il\l III iilllli iiiir ^- '^^"-^^-^^^ 3 9002 06092 78 ^,o .1 .It *-*,.*jiU' Pill|.(it' i * % L ,»i''^ ''" Sf'' "¦' Or-bQ, SO ^0^^^M^^ MAXIMS OF WASHINGTON; POLITICAL, SOCIAL, MORAL, AND RELIGIOUS. COLLECTED AHD AEEANGED BY JOHN FREDERICK SCHROEDER, D. D., A CITIZEN OF THE UHITED STATES. First in ^\'ar, first in peace, aud first in the hearts of his coimtrymou. NEW YORK: D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, 340 & 848 BEOAD-WAY. LONDON: 10 LITTLE BRITAIN. 7-70 E.NTEI'.ED according to act of Congress in tbe year lS5i, Dy J. F. SCHEOEDEE, in tbe Ck-rk.".i Office of the District Court for tbe Soiitliern District of New York. eg y ^t ro ALL MEN ¦WHO EEVBEE THE SAOEED MEMOET OF WASHINGTON, A D M I it E n I S E X A L T E D \' I K T U E S , AND jU?PLAUD his GEEAT AND GLORIOUS ACHIEVEMENTS, A KEPOSITOEY OF HIS ENNOBLING SENTIMENTS, IS KESPEOTFULLY DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR. Speculative reasoners, daring that age, raised many objections to the planting of those remote Colonies ; and foretold, that, after drain ing their mother-country of inhabitants, they "would soon shake off her yoke, and erect an independent government in America. David Hume, Hist of Eng., James I ; n. d. 1603-1625. Written, a. d. 1752. PREFACE. Lord Brougham, in speaking of the Father of our Country, calls him " the greatest man of our own or any age ; the ONLY ONE upon -whom an epithet, so thoughtlessly lavished by men to foster the crimes of their -worst enemies, may he innocently and justly bestowed." He adds, " It will be the duty of the historian and the sage, in all ages, to let no occa sion pass, of commemorating this illustrious man ; and, until time shall be no more, will a test of the progress which our race has made in wisdom and in virtue, be derived from the veneration paid to the immortal name of Washington." The powerful influence of his character, his achievements, and his opinions, is acknowledged by all men. It has long been extending and increasing. And it cannot fail to pro duce, eventually, the most important and happy results, in the fulfilment of the final destinies of nations, and the at tainment of the chief end of human existence. By common consent, Washington is regarded as not VI PEEFACE. merely the Hero of the American Eevolution, but the World's Apostle of Liberty. The war of the Revolution was a war of principle, that involved the intere.«ts of all mankind. England's violation of our sacred rights, was the stirring of the eagle's nest. It naturally awakened emotions of resistance. British prerogative was opposed by Ameri can freedom. Prerogative became arbitrary, and Freedom asserted her rights ; Prerogative became oppressive and cruel, and Freedom took uj) arms and declared her independ ence The spirit of America's cause was impersonated in her great chief. He was a manifestation of the nation's heart and mind. And under his judicious guidance, by the providence of God, America not only stood erect, before the world, clothed in the panoply of justice, but moved steadily onward in her course ; her shield, and breastplate, and whole armor flashing, at every step, with the light that shone on her from heaven. Our victory being won, Washington sheathed his sword, and sat, for a brief space, under the shadow of his own vine and fig-tree. Soon, at the nation's call, he guided her in es tablishing the foundation, and rearing the superstructure of her vast and imposing political fabric. He saw its topstone laid. And he was exulting, with holy joy, at the completion of his work, when the Supreme Disposer of events, by sud denly removing him from earth, in tho fulness of his glory and renown, consecrated his character, and imparted to his opinions the commanding authority which they now possess. The first name of America, not only is, but alw.ays will PEEPAOE. YU be, that of Washington. We pronounce it with filial rever ence, as well as gratitude ; for we admire and love him, not merely in consideration of what he did, but what he- was. There is a sacred charm in his actions and his sentiments, as well as a divine philosophy in his remarkable career. But his example and his precepts are a legacy, not" only to America, but to all mankind. And as they are contem plating and admiring his virtues, they are invited to read, in his own words, his golden maxims. These are adapted to the use of Statesmen, Soldiers, Citizens, heads of families, teachers of youth, and, in a word, all who should a.im at what is great and good, in public and in private life, and who would avail themselves of such sagacious, profound, and ennobling sentiments. With a view to furnish, for popular use, a small volume of the words of Washington, the labor of culling and arrang ing his memorable precepts in this collection, was originally undertaken. Public documents and private letters, manu scripts and printed volumes, have accordingly been exam ined, with a view to the completeness and interest of the col lection ; and none but undoubtedly authentic materials have been used in forming it. The late Earl op Buchan, whose uniform regard for the American States was manifested long before the epoch of their Federal Union, said of our Washington, " I recommend the constant remembrance of the moral and political Max ims conveyed to its citizens by the Father and Founder of the United States. It seems to me, that such Maxims and VIU PEEFACB. such advice ought to he engraved on every forum or place OF COMMON ASSEMBLY am,ong the people, and read hy pa- rcntSy teachers, and guardians, to their children and pu pils, so that TRUE RELIGION, AND VIRTUE, Hs inseparable attendant, may he imhihed hy the rising generation, to re mote ages." That generation after generation may enjoy the blessed ness of the benign influence which these Maxims are so emi nently calculated to exert, should surely be the prayer of pa triots, philanthropists, and Christians, until all men shall be animated by the spirit of Washington, and exemplify his precepts. J. F. ScHROEDER. New Yokk, Septemher Uth, 1864. CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction, in the words of "Washington xi POLITICAL MAlim I.— Government. The End of Government 17 Political Infallibility 17 Th e Right of a Nation to establish its own govemment IS National Eevolutions. 18 Political Improvements in. Europe 19 The French Eevolation 20 Anarchy and Tyranny. 20 Eepublicanism 20 The Government of the United States 20 Democracy 21 Evils of Democracy 21 Monarchy 21 Nobility and Knighthood 22 Heraldry and Eepublicanism 22 IL — Liberty. Civil Liberty 24, 25 The Cause of the American Colonies 26, 27 The Spii-itof the Eevolution 27, 28 False and Cruel PoUcy of Great Britain 28, 29, 30 The Stamp Act : its Passage condemned 30, 31 The Stamp Act : its Repeal 32 Taxation 33 Taxation, a Question of Eight and Honor 34, 85 Lord North's Bills 36 S: CONTENTS. page IIL— Independence. The Cause of American Independence 37, 3S The Common "Weal 39 Independence, "Won 40 Momentous Influence of the Revolution 41 Situation and Prospects of the Country 41, 42 ly. — TnE Constitution. Choice of the Form of Government 43 The Four Pillars of Independence 43 Importance of the Federal Union 44, 40, 46 Americans, united iu Sympathy and Interest 47 The Preservation of the Union, our Interest 47, 48 The Power of the Union 49 The Extent of the Union 49 Causes of Disturbance of the L'nion 50 Union, not mere Alliance 51, 52 Faction 53 Innovation 54 Spirit of Party 55 Alleged Benefit of Parties 56, 57 Usurpation 5s Supreme Importance of the Federal Union 59 Reciprocity 60 Powers of Congress 60, 61, 62 The Union, our Saft-ty 63 S[iirit of Accommodation C3 National Influence 63 Tbe Constitution. Unanimity of its Adoption 64 The Cninstitution, or Disunion 64 The Constitution, to be \'indicated 64 The General Government, and Local Politics 65 State Ei^'lits 66 CiingTo'-- : Choice of Delegates 67 Annual Sc-ssii ms of Congress 68 Free and Equal El- presentation 69 The Duty of Eepresenta tives 69 Elections 69 The Affections of the People 70 Public Confidence 71 The Constitution, the People's Choice 71 Public Opinion, to be enlightened 70 The Vnicc of the Multitude 72 TliL'. Government; its Branches 72 Tlie Cimstitution, our Guide 73 Comprehensive National Views 73 Character of the First Cnngress 73 CONTENTS. xi Tne Constitution {Continued). ^^^.^ Tbe Source of Power ^, The Duties of the People ^^ The Voice of the People -^ Popular Commotion r-^ Party Disputes _ 7g The Just Medium -rg Power of Truth .'. 76 influence of the People 7g The People ; not the President 77 Liberty and Power 77> 1.— Officers and AgenU of Government Appointments to Ofiice 75 Geographical Considerations 73 Fitness of Character 79 Freedom of Choice 79 Political Suicide 79 Private Inclination and PubUc Duty 79 Allurements of Office 80 Foreign AFinisters 80 Maxims for Executive Officers 81 Compensation of Officers of Government 81 %~National Prosperity. Prosperity of the United States 82, 83 America and Europe 84 National Prospects 84 America's Future 85, 86 National Eeputation ST Founders of the Fabric of Freedom ST America, an Asylum for the Oppressed 87 The "World^s Granary 88 The Home of Industry SS Emigration to America 89 The Country's "Watchful Guardians 89 3. — National Polioy. Foreign Influence 90 The true Policy of America 91 Foreign Alliances 91, 92 National Antipathies and Attachments 93, 94 Foreign Policy of the Nation 95 Non-intervention 96 Peace with other Nations ^1 Peace with all the World 93 Peace, our Policy 99 False Security 100 The Flattery of Success 101 XII CONTENTS. The Constitcttiux {Conilmied). page Unintermitted Effort 101 Honorable Peace 102 Peace without Independence, to be deplored I'l'-. 103 Neutrality 104, 105 National Sympathy 106 4. — Foreign Nations. Treaties 106 Treaty-making Power 107 The President, the Treaty-maker 108 Ratification of Treaties 108 Oppressive Treaties 109 Equitable Treaties. 109 National Friendships 109 National Obligations 110 The Politics of Princes 110 Caprices of Ministers 110 National Candor Ill National Sentiments Ill National Honesty Ill Resources of Britain Ill, 112 The British Navy 113 Spain 113 The Mediation of Spain 114 Count d'Estaing 114 America's False Security 115 France and America 115 French Officers in America 116 French Military Character, 116 France 116 5. — Finance Public Credit 117 National Resources US National Debt 119 Speedy Extinguishment of the National Debt 120 Bank of the United States 120 State Funds 121 The Currency 121 122 Using the Sponire 123 Credit ofthe Currency, to be restored 123 Great Depreciation ofthe Currency 124 The State of the Currency, the Nation's Great Evil 125 Speculators in tlie Currency 125 12G Uniformity of Currency, "Weights and Measures 127 The Mint 127 Coinage 127 CONTENTS. xiii The Constitution {Continued). page ^ — The Judiciary. Civil Magisti'ates ] 28- The Judiciary System 12S 1.— Agriculture, Commerce, Mamtfactures, and the Arts, Agricultural Sucietios loi) Importance of Agriculture 129 The Husbandman _ 130 Proper Cultivation of Lands 130 Agriculture and Manufactures 131 Agriculture and W[.ocnlation 131 Agriculture and War 131 Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures lo2 Commerce and Industry. 132 Foreign Commerce 133 Commerce and Trade l:j:5 A Commercial System 133 Trade with Great Britain 134 American Commerce 134 British Commerce 135 Commercial Policy of America 135 Domestic Manufactures 136 Manufactures and the Arts 137 National Encouragement of Manufactures 13S 8. — Mails, lioad.'i, and Inland Ifavig ation. Post Office 139 Circulation of PoUtical Intelligence 139 Public Eoads 139 National Influence of Mails and Roads. 140 Inland Navigation 140 The Lakes 140 Navigation of the Lakes 141 Y. — Revolutionary "War. "War deprecated as an evil 142 European Battle-fields 143 Resort to Arms, in Defence of Freedom 144 Non-importation and Disuse of British Commodities 145-148 1.— TT'ar.The Patriot's Alternative 148 The Spirit of '76 149 Military Influence of Congress 150 2.— The Army. Tho Soldier's Duty 1^1 The Army, Agents of Civil Power 152 Maxims for Officers 152 SIV CONTENTS. Revolutionary War (Continued). page Patriot Soldiers 153 Two Views of Danger 154 The Three Incentives, in Battle 154 Regulars and Recruits 154 The Coward's Bravery 154 Raw Militia 155 The Revolutionary Patriot's Only Fear. 155 Military Rank, the People's Gift 155 The Freeman's Hereditary Privileges 155 The Soldier's Motto 156 Spies 156 Surprisals of the Enemy 155 Parole t 156 Regular Troops, superior to Militia 157 Military Power 158 Military Discipline 159 Subordination s 159 Imprudent Conversation of Officers 160 Mutiny 161 The Western Insurrection 161 Loyalty 162 " Army of the Constitution," 163 Courts-martial 164 Punishments 164 Order and Harmony , 165 Military Evolutions 166 Military Emulation 166 The Soldier and the Citizen , 166 The Fabian Policy 167 ¦WarofPosts 167 Motives for a Change of PoUcy. 168 Importance of Harmony among the Troops 168 The Army, a Band of Brothers 168 The Best Soldier, the Best Patriot 169 The Towns and the Army ITO The Anny and the People 170 "\^' anton Destruction of Property 171 Plundering 172 Seizure of Private Property. 172 The Families of Soldiers, maintained 172 Officers and Soldiers, their Support 173 The Soldier's Personal Sacrifices 173 Character and Sufferings of the Army of the Revolution 174 Tho " Patriot Army" 175 The Cincinnati Society 176, ITT Arms and Accoutrements of tbe Patriot Army 178 CONTENTS. XV Revolutionary War {Continued). page A Standing Army 179, 180 Essential Importance of a Standing Army 181 Prejudices against a Standing Army 181 A Temporary Army, ineffectual 182 The MiUtia iu the Old French War 1S3 The Militia of the United States 1S4 Half-pay Establishment I,s4 Tho American contrasted with the British service 185 Patriotism and Interest 185 Peace Establishment 1S6 Military Establishment, and Economy 187 Foreign Officers in the Army 1S7 Rank, lavishly bestowed on Foreigners 1S3 Native Officers. 189 Three Classes of Foreigners. 190 Undue Prominence of Foreign Officers 190 American National Predilections 191 The National Policy as to Foreigners 192 The Commander-in-chiefs Body-guard ,.192, 193 Hiring British Deserters 194 Enlisting Prisoners of War 194 Enlisting Deserters 195 Enlisting Free Negroes 195 Arming Slaves 195 Treatment of Prisoners 196 The Hessians 196 Major Stockton and his Officers 197 Comfort of Prisoners 197 Generous Treatment of a Conquered Enemy 198 Letters to Prisoners, from their British Friends 199 The Kings Trumpeter 199 Exchange of Prisoners 200, 201 Exchange of Officers 202 3. — Tlie Indians. Their Claim to Justice and Humanity 203 Justice pledged to them 203 A micable Intercourse with them 204 Peace with Indians 205 Indian Trade 205 Purchase of Indian Lands 206 Presents to Indians 206 Resident Indian Agents 20T Indian Dress : its Adoption in the Army. 208 Tow-Cloth Hunting-shirts 209 Mode of Indian "Warfare 209 Indians to be opposed to Indians 210 17* XVI CONTENTS. Revolutionary War {Continued). page Tho War to be carried into their own Country. 210 Marksmen 210 Mode of attacking Indians 211 Indian Treachery 211 Employment of Indians in "W"ar 212 VI. — Acquisition of Territory. Emancipation of Canada 213 Accession of Canada 213 Reasons for Accession 214 The Canadian Expedition 214 Objection to the Expedition 214 France's Interest in Canada 215 France's apprehended Ascendency 216 Evil of French Troops in Canada. 216 Danger from France's Naval Ascendency 217 Exces.'^ive Confidence in au Ally 218 Invasion of Canada 218 VIL— Tue Navy. Commerce and the Navy 219 Ships of War • 219 National Importance of a Naval Force 220 A Naval Force in the Mediterranean 220 The Gradual Crearion of a Navy 220, 221 VIII.— National Defexce. Measures for Defence 222 National Military Discipline 223 Home Military Supplies 223 A" System of National Defence 223 A Condition of Defence 223 Readiness for W^ar 223 Offensive Operations 224 Attack, often the best Defence 224 IX. — Nationatj Education. Popular Education 225 Evils of Foreign Education 225 National University 22G Military Education 227 Officers urged to gain Knowledge from Books 228 Military Academy 228 The Arts and Sciences, of National Interest 229 American Academy of Arts and Sciences 230 Influence of Learning 230 Importance of Literature, Science, and the Arts 230 Comprehensive Views of College Education 231 CONTENTS. xvii National Education {Continued). page Knowledge among the People 931 Periodical Literature 232 233 SOCIAL MAXIMS. I. — Friendship. Love and Gratitude of a Friend 237 Parting Emotions 238 Perpetuity of Friendship , . , 239 Friendly Advice 2S0 N ature of True Friendship 239 Actions, not Words 240 Professions of Friendship 240 Letters of Friendship 240 Hospitality of Friendship 241 Friendship in Adversity [ 242 Renewal of Friendship's Covenant ,., 242 Personal Friendship, and PoUtical Disagreement 242, 243 II. — Benevolence Social Courtesy 244 Company. 244 Shaking off Acquaintances 245 Choice of Company 245 Diffidence 245 The Golden Rule 24r) Devotion to the People 2411 National, distinguished from Personal, Hostility. . , 246 Difference of Opinion, no Crime , 246 Amity and Concessions 247 Duties of the Minority 247 Humanity 248 Compassion for Man and Beast . . ,, 248 Sufferers in the Indian Wars 249 "Women, Children, and the Infirm 249 The Sick 250 Kindness to Prisoners of "War 250 The Case of Major Andr6 261 Retaliation and Humanity , 251 The Case of Captain AsgiU ,, 252 Necessity of the Case 253 The Case compassionated 253 Approval of the Procedure 254 Captain Asgill released by Congress 254 XVUI CONTENTS. Benevolence {Continued). page Pardon of Criminals 255 Emancipation of Slaves 256 Abolition of Slavery 256 Lafayette's Abolition Scheme 257 Mode nf Abolishing Slavery 258 Proposed Liberation of Slaves 25S Slaves Liberated 259 Provision for Aged, Infirm, and Infant Slaves 259 Negi'OGS, to bo taught to read and write 260 Liberated Negroes, not to bo sold 260 Permanent Fund for Aged and Infirm Negroes 261 William Lee's Immediate Freedom 261 Freedom of tho Dandridge Slaves 262 Punctilios of Honor 263 Duelling Condemned 263, 264 Pleasures of Benevolence 265 National Good-wiU to Man 266 Fellowship of the Free 266 Comprehensive Benevolence 266 III.— Patriotism. The Patriot Chief 267 The Country's Call 268 The Patriot's Vow 268 The Ruler's Glory, and the People's Happiness 26S The American Patriot , . . 269 Spirit of Freedom 269 Tru.stin God 270 PubUc Spirit 271 Obedience to Congress 271 Bravery — 272 Honor 272 The Patriot's Offering 273 Conscious Rectitude 274 Sacrifices to Principle 274 Endurance 2T4 The Sacrifices and Rewards of Patriotism 275 The Patriot's Twofold Dependence 275 Self-control 27G Unyielding Purpose. 276 The Patriot's Great Object 276 Talents, Rectitude, Patriotism 276 Patriotism, Firmness, "Wisdom 277 Prudence, Temperance, Moderation 278 The Patriot's Happiness 278 Tho Patriot's Reward 278 Popular Spirit 2T8 CONTENTS. XIX Patriotism ( Continued). page Nationality 279 The Patriot, refusing a Crown 280 Female Patriotism 281 On his Accepting the Presidency 282, 2.8:3 His Progress to the Seat of Government 284 His Refusal of Pecuniary Compensation 285 On Retiring from Office 2S6 Gratitude to the Country 2S7 His FareweU to the Army. 288 Farewell to Congress, at the Close of the War 289 On his Return to Mount Vernon, after the "War 290 Consecration of the Patriot's Weapons 290 IV. — Domestic Life. At Mount Vernon, just after his Marriage 291 Home 292 Conj ugal Affection 292 Provision for his Wife, in Case of his Death , 293 Adoption of his Wife's Grandchildren 294 Filial Love 294 Elegant Simplicity, in Domestic Life 204 His Portrait 295 Anniversary of his Birth-day 295 The proposed Marriage of his Ward 2!)6 Advice on Matrimony 297, 29S Connubial Life 299 The Private Citizen 299 Peace and Retirement 299 Domestic Retirement ~ 299 Domestic Ease 800 Tranquillity 301 The Good Citizen 302 Agreeable Recollections 302 Eural Employments 303 The Patriot, at Home 304 MOKAL MAxnrs. I. — Virtue and Vice. Virtue and Happiness 307 Human Happiness and Moral Duty. 308 Morality and Civil Government 308 Talents, without Virtue 308 Ignorance and Wickedness 308 XX CONTENTS. Virtue and Vice {Continued). page Good Sense and Honesty 809 The Most Enviable of Titles 809 Common Sense and Common Honesty 309 PoUtical Equity. . . . , 310 Convenience and Friendship 310 Convenience and Duty , 810 Human Imperfection 310 Sense of Honor 311 Treason 811 The Trial of Vu-tue 311 Deception 311 Palliating Faults , 312 Ingratitude 312 Promises 312 Secrecy and Despatch 812 Agreements 313 Private Virtues, and Military Glory 313 The Passions 313 Self-Conti-ol 313 Biding the Time 314 Moral Character 314 II. — Approbation and Censure. Approbation of the Wise and Good. S15 Reputation 31 6 Popular Favor 316 Desert, distinguished from Success 316 Triumph of Principle 317 Duty and Virtue, before Popularity. 317 Conscious Rectitude 31S The Good Citizen's Twofold Motive 318 Dictates of ConFcicncc. 319 PubUc Observation / 3ig Enmity and Detraction .^. 319 Making Enemies ;% 320 Scandal S20 Antidote to Slanders 320 The Discontented 320 Rash Judgments 321 Gratuitous Censure 321 Friendly Monitions 321 Opinion ofthe World 322 Tbe Best Answer to Calumny 323 Evil Reports 324 Vanity 324 Verbiage of Vanity 324 Idle Forms 324 CONTENTS. XXI Approbation and Censure {Contimced). page Ceremonious C'ivility and Incivility 825 On Memoirs 325 Tho Citizen's Reward 325 Cavillers 326 Recrimination 326 Censure, the Shadow of Merit 320 Unjust Censure, to be despised 320 Censure and Duty 327 Men must be touched, to be moved 327 Unavailing Complaints, and Present Duty 32T SensibiUty to PubUc Approbation S2S Appeal to the Archives. 328 IIL — Intemperance and Gaming. Use of Wines and Spirituous Liquors 829 Immorality, discountenanced , 330 Tippling-houses 330 Profanity and Drunkenness 331 Games of Chance 331 Evils of Rum, in the Army 332 IV. — P U NISnMENTS. Moderation and Tenderness 834 Effect of Lenity 835 Severities, not to be undue 335 Lenity to Tories 335 Rule of Lenity. 335 Mild Measures, recommended 336 Exemplary Punishment 33T Retaliation 337 EELIGIOTJS MAXIMS. L— God. Tho Existence of a Supreme Being 341 The Author of all Good 342 The Source of all Blessings 343 The Disposer of Events ; AU-powerful, and All-wise 343 Divine Wisdom and Goodness 843 Divine Munificene 344 God, our Preserver 345 The Omnipotent, our Guardian 346 The Divine Deliverer 346 Divine Protection 347 XSIl CONTENTS. God {Continued) page The Supreme Ruler of the Universe 347 Tho Ruler of Nations 348 The Fate of Nations, suspended on God's Will 349 The God of Armies 349 National Righteousness, and the Divine Favor 349 Remarkable Instances of tho Providence of God 350 God, our Benign Parent 351 IL — Religion and tue State, Mutual Influence of Government and Religion 352 Religious Influence of tho Union 352 National Justice and Benevolence 353 RlI igion and Morality, tbe PiUars of Human Happiness 354 Religion, distinguished from MoraUty 354 Religious Duties of Nations 355 National Homage to God 355 National Religions Thanksgiving. 356, 357, 35S III. — Religious Acts and Emotions, Reverence 359 Dependoaice on God 359 Faith, and Effort 360 Religions Gratitude 361, 302 Reliance on the Providence of God 363 Trust in God 364 The Design of God, in our trials 864 Submission 865 Tho People arrayed under God's banner. 805 Glory and Praise ascribed to God 866 Domestic and PnbUc Virtues, to be enconr^^ed 866 IV. — Christianity. '[.^Author and Spirit of tlie Gospel. The pure and benign Light of Revelation 367 Spirit of Christianity. 36S Example of its Divine Author 368 Christian Morals 369 '¦1.— Religious Liberty. Constitutional Provisions 370 Religious Toleration 371 Ec]i.gious Tenets and Civil Rights 372 Civil and Religions Liberty 3T2 Religious Disputes 373 Toleration of the Jews 373 Regard to Conscientious Scruples 374 Brotherly Love 3T4 CONTENTS. xxiii CiiRiSTiANiTv {Continued). tage Religious Differences, and Political Unity 375 Rights of Conscienee 375 Universal ReUgious Liberty 8T6 3. — Gospel Ordinances. (1.) Support of Religion 377 (2.) The Christian Ministry 377-380 (3.) PubUc and Private Worship 381, 332 Private Worship, and Practical Piety 383 Ordinances 384 Vital Piety 384 Fasting, Humiliation, and Prayer 3S5 Habitual Gratitude for God's Bounties 385 Following the Example of Christ 335 Generous Forgiveness of Enemies 385 4 — Christian Missions. Missions among the Indians 386-383 Indian Languages 389. .5. — Christian Charities. The Poor 390 WMdows and Orphans 391, 392 Education of a Student at CoUege 393 Public Beneficence 394 Alexandria Academy •. 394 National University 395 Liberty Hall Academy , 395 6. — Christian Philanthropy. Reconciliation 396 The Cause of the Oppressed 890 Universal Sympathy 397 The Cause of Suffering Humanity 898 The Brotherhood of Man 399 V. — Death. 1. — Mortality and Bereavement. Bereavement 400 Blourning 401 Death of several Revolutionary Worthies 401 Christian Fortitude 401 Kesignation 401 His Mother's Death 402 Cares of Life 402 Consolation 403 Composure, in Sickness 403 XXIV CONTENTS. Death {Continued). tagk Calm Views of Death 404 The Family Vault 404 2. — Bis Last Moments. His Dying Words 406, 40T, 40S Principal Events in the Life of Washington 409, 410 INTRODUCTIOI(. Friends and Fellow-Citizens : A SOLICITUDE for your welfare, which cannot end hut with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that so licitude, urge me to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a People . . These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. . . . In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish ; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny, of nations. But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some 14 INTRODUCTION. occasional good ; that they may now and then recur, to mod erate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pre tended patriotism ; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude of your welfare, by which they have been dic tated. How far, in the discharge of my ofiicial duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and otiier evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. GrBORGE Washington. United States: September 11th, 1796. POLITICAL MAXIMS. If we look over the catalogue of the first magistrates of nations, whether they have been denominated Presidents or Consuls, Kings or Princes, where shall we find one, whose commanding talents and vir tues, whose overruling good fortune, have so completely united all hearts and voices in his favor ? who enjoyed the esteem and admira tion of foreign nations, and feUow-oitizens, with equal unanimity ? Qualities so uncommon are no common blessings to the country that possesses them. By these great qualities, and their benign effects, has Providence marked out the Head of this Nation, with a hand so distinctly visible, as to have been seen by all men, and mistaken by none. John Adams, 11 S9. His example is complete ; and it will teach wisdom and virtue to Magistrates, Citizens, and Men, not only iu the present age, but in fu ture generations. John Adams, 1799. The only man in the United States, who possessed the confidence of all. There was no other one, who was considered as any thing more than a party leader. The whole of his character was in its mass perfect, in nothing bad, in a few points indifferent. And it may be truly said, that never did nature and fortune combine more perfectly to make a man great, and to place him iu the same constellation with whatever worthies have merited from man an everlasting remembrance. Thomas Jeffeeso.n. POLITICAL MAXIMS. I. GOVEKNMENT. This great man fought against tyranny; he established the liberty of bis country, His memory will always be dear to the French people, as it will be to all freemen of the two worlds. Napoleon Bonapaete, Feb. 9th, 1800. THE END OF GOVERNMENT. Tfie aggregate happiness of society, wMcli is best promoted by tlie practice of a virtuous policy, is, or ought to be, the end of all Govermnent. Infiuence is not Government. Let us have a Government, by which our lives, liberties, and properties will be secured. 18' POLITICAL MAXIMS.^ POLITICAL INFALLIBILITY. If any power on earth could, or the Great Power above would, erect a standard of Infallibility, in political opinions, there is no being that inhabits the terrestrial globe, that would resort toit with more eagerness than myself, so long as I remain a servant of the public. But as I have found no better guide hitherto, than upright intentions and close investiga tion, I shall adhere to those maxims, while I keep the watch ; leaving it to those who will come after me, to explore new ways, if they like or think them better. THE RIGHT OF A NATION TO ESTABLISH ITS OWN GOVERNMENT. My politics are plain and simple. I think every nation has a right to estabhsh that Form of Govern ment under which it conceives it may live most hajDpy ; provided it infracts no right, or is not dangerous to others ; and that no governments ought to interfere with the internal concerns of another, except for the security of what is due to themselves. NATIONAL REVOLUTIONS. The rapidity of national revolutions appears no less astonishing than their magnitude. In what they GOVERNMENT. 19 will terminate, is known only to the Great Ruler of events ; and, confiding in His wisdom and goodness, we may safely trust the issue to Him, without iierples- ing ourselves to seek for that which is beyond our ken ; only taking care to perform the parts assigned to us, in a way that reason and our own consciences approve. POLITICAL IMPROVEMENTS IN EUROPE. A spirit for political improvement, seems to be rapidly and extensively spreading through the Euro- jjean countries. I shall rejoice in seeing the condition of the human race happier than ever it has hitherto been. But I shall be sorry to see, that those who are for prematurely accelerating those improvements, were making more haste than good speed, in their innovations. Born in a land of Hberty ; having early learned its value ; having engaged in the perilous conflict to defend it ; having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to secure its permanent establishment in my own country ; my anxious recollections, my sym pathetic feelings, and my best wishes are irresistibly attracted, whensoever in any country I see an op pressed nation unfurl the banners of freedom. 20 POLITICAL MAXIMS. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. My greatest fear has been, that the nation would not be sufficiently cool and moderate, in making ar rangements for the security of that hberty of which it seems to be possessed. i''^'^- ANARCH r AND TYRANNY. There is a natural and necessary progression, from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny ; and arbitrary power is most easily estabhshed, on the ruins of liberty abused to licentiousness. REPUBLICANISM. Republicanism is not the phantom of a deluded imagination. On the contrary, laws, under no form of government, are better supported, liberty and pro perty better secured, or happiness more effectually dispensed to mankind. THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED ^TATES. That the Government, though not actually per- fe^it, is one of the best in the world, I have httle doubt. GOVERNMENT. 21 DEMOCRACY. It is among the evils, and perhaps not the smallest, of Democratical Governments, that the people must feel, before they will see. When this happens, they are roused to action. Hence it is, that those kinds of government are so slow. EVILS OF DEMOCRACY. It is one of the evils of Democratical Governments, that the people, not always seeing, and frequently misled, must often /ee^ before they can act right ; but then evils of this nature seldem fail to work their own cure. MONARCHY. I am fully of opinion, that those who lean to a Monarchial Government have either not consulted the public miad, or that they live in a region, which, (the levelHng principles in which they were bred being en tirely eradicated,) is much more productive of mo narchial ideas, than is the case in the Southern States, where, from the habitual distinctions which have always existed among the people, one would have expected the first generation, and the most rapid growth, of them. 22 POLITICAL MAXIMS. I am told, that even respectable characters speak of a llonarchial Form of Government, without horror. From thinking proceeds speahing; thence to acting is often but a single step. But, how irrevocable and tremendous ! What a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions ! What a triumph for the advocates of Despotism, to find, that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal hberty, are merely ideal and fal lacious ! ^''^^• It is a httle strange, that the men of large pro perty in the South, should be more afraid that the Constitution will produce an Aristocracy or a Mon archy, than the genuine democratical people of the East. i'88- NOBILITY AND KNIGHTHOOD. It appears to be incompatible with the principles of our national Constitution, to admit the introduc tion of any kind of Nobility, Knighthood, or distinc tions of a similar nature, amongst the citizens of our republic. HERALDRY AND REPUBLICANISM. It is far from my design to intimate an opinion, that Heraldry, Coat-armor, &c., might not be ren- LIBERTY. 23 dered conducive to pubhc and private uses with us ; or that they can have any tendency unfriendly to the purest spirit of Republicanism. On the contrary, a different conclusion is deducible from the practice of Congress, and the States ; all of which have estab lished some kind of Armorial Devices, to authenticate their offi.cial instruments. 24 POLITICAL MAXIMS. II. LIBERTY. Give me leave, my dear General, to present you with a picture of the Bastille, just as it looked a few days after I had ordered its demolition, — with the Tnain key of the fortress of despotism. It is a tribute, which I owe, as a son to my adoptive father, as an Aid-de-camp to my General, as a Missionary of liberty to its Patriarch. Lafayette, March 17, 1790. CIVIL LIBERTY. Liberty, when it begins to take root, is a plant of rapid growth. The pohtical state of affairs in France, seems to be in a delicate situation. What will be the issue, is not easy to determine ; but the spirit which is diffus ing itself, may produce changes in that government, which, a few years ago, could hardly have been dreamt of. The American Revolution, or the peculiar Ught of the age, seems to have opened the eyes of almost every nation in Europe. LIBERTY. 25 A spirit of equal liberty appears fast to be gain ing ground every where ; which must afford satisfaction to every friend of mankind. If we mean to support the liberty and independ ence, which it has cost as so much blood and treasure to establish, we must drive far away the demon of par ty spirit and local reproach. Should the conduct of the Americans, whilst pro moting their own happiness, influence the feehngs of other nations, and thereby render a service to mankind, they will receive a double pleasure. Interwoven as is the love of hberty with every ligament of our hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary, to fortify or confirm the attachment. None of them* wiU ever submit to the loss of those valuable rights and privileges, which are essential to the happiness of every free State, without which, hfe, liberty, and property are rendered totally insecure. In a government as free as ours, where the people are at liberty, and will express their sentiments, (oft entimes imprudently, and, for want of information, sometimes unjustly,) allowances mustbe made for occa- * The Colonies, 26 POLITICAL MAXIMS. sional effervescences ; but, after the declaration which T have mad^" of my pohtical creed, you can run no haz ard in asserting, that the Executive branch of this government never has suffered, nor will suffer while I preside, any improper conduct of its officers to escajie with impunity, nor give its sanction to any disorderly proceedings of its citizens. THE CAUSE OF THE AMERICAN COLONIES. If historiographers should be hardy enough, to fill the page of history with the advantages that have been gained, with unequal numbers, on the part of America in the course of this contest, and attempt to relate the distressing circumstances under which they have been obtained, it is more than probable, that posterity will bestow on their labors the epithet and marks oi fiction ; for it will not be believed, that such a force as Great Britain has employed, for eight years, in this country, could be bafiied in their plan of subjugating it, by numbers infinitely less, composed of men oftentimes half starved, always in rags, without pay, and experi encing, at times, every species of distress which human nature is capable of undergoing. iliz. Great Britain thought, she was only to hold up the rod, and all would be hushed. LIBERTY. 27 When we consider the magnitude of the prize we contended for, the doubtful nature of the contest, and the favorable manner in which it has terminated, we shall find the greatest possible reason for gratitude and rejoicing. This is a theme that will afford infinite delight to every benevolent and liberal mind, whether the event in contemplation be considered as the source of present enjoyment, or the parent of future happiness ; and we shall have equal occasion to felicitate ourselves, on the lot which Providence has assigned us, whether we view it in a natural, a political, or a moral point of light. The rights of mankind, the privileges ofthe peo ple, and the true principles of liberty, seem to have been more generally discussed, and better understood, throughout Europe, since the American Revolution, than they were at any former period. THE SPIRIT OF THE REVOLUTION. The value of liberty was enhanced in our estima tion, by the difficulty of its attainment, and the worth of character appreciated by the trial of adversity. The tempest of war having at length been succeeded by the sunshine of peace, our citizen-soldiers impressed a useful lesson of patriotism on mankind, by nobly re- 28 L'OLITJCAL MAXIMS. turning, with impaired constitutions and unsatisfied claims, after such long sufferings and severe disap pointments, to their former occupations. Posterity, as well as the present age, will doubtless regard, with admiration and gratitude, the patience, perseverance and valor, which achieved our Revolution. Thej-- wiU cherish the remembrance of virtues which had but few parallels in former times, and which will add new lus tre to the most splendid page of history. I concur with the legislature in repeating, with pride and joy, what will be an everlasting honor to our country, that our Revolution was so distinguished for moderation, virtue, and humanity, as to merit the eulogium they have pronounced, of its being unsuUied luith a crUne. FALSE AND CRUEL POLICY OF GREAT BRITAIN. Great Britain understood herself perfectly well, in this dispute, but did not comprehend America. She meant, as Lord Camden clearly and explicitly declared,* to drive America into rebellion, that her own purposes might be more fuUy answered hy it. But take this along with it, that this plan originated in a firm behef, founded on misinformation, that no efiectual opposition would or could be made. They * 1717. LIBERTY. 29 Httle dreamt of what has happened, and are disap pointed in their views. Does not every act of Administration, from the Tea Act to the present session of Parhament, declare this, in plain and self-evident characters ? Had the Commissioners any powers to treat with America? If they meant peace, would Lord Howe have been detained in England five months ^ifter passing the act ? Would the powers of these Commissioners have been confined to mere, acts of grace, upon condition of absolute submission ? No ! surely no ! They meant to drive us into what they termed rebeUion, that they might be furnished with a pretext to disarm, and then strip us of the rights and privileges of English men and citizens. If they were actuated by the principles of justice, why did they refuse, indignantly, to accede to the terms which were humbly supplicated before hostilities commenced, and this country was deluged in blood ; and now make their principal officers, and even the Commissioners themselves, say, that these terms are just and reasonable ; nay, that more will be granted than we have yet asked, if we will relinquish our claim to independency ? What pame does such conduct as this deserve ? And what punishment is there in store for the men who have distressed millions, involved thousands in ruin, and plunged numberless families in inextricable woe ? Could that which is just and reasonable noio, have been unjust /ot«r years ago ? 30 POLITICAL MAXIMS. They must either be wantonly wicked and cruel, or, (which is only another mode of describing the same thing,) under false colors are now endeavoring to deceive the great body of the people, by indus triously propagating a behef, that Great Britain is willing to ofi'er any terms, and that we will accept NONE ; thereby hoping to poison and disaffect the minds of those who wish for peace, and to create feuds and dissensions among ourselves. In a word, having less dependence now in their arms than their arts, they are practising such low and dirty tricks, that men of sentiment and honor must blush at their fall. Among other manoeuvres in this way, they are forging letters, and publishing them as intercepted ones of mine, to prove that I am an enemy to the present measures, and have been led into them, step by step, still hoping that Congress would recede from their claims, n78. THE STAMP ACT : ITS PASSAGE CONDEMNED. The Stamp Act, imposed on the colonies by the Parliament of Great Britain, engrosses the conversa tion of the speculative part of the colonists, who look upon this unconstitutional method of taxation, as a direful attack upon their liberties, and loudly exclaim against the violation. What may be the result of this, and of some other LIBERTY. 