Washington's Valedictory Address to the People oJ
the United States, published in September, 1796.
Harrisburg, 1839.

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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

1942

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^ v^ WASHINGTON'S

Viiiiiisi©a®^(i)ia^ iiiDiDiaiass

TO THE

PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES,

PUBLISHBD IN SBPTEMBER, A. B. 1796 :

TOGETHER WITH THB

DECLARATION OP INDEPENDENCE.

Piinted is purtaanse of a Resolution of tho House of RepreaentatiTes, adopted
on the 22d of February, A. O. 1839.

HARRISBURG :
BOAS & COPLAN  rRINTBBS.
1839.

W3 3 4>.2 9l^

TO THE PEOPLE

OF THB

"BLJ]«rjB:Tr'jiE:3t» ^rar'jVk^rmLrBB::.

Friends and fellow citizens :
The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the eKeo-
iitive government of the United States being not far distant, and the
time actuaHy arrived when your thoughts must be employed in desig
nating the person Avho is to be clothed with that important trust, it
appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more dietkict
e.xpression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you ef the
resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the
number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured,
that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to al'
the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful
citizen to his country; and that, in withdrawing the tenderof service
which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by n«
diminution of zeal for your future interest ; no deficiency of grateful
respeot for your past kindness; but I am supported by a full convic
tion that the step is compatible with both.
The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to whic"
your suffrages have twice called nie, have been a unitorm sacrifice o
inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deterence for what ap
peared to be your desire. I constantly hoped that it would have
been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I
was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from
which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my incliuation
to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the prepara
tion of an address to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on the
then perple.xed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign natioosi
and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, im
pelled me to abandon the idea.

1 rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as in
terna], no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatiMe with
the sentiment of duty or propriety ; and am persuaded, whatever
partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present cir
cumstances of our country, you will not disappro\-e my determination
to retire.
The impressions Avith which I first undertook the arduous trust
were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this
trust, I will only sua- that I have, with -Jiood intentions, contributed
towai-ds the orgimizatioii and administration of the government, the
best e.xertions of which a very fixllible judgement Avas capable. Not
unconscious in the outset, of the interiority of my qualiticiitions, e.\.
perience, in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the oy^s of others,
has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and, every day,
the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that
the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome.
Satisfied that if any circumstances haA-e given peculiar value to my
services, thoy wore temporary, I liave the consolation to belicAe that,
while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patrio-
*'sm does not forbid it.
In looking forward to the moment which is t:> terminatti the career
of my political life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep
acknowledgement of that debt of gratitude Avliich I owe to my beloved
country, for the many honours it has conferred upon me ; still more
for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me ; and for
the opportunities I hitvc thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable
attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in useful
ness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country
from these services, let it always be remembered to vour praise, and
as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in
which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mis
lead amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune
often discouraging — in situations in Avhich not uiifrequently, Avant of
success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, — the constancy of
your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of
the plans, by which they Avere effected. Profoundly penetrated with
the idea, I shall carry it with mo to my grave, as a strong incitement
to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you, the choicest
tokens of its beneficence — that your union and brotherly affection

maybe, perpetual — that the free constitution, which is the workof
yoijff, hiaj;i,d^, may be sacredly maintained — th9.t its administration, ia
every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue — that, in
fine, the happjness of the people of these states, under the auspicies
of liberty, may be made complete by so careful a preservation, and
so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the gloiy
of recommending it to the applause, the affection and adoption of every
nation which is yet a stranger to it.
Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare
which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger,
natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to
offer to your solemn contempl0,tion, and to recommend to your frequent
review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of
no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all importjmt
to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered
'o you Avith the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disin
terested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no per
sonal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encourage
ment to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former
and not dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty Avith every ligament of your
hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm
the attachment.
The unity of goverr.ment Avhich constitutes you one people, isatsQ
now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the edifice
of your real independence ; the support of your tranquility at home •
your peace abroad ; of your safety ; of your prosperity ; of that very
liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee that,
from different causes, and from different quarters much pains will be
taken, many artifices employed, to Aveaken in your minds the convic
tion of this truth ; as this is the point in your political fortress against
which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most
constaiitly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) direc.
ted ; it is of in.fiaite mom3nt, that you should properly estimate the
immense value of your national union to your collective and individ.
ual happiness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immo.
vable attachment to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and speak o»
Ltaa of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watcb.
iog for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing what-

