Col. Greene's divis
ion, &c., waiting for the remainder of the army to come up, that they might get
some provisions, ere they advanced any further. Upon inquiry, I found them
almost destitute of any eatable whatever, except a few candles, which were used for
supper, and breakfast the next morning, by boiling them in water gruel, &c.
Wednesday, 25th. — Every prospect of distress now came thundering on with a
two-fold rapidity. A storm of snow had covered the ground of nigh six inches
deep, attended with very severe weather. We now waited in anxious expectation
for Col. Enos' division to come up, in order that we might have a recruit of provis
ions ere we could start off the ground. An express was ordered both up and down
the river, the one up the river in quest of Col. Arnold, that he might be informed
of the state of the army, many of whom were now entirely destitute of any suste
nance. The Col. had left previous orders for the two divisions, viz: Greene's and
Enos', to come to an adjustment of the provisions — send back any who were indis
posed, either in body or mind, and pursue him with the others immediately. The
other express went down the river to desire Col. Enos and oflicers to attend in con
sultation. They accordingly came up before noon, when a council of war was
ordered. Here sat a number of grimacers — melancholy aspects who had been

APPENDIX. 67
preaching to their men the doctrine of impenetrability and non-perseverance, Col,
Enos in the chair. The matter was debated upon the expediency of proceeding ou
for Quebec. The party against going urging the impossibility, averring the whole
provisions, when averaged, would not support the army five days.
The arrangements of men and provisions were made at Eort Western, in such a
manner as to proceed with the greater expedition. For this end, it was thought
necessary that Capt. Morgan's company, with a few pioneers, should advance in
the flrst division. Col. Greene's in the second, and Enos, with Capt. Colbourn's com
pany of artificers, to bring up the rear. The advantage of the arrangement was
very conspicuous, as the rear division would not only have the roads cut, rivers
cleared passable for boats, &c., but stages or encampments formed and the bough
huts remaining for the rear. The men being thus arranged, the provisions were
distributed according to the supposed difficulty, or facility, attending the different
dispositions. Many of the first companies took only two or three barrels of flour
with several of bread, most in a small proportion. While the companies in the last
division had not less than fourteen of flour and ten of bread. The bread, as men.
tioned before, was condemned in consequence of the leaky casks, therefore the
proportion of bread being much greater in the first division, their loss was conse
quently the greater. These hints being premised, I now proceed to the determina-
tiou of the council of war. After debating upon the state of the army with respect
to provisions, there was found very little in the division then encamped at the falls,
(which I shall name Hydrophobus.) The other companies not being come up, either
through fear that they should be obliged to come to a divider, or to show their dis
approbation of proceeding any iurther. The question being put whether all to
return, or only part, the majority were for part only returning. Part only of the
officers of those detachments were in this council.
According to Col. Arnold's recommendation, the invalids were allowed to return,
as also the timorous. The officers who were for going forward, requested a divis
ion of the provisions, and that it was necessary they should have the far greater
quantity in proportion to the number of men, as the supposed distance that they had
to go ere they arrived into the inhabitants was greater than what they had come, after
leaving the Cenebec inhabitants. To this the returning party (being pre-deter-
mined) would not consent, alledging that they would either go back with what
provisions they had, or if they must go forward they'd r.ot impart any. Col. Enos,
though [he] voted for proceeding, yet had undoubtedly preengaged to the contrary,
as every action demonstrated. To compel them to ajust division, we were not in a
situation, as being the weakest party. Expostulations and entreaties had hitherto
been fruitless. Col, Enos, who more immediately commanded the division of
returners, was called upon to give positive orders for a small quantity, if no more.
He replied that his men were out of his power, and that they had determined to
keep their possessed quantity whether they went back or forward. They finally con
cluded to spare [us] 24 barrels of flour, if determined to pursue our destination;
adding that we never should be able to bring [in] any inhabitants. Thus circum
stanced, we were left the alternative of accepting their small pittance, and proceed,
or return. The former was adopted, with a determined resolution to go through or
die. Received it, put it on board of our boalts, quit the few tents we were in pos
session of, with all other camp equipage, took each man to his duds on his back,
bid them adieu, and away — passed the river; passed over falls and encamped.
Monday, 30th. — Cooking being very much out of fashion, we had little else to do
than march as quick as light permitted ; half an hour only brought us to a water which
we imagined to be a creek formed by the lake; laid our course more southwardly
endeavoring to go round it, but three miles march evinced our mistake; our creek

68

APPENDIX.

proved to be a river of four rods wide. The depth and width of this river rendered
it unfordable, nor [was] it possible to form a bridge, as nothing of any bigness
grew on its banks. It was now conjectured this river made out of the Alleghany
chain of mountains, which we had therefore the marching round it impracticable.
We therefore concluded to proceed up it till it was fordable. We had not gone far
before we came to a place about four feet deep, which we immediately forded,
although much frozen on each side. This Balneum Frigidum serrei to exercise
our motion in order to keep from freezing. Our main course was W. N. W., and
only varied to escape the bogs, mountains, small ponds, water streams, &c., of
which we met with many. This was the third day we had been in search of the
Chaudiere, who were only seven computed miles distant the 28th inst. Nor were
we possessed of any certainty that our course would bring us either to the lake or
river, not knowing the point it lay from where we started. However, we came to
a resolution to continue it. In this state of uncertainty, we wandered through
hideous swamps and mountainous precipices, with the conjoint addition of cold,
wet and hunger, not to mention our fatigue— with the terrible apprehension of
famishing in this desert. The pretended pilot was not less frightened than many of
the rest; added to that the severe execrations he received, from the front of
the army to the rear, made his office not a little disasireeable. Several of the
men towards evening were ready to give up any thoughts of ever arriving at the
desired haven. Hunger and fatigue had so much the ascendency over many of the
poor fellows, added to their despair of arrival, that some of them were left in the
river, nor were heard of afterwards. In tum with Col. Greene, I carried the com
pass the greater part of this day. In this condition, we proceeded with as httle
knowledge of where we were, or where we should get to, as if we had been in the
unknown interior of Africa, or the deserts of Arabia. Just as the sun was depart
ing, we brought a pond or lake, which finally proved to be Chaudiere, aud soon the
small foot-path made by the other division of the army, whose choice turned to
their account. Our arrival here was succeeded with three huzzas, and then came
to our encampment.
Tuesday, 3]s(, — The appearance of daylight roused us as usual, and we had
advanced with all possible speed till about 11 o'clock, ere we saw the Chaudiere
river, which we last night imagined within a mile. Animated afresh with the sight
of a stream, which we very well knew would conduct us into the inhabitants if our
strength continued, we proceeded with renewed vigor. The emptying of the Chau
diere is beautiful, and formed a very agreeable ascent, though the stream is some
what rapid. The land was now much descending, yet very difficult travelling.
The spruce, cedar and hemlock were the chief growth of the earth, and these were
in tolerable plenty, almost impenetrably so in many places. We now began to dis
cover the wrecked batteaux of those who conducted the ammunition, &c. These
were seven in number, who followed the seven mile stream into the Chaudiere lake,
river, &c., and soon came to an encampment, where I found Capt. Morgan aad
most of the boatmen who were wrecked upon a fall in the river, losing everything
except their lives, which they all saved by swimming, except one of Morgan's rifle
men. This was the flrst man drowned in all the dangers we were exposed to, and
the third [lost] by casualties, except some lost in the wilderness, the number
unknown. At this encampment was Lieut. McCleland, of Morgan's company,
almost expiring with a violent peripneumonia. Necessaries were distributed as
much as possible, with two lads of the company in charge of him. Nor was this
poor fellow the only one left sick upon this river. Life depending upon a vigorous
push for the inhabitants, and that did not admit of any stay for any person; nor
could the two lads have been prevailed upon had not provisions been dealt out suf
ficient to conduct them to the inhabitants, with the promising to send them relief

APPENDIX. 69
as soon as possible from the settlements. In this general wreck, my medicine box
suffered the fate of the rest, with a set of capital instruments, &c. Though little
was to be feared from either my chirurgical apparatus or physical potions, I had,
however, a few necessaries in that way m my knapsack, &c., with a lancet in my
pocket, which enabled me at least to comply with the Sangradoine method.
On the 8th of November, Dr. Senter reached Point Levi, and soon
after crossed the river with the army, which advanced to the Plains of
Abraham, and on the 1 8th fell back to Point Aux-Trembles, to await
the arrival of General Montgomery. When the army advanced to
Quebec, and an assault upon the city had been planned, Dr. Senter
solicited Colonel Arnold for permission to lead a company whose Cap
tain was absent, and which, on that account, it was supposed would
tarry behind. To this application, the following answer was returned :
" Deae Sir.— I am much obliged to you for your offer, and glad to see you so
spirited, but cannot consent you should take up arms, as you will be wanted in the
way of your profession. Ton will please to prepare dressings, &c., and repair to
the main guard house at 2 o'clock in the morning, with an assistant,
I am in haste, yours, B. Aknold, Col.
Dr. Senter,
_27 Dec, 1775."
Though disappointed in his patriotic purpose, the Doctor found
ample scope for his services in the hospital, and singularly enough, the
first subject of his professional skill was Colonel Arnold himself.
The small pox, which early jippeared in the army, still extensively
prevailed, and after the army fell back to Sorel, Dr. Senter was
ordered by General Thomas to Montreal, to erect a Hospital for the
reception of patients. On applying to General Arnold, he obtained a
fine capacious house belonging to the East India Company, capable of
accommodating about six hundred persons. The only precautionary
measure known at that time was innoculation, which had not as yet
become popular. Dr. Senter, for personal safety and perhaps as an
example to the men, had already had the varioloid matter transferred
into his arm, and innoculation became general. An entire regiment at
a class went through the operation together, and had the disease so
mildly that they were able to do garrison duty during the whole time.
On retiring from the army, in 1779, Dr. Senter estabhshed himself
as a physician in the town of Cranston, R. I. About this time he was
elected a Representative to the General Assembly from that town, and
afterwards was appointed Surgeon and Physician General of the State.
Subsequently he removed to Newport, where he continued the practice
of his profession under the most favorable circumstances, as almost all
the old physicians had either died or emigrated during the war. He

70

APPENDIX.

became eminent not only as an industrious and successful practitioner,
but also as the author of several essays on professional subjects, which
appeared in the medical publications of the day, and added greatly to
his reputation at home and in Europe. He was elected an honorary
member of the Medical and Chirurgical Societies of Edinburg and
London, and an honorary member of the Massachusetts Medical Soci
ety. Among his pupils were Dr. Danforth, " the Medical Hercules "
of Boston, and Dr. Waterhouse, the accomplished botanist, professor
and writer, and who introduced vaccination into America.
Dr. Senter married EHza Arnold, daughter of Captain Rhodes
Arnold, of Pawtuxet, R. I. He had four sons and two daughters. The
eldest son, Horace Gates, was a physician of eminence, and was for
some time in the Hospitals of London. His second son, Nathaniel
Greene, was several years in the East India Service. His third son
was Edward Gibson, also a student of medicine. His fourth son,
Charles Churchill, died at the age of 17 years. His eldest daughter,
Eliza Antoinette, married Rev. Nathan Bourne Crocker, D.D., for
more than half a century the honored Rector of St. John's Church, in
the City of Providence. His second daughter, Sarah Ann, married
Clement S. Hunt, of the U. S. Navy.
For several years Dr. Senter was President of the Society of Cin
cinnati of Rhode Island. In person he was tall and weU proportioned,
and possessing great muscular strength. In his manners he was bland,
dignified, and social. The late Rev. Dr. William EUery Channing
mentions him as " a physician of extensive practice, who was thought
to unite with great experience a rare genius in his profession, and
whose commanding figure rises before me at the distance of forty-five
years, as a specimen of manly beauty, worthy the chisel of a Grecian
sculptor." In the height of his reputation and usefulness, he was
attacked with a disorder, caused by the severity of his professional
labors, which terminated his life, to the great regret of his fellow-citi
zens, on the 21st day of December, 1799, at the age of forty-six years.
His Journal of the Expedition against Quebec, which has been freely
used in the preceding pages, was published by the Pennsylvania His
torical Society in 1846, and is one of the most valuable memorials of
the scenes it records.
Simeon Thayer, son of David and Jane Keith Thayer, was born
in Mendon, Mass., April 30, 1737. His brothers and sisters were Jean,
David, Susanna, George, Faithful, Jemima, Mary and Elizabeth.
David Thayer, the father, was the grandson of Ferdinando, the son of

APPENDIX. 71
Thomas, who came early to New England with Margery his wife.
Ferdinando married Huldah Hay ward, of Braintree, Mass., Jan. 14,
1652. He lived in that town until after his father's decease, when he
removed to Mendon with a Colony from Braintree and Weymouth.
Simeon, the subject of this notice, was apprenticed to a Peruke-ma
ker, probably in Providence. His bold and decided nature loved
adventure, and it is not surprising that we find him, in 1756, a member
of a Rhode Island regiment, serving in the French War. In 1757, he
served in the Massachusetts line, under the command of Col. Fry, and
was principally in the Rangers, under Rogers. He was personally in
three engagements with the Indians, in each of which many of the
Rangers were killed. In August of the same year, he was in Fort
William Henry, when taken by Montcalm, which surrendered on the
morning of the 7th day from the commencement of the siege. After
being detained twenty hours he, with the rest of the garrison, was dis
armed and stripped of all his clothes, leaving him with only an under
waistcoat. As he was passing down the road near Bloody Pond, he
was attacked by an Indian, who seized him by the back of his waist
coat collar with the right hand and dragged him towards a swamp on
the left, about twelve or fifteen rods. His captor held in his left hand
a tomahawk and scalping knife. Thayer's shoulder, as the Indian was
forcing him along, struck against a small tree, which stopped hira. His
waistcoat broke open and slipped off, which, as the Indian was pulling
with main strength, precipitated him upon the earth, at some distance.
Thayer being thus disengaged, ran into the woods, where he joined the
rest of the troops. In passing on, the road being crowded, he with a
companion took a path called the plank guard path. They soon per
ceived an Indian with a tomahawk pursuing them. They both ran,
and coming to a tree that had been blown up by the roots, he crept
under, while his companion, endeavoring to leap over, was struck by
the tomahawk, thrown with unerring skill, and was killed. Thayer
made his escape once more, by running round the top of the tree, and
in an hour or two reached Fort Edward. The excessive fatigue of
running so great a distance in a short time, in intensely hot weather,
brought on an inflammation which impaired his health for many years,
and prevented his entering the service again during the war.*
*Captain Jonathan Carvek, a native of Connecticut, and who commanded a
company of Provincial troops in the " French war," was at Fort William Henry
as a volunteer during this siege, and thus describes the scenes that followed the
capitulation :
" In consideration of the gallant defence the garrison had made, they were to be
permitted to march out with all the honors of war, to be allowed covered waggons

72

APPENDIX.