31 (I think I may add ill-judged) measures, I will not undertake to determine ; but this I may venture to affirm, that the advantage accruing to the mother- country will fall greatly short of the expectations of the ministry ; for certain it is, that our whole su^y- stance already in a manner flows to Great Britain, and that whatsoever contributes to lessen our importa tions must be hurtful to our manufactures. The eyes of our people already begin to be opened ; and they will perceive, that many luxuries, for which wc lavish our substance in Great Britain, can well be dispensed with, while the necessaries of hfe are mostly to be had within ourselves. This, consequently, will introduce frugality, and be a necessary incitement to industry. If Great Britain loads her manufactures with heavy taxes, wdl it not facilitate such results 1 They will not compel us, I think, to give our money for their exports, whether we will or not. And I am certain, that none of their traders will part with them, without a valuable consideration. Where, then, is the utility of these restrictions'? As to the Stamp Act, regarded in a single view, one and the first bad consequence attending it, is, that our courts of judicature must inevitably be shut up ; for it is impossible, or next to impossible, under our present circumstances, that the act of Parliament can be complied with, were we ever so wiUing to en force its execution. And, not to say (which alone would be sufficient) that we have not money to pay 32 POLITICAL MAXIMS. for the stamps, there are many other cogent reasons which prove, that it would be ineffectual. If a stop be put to our judicial proceedings, I fancy the merchants of Great Britain, trading to the colonies, wdl not be among the last to wish for a repeal of the act. l'?63. THE STAMP ACT : ITS REPEAL. Those who were instrumental in procuring the repeal of the act, are, in my opinion, deservedly en titled to the thanks of the well-wishers to Britain and her colonies ; and must reflect with pleasure, that, through their means, many scenes of confusion and distress have been prevented. Mine they accordingly have, and always shall have, for their opposition to any act of oppression ; and that act could be looked upon in no other light, by every person who would view it in its proper colors. il^l. The repeal of the Stamp Act, to whatever cause owing, ought much to be rejoiced at, for, had the Parliament of Great Britain resolved upon enfor cing it, the consequences, I conceive, would have been more direful than is generally apprehended, both to the mother-country and her colonies. All, therefore, who were instrumental in procuring the repeal, are entitled to the thanks of every British subject, and have mine cordially. liberty. 33 TAXATION. I would heartily join in an humble and dutiful petition to the throne, provided there was the most distant hope of success. But have we not tried this, already ? Have we not addressed the Lords, and re monstrated to the Commons ? And to what end ? Did they deign to look at our petitions ? Does it not appear, as clear as the sun in me ridian brightness, that there is a regular, systematic plan formed, to fix the right ancl practice of taxation upon us 1 Does not the uniform conduct of Parlia ment, for some years past, confirm this ? Do not all the debates, especially those just brought to us, in the House of Commons, on the side of government, expressly declare, that America must be taxed in aid of British funds, and that she has no longer resources within herself? Is there any thing to be expected from peti tioning, after this ? Is not the attack upon the lib erty and pii-ojjerty ofthe people of Boston, before res titution of the loss to the India Company was de manded, a plain and self-evident proof of what they are aiming at ? Do not the subsequent biUs, (now, I dare say, acts), for depriving Massachusetts Bay of its charter, and for transporting offenders into other colonies or to Great Britain, for trial, where it is im possible, from the nature of the thing, that justice 34 POLITICAL MAXIMS. can be obtained, convince us, that the Administra tion is determined to stick at nothing, to carry its point ? Ought we not, then, to put our virtue and fortitude to the severest test ? ^''"'^¦ I think it folly, to attempt more than we can exe cute, as that will not only bring disgrace upon us, but weaken our cause ; yet I think we may do more than is generally beheved, in respect to the non-importa tion scheme. As to the withholding our remittances, that is another point, in which I own I have my doubts on several accounts, but principally on that of justice ; for I think, whdst we are accusing others of injustice, we should be just, ourselves ; and how this can be, whilst we owe a considerable debt, and refuse pay ment of it, to Great Britain, is to me inconceivable. Nothing but the last extremity, I think, can justify it. Whether this is now come, is the question. TAXATION, A QUESTION OF RIGHT AND HONOR. What is it we are contending against ? Is it against paying the duty of three pence per pound on tea, because burdensome ? No ; it is the right only, that we have all along disputed. If, then, as the fact really is, it is against the right of taxation that we now do, and, as I before said, all along have contended, why should they sup- LIBERTY. 35 pose an exertion of this power would be less obnox ious now than formerly ? And what reason have we to believe that they would make a second attempt, whilst the same sentiments fill the breast of every American, if they did not intend to enforce it, if pos sible ? I think, the Parliament of Great Britain have no more right to put their hands into my pocket, without my consent, than I have to put my hands into yours. This being already urged to them, in a firm but decent manner, by all the colonies, what rea son is there to expect any thing from their justice ? I should much distrust my own judgment, upon the occasion, if my nature did not recoil at the thought of submitting to measures which I think subversive of every thing that I ought to hold dear and valua ble, and did I not find, at the same time, that the voice of mankind is with me. i'''^*- An innate spirit of freedom first told me, that the measures which the Administration have, for some time, been, and now are, most violently pursuing, are opposed to every principle of natural justice ; whilst much abler heads than my own have fully convinced me, that they are not only repugnant to natural right, but subversive of the laws and constitution of Great Britain itself, in the establishment of which some of the best blood in the kingdom has been spilt. 36 POLITICAL MAXIMS. LORD NORTH S BILLS. The drafts of bills which have since passed into accounts of British legislation, are so strongly marked with foUy and villainy, that one can scarcely teU which predominates, or how to be surpiised at any act of a British minister. This last trite performance of Master North's, is neither more nor less than an insult to common sense, and shows to what extremity of folly wicked men, in a bad cause, are sometimes driven ; for this " rude Boreas," who was to bring America to his feet, knew, at the time of drafting these bills, or had good rea son to believe, that a treaty had actuaUy been signed between the Court of France and the United States. By what rule of common sense, then, he could ex pect that such an undisguised artifice would go down in America, I cannot conceive. Thanks to Heaven, the tables are turned ; and we, I hope, shall have our Independence secured, in its fuUest extent, without cringing to tliis Son of Thunder, who, I am persuaded, will find abundant work for his troops, elsewhere ; on which happy pros pect I sincerely congratulate every friend of Ameri can Uberty. i778. INDEPENDENCE. 37 III. independeintce In war, your fame is immortal as the hero of liberty. In peace, you are the pa tron and tbe firmest supporter of her rights. Tour greatest admirers, and even your best friends, have now but one wish left for you : that you may long enjoy health and your present happiness. PAtiL Jones, Letter, Dec. 20, 'S9. THE CAUSE OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE. Our cause is noble. It is the cause of mankind ; and the danger to it is to be apprehended from our selves. Shall we slumber and sleep, then, while we should be punishing those miscreants who have brought these troubles upon us, and who are aiming to continue us in them ; while we should be striving to fill our battalions, and devising ways and means to raise the value of the currency, on the credit of which every thing depends ? I hope not. I trust, the goodness of the cause, and the ex ertions of the people, and Divine protection, will give us that honorable peace for which we are contending. 38 POLITICAL MAXIMS. The favorable disposition of Spain, the promised succor from France, the combined force in the West Indies, the declaration of Russia, (acceded to by other governments of Europe, and humiliating to the naval pride and power of Great Britain,) the superiority of France and Spain, by sea in Europe, the Irish claims aud English disturbances, formed in the aggregate an opinion in my breast, which is not very susceptible of peaceful dreams, that the hour of deUverance was not far distant ; since, however unwilhng Great Bri tain might be, to yield the point, it would not be in her power to continue the contest. But, alas ! these prospects, flattering as they were, have proved delu sory, and I see nothing before us but accumulating distress. We must not despair ; the game is yet in our own hands ; to play it well is all we have to do. And I trust, the experience of error wiU enable us to act better in future. A cloud may yet pass over us ; in dividuals may be ruined, and the country at large, or particular States, undergo temporary distress ; but certain I am, that it is in our power to bring the war to a happy conclusion. i78i. I am very happy to be informed, by accounts from aU parts of the conthient, of the agreeable prospect of a very plentiful supply of almost all the produc tions of the earth. Blessed as we are with the boun ties of Providence, necessary for our sujjport and de- INDEPENDENCE. 39 fence, the fault must surely be our own ; and great indeed will it be, if we do not, by a proper use of them, obtain the noble prize for which we have so long been contending, the establishment of liberty, peace, and independence. i7si. THE COMMON WEAL. It appears as clear to me as ever the sun did in its meridian brightness, that America never stood in more eminent need of the wise, patriotic, and spirited exertions of her sons, than at this period. And if it is not a sufficient cause for general lamentation, my misconcejjtion of the matter impresses it too strongly upon me, that the States, separately, are too much engaged in their local concerns, and have too many of their ablest men withdrawn from the General Council, for the good of the common weal. I think, our Political System may be compared to the mechanism of a clock, and we should derive a les son from it ; for it answers no good purpose to keep the smaUer wheels in order, if the greater one, which is the support and prime mover of the whole, is neg lected. As there can be no harm in a pious wish for the good of one's country, I shall offer it as mine, that each State would not only choose, but absolutely com- 40 POLITICAL MAXIMS. pel, their ablest men to attend Congress, and that they would instruct them to go into a thorough inves tigation of the causes, that have produced so many disagreeable effects, in the army and country ; in a word, that public abuses should be corrected. WON. A contemplation of the complete attainment, (at a jieriod earUer than could have been expected,) of the object for which we contended against so formida ble a power, cannot but inspire us with astonishment and gratitude. The disadvantageous circumstances on our part, under which the war was undertaken, can never be forgotten. The singular interpositions of Providence in our feeble condition, were such as could scarcely escape the attention of the most unobserving ; while the unparalleled perseverance of the armies of the United States, through almost every possible suffer ing and discouragement, for the space of eight long- years, was little short of a standing miracle. It is universally acknowledged, that the enlarged prospects of happiness, opened by the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, almost exceed the power of description. . 17S3. INDEPENDENCE. 41 The foundation of a great empire is laid ; and I please myself with the persuasion, that Providence will not leave its -work imperfect. 178b. The establishment of our new government, seemed to be the last great experiment, for promoting human happiness by a reasonable compact in civU society. It was to be, in the first instance, in a considerable degree, a government of accommodation, as well as a government of laws. 1790. MOMENTOUS INFLUENCE OF THE REVOLUTION. The preservation of the sacred fire of Uberty, and the destiny of the Repubhcan Model of government, are justly considered, as deeply, perhaps as finally staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people. SITUATION AND PROSPECTS OF THE COUNTRY. The citizens of America, placed in the most envia ble condition, as the sole lords and proprietors of a vast tract of continent, comprehending all the various soils and climates of the world, and abounding with aU the necessaries and conveniences of life, are now, by the late satisfactory pacification, acknowledged to be pos sessed of absolute freedom and independency. They are, from this period, to be considered as the 42 POLITICAL MAXIMS. actors on a most conspicuous theatre, which seems to be peculiarly designed by Providence for the display of hitman greatness and felicity. Here they are not only surrounded with every thing which can contribute to the completion of private and domestic enjoyment, but Heaven has crowned aU its other blessings, by giving a fairer opportunity for j^o- litical hap>piness, than any other nation has ever been favored with. The foundation of our empire was not laid in the gloomy age of ignorance and superstition ; but at an epoch, when the rights of mankind were better under stood and more clearly defined, than at any former period. The researches of the human mind after so cial happiness, have been carried to a great extent ; the treasures of knowledge, acquired by the labors of philosophers, sages, and legislators, through a long succession of years, are laid open for our use, and their collected wisdom may be happily apphed, in the estab lishment of our forms of government. The free culti vation of letters, the unbounded extension of commerce, the progressive refinement of manners, the growing liberality of sentiment, and, above all, the pure and benign light of Revelation, have had a meUorating in fluence on mankind, and increased the blessings of so ciety. At this auspicious period, the United States came into existence as a nation ; and, if their citizens should not be completely free and happy, the fault wiU be entirely their own. 1783. THE CONSTITUTION. 43 IV. THE constitution. He did tbe two greatest things which, in politics, man can have the privilege of at tempting. He maintained, by peace, that iudependenoe of his country, which he had acquired by war. Ile founded a free government, in the name of the principles of order, and by re-establishing their sway. M. Guizot. CHOICE OF THE FORM OF GOVERNMENT. We exhibit the novel and astonishing spectacle of a whole people, deliberating calmly on what Form of Government wiU be most conducive to their happiness ; and deciding, with an unexpected degree of unanimity, in favor of a system which they conceive calculated to answer the purpose. THE FOUR PILLARS OF INDEPENDENCE. There are four things, which, I humbly conceive, are essential to the well-being, I may even venture to say, to the existence of the United States, as an inde pendent power. 44 POLITICAL MAXIMS. First. An indissoluble Union of the States under One Federal Head. Second. A sacred regard to PubUc Justice. Third. The adoption of a proper Peace Establish ment. Fourth. The prevalence of that pacific and friendly dis]Dosition among the people of the United States, which wUl induce them to forget their local prejudices and politics ; to make those mutual concessions which are requisite to the general prosperity ; and, in some instances, to sacrifice their individual advantages to the interest of the community. These are the pillars, on which the glorious fabric of our indejiendency and national character must be sujjported. Liberty is the basis. And whoever would dare to sap the foundation, or overturn the structure, under whatever specious pretext he may attemjot it, will merit the bitterest execration, and the severest punishment which can be inflicted by his injured country. IMPORTANCE OF THE FEDERAL UNION. Unless the States wiU suffer Congress to exercise those prerogatives they are undoubtedly invested with by the Constitution, every thing must very rapidly tend to anarchy and confusion. It is indispensable to the happiness of the Individ- THE CONSTITUTION. 4.0 ual States, that there should be lodged somewhere a Supreme Power, to regulate and govern the general concerns of the confederated repubhc, without which the Union cannot be of long duration. There must be a faithful and pointed compliance, on the part of every State, with the late proposals and demands of Congress, or the most fatal consequences will ensue. Whatever measures have a tendency to dissolve the Union, or contribute to violate or lessen the sove reign authority, ought to be considered as hostile to the liberty and independency of America, and the authors of them treated accordingly. Unless we can be enabled, by the concurrence of the States, to participate the fruits of the Revolution, and enjoy the essential benefits of civil society, under a form of government so free and uncorrupted, so hap pily guarded against the danger of oppression, as has been devised and adopted by the Articles of Confede ration, it will be a subject of regret, that so much blood and treasure have been lavished to no purpose, that so many sufferings have been encountered without a com pensation, and that so many sacrifices have been made in vain. 1793. It is only in our united character, as an empire, that our independence is acknowledged, that our power 46 POLITICAL MAXIMS. can be regarded, or our credit supported, among for eign nations. The treaties of the European powers Y/ith the United States of America, will have no va lidity, on the dissolution of the Union. We shall be left nearly in a state of nature ; or we may find, by our own unhajDpy experience, that there is a natural and necessary progression from the extreme of anarchy to the extreme of tyranny, and that arbitrary power is most easily estabhshed upon the ruins of hberty abused to licentiousness. The Unity of government which constitutes you one people, is now dear to you. It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad ; of your safety ; of your prosperity ; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes, and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the con viction of this truth ; as this is the point in your poUt ical fortunes, against which the batteries of internal and external enemies wdl be most constantly and ac tively, (though often covertly ancl insidiously,) direct ed, it is of infinite moment, that you should projieiiy estimate the immense value of your National Union, to your collective and individual happiness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable at tachment to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and to speak of it, as a Palladium of your political safety THE CONSTITUTION. 47 and prosperity ; watching for its preservation, with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may sug gest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to aUenate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now Unk together the various parts. 1796. AMERICANS, UNITED IN SYMPATHY AND INTEREST. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affec tions. The name of American, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of dif ference, you have the same rehgion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together. The independence and liberty you possess, are the work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. THE PRESERVATION OF THE UNION, OUR INTEREST. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and pre serving the Union of the whole. 48 POLITICAL MAXIMS. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercoui'se, bene fiting by the agency of tbe North, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated ; and while it con tributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks for ward to the protection of the maritime strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and, in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is jierhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its productions, to the weight, influence, and future maritime strength of Uie Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an in dissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essen tial advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection vvith any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. THE CONSTITUTION. 49 THE POWER OF THE UNION. While every part of our country feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, ctllthe parts combined cannot fail to find, in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportion ably greater security from external danger, a less fre quent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from the Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same government, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alli ances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they wdl avoid the neces sity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Repubhcan liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your Liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preser vation of the other. THE EXTENT OF THE UNION. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere ? Let experience solve 50 POLITICAL MAXIMS. it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, wUl afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is weU worth a fair and full experiment. With such power ful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demon strated its impracticability, there wiU always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may endeavor to weaken its bands. CAUSES OF DISTURBANCE OF THE UNION. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished, for character izing parties by Geographical discriminations, " Nor thern" and "Southern," "Atlantic" and "Western;" whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire in fluence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresen tations ;- they tend to render ahen to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. THE CONSTITUTION. 51 The inhabitants of our Western Country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. They have seen, in a negotiation by the Executive, and iu the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction a.t that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof, how unfounded were the suspicions, propagated among them, of a policy in the General Government, and in the Atlantic States, unfriendly to their interests iu re gard to the Mississippi ; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to any foreign relations, toward confirming their prosperity. WUl it not be their wisdom, to rely, for the preservation of these ad vantages, on the Union by which they were procured ? Will they not, henceforth, be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens ? UNION, NOT MERE ALLIANCE. To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the Whole is indispensable. No al liances, however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances in all times have expe ienced. 52 POLITICAL MAXIMS. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have im proved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government, better calculated than your former, for an intimate Union, and for the effi cacious management of your common concerns. This Government, this offspring of our choice, un influenced and unawed, adopted upon full investiga tion and mature deliberation,, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, comphance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of ihe people to establish Government, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Govern ment. THE CONSTITUTION. 53 FACTION. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausi ble character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular dehberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of the fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force ; to put, in the place of the dele gated will of the nation, the wUl of a party, often a small, but artful and enterprising minority of the community ; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the pubUc administra tion the mirror of the Ul-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consist ent and wholesome plans, digested by common coun sels, ahd modified by mutual interests. However combinations and associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambi tious, and unprincipled men wiU be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government ; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust domin ion. 54 POLITICAL MAXIMS. INNOVATION. Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is re quisite, not only that you steadily discountenance ir regular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of Innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations, which wiU im pair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In aU the changes to which you may be invited, remember, that time and habit are at least as neces sary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard, hy which to test the real tendency of the existing Constitution of the country ; that fa cility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion. And re member, especiaUy, that, for the efficient manage ment of your common interests, in a country so ex tensive as ours, a government of as much "\dgor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is in dispensable. Liberty itself wiU find, in such a gov ernment, with powers properly distributed and ad justed, its surest guardian. THE CONSTITUTION. 55 It is, indeed, Uttle else than a name, where the Government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to main tain all in the securest tranquU enjoyment of the rights of person and property. SPIRIT OP PARTY. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in aU governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or re pressed ; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst en emy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which, in different ages and coun tries, has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads, at length, to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, graduaUy incUne the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual ; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this dis position to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty. 56 POLITICAL MAXIMS. It serves always to distract the PubUc Councils, and enfeeble the Public Administration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corrup tion, which find a facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels of party passions. Thus, the poUcy and the will of one country are subjected to the pohcy and wUl of another. ALLEGED BENEFIT OF PARTIES. There is an opinion, that Parties, in free govern ments, are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep ahve the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true ; and in governments of a Monarchial cast, J*atriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular charac ter, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain, there wUl always be enough of that spirit, for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance THE CONSTITUTION. 57 to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warnung, it should consume. 1-796. It is devoutly to be wished, that faction was at an end ; and that those to whom every thing dear and valuable is intrusted, would lay aside party views, and return to first principles. Happy, happy, thrice happy country, if such were the government of it ! But, alas, we are not to expect, that the path is to be strowed with flowers. That Great Good Being who rules the universe, has disposed matters other wise, and for wise purposes, I am persuaded. 1778. I am under more apprehensions on account of our own dissensions, than of the efforts of the enemy. Unanimity in our councUs, disinterestedness in our pursuits, and steady perseverance in our national duty, are the only means to avoid misfortunes. If they come upon us after these, we shaU have the con solation of knowing, that we have done our best. The rest is with God. The hour is certainly come, when party disputes and dissensions should subside ; when every man, es peciaUy those in office, should, with hand and heart, puU the same way, and with their whole strength. Providence has done, and, I am persuaded, is dis posed to do, a great deal for us ; but we are not to forget the fable of Jupiter and the countryman. 58 POLITICAL MAXIMS. USURPATION. It is important, that the habits of thinking, iu a free country, should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consoUdate the powers of aU the departments in one, and thus create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this propo sition. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guar dian of the Public Weal against invasions by the oth ers, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and mo dern ; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment, in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by Usurpation ; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good THE CONSTITUTION. 59 it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. SUPREME IMPORTANCE OF THE FEDERAL UNION. Notwithstanding the cup of blessing is reached to us ; notwithstanding happiness is ours, if we have a disposition to seize the occasion and make it our own ; yet, it appears to me, there is an option stiU left to the United States of America ; that it is in their choice, and depends upon their conduct ; whether they wiU be respectable and prosperous, or contemptible and miserable, as a nation. This is the time of their p)o- litical probation. This is the moment, when the eyes of the whole world are turned upon them. This is the moment, to establish or ruin their National Character for ever. This is the formidable moment, to give such a tone to our Federal Goveriiment, as wiU enable it to answer the ends of its institution. Or this may be the ill-fated moment for relaxing the powers of the Union, annihUating the cement of the Confederation, and ex posing us to become the sport of European pohtics, which may play one State against another, to prevent their growing importance, and to serve their own in terested purposes. 60 POLITICAL MAXIMS. According to the system of policy the States shall adopt, this moment, they will stand or fall ; and by their confirmation or lapse it is yet to be decided, wheth er the Revolution must ultimately be considered as a blessing or a curse ; a blessing or a curse, not to the present age alone, for with our fate wiU the destiny of unborn millions be involved. 1783. RECIPROCITY. There must be Reciprocity, or no Union. Which of the two is preferable, wiU not become a question in the mind of any true patriot. 1787. POWERS OF CONGRESS. The fear of giving sufficient powers to Congress, is futUe. Each Assembly, under its present constitution, wiU be annihilated, and we must once more return to the government of Great Britain, and be macle to kiss the rod preparing for our correction. A nominal head, which, at present, is but another name for Congress, wUl no longer do. That honorable body, after hearing the interests and views of the several States fairly discussed and ex plained by their respective representatives, must dic tate, and not merely recommend, and leave it to the THE CONSTITUTION. 61 States afterwards to do as they please, which is, in many cases, to do nothing at all. Unless the principles of the Federal Government are properly supported, and the powers of the Union increased, the honor, dignity, and justice of the nation will be lost for ever. To me it is a solecism in poUtics, indeed it is one of the most extraordinary things in nature, that we should confederate as a Nation, and yet be afraid to give the Rulers of that nation, (who are the creatures of our own making, appointed for a Umited and short duration, and who are amenable for every action, and raeij be recalled at any moment, and are subject to all the evils which they may be instrumental in producing,) sufficient powers to order and direct the affairs of the same. By such policy as this, the wheels of govern ment are clogged, and our brightest prospects, and that high expectation which was entertained of us by the wondering world, are turned into astonishment ; and, from our high ground on which we stood, we are descending into the vale of confusion and darkness. With joy I once beheld my country, feeling the liveliest sense of her rights, and maintaining them with a spirit apportioned to their worth. With joy I have seen all the wise men of Europe looking on her with admiration, and all the good with hope, that her fair example would regenerate the old world, and re- 62 POLITICAL MAXIMS. store the blessings of equal government to long oppress ed humanity. But, alas ! in place of maintaining this glorious attitude, America is herself rushing into dis order and dissolution. We have powers sufficient for self-defence and glory, but those powers are not exerted. For fear Congress should abuse it, the people will not trust their power to Congress. Foreigners insult and injure us with im punity ; for Congress has no power to chastise them. Ambitious men stir up insurrections ; Congress pos sesses no power to coerce them. Public creditors call for their money ; Congress has no power to coUect it. In short, we cannot long subsist as a nation, without lodging somewhere a power, that may command the full energies of the nation, for defence against all its enemies, and for the supply of all its wants. The people wUl soon be tired of such a government. They will sigh for a change ; and many of them already begin to talk of Monarchy, without horror. We have probably had too good an opinion of human nature, in forming our Confederation. Experience has taught us, that men will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best calculated for their own good, without the intervention of a coer cive power. THE CONSTITUTION. 63 THE UNION, OUR SAFETY. Common danger brought the States into confeder acy ; and on their Union our safety and importance depend. SPIRIT OF ACCOMMODATION. A spirit of accommodation was the basis of the pre sent Constitution. 1790. NATIONAL INFLUENCE. It should be the highest ambition of every Ameri can, to extend his views beyond himself, and to bear in mind, that his conduct wiU not only affect himself, his country, and his immediate posterity, but that its influence may be co-extensive with the world, and stamp political happiness or misery on ages yet unborn. To establish this desirable end, and to establish the govern ment of laws, the Union of these States is absolutely necessary. Therefore, in every proceeding, this great, this important object should ever be kept in view ; and, so long as our measures tend to this, and are marked with the wisdom of a well-informed and enlightened people, we may reasonably hope, under the smiles of Heaven, to convince the world, that the happiness of nations can be accomplished by pacific revolutions in 64 POLITICAL MAXIMS. their political systems, without the destructive inter vention of the sword. THE CONSTITUTION ; UNANIMITY OF ITS ADOPTION. The various and opposite interests which were to be conciliated, the local prejudices which were to be sub dued, the diversity of opinions and sentiments wdiich ¦\vere to be reconciled, and, in fine, the sacrifices which were necessary to be made, on all sides, for the general welfare, combined to make it a work of so intricate and difficult a nature, that I think it is much to be won dered at, that any thing could have been produced with such unanimity, as the Constitution proposed. i787. THE CONSTITUTION OR DISUNION. I do most firmly beheve, that, in the aggregate, it is the best Constitution that can be obtained at this epoch ; and that this, or a dissolution of the Union awaits our choice, and is the only alternative before us. 1787. THE CONSTITUTION, TO BE VINDICATED. Let the reins of Government be braced, and held with a steady hand, and every violation of the Consti- THE CONSTITUTION. 65 tution be reprehended. If defective, let it be amend ed, but not suffered to be trampled upon, whilst it has an existence. THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT, AND LOCAL POLITICS. We are now an independent people, and have yet to learn political tactics. We are placed among the nations of the earth, and have a character to estab Ush ; but how we shaU acquit ourselves, time must discover. The probabUity is, (at least, I fear it,) that local or State politics will interfere too much with the more liberal and extensive plan of government, which wis dom and foresight, freed from the mist of prejudice, would dictate ; and that we shall be guilty of many blunders, in treading this boundless theatre, before we shall have arrived at any perfection in this art ; in a word, that the experience which is purchased at the price of difficulties and distress, wiU alone convince us, that the honor, power, and true interest of this country, must be measured by a Continental scale, and that every departure therefrom weakens the Union, and may ultimately break the band which holds us together. To avert these evils, to form a New Constitution, that wiU give consistency, stability, and dignity to the Union, and sufficient powers to the Great Council of the nation, for general purposes, is a duty incum- 66 POLITICAL MAXIMS. bent upon every man who wishes weU to his country, and will meet with my aid as far as it can be rendered in the private walks of Ufe. i783. I see one head gradually changing into thirteen. I see one army branching into thirteen ; and, instead of looking up to Congress, as the Supreme ControUing Power of the United States, considering themselves as dependent on their respective States. In a word, I see the power of Congress decliiung too fast for the consequence and respect which are due to them, as the Great Representative Body of America ; and I am fearful of the consequences. STATE RIGHTS. The disincUnation of the individual States, to yield powers to Congress, for the Federal Government, their unreasonable jealousy of that body and of one another, and the disposition which seems to pervade each, of being all-vsise and aU-powerful within itself, will, if there be not a change in the sj'^stem, be our downfall as a nation. This is as clear to me as A, B, C ; and I think we have opposed Great Britain, and have arrived at the present state of peace and independency, to very little purpose, if we cannot conquer our own preju dices. The powers of Europe begin to see this ; and our newly acquired friends, the British, are already and professedly acting upon this ground ; and wisely THE CONSTITUTION. 67 too, if we are determined to persevere in our folly. They know, that individual opposition to their meas ures is futile ; and boast, that we are not sufficiently united as a nation, to give a general one ! Is not the indignity alone of this declaration, while we are in the very act of peace-making and concUiation, sufficient to stimulate us to vest more extensive and adequate powers in the Sovereign of these United States 1 i784. I should suppose, no individual State can, or ought to, deprive an officer of rank derived from the States at large ; and that it wUl not be improper for Congress to prohibit the exercise of such a power. The principle and practice are what I cannot reconcile to my ideas of propriety. congress: CHOICE OF DELEGATES. Men, chosen as the delegates in Congress are, can not officially be dangerous. They depend upon the breath, nay, they are so much the creatures of the people, undex the present Constitution, that they can have no views, which could possibly be carried into execution, nor any interests distinct from those of their constituents. My poUtical creed is, to be wise in the choice of delegates, support them Uke gentlemen whUe they are our representatives, give them competent powers 68 POLITICAL MAXIMS. for all Federal purposes, support them in the due exercise thereof, and, lastly, compel them to close at tendance in Congress, during their delegation. These things, under the present mode and termination of elections, aided by annual instead of constant sessions, would, or I am exceedingly mistaken, make us one of the most wealthy, happy, respectable, and powerful nations that ever inhabited the terrestrial globe. Without them, we shall, in my opinion, soon be every thing which is the direct reverse. 