ilTY LIBRARY

3 9002

\

Johnson, S,
Political reflections,
Springfield, 1829.

/w the. ^im&i^ef a. CeUegi H-tj^£olo».y^

'Y^LIE«¥]MH¥IiI^SIIir¥''

POL.iriCAI. REFIiECTIOMS,

DELIVERED OK

SPRXNGFIELDrHILL, MASSACHUSETTS.

March 4th, 1829,

Lnr commemorjItiojv op the ijvjiuguratwjv of

OEN. ANDREIV JACKSON

A* id

mt^i'iftnt ot m nnrnxf ^uiun.

By SAMUEL jpHNSON, Esq.
C0UW8BI,I.0R AT LAW.

SPRINGFIELD.
PRINTED AT THE BEPUBLICAIf OFFICE.
1829.'"

POLITICAL RBFLBCTIOBTS.

Americans :
The limits to which I am restricted, will only per
mit an outline. To-'fiU that outline, willbe left to my
audience. ^
When, gentlemen, the few acquired the right of
dictating the law to the many — I will not pretend to
determine. (I have not had access to their " archives.'''')
How their right commenced, — is easily conjectured.
The boast of Archimides will furnish us a clue to the
explanation of the mystery, "Give me," said the
Sicilian geometer, " a place to plant my machinery, and
I will heave the world from its orbit."
The FEAV, gentlemen, had discovered a superior
" machinery,'^ long before Archimides astonished the
world with the results of his mechanical abilities.
To the genius of the few, we owe the invention of
" Tartarus and Elysium."
With the terrors of the first — they fettered their vic
tims ; and with the joys of the last — -consoled them
for the loss of liberty here, witii the promise of it,
hereafter. Do you ask— what gave jise to the vast conception .''
The answer is easy ; — a desire to enjoy the benefits of
society, without its burthens.

Such is the origin of the long continued struggle be
tAveen the FEW and the many. From the focus of this
grand conspiracy, Liberty fled, afrighted, first to
Egypt— then to the Isles of the Archipelago— then to
the banks of the Eurotas — next to the Tiber — then in
to the forests of the North. Her flight was necessary.
Her purity oould not abide 'the withering and contam
inating touch of corruption. The world felt the lash
of retributive justice. All behind hex— fetters — mana
cles — chains.
The dark genius of arbitrary power stood erect ;
" Black as night — fierce as ten FuHes, terrible as
Hell."' It was the spirit of despotism— personified ! — ^Ty
ranny brandished her petrifying lance over the univer
sal wrieck of mind ! The immortal Bard who sung
the atabition of Lucifer, and the first human pair dis
robed of Paradise, when, on the wings of his all-per- -
v'ading imagination, he sAvept the dark abyss of the
nether world — never conceived a sight, so sublimely
TERRIFIC !
The FEW counted on perpetual ascendency ; but,
(thank God,) they calculated "ivithout their host.'''
" The art of Printing'? was at length discovered. If
the invention of " Tartarus'" and " Elysium''' was the
political lever of the few, "the art of Printing" Avas
the political lever of the many. This art, gentlemen,
will one day unhorse Tyranny, and shiver the sceptre
of Despotism.
No sooner was it discovered, than the human mind,
rising and heaving under the incumbent weight of ten
ages of misrule, began to recover something of its an
cient elasticity. The volumes of antiquity Avere again
unrolled, Demosthenes once more tluuidered from