On returning to Providence, young Thayer probably settled down
in the business to which he had been bred, as the registry of deeds
shows that in 1761, "Simeon Thayer, Periwig-maker," purchased an
estate on "Stamper's Hill," of Margaret Smith, weaver, for £2100,
"old tenor." The same year he was married. The events that transpired
between this date and the first resistance to British tyranny, on
the waters of Rhode Island in 1772, were well calculated to raise the
blood of Thayer to a fever-heat of patriotism, and prepare him for the
step he subsequently took. When the design of Britain made it nec
essary for the Colonies to arm for their defence, he was an officer in a
chartered company of Grenadiers in Providence. His zeal for the
public welfare and the reputation he had acquired as a friend to hberty,
to transport their baggage to Fort Edward, and a guard to protect them from the
fury of the savages.
The morning after the capitulation was signed, as soon as day broke, the whole
garrison, now consisting of about two thousand men, besides women and children,
were drawn up within the lines, and on the point of marching off, when great num
bers of the Indians gathered about, and began to plunder. We were at first in
hopes that this was their only view, and suffered them to proceed without opposi
tion. Indeed it was not in our power to make any, had we been so inclined; for
though we were permitted to carry off our arms, yet we were not allowed a single
round of ammunition. In these hopes however we were disappointed; for presently
some of them began to attack the sick and wounded, when such as were notable to
crawl into the ranks, notwithstanding they endeavored to avert the fury of their
enemies by their shrieks or groans, were soon dispatched.
Here we were fully in expectation that the disturbance would have concluded,
and our little army began to move; but in a short time we saw the front division
driven back, and discovered that we were entirely encircled by the savages. We
expected every moment that the guard, which the French by the articles of capitu
lation, had agreed to allow us, would have arrived, and put an end to our appre
hensions; but none appeared. The Indians now began to strip every one without
exception of their arms and clothes, and those who made the least resistance felt
the weight of their tomahawks.
I happened to be in the rear division, but it was not long before I shared the fate
of my companions. Three or four of the savages laid hold of me, and whilst some
held their weapons over my head, the others soon disrobed me of my coat, waist
coat, hat and buckles, omitting not to take from me what money I had in my
pocket. As this was transacted close by the passage that led from the lines on to
the plain, near which a French sentinel was posted, I ran to him and claimed his
protection; but he only called me an English dog, and thrust me with violence back
again into the midst of the Indians.
I now endeavored to join a body of our troops that were crowded together at
some distance ; but innumerable were the blows that were made at me with different
weapons as I passed on; luckily however the savages were so close together that
they could not strike at me without endangering each other. Notwithstanding
which one of them found means to make a thrust at me with a spear, which grazed
my side, and from another I received a wound, with the same kind of weapon, in
my ancle. At length I gained the spot where my countrymen stood, and forced

APPENDIX.

73

pointed him out as a suitable person to be trusted, and in May, 1775,
he was accordingly appointed a Captain by the General Assembly-
Three days after his appointment, he had completed his company, hav
ing enlisted every man himself. On Sunday, the 19th of May, an
express arrived from near Boston, stating that the British were march
ing out to Dorchester, to burn some buildings. In two hours' time,
Thayer assembled his company, dealt out their arms, ammunition,
blankets, &c., and marched with every man. He was met nine miles
from town by an express, and informed that the British had returned
into Boston, and as it was then late, he halted and took up his quarters
in Attleborough meeting house for that night. The next day he pro
ceeded on to Roxbury, where he arrived eight days before any other

myself into the midst of them. But before I got thus far out of the hands of the
Indians, the collar and wristbands of my shirt were all that remained of it, and my
flesh was scratched and torn in many places by their savage gripes.
By this time the war whoop was given, and the Indians began to murder those
that were nearest to them without distinction. It is not in the power of words to
give any tolerable idea of the horrid scene that now ensued; men, women and
children were dispatched in the most wanton and cruel manner, and immediately
scalped. Many of these savages drank the blood of their victims, as it flowed warm
from the fatal wound.
We now perceived, though too late to avail us, that we were to expect no relief
from the French; and that, contraryto the agreement they had so lately signed to
allow us a sufficient force to protect us from these insults, they tacitly permitted
them; for I could plainly perceive the French officers walking about at some dis
tance, discoursing together with apparent unconcern. For the honor of human
nature I would hope that this flagrant breach of every sacred law proceeded rather
from the savage disposition of the Indians, which I acknowledge it is sometimes
almost impossible to control, and which might now unexpectedly have arrived to a
pitch not easily to be restrained, than to any premeditated design in the French
commander. An unprejudiced observer would, however, be apt to conclude, that
a body often thousand troops, mostly christian troops, had it in their power to pre
vent the massacre from becoming so general. But whatever was the cause from
which it arose, the consequences of it were dreadful, and not to be paralleled in
modern history.
As the circle in which I stood enclosed by this time was much thinned, aud death
seemed to be approaching with hasty strides, it was proposed by some of the most
resolute to make one vigorous effort, and endeavor to force our way through the
savages, the only probable method of preserving our lives that now remained. This,
however desperate, was resolved on, and about twenty of us sprung at once into'
the midst of them.
In a moment we were all separated, and what was the fate of my companions I
could not learn till some months after, when I found that only six or seven of them
effected their design. Intent only on my own hazardous situation, I endeavored to
make my way through my savage enemies in the best manner possible. And I
have often been astonished since, when I have recollected with what composure I
took, as I did, every necessary step for my pi'eservation. Some I overturned, being
at that time young and athletic, and others I passed bv, dexterously avoiding their
10

74

APPENDIX.

troops from Rhode Island. On the 20th of September he was chosen
to accompany Arnold in his memorable march by the way of the Ken
nebec river to Quebec, and in the unsuccessful attack on the town was^
with many other officers and soldiers, made prisoner. He was kept
closely confined for nine months, part of that time in irons, on board a
prison ship, before he was admitted to parole. In September, 1776,
he returned to Providence.
On the 1st of July, 1777, Captain Thayer was exchanged, and in the
same month the General Assembly of Rhode Island ordered a "genteel
silver hUted sword " to be presented to him as a testimony of their
sense of his services. In anticipation of his exchange, the General
Assembly had, in February preceding, appointed him Major in one
weapons; till at last two very stout chiefs, of the most savage tribes, as I could dis
tinguish by their dress, whose strength I could not resist, laid hold of me by each
arm, and began to force me through the crowd.
I now resigned myself to my fate, not doubting but that they intended to dispatch
me, and then to satiate their vengeance with my blood, as I found they were hurry
ing me towards a retired swamp that lay at some distance. But before we had got
many yards, an English gentleman of some distinction, as I could discover by his
breeches, the only covering he had on, which were of fine scarlet velvet, rushed
close by us. One of the Indians instantly relinquished his hold, and springing on
this new object, endeavored to seize him as his prey; but the gentleman being
strong, threw him on the ground, and would probably have got away, had not he
who held my other arm, quitted me to assist his brother. I seized the opportunity,
and hastened away to join another party of English troops that were yet unbroken,
and stood in a body at some distance. But before I had taken many steps, I hastily
cast my eye towards the gentleman, and saw the Indian's tomahawk gash into his
back and heard him utter his last groan ; this added both to my speed and despera
tion. I had left this shocking scene but a few yards, when a fine boy about twelve years
of age, that had hitherto escaped, came up to me, and begged that I would let him
lay hold of me, so that he might stand some chance of getting out of the hands of
the savages. I told him that I would give him every assistance in my power, and
to this purpose bid him lay hold; but in a few moments he was torn from my side,
and by his shrieks I judge was soon demolished. I could not help forgetting my
own cares for a minute, to lament the fate of so young a sufferer; but it was utterly
impossible for me to take any methods to prevent it. '
I now got once more into the midst of friends, but we were unable to afford each
other any succor. As this was the division that had advanced the farthest from the
fort, I thought there might be a possibility (though but a bare one) of my forcing
my way through the outer ranks of the Indians, and getting to a neighboring wood,
which I perceived at some distance. I was still encouraged to hope by the almost
miraculous preservation I had already experienced.
Nor were my hopes in vain, or the efforts I made ineffectual. Suffice it to say,
that I reached the wood; but by the time I had penetrated a little way into it, my
breath was so exhausted that I throw myself into a brake, and lay for some minutes
apparently at the last gasp. At length I recovered the power of respiration ; but
my apprehensions returned with all their former force, when I saw several savages

APPENDIX.

75

of the Rhode Island regiments, and as soon as circumstances permitted,
he joined the army and marched to Red Bank. Here he was detached
with 150 men to join Colonel Samuel Smith, then in command of Fort
Mifflin, built on the lower enti of Mud Island in the Delaware, to pre
vent the passage of the enemy's vessels up the river. He continued
there three days, until the Hessians appeared as if they intended an
attack on Red Bank, when he received an express from Coh Greene,
ordering him to return with his troops, which he immediately did, and
reached the fort just as the Hessians appeared in sight. Major Thayer
commanded according to his rank during the action, and was detached
about the dusk of the evening, with a small force to bring in the
wounded. As he was employed in this humane service, two Hessian
grenadiers approached and told him that their commanding officer,
Count Donop, was lying wounded in the edge of the woods, near where
their artillery played. Suspecting an attempt to decoy him into an
ambuscade, he placed them under guard, telling them if they deceived
him, they would immediately be put to death ; to this they readily
assented, and conducted him to the place where they found the Count
lying under a tree mortally wounded. The Count asked the Major if
he was aa officer, and of what rank, of which being satisfied he surren
dered himself a prisoner. Major Thayer caused six men to take him
in a blanket and carry him with all possible care to the fort, where he
was received by Col. Greene.
Colonel Smith commanded on Mud Island from the latter part of
September, with the exception of a few days, until the 11th of Novem
ber, when, being wounded and worn down with fatigue, his request to
retire from the fort was granted. The command then devolved upon
pass by, probably in pursuit of me, at no very great distance. In this situation I
knew not whether it was better to proceed, or endeavor to conceal myself where I
lay, till night came on ; fearing, however, that they would return the same way, I
thought it most prudent to get further from the dreadful scene of my distresses.
Accordingly, striking into another part of the wood, I hastened on as fast as the
briars and the loss of one of my shoes would permit me; and after a slow progress
of some hours, gained a hill that overlooked the plain which I had just left, from
whence I could discern that the bloody storm still raged with unabated fury.
But not to tire my readers, I shall only add, that after passing three days without
subsistence, and enduring the severity of the cold dews for three nights, I at length
reached Fort Edward; where with proper care my body soon recovered its wonted
strength, and my mind, as far as the recollection of the late melancholy events
would permit, its usual composure. .
It was computed that flfteen hundred persons were killed or made prisoners by
these savages during this fatal day. Many of the latter were carried off by them
and never returned. A few, through favorable accidents, found their way back to
their native country, after having experienced a long and severe captivity."

76

APPENDIX.

Lieutenant Colonel Russell, of the Connecticut line, an amiable, sensi
ble man, and an excellent officer, but being exhausted by fatigue, and
broken down in health, he requested to be recalled. The Commander-
in-Chief, his Excellency General Washington, had no idea of hold
ing the place through the campaign, but wished to retard the ope
rations of the enemy until the main army should be re-inforced by the
Massachusetts brigade, marching from the conquest of Saratoga, when
he would be in sufficient force to cover the country, or to meet the
enemy's whole force in the field. Upon the 12th of November, he
signified his orders to the commanding General, at Woodberry, on the
Jersey side, who had the direction of all the forces below Philadelphia,
to defend the island as long as possible without sacrificing the garrison.
To defend it was absolutely impossible, unless the siege could be raised
by an attack upon the besiegers from the main army. This was
deemed impracticable by a general council of war, and therefore not
farther considered as an ultimate object. Nothing could then present
itself to a relieving officer, fully informed of all the circumstances, but
certain death, or an improbable escape, without the possibUity of con
tending upon equal terms. The love of our country may lead us to
the field of battle, ambition may lure us to particular enterprises, but
magnanimity alone can soar above every danger 1 The commanding
General could not detach an officer in rotation ; his reasons were insu
perable. In a moment so critical, when everything dear to his feelings
required an immediate decision, happy for him, and more happy for
the United States, Major Thayer presented himself as a volunteer !
The offer was accepted with inexpressible satisfaction ; and from the
12th to the morning of the 16th of November, he defended the Island
with the greatest address, against a furious and almost continued can
nonade and bombardment from a variety of batteries at small distances.
The defences at best were trifling; the place itself was iU chosen.
Hog Island and BiUingspost instead of Mud Island and Red Bank.
But on the morning of the 15th, the whole British force was displayed
from their land • batteries and their shipping in the river. The small
garrison sustained and repelled the shock with astonishing intrepidity,
for several hours, assisted from our galleys and batteries on the Jersey
shore. By the middle of the day, these defences were leveled with the
common mud, and the gallant officers and men philosophicaUy expected
each other's fate in the midst of carnage.
The grenadiers and light infantry of the British were paraded on
the opposite shore, and the Vigilant, an Indiaman, cut down to a battery
of twenty twenty-four pounders on one side, lay within twenty yards of

APPENDIX. 77 ¦
the troops. The attack was incessant. Two attempts from our galleys
were unsuccessfully made to board the Vigilant. The commanding
General was determined to fight the enemy on the Island if the Vigi
lant could be taken. She could not ; and nothing remained but to
secure the garrison, whose distance from the enemy on both sides was
not half so far as from the body of his troops upon the shore. During
this day more than one thousand and thirty discharges of cannon from
twelve and thirty-two pounders were made in twenty minutes. Such a
day America never saw till then ! Early in the evening of the 15th,
Major Thayer dispatched all his garrison, less than three hundred in
number, to the shore, excepting forty, with whom he remained, braving
death itself. At twelve at night, between the 15th and 16th, the bar
racks were fired, all the military stores having previously been sent
away, and the Major and his brave companions, he being the last from
the scene of slaughter, arrived at Red Bank, td the joy and astonishment
of all the army.*
The flrst principal battle in 1778 was fought by Washington at
Monmouth, N. J., June 28, a day of intense heat, and made memorable
by the reprimand of Lee and the gallant conduct of Mary Pitcher, the
wife of an American artillery-man, whose place she took when he fell
wounded. In this battle Major Thayer participated, being then under
Col. Sylla. He was detached with Gen. Scott to watch the motions of
the enemy, and on the evening before the action the detachment of
Scott was ordered to join the army. In this battle, Major Thayer
underwent great fatigue. Sylla's regiment, by particular leave of Gen
eral Washington, marched to attack the enemy, who appeared on the
left of the American army, and drove them through a morass. In
this movement, the Major experienced in his head a wind-concussion,
by the near passage of a cannon ball, which caused the blood to gush
from both his eyes. Rallying from the shock, he tied a handkerchief
over his face, and continued at his post all night. The effect of the
concussion was to destroy his right eye. The next day he joined his
Brigade, and being in excessive pain, he obtained leave to return to
Morristown until he should recover.

*General Knox, writing to Colonel Lamb, says, " The defence of Fort Mifflin was
as gallant as is to be found in history  The brave little garrison, then
commanded by Major Thayer, of the Ehode Island troops, had but two cannon but
what were dismounted. These soon shared the fate of the others. Every body who
appeared on the platform was killed or wounded, by the musketry from the tops
of the ships, whose yards almost hung over the battery. Long before night there
was not a single palisade left. All the embrasures ruined, and the whole parapet
levelled. All the block houses had been battered down some days before.''

78

APPENDIX.