1784. ANNUAL SESSIONS OF CONGRESS. Annual sessions would always produce a full re presentation, and alertness in business. The dele gates, after a separation of eight or ten months, would meet each other with glad countenances. They would he complaisant ; they would yield to each other all that duty to their constituents would allow ; and they would have better opportunities of becoming acquainted with their sentiments, and removing im proper prejudices, when they are imbibed, by mixing with them during the recess. Men who are always together, get tired of each other's company. They throw off that restraint which is necessary to keep things in proper tune. They say and do things which are personaUy disgusting. This begets opposition ; opposition begets faction ; and so THE CONSTITUTION. 69 it goes on, till business is impeded, and often at a stand. I am sure, (having the business prepared by proper boards, or a committee,) an Annual Session of two months would despatch more business than is done in twelve, and this by a full representation of the Union. 1784. FREE AND EQUAL REPRESENTATION. I always believed, that an unequivocally free and equal representation of the people in the legislature, together with an efficient and responsible Executive, was the great pUlar on which the preservation of American freedom must depend. THE DUTY OF REPRESENTATIVES. Without an unprejudiced coolness, the welfare of the government may be hazarded. Without harmony, as far as consistent with freedom of sentiment, its dignity may be lost. ELECTIONS. In all free govemments, contentions in elections wUl take place ; and, whUst it is confined to our own citizens, it is not to be regretted ; but severely indeed 70 POLITICAL MAXIMS. ought it to be reprobated, when occasioned hj foreign machinations. I trust that the good sense of our countrymen wiU guard the public weal against this and every other innovation, and that, although we may be a Uttle wrong now and then, we shaU return to the right path with more avidity. I can never believe, that Providence, which has guided us so long, and through such a labyrinth, wUl withdraw its protection at this crisis. 1797. THE AFFECTIONS OF THE PEOPLE. It is desirable, on all occasions, to unite, with a steady and firm adherence to constitutional and neces sary acts of government, the fuUest evidence of a dis position, as far as may be practicable, to consult the wishes of every part of the community, and to lay the foundations of the pubhc administration in the affec tions of thepeople. 1791. I cannot forbear to recommend a repeal of the tax on the transportation of public prints. There is no resource so firm for the Government of the United States, as the affections of the people, guided by an enlightened pohcy. And to this primary good, noth ing can conduce more, than a faithful representation of public proceedings, diffused without restraint throughout the United States. 1793. THE CONSTITUTION. 71 PUBLIC CONFIDENCE. In general, I esteem it a good maxim, that the best way to preserve the confidence of the people durably, is to promote their true interest. There are particular exigencies, when this maxim has pecuUar force. When any great object is in view, the popular mind is roused into expectation, and pre pared to make sacrifices both of ease and property. If those to whom the people confide the management of their affairs do not caU them to make these sacrifices, and the object is not attained, or they are involved in the reproach of not having contributed as much as they ought to have clone towards it, they wiU be mor tified at the disappointment ; they wiU feel the cen sure ; and their resentment wUl rise against those who, with sufficient authority, have omitted to do what their interest and their honor required. THE CONSTITUTION, THE PEOPLE S CHOICE. To complete the American character, it remains for the citizens of the United States to show to the world that the reproach heretofore cast on Republican Governments, for their want of stabihty, is without foundation, when that Government is the dehberate choice of an enhghtened people. And I am fuUy per suaded, that every well-wisher to the happiness and 72 POLITICAL MAXIMS. prosperity of this country will evince, by his conduct, that we live under a government of laws, and that, while we preserve inviolate our national faith, we are desirous to Uve in amity with aU mankind. 1793. PUBLIC OPINION, TO BE ENLIGHTENED. Promote, as an object of primary importance, in stitutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential, that pubUc opin ion should be enlightened. THE VOICE OF THE MULTITUDE. In a free and republican government, you cannot restrain the voice of the multitude. Every man wiU speak as he thinks, or, more properly, without think ing, and consequently wUl judge of effects without at tending to their causes. 1778. THE GOVERNMENT ; ITS BRANCHES. The General Government is not invested with more powers, than are indispensably necessary to perform the functions of a good government. These powers are so THE CONSTITUTION. 73 distributed among the Legislative, Executive, and Ju dicial branches, into which the General Government is arranged, that it can never be in danger of degen erating into a Monarchy, an Ohgarchy, an Aristocracy, or any other despotic or oppressive form, so long as there shaU remain any virtue in the body of the people. THE CONSTITUTION, OUE GUIDE. The Constitution is the guide which I never can abandon. 1795. COMPREHENSIVE NATIONAL VIEWS. In every act of my administration, I have sought the happiness of my feUow-citizens. My system for the attainment of this object, has uniformly been, to overlook aU personal, local, and partial considerations ; to contemplate the Umted States as one great whole ; to confide, that sudden impressions, when erroneous, would yield to candid reflection ; and to consult only the substantial and permanent interests of the coun try. 1795. CHARACTER OF THE FIRST CONGRESS. Did it not savor too much of partiahty for my countrymen, I might say, that I cannot help flatter- 74 POLITICAL MAXIMS. ing myself, that the new Congress, on account of the self-created respectability and various talents of its members, will not be inferior to any Assembly in the world. 1789. THE SOURCE OF POWER. The power under the Constitution, wiU always be in the people. It is intrusted, for certain defined purposes, and for a certain hmited period, to representatives of their own choosing ; and, whenever it is exercised contrary to their interest, or not agreeably to their wishes, their servants can and undoubtedly wiU be recalled. THE DUTIES OF THE PEOPLE. It remains with the people themselves, to pre serve and promote the great advantages of their po litical and natural situation. Nor ought a doubt to be entertained, that men, who so weU understand the value of social happiness, will ever cease to appreciate the blessings of a free, equal, and efficient govern ment. THE VOICE OF THE PEOPLE. Whatever my own opinion may be, on any subject interesting to the community at large, it always has THE CONSTITUTION. 75 been and will continue to be my earnest desire, to learn, and, as far as it is consistent, to comply with, the public sentiment ; but it is on great occasions only, and after time has been given for cool and dehberate reflection, that the real voice of the people can be known. POPULAR COMMOTION. The tumultuous populace of large cities, are ever to be dreaded. Their indiscriminate violence pros trates, for the time, aU pubUc authority ; and its consequences are sometimes extensive and terrible. PARTY DISPUTES. Such, for wise purposes it is presumed, is the tur bulence of human passions in party disputes, when VICTORY, rnore than truth, is the palm contended for, that " the post of honor is a private station." THE JUST MEDIUM. The JUST MEDIUM cannot be expected to be found in a moment. The first vibrations always go to the extremes ; and cool reason, which can alone estabUsh a permanent and equal government, is as little to be expected in the tumults of popular commotion, as an 76 POLITICAL MAXIMS. attention to the liberties of the people is to be found in the dark divan of a despotic tyrant. POWER OF TRUTH. I am sure, the mass of citizens in these United States mean weU ; and I firmly beUeve they will al ways act well, whenever they can obtain a right un derstanding of matters. But, in some parts of the Union, where the sentiments of their delegates and leaders are adverse to the government, and great pains are taken to inculcate a belief, that their rights are assailed and their liberties endangered, it is not easy to accomplish this ; especially, as is the case in variably, when the inventors and abettors of perni cious measures use infinitely more industry, in dis seminating poison, than the well-disposed part of the community, va. furnishing the antidote. To this source all our discontents may be traced ; and from it all our embarrassments proceed. Hence serious misfortunes, originating in misrepresentation, frequently flow, and spread, before they can be dissi pated by truth. INFLUENCE OF THE PEOPLE. From the gallantry and fortitude of her citizens, under the auspices of Heaven, America has derived THE CONSTITUTION. 77 her Independence. To their industry, and the natu ral advantages of the country, she is indebted for her prosperous situation. From their virtue she may ex pect long to share the protection of a free and equal government, which their wisdom has estabUshed, and which experience justifies, as admirably adapted to our social wants and individual feUcity. THE PEOPLE ; NOT THE PRESIDENT. * As, under the smiles of Heaven, America is in debted for freedom and independence, rather to the joint exertions of the citizens of the several States than to the conduct of the Commander-in-chief, so is she indebted, for their support, rather to a contin uation of those exertions, than to the prudence and ability manifested in the exercise of the powers dele gated to the President of the United States. LIBERTY AND POWER. A change in the National Constitution, conformed to experience and the circumstances of our country, has been most happily effected by the influence of reason alone. In this change, the liberty of the citizen con tinues unimpaired, while the energy of government 78 POLITICAL MAXIMS. is SO increased, as to promise full protection to all the pursuits of science and industry, together with the firm estabhshment of public credit, and the vindica tion of our national character. 1790. 1. OFFICERS AND AGENTS OF GOVERNMENT. appointments to office. Of two men equally weU affected to the true in terests of their country, of equal abilities, and equally disposed to lend their support, it is the part of pru dence, to give preference to him against whom the least clamor can be excited. GEOGRAPHICAL CONSIDERATIONS. In the appointments to the great offices of Govern ment, my aim has been, to combine geographical situation, and sometimes other considerations, with abihties, and fitness of known character. OFFICERS OF GOVERNMENT. 79 FITNESS OF CHARACTER. In every nomination to office, I have endeavored, as far as my own knowledge extended, or information could be obtained, to make fitness of character my primary object. FREEDOM OF CHOICE. It is reaUy my wish, to have my mind and my actions which are the result of reflection, as free and independent as the air. POLITICAL SUICIDE. I shall not, whilst I have the honor to administer the Government, bring a man into any office of con sequence, knowingly, whose political tenets are adverse to the measures wliich the General Government are pursuing ; for this, in my opinion, would be a sort of political suicide. PRIVATE INCLINATION AND PUBLIC DUTY. As a public man, acting only with reference to the public good, I must be allowed to decide upon aU points of my duty, without consulting my private in chnations and wishes. I must be permitted, with 80 POLITICAL MAXIMS. the best Ughts I can obtain, and upon a general view of characters and circumstances, to nominate such persons alone to offices as, in my judgment, shall be the best quahfied to discharge the functions of the departments to which they shall be appointed. ALLUREMENTS OF OFFICE. AU see, and most admire, the glare which hovers round the external happiness of elevated office. To me, there is nothing in it beyond the lustre, which may be refiected from its connection with the power of promoting human felicity. FOREIGN MINISTERS. The interests of the United States require, that our intercourse with other nations should be facUitated, by such provisions as will enable me to fulfil my duty in that respect, in the manner which circumstances may render most conducive to the pubhc good ; and, to this end, that the compensations to be made to the persons who may be employed, should, according to the nature of their appointments, be defined by law, and a competent fund designated, for defraying the expenses incident to the conduct of our foreign affairs. OFFICERS OF GOVERNMENT. 81 MAXIMS FOE EXECUTIVE OFFICERS. Let me impress the foUowing maxims upon the executive officers. In aU important matters, deUber- ate maturely, but execute promptly and vigorously ; and do not put things off untU to-morrow, which can be done, and require to be done, to-day. Without an adherence to these rules, business never wUl be well done, or done in an easy manner, but wiU always be in arrear, with one thing treading upon the heels of another. Men in responsible situations cannot, Uke those in private life, be governed solely by the dictates of their own inchnations, or by such motives as can only affect themselves. Good measures should always be executed, as soon as they are conceived, and circumstances wiU admit. COMPENSATION OF OFFICERS OF GOVERNMENT. The compensation to the officers of the United States, in various instances, and in none more than in respect to the most important stations, appear to call for legislative provision. The consequences of a defective provision, are of serious import to the government. 82 POLITICAL MAXIMS. If private wealth is to supply the defect of pubUc retribution, it wUl greatly contract the sphere within which the selection of character for office is to be made, and wiU proportionally diminish the probabihty of a choice of men, able as weU as upright. Besides, it would be repugnant to the vital principles of our govemment, virtuaUy to exclude from pubUc trusts talents and virtue, unless accompanied by wealth. 2. NATIONAL PROSPERITY. PROSPERITY OF THE UNITED STATES. Contemplating the internal situation, as weU as the external relations, of the United States, we dis cover equal cause for contentment and satisfaction. While many of the nations of Europe, with their American dependencies, have been involved in a con test unusuaUy bloody, exhausting, and calamitous, in which the evUs of foreign war have been aggravated by domestic convidsion and insurrection ; in which many of the arts most useful to society have been exposed to discouragement and decay ; in which scarcity of subsistence has embittered other sufferings ; whUe even the anticipation of a return of the blessings of peace and repose are aUoyed by the sense of heavy NATIONAL PROSPERITY. 83 and accumulating burdens, which press upon aU the departments of industry, and threaten to clog the future springs of government ; our favored country, happy in a striking contrast, has enjoyed general tranquiUity, — a tranquillity the more satisfactory, be cause maintained at the expense of no duty. Faithful to ourselves, we have violated no obUga tions to others. Our Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures prosper beyond example, the molestations of our trade (to prevent a continuance of which, however, very pointed remonstrances have been made,) being over balanced by the aggregate benefits which it derives from a neutral position. 1795. Our Population advances, with a celerity, which, exceeding the most sanguine calculations, proportiona bly augments our strength and resources, and guaran tees our future security. Every part of the Union displays indications of rapid and various improvement ; and, with burdens so light as scarcely to be perceived, with resources fuUy adequate to our present exigencies, with governments founded on the genuine principles of rational Uberty, and with mild and wholesome laws, is it too much to say, that our country exhibits a spectacle of national happiness, never surpassed, if ever before equalled ? 1795. 84 POLITICAL MAXIMS. Placed in a situation every way so auspicious, mo tives of commanding force impel us, with sincere ac knowledgment to Heaven, and pure love to our coun try, to unite our efforts to preserve, prolong, and improve our immense advantages. AMERICA AND EUROPE. With respect to the nations of Europe, their situ ation appears so awful, that nothing short of Omnipo tence can predict the issue ; although every human mind must feel the miseries it endures. Our course is plain ; they who run may read it. Theirs is so bewUdered and dark, so entangled and embarrassed, and so obviously under the influence of intrigue, that one would suppose, if any thing could open the eyes of our misled citizens, that the deplora ble situation of those people could not faU to effect it. 1797. NATIONAL PROSPECTS. That the prospect before us is fair, none can deny ; what use we shall make of it, is exceedingly problem atical. Not but that I believe all things wiU come right at last ; but, like a young heir, come a little prematurely to a large inheritance, we shall wanton and run riot, untU we have brought our reputation to NATIONAL PROSPERITY. 85 the brink of ruin, and then, like him, shaU have to labor with the current of opinion, when compelled per haps to do what prudence and common pohcy pointed out, as plain as any problem of Euclid, in the first in stance. 1784. It should be the policy of United America, to ad minister to the luants of other nations, without being engaged in their quarrels ; and it is not in the abiUty of the proudest and most poUte people on earth, to prevent us from becoming a great, a respectable, and a commercial nation, if we shaU continue united and faithful to ourselves. 1788. AMERICA S FUTURE, I look forward, with a kind of poUtical faith, to scenes of National Happiness, which have not hereto fore been offered for the fruition of the most favored nations. The natural, political, and moral circumstances of our nascent empire justify the anticipation. We have an almost unbounded territory, whose natural advantages for agriculture and commerce equal those of any on the globe. In a civil point of view, we have the unequalled privilege of choosing our own po litical institutions, and of improving upon the experi ence of mankind, in the formation of a confederated 86 POLITICAL MAXIMS. government, where due energy wUl not be incompati ble with the unalienable rights of freemen ; and the information and morals of our citizens appear to be pecuharly favorable for the introduction of such a plan of government. In such a country, so happUy circumstanced, the pursuits of commerce and the cultivation of the soU wUl unfold to industry the certain road to competence. To those hardy soldiers who are actuated by the spirit of adventure, the Fisheries wUl afford ample and prof itable employment ; and the extensive and fertile Regions of the West wiU yield a most happy asylum to those, who, fond of domestic enjoyment, are seeking for personal independence. The prospect of national prosperity now before us is truly animating, and ought to excite the exertions of aU good men, to establish and secure the happiness of their country, in the permanent duration of its free dom and independence. America, under the smiles of Divine Providence, the protection of a good govern ment, the cultivation of manners, morals, and piety, can hardly fail of attaining an uncommon degree of eminence in Literature, Commerce, Agriculture, im provements at home, and respectabUity abroad. i789. NATIONAL PROSPERITY. 87 NATIONAL REPUTATION. The virtue, moderation aud patriotism, which mark ed the steps of the American people, in framing, adopt ing, and thus far carrying into effect our present sys tem of government, have excited the admiration of nations. It only now remains-for us, to act up to those prin ciples, which should characterize a free and enlightened people, that we may gain respect abroad, and insure happiness to ourselves and our posterity. FOUNDERS OF THE FA'BRIC OF FREEDOM. Happy, thrice happy shall they be pronounced, here after, who have contributed any thing, who have per formed the meanest office, in erecting the stupendous FABRIC OF FREEDOM AND EMPIRE, OU the broad basis of independency ; who have assisted in protecting the rights of human nature, and estabhshing an Asylum for the poor and oppressed of all nations and religions. AN ASYLUM FOE THE OPPRESSED. Under an energetic General Government, such reg ulations might be made, and such measures taken, as would render this country the Asylum of pacific and ob POLITICAL MAXIMS. industrious characters from all parts of Europe ; encour age the cultivation of the earth, by the high price which its products would command ; and draw the wealth and wealthy men of other nations into our bosom, by giving security to property, and hberty to its holders. i787. It is a flattering and consolatory reflection, that our rising Republics have the good wishes of all the philos ophers, patriots, and virtuous men, in all nations ; and that they look upon them, as a kind of Asylum for Mankind. God grant, that we may not disappoint their honest expectations by our foUy or perverseness. i788. THE WORLD S GRANARY. I hope, some day, we shall become a Storehouse and Granary for the World. THE HOME OF INDUSTRY. It is a point conceded, that America, under an effi cient government, will be the most favorable country of any in the world, for persons of industry and frugal ity, possessed of a moderate capital. It is also believed, that it will not be less advan tageous to the happiness of the lowest class of the people, on account of the equal distribution of prop- NATIONAL PROSPERITY. 89 erty, the great plenty of unoccupied lands, and the faciUty of procuring the means of subsistence. The scheme of purchasing a good tract of freehold estate, and bringing out a number of able-bodied men, indented for a certain time, appears to be indis putably a rational one. EMIGRATION TO AMERICA. My opinion with respect to Emigration is, that, except of useful mechanics, and some particular de scriptions of men or professions, there is no need of encouragement ; whilst the pohcy or advantage of its taking place in a body, (I mean the settling of them in a body,) may be much questioned ; for, by so do ing, they retain the language, habits, and principles, good or bad, which they bring with them. Whereas, by an intermixture with our people, they or their de scendants get assimUated to our customs, measures, and laws ; in a word, soon become our people. 1794. THE COUNTRY S WATCHFUL GUARDIANS. The affairs of this country cannot go amiss. There are so many watchful guardians of them ! and such infallible guides ! that no one is at a loss for a director at every turn. 90 POLITICAL MAXIMS. 3. NATIONAL POLICY. FOREIGN INFLUENCE. Against the insidious wUes oi foreign infiuence, (I conjure you to believe me, feUow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake ; since history and experience prove, that Foreign In fluence is one of the most baneful foes of Repubhcan Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial ; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dishke of another, cause those whom they actuate, to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil, and even second, the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and con fidence of the people, to surrender their interests. NATIONAL POLICY. 91 THE TRUE POLICY OF AMERICA. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to for eign nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as Uttle political connection as pos sible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentiaUy foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us, to imph- cate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicis situdes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and colUsions of her friendships and enmities. FOREIGN ALLIANCES. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyances ; when we may take such an at titude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when belUgerent nations, under the impossibUity of making 92 POLITICAL MAXIMS. acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giv ing us provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantage of so pecuUar a situa tion ? Why quit our own, to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toUs of European ambition, rival- ship, interest, humor, or caprice ? It is our policy, to steer clear of Permanent AlU- ances with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at hberty to do it ; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less apphcable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best pol icy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed, in their genuine sense. But, in my opin ion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable estabhshments, in a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary aUiances, for extraor dinary emergencies. NATIONAL POLICY. 93 NATIONAL ANTIPATHIES AND ATTACHMENTS. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations. In the execution of stich a plan, nothing is more es sential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded ; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feehngs towards aU should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an ha bitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some de gree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity, or to its affection ; either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of shght causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifiing occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent colhsions, obsti nate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by iU-wUl and resentment, sometimes im pels to war the Government, contrary to the best cal culations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, through passion, what reason would reject ; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subser vient to projects of hostihty instigated by pride, am bition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. 94 POLITICAL MAXIMS. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the Uberty, of Nations has been the victim. A passionate attachment of one nation for another, produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facUitating the iUusion of an imaginary com mon interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation, of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the con cessions ; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained ; and by exciting jealousy, ill- wiU, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite na tion,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity ; gUding, with the appearance of a virtu ous sense of obUgation, a commendable deference for pubUc opinion, or a laudable zeal for pubhc good, the base or foohsh compUances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How NATIONAL POLIOY. 95 many opportunities do they afford, to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public CouncUs ! Such an attachment, of a smaU or weak toward a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satelUte of the latter. FOREIGN POLICY OF THE NATION. I can most religiously aver, I have no wish that is incompatible with the dignity, happiness, and true in terest of the people of this country. My ardent desire is, and my aim has been, so far as depended on the Executive department, to comply strictly with all our engagements, foreign and domestic ; but to keep the United States free from pohtical connections with every other country, to see them independent of all, and under the influence of none. In a word, I want an American Character, that the powers of Europe may be convinced we act for ourselves, and not for others. This, in my judgment, is the only way to be respected abroad, and happy at home ; and not, by becoming the partisans of Great Britain or France, create dissensions, disturb the public tranquillity, and destroy, perhaps for ever, the cement which binds the Union. My policy has been, and wUl continue to be, whUe I have the honor to remain in the administration, to 96 POLITICAL MAXIMS. maintain friendly terms with, but to be independent of, all the nations of the earth ; to share in the broUs of none ; to fulfil our own engagements ; to supply the wants, and be carriers for them all ; being thoroughly convinced, that it is our policy and interest to do so. Nothing short of self-respect, and that justice which is essential to a national character, ought to involve us in war ; for sure I am, if this country is preserved in tranquillity twenty years longer, it may bid defiance, in a just cause, to any power whatever ; such, in that time, will be its population, wealth, and resources. NON-INTERVENTION. I have always given it as my decided opinion, that no nation had a right to intermeddle in the internal concerns of another ; that every one had a right to form and adopt whatever government they liked best to live under, themselves ; and that if this country could, consistently with its engagements, maintain a strict neutrality and thereby preserve peace, it was bound to do so, by motives of policy, interest, and every other consideration that ought to actuate a people situated as we are, already deeply in debt, and in a convalescent state from the struggles we have been engaged in, ourselves. NATIONAL POLICY. 97 PEACE WITH OTHER NATIONS. Observations on the value of peace with other na tions are unnecessary. It would be wise, however, by timely provisions to guard against those acts of our own citizens, which might tend to disturb it, and to put ourselves in a condition to give that satisfaction to foreign nations which we may sometimes have occasion to require from them. I particularly recommend to your consideration, the means of preventing those aggressions by our citi zens on the territory of other nations, and other infrac tions of the law of nations, which, furnishing just sub ject of complaint, might endanger our peace with them. 1792. Where individuals shall, within the United States, array themselves in hostUity against any of the powers at war, or enter upon military expeditions or enter prises within the jurisdiction of the United States, or usurp or exercise judicial authority within the United States, or where the penalties or violation of the law of nations may have been indistinctly marked or are inadequate, these offences cannot receive too early and close an attention, and require prompt and decisive remedies. True to our duties and interests as Americans, 98 POLITICAL MAXIMS. firm to our purpose as lovers of peace, let us unite our fervent prayers to the great Ruler of the Universe, that the justice and moderation of all concemed may permit us to continue in the uninterrupted enjoyment of a blessing, which we so greatly prize, and of which we ardently wish them a speedy and permanent par ticipation. 1793. PEACE WITH ALL THE WORLD. My policy, in our foreign transactions, has been, to cultivate peace with all the ivorld ; to observe the trea ties with pure and absolute faith ; to check every de viation from the line of impartiahty ; to explain what may have been misapprehended, and correct what may have been injurious to any nation ; ancl having thus acquired the right, to lose no time in acquiring the abihty, to insist upon justice being done to our selves. 1794. If, by prudence and moderation on every side, the extinguishment of all causes of external discord which have hitherto menaced our tranquillity, on terms com patible with our national rights and honor, shall be the happy result, how firm and how precious a foundation will have been laid, for accelerating, maturing, and es tabhshing the prosperity of our country. 1795. NATIONAL POLICY. 99 PEACE, OUR POLICY. I rejoice, most exceedingly, that there is an end of our warfare, and that such a field is opening to our view, as wUl, with wisdom to direct the cultivation of it, make us a great, a respectable, and happy peo ple. 1783. Would to God, the harmony of nations were an object that lay nearest to the hearts of sovereigns ; and that the incentives to peace, of which commerce, and facility of understanding each other, are not the most inconsiderable, might be daily increased. i788. Peace with all the world, is my sincere wish. I am sure it is our true pohcy, and am persuaded it is the ardent desire of the government. The affairs ofthe country are in a violent paroxysm ; and it is the duty of its old and uniform friends, to as sist in piloting the vessel in which we are all embarked, between the rocks of Scylla and Charybdis ; for more pains never were taken, I believe, than at this moment, to throw it upon one or the other, and to embroU us in the disputes of Europe. 1795. Standing as it were in the midst of falling empires, it should be our aim to assume a station and attitude, which wUl preserve us from being overwhelmed in their ruins. 100 POLITICAL MAXIMS. It is not uncommon, in prosperous gales, to forget, that adverse winds may blow. Such was the case with France. Such may be the case with the coalesced pow ers against her. A bystander sees more of the game, generally, than those who are playing it. So neutral nations may be better able to draw a line between the contending par ties, than those who are actors in the war. My own wish is, to see every thing settled upon the best and surest foundation, for the peace and happiness of mankind, without regard to this, that, or the other nation. A more destructive sword never was drawn, at least in modern times, than this war has produced. It is time to sheathe it, and give peace to man kind. 1789. I pray devoutly, that we* may both witness, and that shortly, the return of peace ; for a more bloody, expensive, and eventful war is not recorded in modern, if to be found in ancient, history. 1797. FALSE SECURITY. The satisfaction I have, in any successes that attend US, even in the alleviation of misfortunes, is always allayed by a fear that it will luU us into security. Supineness, and a disposition to flatter ourselves, * He is addressing the Earl of Radnor. NATIONAL POLICY. 101 seem to make parts of our national character. When we receive a check, and are not quite undone, we are apt to fancy we have gained a victory ; and, when we do gain any little advantage, we imagine it decisive, and expect the war immediately at an end. The history of the war is a history of false hopes, and temporary expedients. Would to God, they were to end here. i78o. THE FLATTERY OF SUCCESS. Particular successes, obtained against all the chan ces of war, have had too much influence, to the preju dice of general and substantial principles. i78i. UNINTERMITTED EFFORT. Although we cannot, by the best concerted plans, absolutely command success, although the race is not always to the swift nor the battle to the strong, yet, without presumptuously waiting for miracles to be wrought, in our favor, it is our indispensable duty, with the deepest gratitude to Heaven for the past, and hum ble confidence in its smUes on our future operations, to make use of all means in our power for our defence and security. 102 POLITICAL MAXIMS. HONORABLE PEACE. There is nothing which will so soon produce a speedy and honorable peace, as a state of preparation for war ; and we must either do this, or lay our account to patch up an inglorious peace, after all the toil, blood, and treasure we have spent. This has been my uniform opinion ; a doctrine I have endeavored, amidst the universal expectation of an approaching peace, to inculcate, and which I am sure the event wUl jus tify. 1782. There is nothing so likely to produce peace, as to be well prepared to meet the enemy. PEACE WITHOUT INDEPENDENCE, TO BE DEPLORED. To discerning men, nothing can be more evident, than that a peace, on the principles of dependence, however limited, after what has happened, would be, to the last degree, dishonorable and ruinous. 1778. It really seems to me, from a comprehensive view of things, that a period is fast approaching, big with events of the most interesting importance ; when the counsels we pursue, and the part we act, may lead de cisively to liberty or to slavery. Under this idea, I cannot but regret that inactivity, that inattention, that NATIONAL POLICY. 103 vrant of something, which unhappily I have but too often experienced in our pubhc affairs. I wish, that our representation in Congress was full from every State, and that it was formed on the first abilities among us. Whether we continue to prosecute the war, or proceed to negotiate, the wisdom of America in coun cil cannot be too great. Our situation wUl be truly delicate. To enter into a negotiation too hastUy, or to reject it altogether, may be attended with conse quences equally fatal. The wishes of the people, seldom founded on deep disquisitions, or resulting from other reasonings than their present feelings, may not entirely accord with our true policy and interest. If they do not, to ob serve a proper Une of conduct for promoting the one, and avoiding offence to the other, will be a work of great difficulty. 1778. Nothing short of independe^nce, it appears to me, can possibly do. A peace on other terms would, if I may be aUowed the expression, be a peace qf war. The injuries we have received from the British nation were so unprovoked, and have been so great and so many, that they can never be forgotten. Besides the feuds, the jealousies, the animosities, that would ever attend a union with them ; besides the impor tance, the advantages, which we should derive from an unrestricted commerce ; our fidelity as a people, our 104 POLITICAL MAXIMS. gratitude, our character as men, are opposed to a coali tion with them as subjects, but in case of the last extremity. Were we easily to accede to terms of dependence, no nation, upon future occasions, let the oppressions of Britain be ever so flagrant and unjust, would inter pose for our relief ; or, at most, they would do it with a cautious reluctance, and upon conditions, most prob ably, that would be hard, if not dishonorable to us. France, by her supphes, has saved us from the yoke, thus far ; and a wise and virtuous perseverance would, and I trust ^viU, free us entirely. 1778. NEUTRALITY. According to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belUger ent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be in ferred, without any thing more, from the obhgation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. With me, a predominant motive has been, to en deavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions ; and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength aud consistency. NATIONAL POLICY. 105 which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes. 1796. Having determined, as far as lay within the power of the Executive, to keep this country in a state of neu trality, I have made my public conduct accord with the system ; and, whilst so acting as a public charac ter, consistency and propriety as a private man forbid those intemperate expressions in favor of one nation, or to the prejudice of another, which many have in dulged themselves in, ahd, I wiU venture to add, to the embarrassment of government, without producing any good to the country. 1794. Our situation is such as makes it not only unneces sary, but extremely imprudent, for us to take a part in their quarrels ; and, whenever a contest happens among them, if we wisely and properly improve the advantage which nature has given us, we may be bene fited by their foUy, provided we conduct ourselves with circumspection and under proper restrictions. 1787. Separated as we are, by a world of water, from other nations, if we are wise, we shaU surely avoid being drawn into the labyrinth of their poUtics, and involved in their destructive wars. i788. America may think herself happy, in having the Atlantic for a barrier. i'785. 106 POLITICAL MAXIMS. NATIONAL SYMPATHY. The impressions naturally produced by simUarity of political sentiment, are justly to be regarded as causes of national sympathy, calculated to confhm the amicable ties which may otherwise subsist between nations. This reflection, independent of its more par ticular reference, must dispose every benevolent mind to unite in the wish, that a general diffusion of the true principles of liberty, assimUating as weU as ameU- orating the condition of mankind, and fostering the maxims of an ingenuous and virtuous policy, may tend to strengthen the Fraternity of the Human Race, to assuage the jealousies and animosities of its various subdivisions, and to convince them, more and more, that their true interest and felicity will best be p7-o- moted, by mutual good-will and universal harmony. 1791. 