Athens — and Tully's voice was again heard, from " the
eternal city."
The world caught their inspiration, and the »great
men of tke fifteenth century began to inspect that stu
pendous edifice of ecclesiastical fraud — the Church
of Rome.
Europe, hoAvever, was yet too corrupt for liberty.
(The FEW had done their work too well,) A new
world was wanting ; and " the Sage of Cordova" had
more than obscurely hinted its existence, and future „
discovery. #-{
"Tho' Imte — the age shall corae —
In which old Ocean shall throw down
His wat'ry barriers — and to birth shall give
Another — ^and, a mightier Earth."
What a philosopher predicted, a seaman verified ;-^
and genius " gave a new world to the Kingdoms . of
Arragon and Castille."
Liberty now ventured to come out of her German
forests, and attended by her Anglo-Saxon worshippers,
" crossed the wide and boisterous Atlantic," to erect
on these shores — a vast edifice of civil, religious and
political freedom.
In laying the deep foundations of the Republic, our
generous and noble ancestors proceeded Avith inimita
ble skill. (Tliey built for posterity ;) their basis, reli
gion, virtue, and popular, intelligence ; a M|p/e' founda
tion, geni\emen;—{'''' other foundation, can tio man
lay.") I am not ignorant, that other Commonwealths have
perished : (they were erected " uponthe sand.")
But, I trust — (under the wing of the Almighty,)
thatji 'hereafter, as heretofore, — " When the rains shall
descend,*, and the floods come, and the winds" bl6w —
and beat vehemently" upon the Edifice of our Liberties^

it Avill be found, in very deed, — " to have been built
upon — a ROCK."
It is not my intention, in this place, to glance at the
history of the British Colonies in America. I have
not time. Besides ; before such an audience as this,
it were superfluous.
It is enough to remark, (in the language of the elo
quent Burke,) that the man to whom we are indebted
for our liberties — " scented the approaches of tyranny,
in every tainted breeze."
The infant Hercules was edueated, with more than
maternal care. A noble race rocked his cradle. Eng
land surveyed his limbs — with indescribable emotions ;
while the asserters of liberty, in Europe, thought they
saw in him — the future ^'^ cleanser of their own Augean
""^stable." A nation is not always mistress of its destinies. Cir
cumstances — (excuse me, gentlemen ;) I mean — " The
Being who rides in the Whirlwind" not unfrequently
confounds all the calculations of human wisdom. With
England the conquest of the Canadas was — a political
suicide. It cut the only bond which held the Colonies
to their loyalty — the dread of the French power, in
the North. For ten years, England contemplated our
genius — manners — character— spirit ; in one word our
political concoction; advanced — then receded — again
advanced— resolved upon the ehd, but incessantly va
rying the means. At length, on the brink of a tempes
tuous gulph,  Dark, wasteful, wild, j
Up frora the bottom turn'd by furious winds
And surging waves, like mountains to assault
Heaven's height — and with the Centre mix'd
The Pole, 
She propounded the natural interogatory of the few ;
WAR, or unconditional submission.? The many an
swered, with infinite spirit ; " We take War."

Gentlemen ; it is not my intention to enter into the
details of a conflict, in which the statesman vied with
the soldier, and the pen with the sword, in the asser
tion of the Rights of Man ; yes, Gentlemen ; " The
Rights qf Man ;" for however odious the intrigues of
the FEW, may once have rendered this expression, I
trust the re-assertion of it by the many, will bring it,
again into vogue.
What I let fall, was only a passing tribute to the
memory of the men who have mostly "filed off," to
join the Fathef of his country — in a better world, —
Few of them mingle in the congratulations of the day.
(I see hut few of them in this audience.*) When the
MANY forget the debt of gratitude we owe them, — the ^^
FEW, gentlemen, will have triumphed.
There are junctures in the affairs of States, when ob
stinacy must reason, and despotism unclench.
England assented to Aniierican Independence, in
words. I know that the treaty of '83 has been called
— a Peace. (These diplomatic misnomers are not un
common ;) it was more properly — a truce. The snake
was " scotched, but not killed."
Under the smouldering ashes was hid^re. Aggres
sion succeeded aggression. Imbecility could not mis
take the temper of England. In open violation of a
solemn treaty, she retained the Western Posts !
Was our westerii frontier disturbed ? — It was the
work of England. Was a frontier settler tomahawk
ed and scalped .'' England cashed the Indian trophy !
Was a. St. Clair defeated ? — Englishmen mingled with
the victors !
Did a Wayne inflict signal vengeance on the savages .''
They fled, for protection, to a British fortress ! Were