6
ever may suggest eiren a suspicion that it can, in any event, be aban-
doned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every
attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to en
feeble the sacred ties which now link together the various |)art3.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest.
Citizens by birth, or choice, of a common country, that country has
a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American,
which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt
the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from
local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the
same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. — You have,
in a common cause, fought and triumphed together ; the independence
and liberty you possess, are the work of joint counsels, and joint ef
forts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes.
But these considerations, however powerfully they address them
selves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which ap.
ply more immediately to your interest. — Here, every portion ot our
country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding
and preserving the union of the whole.
The north, in an unrestrained intercourse with the south, protected
by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions
of the latter, great additional resources of maratime and commercial
enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. — The
south, in the same intercourse, benefitting by the same agency of the
north, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning
par'.ly into its own channels, the seamen of the north, it finds its par
ticular navigation invigorated ; and while it contributes, in difieren'
ways, to nourish and inci ease the general mass of the national navi
gation, it looks forward to the protection of a maratime strength, to
which itself is unequally adapted. The east, in a like intercourse
with the xcest, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of
interior communications by land and Avater, Avill more and more find
a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or
manufactures at home . The west derives from the east supplies re-
quisite to its growth and comfort — and what is pei haps of still greater
consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of in
dispensable outlets for its own productions, to the weight, influence,
and the future maratime strength of the Atlantic side of the (Jnion,
directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation.
Any other tenure by which the west can hold this essential adrantage.

whether derived from ita own separate strength ; or from an apostate
and unaatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsi
cally precarious.
While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and
particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find
in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater re
source, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less
frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; and, what is
of inestimable value, they must derive from union, an exemption from
those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict
neighbouring countries not tied together by the same government .
¦which their own rivalship alone would be sufficient to produce, but
which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would
stimulate and embitter. — Hence likewise, they will avoid the neces.
sity of those overgrown military establishments, which under any
form of government are inauspicious to liberty, and Avhich are to be
regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense
it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your
liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the pres
ervation of the other.
These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflec-
'ing and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a
primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doubt whether a com
mon government can embrace so large a sphere? let expeiiencesolve
it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We
are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, Avith
the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions
will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair
and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to
union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not
have demonstrated its impractibility, there will always be reason to
distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to
weaken its hands.
In contemplating the causes Avhich may disturb our Union, it oc
curs as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have
been fiirnished for characterizing parties by geographical discrimina
tions, — northern wad southern — atlantic and western; whence de.
signing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real
didbreoce of local interests and views. One of these expedients of

6
party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent
the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield your
selves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which
spring from these misrepresentations : they tend to rend«sr alien to
each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal afiec-
tion. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had- a use
ful lesson on this head : they have seen, in the negotiation by the
Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate of the
treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at the event through
out the United States, a decisive proot how unfouuded were the suspi
cions propagated among them of a policy in the general government
and in the atlantic states, unfriendly to their inteiests in regard to
the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the formation of two
treaties, that Avith Great Britain and that with Spain, which secure
to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign rela
tions, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wis
dom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by
which they were procured? will they not henceforth be deaf to those
advisers, if such they are, who would sever them from their bretbieor
and connect them with aliens ?
To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for
the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between
the parts can be an adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experi
ence the infractions and interruptions which all alliances, in all times,
have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have im
proved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of
government, batter calculated than your former, for aa intimate union,
and for the efficacious m-iinagementof your common concerns, 'i'his
government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed,
adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation,compIetely free
in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with
energy, and containing Avithin itself a provision for its own amend
ment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect
for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its mea
sures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true hbeity.
The basis of our political system is the right of the people to make
apd to alter their constitutions of government. — But the constitution
which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentie
act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all- Tho very