4. FOREIGN NATIONS. TREATIES. The nature of foreign negotiations requires caution ; and their success must often depend on secrecy. Even when brought to a conclusion, a full disclo- FOREIGN NATIONS. 107 sure of aU the measures, demands, or eventual conces sions, which have been proposed or contemplated, would be extremely impolitic ; for this might have a perni cious influence on future negotiations, or produce imme diate inconveniences, perhaps danger or mischief, in relation to other powers. 1796. It doubtless is important, that all Treaties and Compacts formed by the United States with other na tions, whether civUized or not, should be made with caution, and executed with fidelity. TREATY-MAKING POWER. Having been a member of the General Convention, and knowing the principles on which the Constitution was formed, I have ever entertained but one opinion on this subject ; and, from the first establishment of the Government to this moment, my conduct has ex emplified that opinion, that the power of making trea ties is exclusively vested in the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, provided two- thirds of the Senators present concur ; and that every treaty, so made and promulgated, thenceforward became the law of the land. It is thus that the treaty-making power has been understood by foreign nations ; and, in aU the treaties made with them, we have declared, and they have be Ueved, that, when ratified by the President, with the 108 POLITICAL MAXIMS. advice and consent of the Senate, they became obliga tory. 1796. THE PRESIDENT, THE TREATY-MAKER. The Constitution has assigned to the President the power of making treaties, with the advice and consent of the Senate. It was doubtless supposed, that these two branches of Government would combine, without passion, and with the best means of information, those facts and principles, upon which the success of our for eign relations will always depend ; that they ought not to substitute, for their own conviction, the opinions of others, or to seek truth through any channel but that of a temperate and well-informed investigation. 1795. RATIFICATION OF TREAfi.... It is said to be the general understanding and prac tice of nations, as a check on the mistakes and indiscre tions of ministers and commissioners, not to consider any treaty, negotiated and signed by such officers, as final and conclusive, until ratified by the Sovereign or Government from whom they derive their powers. 1796. FOREIGN NATIONS. 109 OPPEESSIVE TREATIES. It is among nations, as with individuals ; the par ty taking advantage of the distresses of another, will lose infinitely more, in the opinion of mankind, and in consequent events, than it will gain by the stroke of the moment. EQUITABLE TREATIES. Treaties which are not built upon reciprocal bene fits, are not likely to be of long duration. Unless Treaties are mutuaUy beneficial to the par ties, it is in vain to hope for a continuance of them, beyond the moment when the one which conceives itself overreached, is in a situation to break off the connec tion. NATIONAL FRIENDSHIPS. Our own experience, if it has not already had this efiect, will soon convince us, that the idea of disinter ested favors or friendship from any nation whatever, is too novel to be calculated on ; and there wiU always be found a wide difference between the words and ac tions of any of them. 1797. Nations are not influenced, as individuals may be, no POLITICAL MAXIMS. by disinterested friendships ; but, when it is their in terest to live in amity, we have little reason to appre hend any rupture. 1786. NATIONAL OBLIGATIONS. I do not like to add to the number of our national obligations. I would wish, as much as possible, to avoid giving a foreign power new claims of merit for services performed to the United States, and would ask no assistance that is not indispensable. 1773. No policy, in my opinion, can be more clearly de monstrated, than that we should do justice to all, and have no political connection with any of the European powers, beyond those which result from, and serve to regulate, our commerce with them. THE POLITICS OF PRINCES. The poUtics of Princes are fluctuating ; often, more guided by a particular prejudice, whim, or in terest, than by extensive views of pohcy. CAPRICES OF MINISTERS. The change or caprice of a single Minister, is capable of altering the whole system of Europe. FOREIGN NATIONS. Ill NATIONAL CANDOR. Candor is not a more conspicuous trait, in the character of Governments, than it is of individuals. NATIONAL SENTIMENTS. I have always beheved, that some apparent cause, powerful in its nature, and progressive in its opera tion, must be employed, to produce a change in na tional sentiments. NATIONAL HONESTY. Honesty in States, as weU as in individuals, wiU ever be found the soundest pohcy. 1787. RESOURCES OF BRITAIN. In modern wars, the longest purse must chiefly determine the event. I fear, that of the enemy wiU be found to be so. Though the Government is deeply in debt, the Nation is rich ; and their riches afford a fund which wiU not be easily exhausted. Besides, their system of pubhc credit is such, that it is capable of greater exertions than any other nation. 112 POLITICAL MAXIMS. Speculatists have been, a long time, foreteUing Great Britain's downfall ; but we see no symptoms of the catastrophe being very near. I am persuaded, it will at least last out the war ; and then, in the opinion of many of the best pohticians, it wiU be a national advantage. If the war should terminate successfully, the Crown will have acquired such influ ence and power, that it may attempt any thing ; and a bankruptcy will probably be made the ladder to climb to absolute authority. The Administration may, perhaps, wish to drive matters to this issue. At any rate, they wUl not be restrained, by an apprehension of it, from forcing the resources of the State. It wiU promote their present purposes, on which their all is at stake ; and it may pave the way to triumph more effectually over the Constitution. With this disposition, I have no doubt that ample means wUl be found, to prosecute the war with the greatest vigor. 1780. The Maritime Resources of Great Britain are more substantial and real, than those of France and Spain united. Her commerce is more extensive than that of both her rivals ; and it is an axiom, that the nation which has the most extensive commerce, wiU always have the most powerful marine. FOREIGN NATIONS. 113 THE BRITISH NAVY. If the Spaniards, under this * favorable begin ning, would unite their fleet to that of France, to gether they would soon humble the pride of haughty Britain, and no longer suffer her to reign sovereign of the seas, and claim the privUege of giving laws to the main. X778. The opening is now fair ; and God grant, that they may embrace the opportunity of bidding an eternal adieu to our (once quit of them) happy land. If the Spaniards would but join their fleets to those of France, and commence hostUities, my doubts would subside ; without it, I fear the British navy has it too much in its power to counteract the schemes of France. 1773. SPAIN. In this age of free inquiry and enhghtened rea son, it is to be hoped, that the condition of the peo ple in every country wUl be bettered, and the happi ness of mankind promoted. Spain appears to be so much behind the other nations of Europe in hberal poUcy, that a long time wiU undoubtedly elapse, be fore the people of that kingdom can taste the sweets * The defeat of the British squadron, by the French Admiral d'Orvilliers. 114 POLITICAL MAXIMS. of Uberty, and enjoy the natural advantages of their country. 1791. THE MEDIATION OF SPAIN. The conduct of England in rejecting the media tion of Spain, is more strongly tinctured with insani ty, than any thing she has done in the course of the contest, unless she be sure of very powerful aid from some of the northern powers. 1779. COUNT D ESTAING. The glorious success of Count d'Estaing in the West Indies, at the same time that it adds dominion to France, and fresh lustre to her arms, is a source of new and unexpected misfortune to our tender and generous parent, and must serve to convince her of the folly of quitting the substance, in pursuit of the shadow ; and, as there is no experience equal to that which is bought, I trust she wiU have the supera bundance of this kind of knowledge, and be convinced, as I hope all the world and every tyrant in it wiU be, that the best and only safe road to honor, glory, and true dignity, \b justice. 1779. foreign nations. 115 America's false security. I very much fear, that we, taking it for granted, that we have nothing more to do, because France has acknowledged our Independency, and formed an alli ance with us, shaU relapse into a state of supineness and false security. I think it more than probable, from the situation of affairs in Europe, that the enemy wiU receive no considerable, if any, reinforcements. But suppose they should not, their remaining force, if well di rected, is far from being contemptible. In the des perate state of British aflfairs, it is worth a desperate attempt to extricate themselves ; and a blow at our main army, if successful, would have a wonderful ef fect upon the minds of a number of people, stUl wish ing to embrace the present terms, or indeed any terms offered by Great Britain. FRANCE AND AMERICA. The Court of France has made a glorious effort for our deUverance, and if we disappoint her inten tions, by our supineness, we must become contempti ble in the eyes of all mankind. Nor can we, after that, venture to confide, that our alhes wiU persist m an attempt to estabUsh what, it wUl appear, we want incUnation or abiUty to assist them in. 1780. 116 POLITICAL MAXIMS. The present instance of the friendship of the Court of France, is attended with every circumstance that can render it important and agreeable, that can in terest our gratitude, or fix our emulation. i780. FRENCH OFFICERS IN AMERICA. In the midst of a war, the nature and difficulties of which are peculiar and uncommon, I cannot flatter myself in any way to recompense the sacrifices they have made, but by giving them such opportu nities in the field of glory, as wiU enable them to dis play that gaUantry, and those talents, which we shall always be happy to acknowledge with applause. 1780. FRENCH MILITARY CHARACTER. To call your nation brave, were to pronounce but commou praise. Wonderful people ! Ages to come wiU read with astonishment the history of your bril liant exploits. 1796. FRANCE. It is a country to which I shaU ever feel a warm affection. i78g. FINANCE. 117 5. FINANCE. PUBLIC CREDIT. As a very important source of strength and se curity, cherish Pubhc Credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as spar ingly as possible ; avoiding occasions of expense, by cultivating peace ; but remembering also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently pre vent much greater disbursements to repel it ; avoid ing, Ukewise, the accumulation of debt, not by shun ning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions, in time of peace, to discharge the debts which un avoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we our selves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives ; but it is necessary that pubhc opinion should co-operate. To facUitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue ; that to have Revenue, there must be Taxes ; that no Taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embarrassment. 118 " POLITICAL MAXIMS. inseparable from the selection of the proper objects, (which is always a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the con duct of Government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining Revenue, winch the pubhc exigencies may at any time dictate. 1796. An adequate provision for the support of the PubUc Credit, is a matter of high importance to the national honor and prosperity. 1790. NATIONAL RESOURCES. The country does not want resources, but we the means of drawing them forth. 1780. No nation wiU have it more in its power, to repay what it borrows, than this. Our debts are, hitherto, smaU. The vast and valuable tracts of unlocated lands, the variety and fertiUty of climates and soUs, the advantages of every kind which we possess, for commerce, insure to this country a rapid advance ment in population and prosperity, and a certainty, its independence being established, of redeeming, in a short term of years, the comparatively inconsider able debts it may have occasion to contract. i78i. The concurrence of virtuous individuals, and the FINANCE. 119 combination of economical societies, to rely, as much as possible, on the resources of our oivn country, may be productive of great national advantages, by estab lishing the habits of industry and economy. i789. NATIONAL DEBT. The system proposed by Congress, being the re sult of the coUected wisdom of the continent, must be esteemed, if not perfect, certainly the least objec tionable of any that could be devised. And if it shall not be carried into immediate execution, a national bankruptcy, with aU its deplorable consequences, will take place, before any different plan can possibly be proposed and adopted. 17S3. Let us, as a nation, be just ; let us fuffil the pubhc contracts, which Congress had undoubtedly a right to make, for-the purpose of carrying on the war, with the same good faith we suppose ourselves bound to perform our private engagements. I entertain a strong hope, that the state of the national finances is now sufficiently matured, to en able you * to enter upon a systematic and effectual arrangement, for the regular redemption and discharge of the pubhc debt, according to the right which has * Tlio House of Rcnrosontntives. 120 POLITICAL MAXIMS. been reserved to the Government. No measure can be more desirable, whether viewed with an eye to its intrinsic importance, or to the general sentiment and wish of the nation. 1792. No pecuniary consideration is more urgent, than the regular redemption and discharge of the pubhc debt. On none can delay be more injurious, or an economy of time more valuable. 1793. SPEEDY EXTINGUISHMENT OF THE NATIONAL DEBT. Posterity may have cause to regret, if, from any motive, intervals of tranquUUty are left unimproved for accelerating this valuable end. 1796. BANK OF THE UNITED STATES. In two hours after the books were opened by the Commissioners, the whole number of shares was taken up, and four thousand more apphed for, than were al lowed by the institution ; besides a number of sub scriptions which were coming on. This circumstance was not only pleasing, as it related to the confidence in the Government, but as it exhibited an unexpected proof of the resources of our citizens, 1791. FINANCE. 121 STATE FUNDS. That no man can be more opposed to State Funds, or local prejudices, than myself, the whole tenor of my conduct has been continual evidence o£ No man, per haps, has had better opportunities, to see and feel the pernicious tendency of the latter than I have. 1733. THE CURRENCY. I am well aware, that appearances ought to be up held, and that we should avoid, as much as possible, recognizing, by any pubhc act, the depreciation of our Currency. But, I conceive, this end would be answered, as far as might be necessary, by stipulating,® that aU money payments should be made in gold and silver, being the common medium of commerce among nations, at the rate of four shiUings and sixpence for a Spanish miU- ed dollar ; by fixing the price of rations on an equita ble scale relatively to our respective circumstances ; and by providing for the payment of what we owe, by sending in provision and seUing it at their market. It is our interest and truest poUcy, as far as it may be practicable, on all occasions, to give a currency * With the British General Howe. 122 POLITICAL MAXIMS. and value to that which is to be the medium of our internal commerce, and the support of the war. 1778. Can we carry on the war much longer ? Certainly not, unless some measures can be devised and speedily executed, to restore the credit of our Currency, restrain extortion, and punish forestaUers. Unless these can be effected, what funds can stand the present expenses of the army ? And what offi cers can bear the weight of prices that every necessary article has got to ? A rat, in the shape of a horse, is not to be bought at this time, for less than two hundred pounds ; nor a. saddle, under thirty or forty ; boots, twenty ; and shoes and other articles, in hke proportion. How is it possible, therefore, for officers to stand this, without an increase of pay ? And how is it possible to advance their pay, when fiour is selhng, at different places, from five to fifteen pounds per hundred weight, hay from ten to thirty pounds per ton, and beef and other essentials, in this proportion ? 1778. It is weU worthy the ambition of a patriot states man, at this juncture, to endeavor to pacify party dif ferences, to give fresh vigor to the springs of Govem ment, to inspire the people with confidence, and, above aU, to restore the credit of our Currency. 1779. FINANCE. 123 USING THE SPONGE. The sponge, which some gentlemen have talked of using, unless there be a discrimination and proper sa ving clauses provided, (and how far this is practicable I know not,) would be unjust and impolitic in the ex treme. Perhaps I do not understand what they mean, by " Using the sponge." If it be, to sink the money in the hands of the holders of it, and at their loss, it can not in my opinion stand justified upon any principles of common pohcy, common sense, or common hon esty. • How far a man, who has possessed himself of twen ty paper dollars, by means of one, or the value of one, in specie, has a just claim upon the public, for more than one of the latter, in redemption, ancl in that ratio according to the periods of depreciation, I leave to those who are better acquainted with the nature of the subject, and have more leisure than I have, to dis cuss. CREDIT OF THE CURRENCY, TO BE RESTORED. Every other effort is in vain, unless something can be done to restore its credit. Congress, the States individually, and individuals of each State, should exert themselves to effect this great end. It is the only hope, the last resource, of 124 POLITICAL MAXIMS. the enemy. Nothing but our want of public virtue can induce a continuance of the war. Let them once see, that, as it is in our power, so it is our inclination and intention, to overcome this difficulty ; and the idea of conquest, or hope of bring ing us back to a state of dependence, wiU vanish like the morning dew. They can no more encounter this kind of opposition, than the hoar-frost can withstand the rays of the all-cheering sun. The hberty and safe ty of this country depend upon it. The way is plain ; the means are in our power. But it is virtue alone that can eflfect it. 1779. To make and extort money, in every shape that can be devised, and at the same time to decry its value, seems to have become a mere business, and an epidemical disease, caUing for the interposition of every good man and body of men. 1778. GREAT DEPRECIATION OF THE CURRENCY. The depreciation has got to so alarming a point, that a wagon-load of money wiU scarcely purchase a wagon-load of provisions. 1779. FINANCE. 125 EVIL. Nothing, I am convinced, but the depreciation of our currency, has fed the hopes of the enemy, aud kept the British arms in America to this day. They do not scruple to declare this themselves ; and add, that we shall be our own conquerors. Cannot our common country, America, possess virtue enough to disappoint them? Is the paltry consideration of a httle pelf to individuals, to be placed in competition with the essential rights and hberties of the present generation, and of mUhons yet unborn ? ShaU a few designing men, for their own aggrandizement, and to gratify their own avarice, overset the goodly fabric we have been rearing at the expense of so much time, blood, and treasure ? Shall we at last become the victims of our own lust of gain ? Forbid it. Heaven ! Forbid it, aU and every State of the Union, by enacting and enforcing efficacious laws for checking the growth of these mon strous evUs, and restoring matters, in some degree, to the state they were in at the commencement of the war ! 1779. SPECULATORS IN THE CURRENCY. This tribe of black gentry work more effectuaUy against us, than the enemy's arms. 126 POLITICAL MAXIMS. They are a hundred times more dangerous to our hberties, and the great cause we are engaged in. 1779. It is much to be lamented, that each State, long ere this, has not hunted them down, as pests to society, and the greatest enemies we have to the hap piness of America. I would to God, that some one of the most atro cious in each State, was hung upon a gallows, five times as high as the one prepared by Haman. No punishment, in my opinion, is too great for the man who can buUd his greatness upon his coun try's ruin. 1778. Let vigorous measures be adopted ; not to limit the prices of articles, for this, I believe, is inconsistent with the very nature of things, and impracticable in itself ; but to punish Speculators, Forestallers, and Extortioners, and, above all, to sink the money by heavy taxes, to promote pubhc and private economy, and encourage manufactures. Measures of this sort, gone heartUy into by the several States, would strike at once at the root of all our evils, and give the coup de grace to the British hope of subjugating this continent, either by their arms or their arts. The former, they acknowledge, are unequal to the task ; the latter, I am sure, will be so, if we are not lost to every thing that is good and virtuous. 1779. FINANCE. 127 UNIFORMITY OP CURRENCY, WEIGHTS, AND MEASURES. Uniformity in the Currency, Weights, and Meas ures of the United States, is an object of great im portance. J,^g^_ THE MINT. The disorders in the existing Currency, and especiaUy the scarcity of small change, (a scarcity, so pecuharly distressing to the poorer classes,) strongly recommend the carrying into immediate eflfect the resolution already entered into, concerning the estab lishment of a Mint. 1791. COINAGE. A coinage of gold, sUver, and copper, is a measure which, in my opinion, has become indispensably neces sary. Without a coinage, or lest some stop can be put to the cutting and chpping of money, our doUars, pistareens, &c., wUl be converted, as Teague says, into five quarters ; and a man must travel with a pair of scales in his pocket, or run the risk of receiv ing gold, at one fourth less by weight than it counts. 1785. The Mint of the United States has entered upon 128 POLITICAL MAXIMS. the coinage of the precious metals, and considerable sums of defective coins and buUion have been lodged with the director, by individuals. There is a pleasing prospect, that the institution wUl, at no remote day, reaUze the expectation which was originaUy formed of its utiUty. 6. THE JUDICIARY. CIVIL MAGISTRATES. The dispensation of justice belongs to the civil magistrate ; and let it ever be our pride and our glory, to leave the sacred deposit there inviolate. 1794. THE JUDICIARY SYSTEM. I have always been persuaded, that the stabihty and success of the National Government, and con sequently the happiness of the people of the United States, would depend, in a considerable degree, on the interpretation and execution of its laws. In my opinion, it is important, that the Judiciary THE JUDICIARY. 129 System should not only be independent in its opera tions, but as perfect as possible in its formation. 1790. 7. AGRICULTURE, COMMERCE, MANUFAC TURES AND THE ARTS. known. AGRICULTURAL SOCIETIES. The Agricultural Society lately estabhshed in PhUadelphia, promises extensive usefulness, if its ob jects are prosecuted with spirit. I wish, most sin cerely, that every State in the Union would institute similar ones ; and that these Societies would corre spond fuUy and freely with each other, and communi cate to the pubhc aU useful discoveries founded on practice, with a due attention to cUmate, soU, and seasons. 1785. IMPORTANCE OF AGRICULTURE. It wUl not be doubted, that, with reference either to individual or national welfare. Agriculture is of primary importance. In proportion as nations advance in population 130 POLITICAL MAXIMS. and other circumstances of maturity, this truth be comes more apparent, and renders the cultivation of the soU, more and more an object of pubUc patron age. 1796. THE HUSBANDMAN. The hfe of the Husbandman, of all others, is the most dehghtful. It is honorable, it is amusing, and, with judicious management, it is profitable. i788. PROPER CULTIVATION OF LANDS. Nothing, in my opinion, would contribute more to the welfare of these States, than the proper manage ment of lands. Nothing, in Virginia particularly, seems to be less understood. The present mode of Cropping, practised among us, is destructive to landed property, and must, if persisted in much longer, ulti mately ruin the holders of it. 1786. Within our territories there are no mines either of gold or silver ; and this young nation, just recov ering from the waste and desolation of a long war, has not as yet had time to acquire riches by Agricul ture and Commerce. But our soil is bountiful, and our people industrious ; and we have reason to flatter AGRICULTURE. 131 ourselves, that we shaU graduaUy become useful to our friends.* 1789. AGRICULTURE AND MANUFACTURES. There are many articles of manufacture, which we stand absolutely in need of, and shall continue to have occasion for, so long as we remain an agricultural peo ple, which wUl be, whUe lands are so cheap and plen ty, that is to say, for ages to come. 11786. AGRICULTURE AND SPECULATION. An extensive Speculation, a spirit of gambling, or the introduction of any thing which wiU divert our attention from Agriculture, must be extremely preju dicial, if not ruinous, to us. 1787. AGEICULTURE AND WAR. For the sake of humanity, it is devoutly to be wished, that the manly employment of Agriculture, and the humanizing benefit of Commerce, would su- * These words were written to the Emperor of Morocco, with whom, in the year 1786, Mr. Barclay had made a treaty, advanta geous to our commercial interests ; and Congress had ratified it, in the year 1787. 132 POLITICAL MAXIMS. persede the waste of war, and the rage of conquest ; that the swords might be turned into ploughshares, the spears into pruning-hooks, and, as the Scriptures express it, " the nations learn war " no more. AGRICULTURE, COMMERCE, AND MANUFACTURES. The advancement of Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures, by all proper means, wiU not, I trust, need recommendation. I cannot forbear intimating the expediency of giving effectual encouragement, as weU to the intro duction of new and useful inventions from abroad, as to the exertions of skill and genius, in producing them at home. 1790. COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY. Commerce and Industry are the best mines of a nation. 17 so. FOREIGN COMMERCE. It has long been a speculative question among phUosophers and wise men, whether Foreign Com merce is of real advantage to any country ; that is, whether the luxury, effeminacy, and corruptions, which are introduced along with it, are counterbal anced by the convenience and wealth which it brings. COMMERCE. 133 The decision of this question is of very little im portance to us. We have abundant reason to be con vinced, that the spirit of trade, which pervades these States, is not to be restrained. It behooves us, then, to establish just principles ; and this cannot, any more than other matters of national concern, be done by thirteen heads diflferently constructed and orga nized. The necessity, therefore, of a controlling power, is obvious ; aird why it should be withheld, is beyond my comprehension. i785. COMMERCE AND TRADE. From trade our citizens wiU not be restrained ; and, therefore, it behooves us to place it in the most convenient channels, under proper regulations, freed, as much as possible, from those vices which luxury, the consequence of wealth and power, naturaUy in troduces. 1784. A COMMERCIAL SYSTEM. We are either a united people, under one head and for federal purposes ; or we are thirteen inde pendent sovereignties, eternaUy counteracting each other. If the former, whatever such a majority of the States as the Constitution points out, conceives 134 POLITICAL MAXIMS. to be for the benefit of the whole, should, in my hum ble opinion, be submitted to by the minority. Let the Southern States always be represented ; let them act more in union ; let them declare, freely and boldly, what is for the interest of, and what is preju dicial to, their constituents ; and there wiU, there must be, an accommodating spirit. In the estabhsh ment of a Navigation Act, this, in a particular man ner, ought, and wiU doubtless be attended to. If the assent of nine States, or, as some propose, of eleven, is necessary to give vahdity to a Commercial System, it insures this measure, or it cannot be obtained. 1785. TRADE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. Our trade, in all points of view, is as essential to Great Britain, as hers is to us. And she wiU exchange it, upon reciprocal and hberal terms, if better cannot be had. Had we not better encourage seamen among our selves, with less imports, than divide them with for eigners, and, by increasing the amount of them, ruin our merchants, and greatly injure the mass of our cit izens ? AMERICAN COMMERCE. The maritime genius of this country is now steer ing our vessels in every ocean ; to the East Indies, the COMMERCE. 135 North West coasts of America, and the extremities of the globe. i788. However unimportant America may be considered at present, and however Britain may aflfect to despise her trade, there wUl assuredly come a day, when this country wiU have some weight in the scale of empires. 1786. BRITISH COMMERCE. There are three circumstances, which are thought to give the British merchants an advantage over aU others. First : their extensive credit, which, I con fess, I wish to see abolished. Secondly : their having in one place Magazines, containing aU kinds of articles than can be required. Thirdly : their knowledge of the precise kinds of merchandise and fabrics which are wanted. I788. COMMERCIAL POLICY OF AMERICA. Harmony, hberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, huma,nity, and interest. Even our Commercial PoUcy should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting ex clusive favors or preferences ; consulting the natural course of things ; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing ; estabhshing, with powers so disposed, in order to give 136 POLITICAL MAXIMS. trade a stable course, to define the rights of our mei- chants, and to enable the government to support them, Conventional Rules of Intercourse, the best that pre sent circumstances and mutual opinion wiU permit, but temporary, and Uable to be, from time to time, abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another ; that it must pay, with a portion of its inde pendence, for whatever it may accept under that char acter ; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nomi nal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingrati tude for not giving more. There can be no greater error, than to expect oi calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an Ulusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. 1796. DOMESTIC MANUFACTURES. Though I would not force the introduction of Man ufactures, by extravagant encouragements, and to the prejudice of Agriculture, yet, I conceive, much might be done in that way, by women, children, and others, without taking one reaUy necessary hand from tiUing the earth. 1789. I have been writing to General Knox, to procure me homespun broadcloth of the Hartford fabric, to MANUFACTURES. 137 make a suit of clothes for myseU'. I hope it wiU not be a great whUe, before it wiU be unfashionable for a gentleman to appear in any other dress. Indeed we have already been too long subject to British prejudices. I use no porter or cheese in my famUy, but such as is made in America. Both those articles may now be purchased, of an exceUent quaUty. I789. The promotion of Domestic Manufactures wUl, in my conception, be among the first consequences which may naturaUy be expected to flow from an energetic government. For myself, having an equal regard for the prosper ity of the farming, trading, and manufacturing inter ests, I will only observe, that I cannot conceive the extension of the latter, (so far as it may afford employ ment to a great number of hands, which would be oth erwise, in a manner, idle,) can be detrimental to the former. MANUFACTURES AND THE ARTS. Captain Barney has just arrived here,* in a minia ture ship-j- caUed The Federalist, and has done me the honor to offer that beautiful curiosity, as a present to * Mount Vernon. f Fifteen feet in length, rigged and equipped as a ship. 138 POLITICAL MAXIMS. me, on your* part. I pray you to accept the warmest expressions of my sensibihty, tor this specimen of Amer ican ingenuity, in which the exactitude of the jiropor- tions, the neatness of the workmanship, and the ele gance of the decorations, which make your present fit to be preserved in a Cabinet of Curiosities, at the same time that they exhibit the skill and taste of the artists, demonstrate, that Americans are not inferior to any people whatever, in the use of mechanical instruments, and the art of ship-building. i788. NATIONAL ENCOURAGEMENT OF MANUFACTURES. Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed their attention to the encouragement of Man ufactures. The object is of too much importance, not to insure a continuance of their eflforts, in every way which shaU appear eligible. 1796. * WUham Smith and others, of the city of Baltimore. MAILS AND ROADS. 139 8. MAILS, ROADS, AND INLAND NA VI GATION. POST OFFICE. I cannot forbear intimating the expediency of facil itating the intercourse between the distant parts of the country, by a due attention to the Post-Office and Post- Roads. CIRCULATION OF POLITICAL INTELLIGENCE. It is represented, that some provisions of the law which establishes the Post-Office, operate, in experiment, against the transmission of newspapers to distant parts of the country. Should this, upon due inquiry, be found to be the fact, a full conviction of the importance of facilitating the circulation of pohtical inteUigence and information will, I doubt not, lead to the application of a remedy. 1792. PUBLIC ROADS. It has been understood, by wise pohticians and en lightened patriots, that giving a facihty to the means of tt-avelling, for strangers, and of intercourse, for citi- 140 POLITICAL MAXIMS. zens, was an object of legislative concern, and a circum stance highly beneficial to the country. i788. NATIONAL INFLUENCE OF MAILS AND ROADS. The importance of the Post-Office and Post-Roads, on a plan sufficiently liberal and comprehensive, as they respect the expedition, safety, and facihty of communi cation, is increased, by their instrumentality in diffusing a knowledge of the laws and proceedings of the Gov emment, which, while it contributes to the security of the people, serves also to guard them against the effects of misrepresentation and misconception. 1791. INLAND NAVIGATION. It gives me great pleasure, to find a spirit for In land Navigation prevailing so generally. No country is more capable of improvements in this way, than our own ; none will be more benefited ; and to begin well is all in all. 1786. THE LAKES. I am glad to hear, that the vessels for the Lakes are going on with such industry. Maintaining the su periority over the water, is certainly of infinite impor- MAILS AND ROADS. 141 tance. I trust, neither courage nor activity will be tted. 1776. wanting in those to whom the business is committed, NAVIGATION OF THE LAKES. I shall be mistaken, if they* do not build vessels for the navigation of the lakes, which will supersede the necessity of coasting on either side. i784. * Tie New Yorkers. 142 POLITICAL MAXIMS. V. REVOLUTIONARY WAR. Mr. Pitt and Lord Camden were the patrons of America. Their declaration gave spirit and argument to the Colonies, They in effect, divided one half of tbe empire from the other. Junius' Letters, Jan. 21, 1769. I will not, I cannot, enter into the merits of the cause. But I dare say, the Ameri can Congress in 1776 will be allowed to be as able, and as enlightened, as the English Convention in 1668 ; and that their posterity will celebrate the centenary of their de liverance from us, as duly and sincerely as we do ours from the oppressive measures ofthe wrong-headed house of Stuart Egbert Burns, 17SS. I should be happy to see your Excellency in Europe. Here you would know, and i-iijoy, what posterity will say of "Washington, At present, I enjoj' that pleasure f^r you; as I frequently hear tbe old generals of this martial country, who study the maps of America, and mark upon them all your operations, speak with sincere appro bation and great applause of your conduct; and join in giving you the character of One of the Greatest Captains of the Age. Benjamin Franklin, Passy, France, Mersonal respect, in the present instance, are reciprocal. Viewing you in the Ught of an Officer, contending against what I conceive to be the rights of my country, the reverses of fortune you experienced in the field cannot be unacceptable to me ; but, abstracted from considerations of national advantage, I can sincerely sympathize "with your feelings as a soldier, the un- * General Burgoyne. THE ARMY. 199 avoidable difficulties of whose situation forbade his success ; and as a man, whose lot combines the ca lamity of ill health, the anxieties of captivity, and the painful sensibihty for reputation exposed, where he most values it, to assaults of malice and detraction. 1778. FROM THEIR BRITISH FRIENDS. I shall ever be happy, to relieve the anxiety of parted friends ; and where letters are calculated either to this end, or to effect matters of mere private con cern, they "\^^U have the earhest conveyance. ]778- THE KING S TRUMPETER. The conduct of Lieutenant -Colonel Brooks, in de taining John Miller, requires neither palliation nor excuse. I justify and approve it. There is nothing so sacred, in the character of the King's Trumpeter, even when sanctified by a flag, as to alter the nature of things, or to consecrate infideUty and guUt. He was a deserter from the army under my com mand ; and whatever you "•¦'¦' have been pleased to assert to the contrary, it is the practice of war and nations, to seize and punish deserters, wherever they may be found. His appearing in the character he * Sir William Ho"vve. 200 POLITICAL MAXIMS. did, was an aggravation of his offence, inasmuch as it added insolence to infamy. My scrupulous regard to the privileges of fiags, and a desire to avoid every thing that partiality itself might affect to consider as a violation of them, in duced me to send orders for the release of the trum peter, before the receipt of your letter ; the improper and peremptory terms of which, had it not been too late, would have strongly operated to produce a less compromising conduct. I intended, at the same time, to assure you, and I wish it to be remembered, that my indulgence, in this instance, is not to be drawn into precedent ; and that, should any deserters from the American army hereafter have the daring folly to approach our hnes, in a similar manner, they wiU faU victims to their rashness and presumption. 1778. EXCHANGE OF PRISONERS. Were an opinion once to be estabhshed, (and the enemy and their emissaries know very weU how to in culcate it, if they are furnished with a plausible pre text,) that we designedly avoided an exchange, it would be a cause of dissatisfaction and disgust, to the coiiutiy and to the army, of resentment and despera tion to our officers and soldiers. To say nothing of the importance of not hazarding our national character but uponv the most sohd THE ARMY. 201 grounds, especiaUy in our embryo state, from the in fluence it may have on our affairs abroad, it may not be a Uttle dangerous to beget in the minds of our countrymen a suspicion, that we do not pay the strict est observance to the maxims of honor and good faith. 1778. Imputations of this nature would have a tendency to unnerve oiir operations, by diminishing that respect and confidence, which are essential to be placed in those who are at the head of affairs, either in the civil or mihtary line. This, added to the prospect of hopeless captivity, would be a great discouragement to the service. The ill consequences of both would be immense, by increasing the causes of discontent in the army, which are already too numerous, and many of which are, in a great measure, unavoidable ; by fortifying that unwiUingness, which already appears too great, toward entering into the service, and of course impeding the progress both of drafting and recruiting ; by dejecting the courage of the soldiery, from an apprehension of the horrors of captivity ; and finaUy, by reducing those, whose lot it is to drink the bitter cup, to a despair, which can only find relief, by renouncing their attachment, and engaging with their captors. .The effects have already been experienced in part, from the obstacles that have lain in the way of ex changes. But if these obstacles were once to seem tho result of system, they would become tenfold. 202 POLITICAL MAXIMS. Nothing has operated more disagreeably upon the minds of the militia, than the fear of capti"vity, on the footing on which it has hitherto stood. What would be their reasonings, if it should be thought to stand upon a worse 7 EXCHANGE OF OFFICERS. I am convinced, that more mischief has been done by the British officers who have been prisoners, than by any other set of people. During their captivity, they have made connections in the country, they have confirmed the disaffected, converted many ignorant people, and frightened the lukewarm and timid, by their stories of the power of Britain. 