American seamen impressed .'' It was the work of
England. Was a whole nation blockaded by the mere
dash of a minister's quill ? The infringement of the
Law of Nations was sanctioned by England. Did
the Little Belt fire into an American Vessel of War .''
It was according to orders ! Did the Leopard attack
the Chesapeake, in our own waters ? — The reparation
was tardy, and reluctant. Did Erskine do us justice f
He had " violated his instructions !"
But these, and a thousand other wrongs were noth
ing, if compared with her all-pervading, and all-con^
taminating influence.
To such an alarming degree, had this contamination
reached the faction of the few, that whatever England
did — ^was right ; whatever America did — Wtong .'
Was an insult offered our Cabinet ? — The faction of
the FEW " did not perceive it ."' Were the injuries of
England resented ? — " She had done us no essential
injury !" Did we meditate war ? — The few recoiled ;
England " was the bulwark of American religion .'"
Did an American speak with enthusiasm of our free
institutions ? — They were " mere white-birch-stakes .'"
Of our inimitable Federal Constitution .'' It was —
" a rope of sand .'" — Of democracy .'' — it was " a
many headed monster."
Did an American speak of the Rights of Man ? He
incurred the ridicule of the few Did the love of Peace
carry us to the last verge of endurance ? — " We could
not be kicked into a war." Was war declared ? — The
administration had pre-determined to involve the coun
try in hostilities !
With such a mass of wrongs iwiAoM^-— and treache
ry within, — it became necessary to pass — " The Rt;-

9'
There are cases, when domestic dissentions will
compel any government to unsheath the sword, in or
der to give the suicidal edge of a treacherous weapon,
•A foreign direction. But, when the question, Gentle
men, is^between right and wrong — dignity and debase
ment — resistance and submission — whig and tory, — I
trust, however tremendous the calamities of war — an
American -Congress will never hesitate..
If for no other cause, war was necessary to give us
(what we wanted,) — a national character ; and it was
declared. Predicting at every step, the certain disgrace of the
administration, the restless and aspiring few omitted
nothing which might further the fidfillment of their
prophecies.

Hine spargere voces' '

Arabiguas. '
Yes, Gentlemen ;

 Dropping between ambiguous words
To sound and taint — integrity .'"
Not only was our cause bad— but we had degenera
ted, and democracy had despoiled us of seven-tenths
of the virtues of our Fathers ! Indeed we were but
the shadows of the men of other times ! A race of
wretches, incapable of " measuring swords — with the
well-born !"
The most preposterous principles were advanced ;
such for instance— as, that an American citizen might
cancel his allegiance to his Country— in the forum of
his conscience ,'— and that the States possess the right
of deciding whether the constitutional exigences exist,
which authorize the National government-^to wield
the National force ! ! !
A doctrine, which on the face of it bears the impress
of treason, and gfees to the radical destruction of the
2

ro
Federal Constitution,— whether broached at this end,
or that end of the Republic. What, therefore, I have
said, on a former occasion, I repeat ; " God help us,
if this proposition is to pass for constitutional laiv .'"
In that event, Gentlemen, you need not go to the
APOCALYPSE, for the picture of "Death on the pale
horse— 9,nA Hell following!" No; (God avert the
omen !) few will then see the original ! ! !
Let us not on, where error may he fatal. Let our
attachment to the Constitution, be, (in the Avords of
Washington) — " Immovable."
Would we be safe, we must guard the centbal pow
er, with sleepless vigilance. In its relation to the
States, it may justly be compared withthe fabled " God
qf the winds ;"
 " Celsa sedet .Molua arce,
Sceptra tenens : raoUit animos, et temperat iras.-
JVi faciat — maria ac terras coelumque profundum-
Quippe ferant rapidi secum — verantque per auras :""
But in spite of the predictions of the aristocracy, the
war undertaken by our Country, for the vindication of
its rights — was honorably and successfully waged.
When, I ask, did the feav discover symptoms of our
declension ?, By land ? Let the Browns, the Scotts,
the Gains's, and the Ripleys answer. On the Lakes ?'
Let the Perrys and the McDonoughs speak, — Was it
on the Ocean ? Let the Hulls and Decaturs and
Bainbridge's — and the thousand sail of British vessels,
destroyed, or brought into our ports — reply.
But. the day, and the occasion, Gentlemen, remind
us of other names inscribed on the tablets of our
Country's glory.
England, undiscouraged by successive disasters, with
her characteristic steadiness, had resolved to retrieve
her honor— by a last and detennined effort. Her Cab-