Major Thayer remained at Morristown five weeks before he so far
recovered as to be able to attend to duty. In the mean time, his regi
ment had been ordered to Rhode Island, to support Gen. Sullivan.
Thither he followed, hoping to be in season to render service, and
arrived three days before the General retreated from the Island.
During the year 1779, Major Thayer was actively engaged in
superintending enlistments, and in other ways promoting the interests
of the Continental army. In December of that year he went by order
of the General Assembly to headquarters in New Jersey, to transact
business for the State . For the expenses of this journey £200 were
provided, and also a horse for the orderly who accompanied him. In
1780, he was Major in Colonel Angell's regiment in New Jersey. At
Springfield the regiment was stationed at the bridge, when the enemy
attacked that place. On that occasion he was posted in the centre,
with orders to watch the motions of the enemy, and give intelligence
to the commander of each wing. This post he sustained under four
different attacks, and passed the road in front and escaped four differ
ent times during the heavy fire, within pistol shot. When the regiment
was forced to quit the ground Major Thayer commanded the rear, was
the last to leave the field, and joined Gen. Greene on Rocky Hill.
After the enemy retreated. Gen. Stark, who then commanded the brig
ade to which the Major belonged, requested that he would follow the
enemy's rear, and make what discoveries he could of their motions.
This request he complied with, and followed alone on horseback, keep
ing in sight of them until they crossed Elizabethtown bridge, notwith
standing whole platoons fired at him. The results of his observa
tions he reported to Generals Greene and Stark. When the Marquis
de Lafayette was in danger of being surprised at Barren HiU Church,
Major Thayer was chosen by him with 300 men to cover his retreat,
where there was scarcely a possibility of escaping either being killed
or taken prisoner. Fortunately, however, the Major succeeded m
bringing off the whole of his detachment in the face of the enemy, —
the Marquis having moved off the main body some time before.
The brilliant defence of Fort Mifflin by Major Thayer was the theme
of universal praise. Congress, not aware that Colonel Smith had
retired from the command previous to the battle, and prompt to
acknowledge brave conduct, passed a complimentary resolution direct
ing an elegant sword to be presented to the Colonel as a token Of their
high sense of his merit in that affair. The discovery of the error was
too late for it to be corrected, and Colonel Smith accepted the sword as
the reward of a battle he did not fight ! The unintentional injustice of

APPENDIX. 79
Congress was keenly felt both by Major Thayer and his friends in
Rhode Island. General Varnum and Colonel Angell, his military com
patriots, and the late venerable John Howland, Esq., a soldier of the
Revolution, set the subject right before the public, in communications
that were pubUshed in the Providence Gazette in 1786, and in the
Providence Journal in 1840, and all of which are preserved in Judge
Cowell's " Spirit of '76." But while the page of history has been
corrected, the official injustice is perpetuated.
By the act of Congress of Oct. 3, 1780, the two Continental regi
ments of Rhode Island were corisoUdated, to take effect Jan. 1, 1781.
Under this arrangement Major Thayer retired from the service. He
was subsequently for three successive years chosen by the General
Assembly Brigadier General of the MiUtia of Providence County.
General Thayer was of medium height, active and energetic in his
business habits, and in private intercourse an agreeable companion.
He was married three times, viz :
1. To Huldah Jackson, daughter of Stephen Jackson, Esq., of
Providence. She was born Nov. — , 1738, and died April 28, 1771.
2. To Mrs. Mary Tourtelott, born Dec 24, 1742.
3. To Mrs.  Angell, sister to Huldah, his first wife. After
the death of General Thayer, she married Darius Daniels. She was
born in 1763, and died March 10, 1803, aged 40 years.
The children of General Thayer were
Nancy, born March 7, 1762; died May 1, 1783.
William Tourtelott, born May 11, 1767.
Susan, born April 24, 1768; died same date.
Stephen Tourtelott, died Feb. 2.5, 1769.
Hannah Tourtelott, born Jan. 1, 1769; died March 31, 1769.
Simeon, born March 24, 1770; died Sept. 9, 1791.
Polly, born Oct. 25, 1772; died May 28, 1814.
Richard Montgomery, born Dec. 3, 1775.
Henry, born April 10, 1785.
After leaving the army Major Thayer purchased, in 1781, of
Nathaniel Balch, hatter, an estate consisting of a house and lot situated
on " Stamper's HiU" for " $1350 Spanish miUed doUars," and also a
lot in the same vicinity, of Enos Smith, of Killingly, Ct., for "£10
lawful money." He erected a dwelling house on the spot now
a smaU park near the head of Constitution Hill, and in 1784 opened a
pubhc house known as the " Montgomery Hotel," which he kept for
several years, when he sold out and purchased a farm in Cumberiand.
There he continued to reside untU his decease, which occurred Tues
day, Oct. 14th, 1800, in the 63d year of his age. He died by casualty

80

APPENDIX.

having faUen or been thrown from his horse into a brook, while riding
home from Providence, and being kUled by the concussion or drowned.
On Thursday, Oct. 1 6th, his remains were interred in the North burial
ground, in Providence. The Society of Cincinnati, of which General
Thayer died a member, voted to wear the usual badge of mourning on
the left arm for tw enty-one days, as a testimony of respect.*
Major General John Thomas was descended from a respectable
family in Plymouth County, Mass., and served with reputation in the
war of 1756 against the French and Indians. In AprU, 1775, he
resided in Kingston, Mass., and raised a regiment for the Continental
service, and marched to Cambridge. He was soon appointed by Con
gress a Brigadier General, and during the siege of Boston commanded
a division of the provincial troops at Roxbury. In March, 1776, he
was appointed Major General, and after the death of Montgomery was
entrusted with the command of the army in Canada. As stated in the
Introduction to this Journal, he fell back with his forces from before
Quebec to Sorel, was there taken sick of small pox and conveyed to
Chambly, where he died May 30, 1776. Gen. Thomas was a man of
sound judgment and undoubted couiage. He was beloved by his sol
diers, and in private life endeared to friends by the amiabUity of his
character. Captain John Topham was a native of Newport, R. I. His early his
tory is unknown. When the first measures were adopted for resisting
the oppressive acts of the British government, he was found acting with
the friends of freedom. He was appointed Captain-Lieutenant of
Major Forrester's company of the regiment of Newport and Bristol,
commanded by Colonel Thomas Church, forming a part of the "Army
of Observation " raised by the General Assembly of Rhode Island in
May, 1775. It is said, that on hearing the news of the battle of Lex
ington, Captain Topham raised a company and marched to Cambridge.
*OAPTAIN THATEE'S PAKOLE.
I, Simeon Thayre, of Providence,
In the Province of Rhode Island, hereby pledge my Faith and word of Honor to
General Carleton, that I shall not do or say any thing contrary to the Interest of His
Majesty, or his Government, and that whenever required to do so, I shall repair to
whatever Place his Excellency, or any other His Majesty's Commanders-in-Chief in
America, shall judge expedient to order me.
Given under my Hand at Quebec,
this 3d Day of August, 1776. Simeon Thatke.
A true copy.

APPENDIX. 81
There he joined the Continental army under Washington, then holding
Boston in siege. He was subsequently assigned to Colonel Arnold's
detachment for service in Canada. Of the sufferings of himself and of
his men in their ijaarch through the wilderness, his Journal (though
imperfect) stiU preserved, is an interesting evidence. He was among
the officers who, when the prospect of starvation was before them;
unhesitatingly voted in a council of war to proceed. In the assault
upon Quebec he made a noble record for bravery and efficiency.
Here he was taken prisoner, and for four months and twelve days was
not permitted to set his feet on the ground. But this close confine
ment only served to enhance the value of the freedom to secure which
he had periUed his life, and he panted for au early opportunity to prove
his unabated devotion.
While still a prisoner, and in prospect of his early release. Captain
Topham was among the officers recommended by Washington (Oct.
12,1776,) to command a company in one of the two new regiments
then about to be raised in Rhode Island. Writing to Governor Cooke
on this subject, Washington says, " Too much regard cannot be had to
the choosing of men of merit, and such as are not only under the infiu
ence of a warm attachment to their country, but who also possess sen
timents of principles of the strictest honor." He adds : " In respect to
the officers that were in the Canada expedition, their behavior and
merit, and the severities they have experienced, entitle them to a par
ticular notice, in my opinion. However, as they are under their
paroles, I would recommend that vacancies should be reserved for such
as you think fit to promote, not wishing them to accept commissions
immediately, or to do the least act that may be interpreted a violation
of their engagement."
After being exchanged, the General Assembly of Rhode Island, in
February, 1777, chose Captain Topham a Captain in the first Conti
nental battalion, under Major Ward. In June following, he was
chosen Lieutenant Colonel in the brigade raised for fifteen months
under Colonel Archibald Crary. In December of the same year, he
held the same rank in the second battalion of the regiment of artillery
under Colonel WUliam Barton. In February, 1778, he was chosen
Colonel in place, of Colonel Barton, who had been transferred to the
Continental service, and held the position untU the brigade was dis
banded. In February, 1779, he was made Colonel of the second
battalion of Infantry. In June of the same year the two battalions
were consolidated under him ; and in 1780 he received the thanks of
11

82

APPENDIX.

the General Assembly for the great fidelity and ability with which he
had discharged his miUtary duties. After the war. Colonel Topham
engaged in mercantUe pursuits. In 1780, he was elected a Deputy to
the General Assembly from Newport. He was again elected in 1783,
1784 to 1788, and again in 1791 and 1792. He was a useful member
of the Assembly. Colonel Topham died in Newport, September 26tb,
1793, ia the 55th year of his age. On Sunday afternoon, the 29th,
his remains, preceded by the ancient and honorable fraternity of
Masons, of which he was a member, and followed by his relatives,
friends, and a large concourse of citizens, were committed to the grave.
Captain Oliver Hanchet, son of John 3d and Mary Sheldon
Hanchet, was born in Suffield, Conn., August 7th, 1741. Of his boy
life little is known. May 29th, 1766, he married Rachel GiUet.
In the commencement of the Revolutionary war, he commanded a
company of Provincials and marched to Cambridge, where he was
assigned to Arnold's expedition. In his march through the wilderness,
Capt. Hanchet was mostly with the advance, engaged in opening the
way for the main body of the army, and performing such other services
as were essential to its rapid march. After reaching Dead River, he
set out with fifty men for Chaudiere lake, to forward provisions from
the French inhabitants of Sartigan, for the use of the army. Suhse-
qently, in leaving the army (who took water conveyance on Chaudiere
lake) to go on by land, he mistook his course, and with sixty men was
led into low ground overflowed by water, through which they waded
up to their waists for the distance of two miles, when they were dis
covered by Col. Arnold, who sent batteaux to relieve them from their
uncomfortable situation. The trials and perils of the rest of the march
to Point Levi were shared in common with the army. At Quebec
Captain Hanchet was taken prisoner, and held with other officers until
paroles were granted in August, 1776. He appears not to have enter
tained a favorable opinion of Arnold, and was numbered among the
disaffected towards him. Of his life after being exchanged, no partic
ulars have been obtained. He died May 26th, 1816, aged 75 years.
His widow died March 28th, 1821. Both were buried in the West
Parish of Suffield.
Lieutenant James Webb, of Newport, R. I., was among the officers
recommended to consideration by Washington, for meritorious conduct,
and was chosen first Lieutenant in the Continental battalion, by the
General Assembly of Rhode Island, in February, 1777.

APPENDIX.

83

' Captain Samuel Ward was born at Westerly, Rhode Island, on
the 17th of Nov., 1756, and was the son of Samuel Ward, Governor of
that State, and Anne Ray, daughter of Simon Ray and Deborah
Greene, a relative of General Nathanael Greene.* His father, and
indeed all his family connexions, were ardent supporters of the Rev
olution, and, from the first collision between Great Britain and her
colonies, advocates of the independence of the United States, an event
which his father predicted as inevitable, as early as 1766.
Capt. Ward was educated at Brown University in Providence, and
was a classmate of Solomon Drowne, subsequently the distinguished Pro
fessor of Botany in that institution. Hostilities commencing about the
time he left college, he joined the Rhode Island army of observation,
*SAMnEL Wakd, father of Capt. Samuel, was born at Newport, Ehode Island,
May 27th, 1725. He was the son of Richard Ward, who was Governor of Rhode
Island in 1741 and 1742, and the grandson of Thomas Ward, who came to this
country in the times of Charles II, and who died in Rhode Island in 1689, a highly
esteemed and respectable citizen.
Samuel was educated at the excellent classical schools in Newport, R. I. He
married Anne Ray, of Block Island, and settled in Westerly. He represented that
town in the General Assembly of Rhode Island for several years, and was a dele
gate from the Colony to a convention held at Hartford, during the French war, to
consult with Lord Loudon, as to the best course to be pursued in prosecuting the
war. Mr. Ward was chosen Governor of Rhode Island in 1762, and again in 1765,
and continued in office until 1767. He early took ground against the encroach
ments of the Mother Country on Colonial rights. He denounced the stamp act and
the tax on tea, and was elected delegate to the Continental Congress, in which he
acted a conspicuous part. He early foresaw the separation of the Colonies from
Great Britain, and in a letter to his son, said; " These Colonies are destined to an
early independence, aud you will live to see my words verified "—a prophecy ten
years later fulfilled.
While the Congress was in Committee of the whole on the consideration of the
state of America, Mr. Ward occupied the chair. He was chairman of a committee
which originated a resolution, " that a General bo appointed to command all the
Continental forces raised, or to be raised, for the defence of American liberty."
When, under this resolution, Congress proceeded to ballot. Gov. Ward gave his
vote for General Washington, to whom, through life, he remained devotedly
attached. His feelings throughout the contest are nobly expressed in a letter to
his brother, written iu 1775 : " No man living, perhaps, is more fond of his children
than I am, and I am not so old as to be tired of life; and yet, as far as I can now
judge, the tenderest connexions and the most important private concerns, are very
minute objects. Heaven save my country, I was going to say, is my first', my last
and almost my only prayer." '
Governor Ward strongly advocated the Declaration of Independence, but did not
live to affix his signature to that immortal instrument. He died in Philadelphia of
small pox, March 26th, 1776, in the fifty-first year of his age. His remains were
exhumed m 1860, and brought to Rhode Island. The slab erected by the State over
his grave bears testimony to his great abilities, his unshaken integrity, his ardor in
the cause of freedom, and his fidelity in the offices he filled.

84

APPENDIX.

in which he was appointed a Captain on the 8th of May, 1775. The
army was raised in the name of His Majesty George III, for the
preservation of His Majesty's loyal and faithful subjects of the Colony
of Rhode Island. His commission, which was given by his uncle
Henry Ward, the Secretary of Rhode Island, (the Governor and
Lieut. Governor being Tories,) authorized him ' in case of an invasion
or assault of a common enemy, to infest or disturb this or any other of
His Majesty's Colonies in America, to alarm and gather together the
company under your command,' ' and therewith to the utmost of your
skill and abUity, you are to resist, expel, kUl and destroy them, in 'order
to preserve the interest of His Majesty and his good subjects in these
parts.' Like their brethren the covenanters —
' Who swore at first to 4ght
For the King's safety and his right.
And after marched to find him out
And charged him home with horse and foot,'
the Whigs of the Revolution found no inconsistency in avaihng them
selves of the authority of the King as the constitutional head of the
government, to preserve and maintain their constitutional rights. In
the month of May, 1775, the father and son both left their home — the
one to represent the Colony in the Continental Congress, and the other
to defend her liberties in the field. Capt. Ward joined the army
besieging Boston — burning with a vehement desire to vindicate the
rights of the Colonies. In one of his letters to his family, dated Pros
pect HiU, July 30, 1775, addressing his younger brothers, he says: " As
you grow in stature, pray take pains to be manly : remember that you
all may have an opportunity of standing forth to fight the battles of
your country. This afternoon we expected to have had an engage
ment. We may have one to-night. The regulars are now landing in
Charlestown from Boston. I thank God we are ready to meet them."
With such an ardent spirit, young Ward, then in the 19th year of
his age, was not likely to hesitate in embracing an opportunity of
advancing the cause he had espoused ; nor was it long before one was
presented. In September, 1775, Colonel Benedict Arnold, then one
of the most enterprising of America's sons, (but afterwards 'quantum
mutatus abillo Hectore !') was invested with the command of 1100
volunteers, destined to join Moijtgomery at Quebec, by way of the
Kennebec river. The country was then an unexplored wilderness,
and they were obliged to transport their provisions and munitions for
the whole distance, where they did not foUow the river, without the
aid of animals. Even when ascending the river, the volunteers were

APPENDIX.