1 hope a general exchange is not far off, by which means we shall get rid of aU that sort of people ; and 1 am convinced, that we had better, in future, send all officers in upon parole, than keep them among us. 1778. THE INDIANS. 203 3. THE INDIANS. Few men exhibit greater diversity, or, if we may so express it, greater antithesis of character, than the native warrior of North America. In war, he is daring, boast ful, cunning, ruthless, self-denying, and self-devoted; iu peace, just, generous, hos pitable, revengeful, superstitious, modest, and commonly chaste. J. Fekimoee Coopee. If they bad the vices of savage life, they had the virtues also. They were true to their country, their friends, and their homes. If they forgave not injury, neither did they forget kindness. Chief Justice Joseph Stoby, "Washington's -policy in regard to the Indians was always pacific and humane. He considered them as children, who should be treated with tenderness and forbear ance. He aimed to conciliate them by good usage, to obtain their lands by fair pur chase and punctual payments, to make treaties with them on terms of equity and reciprocal advantage, and strictly to redeem every pledge. Jaeed Spakks, THEIR CLAIM TO JUSTICE AND HUMANITY. While the measures of government ought to be calculated to protect its citizens from all injury and violence^ a due regard should be extended to those Indian tribes, whose happiness, in the course of events, so materially depends on the national justice and humanity of the United States. nsQ. JUSTICE PLEDGED TO THEM. The basis of our proceedings with the Indian Nations has been, and shall be, justice, during the 204 POLITICAL MAXIMS. period in which I have any thing to do with the ad ministration of this government. ntm. AMICABLE INTERCOURSE WITH THEM. It is sincerely to be desired, that aU need of coer cion in future may cease, and that an intimate inter course may succeed, calculated to advance the happi ness of the Indians, aud to attach them firmly to the . United States. It seems necessary, that they should experience the benefits of an impartial dispjensation of justice ; that the mode of ahenating their lands, the main source of discontent and war, should be so defined and regulated, as to obviate impositions, and, as far as may be jjracticable, controversy concerning the reality and extent of the alienations which are made ; that commerce with them should be promoted, under regulations tending to secure an equitable deportment towards them, and that such rational experiments should he made, for imparting to them the blessings of civilization, as may, from time to time, suit their condition ; that the Executive of the United States should be enabled to employ the means to which the Indians have long been accustomed, for uniting their immediate interests with the preservation of peace; and that efficacious provision should be made, for inflicting adequate penalties upon all those who, by violatino- THE INDIANS. 205 their rights, shaU infringe the treaties, and endanger the peace of the Union. 1791. PEACE WITH INDIANS. A disposition to peace, in these people, can only be ascribed to the apprehension of danger, and would last no longer than till it was over, and an opportunity offered to resume their hostUity, "with safety and success. This makes it necessary, that we should endeavor to punish them severely, for what has passed, and by an example of rigor, intimidate them for the future. 1779. INDIAN TRADE. A trade "with the Indians should be estabhshed, upon such terms, and transacted by men of such prin ciples, as would at the same time redound to the re ciprocal advantage of the Colony and the Indians, and effectually remove the bad impressions which the Indians have received, from the conduct of a set of "viUains, divested of all faith and honor ; and give us such an early opportunity of establishing an interest with them, as would insure to us a large share of the fur-trade, not only of the Ohio Indians, but, in time, of the numerous nations possessing the back country westward. 1758. 206 POLITICAL MAXIMS. To prevent this advantageous commerce from suf fering in its infancy, by the sinister "views of designing, selfish men, in the different provinces, I humbly con ceive it advisable, that Commissioners from each of the colonies should be appointed, to regulate the mode of that trade, and fix it on such a basis, that all the attempts of one colony to undermine another, and thereby weaken and diminish the general system, might be frustrated. i768. PURCHASE OP INDIAN LANDS. There is nothing to be obtained but the soU they Uve on ; and this can be had by purchase, at less ex pense, and without that bloodshed and those distresses, which helpless women and chUdren are made partakers of, in all kinds of disputes with them. 1733. PRESENTS TO INDIANS. The plan of Annual Presents, in an abstract view, unaccompanied "with other measures, is not the best mode of treating ignorant savages, from whose hostUe conduct we experience much distress ; but, it is not to be forgotten, that they in turn are not "without se rious causes of complaint, from the encroachments which are made on their lands by our people, who are THE INDIANS. 207 not to be restrained by any law now in being, or likely to be enacted. They, poor wretches, have no press, through which their grievances are related. And it is well known, that, when one side only of a story is heard and often repeated, the human mind becomes impressed with it, insensibly. The annual presents, however, are not given so much with a view to purchase peace, as by way of contribution for injuries not otherwise to be redressed. 1795. Such is the nature of Indians, that nothing will prevent their going where they have any reason to ex pect presents ; and their cravings are insatiable. RESIDENT INDIAN AGENTS. To enable, by competent rewards, the employ ment of qualified and trusty persons, to reside among them as Agents, would contribute to the preservation of peace and good neighborhood. If, in addition, an eligible plan could be devised, for promoting civiliza tion among the friendly tribes, and for carrying on trade with them, upon a scale equal to their wants, and under regulations calculated to protect them from Imposition and extortion, its infiuence, in cementing their interests with ours, could not but be considera ble. 1792. 208 POLITICAL MAXIMS INDIAN DRESS : ITS ADOPTION IN THE ARMY. My men are very bare of regimental clothing, and I have no prospect of supply. So far from regretting this want, during the present campaign, if I were left to pursue my own inclinations, I would not only order the men to adopt the Indian dress, but cause the offi cers to do it also ; and be the first to set the example myself Nothing but the uncertainty of obtaining the gen eral approbation, causes me to hesitate a moment, to leave my regimentals, and proceed, as light as an In dian in the woods. It is an unbecoming dress, I own, for an officer. But convenience, rather than show, I think, should be consulted. The reduction of bat-horses * alone, would be sufficient to recommend it ; for, nothing is more cer tain, than that less baggage would be required, and the public benefited in proportion. i7oS. It is e"vident, that soldiers, in that trim, are better able to carry their provisions, are fitter for the active service we must engage in, less liable to sink under the fatigues of a march ; and we thus get rid of much baggage, which would lengthen our line of march. These, and not whim or caprice, were my reasons for ordering this dress. i-^gs. * B.oggage-horses. THE INDIANS. 209 It occurs to me, that if you * were to dress a company or two of true woodsmen, in Indian style, and let them make the attack, with screaming and yelling, as the Indians do, it would have very good consequences. 1777. TOW-CLOTH HUNTING-SHIRTS. The Continental Congress recommends my pro curing, from the colonies of Bhode Island and Con necticut, a quantity of tow-cloth, for the purpose of making Indian or hunting-shirts for the men, many of whom are destitute of clothing. It is designed as a species of uniform, both cheap and convenient. 1775. MODE OF INDIAN WARFARE. However absurd it may appear, it is nevertheless certain, that five hundred Indians have it more in their power to annoy the inhabitants, than ten times their number of regulars. Besides the advantageous way they have of fighting in the woods, their cunning and craft, their activity and patient sufferings, are not to be equaUed. They prowl about, like wolves ; and, like them, do their mischief by stealth. They depend upon their dexterity in hunting, and upon the cattle of the inhabitants, for pro"visions. 1756. * Col. Daniel Morgan. 210 POLITICAL MAXIMS. INDIANS TO BB OPPOSED TO INDIANS. Unless we have Indians to oppose Indians, we may expect but smaU success. 1756. A smaU number, just to point out the "wUes and tricks of the enemy, is better than none. 1756. THE WAR TO BE CARRIED INTO THEIR OWN COUN TRY. My ideas of contending with the Indians, has been uniformly the same. I am clear in the opinion, that the cheapest, (though this may also be attended with great expense,) and most effectual mode of op posing them, where they can make incursions upon us, is to carry the ivar into their own country ; for, supported on the one hand, by the British, and en riching themselves with the spoils of our people, they have every thing to gain, and nothing to lose, while we act on the defensive ; whereas, the direct reverse would be the consequence of an offensive war on our part. 1779. MARKSMEN. Great care should be observed, in choosing active marksmen. The manifest inferiority of inactive per- THE INDIANS. 211 sons, unused to arms, in this kind of service, (although equal in numbers,) to men who have practised hunt ing, is inconceivable. The chance against them, is more than two to one. 1756. MODE OF ATTACKING INDIANS. I suggest, as general rules that ought to govern our operations, to make, rather than receive, attacks, attended with as much impetuosity, shouting, and noise, as possible ; and to make the troops act, in as loose and dispersed a way as is consistent with a 2)roper degree of government, concert, and mutual support. It should be previously impressed upon the minds of the men, whenever they have an opportunity, to rush on, with the war-whoop and fixed bayonet. Nothing wUl disconcert and terrify the Indians, more than this. 1779. INDIAN TREACHERY. Great caution is necessary, to guard against the snares which their treachery may hold out. Hostages are the only kind of security to be de pended on. 212 POLITICAL MAXIMS. EMPLOYMENT OF INDIANS, IN WAR. By a resolve of Congress, I am empowered to em ploy a body of four hundred Indians, if they can be procured upon proper terms. Divesting them of the savage customs exercised in their wars against each other, I think they may be made of excellent use, as scouts and light troops, mixed with our own parties. I propose to raise about oue half the number, among the southern, and the remainder, among the northern, Indians. The Oneidas have manifested the strongest at tachment to us, throughout this dispute, and there fore, I suppose, if any can be procured, they wiU be most numerous. Their missionary, Mr. KUkland, seemed to have an uncommon ascendency over that tribe ; and I should therefore be glad to see Mm ac company them. 1778. ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY. 213 VI. ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY. The English Government bas sufficient reason to consider the French in North America, as the best guardians of the submission of their colonies. Petee Kalm, 1756. The cabinet of Versailles was compelled by good policy, to regard the supremacy of England over Canada, as a valuable source of inquietude aud jealousy to the Americans. The neighborhood of a formidable enemy, necessarily enhanced the value which they attached to the frieudsbip and support of tbe French monarch. L. DI Sbvelingues. The French court, though mortified by the loss of Canada, Avas by no means in sensible of the disadvantageous position iu which Britain was placed, relati\ ely to her own colonies, by the acquisition of it. In the commencement of tbeir revuln- tionary straggle, the Americans besought tbe aid of France, not only to free them from the yoke of Britain, but to enable them to conquer Canada, Nova Scotia, and Florida. James Geahame. EMANCIPATION OF CANADA. The Emancipation of Canada, is an object which Congress have much at heart. 177s. ACCESSION OF CANADA. It is a measure much to be wished ; and, I be heve, would not be displeasing to the bcdy of the peo ple. 214 POLITICAL MAXIMS. While Carleton * remains among them, "with three or four thousand troops, they dare not avow their sen timents, if really they are favorable, without a strong support. REASONS FOR ACCESSION. If that country is not "with us ; — ^from its proximity to the Eastern States, its intercourse and connection with the numerous tribes of western Indians, its com munication with them by water, and other local ad vantages, it "wiU be at least a troublesome, if not a dangerous, neighbor to us ; and ought, at all events, to be in the same interest and politics as the other States. THE CANADIAN EXPEDITION. The question of the Canadian expedition, in the form in which it now stands, appears to me one of the most interesting that has hitherto agitated our national dehberations. OBJECTION TO THE EXPEDITION. I have one objection to it, which is, in my estima tion, insurmountable, and alarms aU my feeUngs for * Tlu' Giivernor of Quebec. ACQUISITION OF TERRITORY. 215 the true and permanent interests of my country. This is, the introduction of a large body of French troops into Canada, and putting them in possession of the capital of that province, attached to them by all the ties of blood, habits, manners, rehgion, and former connection of government. I fear, this would be too great a temptation to be resisted, by any power actu ated by the common maxims of national pohcy. 1778. France's interest in canada. Let us realize, for a moment, the striking advan tages France would derive from the possession of Canada ; the acquisition of an extensive territory, abounding in supplies, for the use of her islands ; the opening a vast source of the most beneficial commerce with the Indian nations, which she might then mo nopolize ; the having ports of her own, on this conti nent, independent of the precarious good-will of an aUy ; the engrossing of the whole trade of Newfound land, whenever she pleased, the finest nursery of sea men in the world ; the security afforded to her islands ; and, finally, the facUity of awing and controUing these States, the natural and most formidable rival of every maritime power in Europe. Canada would be a solid acquisition to France, on aU these -accounts, and because of the numerous in habitants, subjects to her by inclination, who would 216 political maxims. aid in preserving it under her power, against the attempts of every other. prance's apprehended ascendency. France, acknowledged, for some time past, the most powerful monarchy in Europe, by land ; able now to dispute the empire of the sea with Great Britain, and, if joined hy Spain, I may say, certainly superior ; possessed of New Orleans on our right, Canada on our left ; and seconded by the numerous tribes of Indians in our rear, from one extremity to the other, a people so generally friendly to her, and whom she knows so well how to conciliate, would, it is much to be apprehended, have it in her power, to give law to these States. EVIL OF FRENCH TROOPS IN CANADA. Suppose, that, when the five thousand French troops, (and, under the idea of that number, twice as many might be introduced,) had entered the city of Quebec, they should declare an intention to hold Canada, as a pledge and surety for the debts due to France from the United States, or, under other spe cious pretences, hold the place till they can find a bone of contention, and, in the mean while, should excite the Canadians to engage in supporting their AC(>IIIIS1TU)N OF TERRITORY. 217 pretences and claims, what should we be able to say, with only four or five thousand men to carry on the dispute? It may be supposed, that France would not choose to renounce our friendship, by a step of this kind, as the consequence would be reunion with England, on some terms or other, and the loss of what she had acquired in so violent and unjustifiable a manner, with all the advantages of an aUiance with us. This, in my opinion, is too slender a security against the measure, to be relied on. DANGER FROM FRANCE'S NAVAL ASCENDENCY. If France and Spain should unite, and obtain a decided superiority by sea, a reunion "with England would avail us very little, and might be set at de fiance. France, with a numerous ariny at command, might throw in what number of land forces she thought prop er, to support her pretensions. And England, with out men, without money, and inferior on her favorite element, could give no effectual aid to oppose them. Eesentment, Reproaches, and Submission, seem to be aU that would be left to us. 10 218 POLITICAL MAXIMS. EXCESSIVE CONFIDENCE IN AN ALLY. Men are very apt to run into extremes. Hatred to England may carry some into an excess of confi dence in France, especially when motives of gratitude are thrown into the scale. Men of this description, would be un"wUling to suppose France capable of acting an ungenerous part. I am heartily disposed to entertain the most fa vorable sentiments of our new ally, and to cherish them iu others, to a reasonable degree. But it is a maxim, founded on tho universal experience of man kind, tliat no nation is to be trusted, further than it is bound by its interest ; and no prudent statesman or politician will venture to dejiart from it. In our circumstances, we ought to be particularly cautious ; for we have not yet attained sufficient vigor and maturity, to recover from the shock of any false step into which we may unwarily fall. 1775. INVASION OF CANADA. I have uniformly made the departure of the enemy from these States, an essential condition to the in vasion of Canada. j-^.79_ THE NAVY. 219 VII. THE NAVY. In a sliort timo, we shall bare at least thirty ships of war, from thirty-eight guns downwards, besides (if the ministry carry on their piratical war) a great number of privateers. The EEMEUBEAircEii, Pt. 111. p. 31. 1776. Navigation ¦will carry the American flag around the globe itself; and display the thirteen stripes and new constellation, at Bengal and Canton, on the Indus and Ganges, on ^,ho Whang-ho and the Yang-tse-kiang ; and with commerce will import the wisdom and literature of the East. Ezka Stiles, Pres. of Yale College, 1783. COMMERCE AND THE NAVY. To an active external Commerce, the protection of a naval force is indispensable. SHIPS OF WAR. WUl it not be advisable to begin, without delay, to provide and lay up the materials, for the building and the equipping of Ships of War, and to proceed in the work by degrees, in proportion as our resources may render it practicable, without inconvenience ; so that a future war of Europe may not find our com merce in the same unprotected state in which it was found by the present ? Hflfi- 220 POLITICAL MAXIMS. NATIONAL IMPORTANCE OP A NAVAL FORCE. It is in our experience, that the most sincere neu trality is not a sufficient guard against the depreda tions of nations at war. To secure respect to a neutral flag, requires a Na val Force, organized, and ready to "vindicate it from insult or aggression. This may prevent even the necessity of going to war, by discouraging belUgerent powers from commit ting such violations of the rights of the neutral party, as may, first or last, leave no other option. A NAVAL FORCE IN THE MEDITERRANEAN. From the best information I have been able to obtain, it would seem as if our trade in the Mediter ranean, without a protecting force, "wiU always be in secure, and our citizens exposed to the calamities from which numbers of them have just been relieved. 1796. THE GRADUAL CREATION OF A NAVY. Various considerations invite the United States to look to the means, and to set about the gradual crea tion of a Navy. THE NAVY. 221 The increasing progress of their navigation, pro mises them, at no distant period, the requisite supply of seamen ; and their means, in other respects, favor the undertaking. It is an encouragement, likewise, that their particular situation "will give weight and influence to a moderate naval force in their hands. 222 POLITICAL MAXIMS. VIII. NATIONAL DEFEXCE. While Washington sought peace, and urged a faithful discharge of every duty toward others, he recommended, that prompt measures should be taken, not only for defence, but for enforcing just claims. Jaeed Sparks. "War iva.s not a game in which he sought amusement at the expense of others, but a LAST RESOET, in. whose dangers and toils he ahvays bore his fall share, and from which he sought release, as soon as conscience and honor would permit. The spirit in ^Dh^ch he contended, was that which secured the favor of a righteous Provi dence, and the approbation of all good men, E. C. M'GrrmE, D. D. MEASURES FOR DEFENCE. To be prepared for war, is one of the most efifec- tual means of preserving peace. NATIONAL MILITARY DISCIPLINE. A free people ought not only to be armed, but disciplined. To this end, a uniform and well-digested plan is requisite. NATIONAL DEFENCE. 223 HOME MILITARY SUPPLIES. Our safety and our interest require, that we should promote such manufactures, as tend to render us in dependent of others, for essential, particularly m.ili- tary, supplies. A SYSTEM OF NATIONAL DEFENCE. The safety of the United States, under Divine protection, ought to rest on the basis of systematic and sohd arrangement, exposed, as little as possible, to the hazards of fortuitous circumstances. 1791. A CONDITION OF DEFENCE. I cannot recommend measures for the fulfilment of our duties to the rest of the world, without press ing the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defence, and of exacting from them the fulfilment of their duties towards us. 1793. READINESS FOE WAR. The United States ought not to indulge a persua sion, that, contrary to the order of human events, they will for ever keep at a distance those painful ap- 224 POLITICAL MAXIMS. peals to arms, "with which the history of every nation abounds. There is a rank due to the United States among nations, which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it. If we desire to secure peace, one of the most pow erful instruments of our rising prosperity, it must be known, that we are, at all times, ready for war. 1793. OFFENSIVE OPERATIONS. Oflensive operations, oftentimes, are the surest, if not in some cases the only, means of defence. OFTEN THE BEST DEFENCE. It has been, very properly, the poUcy of our o-ov- ernment to cultivate peace. But, in contemplating the possibility of our being driven to unqualified war, it wiU be wise to anticipate, that, frequently, the most effectual way to defend is to attack. nus. NATIONAL EDUCATION. 225 IX. NATIONAL EDUCATION. How can man bo intolligont, happy, or useful, without the culture and discipline of education ? It is this that unlocks the prison-house of his mind, and relea-ses the captive. Rev. De. Hn.MPURET. Education is the chief defence of nations. Edmund Bueke. POPULAR EDUCATION. Promote, as an object of primary importance, in stitutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it should be enhghtened. EVILS OF FOREIGN EDUCATION. It has always been a source of serious regret, "with me, to see the youth of these United States sent to ¦ foreign countries, for the purposes of education, often before their minds were formed, or they had imbibed 226 POLITICAL MAXIMS. any adequate ideas of the happiness of their own ; contracting, too frequently, not only habits of dissi pation and extravagance, but p)rinciples unfriendly to Republican Government, and to the true and genuine liberties of mankind, which thereafter are rarely over come. 1791. We ought to deprecate the hazard attending ar dent and susceptible minds, from being too strongly, and too easily, prepossessed, in favor of other political systems, before they are capable of appreciating their own. 1795. It is with indescribable regret, that I »have seen the youth of the United States, migrating to foreign countries, in order to acquire the higher branches of erudition, and to obtain a knowledge of the sciences. 1795. NATIONAL UNIVERSITY. That a National University, in this country, is a thing to be desired, has always been my decided opin ion ; and the appropriation of grounds and funds for it, in the Federal City, has long been contemplated. 1794. True it is, that our country, much to its honor, con- > tains many seminaries of learning, highly respectable and useful ; but the funds upon which they rest, are too narrow to command the ablest professors, in the NATIONAL EDUCATION. 227 different departments of hberal knowledge, for the institution contemplated, though they would be excel lent auxiliaries. Among the motives to such an institution, the as similation of the principles, opinions, and manners of our countrymen, by the commou education of a portion of our youth from every quarter, well deserves atten tion. 1796. The more homogeneous our citizens can be made in these particulars, the greater will be our prospect of permanent union. And a primary object of such a Na tional Institution, should be the education of our youth in the Science of GtOvernment. In a Republic, what sjiecies of knowledge can be equally important ? And what duty more pressing on its legislature, than to patronize a plan, for communi cating it to those who are to be the future guardians of the liberties of the country ? i796. military education. I flatter myself, that, under a skilful Commander, or man of sense, (which I most sincerely wish to serve under,) with my own application and diligent study of my duty, I shall be able to conduct my steps without censure, and, in time, render myself worthy of the pro motion that I shall bo favored with now. 1754. 228 political maxims. OFFICERS URGED TO GAIN KN0"WLEDGE FROM BOOKS. Remember, that actions, and not the commission, make the Oflicer. More is expected from him than the title. Do not forget, that there ought to be a time appro priated, to attain knowledge, as well as to indulge in pleasure. As we now have no opportunities to improve from example, let us read, for this desirable end. 1755. MILITARY ACADEMY. The establishment of an institution of this kind, upon a respectable and extensive basis, has ever been considered by me, as an object of primary importance to this country ; and, while I was in the chair of Gov ernment, 1 omitted no proper opportunity of recom mending it, in my public speeches and otherwise, to the attention of the legislature. 1799. The institution of a Military Academy is recom mended by cogent reasons. However pacific the gen eral policy of a nation may be, it ought never to be without an adequate stock of military knowledge, for emergencies. The first would impair the energy of its character, and both would hazard its safety, or expose NATIONAL EDUCATION. 229 it to greater evils, when war could be avoided : be sides, that war might often not depend upon its own choice. In proportion as the observance of pacific measures might exempt a nation from the necessity of practising the rules of the military art, ought to be its care in pre serving, and transmitting, by proper establishments, the knowledge of that art. i796. Whatever argument may be drawn from particular examples, superficially viewed, a thorough examination of the subject will evince, that the art of war is at once comprehensive and comphcated, that it demands much previous study, and that the possession of it, in its most improved and perfect state, is always of great moment to the security of a nation. This, therefore, ought to be a serious care of every government ; and, for this purpose, an Academy, where a regular course of instruction is given, is an obvious expedient, which different nations have successfully employed. I796. THE ARTS AND SCIENCES, OF NATIONAL INTEREST. The Arts and Sciences essential to the prosperity of the State, and to the ornament and happiness of 230 POLITICAL MAXIMS. human life, have a primary claim to the encouragement of every lover of his country and of mankind. 1780. AMERICAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES. I shall, with zeal, embrace every opportunity of sec onding their laudable views, and manifesting the exalted sense I have of the institution. 1781. INFLUENCE OF LEARNING. I am not a little flattered, by being considered, by the patrons of literature, as one of their number. FuUy apprised of the influence which sound learning has on rehgion and manners, on government, liberty, and laws, I shall only lament my want of abUities to make it stUl more extensive. 1789. There is nothing which can better deserve your"-'-" patronage, than the promotion of Science and Litera ture. 1790. Nothing can give me more pleasure, than to pat ronize the essays of genius, and a laudable cultivation * Congress. NATIONAL DEFENCE. 231 the arts and sciences, which had began to fiourish in so eminent a degree, before the hand of oppression was stretched over our devoted country. I shall esteein myself happy, if a poem* which has employed the labor of years, will derive any advantage, or boar more weight in the world, by making its ap})ear- auce under a dedication to me. 1778. COMPREHENSIVE VIEWS OF COLLEGE EDUCATION. I rely fully in yourf strenuous endeavors for placing the system on such a basis, as will render it most ben eficial to the State, and the republic of letters, as well as to the more extensive interests of humanity and re- lio;ion. KNOWLEDGE AMONG THE PEOPLE. Knowledge is, in every country, the surest basis of public happiness. In one, ^ in which the measures of government receive their impressions so immediately from the sense of the community as in ours, it is pro portionably essential. To the security of §. free constitution it contributes, * ' The Rev. Dr. D"STight's " Conque^, of Canaan," dedicated to W.ashington, by permission. f He had accepted the Chancellorship of William and Mary Col lege, and addressed these words to Ihe Trustees of the institution. G* 232 POLITICAL MAXIMS. in various ways : by convincing those who are intrust ed with the public administration, that every valuable end of government is best answered, by the enlightened confidence of the people ; and by teaching the people themselves, to know and to value their own rights, to discern and provide against the invasions of them, to distinguish between oppression and the necessary exer cise of lawful authority, between burdens proceeding from a disregard to their convenience, and those result ing from the inevitable exigences of society, to discrim inate the spirit of liberty from that of licentiousness, cherishing the first, avoiding the last, and uniting a speedy and temperate vigilance against encroachments, with an inviolable respect to the laws. Whether this desirable object will be best promo ted, by affording aids to Seminaries of Learning already established, by the institution of a National University, or by any other expedients, will be worthy of a place in the deliberations of the legislature. 1790. PERIODICAL LITERATURE. 1 entertain a high idea of the utUity of periodical publications, insomuch that !• could heartUy desire copies of the Museum,"* and magazines, as well as com- * The " American Museum," published by Matthe-w Carey, at Phil adelphia, to disseminate political, agricultural, philosophical, and other valuable information, and to reposit public documents. NATIONAL EDUCATION. 233 mon gazettes, might be spread through every city, town, and village in America,. I consider such easy vehicles of knowledge more happily calculated than any other, to preserve the lib erty, stimulate the industry, and meliorate the morals of an enlightened and free people. 1788. Washington served us chiefly by his sublime moral qualities. To him belonged the proud distinction of being the leader in a revolution, "without awakening one doubt or solicitude, as to the sjiot- less purity of his purpose. His "was the glory of being the brightest manifestation of the spirit "which reigned in this country ; and in this "way he became a source of energy, a bond of union, the centre of an enlightened people's confidence. By an instinct "which is unerring, "we call Washington, "with grate ful reverence, the Father of his Codntet, but not its Saviour. A peo ple "which "wants a Saviour, "which does not possess an earnest and pledge of freedom in its 0"wn heart, is not yet ready to be free. William E. Channing. The admiration "with "which Washington is regarded by all civi lized nations, sho"ws him to be one of the fe"w among mankind, to "whom is given an immortality more durable than brass or marble, and "n'hose spotless and beneficent memory is cherished by the latest pos terity. Feedekick Von Racmee. The character of nations is often influenced by that of their found ers. Roswell W. Lewis. II. SOCIAL MAXIMS. After such services, which consecrate your name to all posterity, with what home-felt satisfaction must your future days be blest! Heaven crown them with every favor ! May you live long, my dear General, and long have the joy to see the increasing splendor and prosperity of a rising nation, aided by your counsels, and defended by your sword ! Indulge me the pleasure to believe, that I have a place in your recollections, and stiU honor and make me happy in your friendship. John Hancock, Oct. 15, 1783. You have wisely retired from public employments, and calmly view, from the temple of Fame, the various exertions of that sover eignty aud independence, which Providence has enabled you to be so greatly and gloriously instrumental in securing to your country. Yet, I am persuaded, that you cannot view them with the ej-e of an unconcerned spectator. John Jay, 1786. lie was one of those virtuous citizens, to whom the world refuses the credit of genius, because they are not beset with a destructive restlessness, nor devoured with the ambition of domineering over mankind; but who really deserve the name of great, better than many others, because their number is rare. Felix Bodin. SOCIAL MAXIMS, I. FRIEI(DSHIP. In mourning the loss of the Man of the Age, I equally mourn that of the long- tried patron, — the kind a d unchanging friend. Alexander Hamilton, Dec. 1T99. Every mark of friendship I receive from you, adds to my happiness, is I love you with all the sincerity and warmth of my heart ; and the sentiment 1 feel for you goes to the very extent of my affections. Lafayette, May, 1781. LOVE AND GRATITUDE OF A FRIEND. Your ¦¦••" forward zeal in the cause of liberty ; your singular attachment to this infant world ; your ardent and persevering effbrts, not only in America, but since your return to France, to serve the United States ; your polite attentions to Americans, and your strict and * The Marquis de Lafayette. 238 SOCIAL MAXIMS. uniform friendship for me, have ripened the first im pressions of esteem and attachment which I imbibed for you, into such perfect love and gratitude, as neither time nor absence can impair. 1779. PARTING EMOTIONS. In the moment of our * separation, upon the road as I travelled, and every hour since, I have felt all that love, respect, and attachment for you, with which length of years, close connection, and your merits have inspired me. I often asked myself, as our carriages separated, whether that was the last sight I should ever have of you. And though I wished to say No, my fears an swered Yes. I called to mind the days of my youth, and found they had long since fled, to return no more ; that 1 was now descending the hill I had been fifty-two years climbing ; and that, though I was blessed with a good constitution, I was of a short-lived family, and might soon expect to be entombed in the mansion of my fathers. These thoughts darkened the shades, and gave a gloom to the picture, and consequently to my prospect of seeing you again. But I will not repine ; I have had my day. 17 si. * Lnfayettc. FRIENDSHIP. 239 PERPETUITV OF FRIENDSHIP. It is my wish, that the mutual friendship and esteem, which have been planted and fostered in the tumult of public life, may not wither and die in the serenity of retirement. We should amuse our evening hours of life, in cul tivating the tender plants, and bringing them to per fection, before they are transplanted to a happier chme. FRIENDLY ADVICE. The opinion and advice of friends I receive, at all times, as a proof of their friendship, and am thankful when they are offered. NATURE OF TRUE FRIENDSHIP. True friendship is a plant of slow growth, and must undergo and withstand the shocks of adversity, before it is entitled to the appellation. 240 SOCIAL MAXIMS. ACTIONS, NOT WORDS. A slender acquaintance with the world, must con vince every man, that actions, not words, are the true criterion of the attachment of friends ; and that the most liberal professions of good-will are very far from being the surest marks of it. I should be happy, if my own experience had afforded fewer examples of the little dependence to be placed upon them. PROFESSIONS OF FRIENDSHIP. The arts of dissimulation I despise ; and my feel ings will not permit me to make professions of friend ship, to the man I deem my enemy, and whose system of conduct forbids it. LETTERS OF FRIENDSHIP. It is not the letters of my friends, which give me trouble, or add aught to my perplexity. To correspond with those I love, is among my highest gratifications. Letters of friendship require no study ; the com- FRIENDSHIP. 241 munications they contain, flow with ease ; Etnd aUow ances are expected and made. HOSPITALITY OP FRIENDSHIP. If the assurances of the sincerest esteem and affec tion, if the varieties of uncultivated nature, the novelty of exchanging the gay and delightful scenes of Paris, with which you "•¦'- are surrounded, for the rural amuse ments of a country in its infancy, if the warbhng notes of the feathered songsters of our lawns and meads, can, for a moment, make you forget the melody of the opera, and the pleasures of the court, these all invite you to give us this honor, and the opportunity of ex pressing to you, personally, those sentiments of attach ment and love, with which you have inspired us. 1786. I repeat to you f the assurances of my friendship, and of the pleasure I should feel in seeing you in the shade of those trees which my hands have planted ; and which, by their rapid growth, at once indicate a knowledge of my declining years, and their disposition to spread their mantles over me before I go hence to return no more. For this, their gratitude, I will nur ture them while I stay. i784. * The Marchioness de Lafayette. f The Chevalier de Chastellux. 11 242 SOCIAL MAXIMS. FRIENDSHIP IN ADVERSITY. My friendship, so far from being diminished, has increased in the ratio of his * misfortunes. 1796. RENEWAL OF FRIENDSHIP'S COVENANT. The friendship I have conceived, will not be im paired by absence ; but it may be no unpleasing cir cumstance to brighten the chain, by a renewal of the covenant. PERSONAL FRIENDSHIP AND POLITICAL DISAGREEMENT. The friendship which I ever professed and felt for you,"!' i^6t with no diminution, from the difiference of our political sentiments. I know the rectitude of my own intentions ; and, beheving in the sincerity of yours, lamented, though I did not condemn your renunciation of the creed I had adopted. Nor do I think any person or power ought to do it, * Lafayette, imprisoned at Olmiitz. f The Eev. Bryan Fairfax, an Episcopalian clergyman, of Alexan dria, Virginia. He afterward became the eighth aud last Lord Fair fax. FRIENDSHIP. 243 whUst your conduct is not opposed to the general in terest of the people, and the measures they are pur suing. Our actions, depending upon ourselves, may be controlled, whUe the powers of thinking, originating in higher causes, cannot always be moulded to our wishes. 1778. 244 SOCIAL MAXIMS. II. BENEVOLENCE. Amid all the tumult of the camp, and all the excesses inseparable from civil war, humanity took refuge under his tent, and never was repelled from it. In triumphs and in adversity, he was ever tranquil as wisdom, and simple as virtue. The gentle affections abode in the depths of his heart, even in those moments when the claims of his own cause seemed to sanction in a manner the laws of vengeance. M. FONTANES. There was a gravity and reserve, indeed, in his countenance and deportment, partly natural, and partly the effect of habitual cares for the public weal ; but theso were wholly unmixed with the least austerity or moroseness. True native dignity was happily blended with the most placid mildness and con descension. J. M, Sewall, Portsmouth, N. IT. Dec. 81, 1799. SOCIAL COUETESY. Be courteous to all, but intimate with few ; and let tliose few be well tried, before you give tbem your confidence. Every action in company, ougbt to be with some sign of respect to those present. COMPANY. The company in which you will improve most will be least expensive to you. BENEVOLENCE. 