11
inet had inspected our map ; and the eye of a_g]^tes-
^n could not but perceive — that all the Rivers which
-mingle their waters with the Mississippi, either pre
cipitate themselves from the Eastern declivities of the
Rocky Mountains, or from the Western declivities of
the AUeganies, It can hardly be denominated a flight
of fancy, if I assert that the power which can com''
mand the mouth of that River, is literally mistress
of-— a world.
Is there on the surface ofthis globe, a position equally
commanding, Avhether our aim be aggression or dis
memberment ? If there be, it has escaped my notice.
I do not exaggerate, Gentlemen, when I affirm—
that it enables an enemy to command half the resour
ces, and two thirds of the territory of this Empire !
The advantages to be derived from its possession could
not escape the penetration of a less sagacious Cabinet,
than that of London.
England saw them intuitively, and prepared to
seize the " 'vantage ground." The very idea filled
her political imagination. To divide the Republic, by
the chain of the AUeganies, was indeed,— ^jHerc»Ze-
an thought 1
Gentlemen ; you have heard the muttering of the
distant thunder, and seen the lightnings playing, in the
horizon — (the unequivocal signals of the coming storm.)
An army that had carried the victorious standard of
England, from Gibraltar to the Pyrenees, (perhaps the
best appointed she had ever sent into the field,) was
destined to the honor of shaking this Republic, — to its
deepest foundations. The vigilant Monroe had ob
tained early intelligence of its equipment and designs.
It was the Crisis ofthe late eventful contest.—*'
The juncture was full of danger. Nof was it exclu-

12
sively foreign. A domestic faction had profusely scat
tered the seeds of disunion, and by its machiaveliah
intrigues, deprived the Country of the natural and in
stinctive courage of its Eastern section, while the
same faction, (will posterity believe it ?) more than
whispered the treasonable project — ofa New-England
confederacy, independent of the Union ! Nor was
the immediate seat of danger, less critically circum
stanced, A few regiments of the line — our whole
force in the Southern Department ! There was in
deed a very gallant, but undisciplined militia in tbe
West ; but it Avas tobe floated a thousand miles on the
waters of the Mississippi. Nor did difficulty end
here. The population of New Orleans was divided.
It had recently been admitted to the participation ol
•our privileges ; but possessed little devotion — and less
national character ; while irresolution and dismay had
already seized the legislature of Louisiana, — which,
(" tell it not in .Gath, nor publish it in the streets of
Askalon .'") was meditating on the terms of submis
sion ! The country was indeed, alarmed ; but, do not
mistake ine, Gentlemen ; it was not the alarm of a
populace, which ends in supplication, but a profound
anxiety for our beloved Country, which always ends —
in courage. For a moment, indeed, the bravest spirits
hesitated. All, Gentlemen, but the intrepid soul of
Andrew Jackson,
Cool and collected, in the midst of general conster
nation, he alone, interrogated his own undaunted
spirit — and found it more than equal to the emergency.
One Leonidas is more than- enough to give a braver
enemy than the Persians^a Themopylm ; and stamp
ing on the soil of liberty, the once Orphan Boy called
so loud — TO arms! — that all the regions beyond the
AUeganies recognized the well-known voice ;