85

compeUed to drag the boats over the waterfalls and portages, and after
leaving the river, the provisions and munitions, packed in smaU kegs,
were placed on the backs of the soldiers and carried more than 300
miles, through thick and pathless woods, and over lofty mountains and
deep morasses. So great were the difficulties, that a part of the
detachment actually abandoned the expedition, and returned to Cam
bridge to avoid starvation. Capt. Ward, the youngest officer in the
expedition, together with his company, persevered, and after unheard
of privations arrived before Quebec in Nov., 1775. A letter from him
on the 26th of that month to his family, dated at Point-aux-Trembles,
gives a vivid account of the hardships of the expedition.
" It would take too much time to tell you what we have undergone.
However, as a summary of the whole, we have gone up one of the
most rapid rivers in the world, where the water was so shoal that, mod
erately speaking, we have waded 100 miles. We were thirty days in
a wUderness that none but savages ever attempted to pass. We
marched 100 miles upon short three days' provisions, waded over three
rapid rivers, marched through snow and ice barefoot, passed over the
St. Lawrence, where it was guarded by the enemy's frigates, and are
now about twenty-four miles from the city to recruit our worn-out
natures. Gen. Montgomery intends to join us immediately, so that we
have a winter's campaign before us ; but I trust we shall have the glory
of taking Quebec !"
That hope, unhappily, was not realized. The attack upon that city
failed, and Capt. Ward, with the principal part of his company, having
penetrated under the command of Arnold, through the first barrier,
was surrounded by a superior force and compelled to surrender. The
following letter written by Governor Samuel Ward to his daughter,
Miss Nancy Ward, afterwards Mrs. Anne, wife of Ephan Clarke,
Esq., in relation to Captain Ward's capture,- expresses the anxious
interest of a parent, and presents in a favorable light the military con
duct of the son : Philadelphia, 21st Jan., 1776.
Mt Deaebst:
Blessed be God, your dear brother, of whom I never heard one word, from the
time he left Fort Weston until last Monday, is alive and well, and has behaved well.
There is a gentleman here who saw him the day before the attack upon Quebec.
He had been very ill with the yellow jaundice; but one Captain McLean, formerly
of Boston, took him home and cured him.
This, gentleman tells me he was happy to have gone upon that service. General
Montgomery was killed in the attack, and his troops immediately retired, which left
the whole force of the enemy to attack your kinsman, Lieut. Colonel Greene who
upon Arnold's being wounded and carried off, led the detachment ou nobly. ' They

86

APPENDIX.

carried two barriers, attacked the third, and fought gloriously with much superior
forces, under cover also. Four hours after, being overpowered by numbers, they
were compelled to surrender prisoners of war, and are very kindly treated.
I have written by express to your brother, and shall send him some money. Call
upon all who owe us for some. I shall want it much.
Write immediately to Colonel Greene's wife that he is well, and treated with great
humanity. He has acquired vast honor in the service, and I doubt not will soon be
exchanged. In the mean time, I have written Sammy to let him know his family
is well, and that if he needs any money he can draw upon me.
Tour afiectionate father,
Samuel Ward.
P. S. In Colonel Greene's detachment there were 120 killed and wounded—
nearly half killed. Troops begin their march from here to-morrow, to reinforce
our army in Canada.
While in captivity, Capt. Ward received the following letter from
his father, which, from the excellence of its sentiments, and as fully iUus-
trating the principles of the leading patriots of that time, is inserted at
length. Philadelphia, January 21st, 1776-
Mr Deak Son:— I most devoutly thank God that you are alive, in good health,
and have behaved well. Tou have now a new scene of action — to behave well as a
prisoner. Tou have been taught from your infancy the love of God, of all mankind,
and of your country. In a due discharge of these various duties of life, consist true
honor, religion and virtue. I hope no situation or trial, however severe, will tempt
you to violate these sound, these immutable laws of God and nature. Tou will
now have time for reflection. Improve it well; examine your own heart. Eradi
cate, as much as human frailty admits, the seeds of vice and folly. Correct your
temper. Expand the benevolent feelings of your soul, and impress and establish
the noble principles of private and public virtue so deeply in it, that your whole life
may be directed by them. Next to these great and essential duties, improve your
mind by the best authors you can borrow. Learn the French language, and be
continually acquiring, as far as your situation admits, every useful accomplishment.
Shun every species of debauchery and vice, as certain and inevitable ruin, here and
hereafter. There is one vice, which, though often to be met with in polite com
pany, I cannot but consider as unworthy of the gentleman as well as the Christian.
I mean swearing. Avoid it at all times.
All ranks of people here have the highest sense of the great bravery and merit of
Col. Arnold, and all his officers and men. Though prisoners they have acquired
immortal honor. Proper attention will be paid to them. In the mean time, behave,
my dear son, with great circumspection, prudence and firmness. Enter into no
engagements inconsistent with your duty to your country. Such as you may
make, keep inviolate with the strictest honor. Besides endeavoring to make your
self as easy and happy as possible in your present situation, you will pay the
greatest attention, as far as your little power may admit, to the comfort and welfare
of all your fellow-prisoners, and of those lately under your immediate command,
especially. We have a great number of prisoners iu our possession, who are treated with the
greatest humanity and kindness, and with pleasure I hear that Col. Arnold's detach
ment is treated in the same humane manner. The mischiefs of war are sufficiently
great under the most civilized regulations. What a savage he must be, who would
heighten them by unnecessary severity and rigor. I hope that humanity to the

APPENDIX.

87

unfortunate will be the distinguishing characteristic of the successful on either side
of this unhappy contest. Write to me often; and may infinite wisdom and good
ness preserve and prosper my dear son.
Tour very afitectionate father, Samdel Ward.
The son and his excellent guide and adviser never met again in this
life — the latter dying of the small pox at Philadelphia, while attending
Congress on the 26th of March foUowing, and before the declaration
of that independence for which he had so earnestly labored.
Captain Ward was exchanged in 1776, and on the first day of Janu
ary, 1777, was commissioned as Major in Coh Christopher Greene's
regiment of the Rhode Island line — a worthy compeer of his relative
Gen. Greene, Scipiados duo fulmina belli.
In that capacity, he was present and cooperated in the gallant
defence of the fort at Red Bank, when it was unsuccessfully assailed
by the Hessians under Count Donop, October 22, 1777. The same
year he was aide-de-camp to General Washington. The next year, he
was detached for the defence of his native State, under the command
of Generals Greene, Lafayette and Sullivan. In the celebrated retreat
from Rhode Island, he commanded a regiment, and on the 12th of
April, 1779, he was commissioned Lieut. Colonel of the 1st Rhode
Island Regiment, to take rank from May 1st, 1778. During that and
the following year he was in Washington's army, in New Jersey, and
participated in the toil and glory of that service. He was present at
the defence of the bridge at Sprmgfield, by a part of the Rhode Island
line, against the Hessian General Knyphausen, in June, 1780. He
was an original member of the Society of Cincinnati, and through the
war as the commander of a regiment was attended by his faithful body
servant Cudjo, a fuU blooded African.
At the termination of the war. Colonel Ward returned to the peace
ful pursuits of a citizen with the same alacrity that he had manifested
when his country's voice had caUed him to arms. He now commenced
business as a merchant, and manifested as much enterprise in his new
profession as he had in his previous career. In the spring of 1783 he
made a voyage from Providence to Canton, in the ship George Wash.
ington, which was among the first to display ' the republican flag' in the
China seas. Upon his return to the United States, he estabUshed him
self at New York, as a merchant, and by his probity, frugaUty and indus
try, became successful in his business. In the course of his mercantile
career he visited Europe, and was at Paris when Louis XIV was be
headed. After his return from Europe, Col. Ward established himself on

"° APPENDIX.
a farm at East Greenwich, R. L, where he lived to see his children edu
cated to usefulness and establish themselves in the business of active hfe.
In 1816, with a view of being nearer his children, several of whom
had embarked in business at New York, he removed from his native .
State to Jamaica, on Long Island. Here, and in the city of New York,
he resided in the midst of his family and friends, by whom he was
admired and beloved for his manifold virtues, untU the termination of
his long and useful career. His conversation, at all times interesting,
was rendered peculiarly attractive to aU who enjoyed an intimacy with
bun, by the discrimination with which he commented upon what he
had seen and met with abroad. The politics and military operations
of the Revolution shared also among the topics that were most agree
able to his mind ; but rarely, if ever, did he aUude to the actions in
which himself had borne a part. The modesty which was so particu
larly striking in the mUitary men of the Revolution made an essential
part of his character. When death approached, it found him ready. A
life nobly spent in the discharge of every public and private duty had
prepared him to relinquish his Maker's gift without murmuring, and
he descended to the grave,
' Like one who wraps the drapery of his couch
About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams.'
Colonel Ward died in New York, August 16, 1832, in the 76th year
of his age. In early Ufe he married Phebe, daughter of Governor
WUliam Greene, of Rhode Island, thereby connecting himself by a
double relationship with the eminent soldiers of that name. Mrs. Ward
was born March 11th, 1760, and died October, 1828, in the 69th year
of her age.* The issue of this marriage was
William Greene Ward, born April 1, 1779; died August, 1798.
Samuel, " 1780-1; died at the age of four or flve years..
Henry, " 1782-3; " in infancy.
Henry ,t " Mar. 17, 1784; " July 26, 1838.
Samuel.t " May 1, 1786; " Nov. 27, 1839.
*In the preparation of this biography, a sketch of Colonel Ward published in the
American Annual Register for 1833, has been used entire; also a newspaper sketch
written by the late Dr. John W. Francis, of New Tork. With these, particulars
obtained from private and public sources have been incorporated.
tHenry Ward was the eldest surviving son of Captain Samuel Ward, and hence
became a member of the Society of Cincinnati, succeeding his father. By the same
rule of succession, Henry Hall Ward, Esq , only son of Henry and Eliza Hall Ward,
and head of the Banking House of Ward & Company, New Tork, became a mem
ber of the Society of Cincinnati, and is at present its Treasurer. Mr. Ward is also
President of the New Tork Club. He was for many years connected with the mili
tary of New Tork.
tSamuel Ward was a partner in the old firm of Prime, Ward and King, New Tork-

APPENDIX. 89
Anne Catharine, born 1788; died Sept., 1837.
Phebe,. " 1790 or, 91;" April, 1825.
Richard Ray, " Nov. 17, 179-5.
John,* " Oct. 26, 1757; '' March 31, 1866.
Willilm Greene, " Aug. 7, 1802; " July 22, 1848.
A taste for fine arts, literature and military science appears inherent
in the famUy of Governor Ward. William Greene Ward, a grandson
of Colonel Samuel, and son of William G., is Brigadier General of
the First Brigade, First Division of the National Guard of the State
of New York. He stands unrivalled in his knowledge of military
affairs. He was Lieutenant Colonel of the Twelfth regiment National
 —  « 
*Mr. John Ward never married. Several years of his early life were passed in Rhode
Island. He returned to New York, however, in 1818, and was for a time clerk in the office
of Messrs. Kevins and Townsend, brokers and bankers. In 1819, he commenced business
under the old Globe Insurance Company ; and.in 1824, established the House of John Ward
& Company, which firm was afterwards, in 1847, changed to that of Ward & Company,—
his brother. WilUam G. Ward, having been one of the partners.
He continued an active member of the House until the first of March, 1865, when he
retired from business with the reputation of a sagacious aud successful banker, a man of
irreproachable integrity and of great purity of character. Mr. Ward was for many years
President of the Kew York Stock Exchange, and one ol the earliest, though not an original
member of that board. By a resolution of the board, he was (a short time before his
decease) requested to sit for his portrait to A. H. Wanzler, which now graces the walls of
the New York Stock Exchange.
Mr. Ward, besides his sterling qualities as a man of business, was highly esteemed for
his cheerful and kind hearted disposition, his amiable manners and acts of generosity,
which were the uniform expression of his frank and noble nature. He possessed in com
mon with Ms late brothers (Henry, Samuel, and William G. Ward,) a cultivated and dis
criminating taste in the fine arts, and like them, not unfrequently proposed suggestive
themes for painting or sculpture. The series of paintings entitled " Cole's Voyage of
Life," were the result of such suggestions. Mr. Ward was also a sincere friend of Thomas
Crawford, the sculptor, who married his niece, and Crawford's admirable bust of Washing
ton, finished with his own hands, graces Mr. Ward's late residence in Bond street. He
was a subscription member of the Clinton HaU Association ; also a Life Member of the
New York Historical Society, having contributed to its building fund, the publication
fund, and other objects. He was fondly devoted to his accomplished nieces, (daughters of
Samuel Ward) Mrs. Julia "Ward Howe, thepoetess, wife of Dr. Samuel G. Howe, of Boston
Mrs. Louisa Ward (Crawford) Terry, wife of the artist, now in Europe, and Mrs. Anne
Ward Maillard, of Bordentown, New Jersey. It is to Mr. Ward and the widow of Mr.
Crawford [now Mrs. Terry] that the New York Historical Society is indebted for " the
Crawford Marbles," which have been so generously deposited in its Library and Galleries
of Art. His brother Samuel was the first President of the Bank of Commerce in New
York,* the largest National banking institution in the United States, the present President
being Charles H. Kussell, Esq.. also a " Son of Ehode Island." Mr. Charles Hall Ward
son ofthelate William G.Ward, possesses a fine library, and is an able financier in the
house of Ward & Co.
The last of the brothers is the venerable Eichard Bay Ward, who is not only highlv
esteemed as a lawyer of the old school, but also truly remarkable for his deep interest in
historical studies and antiquarian researches, as well as for his recollections of distin
guished contemporaries.