idea of the power, and the right of the people to establish government,
presuppose the duty of every induvidual to obey the established go
vernment. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinationfe and
associations under whatever plausible character, with the real de
sign to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberations
and actions of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fiin-
damental principle, and of fatal tendency. — The) serve to organize
faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put in the
place of the delegated will of the nation tho will of party, often a small
but artful and enterprising minority of the commnnity ; and, accord
ing to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public
administration the mirror of the ill concerted a'ld incongruous pro
jects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome
plans digested by common councils, and modified by mutual inter
ests. However combhiations or associations of the aboA-e description may
aow and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of
time and things, to become potent engines by which curming, ambi
tious, and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of
the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government ;
destroying afterwards tho very engines which have lifted them to un
just dominion.
Towards the preservation of your government and the permanency
of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily
discountenance irregular opposition to its acknowledged auth.trity,
but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its
principles, however specious the pretext. One method of assault maybe
to effect in the forms of the constitution, alterations which Avill impair
the energy of the system ; and thus to undermine what cannot be di
rectly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited,
remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true
character of governments, as of other human institutions : — that expe
rience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the
existing constitution of a country ¦ — that facility in changes, upon the
credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change
from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion: and remember
especially, that for the efficient management of your common inter
ests in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor

10
as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is iiMlispeosable.
Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly
distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else
than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the
enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within
the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure
and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.
I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state,
with particular references to the founding them on geographical dis
crimination. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and
warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of
the spirit of party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inssparable from our nature, having
its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. — It exists under
different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or
repressed ; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest
rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened
by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different
ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities is it
self a frightful dcspc tism. — But this leads at length to a more formal
and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result
gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the
absolute power of an individual; and, sooner or later, the chief of
some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his com
petitors, turns this disposition to the purpose of his own elevation on
the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which ne
vertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and con
tinual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the in
terest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfeeble the
public administration. It agitates the commnnity with ill-founded
jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against
another ; foments occasional riot and insurrection. It opens the door
to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to
the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus
the policy and tho will of one country are subjected to the policy and
will of another.

u
There ia an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks
upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive
the spirit of liberty. This Avithin certain limits is probably true ;
and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with
indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those
of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit
not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain
there Avill always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose.
And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by
force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be
quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent it bursting into
a flame, lest instead of warming it should consume.
It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free coun
try should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration,
to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres,
avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to en
croach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to con
solidate the poAvers of all the departments in one, and thus to create,
whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimata
of that love of power and proneness to abuse it, Avhich predominate
in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this po
sition. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political
power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and
constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions of
the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern :
gome of them in our own country and under our own eyes. — To pre.
eerve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If in the
opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitu.
tional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an
amendment in the way which the constitution designates. But lej
there be no change by usurpation ; for though this, in one instance,
may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which
free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly
overbalance in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which
the use can at any time yield.
Of all the dispositions and habits Avhich lead to political prosperi
ty, Religion and Morality are indispensible supports. In vain would
that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to subvert
these great pillans of human happiness, these firmcat props of the