13
A voice, the pledge of victory and safety,
Heard often'by hia countrymen ; with which.
The West — was most familiar.
The brave, by the instinct of patriotism, (a much
surer guide to duty, than federal logic,) were instantly
in motion. The expedition had sailed from England,
and was now traversing the Atlantic ; and the steady
gales were bringing it rapidly towards the American
coast. Dangers thickened, as the enemy approach
ed ; treason within, and a hostile army — at our gates !
To prevent a treacherous intercourse between the dis
affected, and the enemy, it became necessary to place
the City of New Orleans, under " martial law" — a
measure of fearful responsibility ; and Andrew Jack
son, with that unlimited devotion to Country, which
has signalised his whole career, did not hesitate to as
sume it. For this, he has been arraigned by the few,
at the bar of the many ; and it has been gravely said
by the godfathers of the Hartford Convention, and
the Washington Benevolent Society, (those standing
memorials of the patriotism of the aristocracy,) — that
the measure was — unconstitutional, " and that sort
o' thing!"
But these gentlemen seem to forget, or not to have
known — that the fundamental law of a State always
involves a tacit, but necessary principle, which is this,
that such a construction of it is never to be taken, as
would frustrate the end for which it is established —
the safety of the State. To argue, that the letter of
the Constitution is to prevail, though the State be lost,
would seem the quintessence of nonsense ! Gentle
men, I will not insult the understanding of my audi
ence, by stooping to debate so ridiculous a proposition !
The men who can seriously maintain it, must be fit

14
candidates for " depletion — a water-gruel diet — and a
straight jacket !"
Besides, Gentlemen, I do not relish — " mustard
efter dinner." This political indictment, preferred by
the FEW, has been tried by the many, and a verdict re
turned for the defendant — and judgment is entered up
on the verdict.
I Avill leave this question, then, for another of higher
pith, and intenser interest — whether the Cabinet of
London,' or our country was to give law on the other
side of the AUeganies f This great question Avas now
hastening to a decision — on wings. The English ex
pedition was now on our coast. The unprincipled
were calculating chances ; the wavering, waiting till
fortune had declared ; while the faction of the few,
(as usual,) were indulging in prophecies — ^predicting the
conquest of Louisiana — the disgrace of their country,
the triumph of England, and — the fall of the adminis
tration ! " Better to reign in Hell, than serve in Hea
ven !" — still the political axiom of the few.
The gallant Mississippians and Kentuckians and
Tennesseeans, guided by a noble instinct, (the love of
country, and glory,) were floating on the current of
the Mississippi.
Writers, on the subject of the emotions of the hu
man mind, — have spoken of the sublime of danger,
when the blood rushes impetuously from the heart to
the brain — paces back — then rallies again to the brain,
in quick succession.
Those will seize the idea, who have been awaked,
in a great city, by the cry of " fire !"— But the soldier
will best realise it, who has heard the midnight cry of
" Turn out ! turn out ! an alarm ! an alarm ! The
pickets are driven in ! The enemy advances ! — The at-

15
tack's begutn ! The troops who had torn the laurels
from the brows of the French marshals — were on the
eve of landing. Will posterity credit it ? — that only
fifteen hundred men, at this time, constituted our van
guard ? Our van-guard, did I say. Gentlemen ; it was
our whole army \
The time was amply perilous ; nor shall I be con
tradicted here, if I say, that Andrew Jackson was,
perhaps, the only man in this Nation capable of facing
it — with such a seemingly insignificant force !
Americans ;
" There is a tide in the affairs of men.
That, taken at the flood — leads on to glory j
Neglected, all the voyage of their lives
Is bound, in shallows, and in miseries."
In this very trying emergency, Andrew Jackson
found just such a field, as suited the intrinsic greatness
of his soul. He rises up, and reviews the little
band ; and through their ranks — " darts his experienc
ed eye.''' The Northern levies were now near, but
had not arrived. Every measure which liraited means,
but consummate ability could devise to save the city —
had been taken. The public anxiety was intense. —
Thanks to the Almighty ! The honor of our country
was in safe hands.
 " The storra of missive steel
Delug'd awhile, by wise coramand, fledg'd
Arrows on the nerves — and scimetar and sabre
Bore the sheath — reluctant."
At length, " the curtain is drawn — and the tragedy
opens," by landing a detachment of 3,000 of the enemy,
nine miles below the city. If the warlike Henry in
his eagerness to meet the French, in hostile play, com
plained,  " Of the tardy-gated night,
That like a foul and ugly witch — did limp
So tediously away," . : .s^