245 SHAKING OFF ACQUAINTANCES. It is easy to make acc[uaintances, but difficult to shake them off, however irksome and unprofitable they are found, after we have once committed our selves to them. CHOICE OF COMPANY. Associate with men of good quality, if you esteem your own reputation ; for it is better to be alone, than in bad company. DIFFIDENCE. Submit your sentiments with diffidence. A dic tatorial style, though it may carry conviction, is al ways accompanied with disgust. THE GOLDEN RULE. It is a maxim with me, not to ask what, under similar circumstances, I would not grant. 246 SOCIAL MAXIMS. DEVOTION TO THE PEOPLE. There is nothing I have more at heart, than to discharge the great duties incumbent on me, with the strictest attention to the ease and convenience of the people. NATIONAL, DISTINGUISHED FROM PERSONAL, HOSTILITY. I was opposed to the policy of Great Britain, and became an enemy of her measures ; but I always dis tinguished between a cause and individuals. And while the latter supported their opinions, upon liberal and generous grounds, personally I never could be an enemy to them. DIFFERENCE OP OPINION, NO CRIME. Men's minds are as variant as their faces. Where the motives of their actions are pure, the operation of the former is no more to be imputed to them as a crime, than the appearance of the latter ; for both, being the work of nature, are alike unavoid able. A difiference of opinion on political points, is not to be imputed to freemen, as a fault. It is to be pre sumed, that they are all actuated by an equally lauda ble and sacred regard for the liberties of their country. BENEVOLENCE. 247 If the mind is so formed, in different persons, as to consider tho same object to be somewhat different in its nature and consequences, as it happens to be placed in diflferent points of view ; and if the oldest, the ablest, and the most virtuous statesmen, have often differed in judgment, as to the best forms of government, we ought, indeed, rather to rejoice, that so much has been effected, than to regret, that more could not all at once be accomplished. AMITY AND CONCESSION. It is a fact declared by the General Convention, and universaUy understood, that the Constitution of the United States was the result of a spirit of amity and mutual concession. And it is weU known, that, under this influence, the smaller States were admitted to an equal repre sentation in the Senate, with the larger States, and that this branch of the Government was invested with great powers ; for, on the equal participation of those powers the sovereignty and pohtical safety of the smaUer States were deemed essentiaUy to depend. 1796. DUTIES OF THE MINORITY. To be disgusted at the decision of questions, be cause not consonant to our own ideas, and to withdraw 248 SOCIAL MAXIMS. ourselves from public assembUes, or to neglect our at tendance at them, upon suspicion that there is a party formed, who are inimical to our cause and to the true interests of the country, is wrong ; because these things may originate in a difference of opinion. But suppo sing the fact otherwise, and that our suspicions are well founded, it is the indispensable duty of every patriot, to counteract them by the most steady and uniform opposition. ivsi. HUMANITY. Let your heart feel for the affiictions and distresses of every one. Let your hand give in proportion to your purse ; re membering always, the estimation of the widow's mites, but, that it is not every one who asketh, that deserv- eth, charity. AU, however, are worthy of inquiry ; or the deserving may suffer. COMPASSION FOR MAN AND BEAST. The soldiers have two or three times been, days together, without provisions ; and once, six days with out any thing of the meat kind. Could the poor horses'-' teU their tale, it would be * Wrangham, in his edition of Plutarch's Lives, tates ooeasion, iu the biography of Cato tlie Censor, famous for his humanity to inferior BENEVOLENCE. 249 in a strain stiU more lamentable, as numbers have ac tually died from pure want. 1778. SUFFERERS IN THE INDIAN WARS. The suppUcating tears of the women, and moving petitions of the men, melt me into such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer myself a wilUng sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would contribute to the people's ease. 1756. AND THE INFIRM. When I consider, that the city of New York will, in aU human probabihty, very soon be the scene of a bloody conflict, I cannot but view the great numbers of women, children, and infirm persons, remaining in it, with the most melancholy concern. It would relieve me from great anxiety, if your honorable body® would immediately dehberate upon it, and form and execute some plan, for their removal creatures, to say in a note, " Yet Washington, the Tertius Cato of these latter times, is said to have sold his old charger." So far is this from the truth, that the old "war-horse was put under the special care of an old servant, was never ridden after the war, and died at Mount Vernon long before the death of Washington. * The New York Convention. 11* 250 SOCIAL MAXIMS. and rehef ; in which I wiU co-operate and assist, to the utmost of my power. 1776. THE SICK. The case of our sick is worthy of much considera tion. Their number, by the returns, forms at least one fourth of the army. PoUcy and humanity require, that they should be made as comfortable as possible. 1776. KINDNESS TO PRISONERS OF WAR. I have shown all the respect I could to them* here, and have given them some necessary clothing, by which I have disfurnished myself ; for, having brought no more than two or three shirts from WUl's Creek, that we might be light, I was Ul provided to supply them. 1754. If Lord Chatham's son should be in Canada, and in any way should faU into yourf power, you are en joined to treat him with aU possible deference and respect. You cannot err in paying too much honor to the son of so illustrious a character, and so true a friend to America. Any other prisoners who may fall into your hands, * Prisoners taken, near the Great Meadows, May, 1754. \ Col. Arnold, about to march against Quebec, 1775. BENEVOLENCE. 251 you may treat with as much humanity and kindness, as may be consistent with your own safety and the pubhc interest. Be very particular in restraining, not only your own troops, but the Indians, from aU acts of cruelty and insult, which wUl disgrace the American arms, and irritate our feUow-subjects against us. THE CASE OF MAJOR ANDRE. Andre has met his fate ; and with that fortitude which was to be expected from an accomphshed man and gallant officer. The circumstances under which he was taken, jus tified it, and policy required a sacrifice. But, as he was more unfortunate than criminal, and, as there was much in his character to interest, whUe we yielded to tlie necessity of rigor, we could not but lament it. i780. RETALIATION AND HUMANITY. I know not what to say, on the subject of Retalia tion. Congress have it under consideration ; and we must await their determination. i78i. Of this I am convince.!, that, of all laws, it is the 252 SOCIAL MAXIMS. most difficult to execute, where you have not the trans gressor himself in your possession. Humanity wUl ever interfere, and plead strongly against the sacrifice of an innocent person for the guUt of another. THE CASE OF CAPTAIN ASGILL. The enemy, persisting in that barbarous line of conduct which they have pursued during the course of this war, have lately most inhumanly executed Captain Joshua Huddy, of the Jersey State troops, taken pris oner by them at a post on Tom's river. In conse quence, I have written to the British Commander-in- chief, that, unless the perpetrators of that horrid deed were delivered up, I should be under the disagreeable necessity of retaliating, as the only means left to put a stop to such inhuman proceedings. You * will, therefore, immediately, on receipt of this, designate by lot, for the purpose, a British cap tain, who is an unconditional prisoner, if such a one is in your possession. I need not mention to you, that every possible ten derness that is consistent with the security of him, should be shown to the person whose unfortunate lot it may' be to sufi'er. 1782. * Brigadier-General Hazen. BENEVOLENCE. 253 NECESSITY OF THE CASE. Sincerely lamenting the cruel necessity, which alone can induce so distressing a measure in the present in stance, I do assure your Excellency,* that I am as earnestly desirous as you can be, that the war may be carried on agreeably to the rules which Humanity formed, and the example of the politest nations re commends. Keenly wounded as my feelings will be, at the de plorable destiny of the unhappy victim, no gleam of hope can arise to him, but from the conduct of the enemy themselves. This he may be permitted to communicate to the Briti.sh Commander-in-chief, in whose power alone it rests to avert the impending vengeance from the innocent, by executing it on the guilty. THE CASE COMPASSIONATED. While my duty calls me to make this decisive deter mination, humanity prompts a tear for the unfortunate offering, and inclines me to say, that I most devoutly wish his life may be spared. In the mean time, I must beg that you f will be pleased to treat Captain AsgiU with every tender attention and politeness, (con- * General Robertson, the British Commander-in-chief. ¦j- Colonel Elias Daj'ton. 254 SOCIAL MAXIMS. sistent with his present situation,) which his rank, fortune, and connections, together with his unfortunate state demand. APPROVAL OF THE PROCEDURE. I feel myself exceedingly distressed on this occa sion ; but my resolutions having been taken on the most mature deliberation, supported by the approbation of Congress, and grounded on the general concurrence of all the principal officers of the army, who were par ticularly consulted, they cannot be receded from. Justice to the army and the pubhc, my own honor, and, I think I may venture to say, universal benev olence, require them to be carried into full execution. It rests, therefore, with the British Commander-in- chief, to prevent this unhappy measure from taking effect. CAPTAIN asgill RELEASED BY CONGRESS. The letter of AsgUl, and the situation of his father, which I am made acquainted with by the British jirints, work too powerfully upon my humanity, not to wish that Congress would chalk a line for me to walk by, in this business. It affords me singular pleasure, to have it in my power to transmit to you * the inclosed copy of an Act * Captain Asgill. benevolence. 255 of Congress, of the 7th instant,* by which you are released from the disagreeable circumstances in which you have so long been.f Supposing, that you would wish to go into New York as soon as possible, I also inclose a passport for that purpose. I cannot take leave of you, sir, without assuring you, that, in whatever light my agency in this un pleasant affair may be viewed, I was never influenced, through the whole of it, by sanguinary motives, but by what I conceived to be a sense of duty, which loudly called upon me to take measures, however disagreeable, to prevent a repetition of those enormities which have been the subject of discussion. And that this impor tant end is likely to be answered, without the effusion of the blood of an innocent person, is not a greater relief to you, than to me. 1782. PARDON OF CRIMINALS. As you \ were pleased to leave it to my discretion, to punish or pardon the criminals, I have resolved on * November, 1782. f Captain Lippineot, charged with the murder of Captain Huddj', was, by a wicked connivance, acquitted by a British court-martial. Cut such representations were made, and such satisfactory assurances were given, to Congress, that it was deemed proper to release Captain Asgill. \ Governor Dinwiddie. 256 SOCIAL MAXIMS. the latter, since I find example of so little weight, and since those poor unhappy criminals have undergone no small pain of body and mind, in a dark prison, closely ironed. 1757. EMANCIPATION OF SLAVES. The scheme which you * propose, as a precedent to encourage the emancipation of the black people in this country, from the state of bondage in which they are held, is a striking evidence of the benevolence of your heart. I shall be happy to join you, in so laudable a work. 1783. ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. There is not a man living, who wishes more sin cerely than 1 do, to see a j)lan adopted, for the aboli tion of it. But there is only one proper and eff'ectual mode by which it can be accomplished, and that is, by leg islative auih 0? ¦ ity. This, as far as my suffrage wiU go, shall never be wanting. But when slaves, who are hajjpy and con tented with their present masters, are tampered with and seduced to leave them ; when masters are taken un awares by these practices ; when a conduct of this kind begets discontent on one side, and resentment on the * Lafayette. BENEVOLENCE. 257 other ; and when it happens to faU on a man whose purse wUl not measure with that of the Society, and he loses his property for want of means to defend it ; it is oppression in such a case, and not humanity in any, because it introduces more evils than it can cure. 1786. Lafayette's abolition scheme. Your ¦'¦'" purchase of an estate in the colony of Cay enne, with a view of emancipating the slaves on it, is a generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God, a hke spirit might diffuse itself generaUy, into the minds of the people of this country. But I despair of seeing it. Some petitions were presented to the Assembly, at its last session, for the abolition of slavery, but they could scarcely obtain a reading. To set the slaves afloat, at once, would, I beUeve, be productive of much inconvenience and mischief ; but, by degrees, it certainly might, and assuredly ought to be effected ; and that, too, by legislative authority. * Lafayette. 258 social maxims. MODE of abolishing SLAVERY. I never mean, unless some particular circumstan ces should compel me to it, to possess another slave by purchase, it being among my first wishes, to see some plan adopted, by which Slavery, in this country, may hQ abolished by law. 1786. PROPOSED LIBERATION OF SLAVES. I have no scruple in disclosing to you * that my motives to these sales are to reduce my income, be it more or less, to speciahties, — that the remainder of my days may thereby be more tranquil, and free from care ; and that I may be enabled, knowing what my dependence is, to do as much good as my resources wUl admit. Although, in the estimation of the world, I possess a good and clear estate, yet so unproductive is it, that I am oftentimes ashamed to refuse aid which I cannot afford, unless I seU part of it to answer this purpose. Besides these, I have another motive, which makes me earnestly wish for these things. It is, indeed, more powerful than aU the rest ; namely, to liberate a cer tain species of property, which I possess very reluc tantly to my own feelings, but which imperious neces- * Tobias Lear, his private secretary, then in England, May 6Lh, 1794, making arrangements to sell some of Washington's landed estate. BENEVOLENCE. 259 sity compels, untU I can substitute some other expe dient, by which expenses not in my power to avoid, (however well disposed I may be to do it,) can be defrayed. 1794, SLAVES LIBERATED. " Upon the decease of my wife, it is my wiU and de sire that aU the slaves whom I hold in my own right, shall receive their freedom. To emancipate them during her life, would, though earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insu perable difiiculties, on account of their intermixture by marriage with the dowpr negroes, as to excite the most painful sensations, if not disagreeable consequen ces to the latter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor ; it not being in my power, under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held, to manumit them. PROVISION FOR AGED, INFIRM, AND INFANT SLAVES. And whereas among those who will receive freedom according to this devise, there may be some, who, from old age or bodily infirmities, and others, who, on ac- * By Washington's Will, dated July 9th, 1799. 260 SOCIAL MAXIMS. count of their infancy, will be unable to support them selves, it is my will and desire, that all, who come un der the first and second description, shall be comforta bly clothed and fed by my heirs while they Uve ; and that such of the latter description as have no parents living, or, if living, are unable or unwUhng to provide for them, shaU be bound by the Court, until they shall arrive at the age of twenty-five years ; and, in cases where no record can be produced, whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judgment of the Court, upon its own view of the subject, shaU be adequate and final. NEGROES, TO BE TAUGHT TO READ AND WRITE. The negroes thus bound, are (by their masters or mistresses) to be taught to read and write, and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeably to the laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of orphan and other poor chUdren. LIBERATED NEGROES, NOT TO BE SOLD. I expressly forbid the sale or transportation out of the said Commonwealth, of any slave I may die possessed of, under any pretence whatsoever. BENEVOLENCE. 261 PERMANENT FUND FOR AGED AND INFIRM NEGROES. I do, moreover, most pointedly and most solemnly enjoin it upon my executors, to see that this clause respecting slaves, and every part thereof, be relig iously fulfilled, at the epoch at which it is directed to take place, without evasion, neglect, or delay, after the crops which may then be on the ground are har vested, particularly as it respects the aged and in firm ; seeing that a regular and permanent fund be estabhshed for their support, as long as there are subjects requiring it ; not trusting to the uncertain provision to be made by individuals. WILLIAM LEE S IMMEDIATE FREEDOM. To my mulatto man, William, caUing himself William Lee, I give immediate freedom, or, if he should prefer it, (on account of the accidents which have befallen him, and which have rendered him in capable of walking, or of any active employment,) to remain in the situation he now is, it shaU be optional in him to do so ; in either case, however, I aUow him an annuity of thirty doUars, during his natural hfe, which shaU be independent of the victuals and clothes he has been accustomed to receive, if he chooses the last alternative ; but in fuU with his freedom, if he prefers the first. And this I give him, as a testimony 262 SOCIAL MAXIMS. of my sense of his attachment to me, and for his faithful services during the Eevolutionary War. FREEDOM OF THE DANDRIDGE SLAVES. The negroes, thirty-three in number, which have remained in the possession of Mary, widow of Bar tholomew Dandridge, with their increase, it is my will and desire shaU continue and be in her posses sion, without paying hire, or making compensation for the same, for the time past or to come, during her natural life ; at the expiration of which, I direct that aU of them who are forty years old and upwards, shaU receive their freedom. All under that age, and above sixteen, shaU serve seven years and no longer. All under sixteen years shaU serve untU they are twenty-five years of age, and then be free. To avoid disputes respecting the ages of any of these negroes, they are to be taken into the court of the county in which they reside, and the judg ment thereof, in this relation, shall be final, and record thereof made, which may be adduced as evi dence at any time thereafter, if disputes should arise concerning the same. 1799. BENEVOLENCE. 263 PUNCTILIOS OF HONOR. Trifling punctUios should have no influence upon a man's conduct, in such a case and at such a time as this. 1777. If smaUer matters do not yield to greater ; if tri fles Ught as air, in comparison with what we are con tending for, can withdraw or withhold gentlemen from service, when our aU is at stake, and a single cast of a die may turn the tables ; what are we to expect ? It is not a common contest we are engaged in. Every thing valuable to us depends upon the success of it ; and the success, upon a steady and vigorous exertion. 1777. DUELLING CONDEMNED. The generous spirit of chivalry, exploded by the rest of the world, finds a refuge, my dear friend,* in the. sensibihty of your nation only. But it is in vain to cherish it, unless you can find antagonists to sup port it ; and, however weU adapted it might have been to the times in which it existed, in our days, it is to be feared, that your opponent, sheltering himself behind modern opinions, and under his present pubhc character of Commissioner, would turn a virtue of such ancient date into ridicule. * Lafayette, about to challenge Lord Carlisle, for speaking offen sively of France. 264 SOCIAL MAXIMS. Besides, supposing his Lordship accepted your terms, experience has proved, that chance is often as much concerned, in deciding these matters, as bravery ; and always more than the justice of the cause. I would not, therefore, have your life, by the re motest possibility, exposed, when it may be reserved for so many greater occasions. His ExceUency, the Admiral,* I flatter myself, wiU be in sentiment with me ; and, as soon as he can spare you, wiU send you to head-quarters, where I anticipate the pleasure of seeing you. i778. The coincidence between your ExceUency's * sen timents, respecting the Marquis de Lafayette's chal lenge, communicated in the letter with which you honored me on the 20th,f and those which I expressed to him, on the same subject, is peculiarly flattering to me. I am happy to find, that my disapprobation of this measure was founded on the same arguments, which, in your Excellency's hands, acquire new force and persuasion. 1778. I omitted neither serious reasoning nor pleasantry, to divert him from a scheme in which he could be so easily foiled, without having any credit given to lum, by his antagonist, for his generosity and sensibUity. He intimated, that your ExceUency did not discoun- * Count D'Estaing. \ October, 1778. BENEVOLENCE. 265 tenance it, and that he had pledged himself, to the principal officers of the French squadron, to carry it into execution. The charms of vindicating the honor of his coun try were irresistible. But, besides, he had, in a man ner, committed hunself, and could not decently re tract. I continued to lay my friendly commands up on him, to renounce his project ; but I was weU as sured, that, if he determined to persevere in it, nei ther authority nor vigUance would be of any avaU, to prevent his message to Lord Carhsle. Though his ardor overreached my advice and in fluence, I console myself with the reflection, that his Lordship will not accept * the chaUenge ; and that, while our friend gains aU the applause which is due to him, for wishing to become the champion of his country, he wUl be secure from the possibUity of such dangers as my fears would otherwise create for him, by those powerful barriers which shelter his Lordship, and which, I am persuaded, he wUl not, in the pres ent instance, violate. i778. PLEASURES OF BENEVOLENCE. The reflections which arise on justice and benevo lence, will be lastingly grateful. * This proved to be the case. 13 266 SOCIAL MAXIMS. NATIONAL GOOD WILL TO MAN. Harmony and good wUl towards men, must be the basis of every political estabhshment. FELLOWSHIP OF THE FREE. The cause of virtue and Uberty is confined to no continent or climate. It comprehends, within its ca pacious limits, the wise and good, however dispersed and separated in space and distance. COMPREHENSIVE BENEVOLENCE. We do not wish to be the only people, who may taste the sweets of an equal and good government. We look, with an anxious eye, to the time, when hap piness and tranquiUity shall prevaU, and when all Eu rope shaU be freed from commotions, tumults, and alarms. 1791. PATRIOTISM. 267 III. PATRIOTISM. Perhaps thera never was another man, whose personal character and conduct exercised an influence, so powerful and bo beneficial, on tbe destiny of a great nation. James Grahame. Can tyrants but by tyrants conquered be, And freedom find no champion and no child, Such as Columbia saw arise, when she Sprung forth a Pallas, arm'd and undefil'd ? V Or must such minds be nourished in the wild. Deep in the nnpruned forest, 'midst the roar Of cataracts, where nursing nature smiled On infant Washington ? Has earth no more Such seeds within her breast, or Europe no such shore ? Lord Bykon. He changed mankind's ideas of political greatness. Fisher Ameb. THE PATRIOT CHIEF. As the Congress desire it, I will enter upou the momentous duty/'*'' and exert every power I possess, in their service, and for the support of the glorious cause. iVTs. * Commander-in-chief. 268 SOCIAL MAXIMS. THE COUNTET'S CALL. I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love. I have obeyed a summons, to which I can never be insensible. , When my country demands the sacrifice, personal ease must always be a secondary consideration. THE patriot's VOW. The love of my country wUl be the ruhng influence of my conduct. 1780. the BULER S glory and the PEOPLE S HAPPINESS. It is a wonder to me, that there should be found a single monarch, who does not reahze, that his own glory and fehcity must depend on the prosperity and happiness of his people. How easy is it for a sovereign, to do that, which shall not only immortahze his name, but attract the blessings of miUions ! PATRIOTISM. 269 THE AMERICAN PATRIOT. When the councils of the British nation had formed a plan for enslaving America, and depriving her sons of their most sacred and invaluable privileges, against the clearest remonstrances of the Constitution, ofjustice, ancl of truth, and, to execute their schemes, had appealed to the sword, I esteemed it my duty to take a part in the contest, and more especiaUy on account of my being caUed thereto by the unsolicited suffrages of the representatives of a free people ; wishing for no other reward, than that arising from a conscientious discharge ofthe important trust, and that my services might contribute to the estabhshment of freedom and peace, upon a permanent foundation, and merit the applause of my countrymen, and every virtuous citizen. SPIRIT OF FREEDOM, With respect to myself, I have never entertained an idea of an accommodation, since I heard of the measures which were adopted in consequence of the Bunker's Hill fight. The King's speech has confirmed the sentiments I entertained upon the news of that affair ; and if every man was of my mind, the ministers of Great Britain should know in a few words, upon what issue the cause should be put. I would not be deceived by 270 SOCIAL MAXIMS. artful declarations or specious pretences ; nor would I be amused by unmeaning propositions ; but in open, undisguised, and manly terms, j)roclaim our wrongs and our resolutions to be redressed. I would tell them, that we had borne much ; that we had long and ardently sought for reconciliation upon honorable terms ; that it had been denied us ; that all our attempts after peace had proved abortive, and had been grossly misrepresented ; that we had done every thing that could be expected from the best of subjects ; that the spirit of freedom beat too high in us to submit to slavery ; and that, if nothing else would satisfy a Tyrant and his diabolical ministry, we were determined to shake off aU connections with a State so unjust and unnatural. This I would teU them, not under covert, but in words as clear as the sun in his meridian brightness. 1776. If we do our duty, we may even hope to make the campaign decisive on this Gontinejit. But we must do our duty in earnest, or disgrace and ruin wiU at tend us. i78ij. TRUST IN GOD. I shall rely, confidently, on that Providence which has hitherto preserved and been bountiful to me. As it has been a kind of destiny tliat has thrown PATRIOTISM. 271 me upon this service, I shall hope that my undertak ing it is designed to answer some good purpose. 111&. PUBLIC SPIRIT. In exchanging the enjoyments of domestic life for the duties of my present honorable and arduous sta tion,* I only emulate the virtue and pubhc spirit of the whole province of Massachusetts Bay, which, with a firmness and patriotism without example in modern history, has sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life,, in support ofthe rights of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. My highest ambition is, to be the happy instru ment of vindicating those rights, and to see this de voted province again restored to peace, Uberty, and safety. 1775. I beUeve, that man was not designed by the All- wise Creator, to Uve for himself alone. OBEDIENCE TO CONGRESS. While I have the honor to remain in the service of the United States, I shaU obey, to the utmost of * Commander-in-chief. 272 SOCIAL MAXIMS. my power and to the best of my abilities, all orders of Congress, with a scrupulous exactness. Connecticut wants no Massachusetts man in her corps. Massachusetts thinks there is no necessity for a Rhode-Islander to be introduced amongst them ; and New Hampshire says, it is very hard that her valuable and experienced ofiicers, (who are wUling to serve,) should be discarded, because her own regiments under the new establishment cannot provide for them. 1775. It is a maxim with me, that, in times of imminent danger to the country, every true patriot should occupy the post in which he can render his . services most effectually. 1799. BRAVERY. I have a constitution hardy enough to encounter and undergo the most severe trials ; and, I flatter my self, resolution to face what any man dares, as shaU be proved when it comes to the test. 1751. HONOR. The rank of office, to me, is much more important than the pay. PATRIOTISM. 273 You "'•'•¦ make mention of my continuing in the ser vice, and retaining my Colonel's commission. This idea has filled me with surprise ; for, if you thinlv me capable of holding a commission that has neither rank nor emolument annexed to it, you must entertain a very contemptible opinion of my weakness, and beheve me to be more empty than the commission itself. 1754. THE PATRIOT S OFFERING. It is my fuU intention, to devote my Ufe and fortune, in the cause we are engaged in, if needful. 1775. The principles by which my conduct has been ac tuated through life, would not suffer me, in any great emergency, to withhold any services I could render, required by my country ; especiaUy in a case, where its dearest rights are assailed by lawless ambition and intoxicated power, contrary to every principle of jus tice, and in violation of solemn compacts and laws, which govern all civihzed nations ; and this, too, with the obvious intent to sow thick the seeds of disunion, for the purpose of subjugating the government, and destroying our independence and happiness. 1798. * Colonel WiUiam Fitzhugh asked him to become a Captain of the Virginia Independent Company, but to retain his Colonelcy. 274 SOCIAL MAXIMS. CONSCIOUS RECTITUDE. The consciousness of having attempted faithfully to discharge my duty, and the -approbation of my coun try, wUl be a sufficient recompense for my services. 1788. Conscious, that it is the aim of my actions to pro mote the pubhc good, and that no part of my conduct is influenced by personal enmity to individuals, I can not be iusensible to the artifices, employed by some men, to prejudice me in the pubhc esteem. 1779. SACRIFICES TO PRINCIPLE. I believe, or at least I hope, that there is public virtue enough left among us, to deny ourselves every thing but the bare necessaries of hfe, to accomplish our end. To share the common lot, and participate the in conveniences which the army, from the pecuUarity of our circumstances, are obUged to undergo, has, with me, been a fundamental principle. 1739. ENDURANCE. We should never despair. Our situation has before been unpromising, and has changed for the better ; so PATRIOTISM. 275 I trust, it will again. If new difficulties arise, we must only put forth new exertions, and proportion our ef forts to the exigency of the times. 1777. The value of Uberty was enhanced in our estima tion, by the difficulty of its attainment ; and the worth of characters appreciated, by the trial of adversity. 1790. THE SACRIFICES AND REWARDS OF PATRIOTISM. It is but justice, to assign great merit to the tem per of those citizens whose estates were more immedi ately the scene of warfare. Their personal services were rendered, without constraint ; and the derange ment of their affairs submitted to, without dissatisfac tion. It was the triumph of patriotism over personal considerations. And our present enjoyments of peace and freedom reward the sacrifice. i789. THE patriot's TWO-FOLD DEPENDENCE. I have ever thought, and am stiU of opinion, that no terms of accommodation will be offered by the Brit ish ministry, but such as cannot be accepted by Amer ica. We have nothiag to depend upon, but the pro tection of a kind Providence, and unanimity among ourselves. 276 SOCIAL MAXIMS. SELF-CONTROL. It is our duty, to make the best of our misfortunes, and not suffer passion to interfere with our interest and the pubhc good. UNYIELDING PURPOSE. We wiU retreat * beyond the Susquehanna river, and thence, if necessary, to the AUeghany mountains. 1777. THE PATRIOT S GREAT OBJECT. The welfare of the country, is the great object to which our cares and efforts ought to be directed. I shall derive great satisfaction from a co-operation in the pleasing, though arduous task, of insuring to our feUow-citizens the blessings which they have a right to expect from a free, efficient, and equal govern ment. TALENTS, RECTITUDE, PATRIOTISM. In these honorable qualifications, I behold the sur est pledges, that, as, on one side, no local prejudices * He had been asked what could be done, if the enemy continued to advance. PATRIOTISM. 277 or attachments, no separate views, no party animosi ties wUl misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests ; so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid, in the ¦pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the pre-eminence of free government be exempli fied, by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. 1789. PATRIOTISM, FIRMNESS, WISDOM. To secure the blessings which a gracious Provi dence has placed within our reach, wUl call for the cool and deliberate exertion of patriotism, firmness, and wisdom. i790. Our conflict is not likely to cease, so soon as every good man would wish. The measure of iniquity is not yet flUed ; and, unless we can return a little more to first principles, and act a little more upon patriotic grounds, I do not know when it wUl be, or what may be the issue of our contest. I find, you * are only empowered to grant par dons. We have committed no offence ; we need no pardon. i776. * Colonel Patterson, deputed by Lord Howe, to settle all differ ences with the revolutionists. 278 SOCIAL MAXIMS. PRUDENCE, TEMPER, MODERATION. Nothing but disunion can hurt our cause. This will ruin it, if great prudence, temper, and modera tion are not mixed in our counsels, and made the governing principles of the contending parties. THE PATRIOT S HAPPINESS. To stand well in the good opinion of my country men, constitutes my chief happiness, and wUl be my best support under the perplexities and difficulties of my present station. 1778. To be in any degree instrumental, in procuring to my American brethren a restitution of their just rights and privileges, wUl constitute my chief happi ness. 1776. THE PATRIOT S EEWARD. Whatever services I have rendered to my country, in its general approbation I have received an ample reward. 1797. POPULAR SPIRIT. It is a happy circumstance, that such an anima tion prevails among the people. I would wish to let PATRIOTISM. 279 it operate and draw as many as possible together, which will be a great discouragement to the enemy, by showing that the popular spirit is at such a height ; and at the same time it will inspire the people them selves with confidence in their own strength, by dis covering to every individual the zeal and .spirit of his neighbors. But after they have been coUected a few days, I would have the greater part of them dismissed, as not being immediately wanted, desiring them to hold themselves in readiness for any sudden caU, and concerting signals with them, at the appearance of which they are to fiy to arms. 1779. NATIONALITY. No expression of personal pohteness to me, can be acceptable, accompanied by reflections * on the repre sentatives of a free people, under whose authority I have the honor to act. The delicacy I have observed, in refraining from every thing offensive in this way, entitled me to ex pect a similar treatment from you. I have not in dulged myself in invectives against the present rulers of Grreat Britain, in the course of our correspondence ; nor wiU I, even now, avaU myself of so fruitful a theme. 1778. * Alluding to severe strictures, made by Sir William Howe, in a polite letter. 280 SOCIAL MAXIMS. THE PATRIOT, REFUSING A CROWN. With a mixture of surprise and astonishment, I have read with attention the sentiments you * have submitted to my perusal. Be assured, no occurrence, in the course of the war, has given me more painful sensations, than your information of there being such ideas existing in the army, as you have expressed, and I must view with abhorrence, and reprehend with se verity. For the present, the communication of them will rest in my own bosom, unless some further agitation of the matter shaU make a disclosure necessary. I am much at a loss, to conceive what part of my conduct could have given encouragement to an ad dress, which to me seems big with the greatest mis chiefs that can befall my country. If I am not de ceived in the knowledge of myself, you could not have found a person, to whom your schemes are more disa greeable. At the same time, in justice to my own feelings, I must add, that no man possesses a more sincere wish to see ample justice done to the army, than I do ; and, as far as my powers and influence, in a Consti tutional way, extend, they shaU be employed, to the utmost of my abihties, to eff'ect it, should there be any occasion. * Col. Lewis Nicola, who had suggested the thought of the Army's purpose to make the Commander-in-chief a King. PATRIOTISM. 281 Let me conjure you, then, ii you have any regard for your country, concern for yourself or jDOsterity, or respect for me, to banish these thoughts from your mind, and never communicate, as from yourself or any one else, a sentiment of the like nature 1732. FEMALE PATRIOTISM. I very much admire the patriotic spirit of the la dies of Philadelphia, and shall, with great pleasure, give them my advice, as to the application of their benevolent and generous donation * to the soldiers of the army. 17 so. I cannot forbear taking the earliest moment, to express the high sense I entertain, of the patriotic exertions of the ladies of Maryland in favor of the army. 17 so. Anudst all the distress and sufferings of the army, from whatever sources they have arisen, it must be a consolation to our virtuous countrywomen, that they have never been accused of withholding their most zealous efforts, to support the cause we are engaged m, and e: the field. m, and encourage those who are defending them in * A hundred thousand pounds, to be laid out according to Wash ington's directions. 282 SOCIAL MAXIMS. The army do not want gratitude, nor do they mis place it in this instance. It embeUishes the American character with a new trait, by proving, that the love of country is blended with those softer domestic virtues, which have always been allowed to be more peculiarly your own. You have not acquired admiration, in your own country only ; it is paid to you abroad, and, you will learn with pleasure, by a part of your own sex, whose female accomphshments have attained their highest perfection, and who, from the commencement, have been the patronesses of American hberty. i78i. ON HIS ACCEPTING THE PRESIDENCY. Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have fiUed me with greater anxieties, than that of which the notification was transmitted by your * order, and received on the fourteenth day of the pres ent month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, ivith an immutable decision, as the asylum of my declining years ; — a retreat, which was rendered, every day, * Congress. PATRIOTISM. 283 more necessary as weU as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to incUnation, and of frequent inter ruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust, to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken, in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens, a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with des pondence one, who, inheriting inferior endowments from nature, ancl unpractised in the duties of civil ad ministration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, aU I dare aver is, that it has been my faithful study, to collect my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is, that if, in ac cepting this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof, of the confidence of my fellow-citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity, as weU as disin clination, for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country, with some share of the partiality with which they originated. i7S!i. I am sensible, that I am embarking, with the voice of the people, and a good name of my own, on 284 SOCIAL MAXIMS. this voyage. What retums may be made for them. Heaven alone can foreteU. Integrity and firmness are aU I can promise. These, be the voyage long or short, shall never forsake me, though I may be deserted by all men ; for, of the consolation to be derived from these the world cannot deprive me. iih:k The delay [in the assembling of Congress] may be compared to a reprieve. In confidence I tell you,* (with the world it would obtain little credit,) that my movements to the Chair of Government, will be accompanied by feelings, not unhke those of a culprit, who is going to the place of his execution. So un wiUing am 1, in the evening of a life nearly consumed in public cares, to quit a peaceful abode, for an ocean of difficulties, without that competency of pohtical skill, abilities, and incUnation, which are necessary to manage the helm. i7S9. HIS PROGRESS TO THE SEAT OF GOVERNMENT. The display of boats, which attended and jouied on this occasion, -j- some with vocal, and others with instrumental, music ou board -, the decorations of the ships, the roar of cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people, which rent the sky as I passed along the wharves, filled my mind with sensations as painful, * General Kno.v. I Uis join iicv from Mount Vernon to New York. PATRIOTISM. 