*rhe flrst Cashier was tho late George Curtis, father of the <rr.,por„i „,.„*„
accomplished author, Gkokse William Cubtis. graceful orator, poet, and

1-2

90 APPENDIX.
Guard of the State of New York, at Washington in 1861. His was the
first regiment to cross Long Bridge to invade Virginia, and had the
advance for some time. He commanded the regiment at Harper's
Ferry all summer in 1862, where they were finally taken prisoners by
" Stonewall " Jackson. In 1863, Colonel Ward and his regiment were
in Coiich's Corps, Dana's Division, Yate's Brigade, in the Pennsylva
nia campaign, which ended in the Battle of Gettysburg. During the
draft riots in New York, Colonel Greene with his regiment, at the
request of Maj. General Charles W. Sanford, rendered efficient ser
vice in guarding the City Hall, until the danger was over. John
Ward, jr., a younger hrother, served as Captain in 1862 and 1863,
in the Twelfth regiment, ot" which he is at present Colonel commanding.
Lieutenant Christian Febigie, a native of Copenhagen, Denmark,
had held a Subaltern's commission in the Danish service. He was
Adjutant of Arnold's forces. He was a generous, sympathetic man,
and Judge Henry speaks in the warmest terms of his conduct in the
wilderness. He was taken prisoner in the attack upon Quebec, and
with the other prisoners was kept in close confinement. He returned to
PhUadelphia in company with Mr. Henry, having saUed from Quebec
in the Pearl frigate, Capt. M'Kenzie, August 10th, and reaching New
York September 11. Subsequently he received commissions as Major
and as Colonel. He led the 11th Virginia regiment at the assault on
Stony Point. In 1791, he held the office of Treasurer of the State of
Pennsylvania. Lieutenant Sylvanus Shaw, of Newport, R. I., was one of the
officers recommended by Washington to the favorable consideration of
the General Assembly of Rhode Island. After returning from his
captivity at Quebec, he was commissioned Captain, and commanded a
company under Colonel Christopher Greene, at Red Bank. He was
killed in that battle, Oct. 12, 1777.
Lieutenant Edward Slocum, of Tiverton, R. I., was also among
the officers recommended by Washington to the favor of the General
Assembly of his native State. He was a Captain in the Rhode Island
line from 1777 to 1779.
Lieutenant William Humphrey, of Providence, R. L, taken pris
oner at Quebec, was subsequently a Captain in the Rhode Island Une
to the close of the war.
Colonel James Livingston was a native of New York. He had
long resided in Canada, and actively sympathized with the Colonies at

APPENDIX. °1
the beginning of the war. He commanded a battalion of Canadians,
and in the assault upon Quebec was directed to make a false attack
with a show of firing of the gate of St. John. Something occurred to
prevent this movement, thereby failing to create a diversion favorable
fo Arnold's detachment. He commanded at King's Ferry at the time
of Arnold's treason. He commanded at Verplanck's Point while the
Vulture lay off' in the stream, and sent to West Point for ammunition
to enable hira to annoy the vessel. On the evening of September 25th,
(1780) he was called by Washington to his head-quarters at Robinson's
House, for the purpose of eliciting such information in regard to Ar
nold as he might be able to give.
Lieutenant Colonel Roger Enos was from Connecticut His
career in the Expedition through the wUderness has already been
related. After retiring from the army, he removed to Vermont,
and in 1781 was appointed a General and Commander of the
MUitia of the State, and became somewhat conspicuous in public
affairs. Benjamin Duefee, a volunteer private in Capt. Topham's Com
pany, was taken prisoner, — escaped in June, 1776, and came home; —
was taken again on Rhode Island, which prevented his applying for the
pay due to him. The General Assembly, at the June Session, 1782,
ordered the payment of his claim of £24, 10s, "silver money," to be
allowed. Captain Samuel Lockwood belonged to Greenwich, Conn. He
did excellent service in capturing the fleet of Carleton, at Sorel, and
was taken prisoner at the storming of Quebec. He was afterwards a
Captain in Colonel Lamb's regiment of artillery.
Ebenezer Adams, of Rhode Island, was a volunteer with Arnold,
and afterwards a Captain of Artillery. He was one of the originators
of, and a Captain in the expedition under Colonel Barton to capture
Prescott in 1777.
General Sir Guy Carleton, Governor of Quebec, was born at
Newry, County of Down, in Ireland, in 1722. He achieved an hon
orable mUitary reputation, and in 1786 was created Lord Dorchester.
He died in 1808, aged 86 years.
Caleb Haskell, of Newburyport, Mass., was a private in this
expedition. He was probably in Capt. Ward's company, as twenty
men of a Newburyport company at Cambridge enlisted to serve under
him.

92

APPENDIX.

Geoege Meechant was a volunteer in Captain Morgan's company
of riflemen, and a man who would at any time, give him fair play, have
sold his life dearly. While the army was in position before Quebec,
he was one day placed on picket, but in an unfortunate position. Sta
tioned in a thicket, where, though he was out of sight of the enemy's
garrison, he could see no one approach, a Sergeant of the British
" Seventh," who, from the manner ol the thing, must have been clever,
accompanied by a few privates, slily creeping through the streets of
the suburbs of St. John, and then under the cover of bushes, sprung
upon the devoted Merchant before he had time to cock his rifle. Mer
chant was a tall and handsome Virginian. In a few days, he," hunting
shirt and all, were sent to England, probably as a finished specimen of
the r^emen of the Colonies. The government there very Uberally
sent him home in the following year. He was the first prisoner taken
at Quebec. He was a brave and determined soldier, fitted for a sub
ordinate station. — Henry.
Lieutenant William Heth, 2d, of Frederick County, Va., was blind
of one eye. He was a brave officer, was taken prisoner at Quebec,
and subsequently was made a Colonel. As mentioned elsewhere, he
kept a Journal of the Expedition to Canada, which was used by Mar
shaU. Sergeant Thomas Boyd was, in 1779, Captain of a company of
rifiemen in the First Pennsylvania regiment. The same year he
accompanied General Sullivan in his expedition against the Indians of
the Six Nations, in western New York, was taken prisoner by the
savages, tortured and put to death.
Sergeant Charles Porterfield was a native of Frederick County,
Virginia. He marched as a volunteer with Arnold through the wil
derness. He showed great bravery in the attack upon Quebec, and
was the first man to scale the walls. With his companions he was
taken prisoner. After being exchanged, he raised a company at his
own expense, and was commissioned in the .Virginia Une. In leading
a regiment of which he was Lieut. Col. Commanding, he was killed in
the battle of Camden.
Michael Simpson was from Pennsylvania, and a volunteer with
Arnold, in Smith's company. At the time of the assault upon Quebec,
he was, by order of Arnold, in command as Lieutenant at the Isle of
Orleans. Henry says, he was " one of the most spirited and active
officers, always alert, always on duty." Blany years after the war, he
was made a General in the ]?ennsylvania Militia.

APPENDIX. 93
Dr. Thomas Gibson was a Sergeant in Captain Hendricks' com
pany. He was taken prisoner at Quebec. Of the part he took in the
plan of escape, related by Captain Thayer, page 33, Henry makes the
foUowing relation : " Money was obtained from charitable nuns who
visited the prison, but obtained in a method remarkable rather for
ingenuity than fairness or propriety ; but it was thought that all arti
fices were allowable, especially as life was to be hazarded for liberty.
Once a nun was seen approaching ; when Doctor Gibson, who had
studied physic atXJornish, and who afterwards died at VaUey Forge,
in the winter of 1788, a young man of ruddy cheeks and with a beau
tiful head of hair, was hurried into bed, to play the part of a sick man
with a high fever. The nun being introduced, crossed herself and
whispering an Ave Maria or Pater Noster, poured the contents of her
purse, 24 coppers, into the hand of the patient. The money procured
powder, and the manner of obtaining it occasioned some merriment to
cheer the gloom of a prison."
Robert Cunningham, of Smith's company, was a strong, athletic
man, about twenty-five years old. He was a wealthy freeholder of
Lancaster County, Penn. In this campaign he imbibed the seeds of a
disease that hurried him to an early grave.
Sergeant Joseph Ashton, of Captain Lamb's company, was placed
in chief command of the organization of the prisoners who had planned
an escape. Under his orders were Sergeant Boyd, Henry, McKay
and others, to serve as Colonels, Majors, Captains, &c. After being
exchanged, he was commissioned Major in Colonel Lamb's regiment
of artiUery.Captain poLBOURN commanded a company of artificers in the march
through the wilderness.
Lieutenant Isaiah Wool remained in command of Capt. Lamb's
company after his capture. He was afterwards commissioned Captain
of ArtUlery.
Sergeant Henry Crone, of Captain Hendricks' company, was de
scended from a worthy and respectable family of York County, Penn.
He was a droU dog, and much inclined to p\a.j.— Henry.
Captain Matthew Duncan, from Pennsylvania, a volunteer, was
sent to reconnoitre, after the attack on Quebec, and was taken prisoner.
Lieutenant James Tisdale, of Medfield, Mass., was wounded at
Quebec, a ball passing through the fleshy part of his shoulder. He
served in the Massachusetts line during the war.

Note N.
A List of Men's names in Captain Simeon Thayer's Company, being Part of the Detachment under the Command of Col. Benedict Arnold on the
Expedition for Canada, at Cambridge, Sept'r, 1775. Abstract of Pay due to Capt. Simeon Thayer's Company, from Sep'r 1, 1775. to Jan'y 1, 1776.

CO

Officers
and Privates'
Names.

What Capacity.

Simeon Thayer 
Lemuel Bailey 
William Humphrey. . .
Thos. Page 
Thos. Ellis 
Moses Bryant 
Samuel Singleton 
Morris Cookran 
James Hayden 
Silas Wheeler 
Thos Low 
Isaac Hawes 
Wm. Clements 
Benoni Patten 
Eleazer Thayer 
John Thomson 
John Latham 
Stephen Mills 
Jonathan Scott 
Elijah Fowler 
Kich'd Congdon 
Francis Fillibut 
Jolin Barritt 
Bob't Hill 
John Turner...' 
Wm. Willis 
James Barnes 
Moses Hemmenwey. . .
Andrew Hinman 
Nath'l Parker 
James Welch 
Daniel Devizer 
Abel Ford 
Sam'l Ingalls 
Thos. Garey 
Alex'r Spencer 
Jesse Jewell 

Returned Back
Sick.

Captain 
1st Lieutenant.
2d do.
1st Sergeant...
2d do.
3d do.
4th (Jo.
1st Corporal —
2d do.
3d do.
4th do.
Fifer 
Private 
do. do.do.do.do.dodo.do.do. do.
do. do.do.do.do.do.do.
do. do.do.do.do.do.
do.

Oct'r 26, 1775.

Taken Prisoners
at Quebec,
Deo'r 31, 1775.

Dec'r 31, 1775..

do. do.

do.do.

do.

Sep'r 26, 1775.

Oct. 26, 1775.

do.
do.

do.
do.

do.
do.

do.
do.

do. do.
do. do.
do. do.

do. do.

do.do.do.

do.do.do.

do. do.
do. do.

Killed in Battle.
iiec'r 3lVi776!!

do. do.

Not taken
Prisoners.

Deo'r 31, 1775 .
do. do.

do. do.

do. do.

do.do.do.

do.do.

do.do.
do.

do. do,
do. do.
do. do.

do.do.

Sup'r Cr. The
m'nth Sep'r pay
1775, at Cambrg.

£6 0
4 10
4 10
2 8
222

00000
8 0
8 0

0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0

0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0

0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0

Names of Men
Listed Jan'y 6,
1776, in Quebec.

Jan'y 6, 1776.

do. do.

do.

do.

The Officers and Men. M'nthly
Pay, from Sep'r 1, 1775, to
Jan'y 1,1776, is 4months.

0000
0 0
0
0
_ 44  8 16 0
©44  8 16 0
-J 44  8 16 0
Cffl 44  -8 16 0

@120s@ 90.
(gj 90.
@ 48.
@ 48.
@ 48.
@ 48.
@ 44.

.£24 0
...18 0
...18 0
....9 12
....9 12
...9 12
. ..9 12
.8 16

@ 40. . .
@ 40...
@ 40. . .
@ 40. . .
@40 ..
@ 40...
@ 40. . .
@ 40. . .
@ 40.-. .
@ 40. . .
@ 40. . .
@ 40. . .
@ 40. . .
@ 40. . .
@ 40. . .
@ 40. . .
@ 40. . .
@ 40. . . ,
@ 40. . . ,
ifc 40. . . .
@40...,
@ 40. . . .
@ 40. . . ,
@40....
I@ 40 

.8 0 0
.8 0 0
.8 0 0
.8 0 0
.8 0 0

.8 0 0
.8 0 0
.8 0 0
.8 0 0

.8 0 0
.8 0 0
.8 0 0
.8 0 0
.8 0 0

0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0

>
hihiM

to <^
Ill<D CD

0 0 0 0?
^c? a o cj fD

'c-c'

»¦-;

BSE ¦ "c
2 WO

1 o

0 ii
cDcrq

3§

i< fe" K «? J< JH SP K =;< a =:< O 0 «H It! 'H s! H Ii ta CO 5-1 hj t; 5-1

5 o

0S(R

BP

2 "^
o o
o o
@s
o o
o £ Oi
^^¦°CR CD ¦
^ P •=
P a -
rt-tO,

hJO

S-.

S!05hBoip j^p ^p
:. CD ", CD c» p

^ilH

: K

>000000-<!S"'='000000

B

SJS,
V a &&
.,0^ o o
¦S°EJ
Bos
oooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo
!fe ft Jfc f*^ tfc >^ I
XaXa)(si)(a)(8)(S(s)(a)(8Cs)(.8(a)(8)Ca)(8)C®t®(a)t8iS(.8)t8)t8)Ca;(8)C8;i
C»00aOC»O0CB00C»0O0OCDCOO0O0OO0OC»CO0O0O0O00COCOO00O00O0COCOCOC»(»C»COCO0O00C»Q0C»
ooooooooooooooeooooooooooooooooooooooooooo
coooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo
sss
?0 03 09
ooo
56
•xiaNEjay
96 APPENDIX.

Note H. Page 28.
The following Ust of the killed, wounded and taken prisoners of the American
troops at Quebec, on the Slst December, 1775, is copied from Ware's Journal, seve
ral times before quoted, The asterisks are suffixed in the original, though no
signification is given.*
Officers taken prisoners.- Lt. Col. Greene, Major Meigs, Major Bigelow, Adj't
Febezer,t (Japtain Matthew Duncan.
York forces killed.— General Montgomery, Capt. Jacob Cheeseman, Aide-de-camp
McPberson. 1st. Battalion, 8 killed and one wounded; 3d Battalion, 2 killed.
Capt. John Lamb's Companv. Killed. — Solomon Russell, Martin Clark.
Wounded. — Capt. Lamb, Bartho. Fisher, Thos. Oliver, Ely Gladhill, Barns Burns.
Prisoners. — Lt. Andrew Moody, Capt. Lockhart, vol.jt Joseph Ashton, Sergt.;
Kobt. Baird, Robt. Barwick, James Arvin, John Ashfield, Gasper Steyman, Moses
Brackit, George Carpenter, Thomas Winter, Jacob Bennit, Joseph Spencer, Thomas
Thorp, John Conet, Joseph Dean, Benj. Vandervert, John Martin, John Fisher.
Listed in the King's service. — James Patten, John Poalk, John Wilson, Thomas
Deys, William Whitwell, Thos. Morrison, David Stone, John Kelley, John Johns
ton, John Lucox, Wm. McLien, John Ritters, Peter Feoton, Shelby Holland, Peter
Nestle [Matross,] David Torrey.
Capt. Daniel Mokgan's Company. KiUed. — Lt. Humphrey, Wm. Rutlidge,
Cornelius Norris, David Wilson, Peter Wolf, John Moore, Matthew Harbinson,
Rich'd Colbert.
Wounded. — Benj. Cackley, Solomon Fitzpatrick, Daniel Anderson,- Spencer
George,* Daniel Durst, Hezekiah Phillips, Adam Hizkill, John McGuire, Jesse
Wheeler.* Prisoners.— Capt. Morgan ; Lt. Wm. Heath, 2d, [Heth]; Lt. Bruin, 3d, [slightly
wounded!; Wm. Fickhis, Sergt.; Cliarles Porterfield, Sergt.; John Donaldson,
Sergt.; John Rogers, Corp. ; Benj. Grabb, Corp.; John Burns, John Conner, Solo
mon Veal, Jacob Sperry, Adam Kurts, John Shoults, Charles Grim, Peter Locke,
John Stephens, David Griffith, John Pearce, Benj. Roderick, Thomas Williams,
Gasper de Hart,* Benj. Mclntire, Jeremiah Gordon, Rowland Jacobs, Daniel Davis,
Jehu Brown, John Oram, John Maid, John Harbinson, Jedediah PhiUips, Jacob
Ware, Absalom Brown, Thomas Chapman, Charles Secrests, Jeremiah Riddle,*
William Flood, William Greeaway, Rob't Mitchell.
Listed in the King's service.— John Cockran, Curtis Bramingham, Timothy Feely,
Eilw. Seedes, Patrick Dooland, Christopher Dolton, Rob't Churchill.
Capt. William Henduick's Company. Killed.— Capt Hendrick, Dennis Kel
ley, John Campbell.
Wounded. — John Henderson, John Chesney, Abraham Swaggerty, Philip Baker.
Prisoners.— Lt. Francis Nichols, Thomas Gibson (Sergt.), Wm. M'Coy (Sergt.),
John Chambers, Robt. Steele, John Blair, Rich'd M'Cluer, James Reed, John
*0n the 4tb January, 1776, Colonel Ailait Maclean, of the 84th Regiment of " Royal
Kraigrauts," visited the prisoners and took their names and places of nativity. Those of
British birth were required to enlist in this regiment, under the threat of otherwise being
sent to England and tried as traitors. Under this threat many enlisted, and some doing
so improved favorable opportunities to desert. This list of killed, wounded and taken
prisoners is evidently incomplete.
t This name is written Febiger, Nebegry, Frebecer, Fobeger, and Phebeger. The correct
orthography is Febigir.
t Probably Capt. Samuel Lockwood, Greenwich, Conn. A sea-captain.