16
Andreav Jackson was not less impatient to try the
mettle ofa new enemy. Intelligence of the landing of
the British van-guard, reached the city by express, at
noon. Not an instant was to be lost. Every moment
teemed with danger. What ivas to be done ? Time
must be gained to wait the arrival of the militia levies,
to organize them — and to strengthen the defences of
the city. (It was the sine-qua-non of its safety,)
But, how eff'ect it ? There was but one way. The-
enemy must be deceived, with respect to our prepara
tion — our equipment — and, our numbers. But, could
a vigilant enemy be mislead ? Yes. And how ? By
such a daring attack upon his advanced guard, as An
drew Jackson, and the little band were alone capable
of executing : — in a word, by a profound impresssion
of what the spirit of America is capable — in arms, to
awe the enemy, to teach him circumspection — and by
the apparent confidence of a prompt assault,— to create
in him, a belief in matured preparation — and thus to re
tard all his future movements.
Here, Gentlemen, lay the only clue to final victory ;
and the genius of Jackson seized it — with intuitive
quickness. The enemy had landed his first detach
ment — ^^without artillery !
" Quem deus perdum vult — prius demental."
Celerity is a distinguished trait in the character of a
great captain, " Vertitur interea ccelum, et ruit occano no,
Involvens secum umbra magna, terranq : polumque,
Marmed enumque doles."
Early in the evening, the intrepid Patterson was or
dered to drop down the current of the Mississippi, in
the Carolina, and cast anchor apposite the enemy's en
campment, and at seven o'clock, to sweep his position,
with his artillery ; while Jackson, supported by the

17
fearless Coffee, at the head of 1500 men, (just half
the number of the enemy,) advanced to give him battle.
The commodore took his station as ordered — pro
ceeded leisurely to furl his sails, and prepared for the
warm business of the night. •*
There was something mysterious in the appearance
of this suspicious vessel, which soon drew the enemy's
attention. At first they supposed her one of the Brit-^
ish squadron whieh had passed Fort St. Phillip. They
next hailed her ; but receiAdng no answer, fired succes
sive voUies of musquetry into her, to induce her to
speak. The appearance of this mysterious something,
will recall to your recollection a passage of the Brit
ish bard ;
" Who, and what art thou — execrable shape !
That dar'st, though grim and terrible, advance
Thy miscreated front athwart my way ?"
At three quarters past six, " the dumb spake" ! ! ! (It
was the first answer the British obtained from that
suspicious sail.)
" Give 'em this — for the honor of America !" At
seven, the little band found itself on the skirt of the
enemy's position. Jackson led the attack on their
centre. Once more, we're in the tented field.
To men, such as I lead — a word suffices ;
" You are Americans ; no further speech
Is requisite, save. There's your Enemy.''
The charge was such as might have been expected —
impetuous ; victory had already declared for our coun
try, and the total destruction of the enemy was only
prevented by a dense and snAden fog from the river,
which distracted our movements. .^^
The little band slept on the field ! — ^The salutary
terror of that night, impressed by Andrew Jackson
on the leading detachment of the enemy, saved the city.
3