285 (contemplating the reverse of this scene, which may be the case, after aU our labors to do good,) as they were pleasing. ns.,. I require no guard* but the affections of the people. 1789. HIS REFUSAL OF PECUNIARY COMPENSATION. When I was first honored with a call into the ser vice of my country, then on the eve of an arduous strug gle for its hberties, the hght in which I contemplated my duty, required, that I should renounce every pecu niary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance depart ed ; and being stiU under the impressions which pro duced it, I must decline, as inapplicable to myself, any share in the personal emoluments, which may be indispensably included in the permanent provision for the Executive department ; and must accordingly pray, that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed, may, during my continuance in it, be hmited to such actual expenditures, as the pubhc good may be thought to require. 1789. When I was first called to the station, with which I was honored during the late conflict for our liberties, to the diffidence which I had so many reasons to feel * He declined liaving a military escort, on his wnj' to Congress. 286 SOCIAL MAXIMS. in accepting it, I thought it my duty, to join a firm resolution to shut my hand against every pecuniary recompense. To this resolution I have invariably adhered ; and from it, if I had the inclination, I do not feel at Ub erty now to depart. i795. ON RETIRING FROM OFFICE. Though, in reviewing the incidents of my admin istration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects, not to think it probable, that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Al mighty, to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my coun try will never cease to view them with indulgence ; and that, after forty-five years of my hfe dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incom petent abihties will be consigned to obhvion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Eelying on its kindness, in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soU of himself and his progenitors, for several generations ; I anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat, ia which I promise myself to reahze, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fel- PATRIOTISM. 287 low-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. 17 06. When, in the decline of life, I gratify the fond wish of my heart in retiring from public labors, and find the language of approbation and fervent prayers for fu ture happiness foUowing that event, my heart expands with gratitude, and my feeUngs become unutterable. 1797. GRATITUDE TO THE COUNTRY. In looking forward to the moment which is to ter minate the career of my pohtical life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honors it has conferred upon me ; still more, for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me, and for the opportunities 1 have thence enjoyed, of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that, un der circumstances iu which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead ; amidst appear- 288 SOCIAL MAXIMS. ances, sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which, not unfrequently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criti cism, — the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to un ceasing wishes ; that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence, that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual, that the free constitution which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained, that its administration, in every department, may be stamped with wisdom and virtue, that, in fine, the happiness ofthe people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as wiU acquire to them the glory, of re commending it to the applause, the affection, and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. 1790. HIS FAREWELL TO THE ARMY. Being now to conclude these his last public orders, to take his ultimate leave, in a short time, of the mil itary character, and to bid a final adieu to the armies he has so long had the honor to command, he can only again offer, in their behalf, bis recommendations to PATRIOTISM. 289 their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of Armies. May ample justice be done them here, and may the choicest of Heaven's favors, both here and hereafter, attend those who, under the Divine auspi ces, have secured innumerable blessings to others. With these wishes, and his benediction, the Com mander-in-chief is about to retire from service. The curtain of separation wUl soon be drawn, and the mil itary scene to him will be closed for ever. i783. Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States, of becoming a respectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the appointment I accepted with diffidence ; a diffidence iu my abihties to accom- phsh so arduous a task, which, however, was super seded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven. I consider it an indispensable duty, to close this last solemn act of my official Ufe, by commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superintend ence of them to His holy keeping. i783. 13 290 SOCIAL MAXIMS. The scene is at last closed . . . On the eve of Christmas, I entered these doors, an older man by nine years than when I left them. . . I am just be ginning to experience that ease and freedom from public cares, which, however desirable, takes some time to reahze. It was not till lately, I could get the better of my usual custom of ruminating, as soon as I waked in the morning, on the business of the ensuing day ; and of my surprise at finding, after revolving many things in my mind, that I was no longer a public man, nor had any thing to do with public transactions. i783. CONSECRATION OF THE PATRIOT'S WEAPONS. To each of my nephews, WilUam Augustine Washington, George Lewis, George Steptoe Wash ington, Bushrod Washington, and Samuel Washing ton, I give one of the swords, or couteaux, of which I may die possessed ; and they are to choose in the order they are named. These swords are accompanied with an injunction, not to unsheath them for the purpose of shedding blood, except it be for self-defence, or in defence of their country and its rights ; and in the latter case, to keep them unsheathed, and prefer falUng with them in their hands to the relinquishment thereof. DOMESTIC LIFE. 291 IV. DOMESTIC LIFE. To his equals he was condescending, to his inferiors kind, and to the dear object of his affections exemplarily tender. General Henry Lee, Dec. 26, 1799. Favore. I never knew so constant an attendant on Church, as Washington. And his behavior in the House of God was, ever, so deeply reverential, that it produced the happiest effect on my congregation. liev. Lee Massey, Jiecior of Pohich Ohurch, o/which'Washinglonwas an active Vestryman. The General requires and expects of all officers and soldiers, not engaged on actual duty, a punctual attendance on divine service, to implore the blessings of Heaven upon the means used for our safety and defence. i776. The Continental Congress having ordered Friday, the 17th instant,* to be observed as a day of fasting, humiUation, and prayer, humbly to supplicate the mercy of Almighty God, that it would please him to pardon our manifold sins and transgressions, and to prosper the arms of the United Colonies, and finally * May, 1776. 382 RELIGIOUS MAXIMS. establish the peace and freedom of America, upon a solid and lasting foundation ; the General commands all officers and soldiers, to pay strict obedience to the orders of the Continental Congress, that, by their un feigned and pious observance of their reUgious duties, they may incline the Lord and Giver of victory, to prosper our arms. I77e. That the troops may have an opportunity of attend ing public worship, as well as to take some rest after the great fatigue they have gone through, the Gener al, in future, excuses them from fatigue duty, on Sundays, except at the shipyards, or on special occa sions, until further orders. 177c. As a Chaplain is allowed to each regiment, see that the men regularly attend divine' worship. 1777. The situation of the army frequently not admit ting of the regular performance of divine service on Sundays, the Chaplains of the army are forthwith to meet together, and agree on some method of perform ing it at other times, which method they wiU make known to the Commander-in-chief 1777. To-morrow * being the day set apart by the honor able Congress for pubUc thanksgiving and praise ; and duty calling us devoutly to express our grateful ac knowledgments to God, for the manifold blessings he * Deopmher ISth, 1777. PUBLIC AND PRIVATE WORSHIP. 383 has granted us, the General directs, that the army remain in its present quarters, and that the Chap lains perform divine service with their several corps and brigades ; and earnestly exhorts all officSrs and soldiers, whose absence is not indispensably necessary, to attend with reverence the solemnities of the day. 1777. Divine service is to be performed to-morrow,* in the several brigades and divisions. The Commander-in-chief earnestly recommends, that the troops not on duty should universally attend, with that seriousness of deportment and gratitude of heart, which the recognition of such reiterated and astonishing interpositions of Providence demands of us. 1781. PRIVATE WORSHIP, AND PRACTICAL PIETY. I have often been told by Colonel Ben Temple, (of King WiUiam county, (Vir ginia,) who was one of his aids in the French and Indian war, that, on sad den and unexpected visits into his marquee, he has more than once found Iiim on liis knees at Ijis devotions. 7?ty. il. L. Wkems, ISOS. The Commander-in-chief of the American armies was obser\od, [at Valley I'urgc,] constantly to retire, for the purpose of secret devotion The Father of his country went alone, and sought strength and guidance from the God of armies and of light. The independence of our country was laid, not only in valor, and patriotism, and wisdom, but in pr;iyer. Albert Barnks, D. D. On Sundays, unless the weather was uncommonly severe, the President and Mrs. Washington attended divine service at Christ Church, [Philadelphia;] and in the evenings, the President read to Mrs. Washington, in her chamber, a sermon, or some portion I'rom the sacred writings. No visitors, with tlie exception of .Mr. Speaker Trumbull, were admitted on Sundays. Ol OEGE W. P. Custis, Grandson of 3frs. Washingtoji. * October 2lBt, 1781, just after the capitulation of Lord CornwaUis. 384 RELIGIOUS MAXIMS. I accidentally witnessed Washington's private devotions in his library, both mom ing and evening. On these occasions, I saw him in a kneeling postare, with a Bible open before him. I believe such to have been b!s daily practice. Egbert Lewis, nephew, and private secretary of WasJiington. GeneraU Braddock was buried in his cloak, the same night, on the road, to elude the search of the Indians. "Washington, on the testimony of an old soldier, read the funeral service over his remains, by the light of a torch. E. C. M'Guiee, B, D. My mother resided, two years, at Mount Yernon, after her marriage with John Parke Custis, the only son of Mrs. "Washington. I have heard her say, tbat General "Washington always received the sacrament with my grandmother, before the Eevo lution. Miss Custis, twenty years aninmaie of Washington's family. From the lips of a lady of undoubted veracity, yet living, and a worthy commu nicant of the Church, I received tho interesting fact, that, soon after the close of tho revolntionary war, she saw him partake of the consecrated symbols of the body and blood of Christ, in Trinity Church, in the city of New York. George T. CuArjiAN, D. D. "We esteem it a peculiar happiness, to behold, in our Chief Magistrate, a steady, uniform, avowed friend of the Christian religion ; who has commenced his adminis tration, in rational and exalted sentiments of piety, and who, in his private conduct, adorns tlie doctrine of the Gospel of Christ. General Assembly of the Presbyterian CinjRcu, May, 17S9. ORDINANCES. The pew I hold in the Episcopal Church at Alex- andriaj shall be charged with an annual rent of five poundSj Virginia money ; and I promise to pay annu ally, to the minister and vestry of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Fairfax parish. April 25th, lYSo. VITAL PIETY. I shall always strive, to prove a faithful and im partial patron of genuine , vital religion. 1789. PRACTICAL PIETY. 385 FASTING, HUMILIATION, AND PKATEE, June 1st, Wednesday. — Went to Ohurch, and fasted *' all day. 1YY4. HABITUAL GRATITUDE FOE GOD'S BOUNTIES. We are not graceless f at Mount Vernon. FOLLOWING THE EXAMPLE OF CHRIST. Humility and a pacific temper of mind, .... were the characteristics of the Divine Author of our blessed religion ; . . . . without an humble imitation of whose example in these things, we can never hope to be a happy nation. GENEROUS FORGIVENESS OF ENEMIES. When the order issued, for embarking the troops in Boston, no electric shock, no sudden flash of light- * The Virginia House of Burgesses had set apart this day, " as a. day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, devoutly to implore the Di vine interposition, for averting the heavy calamity which threatened destruction to their civil rights, and the evils of civil war, and to give them one heart and one mind, firmly to oppose, by all just and proper raeans, every injury to American rights.'' ¦]¦ He always said grace at table. 17 386 RELIGIOUS MAXIMS. ning, in a word, not even the last trump, could have struck them * with greater consternation. They were at their wit's end ; and, conscious of their black in gratitude, chose to commit themselves to the mercy of the winds and waves, in a tempestuous season, rather than meet their offended countrymen ; ancl with this declaration I am told they have done it, — that if they could have thought, that the most abject submission would have procured peace for them, they would have humbled themselves in the dust, trnJ kissed the rod that should be held out for chastise ment. Unhappy wretches ! Deluded mortals ! Would it not be good to grant a generous amnesty, and con quer these people, by a generous forgiveness ? 4. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS The Pale Faces came, and they said, " You fonght with us ; you have forfeited your right to this land and must go away." But General Washington said, " Come back, and remain in your land, aud make your homes with us." Then the Prophet said, " The white men are bad, and cannot dwell in the regions of the Great Spirit, except General Washington." Peter Wilson, A native Iroquol% before ihe New Yorh Historical Society, 1847. MISSIONS AMONCr THE INDIANS. A system corresponding vdth the mild principles of religion and philanthropy toward an unenlightened " The royalists. CHRISTIAN missions. 387 race of men, whose happiness materially depends on the conduct of the United States, would be as hon orable to the national character, as conformable to the dictates of sound policy. 1791. I am clearly in sentiment with her Ladyship,* that Christianity wUl never make any progress among the Indians, or work any considerable reformation in their principles, untd they are brought to a state of greater civilization. And the mode by which she means to attempt this, as far as I have been able to give it consideration, is as likely to succeed, as any other that could have been devised, and may, in time, effect the great and benevolent objects of her Lady ship's wishes. But that love of ease, impatience un der any sort of control, and disinclination to any sort of pursuit but those of hunting and of war, would discourage any person, possessed of less piety, zeal, and philanthropy, than are characteristic of Lady Huntington. 1785. In proportion as the general government of the United States shall acquire strength by duration, it is probable they may have it in their power, to extend a salutary influence to the Aborigines in the extremi ties of their territory. In the mean time, it will be a desirable thing, for the protection of the Union, to co-operate, as far as circumstances may conveniently « The Countess of Huntington, who proposed to estabhsh Chris tian settlements among the Indians. 388 religious maxims. admit, with the disinterested efforts of your Society,* to civilize and Christianize the savages of the wilder ness. 118^, If an event so long and so earnestly desired, as that of converting the Indians to Christianity, and consequently to civilization, can be effected, the So ciety of Bethlehem f bids fair to bear a very consid erable part in it. i788. Impressed as I am with the opinion, that the most effectual means of securing the permanent attach ment of our savage neighbors, is to convince them that we are just, and to show them, that a proper and friendly intercourse with us would be for our mu tual advantage, I cannot conclude, without giving you X my thanks, for your pious and benevolent wishes to effect this desirable end, upon the mild principles of religion and philanthropy. And when a proper occasion shall offer, I have no doubt that such meas ures will be pursued, as may seem best calculated to communicate Hberal instruction, and the blessings of society, to their untutored minds. 1792. * The Society of the United Brethren for Propagating the Gospel among the Heathen. f A Moravian settlement in the State of Pennsylvania. :j: Archbishop Carroll, of the Roman CathoUc Church, who pro posed to Christianize the savages. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS. 389 INDIAN LANGUAGES. Should any efforts of mine, to procure information respecting the different dialects of the aborigines of America, serve to reflect a ray of light on the obscure subject of language in general, I shall be highly grati fied. I love to indulge the contemplation of human nature, in a progressive state of improvement and amelioration ; and, if the idea would not be consid ered visionary and chimerical, I could fondly hope, that the present plan of the great potentate of the North * might, in some measure, lay the foundation for that assimilation of manners and interests, which should, one day, remove many of the causes of hos tility from among mankind. 1788. To know the affinity of tongues, seems to me to be one step towards promoting the affinity of nations. 1788. * The Empress of Russia, Catharine the Second, who was com piling a Universal Dictionary. She obtained, through Washington, vocabularies of the Delaware and Shawnese languages. 390 RELIGIOUS MAXIMS. 5. CHRISTIAN CHARITIES. Public Charities and benevolent ABSociatlons for the gratuitous relief of every species of distress, are peculiar to Christianity ; no other system of civil or religious policy baa originated tbem ; they form its highest praise and characteristic feature. C. C. COLTON. I bad orders from General Washington, to fill a corn-house every year, for tbe sole use of tho poor in my neighborhood, to whom it was a most seasonable and precious relief, saving numbers of poor women and children from extreme want, and blessing them with plenty. ,7. Peake. THE POOR. Let the hospitality of the house, with respect to the poor, be kept up.* Let no one go hungry away. If any of this kind of people should be in want of corn, supply their necessities, provided it does not en courage them in idleness. And I have no objection to your giving my money in charity, to the amount of forty or fifty pounds a year, when you think it well bestowed. What I mean by having no objection is, that it is my desire it should be done. You must consider, that neither myself nor my wife is now in the way to do these good offices. In all other respects, I recommend it to you, and have no doubt of your observing the greatest economy and frugality, as I suppose you know that I do not get a * Tliis direction is addressed to the manager of his estates, Lund Washington, CHRISTIAN CHARITIES. 391 farthing for my services here, more than my expenses. It becomes necessary, therefore, for me to be saving at home. i^-y.^. WIDOWS AND ORPHANS. I am at a loss, for whose benefit to apply the httle I can give, and in whose hands to place it ; whether for the use of the fatherless children and widows, made so by the late calamity,* who may find it diffi cult, whilst provisions, wood, and other necessaries are so dear, to support themselves ; or to other and better jiurposes, if any, I know not, and therefore have taken the liberty of asking yourf advice. 1794. I will direct my manager to pay my annual dona tion, for the education of Orphan Children, or the children of Indigent Parents, who are unable to be at the expense themselves. I had pleasure in appro priating this money to such uses, as I always shall have in paying it. 1794. Mrs. H. should endeavor to do what she can for herself This is the duty of every one. But youj must not let her suffer, as she has thrown herself upon * An epidemic fever at Philadelphia. •|- The Rt. Rev. Dr. Wm. White, Protestant Episcopahan Bishop of Pennsylvania, and Rector of the church which Washington attended, when in Philadelphia. :j: His agent. 392 RELIGIOUS MAXIMS. me. Your advances, on this account, will be allowed always at settlement. I agree readily to furnish her with provisions ; and, from the good character you give of her daughter, make the latter a present, in my name, of a handsome but not costly gown, and other things which she may stand mostly in need of You may charge me also with the worth of your tenement on which she is placed ; and where, perhaps, it is better she should be, than at a greater distance from your attentions to her,. Feb., 22, 1795. I am sorry to hear of the death of Mrs. H. ; and will very cheerfully receive her daughter, the moment I get settled at this * place ; sooner, it would not be possible, because this house will be, as it has been, empty, from the time we shall quit it in October, until my final establishment in the spring. Such necessaries as she needs in the mean time, may, however, be furnished her at my expense ; and if it is inconvenient for you to retain her in your own house, let her be boarded in some respectable family, where her morals and good behavior will be attended to ; at my expense also. Let her want for nothing that is decent or proper ; and if she remains in your family, I wish, for the girl's sake, as well as for the use she may be of to your aunt, when she comes here, that Mrs. would keep her * Mount Vernon. CHRISTIAN CHARITIES. 393 industriously employed always, and instructed in the care and economy of housekeeping. june, 1796. Enclosed is a letter for S. H., left open for your * perusal, before it is forwarded to her ; with the con tents of which, respecting the payment of ten pounds, I request you to comply ; and charge the same to the account of your collection of my rents. 1793. EDUCATION OF A STUDENT AT COLLEGE. Having once or twice heard you speak highly of the New Jersey College, as if you had a desire of send ing your son William there, (who, I am told, is a youth fond of study and instruction, and disposed to a studious life, in following which he may not only pro mote his own happiness, but the future welfare of others,) I should be glad, if you have no other objection to it than the expense, if you would send him to that college, as soon as convenient, and depend on me for twenty-five pounds a year for his support, so long as it may be necessary for the completion of his education. If I live to see the accomplishment of this term, the sum here stipulated shall be annually paid. And if I die in the mean time, this letter shall be obliga tory upon my heirs or executors to do it according to the true intent and meaning hereof. * His agent 394 RELIGIOUS MAXIMS. No other return is expected or wished, for this offer, than that you will accept it with the same free dom and good will with which it is made,-and that you may not even consider it in the light of an obligation, or mention it as such ; for, be assured, that from me it wiU never be known. 1769. PUBLIC BENEFICENCE. If it should please the G-eneral Assembly,* to per mit me to turn the destination of the fund vested in me, from my private em.olument, to objects of a public nature, it will be my study, in selecting these, to prove the sincerity of my gratitude for the honor conferred on me, by preferring such as may appear most sub servient to the enlightened and patriotic views of the legislature. 1785. ALEXANDRIA ACADEMY. To the trustees. ... I give four thousand dollars, or, in other words, twenty of the shares which I hold in the Bank of Alexandria, toward the support of a FREE SCHOOL, established at, or annexed to, the Aca- * The General Assembly of Virginia made him a donation, testi fying their sense of his merits. It consisted of fifty shares in the Potomac Company, and a hundred shares in the Janies River Com pany. CHRISTIAN CHARITIES. 395 demy ; for the purpose of educating such Orphan Chil dren, or the children of such other p)oor and indigent persons as are unable to accomplish it with their own means, and who, in the judgment of the trustees of the seminary, are best entitled to the benefit of the dona tion. NATIONAL UNIVERSITY. I give the fifty shares which I hold in the Potomac Company, towards the endowment of a University, to be established within the limits of the District of Co lumbia, under the auspices of the General Government, if that government should incline to extend a foster ing hand towards it. LIBERTY HALL ACADEMY.* The hundred shares which I hold in the James Eiver Company, -I give to and for the use and benefit of Liberty Hall Academy, in the county of Kockbridge, in the Commonwealth of Virginia. ' * B"ow called Washington College. 396 RELIGIOUS MAXIMS. 6. CHRISTIAN PHILANTHROPY. Man is one : And he hath one great heart. PEnLTp James Bailey, I received with great pleasure thy letter, containing an extract of another from General Washington, iu which that hero, who effected, with littlo bloodshed, the greatest revolution in history, breathes the sentime7its of true philanthropy. A warrior clothed with humanity and wisdom, is the symbol of Minerva; and few have united them. Turenne had courage and some degree of humanity ; but he it was tbat burnt the Palatinate, and had the Nero-like pleasure of seeing thirteen cities in flames. Scipio's humanity was stained with the destruction of Cartilage; and Home fell for want of arival. Alexander the Great, and the modern rrederick, had tlieir stains of cruelty. But tottk heko, without the tictor of Cincinnatu.s, was obeyed, — conquer.?, and retires, without the foul stain of blood. Might I presume upon communicating to him the cordial ajyprobation his hu mane sentiments have impressed upon me f De. Letso-m, of London, a member ofthe Society of Friends. RECONCILIATION. Every exertion of my colleagues and myself will be extended, to the re-establishment of peace and harmony between the mother-country and the colonies. 1V75. THE CAUSE OF THE OPPRESSED. My anxious recollections, my sympathetic feelings, and my best wishes are irresistibly attracted, whenso ever in any country I see an oppressed nation unfurl the banners of freedom. CHRISTIAN PHILANTHROPY. 397 Our citizen-soldiers have impressed a useful lesson of patriotism on mankind. UNIVERSAL SYMPATHY. The voice of mankind is with me. Happy, thrice happy shall they be pronounced, . . . who have assisted in protecting the rights of human NATURE, and establishing an asylum for the poor AND oppressed OF ALL NATIONS AND RELIGIONS. My policy has been, to cultivate peace with ALL THE WORLD. For me to express my sentiments, with respect to the administration of the concerns of another govern ment, might incur a charge of stepping beyond the line of prudence. But the principles of humanity will justify an avowal of my regret, and I do regret ex ceedingly, that any causes whatever should have pro duced and continued until this time a war, more bloody, more expensive, more calamitous, and more pregnant with events, than modern or perhaps any other times can furnish an example of And I most sincerely and devoutly wish, that the exertions of those having this object in view, may effect what HUMAN nature cries aloud for, — a general peace. 398 RELIGIOUS MAXIMS. THE CAUSE OF SUFFERING HUMANITY. I observe with singular satisfaction, the cases in which your * benevolsnt institution has been instru mental, in recalling some of our fellow-creatures, as it were, from beyond the gates of eternity, and has given occasion for the hearts of parents and friends to leap for joy. The provision made for the preservation of ship wrecked mariners, is also highly estimable, in the view of every jihUanthrojiic mind, and greatly consola tory to that suffering part of the cohimunity. These things wUl draw upon you the blessings of those who were nigh to perish. These works of charity and good will towards men reflect, in my estimation, great lustre upon the au thors, and presage an era of stiU further improve ments. How pitiful, in the eye of reason and religion, is that false ambition, which desolates the world with fire and sword, for the purposes of conquest and fame, when compared to the milder virtues of making our neighbors and our fellow-men as happy as their frail condition and perishable nature wiU permit them to be ! * The Massachusetts Humane Societv. CHRISTIAN PHILANTHROPY. 399 THE BROTHERHOOD OF MAN. As the member of an infant empire, as a philan thropist by character, and, if I may be allowed the expression, as a citizen of the Great Republic of Humanity at large, I cannot help turning my atten tion, sometimes, to this subject. I would be understood to mean, I cannot avoid reflecting, with pleasure, on the probable influence that commerce may hereafter have on human man ners, and society in general. On these occasions I consider, how mankind may be connected, like One Great Family, in fraternal ties. I indulge a fond, perhaps an enthusiastic idea. that, as the world is evidently much less barbarous than it has been, its mehoration must still be pro gressive ; that nations are becoming more humanized in their policy ; that the subjects of ambition and .causes for hostility are daily diminishing ; and, in fine, that the period is not very remote, when the benefits of a liberal and free commerce will pretty generally succeed to the devastations and horrors of war. 1786. 400 RELIGIOUS MAXIMS. V. DEATH. /. MORTALITY AND BEREAVEMENT. May the crown of universal love and gratitude, of universal admiration, and (tf the universal reverence and honor of thy saved country, rest and flourisli npon the head of its Veteran General, and Glorious Defender; until, by the divine Je.-iis whom thou hast loved and adored, and of whose holy religion thou art not ashamed, thou shalt be translated from a world of war, to a world of peace, liberty, and eter nal triumph. Ezra Stiles, D. D., LL. D,, Pres. of Yale College, 17S3. Our hero was the same in that moment, as in all the past, — magnanimous, firm, ronfiding in the mercy, resigned to the will, of Heaven. Samuel Stanhope Smith, D. D., Pres. of Coll. of New-Jersey. BEREAVEMEI^T. I am extremely sorry for the the death of Mrs. Putnam, and sympathize with you""- on the occa sion. Remembering, that all must die, and that she had lived to an honorable age, I hope you will bear the misfortune, with that fortitude and complacency of mind, that become a man and a Christian. l'7'77. * General Putnam. death. 401 MOURNING. The ties of nature must have their yearnings, before calm resignation will preponderate. hbi. death of several revolutionary WORTHIES. Thus, some of the pillars of the Eevolution fall. Others are mouldering, by insensible degrees. May our country never want props, to support the glorious fabric. I'rsc. CHRISTIAN FORTITUDE. Time alone can blunt the keen edge of afilic- tions. Philosophy and our Eeligion hold out to us such hopes as will, upon proper reflection, enable us to bear, with fortitude, the most calamitous incidents of life ; and this is all that can be expected from the feelings of humanity. nss. RESIGNATION. It is not for man, to scan the wisdom of Provi dence. 402 RELIGIOUS MAXIMS. The best we can do is, to submit to the decrees of Providence. Eeason, Eeligion, and Philosophy teach us to sub mit ; but it is time alone, that can amehorate the pangs of humanity, and soften its woes. HIS MOTHER S DEATH. Awful and affecting as the death of a parent is, there is consolation in knowing, that Heaven has spared ours,* to an agef beyond which few attain, and favored her with the full enjoyment of her men tal faculties, and as much bodily strength as usually falls to the lot of fourscore. Under these circumstances, and the hope that she is translated to a happiefr pVace, it is the duty of her relations, to yield due submission to the decrees of the Creator. I789. CARES" of life. Life and the concerns of this world, one would think, are so uncertain, and so full of disappointments, that nothing is to be counted upon from human ac tions. * He is addressing himself to his only sister, Mrs. Lewis. f She died, August 25th, 1789, in her 8.3d year, when he was at New York. DEATH. 403 It is in vain, I perceive, to look for ease and hap piness in a world of troubles. CONSOLATION. In looking forward to that awful moment when I must bid adieu to sublunary things, I anticipate the consolation, of leaving our country in a prosperous con dition. And while the curtain of separation shall be draw ing, my last breath will, I trust, expire in a prayer for the temporal and eternal felicity of those, who have not only endeavored to gild the evening of my days with unclouded serenity, but extended their desires to my happiness hereafter, in a brighter world. 1790. COMPOSURE, IN SICKNESS. Do not flatter me with vain hopes.* I am not afraid to die, and therefore can hear the worst. Whether to-night, or twenty years hence, makes no difference. I know, that I am in the hands of a good Providence. 1789. * He was dangerously ill, at New York, and he addressed these words to his attending pliysioian, Doctor Bard. 404 RELIGIOUS MAXIMS. CALM VIEWS OF DEATH. The want of regular exercise, and the cares of ofiice, will, I have no doubt, hasten my departure for that country from which no traveller returns. But a faithful discharge of whatever trust I accept, as it ever has been, so it always will be, the primary consideration, in every transaction of my life, be the consequences what they may. 1789. THE FAMILY VAULT. I intend to place it there.* [Pointing to the spot where the new vault now stands.] First of all, I shall make this change ; for, after all, I f may require it before the rest. Dec, 1799. * "During my last visit tothe General," [in Deeemberl799,] says one of his nephews, " we walked together about the grounds, and talked of various impi'oTements he had in contemplation. The lawn was to be extended to the river, in the diiection of the old vault, which Avas to be removed, on account of the inroads made by the I'oots of the trees with which it was crowned, Avhicli caused it to break." He tlien pointed out the spot where the new vault now stands. f These words were uttered, when lie appeared to be in perfect health, a few days only before his death. Some of his guests remarked, at the time, "We never saw the General look so well." " A few days afterwards," saj^s his nephew, " being on my way home in conijtany with others, while we were conversing about Washing ton, 1 ^iiw a tcrvant rapidly riding towards me. On his near ap- HIS LAST MOMENTS. 405 The family vault at Mount Vernon requiring re pairs, and being improperly situated besides, I desire that a new one of brick, and upon a larger scale, may be built at the foot of what is commonly called the Vineyard Enclosure, on the ground which is marked out ; in which my remains, with those of my deceased relations, (now in the old vault,) and such others of my family as may choose to be entombed there, may be deposited. And it is my express desire, that my corpse may be interred in a private manner, without p)arade or funeral oration. juiy, 1799. 2. HIS LAST MOMENTS. His death was sudden, but ho was ready. . . . We have seen his end, and it was peace. Jediuiah Mouse, D. D., ISOO. We will watch with pious care the laurels which shade thy urn, and wear thy name engraven on our hearts. Oh, yet protect thy country ! Save her! She is an orphan. Her father is mingled with tho dust Gouverneur Moeeis, 1600. Ton would have thought, the Americans were speaking of their father. M. Beissot. Mr. Lear, in his description of the closing scene, has these words; "Dr. Craik placed his hands over his eyes, and he expired without a struggle or a sigh."' This statement is no doubt true, but it does not contain the whole truth. It was said und believed, at the time, that General Washington closed Ids own eyes; and the writer is assured, that such was the fact, since he heard it asserted by one who had tlie best opportunity of knowing the certainty of it proach, I recognized him as belonging to Mount Vernon. He rode up, — his countenance told the story, — he handed me a letter. "Wash ington was dead." 406 RELIGIOUS MAXIMS. The matter, indeed, is one of no great importance ; but serves to show, that some tliing.s escaped the notice of Mr. Lear, or were thought too trivial for record by him. Tills circumstance, however, Is not without interest, as indicating tx perfect self-pos- fies-non and composure of mind. E. C. M'Guiee, D. D. See him on his dying couch, calm and dignified in his distress. He has fought tiie good fight, and death has to him no terroi's. With his own firm baud he closes his eyes, and is gone. J. Dunham, A. M., Capt. IQih U. S. Regiment, 1800. The illness was short and severe. Mrs. Washington left not the chamber of the sufferer, but was seen kneeling at the bedside, her head resting upon her Bible, which had been her ?olace in the many and heavy afflictions she had undergone. Dr. Craik, the early friend and companion in arms ofthe Chief, replaced the hand, which was almost pulseless, upon the pillow, while he turned awi.y to conceal the tears that fast chased each otiier down his furrowed cheeks. The last effort of the expiring Washington was worthy of the Eoman fame of his life and character. He raised himself up, and casting a look of benignity on all around him, as if to thank them for their kindly attentions, he composed his limbs, closed his eyes, and folding his arms upon his bosom, the Fatlier of his counby expired, gently as though an infant died! Geokgk W. P. Custls, grandson of Mrs. Washington. Feeling, that the silver cord of life is loosing, and that his spirit is ready to quit lier old companion the body, he extends himself on his bed, closes his eyes for the last time with his own hands, folds his arms liecently on his brea^^t; then, breathing ont, "Father of mercies, take me to thyself," he fell asleep. Eev. M. L. Wee.ms, 1808, Rector of Mount Vernon Parish. " He was at much pains to ascertain the most interesting events of Washington's life and death.'"— iir'(?ia>e. HIS DYING WORDS. I find I am going. My breath cannot last long. I believed from the first^ that the disorder-'' would prove fatal. Do you f arrange and record all my late military * A cold, a sore throat, difficulty of breathing and of swallowing, on Friday, December 13th, 1799. \ Tobias Lear, his private Reeretary. DEATH. 407 letters and papers. Arrange my accounts, and settle my books, as you know more about them than any one else ; and let Mr. Eawlins finish recording my other letters, which he has begun.* I am afraid I fatigue you too much.f Well, it is a debt we must pay to each other ; and I hope, when you want aid of this land, you will find it. Doctor, J I die hard, but I am not afraid to go. I believed, from my first attack, that I should not survive it. My breath cannot last long. 5 p. m. I feel myself going. I thank you || for your at tention. But I pray you to take no more trouble * " He then asked, if I recollected any thing which it was essen tial for him to do, as he had but a very short time to continue with us. I told him, that I could I'ecollect nothing, but that I hoped he was not so near Iiis end. He observed, smiling, that he certainly wa-s, and that, as it was the debt which we must all pay, he looked to the event with perfect resignation." — Tobms Leak. •j- " In the course of the afternoon, (Saturday,) he appeared to be in great pain and distress, from the difficulty of breathing, aud fre quently changed his posture in the bed. On these occasions, I lay upon the bed and endeavored to raise him, and turn him with as much ease as possible. He appeared penetrated with gratitude for my attentions." — Tobus Leak. t Dr. Craik, his family physician. I The three physicians at his bedside, — Dr. Craik, Dr. Dick, and Dr. Brown. 