APPENDIX. 97
McLin, Henry McGown, Edward Roddin, Daniel North, Matthew Taylor, Daniel
Graham, Tho. Anderson, George Morrison, John Ray, Wm. Kirkpatrick, Wm.
Gammel, Henry Crone [Sergt.], Jacob Mason.
Listed in the King's service. — Henry Turpentine, Joseph Greer, Sergt., Barnabas
McGuire, Matthew Cunning, Daniel Carlisle, Richard Lynch, Philip Maxwell, Peter
Burns, Thomas Witherup, Thomas Murdock, Francis Furlow, Wm. Shannon,
Edw'd Morton, Roger Casey, Wm Snell, George Morrow, Daniel M'Cleland, James
Ireland, Daniel O'Hara, Michael Young, John Hardy, James Greer, Peter Frainer,
James Hogge, WiUiam Burns, Wm. O'Hara, Alexander Burns, Joseph Caskey,
John Cove, Arch'd McFarlin, Thomas Greer, William Smith, Joseph Wright, John
CarswoU, John Gardner, Thomas Lisbe.
Capt. Smith's Company. Killed. — Alexander Elliot, Henry Miller, Ingrah.art
Mortworth, James Angles .
Wounded.— lA. Rich'd Steele, John Miller, Thomas Silborne, Peter Carbongh.
Prisoners.— Robt. Cunningham, Thomas Boyd, Sergt., Sam'l Carbough, Philip
Newhouse, Conrad Meyers, Conrad Sheyers, Valentine Willey, John Shaeffer
[drummer], Michael Shoaf, Anthony Lebant, John Henry, vol., Edw. Egnew, Pat
rick Campbell, Joseph Dockerty, Nicholas Kogle, Thomas Gunn.
Listed in King's service. — Joseph Snodgrass, Sergt; Henry Herrigan, Corp.;
Henry McAnally, Michael Fitzpatrick, Edward Cavener, Timothy Conner, William
Randolph, Rob't Richmond, Alexander McCarter, John Anderson, Hugh Boyd,
Thomas Walker, Joseph Higgins, Daniel Crane, Henry Taylor, Thomas Pugh.
Capt. Handchitt's Company. Killed.— U. Sam'l Cooper, Nath'l Goodrich,
Wm. Goodrich, Peter Heady, Spencer Merwick, John Morriss, Theophilus Hide.
Wounded. — David Sage, [Sergt.]
Prisoners.— Capt. Olivei- Handchitt; Lt. Abijah Savage; IBenj. Catlin, Quart.;
Peletiah Dewey, Sergt.; Gabriel Hodgkiss, 1st Sergt.; Gershom Wilcox, Sergt.;
RosweU Ransom, Corp. ; Jedediah Dewey, Corp. ;* John Risden, Samuel Biggs,
Samuel BUss, Rich'd Brewer, Sam'l Burroughs, Nath'l Coleman, Stephen Fosbury,*
Isaac George, 2Isaac Knapp, Edw'd Lawrence, Joel Loveman,* 3 Elijah Marshall,
Daniel Rice, 4 David Sheldon, lehabod Swaddle, Jonathan Taylor, Solomon Way,*
Noah Whipple, Abner Stocking, Moses White, 5 Simon Winter.
Listed in the King's service. — 6 John Basset, Drummer; Patrick Newgent.
Capt. Topham's Company, Killed. — Charles King, Caleb Hacker, Hugh
Blackburn. IWritten Chattin by Thayer.
2Enlisted out of Capt. Caleb Trowbridge's Co. into Capt. Hanchet's Co., for the Canada
Expedition, Sept. 5, 1775.
SEnlistedout of Major Eoger Enos' Co., about the beginning of September, 1775, into
Capt. Hanchet's Co., Col. Wyllys' Eegt., Col. Arnold's detachment.
4 Son of David Sheldon.
6 Was a minor, and an apprentice of Joseph Forward. Was dead January 31, 1777.
6 John Bazzle, Drum Major, Conn. State Papers, III, p. 649.
The following names belonging to Capt. Hanchet's Company are added from the Con
necticut State Papers, Kev. War, in, pp. 649-666 :
Samuel Bemiss.
Elishma Brandekee.
Joseph Lewis; was a soldier in Capt. Hanchet's Co., and was not taken prisoner.
Aaron Bull ; was flfer of Capt. Hanchet's Co . at Quebec.
Jas. Morris ; was of Capt. Hanchet's Co. at Quebec, not taken prisoner.
Daniel Judd; a soldier in Capt. Hanchet's Co., went out iu Capt. Trowbridge's Co. from
New Haven.
James Kuowles ; wus the Ensign in Capt. Hanchet's Co.
1.3

98 APPENDIX.
Wounded. — Joseph Kennyon, Baker Garlin.
Prisoners.— Capt. John Topham, Lt. Joseph Webb, Lt. Edw, Sloaknm, Matthew
Cogshall, Sergt. ; John Finch, Sergt. ; Reuben Johnson, Sergt. ; Stephen Tift, Philip
Rollins, John Darling, Oliver Dunnel, Wm. Underwood, Wm. Thomas, Isaac Bea-
tey, Charles Sherman, Benj. Irvin, Benj. Durfee, Wm. Pitman, Wm. Clark, John
Bentley, Jeremiah Child,* Thomas Price, Samuel Geers, Anthony Salisbury.
Listed in the King's seruice.— Daniel Booth, Sergt.; Michael Clausey, John Lin
den, James Green, Patrick Kelley, Tobias Burke.
Capt. Thayer's Company. Killed. — Daniel Davidson, Patrick Tracy.
Wounded — John Rankins, David Williams,* Peter Field.
Prisoners. — Capt. Simeon Thayer, Lt. Humphreys, Silas Wheeler, Thomas Law
[Low], James Hayden, James Stone, Silas Hooker,* Joraihan Jacobs, Stephen
Mills, Daniel Lawrence, Elijah Fowler, Bannister Waterman, Jonathan Scott,*
Cornelius Hagerty, Benj. West, Jesse Turrell, Samnel Ingolds, Andrew Henman.*
Listed in King's service. — Thomas Page, Sergt.; Moses Hemingway, John Rob
inson, William Dixon, Wm. Clements, Edw. Connor, Patrick Hanington.
Capt. Goodkich's Company. Killed. — Amos Bridge.
Wounded.— 'Soah CInff, Nath'l Lord.
Prisoners.— Capt. Wm. Goodrich, Lt. John Cumpton, Ashley Goodrich, Sergt.;
Augustus Drake, Sergt.; Festus Drake, Daniel Doyle, Jabez Chalker, Benj. Buck-
man, Samuel Buckman, Paul Doran, John Parrot, John Lee, David Pettes, Caleb
Northrup, Eoswell Ballard,* RosweU Foot, Oliver Avery, Elijah Alden, Benj.
Pearce, Abner Day, John Taylor, Josiah Root, Rich'd Shackley.
Capt. Wakd's Company. Killed. — Bishop Standley, Thomas Shepherd, John
Stephen. Wounded. — Eng'r James Tisdell, Nath'l Brown, Corp.; Jabez Brooks.
Prisoners. — Capt. Samuel Ward, Lt. John Clark, Lt. Sylvanus Shaw, Amos Boyn-
ton, Sergt.; John Sleeper, Corp.; Samuel Halbrooks,* John Goodhue, John Shack-
ford, Moses Merrill, Nath'l Babson, Enoch Foote, Jacob True, Josiah George,
Ebenezer Tolman, Thomas Gay, John Stickney, Elijah Dole, Elijah Hayden,*
Jeremiah Greenman, Enos Chillis, Gilbert Cas-vyell, John Gridley, Wm. Dorr, James
Rust, Joseph Pool, Israel Barrit, Bartholomew Foster,* Joseph Ware, Thomas
Fisher, Joseph Osburn.*
Listed in King's service. — Charles Harkin8.
[John Hickey was a member of Captain Ward's company.]
Capt. Hubbard's Company. Killed.— Oapt. Hubbard,. Sergt. Weston.
Prisoners.— U. Sam'l Brown, Jonathan Ball, Sergt.; Minath Farmer, Sergt.;*
Luther Fairbanks, Sergt.; Thomas Nichols, Oliver Smith, Simon Fobes, David
Patch,* Thomas Mclntire,* Benj. Phillips,* Timothy Rice* [mortally wounded
and died in the hospital], Joseph White, Aaron Heath, Wm. Chamberlain, Anthony
Jones, Riissel Clark, Paul Clap, Joseph Parsons, Samuel Bates, Luke Nobles,*
Joseph Burr, Oliver Edwards, George Mills.
Listed in King's service. — Charles McGuire, Morris Hayward, John Hall.
[Twelve men of Captain Hubbard's company were from Worcester, Mass.]
Capt. Deakbokn's Company. Prisoners. — Capt. Henry Dearborn, Lt. Nath'l
Hutchins, Lt. Amos Andrews, Lt. Joseph Thomas, John Flanders, Jona. Perkins,
Caleb Edes, Jona. Fogge, Wm. Taylor, Wm. Preston, Eben'r Tuttle, Moses Kim-
hall, Joseph Smith, James Melvin, James Beverley, Jonathan Smith, Samuel Sias,
Thomas Holmes, Moses Folnsby, Charles Hilton, John Morgan, Enos Reynolds,
Eliphas Reed, Robert Heath, Elkanor Danforth, Nath'l Martin, Jonathan Norris,
John Dobbin, John McCalm, Charles Budget, Samuel Hewes, Aaron Serjant.
Total Killed, 35; Wounded, 33; Prisoners, 372; Total, 440.
rorfc/orces.— Killed, 13; Wounded, 1.
Total Killed, Wounded and Taken, 454.

APPENDIX. 99

Memoranda.
Captain  Aykes led a body of pioneers tlfrough the wilderness to blaze
trees and " snag " bushes, "so that he might proceed in perfect security." — Henry.
Lieutenant Andrew Moody, of Capt. Lamb's company, after being exchanged,
received the commission of Captain.
Lieutenant William Cross " was a handsome little Irishman, always neatly
dressed, and commanded [on the Isle of Orleans] a detachment of about twenty
men." He was not in the attack on Quebec. — Henry.
Sergeant William McCoy, of Hendrick's company, was an excellent clerk, and
came into favor with Governor Carleton by giving to Major Murray, of the garrison,
a copy of his journal of the route through the wilderness into Canada. He was a
sedate and sensible man. — Henry.
 Metcalf, was a volunteer from Pennsylvania.
Peter Nestle, of Lamb's artillery, enlisted in the British service to secure an
opportunity to escape, which he did, and joined the company at Montreal. He was
made a subaltern.
John Tidd was a skillful boatman, and very useful in his vocation during the
march through the wilderness.
John M. Taylor, " keen and bold as an Irish grey-hound," a ready penman and
excellent accountant, was made by Colonel Arnold purveyor and commissary in tho
wilderness . — Henry.
William Reynolds, or Rannels, of Smith's company, " was miserably sick, and
returned in the boats." Oct. 4, Mr. Henry purchased his rifle for twelve dollars.
It was short, carried about forty-five balls to the pound, the stock greatly shattered,
and worth not over forty shillings. Never did a gun, ill as its appearance was,
shoot with greater certainty. Previous to this purchase, Henry had lost his hat,
knapsack and rifle, in the river by the upsetting of his boat, as it swept down a
rapid. John Shaeffer was a drummer, and purblind. In the course of the toilsome
march he would frequently, in crossing ravines on logs, tumble, drum and all, into
the abyss below. This man, blind, starving, and almost naked, bore his drum
(which was unharmed by all its jostlings) safely to Quebec, when many other hale
men died in the wilderness. He was a brother of Jacob Shaetfer, a respectable citi
zen of Lancaster, Penn. Army life did not improve his h!s.hits.—Henry.
Jesse Wheeler was an excellent shot, and his rifle was in frequent requisition to
procure game in the march through the wUderness.
Timothy Connor and Edward Cavanagh were Irishmen. Both settled in Penn
sylvania after the war. The legislature of that State granted the latter a pension.
James Dougherty was employed as a boatman in the expedition through the
wilderness. J. M. Gwinn was a volunteer from Virginia.
John Martin, of Capt. Lamb's company, was a hardy, daring, and active young
man. He undertook to convey to the American camp intelligence of the purpose
of the prisoners to attempt an escape. In this hazardous enterprise he was success
ful. — Henry.

100 APPENDIX.

IjISi" op Balances due to Sdndky Soldiers m the Tear 1776.
Luther Trowbridge  £4: 4 4
Thomas Gould  3 7 7
Thomas Botter  3 6 6
John Baldarce  15 0
Jabez Brooks  3 4 7
Aaron Cleveland  5 9 10
John Chaplin  2 8 10
Joseph Fasset  3 17 4
Thomas Dougherty  2 0 5
Elij ah H adon  2 3 4
Benjamin M. Kinney  3 6 8
Ebenezer Langley  3 12 1
John Carr Eoberts  4 6 8
Enoch Kichardson  5 3 2
Bishop Stanley  1 8 5
John Stevens  3 14 1
Thomas Smith  3 1 8
John Clarke  1 15 9
James Williams  10 8
JE67 16 11
I certify that Lieut. Colonel Samuel Ward, in the final settlement of his account with the
United States, accounted for the sum of one hundred and ninety-two dollars and 44-100, as
due to the individuals contained on the within List, and that sum was deducted out of his
account as valued by the scale of depreciation on the first of January, 1778, a 4 for 1.
John White, Clerk.
Capt. Samuel Ward, To Benedict Arnold.
Sept. 11, 1775. Bill Clothing furnished his Company at Cambridge, by the Qr. Mr.
Gen'l, viz : [Here follow the items.]
Towards the end money was charged to
26 Sept'r. Thomas Dougherty, Jabez Brooks, John Hickey, who were doubtless mem
bers of Capt. Ward's Company. Note I. Page 33.
As some matches might be necessary in that event [viz : overcoming the guard
at St. John's gate, and turning the cannon upon the city,] and there would be occa
sion for powder, in was procured in the following ingenious way. Some small gun
carriages were made, mounted with paper cannon, a few inches in length. Embra
sures were cut with a knife in the front board of the berths on opposite sides of the
room ; and two parties were formed for the pigmy contest. The blaze and report,
as loud as small pistols, created much merriment. For this sport, many cartridges
were obtained, most of which were carefully laid aside for other purposes. — Henry.
Note K.
Sedgwick, in his History of Sharon, (pp. 45, 46,) states that a company from that
town marched under Montgomeiy to Canada, and that four members of that com
pany were with Colonel Ethan AUen in his attempt on Montreal, viz: " Adonijah
Maxam, David Goff, WiUiam Gray, and Samuel Lewis. They, together with Roger
Moore, of Salisbury, were among those who were carried to England with Allen.
Alexander Spencer, of Sharon, joined Arnold's expedition through the wilderness,
but died on the march.