rs
The object Avhich genius and valor had conceived,
was gained. From the chivalrous spirit of that attack,
the enemy inferred that our numbers and discipline
were vastly superior to what they had supposed.
In this view of a great subject, you, Gentlemen, will
agree with me — that I cannot be mistaken. So deep
was the impression made by the first interview, that
the greatest caution and circumspection, (I had almost
said timidity,) distinguished all the subsequent move
ments of the invader.
Americans, the results of that night were incalcu
lable ; every thing wanted^was attained, and " a bond
taken of fate." The memorable Sth of January,
1815 — (a day that covered our country with imperish
able honor,) was a necessary consequence. England
reeled under the blows of the " orphan-boy."
Gentlemen, there are junctures in the affairs of
States — when inflexibility must bend. The memora
ble 8th dissolved the proudest dream, with which Eng
land had ever fed her luxuriant fancy — that of dissecting
the American Republic, by the AUeganies 1 But
the victory of New-Orleans did not bear exclusively
on ourforeign relations. It was a signal triumph of
the MANY over the intrigues of the few— of the de
mocracy over the aristocracy of the country— of virtue
over vice — of loyalty over political seduction.
The very rumor of it demolished the "Peace Soci
ety," '(moire appropriately called — a society for the pro
motion of submission ;) while the bare mention of it
sent the floating " ribands" of " the Washington Be
nevolent Society" to the winds. Confounded by the
triumph of the many, the few consented to a truce.
The copper-head uncoiled. Jackson had drawn his
fang.s, but had not extracted h\s poison ; and the reptile

19
crept to his den— to renew his teeth— to re-appear,
with the vernal sun,— and to bite.
The men who think the controversy between the few
and the many at an end, may very well have honest
hearts. The heart is not the seat of their errors ; the
seat of their .mistake is in the attic loft.
There is a radical difference between these orders
of men. Let us not deceive ourselves. .The aristoc
racy will never cordially approve our free institutions,
unless they possess all their honors and emoluments.
This is the sine-qua-non of their adhesion.
Their notion of right, is a right to govern ; and this
claim is no more than a legitimate corrollary, from their
doctrine of "exclusive q'ualifications .'" There are
some rights, however, which they are willing to con-
'' cede to the many ; such for instance, as the right of
bleeding for their country — that of dying on the field
of battle — and that of defending their princely palaces
and estates f
To the few, nothing is so alarming as personal mer
it. Their virtues are all in fee-tail, and descend as
heir-looms, with their inheritance ! Here we may
seize the clue to their measures, in the late Presidential
canvass. They dreaded a dangerous precedent ! and
what could be more dangerous, than that an orphan
bffy, without protection — without patronage—and with
out the aid of the great, should by dint of personal
raerit, rise to the highest pitch of political eralnence .''
The raost conspicuous trait in the contour of the
aristocracy, is their affected contempt of the Araerican
People. That the people are incapable of self-govern
ment, however plausibly the few raay disguise it, is,
nevertheless — their leading doctrine. Is theve a man

20
in this assembly who doubts it.? Doubt it, Gentle
men, he may as well doubt our existence.
But, as some may ask for a demonstration of a self-
evident proposition, I will pursue the topic, a moment.
I put the question then — how are we to resolve the
86 ballotings of the House of Representatives, in the
case of JJerson and Burr— -into any thing else, than
plenary proqf of the truth of my position ?
Did the Representatives of the People mistake the
public sentiment, and suppose the People intended
to introduce Col, Burr into the presidency, and Thomas
Jefferson into the vice-presidency ? — No man ever had
enough of effrontery, to pretend it ! Why the thirty-six
ballotings then ? Gentlemen, there can be but one
answer, — a party had been early organized under the
auspices qf thefirst Prinee of the house of Braintree,
the leading article of whose " creed" was — " that the
people ivere their own worst enemies .'" On no other
hypothesis can human ingenuity explain the reason of
the ". thirty-six ballotings ?"
Have the few abandoned the doctrine ? Nothing
like it. The fact to which I call your attention, is not
a piece of antiquity ; it happened but four years ago.
You all remember it. By the unbought and unsolicit
ed suffrages of the People, the name of Andrew
Jackson was returned to the House of Representa
tives, with a plurality of the Electoral Votes. Will
the few assert, that here was no index of the will of
the American People ? Why then, was the will of the
People disregarded ? The influence is irresistible.
According to the few, (I draw my conclusions from
their actions) the many have no will, or, if any, sub
ject to an insulting revision— in the Bureau of the
Aristocracy !