408 RELIGIOUS MAXIMS. about me. Let me go off quietly. I cannot last long. 6 P. il. I am just going. Have me decently buried. And do not let my body be put into the vault, in less than three days after I am dead. Do you understand me ? [Addressing Mr. Lear.] [Upon Mr. Lear's replying. Yes, he added,] 'Tis well. 10 p. M. [Mrs. Washington was at the bedside, where she had often been " seen kneeling " with " her head resting upon the Bible ; " Mr. Lear and Dr. Craik were leaning over the bed ; and four of the domestics were in the room. " He raised himself up, and casting a look of benignity on all around him, as if to thank them for their kindly attention, he composed his limbs, closed his eyes, and, folding his arms upon his bosom," expired, saying,] Father of mercies, take me to thyself. PEINCIPAL EVENTS JLIFE OF WASHINQTON. YEARS. HIS AGE. EVENTS. 1732 Feb. 22. His birth, in Westmoreland county, Virginia. 1748 io Apr. 12. Death of his father, at the a^e of 49 years. 1746 14 His brother Lawrence obtained for liim a mid shipman's warrant, in the British navy. 174S 16 Mar. . . Surveyor of Lord Fairfax's lands ou the Potomac 1751 19 river. Military Inspector, with the rank of Major, to pro tect the frontiers of Virginia against the French and Indians. 1751 19 Sept. He sailed for Barbadoes, with his brother Law 1752 20 rence. Adjutant General. 1753 21 Oct 31. Commissioner to the French on the Ohio. 1754 22 Lieutenant-Colonel, for the defence of the colony of Virginia. 1765 23 Julij 9. Aid-de-cauip to General Braddock, at the battle of Monongaliela. 1755, 23 Aug. 14. Commander'^in-chief of the Virginia forces. 1758 26 Dec. . . He resigned his commission. 1759 26 Jan. 6. His marriage. Member of the Virginia House of Burgesses. Commissioner for settling the military accounts of 1765 83 tho colony. 1770 33 His tour to the Ohio and Great Kenawha rivers. 1774 42 Member of the Virginia Conventions, on the points at i-sue between Great Britain and the Colonies. 1774 42 Sept. . . Member of the first Continental Congress. 1775 43 3fai/ 10. Member of the second Continental Congressi. 17T5 43 Jtme 15. Commander-in-chief. 1775 4.3 Jullj 3. Commander of the army at Cambridge. 1776 44 Mar. 17. Boston evacuated by the British army. 1776 41 July 4. Declaration of American Independence. 1776 44 Aug. 27. B.attlo of Long Island. 1776 44 Pre. 26. Dattio of Trenton. 1776 44 Pec. 27. Oongrcss invested him with dictatorial powers. 177T 44 Jan.. 8. Battle of Princeton. 1777 46 Sept 11. Battle of the Brandywine. 1777 45 Oct. 4. Battle of Germantown. 410 PRINCIPAL EVENTS. YEAKS. HIS AGE. EVENTS. 1T78 46 June 28. Battle of Monmouth. IT 79 47 Jult/ 16. Stony Point taken. liSI) 4S Arnold's treason. 17S1 43 ,r„„.i. Mutiny of the Pennsylvania troops. 17S1 49 Oct. li) Sun-ender of Yorlitown and Gloucester. 1783 61 .!/.;¦. 19. Peace proclaimed to tlie army. 17S3 51 jV.'/i. 2. His farewell to ttie army 17S.3 51 ^¦,..¦!. 2rx iSIew York evacuated by the British army. 1783 51 JJ,.: iS. He resigned his commission. 1784 .!j2 His tour tu the Western Country. 1787 65 May 14. Delegate to the General Convention at Pliiladel- ])hia, to form a Constitution. President of the Convention. 17S9 67 Mar. 4. President of the United States. 1789 57 Apr. 311. His inauguration, .at New York. 1789 57 Aug. 25. Death of his mother, at the age of 82 years. His tour through the Eastern'Stiites. 1791 69 His tour through the Southern States. 1793 61 Mar. i. President, for a second term. 1793 61 M. Genet, Minister from France to the United States. 1790 64 Sept. 17. His Farewell Address to the people of tbe United States. 1797 65 He retired to iirivate life. Difficulties with France. Preparations for war. 1798 66 Julij 8. Commander-iu-cbief of the Armies of tho United States. 1799 67 Pec. 14. His death, at Mount Vernon. INDEX, ;);*# CoNTRACTioif : W., for Washington. Abbey, ^ Dryburgh, 33S. Abolition of slavery, ses Slavery. Aaiidemy, Military, 228. Of Arts and Sci ences, American, 2S0. Liberty II;tl!, 395. Alexandria, 394. Accommodation, Spirit of, 63. Acquaintances, shaking off, 245 Actions, not words, 240. ^(/^n;;.-*, John, Pre.'-ident; his tributes to W.. 16. ^rA^/'tf.s'v, Inaugural, of W., 355. Adrersittf, Friendship In, 242. Its paUi- tary effect, 2T. Atfvice, friendly, 239. Aged, infirm, and infant slaves. 259. Fund for them, 261. Agentf, Indian, 2U7. Agreeable recollections, 302. Agreements, 313. Agriculture, 83, 132. Its importance, 129. Proper cultivation of lands, 130. Speculation and agriculture, 131. The husbandman, 130. Societies, 129. "War and agriculture, 131. Ali-.rander, the Great, 396. A/t'cvanth-ia, in Virginia, 242. Academy at, 394. Alliance.% Foreign, 91. Permanent Na- liunal, 92. Ally., e.xcesiiive confidence in, 218. America. And Europe, 84. See Colo nies, American. Ahierican. The common name of all citizens of the United States, 47, 166, 169. Academy of Arts and Sciences, 230. Character, 95. Commerce, 2l9. Flag, 219. Indepcmlence, 409. Mu seum, a periodical, 232. National Pre dilection:?, 191. Kevoliition, its jntlu- ence in Europe, 27. Ilevohition, see Revolution, American. Americans. Their influence on other na tion.^ 25. United iu name, sympathy and interest, 47. Ames, Fisher. His tributes to W., 267, 306. Atnity, and concession, 247. Anarchy, and tyranny, 20. Andre, Major Julin, 251. Ili^ tribute to W.. 334. Antidote to slanders, 320. Antipathies, national, 93. Appeal to the archives uf Congress, 328. Approbation. Public, 32S. Ofthe wise and goud, 315. Arbitrary power, 20. Archives, appeal to, 328. Aristides, 315. Aristocracy, 73. Armies, God of, 349. Of Ihe United State.-^, their character aud sufferings, 40. Arming slavefi. 1':'5. Arniorial devices, 23. A-rias, and accoutrements, of the Patriot Army, 173. Army. Agents of civil power, 152. A 412 INDEX. band of brothers, 16S. Character and sufferings of, 174, 1T5. Of the Cousti- tution, 163. Evils of rum in the, 332. Farewell to, by W,. 288. Foreign offi- crrs in, 187, 1S8. Importance uf order and harmony in, 165, IOS, Patriot, and their arms and accoutrements, 175, 17iJ. 173. People and the army, 170. Of the Eevolution, 151 ss. How distin guished from a mob, 171. Standing. 179, ISO. Temporary, 182. Towns, and the army, 170. Arnold, Benedict, 250. Expedition to Quebec, 375. Treason, 311, 410. Trib ute to W. 334. Mrs. Arnold, 334. Arts, Importance ofthe, 230. And Man- ufivcturcs, 137. National interest of the, 229. American Academy ofthe, 230. Aagill. Captain, 25!i-255 Ahia. Literature of, 219. Attachments, national, 93, 94. Attack, often the best defence, 224. Axtthor of all good, 367. Of the Gospel, 342. IT, Bailey, Philip James, 396. Biillinwre^ l;js, Bancroft, lirv. Aaron, his tribute to W., 381 Bun/c of the United Stales 120. B'irbadoe.% -lOO. Barclay, Mr., Ids treaty with tlie Empe ror of Morocco, 131. Bard, Dr,, 403. Barnes, Itev. Albert, liis tribute to W., 383. Barney, Captain, 137. His miniature ship," 137, 138. Bastille, 24. Picture and key of, pre sented to W., 24. B=, 'iW^. Battle, the three incentives in, 154 Battle-tield-^, European, 143. Beauty compassion fur, 24S. Beneficence, public, 394. Benevolence, 244 ss. Com|»i'(diensive, 266. National, 266, 353. Pleasures of, 265. Bengal, 219. BereaMmenf, 400. Bethlehem, in Ponn sylvan! a, 3S'>. Blesfiings, tbe Source of all, 342. Bodin, Felix, his tribute to W., 236. Body-guard oi Vf .,^2. Bonaparte, see Napoleon. Boreas, rude. An epitliet applied to Lord North, 36, Boston, 363, Attack npon the liberty and property of the people of, 83. Ameri can couraso displayed at, 149. Braddock, General, 409. His defeat, 347. His burial, by W., 884. Brandywine, battle of, 409. Bravery. 272. Of cowards, 154. Bfis-sot, M.. his tribute to W., 405. lirltitin. See Great Brititin. Briiisli. Army, comjiany in, sold at high prices, 185. Commerce, 135. De serters, 194. Broo?c% Lieut Col., 199. Brotherlwod. Of man, 896, 399. Of the army, 168. Brotherly love, 374. Brougliam, Lord, his tribute to "W"., Pre face. Brown, Dr., 407. Buc/ian, Earl of, his tribute to W., 33S. Preface. Banker's Ifill, 209. Burgesses, Vii ginia House of, 3S.5. 409. Hurgoyne, General, 198. His det't-ar. -'iSO. Burke, Edmund, his tribute co \V.. 225. Biu-n.'s, Eobert, 142. Byron, Lord, bis tribute to W., 2CT. C, Cadwallader, General John, 306. Oabn views of death, 404. Calumny, the best answer to, 323. Calvert, Benedict, 297. His daughter, 297. Ciimbridge, army at, 4(i9. Camden, Lord. A patron of America, 142. On driving America into rebel lion, 2s Canaan, Conquest of, a poem, dedicated to "W., 231. Canada, 250. Emancipation of, 213. Ac cession of, 213, 214. E.i^pedition to, 214. France's iiitercbt in, 213, 215. Invasion of, 218. Supremacy of England over, 213. Candor, national, 111. Canttm, 219. Cares of lile, 402. Carey, Matthew, 232. Carleton, Guy, 214. Carlisle, Lord, 263, 265. Carroll, Archbishop, 3SS. Carthage, 396. Catharine Vie Second, of Russia, 389. Cato, the Censor, 248. C'tuse ofthe oppressed, 896. Caciner.%^2^. Ce7isure. Gratuitous, 321. The shadow of merit, 826. Duty and censure, 327. Unjust, to be despised, 326. Ceremony, 325. Chancei/or.\kip of William and Mary College, 231. Channing, l!ev. AVm. E., his tribute to W.. 234, 238. Chajdiiin.t, 877 SS. INDEX. 413 Chapman, Eev. G. T., his tribute to W., Charact'-r. American, 96. Fitness of m oflicials, 79. Worth of, 2T. Impor tance of a good Moral, 814 Oharle.stoicn. American cuuragre at 149 Cli.anjh(lh,W.Cha.ttellu.r, The Marquis de. 241 His ti-ibute to "W.. 807. Chatham, Lord, his son in Oniada, 250 Cheese, American, 137. Choice, freedom of, 79. Clii-Lsl, The divine author of tljc Gospel, MS. Example of, 36S, 8S5. Clmrch, Philadelphia, 383. ChrUtiaii. Ohai ities, 8911 ss. Eemiirl;son by 0. C. Colton, 39(1. Consolation, 408 Fortitude, 401. Ministry, 877 Mis sions, 386 ss. Morals, 369. Philanthropy, 896. Eeligion, see Religion, Christian, Chrtitianiti/, 367 ss. Spirit of, 303. Cincinnati Societij, 176, 177, Cincinnatus^ 39G. Citizen. The good, 302. Two-fold mo tive ofthe good, 318. His reward, 325. Soldier and Citizen, 166. Ciril. Government, and Morality, SOS. Liberty, its rapid growth, 24. Magis trates. 128. Eights, and religious te nets, 372. Eeligious and civil liberty. Civility, ceremonious, 325. Clock, tlifi political system of the United States compared to a, 39. Coat-armor, 22. Coinage, 127. CoUege, Eilueation, 231. New Jersey, 393, 400. William and Mary, 231. CulonU's, American, The cause of, 26. Will not submit to the loss of their rights, 25. Baffled Great Britain for eight years, 20. Interest of their con test, 27. Mr. Pitt and Lord Camden, iheir patrons, 142. Policy of Great Britain, in relation to, 28, British Com missioners to treat with, 29. Favorable disposition of Spain, 38. Promised suc cor from France, 38, Distress of their armies, 26, Pecuniary distress, 146, Non-importation of British commodi ties, 145-147, Not hushed by the rod of Great Britain, 26, Contest for hon orable peace, 37, Colton, C. C, his remarks on Christian charities, 3i)0. Colmnhia, 267, Commander-in-chief, his body-guard, 192. Commerce. S3, American, 1:14, 135. 219, British, 135. Foreign, 132. The meas ure of a nation's m.arine, 112. Indus try and, 132, Trade aud, 133, Manu factures and, 132, The N,n v ami, 219. Commeroial System, of tho United States, 134, Common Sense, and common honestv 809. •" Comnum Weal, 38, Company, 24-4. Choice of, 245. Companle.s; in tho British army, 185. <'niuiia.-<.\ion, for man and beast, 248. ( ompensatluH, pecuniary, refused by W , 2^5. Complaints, unavailing 827, Composure, in sickness, 403. Camprehensi-ve benevolence, 266, Concession, 247, Confederation, Articles of, 45, Confidence, public, 71, t'oi/f//r.s',v. Character of, 73. Armorial de \ ices of, 23, Prerogatives of, 44, 60, 61. Obedience to, 271. Employs Indians, m war, 212, Too many able men with drawn from, 89. Military influence o^ 150. State jealousies, 62. In conflict with local politics, 65. Choice of dele gates, 67. Annual sessions, 68. Al lows Chaplains, 878. Continental, 409, Eobert Burns' opinion of, 142, W,'s farewell to, 2S9. Eeleases Capt. Asgill, Conjugal affection, 292. Connecticut, 272. Connubial Ufe, 299. Conquest of Canaan, a poem dedicated to W., 281, Conscience, 813. Dictates of, 319. Our guide, 19. Eights of, 875. Cmiscientious Scruples, 374, Conscious Rectitude, 274, 813. Consolation, Christian, 403. Constitution, of the United States, 43 ss. Changes in, 77, Our guide, 73, The people's choice, 71, Fears of its pro ducing aristocracy, or monarchy, 22. Its principles, incompatible with no bility and knighthood, 22, To be vin dicated, 04, Its danger, from innova tion, 54; and from party spirit, 55. Un.aniinity of its adoption, 64, The Constitution or disunion, 64, Combi- nalions against it, in Pennsylvania, 161, The ¦¦ Army ofthe Constitution," 163. Cvutiwntil Congress, 409, Convenipnce. And duty, 310. Aad friendship, .810, Convention . English, in 1688, 142, Con cersntion, imprudent, of officers in the army, 160, Conway, General Thomas. His tribute to W., 306. Cniijwr, ,T, Fenimore, 203. Ciiru-luiuse, filled for the poor, 890. ( 'ofn Widlis, Lord, his surrender of York- town and Gloucester, 351, 383. Corporal punishment, 164, 165. 414 [NDEX. ihantnfs Call,1^S. Courtesy, social, 244. Courtfi-marlitd, 164, 165. f 'tivenanl, of friendship, 242. Coicarda. Their bravery, 154. Their puni-hmcnt, 149. Oraik,"Dv., 4(i5. 4'i6, 407, 408. 'V.^,//7, public, 117, ns. (_'i-imin. IMrarl.inn, 319. Dr'vicf.s. arniorial, 23. DiL-h\ Dr, 4117. Dirl.,itorion-ers,ot\Y.Am.Dirf' rencen. <>f opinion, no crime, 246. keli-ions, 373, 375. Dijji'i^nL-e, 245. Dina:aldif, Governor, 255,873. Disciiiline. Military, 159, 160. Nation al Military, 222. Di.^coiitent, 320. Di.'^piitts, religions, 873, 375, Dirinr. Deliverer, 846. Munificence, 344. Protection, 347. "Wisdom and goodness, 348. Documents, othcial, how anthenticated, 23. Domestic. Ease, 300. Life, 291. Manu factures, 136. Dragoons, British, 185. Dress. Simplicity of, rccuniiueuded, 294. Indian, 208. Drunlcenness, 331. Dryhnrgh Abbey, 33S. Duelling, condenined, 263. Dniihiim, Captain J., Jiis tribute to W., 406. Duty. And censure, 327. And conve- nience,310. And Ijappinc^-N 8iiS. Pre sent, 827. Private inclinalion, anil pub lic duty, 79. And virtue, before poi)U- larity, 317. Dwight, Eev. Dr., 231. Ease, domestic, 300. Ea.'it, literature of the, 219. Education. College, '^81. Chief defence of a nation, 225. Forei:_'n. 225. Influ ence of, 225. MiIitary,"2L'7 National, 225 ss. Popular, 225. i.»f a student, at the cost of W., 898 Efort, uninterrupted, 101. Elections, 69. Elegant simplicity, in domestic life, 294. Emancipation of slaves. See Slare-'i. Emiijratinn, to the United States, 89. Emulation, military, 166. End iiranc-^, 274. Enemies. Forgiveness of, 8S5. Surpri- tais of, 150. Generous treatment of, IDS. Engll>di Convention of 1688, 143. Enmity, and detraction. 319. Epidemicjtver, at Philadelphia, 391. Eijuity, political, 310. Erskine, Lord, his tribute to W., 340. Escort, military, declined by TV"., 2S5. E-hiing, Count d'. 114. 264, 317 Europe. And America. S4. Calamitous stale of, in 1795, 14:3. Polidcal im provements in, 19. Influence of the American PLevolution in, 24, 27. The "wise men nf, looking on America with admiration, 61. Its system, sahjcct to the caprice of Ministers, 110. Events, disposer of, 343. Erolniions, military. 166. E3-ample, of Christ, 368, 385. Ey W., with affection, 116. King of, 35s Promised succor to tbe Colonies, 3S. llei- navv, 3S. 112. 216, Her Admiral d'Orvilliers, 11.3. Political staty of. 24. Lafiiyette vindicates the honor of, 263. Ti'eaty with the United States, 36. Dif ficulties with, in 1797, 410. Franklin, Benjamin, 142. Fraterniti/ ofthe human race, 106, i''/r/, John, his tribute to W., 236. Jeperson, Thomas, his tribute to W., 16. Jtacs, 877. Toleration of the, 378. Jones, Paul, His tribute to W., 37. Calls W. the hero of Liberty, 37. Judgr-Adrorate, 164. Jtdliriary Si/stem of the United States, 12S. Junius'' Letters, 142. Jupiter, andthe countryman, 57. INDEX. 417 Justice. Indian claims to, 203. Nation al, 858. Public, one of the pillars of American Independence, 44. Kalm, Peter, 213. Kenhawa. River, AlO^. Key to the Basiillc, 24. King, Rufus, his tribute to W., 306. King William county, 377, 383. King\s Irunipeter, 199. Kirkland. Kev. J. T., 379 ; his tribute to W., 340. Rov. Samuel, 212, 379, 380. Knighthood, 22. Knowledge among the jxiople, 231. Knox, General, 130, 234. Lafayette, Marquis de la. His attach ment to W., 237. Aid-de-camp to AV,, 24, Calls himself a Missionary of Lib erty, and AV. its Patriarch, 24. Chal lenges Lord Carlisle, 268, 264. Impris oned at Olmiitz, 242. Presents to W. a picture, and tbe main key, of the Bas tille, 24. His abolition scheme, 257. His tributes to AV,, 24, 151. Tho Mar- cluoness, 241. Lakes. A'essels for the, 140. Navigation of the, 140, Lands. Proper cultivation of 130. Cheap, in the United States, 131 Some of AV.'s offered for sale, 253. Indian, 206. Languages. Indian, 889. Delaware and Shawnese, 389. Lashes. Number of, in corporal punish ment, 165. Last moments of W., 405 ss. Last words of W., 406-408. Laurens, President, 191. Lear, Tobias, 258, 405, 407, 408. Learning, influence of, 230. Lee, General Henry, his tributes to AV,, 291, 307. William, 261. Lenity, 385. Leonard, Rov. Mr., 379, Letsom, Dr., his tribute to W., 396. Letters. Of friendship, 240. To prison ers, 199, Forged, of W., 30. Leu-is: George, 290. Robert, his tribute to W., 884. Roswell W., his tribute to W., 234 Mrs. Lewis, sister of W., 402, Liberty, 17, 19, 20, 24 ss. Civil, 372. Its value, how enhanced, 27. American, 19, The basis of Independence, 44. Se cured by Government, 17, 20. And power, 77. Difl'usion of th3 spirit of, 25. Love of, 25. Endangered by party spirit, 25. To be maintained, against British oppression, 144. Tyranny es tablished on the ruins of, 20. Its prin ciples more generally discussed in Eu- ro[)c, since the American Revnlntion, 27. LalUvette calls himself hs Mission ary, 24; and W., its Patriarch and Cen- cralissinio, 151. Ki'ligioiis, 370 ,S3. Liui- ver^al religions, 376. JJli'-riy Hall Academy, 895, Life. Cares of, 4o2. Secured hy Gov ernment, 17. Light of the age, 24. Its influence in Europe, 24. iiTiTJ, Rev. William, his tribute to W., 341. Lippineot, Captain, 255. Liquors, spirituous, 161, 329. Literature. Importance of, 280. Periodi cal, 282. Of Abia, 219, Local prejudices, evils of, 44. Long Island, battle of, 409. Loudoun, Fort, 830. Love, brotherly, 374. Loyalty, 162. Luxuries, imported from England, dis pensed with by the Colonies, 31. M'Ghiire, Rev, E. C, 222, 384. His trib utes to W., 329. 405. 406. Magistrates, civil, 128, Mahometanii, 877. Mfiih, 189. National influence of, 140. Making enemies, 320, Manufactures, 83, 131. And the Arts, 137. Domestic, 136, 137. National en couragement of, 138. Marksmeji, 210. Marquee of AV,, 3S3. Marriage, proposed, of John Parke Cus tis, 296. Ilarshall, John, his tiibute to W., 340. Massachusetts, 194, 302. Humane Socie ty of, 398. Massachusetts Bay, 271, 272. Measures to deprive it of its charter, 38. Massey, Rev. Lee, his tribute to W., 381. Matrim.ony, advice on, 297. Meadows, Great, 250. Measures, and AVeights, 127. 3Iediter?'anea 71 Sea, naval force in, 220. Medium, the Just, 75. Memoi/'s. observaiions on, 825. Mi'lshipmuTiS warrant, obtained for AV., 409. Mild measures, 335, 836. 3Iilitarif. Academy, 223, Character, French, 116. Discipline. 159, 160. Dis cipline, National, 223. Education. 227. Establishment, economy of, 187. Emu lation, 166. Evolutions, 166. Glory, 418 INDEX. 318. Influence of Congress, 150. Pow er, 158. Rank, the people''s gift, 155. Supplies, 223. MiUtia. Inferior to Regular Troops, 157. Raw, 155. In the old French war, 183. Of tbe United States, ls4; tho coun try's Palladium, 186. Miller, Johr., 199. Minerva, 396. Ministers, caprices of, 110. Ministry, Cliristian, 377. Minorii//, duties of, 247. Mint ofthe United States, 127. Missions. Christian, 8SC ss. Among the Indians, 386. Mississippri River, 51. Mob, 171. Moderation, 278, 834. Monarchy, 21, 73, Views of, by the Northern, and by the Southern, States, 2L Monition 1, friendly, 321. Monmouth, battle of, 410. Monongaliela, battle of, 409. Moi-al. Character, 814. Maxims, 307 ss. Moraliiti, and civil government, 308. Morals', QX'w'mW'm, 369, Morocco, Emperor of, 131, Morris.i fouverneur, his tribute to W,,405. .Mor.se, l;ev, Jedidiah, bis tribute to AV., 4ii.->. Mortidifi/, and bereavement, 400. Mount Vernon, 187. 249, 2^4, 291, 202, 800, 3S4, 385. 392, 405. Mourning, Ai)\. Mulliiu'h'. the voice ofthe, 72. Munljicence oI'G.kI, 844. Mw^eum, American, a periodical; -82, Mutiny, 161. Of Pennsylvania troops, 410. W. Kapoleou Bonaparte, his tribute to AV., 17, Nation. Its riudit to establish its own govermnent, IS. Nil tional. Benevolence, ;^53. Candor, 111. Debt, 119, 120. Defeiu;,., 222, Education; see Eduvation. Friend ship, 109. (rood will to man, 2(;ii. Homage to God, 35.'). Honesty, 111. Hostility ; see Hostility. Influence, (;8. Justice, 358. Military Discipline, 222. Obligations, 110. P(dicy, 91. Policy, as to fun-i^'^ners, 193. I'reilileclions, Atnerican, 191. Prospects, ^4. Pros perity, S2, S3, Reputation, S7. lie- sources, 118. R. -volutions, IS. Right eousness, 849. Sentiments, 111, Sym pathy, 100, Thanksgiving, religious, 856. University. 226, 395. Aicws, comprehensi-\-o, ''?<. Nationality, 279. Nations. Religious duties of, 355. Op pressed, interest awakened by, 19. Their fate, suspended on God's will, 349. Native. Americans, selected for W,'s body-guard, 198, Oflicers in the army. 189. Navigation, Inland, 139, 140. Navy. Importance of, 220, Of the Uni ted States, 219 ss; in the Mediterranean sea, 220 ; gradual creation of, 220, Negroes, free, enlisting of, 195. Sec Slaves. Neutrality, 104, 105. Neuville, the Messieurs, 190. Newfoundland, 215. N-w Hampshire, 272. New Jersey College, 393, 400. Ntnv Orleans, 216. Newspapers, 139. New Y'lrk City, 240, 255, 403 ; evacuated by the British, 410. Convention, 249. Nicola, Colonel Lewis, 280. Nobility, and knighthood, 22. Non-inijio/ tation. of British commodi ties, 34, 145-1 4s Non-1 iitfrvention, 06. North, Lord, his Bills in Parliament, 36, NorHiern States, their views of mon archy, 21, 22. Nova Scotia, 218. O. Obedienceio Congress, 271. Ohligntions. national, 110. (ih.sprvition, jmblic, 319. Off'-nsic^ War. 224. Otfice, allurements of, 80. OJp''ers. Of Government, tbeir appoint ments, 78; maxims for, 81 ; compensa tion of, 81. F(ueij:n military, in the American arm;-, 187. 188; three classes of, 190 ; u]idue prominence of, 100; na tional policy as to them. 102. French military, in America, UO. K.vcbange of military. 202. In the American ar my, to study books, 22.s; to discourage vice, 153; imprudent conversation of, 160; their deportment. 153 ; ma.\ims for, 152; their peisonal sacrifires, 175; their support, 17 '., 1S5 ; native. ISO, O^icial 'ijititruTuents, antbcnticaU'd by armorial devices, 23. Ohio Riv.'r. 407. Oligarch I/, 73. ClnCutj, 242. Omnhiolmt, Cod, onr cruardian, 346. Oneida Inl niy, -.'^11. Presents to Indians, 206. Presidenri/ of the United States, accept ed by AA^, 282. President uf the United States,the treaty- maker, 107, 108. Prince.'^, politics of, 110. Princeton, battle ot', 409 Principle. Sacrifices to, 274. Triumpli of, 317. Prisoners. Comfort of, 197. Enlisting of, 194 Excban!:ce uf, 200. Kindness to, 250. Letters to, 199, Treatment of, 196. Private virtues, 312. Privateers, 219. Profanity, B3L Professio7is of friendship, 240. Promises, 312. Property. Wantofi destruction of, 171. Secured by governiiUMit, 17. 20. Pri vate, seizure of, 172. Tory, 172. 420 INDEX. Prosperity, national, 82. Protection, divine, 847. Providence. Bounties of, 38. Of God, 850. Interpositions of, in the cause of the Colonies, 40. Trust iu divine, 41, 70, 21)2. Pru'lence, 278. I'id'Jic. A])|ir'obation, 32S. Beneficence, 894 Civdit, 117, 118. Observation, :;iO. Ojiinion, to be enlightened, 72. Spirit, 271. AVorks, labor on, by de linquent soldiers, 165. AVorship, 381. Punctilios of honor, 263. /'uni.c]procity, GO, 63, Jiccollections, agreeable, 302, Re,;,nciliOsi. And Government, 352. And Mo rality, 854 And the State, 352 ss. Sup port of, ;'.77. Religious. Acts and emotions, 859 ss. Diileieiiees, iind political unity, 375. Hisputes, 873,875. Duties of nations, 8."p5. (.Iratitudc, 361, 885. Influence of the Union. 352. Liberty, 870 ss. ; uni\ersal, 876. Maxims, 341 s.s. Ordi nances, ;is4. Tenets, and civil rights, 872. Thanksici \ ing, national, 35G. Tol eration, 870, 871. Remembrancer, a periodical so called, 219. Reports, evil, 324 Representation, free and equal, 69. Representatives, duties of, 69. Re2)ublicanism, Its advanta^'i-s, 20. Approves of armorial devices, 23. Reputation, 316. National, 87. Resignation, Christian, 401. Reiidbdion, 837. And humanity, 251. Revelation, the light of divine, 807. Revi-nue of the United States, 117. Revolution, American. Its momentous influence, 41. Its influence in Europe. 24 Spirit of the, 27, 149. Unsullied by a crime, 23. Revolution, French, 26. Revolutionary. War, 142 ss. AVorthies, death of, 401. Revolutions, national, 18, Rapidity and magnitude of, 18. Rhode Island, 272. RighteousneS'S, National, .349. Roads, 139. National influence of, 140. Robertson, General, 253. Rochaonbeau, Count de, 295. Royalists. 386. Rul€7\ The glorv of a. 268. Of nations, 348. Of tbe universe, 347. Rum,, evils of, in the army, 832. Ru.ral emyiloynient-i, 803, Russia. Her declaration, in relation to the Colonies, 38. Empress of, 389. Sabbath. See Sunday. Sacrifices. To principle, 274 And re wards of patriotism, 275. Scandal, 320. Science. Importance of, 230. National interest of, 229. Scijiio, 396. Scriptures, quoted, 132. Scruples of conscience, 374. Scyllii and Charybdis, 99. Secrecy, and despatch, 312. Secui-ity, false, 100. Self-control, 270. Sense qf honor, 311. Sensibility, to public approbation, 328. Sentimejits, national. 111. Service, military, American and British contrasted, 185 Sevdlngues, L, di, 213. Severities, 3:^5. iieictdJ, J. M., his tribute to W., 244. Shaking off aopiaintances, 245, Shawnese language, 889. Shij}, miniature. 137. Ships qf War,2l9. Sick, cared for, by W., 250. Sick?iess, composure in, 403. Slanders, antidote to, 820. INDEX. 421 Slavery. Abolition of, 256, Lafayette's abolition scheme, 25T. Mode of abol ishing, 258. Slaves. Policy of arming, 195. Eman cipation of, 256, 258, 259. W. provides for emancipating all his, 259, 2G1, 262. To be taught to read and write, 260. Not to be sold, after receiving their freedom, 260. Smith. Eev. Samuel Stanhope, his trib ute to W., 400. William, of Baltimore, 133. Social. Courtesy, 244. Maxims, 237 ss. Society, happiness of. How best pro moted, 17. The end of government, 17. Soldier. An agent of civil power, 152. The best soldier, the best patriot, 169. And citizen, 166. His duty, 151, 152 His discipline, 159, 160. His views of danger. 154 His loyalty, 162, His motto, 156. His personal sacrifices, 173 His incentives in battie, 154. The Eegular, and the Recruit, 154. Soldiers. Patriot, 153. American, their families maintained, 172, 173; their pay, 172, 173 ; their character and trials, 28; their courage at Boston, 149 ; their courage at Charlestown, 149 ; their pun ishments and rewards, 149, 150. W.'s appeal to them, 149. Source of all blessings, 342. Soutliern States, their views of monarchy, 21 ; and fear of aristocracy, 22. Spain. Behind the other nations of Eu rope in liberal policy, 113. Favorable disposition of, to the American Colonies, 38. Her mediation with England, re jected, 114. Her navy, 38, 216 ; and maritime resources, 112. Sparks, Jared, his tributes to W., 148, 203, 222, 3SL Spies, 155. Spirit. Of Christianity, 363. Of free dom, 269. Of the Gospel, 367. Of 7G, 149. Spirits, distilled. See Liquors, spirit uous. Spirituous liquors. See Liquors, spirit uous. Sponge, using the, 123 Spotsioood, Colonel Alexander, 193. Staonpj Act. Its passage, condemned, 30, 31. An attack on civil liberty, 80. Its repeal, 82. Standard of infallibility, 18. Standing Army, 179, 180. And econo my, 187. Importance of, 181. Preju dices against, 181. State. Funds, 121. Eights, 66, 67. States. Duty of the, to the Federal Gov ernment, 45. Too many of their ablest men withdrawn from Congress, 39. Motives of the Eastern, to preserve tlie Union, 48; of tbe Northern, 48 ; of tho Southern, 43; of the AVestern, 48, 51. Stiles, Rev. Ezra, 219. His tribute to W., 400. Stockton, Major, 19T. Stony Point, 410. Story, Chief Justice, 203. Submission to God, 865. Subordination, 159. Success, the flattery of, 101. Sufferers, in the Indian wars, 249 Suffering humanity, the cause of, 398. Suicide, political, 79. Sunday, observance of, by W , 377, 388. Supplies, military, 223. Support of religion, 377. Surprisals of enemies, 156. Sympathy. National, 106. Universal, 897. Talents. Rectitude, and patriotism, 276. Without virtue, 808. 7*00) on spirituous liquors, 161. Taxaiion. Great Britain''s systematic plan, to fix the right and practice of it upon the Colonies, 33. A question of right and honor, 34. Its dishonesty, 85. Petitions on, unavailing, S3. Taxes of theUnited States, IIT. Tea Act, 29. Duty on tea, 84. Temper, 278. Temple, Colonel Ben., 377, 383. Temporary army, 183. Tenderness, 334 Territory, acquisition of, 213. Tertius Cato, 249. Thanksgiving, National Religious, 356. Thunder, sort of, an epithet apphed to Lord North, 36. Time, biding the, 314. Tippling houses, 330. Titles, the most enviable, 300. Toleration. Religious, 870, 371. Of the Jews, 373. Tories. Lenity to, 335, 386. Their property, 172. Tow-cloth hunting shirts, 209. Towns, and the army, 170. Traded 133. With Great Britain, 134; scheme of the Colonies to starve it, 144, 145. AVith Indians, 205. Tranquillity, 801. Treachery, Indian, 211. Treaties. Nature of, 106. Treaty-ma king power, 107, 108, Ratification o^ 108. Oppressive treaties, 109. Equita ble treaties, 109. Treaty, of the United States, With France; see France. With Great Bri- 422 INDEX. tain, 51. With Spain, 51. With Mo rocco, 131. Treason, Arnold's, 311, 410. Trenton, battle of, 409. Trial of virtue, 311. Trials, God's design in, 864. Tributes to W. ; see Washington, George, Trumbull, Governor, 379, 383. Trumpeter, the King's, 199. Trust in God, 270, 3G4. Truth, power of, 76, Turenne, Marshal, 896. Tyrawny, 17. Established on the ruins of liberty, 20. r. Union, of the States. Not mere aUiance, 51. Its importance, 44, 59. Its power, 49. Its extent, 49. Its value, 4G. Requires reciprocity, 60. Our Palladium of safe ty, 46, 63. Its religious infiuence, 352. Motives for preserving it, 47, 48. Evils of its dissolution, 46. Causes of its dis turbance, 50. Measures to dissolve it, reprobated, 45 See Un 'ted States. United' Brethren, or Moravians, 388. Their settlement at Bethlehem, 388. Cniied States, Government of, 20. Its founders, 87. Its policy, 85, 91, 95. Its situation and prospects, 41, 85, 86. Pe culiar circumstances of its foundation, 42. Emigration to the States, 89 ; home of industry, 88 ; the world's granary, 88; asylum for the oppressed, 88. Its false security, 115 Its Militia, 184. Its Na\y, 219 ss. Its Revenue, 117, Its Taxes, 117. Its Resources, 118. Its Debt, 119, 120. Unity, political. 375. Universal. Dictionary of Catharine of Russia, 3S9. Religious liberty, 876. Sympathy, 397. Universe, ttod the ruler of the, 347. University, J^aUonci\, 226, 395. Unyielding piirpose, 276. Usurpation, dangers of, 58. Vanity, 324. A^erbinge of, 324, Vault, fiunily, it Mount A'"ernon, 404, 405. Verbiage of Vanity, 824. Vernon, dlount. S^ce Mou7it Vernon. Vice, to bo discouraged by military offi cers, 153, Virginia. House of Burgesses, 385, 409. Its donation to AV., 894. Petitions to the Assembly of, for the abolition of slavery, 257, Independent Company, 278. Virtue. And happiness, 307. And tal ents, 308. Trial of, 311. And Vice, 307 ES. Virt/ues. Private, 312. Domestic and public, to be encouraged, 366. Vital piety, 384. W. War, 148 ss. Deprecated as an evil, 142, 143. Resort to, in defence of freedom, 144. Of the Revolution, its happy con clusion practicable, 38. Employment of Indians in, 212. The last resort, 144. Prisoners of, 194, 250. Readiness for, 223. Offensive operations of, 224. War of Posts, 167. And agriculture, 181. Ruinous, in Europe, in 1795, 143. Warfare, Indian, 209. War-horse ot W., 249, WasJiington. Augustine, father of Gen eral AV., his death, 409, Bushrod, 290. Washington CoUege, 395. Wasuington, General George. Princi pal events in the life of, 409, 410. His birth, 409. His birth-day celebrated, 295, Death of his father, 409. Sur veyor of lands, 409. A''oyage to Barba does, 409. Aid to General Braddock, 409. His military appointments, 409. 410. His marriage, 291. His devotion to the people, 246. His refusal of the offer of a crown, 280. His farewell to the army, 2SS, His acceptance of the Presidency of the United States, 282- 284 His progress to the seat of gov ernment, 284 His refusal of pecumary compensation, 285. He declines a mili tary escort, 285. Particular attachment to Lafayette. 237, 233. His Farewell to Congress, 289. He retires from office, 286. His domestic virtues : filial rev erence and love, 294 ; conjugal affection, 293, 294. His religious" character: public worship, 377, 331, 383, &c. ; prayers in the camp, 3S1 ; private prayer, 888, 884 ; vestryman, 881 ; com municant, 384. His death, 406-408. Tributes to him, by John Adams, 16. Fisher Ames, 267, 306. Benedict Arnold, 334. John Andr6, 334 Aaron Bancroft, 381. Albert Barnes, 883. Felix Bodin, 286. M. Brissot, 405. Lord Brougham, Preface. Earl of Buchau, 338, and Preface. Lord Byron, 267. William E. Channing, 234, 838. INDEX. 423 George T. Cliapman, 884. Marquis de Chastellux, 807. Thomas Conway, SO(J. George W. P, Custis, 406, Miss P. Custis, 884. J, Dunham, 40(). Lord Erskine, 840. Benjamin Franklin, 142. Old French Generals, 142. M, Fontanes, 151, 244, 307, 388. Charles Fox, 315, James Grahamo, 267. M. Guizot, 48, 291. Alexander Hamilton, 23T, 806. John Hancock, 230, J.T. Headley, 161, William Jackson, 291. John Jay, 286. Thomas Jefferson, 16. Paul Jones, 87. Eufus King, 306. J. T. Kirkland, 340, M, do Lal'ayette, 24, 161 Henry Lee, 291, 807. Dr. Letsom, 396. Eobert Lewis, 384. P.oswell W. Lewis, 234. "William Linn, 341, M. 0. M'Gnire, 329, 405, 406. John Marshall, 340. Lee Ma^^sey, 381. Gouverneur Mon'is, 406. Jedidiah Morse^ 405. Napoleon Bonaparte, 17. James K, Paulding, 329, 388, 340, J, Peake, 390, Gen, Assemb, of Presb. Ch., 884. David P.amsay, 815, 377. J. M. Sewall, 214, Samuel Stanhope Smith, 400, Ezra Stiles, 400, Jared Sparks, 148. Frederick Von Eaumer, 234. M. L. Weems, 877, 883, 406. Washington. George Steptoe, 290. Lawrence, 409. Lund. 890, Samuel, 290. Mrs, Martha, 291, 298, 294, 296, 406, 403. Mrs. Mary, 294, 402. \\'il- liam Augustine, 290. IVeal, Common, 33. Weems, Eev, M. L,, his tributes to W., 377, 383, 406, Weights, and Measures, 127, West Indies, 88. Western Country of the United States, the second land of promise, 143, 144, West(.rn Insurrection, 161, 162. Whang-ho, 219. White, Eight Eev. Dr., 391. Wickedness, and Ignorance, 308. Widcncs and Orplians, 391, William and Mary College, 231, Winchester, tippling-houses in, 830. Wines, use of, 329. Wisdom, 277. And goodness of God. 343. Wo7nen, children, and the infirm, 249. Woolford, Colonel 'William, 162. World, the opinion of the, 822. Worship. Public, 381. Private, 383, 384. Wrangham, Eev. Francis, 248. Yale CoUege, 400. Yang-tse-kiang, 219. Yorlttown, surrender of by Lord Com wallis, 851, 410. D. Appleton & Company's Publicatioiu. THE WORKS OF JOHJN^ C. CALHOU:^. HANDSOMELY PKINTED IN FOUK OCTAVO VOLUMES. Price $8 00. Contents of the several Volumes. I. ON THE CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OP THE UnAeD STATES. II. SPEECHES ra CONGRESS. III. SPEECHES. IY. SPEECHES, Calhoun, Clay and Webster are three names which will long be venerated by American Citizens. Of the three, Calhoun, during the early part of his life, was perhaps the greatest favorite with the people. His highly cultivated mind, profound views of government, and his pure character, gave gi'eat weight and importance to his opinions with all parties. Of the writings and speeches of American statesmen, there are scarcely any which bear so directly upon the great measures adopted by our Government, during the last forty years, as those ofthe lamented Calhoun. The War, the Revenue System, the Currency, and States Rights, were subjects upon which he took a leading position, and greatly aided the decisions which were made on them. With those who take an interest in our national history, the value of the writings of our public men cannot be too highly estimated. 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"He waa a man of pure mind, heart and life; and men confided in him because they s.aw and felt that in him there was an absence of all duplicity. He could be trusted. He was too unselfish to knowingly mislead. He was a man of great mental activity. His mind knew no rest. Such a mind must be housed in a strong physical tenement, or it will intellectualize the body, and break it down, Mr, Calhoun had such a physical system, until age came upon him, and his vital energies lost theii recuperative force." — Palladium. D. Appleton & Company's Publications. "Chestnut Wood will light up many a hearth with pleasure." CHESTNUT WOOD: In SlraEritira €ttlf. BY LIELE LINDEN. Two^Tolumes, 12mo. Paper covers, $1 25; cloth, %\ 15. PLOT OF THE STOKT. Chestnut Wood is a country-seat, near Sleepy Hollow, owned and occupied by Mr. Atherton, a man of stern but not unkind disposition. The better feelings of his heart are brought into action, by the circum stances of his young grand-daughter, Sybil, the heroine of the tale, who is thrown, by the deatli of her mother at a farm-house in the vicinity, where she has been rescued from exposure on the road, upon his pro tection. The father of Sybil, as may be inferred from the fate of her mother, is a worthless scoundrel, who endeavors, with the help of associates as worthless as himself, to get possession of the child. They succeed in carrying her off, and concealing her in New York, where they employ her as an unoonoious agent in the circulation of counter feit money. She escapes from the wardship of an old misshapen hag, Moll, and is brought back to her home at Chestnut Wood ; where, how ever, she is still subject to occasional manifestations from the seme source. Opinions of the Press, " One of the pleasantest characters in the book is Jerry Goldsmith, a Yankee Caleb Quotem, read.v to turn his hand to any thing, and more profuse in promise than per formance." — Clmrchman. "One who has read it from preface in finis, pronounces it delightful; and hence our praise. She says there are spots that those who have tears can cry over, hut never so sad that tbe tears need scald much," — W. Y. Daily Times. " We commend to men, women, and even children, a perusal of ' Chestnut "Wood,' " Lawrence Sentinel. '*This work will bo read. It has all the elements of a successful book, viz : origin ality, interest, power, and strong characterization," — Berks Connty Pre<.^. "It will please from its truthfulness to nature, and from the effect it will leave on the mind of the reader," — Hartford Courant. "Its plot is well developed, is ingenious, but not too intricate, and Is managed throughout with the skill of a master." — Palladium. 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IHE MOST BJEAUTIFlIt EDITION EVER PIBEISHEB, D. APPLETON k COMPANY HATE JUST PUBLISHED r .H E '' S P E C T A T O R : " WITH PEEFACE8, HISTOEICAL AND BIOGEAPIIICAL, By Alexander Chalmers, A. M. A New and Carefully Hevised Edition^ Cumplete in six volumes, 8vo., pica type. Price in cloth, $9 ; half call extra or antique, $15 ; calf extra or antique, $20. " It is praise enongb to say of a writer, that, in a high department of literature, lu wbich many eminent writers have distinguished themselves, he has had no equal; and this may, witli strict justice, be said of Addison. . . . lie is entitled to be considered not only as tlie greiitestof the English essayists, but as tbe forerunner of tbe great Eng lish novelists, Ilis best essays approach near to absolute perfection; nor is their ex cellence more wonderful than their variety. His invention never seems to flag ; nor ia he ever under the necessity of repeating himself, or of w^earing out a subject." — 3Ia- caulay. 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Here, witb his delicate sense of propriety, his lively fancy, and, above all, his most original and exquisite humor, be was in his proper walk. lie is the founder of a new school of popular wTlt- ing, in which, like most other founders of schools, he is still unsui-passed by any who have attempted to imitate liim. His Spectator ^n.\'e us the first examples of a style possessing all the best qualities of a vehicle of general amusement and instruction ; easy and familiar without coarseness, animated without extravagance, polished without un natural labor, and, from its flexibility, adapted to all the variety of tbe gay and tbt serious." — Penny Cyclopedia. "To correct tbe vices, ridicule the follies, and dissipate tbo ignorance, which too generally prevailed at the commencement of the eighteenth century, wore tbe great and noble objects tbe Spectator ever holds in view ; and by enlivening morality with wit, and tempering wit with morality, not only were those objects attained in an emi nent degree, but the authors conferred a lasting benefit on their country, by establishing and rendering popular a species of wiiting which has materially tended to cultivate tlie understanding, refine tbe taste, and augment and purify tbe moral feeling of successive »¦ ii-»+*.r»'M'