12
duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally ,witt(3it^e
]9ious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could n^t :
trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it,^im-
j>iy be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for
ife, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the,,
mstruments of investigation in courts of justice ? and let us with cau
tion indulge the supposition that morahty can be maintained, without
ireligion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined ed-
acation on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both
jbrbid us to expect, that national morahty can prevail in e.Yclu8ion of,
seligious principle.
It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary
spring of popular government. The rule indeed, extends with more
« less force to every species of free government. Who that is a
sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake
ifae foundation of the fjtric ?
Promote then, as an object of primary importance, institutions
for the general diffusion of knowledge, In proportion as the struc-
Jure of a government gives force to public opinion, it should be en
lightened. Aa a very important source of strength and security, cherish pub-
Sc credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly aa
ipossible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but re-
juembering, also, that timely disbursements, to prepare for danger,
ifrequenlly prevent much greater disbunstments to repel it; avoiding
likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions
«f expense, but by vigorous exertions, in time of peace, to discharge
ihe debts which unavoidabi ; wars may have occasioned, not ungene
rously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought
to bear. The execution of these maxima belongs to your lepresenta-
.'jives, but it is .iccessai-y that public opinion should co-operate. To
fecilitate to th"m the pi!rfi)rmance of their duty, it is essential that
you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of,,
jebts there should be revenue ; that to have revenue there mu^t be
faxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less in
convenient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embarrassment in
separable from the selection of the prtper object (which is always a,
•choice of difficulties,) ought lo be a decisive motive for a candid con-

13
struction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a.
'spirit of acijuiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, whicli
the public exigencies may at any time dictate.
Observe good faith and justice towards all nations ; cultivate peace
and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct,
and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? it will be
worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great natiom
to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a peo
ple always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who cau
doubt but, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan
would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be test
by a steady adherence to it ; can it be that Providence has not con
nected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? the experi
ment at least is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles hu
man nature. Alas 1 it is rendered impossible by its vices 1
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that
permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and pas
sionate attachments for others, should be excluded : and that, iit
place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be erf-
tivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual ha
tred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave
to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead
it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one natiou
against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury.
to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and in
tractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur.
Hence, frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests.
The nation, prohnpted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels
to war the goverment, contrary to the best calculations of policy.
The government sometimes participates in the national propensity,
and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times
it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostil
ity, instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious
motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty of ua;tions,
has been the victim.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another pre-
duce a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating
the illusion ol an imaginary common interest, in cases where no reai
common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the

14
other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and
wars of the latter, without adequate inducemements or justifications.
It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation, of privileges denied
to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the eonceg-
sions, by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retain
ed, and by e.xciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in
the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld : and it gives
to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens Avho devote themselves
lo the favorite nation, facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of
their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity ;
gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligatiom
a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for
public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruptioo,
or infatuation.
As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attach
ments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and indepen
dent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with
domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead pub
lic opinion, to influence or awe the public councils 1 — such an at
tachment of a small or weak towards a great and powerfial nation,
dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure you to
believe me, fellow citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be
constantly awake ; since history and experience prove, that foreign
influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government.
But that j 'alousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the
instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence
against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessivs
dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger
only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influ
ence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the
favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious ; while its tools
and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surren
der their interests.
The great uile of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in
extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little
political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed
engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith :-Here
Jet us stop. ^

15
Ekirope has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or
a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent
controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our con
cerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate our
selves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her pohticsi
or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or en
mities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pur
sue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient
government, the period is not far off when we may defy material
injury from external annoyance ; when we may take such an attitude
as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be
scrupulously respected ; Avhen belligerent nations, under the imposai.
lity of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving
U9 provocation, when we may choose peace or war, as our interest,
guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation T why quit
our own to stand upon upon foreign ground ? why by interweaving our
destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and
prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, hu.
mour, or caprice ?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliance with any
portion of the foreign world ; so far I mean, as we are now at liberty
to do it ; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity
to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to
public than private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy,
I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their
genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be
unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments'
on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary
alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recom
mended by policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial
policy should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeki jg nor
granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural
course of things ; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the
streams of commerce, but forcing nothing , establishing with powers

16
•0 disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights
of our merchants, and to enable the government to support fham, con
ventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances
and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from
time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances
shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one na
tion to look for disinterested favors from another ; that it must pay
with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under
that character ; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the
condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of
being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can
be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favors from
nation to nation. It is an illusion Avhich experience must cure, which
a just pride ought to discard.
In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and
affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and
lasting impression I could wish ; that they Avill controul the usual cur
rent of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course
which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations, but if I may even flat
ter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some
occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the
fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue,
to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism ; this hope
will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which
they have been dictated.
How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided
by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and
other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world.
To myself, the assurance of my oAvn conscience is, that I have, at least
believed myself to be guided by them.
In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation
of the 22d April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by
your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both
houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed
me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.
After deliberate examination, with the aid ot the best hghts I could
obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circum
stances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and
interest, to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined

17
SIS far as should depend upon me, to maintain it Avith moderation, pe^.
severance and firmness.
The considerations Avhich respect the right to hold this conduct, it
is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I Avill only observe that,
according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from
being denied by any of the belligerent poAvers, has been virtualh" ad
mitted by all.
The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, Avithcut any
thing more, from the obligation Avhich justice and humanitA' imposa
on CAerA" nation, in cases in Avhich it is free to act, to maintain invio
late the relations of peace and amitA" tOAA-ards other nations.
The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be
referred to your OAvn reflections and experience. With me, a pre
dominant motive has been to endeaA'or to gain time to our countrj- to
settle and mature its A"et recent institutions, and to progress, Avithout
interruption, to that degree of strength, and consistencA" A\-hich is ne
cessary to give it, humanely speaking, the command of its OAvn for
tunes. Though in revicAving the incidents of my administration, I am ur:-
conscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my
defects not to think it probable that I might haAc committed many
errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to
avert or mitigate the evils to Avhich they may tend. I shall also
carry with me the hope that m)'- country Avill never cease to view
them with indulgence ; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedi
cated to its serA'ice, with an upright zeal, ihe faults of incompetent
abilities wiU be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the
mansions of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by
that fervent love toAvards it, Avhich is so natural to a man A\-ho vie-,vs
in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for se\-eral genera
tions; I anticipate Avith pleasing expectation that retreat in Avhich I
promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of par
taking in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good
laAVS under a free government — the ever favorite object of my heart,
and the happy rcAvard, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and
dangers.
GEO. WASHINGTON.
Unite© St.\tes, 17th September, 1796.

A DECLARATION
% the Representatives of the United States of America,
m Congress assembled.
JULY L 1776.
When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for
one people to dissolve the political bands Avhich have connected them
with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the se
parate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's
God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind re
quires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the
separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident ; that all men are created
equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unaliena
ble rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap
piness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted
among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the go
verned ; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive
of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it,
and to institute new government, laying its foundation on such
principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall
seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, in
deed, Avill dictate, that governments long established should not be
changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly all experi
ence hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while
evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms
to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of
abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces
a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it
is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new
guards for their future security. Such has been the patient suffer'
. ance of these colonies ; and such now is the necessity which constrains
them to alter their former systems of government. The history of
the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries

19
and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an
absolute tyrranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be sub
mitted to a candid Avorld.
He has refused his assent to laws the most Avholesome and neces
sary for the public good.
He has forbidden his governors to pass laAvs of immediate and
pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his as
sent should be obtained ; and when so suspended he has utterly-
neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other laAvs for the accommodation of large
districts of people, unless these people should relinquish the right of
representation in the legislature ; a right inestimable to them and for
midable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncom
fortable, and distant from the repository of their public records,
for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance Avith his mea
sures. He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing
with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people.
He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to causa
others to be elected, Avhereby the legislative poAvers, incapable of
annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise ;
the state remaining in the meantime exposed to all the danger of iuA'a-
sion from without, and convulsions from within.
He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these states; for
that purpose obstructing the laAvs for naturalization of foreigners ; re
fusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising
the conditions of ncAV appropriations of lands.
He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refusing his as
sent to laws for establishing judiciary poAvers.
He has made judges dependant on his will alone, for the tenure of
their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms
of officers, to harrass our people and eat out their substance.
He has kept among us, in time of peace, standing armies, without
the consent of our legislatures.
He has affected to render the military independent of and superior
fo the civil poAver.
He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign

20
to our constitution, and unacknowledged by laws ; giving his assen*
to their acts of pretended legislation :
For quartering large bodies of armed traops among us :
For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any
murders which they should commit on the inhabitants of these states s
For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world:
For imposing taxes on us Avithout our consent:
For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial by jury :
For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended offences j
For abolishing ihe f.-ee system of English laws in a neighboring
province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging
its boundaries, so as to rsnder it an example and fit instrument for
introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies:
For taking avpay our charters, abolishing our most valuable laws,
and altering fundamentally the forms of our government:
For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves in"
vested with povs'er to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his pro
tection, and Avaging war against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns,
and destro3'ed the lives of our people.
He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foieign mercena
ries to complete the work of death, desolation and tyrranny, already
begun Avith circumstances of cruelty and perfidy, scarcely paralleled
in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the head of a civil
ized nation.
He has constrained our lellow citizens, taken captive on the high
seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the executioners
of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands.
He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endea
vored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian
sayages, Avhose known rule of warfare is an undistinguished destruc
tion of all ages, sexes and conditions.
In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for redress
in the most humble terms : Our repeated petitions have been an
swered only by repeated injury. A prince, Avhose character is thus
marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the
ruler of a free people.
Nor have we been Avanting in attention to our British brethren-

We have AVarned them from time lo time of attdinpts made by iheif
legislature to extend an unAvarrantable jurisdiction over us. We
have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and set^
tlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and mag
nanimity, and we have conjured ihemby ties of our cotnmon kindred,
lo disavow these usurpations, Avhich Avould inevitably interrupt our
connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the
voice of justice and consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce
in the necessity, which denounces our separation, and hold them, as
Ave hold the rest of mankind, enemies in Avar, in peace friends.
We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of Ameri
ca, in General Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge'
of the World, for the reciitudo of our intentions, do, in the name and
by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly pub
lish anil declare, that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to
be FREE and INDEPENDENT STATES: that they are absolved
from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political con
nexion between them and the state of Great Britain is and ought to
be totally dissolved : that as Free and Independendent States, they
have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, es.-
tablish commerce, and to do all other acts and things Avhich indepen_^
dent slates may of right do. And for the support of this declaration ^
Avith a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, Ave mu
tually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred
honor. JOHN HANCOCK.
Neav Hampshire — Josiah Bartlett, WilUiam Whipple, Matthew
Thornton. Massachusetts Bay. — Samuel Adams, John Adams, Robert Treat
Piiine, Elbridge Gerry.
Rh.ide Island, &c  Stephen Hopkins, William Ellery.
Connecticut. — Roger Sherman, Samuel Huntingdon, William
Williams, Oliver Wolcott.
New York. — William Floyd, Philip Livingston, Francis Lewis,
Lewis Morris
Neav Jersey. — Richard Stockton, John Witherspoon, Francis
Hopkinson, John Hart, Abraham Clark. ^
Penxsyla'ania. — Robert Morris, Benjamin Rush, Benjamin Frar.k-

22
lin, John Morton, George Clymer, James Smith, George Taylor,
James Wilson, George Ross.
Delaavare. — Caesar Rodney, Thomas M'Kean, George Read.
JIaryland. — Samuel Chase, William Paca,Thomas Stone, Charles
Carroll, of Carrollton.
ViuGiNiA- — George Wythe, Richard Henry Lee, Thomas Jeffer
son, Benjamin Harrison, ThomiiS Nelson, jun., Francis Lightfoot
Lee, Carter Braxton.
North Carolina. — William Hooper, Joseph Howes, John Penn.
South Carolina. — Edward Rutledge, Thomas Hey ward, jr.,
Thomas Lynch, jr., Arthur Middleton.
Georgia. — Button Gwinnett, Lyman Hall, George Walton.

PAMI^HLET mMom
PAT. NO.
8771B8
Manufactured by
GAYLOR6 BROS. Ine.
Syracuse, N. Y.
Stockton, Calif.

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