APPENDIX. 101

Note L.
The author of the History of Connecticut states that Morgan took command after
Arnold received his wound and was taken to the hospital. This is an error. Ar
nold's division in the assault was a battalion organization, and his second in com
mand was Lieut. Colonel Greene, and his third. Major Meigs. According to Dr_
Senter's Journal, (p. 34,) after Arnold retired from the field, the division was "under
the command of Lieut. Colonel Greene." Morgan joined Arnold with a single
company of riflemen from Virginia, aud was at no time in a position to rank Lieut.
Colonel Greene. Note M.
Letters from Colonel Arnold to General Washington.
Second Portage from Kennebec to the Dead Eiver, 1
Oct. 13, 1775. /
Mat it please Touk Excellency :
A person going down the river presents the first opportunity 1 have had of writing your
Excellency since I left Fort Western ; since which we have had a very fatiguing time. The
men in general not understanding batteaux have been obliged to wade and haul them for
more than half way up the river. The last division is just arrived except a few batteaux.
Three divisions are over the first carrying place, and as the men are in spirits I make no
doubt of reaching the Chaudiere river in eight or ten days; the greatest difficulty being,
1 hope, already past. We have now with us about twenty-five days' provisions for the
whole detachment, consisting of about nine hundred and fifty effective men. I intended
making an exact return, but must defer it until I come to Chaudiere. I have ordered the
commissary to hire people acquainted with the river and forward on the provisions left
behind (about 100 barrels) to the Great Carrying-place, to secure our retreat. The expense
will be considerable, but when set in competition with the lives or liberty of so many
hrave men, I think it trifling, and if we succeed, the provisions will not be lost.
I have had no intelUgence from Gen. Schuyler or Canada, and expect none until I reach
Chaudiere pond, where I expect a return of my express and to determine my plan of ope
ration ; which, as it is to be governed by circumstances, I can say no more than if we are
obUged to return, I believe we shall have a suflcienoy of provisions to reach this place,
where the supply ordered the commissary to send forward, will enable us to return on our
way home so far, that your Excellency will be able to relieve us. If we proceed on we
shall have sufiicient stock to reach the ITrench inhabitants, when we can be suppUed, if
not Quebec. 1 am with the greatest respect,
Tour Excellency's most obed't, h'ble serv't, B. Arnold.
P. S. Tour Excellency may possibly think we have been tardy iu our march, as we have
gained so little; but when you consider the badness and weight of the batteaux and the
large quantity of provisions, &c., we have been obliged to force up against a very rapid
stream, where you would have taken the men for amphibious animals, as they were great
partof the time under water; add to this the great fatigue in portage, you will think I
have pushed the men as fast as could possibly have been. The oflicers, volunteers and pri
vates, have in general acted with the greatest spirit and industry.
Inclosed is a copy of my journal, which I fancied your ExceUency might be glad to see.
Chaudiere Pond, 27th Oct., 1775.
Mat it please tour Exoellenot :
My last, of the 13th inst. from Portage to the Dead Eiver, advising your Excellency of
cur proceedings, I make no doubt you have received. I then expected to have reached
this place by the 24th inst., but the excessive heavy rains and bad weather have much
retarded our march. 1 have this minute arrived here with seventy men, and met a person
on his return, whom I sent down some time since to the French inhabitants. He informs
me they appear very friendly, aud by the best information he could get, wiU very gladly

102 APPENDIX.
join us. He says they informed him Gen. Schuyler had had a battle with the regular
troops at or near St. John's, in which the latter lost in killed and wounded, near 600 ; (this
account appears very imperfect) and that there were few or none of the king's troops at
Quebec, and no advice of our coming.
Three days since, I left the principal part of the detachment about three leagues below
the Great Carrying-place; and as our provisions were short, by reason of losing a number
of loaded batteaux at the faUs and rapid waters, I ordered all the sick and feeble to return,
and wrote Cols. Enos and Greene to bring on in their divisions no more men than they
could furnish with flfteen days' provisions, and to send back the remainder to the commis
sary. As the roads prove much worse than I expected, and the season may possibly be
severe in a few days, I am determined to set out immediately with five batteaux and about
fifteen men for Sartigan which 1 expect to reach in three or four days, in order to procure
a supply of provisions and forward back to the detachment; the whole of which I
don't expect will reach them in less than eight or ten days. H I find the enemy are not
apprised of our coming, and there is any prospect of surprising the city, I shall attempt
it as soon as I have a proper number of men up. If I should be disappointed in my pros
pect that way, I shall await the arrival of the whole and endeavor to cut off their commu
nication with Gov. Carleton, who, I am told, is at Montreal.
Our march has been attended with an amazing deal of fatigue, which the ofiicers and
men have borne with cheerfulness. I have been much deceived in every account of our
route, which is longer and has been attended with a thousand difficulties I never appre
hended ; but if crowned with success and conducive to the public good, I shaU think it but
trifling. I am with the greatest respect,
Tour ExceUency's most obed't h'ble serv't, B. Arnold.
P. S. As soon as I can get time, shaU send your ExceUency a continuation of my jour
nal. " B. A.
PoiKT Levi, Nov. 8, 1775.
Mat it please tour Exoellenct ;
My last letter was of the 27th of October, from Chaudiere pond, advising your Excel
lency that as the detachment were short of provisions (by reason of losing many of our
batteaux) I had ordered Col. Enos to send back the sick and feeble, and those of his divis
ion who could not be supplied with fifteen days* provisions, and that I intended proceed
ing the next day with fifteen men to Sartigan, to send back provisions to the detachment.
I accordingly set out the 28th, early in the morning, descended the river, amazingly rapid
and rocky, for about twenty miles, when we had the misfortune to stave three of the bat
teaux and lose their provisiions, &c., but happily, no Uves. I then divided the Uttle pro
visions-left, and proceeded on with the two remaining batteaux and six men, and very
fortunately reached the French inhabitants the 30th at night, who received us in the most
hospitable manner , and sent off early the next morning a supply of fresh provisions, flour,
&c., to the detachment, who are all happUy arrived (except one man drowned and one or
two sick— and Col. Enos's division, who, I am surprised to hear, are all gone back,) and
are here and within two or three days' march. I have this minute received a letter from
Brig. Gen. Montgomery, advising of the reduction of Chambly, &c. I have had about
forty savages join me and intend as soon as possible crossing the St. Lawrence.
I am just informed by a friend from Quebec that a frigate of 26 guns and two transports
with 150 recruits, arrived there last Sunday, which with another smaU frigate and four
other small armed vessels at the river, is all the force they have, except the inhabitants,
very few of whom have taken up arms, and those by compulsion, who declare (except a
few English) that they will lay them down when attacked. The town is very short of pro.
visions, but well fortified. I shall endeavor to cut off' their conmiunication with the
country, which I hope to be able to effect and bring them to terms, or at least keep them
in close quarters until the arrival of Gen. Montgomery, which I wait with impatience. I
hope, at any rate, to effect a junction with him at Montreal.
I am with the greatest respect,
Tom- ExceUency's most obd. servt., B. Aknold.

APPENDIX.

Note O. Page 73.
A List of men's names in Capt. Simeon Tha yee's Company,
being part of the detachment under the command of Colonel
Benedict Aknold, in the expedition for Canada. Cambrido'e,
September 10, 1775.*

Men's Names.

1 What
Capacity.

Whose
Company.

Whose
Regiment.

Casualties.

Simeon Thaver.

Captain.

Hitchcock

Lemuel Bayley,

1st. Lieut.

i'ew. 

Church.

WiUiam Humphrey,

2d. do.

Aldrich.

Hitchcock.

Thomas Page,
Ist. Serg't.
Thayer.
do.
Thomas Ellis,
2d. do.
do.
do.
Moses Bryant,
3d. do.
Field.
do.
Samuel Singleton,
4th. do.
Kimball,
do.
Morris Cockran,
1st. Corp'I.
do.
do.
James Hayden,
2d. do.
Thayer.
do.
Silas Wheeler,
3d. do.
Field.
do.
Thomas Low,
4th. do.
Thayer.
do.
Isaac Hawes,
Fifer.
Gridley.
Gridley.
William Clements,
Private.
Fletcher.
Little.
Benoni Patten,
do. •
Gray.
Brewer.
Eleazar Thayer,
"
Thayer.
Hitchcock.
John Thompson
tt
do.
do.
John Latham,
"
Field.
do.
Stephen Mills,
tt
Stebhins.
Brewer.
Jonathan Scott,
tt
• do.
do.
Elijah Fowler,
"
Tew.
Church.
Richard Condeu,
.(
Bradish.
Finney.
Francis Fillebutt,
((
Butler.
Nixon.
John Barrett,
It
do.
do.
Robert HUl,
tt
rietcher.
Little.
John Turner,
tt
Stebbins,
Brewer.
William Willis,
tt
PoweU.
Woodbridge
James Barns,
tt
Gray.
Brewer.
John Bridges,
"
C. Olney.
Sitchcock.
Dismissed.
Moses Hemenway,
"
Thayer.
do.
Andrew Hinman,
"
Sloan.
Patterson.
Nathaniel Parker,
>«
do.
do.
James Welch,
((
Field.
Hitchcock.
Joseph Lewis,
tt
Harris.
Bond.
Deserted Sept. 13th.
Charles Nutting,
"
do.
do.
Peter Field,
tt
Gleason.
Nixon.
James Monk,
•'
Thayer.
Hitchcock.
Silas Hooker,
tt
do.
do.
BenjaminDiman,
tt
Cranston.
Whltcome.
Patrick Tracey,
tt
Perkins.
Little.
Thomas Whittemore,
ti
Williams.
Graton.
William Gouge,
It
Thayer.
Hitchcock.
Joseph Jewell,
ti
Ballard.
Fry.
Patrick Harrington,
1'
Perkins.
Little.
Jeremiah Mosher,
((
WiUiams.
Heath.
Davis Williams,
It
do.
do.
Caleb Gorden,
((
Ballard.
Fry.
* After the printing of the Appendix and Index had been completed, the above
list of Captain Thayer's company was placed in the hands of the writer, and is here
inserted unpaged. The names are the same as found on pages 94 and 95, but with
the addition of the names of the Captains and Colonels, from whose companies and
regiments they were enlisted.
APPENDIX.

Men's Names.

What
Capacity.

Whose
Company.

Whose
Regiment.

1 Casualties.

Jabez Dow,

Private.

Ballard.

Fry.

Benjamin West,

do.

Williams.

Heath.

Jacob Flander,

•*

Ballard.

Fry,

Stephen Bartlett,

do.
do.
Samuel Blasdell,
do.
do.
John Blackford,
Hall.
Bond.
Dis'd in Cambridge.
Abijah Adams,
Dexter.
Woodbridge
Do. do.
Jacob Good,
Thayer.
Hitchcock.
John Robinson,
do.
do.
Cornelius Higgarty,
Field.
do.
Matthew Philip,
HiU.
Shermond.
Isaac Fillebrown,
Lock.
Bond.
Abraham Jones,
Kimball.
Hitchcock.
Dis'd in Cambridge.
Jonathan Jacobs,
WUder.
Little.
Pasco Austin,
J. Olney.
Hitchcock.
Joseph Bosworth,
do.
do.
Manie O'Daniel,
Field.
do.
Dis'd in Cambridge.
John Smith,
PoweU.
Whitcome.
Daniel Devizor,
Thayer.
do.
Abel Ford,
Kimball.
do.
Samuel Ingalls,
Hall.
Bond.
Thomas Geary,
do.
do.
Alexander Spencer,
Sloan.
Paj;terson.
Jesse Jewell,
do.
do.
Samuel WUIiams,
Brown.
Bond.
Elijah Jones,
J. Olney.
Hitchcock.
James Stone,
do.
do.
George Leach,
Cranston. .
Whitcome.
Deserted.
Nathaniel Peas,
do.
do.
Deserted.
John Salisbury,
Brown.
Bond.
Dis'd in Cambridge.
Edward Mulligan,
Gleason.
Nixon.
Eden Conner,
Butler.
do.
John Holley,
Talbott.
Hitchcock.
George Durant,
Whiting.
Brewer.
Dis'd in Cambridge.
Banister Waterman,
Curtis.
Larned.
Joseph Plaistow,
HiU.-
Shermond.
WiUiam Dixon,
Brown.
Bond.
Moses Eady,
do.
do.
John Collins,
Mclnster.
Patterson.
John Rankin,
Elliot.
Putnum.
John Ryand,
Gleason.
Nixon.
John Canell,
Butler.
do.
Samnel Grifllth,
Dexter.
Woodbridge
John Cambridge,
Thayer.
Hitchcock. In room of Manie
O'Daniel.
David Lawrence,
(C
C. Olney.
do. In room of George
Durant.
APPENDIX.
Note P. Page 78.
RETURN OF THE SECOND BATTALION IN THE STATE OF RHODE
ISLAND, COMMANDED BY COL. ISRAEL ANGELL.*

Newpoet— 31.
Arthur Smith,
John Exeung,
John Chadwicfc,
WiUiam Parker,
Francis Gold,
John Gibbons,
Abner Russell,
John Bentley,
Benjamin Fowler,
Uriah Wilbour,
Nathan West,
Edmond Pinegar,
Joseph Brown,
Joseph Paine,
Nicholas Wilson,
Richard Shield,
Elisha Austin,
John Horswell,
Daniel PhUlips,
Ellas Bryer,
Jeremiah Grinman,
Weston Clark,
Daniel Barney,
James Mitchel,
Richard Pritchard,
Southcoat Langworthy,
Benjamin Jackson,
Dennis Hogan,
Michael Morigan,
Asher PoHock,
Prince Jackson. Peovidenob— 33.
Daniel Hudson,
Philip Justis,
Darius Thurber,
Nathan Gale,
William Bennet,
Stephen Johnston,
William White,
Noah Chafey,
Edward Everson,
Patrick Capron,
John Ragen,
John Amon,
Daniel Lawrence,
Dnrfey Springer,
Church Winslow,
Ebenezer Whitaker,
James Hopkins,
Abijah Ford,
Christopher Moore,
Dennis Bagley,
WUliam Foster,

James Hale,
William Middleton,
John Walters,
Daniel Booth,
John Coats,
Hann Ovander,
John S. Robinson,
Michael Anthony,
Joseph Difad,
Thomas Graves,
'Thomas Switchers,
William Brown.
South Kingbtowh— 5.
Ephraim DaUey,
John Billington,
Joseph Billington,
Cuff Peckham,
.los. Nokake.
Nokth Kingstown— 6.
Jeremiah Wilkey,
Robert Alsborough,
John Davis,
Robert Dixon,
Christopher I. Shearman,
Franklin Tennant.
Smitheield— 15.
Abel Bomp,
Benoni Bishop,
Uriah Jones,
Solomon Shippey,
Zephaniah Woodward,
Charles Crosby,
Enoch Young,
Abiather Pollard,
John Rogers,
Elias Bishop,
.lohn Smith,
B. Shrieve,
Benjamin Smith,
Thomas Harrington,
Gideon Dexter. Ceahston— 6.
Jonathan Briggs,
Daniel Fenner,
Eleazer Westcoat,
Peleg Johnson,
WUUam Russel.

* The list of the men composing Major Thayer's battalion was not obtained
until after the preceding pages had been printed, and is inserted here without
paging.

APPENDIX.

Glooebtek— 7.
Reuben Williams,
Amos Wood,
Nathaniel Stoddard,
Elisha Inman,
Joseph Turner,
Stukly Inman,
Ephraim Andrews.
New Shoeeham— 6.
John York,
Job Franklin,
Edward Paine,
John Derub,
Edward Dodge,
Richard Pomp.
CUMBEELAHD — i,
John Strange,
David CoUar,
Daniel Bragg,
Esek Dexter. SOITUATE— 6
Benjamin King,
Jonathan Harrington,
Paine Hinds,
Richard Hinds,
William Edwards,
Stephen PhiUips.
Johnston— a.
Asa Johnston,
Charles Westcoat.

Tiverton- 2.
Job Palmer,
Abraham Springer.
East Gebenwich — 1.
William Thomas.
Chaelbstown- 11.
Joseph Kenyon,
Reuben Johnson,
Henry Perry,
Samuel Wampy,
Amos Mevas,
WiUiam Capen,
James Treddel,
John Charles,
Gideon Harvy,
Edward Harvy,
Thomas BUls.
KiCHMOND Town— 2.
George Niles,
John Dourse.
NoETH Peotidenoe — 2.
Abraham Hopkins,
Richard Thorp.
Little Compton— 3.
Anthony Salisbury,
John Taber,
James Tompkins,

Total— 141.

Examined from their several lists of Returns.

Simeon Thayer, Major.

APPENDIX

Note.— Page 85.
It is stated that Captain Ward's certificate of commission in the United States
Army, was the first signed by General Washington. Captain Ward opplied for it
at the request of Governor Ward, and dined with Washington at the time he re
ceived it. In October, 1775, Mr. Secretary Henry Ward went to Cambridge with
Governor Cooke, where they met Dr. Franklin and several other gentlemen, and
acted as commissioners to talk over and arrange matters requisite for the beneflt
of the army. The foUowing letter to Captain Ward, was written from that place
by his uncle, the Secretary. It came to light after the preceding pages had passed
through the press, and is an exact copy of the original.

Cambridge, October 15th, 1775.
Deak Nephew:
I last Kight rec'd Letters from your Father who is well. I left Providence on
Thursday & there saw Mr. Davids who was at your Father's House on Tuesday
last. The FamUy with your Aunts (who have moved into your Father's House) were all
well. Your Father informs me that the Congress have received such authentic InteUigence
from G. Britain as convinces them that the Ministry are determined to make a vigorous
Push for the Conquest of the Colonies, and the Congress are consequently determined
upon the most resolute Measures.
The Army here is in high Health and Spirits. And nothing is wanted to enable them to
drive the Enemy out of Boston but a sufficient Quantity of Powder. By the last accounts
I can coUect, 3000 Men may he expected at Boston very soon ; which is all the Force that
will probably come this Fall. Should it please God to crown the Expedition you are upon
with success, I need not press you to use your Endeavors that the Army may behave with
such Prudence as to conciliate the Affections of the Canadians. This is all the Paper I
have which I will use in praying God to bless you, and assuring you that I am,
your affec'e Uncle, Hehey Waed.
Capt. Ward.
The superscription of the above letter is as follows :
To
Capt. Samuel Ward,
In Col. Arnold's Army, Quebec.
Favoured by Mr. Price.

INDEX.

Adams, Ebenezer, of R. I., 91.
Arnold, Col. Benedict, iK, x, XlV, xv, 1, 2, 5,
7. 8, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 ; called
a council of war, 22, 25, 20, 28; wounded,
29 ; his treachery, 61 ; notice of , ix ; letter to
Gen. Wooster, xxiii.
Amraeguntio Lake reached, 12.
Alien, Col. Ethan, viii.
Allen, Capt., of Conn., vui.
Angell, Colonel Israel, 79.
Andrews, Lieut. Amos, taken prisoner, 31.
Ashton, Joseph, chosen leader for an escape.

Batteaux filled and overset, 9.
Balch, Nathaniel, hatter, '78.
Beverly, 2.
Berry, Mr., 12.
Bedel, Colonel, viii.
Bigelow, Major Timothy, xii, 8, 12, 28 ; taken
prisoner, 31 ; sketch of, 50.
Born, Lieut., 37.
Boyd, Thomas, xii, 92.
Brown, Major John, vi, vii, 24; sketch of, 51.
Brown, Lieut. Samuel, 23 ; taken prisoner, 31.
Bullen. Dr., 32.
Burr, Aaron, a volunteer, xiii.
Canada, Invasion of, vii — xxiv.
Carleton, Gen., xiv, 21, 22, 31, 35, 38, 39, 42,
43; humane character, 44, 91.
Carleton, Major, 36.
Campbell. Colonel, in command, 29.
CaldweU, Major, 19, 20, 28, 36, 37.
Canaan, 4.
Carver, Capt. Jonathan. 71.
Chaudiere river reached, xii, 12,
Chatham's, Lord, son, x.
Champlain, Capt. Samuel de, viii.
Cheeseman, Capt., killed, 29.
Chatlin, (Catlin) Quartermaster, taken pris
oner, 31.
Church, Colonel Thomas, 80.
Church,  , Lieut., 6.
Clarkson. Capt., 48.
Clifton, James, xii.
Clark, Lieut. John, taken prisoner, 31.
Clinton, Colonel, xx.
Colbourn, Capt., 93.
Copelin, Capt., 3,4, 10.
Commissioners to Canada, xix.
Compo HiU, battle of, 61.
Compston, Lieut., taken prisoner, 31.
Council of War, xi, xii.
Crone, Sergt. Henry, 93.
Cunningham, Robert, 93.
Dearborn, Capt. Henry, 1, 15, 28, 29; taken
prisoner, 31, 37; exchanged, 43; sketch of,
51.
Dewey, Quartermaster, 32.
Dead Eiver, 7.
Devil's FaUs, 5.
Doming, Colonel, of Fairfield, 61.

Dixon, Sergeant, killed, 20.
Douglass, Capt., 36.
Donop, Count, surrenders to Major Thayer,
75.
Duncan, volunteer, taken prisoner. 31, 93.
Drunken sailor, flre of, 29.
Duggen. Capt., 25.
Durfee, Benjamin, of K. I., 91.
Enos, Roger, Lt. Col,, xii, 1, 8, 10, 11,22; no
tice of, 91.
Expedition, officers of the, ix.
Farrington, Abel, 49,
Farrington, Capt. Thomas, 49.
First white child born in Norridgewock, 49.
Francis, Dr. John W., 88.
Frost, James, of R. I., 18.
Fort Western, 3.
Fort Halifax, arrived at, 4 ; buUt by Gen.
Shirley, 49.
Foster, Capt., 38.
Foy, Capt., 44, 45.
Fry, Colonel, 71.
Gatchel, Nehemiah, a guide, 12.
Goodrich, Capt., 1, 23,28; taken prisoner, 31.
Gibson, Dr. Thomas, 93.
Gisdale, [Tisdale] Lieut. James, taken pris
oner, 31, 93.
Gilley, John, died at 124 years, 49.
Greene, General Nathanael, 78.
Greene, Christopher, Col., ix, xii, 1, 2, 9, 12,
16, 17, 18, 27, 28. 29; taken prisoner, 31;
sketch of, 52; receives Count Donop, 75;
Council of war held, xi, xii, 10; at Rocky
Hill, 78.
Greene, Surgeon's Mate, ix.
Greer, Mrs., a soldier's wife, 21, 22.
Hall, John, betrays the plot to escape, 33.
Hambledon, Capt., 37.
Hanchet, Capt. Oliver, 1, 18, 23, 25; taken
prisoner, 31, 35 ; notice of, 82.
Hart, Olney, 21.
Haskell, Caleb, 91.
Hendricks, Capt WUUam, 1, 2, 24, 26, 28, 29;
sketch of, 59.
Henry, John Joseph, 15 ; sketch of, 58
Heath, [Heth] Lieut. WUUam, taken pris
oner, 31, 92.
Howard, Esq., James, 49.
Home, John, a guide, 12.
Hubbard, Capt. Jonas, xv, 1, 28; wounded
and died, 31; sketch of, 57.
Humphrey, Lieut. WiUiam, taken prisoner,
Humphreys, Lieut. John, killed, xv, 29.
Hutchins, Lieut. Nathaniel, taken prisoner,
Hunter, sloop of war, 37.
Hyde, Adjutant, returns, xii.
Indians, address to, xii.

104

INDEX.

Innis, George, drowned, 14.
Innoculation, 32.
Irvin, Ensign, sent back sick, xu.
Isis, man-of-war, 37.
Knox, Col. Henry, 48, 61 ; his opinion of Ma
jor Thayer's defence, 77.
Lamb, Capt. Jacob, 28 ; wounded, 29 ; taken
prisoner, 31, 32; sketch of, 60.
Lafayette, Marquis de, 78.
Laveris, Mr. 37.
LeMatre, Major, 35.
List of oflicers taken Dee. 31, 1775, 40, 41
List of the killed, wounded, taken prisoners,
and " listed in the King's service " at Que
bec, 96, 97.
Livingston, Colonel, viii ; notice of 90,
Lockwood, Capt. Samuel, taken prisoner, 31,
32, 34, 35; notice of, 98.
Lawton, Joseph, 45.
Maiden, 2.
March to Newburyport, 2.
Massacre at Fort William Henry, 71—75.
Megnatic lake, 21.
Meigs, Eeturn J., Major, xv., 8, 17. 28; taken
prisoner, 31, 32, 37; exchanged, 43; sketch
of, 63.
Mistake of historians corrected, 62, 101.
McFarUn, WilUam, 42.
Mahon, Dr., 37.
McCormick, James, 3, 48.
McDougal, Lieut., taken prisoner, 31, 35, 36.
McGuire,  , taken prisoner, 31.'
McDougal, Capt., 38.
Merchant, George, xii, 92.
McLane, Col., 34, 36, 96.
McCormick, John, kills a fellow-soldier, 3.
McCobb,  , Capt., xii, 1. 10.
Montgomery, Gen., x, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26;
killed, 29 ; notice of his death, xxiii ; sketch
of, 62.
Morgan, Capt. Daniel, xv, 1, 9, 14, 19, 23, 24,
28, 29 ; taken prisoner, 31, 47 ; embarks with
his men in batteaux, 49 ; notice of, 63.
McKenzie, Major, 35.
McKenzie, Mr., taken prisoner, 18.
McPberson, Capt., killed, 29.
Muster roll of Capt.Thayer's company, 94, 95.
Murray, Mr., 44, 45.
Munroe, Mr., 37. ft
Natanis, his brother Sabatis and other In
dians Join the Expedition, 16 ; daughter of
Sabatis, 50.
Nebegry, [Febigir] Christian, Adjutant,
taken prisoner, 31 ; notice of, 90.
Nichols, Lieut. Francis, taken prisoner, 31.
Nichols, Samuel, drowned, 13.
Nowell, Capt. Moses, 48.
Norridgewock, 5.
O'Brien, Bruen, Lieut. Peter, taken prisoner,
31.
Officers killed and scalped, 42.
Ogden, Major Matthias, xiU, 10, 11, 24.
Oswald, Capt. Eleazer, taken prisoner, 31;
notice of, 63.
Pease, Simeon, of E. I., 18.
Pens and ink, deprived of, 32,
Petition of officers, 39.
Petition of privates, 39.
Petersham, Lord, visit from, 36.
Pitcher. Mary, gallant conduct of, 77.
Porterfield, Charles, jr., taken prisoner, 31 ;
notice of, 92.

Point-aux-Trembles, arrived at, 22.
Quebec, founding of, viu ; assault upon, xviii ;
1 — :  J jj3j._

Kandall, Lieut , 36.
EaUe, Father Sebastian, 50.
Eoman Chapel, 5.
EusseU, Lieut. Colonel, at Fort Mifflin, 76.
Eum high price of, 17.
Sailed for Kennebec, 2.
Savage, Lieut. Abijah, taken prisoner, 31.
Sartigan, incident at, xii, 8; goodfareat, 17.
Senter, Dr. Isaac, x; at St. Joseph's, xiU:
Journal of, 25, 26: sketch of, 65.
Severe weather, xvii.
Seven Islands, 6.
Schuyler, Gen., marches to invade Canada,
viii.
Scott, General, at Monmouth, 77.
Scott,  , Capt., xu, 1, 2, 10.
Shaw, Lieut. Sylvanus, taken prisoner, 31:
killed, 90.
Sick sent back, 9.
Signals for sailing, Appendix, 47, 48.
Simpson, Mr., of Norwalk, 61.
Simpson, Michael, 92.
Slocum, Lieut. Edward, taken prisoner, 31,
90. . *¦ ' '
Smith, Colonel Samuel, 75; receives a sword
from Congress, 78.
Smith, Capt. Matthew, 1 25, 26, 28: notice of,
65. ...
Smith, Enos, of KiUingly, Ct., 79.
Smith, Margaret, 72.
Small pox in the army, xxi.
Stark, General, John, 78.
Steele, Lieut. Archibald, taken prisoner, -31.
Sorel, town of, xx.
Spring, Eev. Samuel, 26; sketch of, 65.
Squhegan Falls, 4.
Sufferings of the party, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16.
Sullivan, Gen., xxi, 48.
SyUa, Colonel, at Monmouth, 77.
Thayer, Capt. Simeon, x, xii, 1, 11; taken
prisoner, 28; reflections, 30, 31; sails for
home, 45; his journal, 47, 48; sketch of,
72—80 ; his children, 79 ; his parole, 80.
Thomas, Gen. John, xix, xx, xxi ; sketch of,
80.
Thomas, Lieut., taken prisoner, 31.
Thompson, Gen., taken prisoner, 42; to go
home, 44.
Topham, Capt. John, x, xii, 1, 2, 3, 10, 13,
14, 15, 17, 18, 19, 21, 23, 25, 26, 28; taken
prisoner, 31 ; sketch of, 80.
Transports arrive from Halifax, 36.
Troops cross the St. Lawrence, 19.
Trumbull, Col., xiii.
Ward, Capt. Samuel, xiii, 1, 28; taken pris
oner, 31; sketch of, 83—90.
Ward family, 84r^.
Ware, Joseph, journal of, v, 13.
Warner, Col. Seth, viii, xix.
Warner, Mrs., a soldier's wife, 21.
Washington, Gen,, x, 13, 41, 48, 76; letter to
Arnold, xxiii.
Webb, Lt. James, 19; taken prisoner, 31;
notice of, 82.
Williams,  , Capt. xii, 1, 8, 10; turned
back, 10.
Works relating to the invasion of Canada,
iv— vi.
Wool, Lieut. Isaiah, 39.