21
Gentlemen, it is time that this contempt of the Will
of tbe American Peoi:)le should cease — or be openly
avoived. If our RepresentatiAes hold this anti-repub
lican doctrine in action, let them hold it also, in words,
directly^^fearlessly — explicitly. The man who disre
gards the known will of his constituents is not their
Representative, To say it is a solecism in language —
a contradiction in terms !
He is their mis-representative. What are we then
to say of a House, (I will not say of Representatives,)
which, in open defiance of the People, actually, from
two candidates returned to it, selected the one who
brought the least evidence that he was the choice of
the American People ! ! !
Will.the faction of the few tell us, that the Consti
tution left the selection to the House of Representa
tives ? Such an answer were a subterfuge. Every
Constitution has its leiter, and its spirit ; nor is it less
criminal to violate the one— than the other.
Do you ask me, my inference from these Premises ?
It is this— that the election of the now Ex-President
was unconstitutional, and his acceptance of the Presi
dency a virtual usurpation. ,
If Mr. Adams could not resist this conclusion, and
was driven to a sort of apology, is it a matter of sur
prise, that the irapression on the minds of the People
was deep — " that somethihg was rotten in Denmark ?"
1 say nothing of a " great bargain," in which cer
tain " great personages" were said to have been con
cerned — nor of a supposed "treaty" for the maintain-
ance of " the line of safe precedents."
It is from an abhorence of the principle on which
Mr. Adams came into place, that I mingle my congrat
ulations, Gentlemen, with yours, on this anniversary

22
of the inauguration of Andreav Jackson. I regard
it as the commemoration of the triumph of princi
ples — as sacred as liberty, and — as eternal as justice.
I know well, that the faction of the few have fre
quently reproached one of the purest spirits that this
or any other country ever produced, for having said
" that he could not support such an Adrainistration,
although its measures were," (in effect,) irifinitely above
exception. The language of Col, Johnson might very
Avell have been too strong; but the sentiment was
American throughout. The few may affect to stare
at the declaration !
They do but affect. Why, Gentlemen, there' is not
a principled republican in the Union, who does not
hold the same doctrine. Because an usurper of our lib
erty is a mild master, are we therefore, to approve his
administration, and thereby strengthen his usurpation ?
" I'd sooner be a dog, and bay the moon,
Tban such a Roman."
Americans are not to hold their rights, by a tenure
like this. We must have other guaranties — than the
mild temper of " a pious prince." Fellow Citizens,
the anniversary we celebrate, opens a wide field for
reflection. Neither a Chatham nor a Burke could do
the occasion justice. Itis not from any idle convic
tion of any ability of my own, that I have ventured to
address you. I feel my incapacity, too sensibly. My
sickle is not fit for such a field as this. If I have tax
ed your good nature, too severely, you will do rae the
justice to ascribe it, in part — to the indiscreet partiality
of ray friends.
Thus far, Gentlemen, I have sketched a conscise
yiew of the rise and progress of the great struggle be
tween the restless and aspiring few — and the many ;

23
with what fidelity, I leave it with my audience to de
termine. The democracy of the country has, a second time,
repressed the rising hopes of the aristocracy. But, let
us not deceive ourselves. (" A Turk gives one scratch
with his sabre — after he is dead .'"
Vigilance only can secme A^'hatyirtue has achieved.
I rememBei:"a very" good maxim ; (you will find it in
Count Suvaroff— " discourse under the trigger ;")—
" Union is strength and a half." In a contest for prin
ciples, no " amalgamation," Gentlemen.
If the faction of the few will return to the doctrines
of the American Revolution, — we will receive them ;
and here permit me to remark, that it would have giv
en me a heart-felt pleasure, on this occasion, to have
raet with a greater number of our late political breth
ren, with whom, on former occasions, we have been
in the habit of mingling sentiraents, — and thus swel
ling the comraon current of rautual congratulation.
And I flatter myself, I express no more than the feel
ings of my audience, when I affirm — that they would
have been welcomed with a cordiality which would
have convinced thera — that, though " estranged for a
moment," we were still held together, by the indisolu-
able bond of a comraon detestation of — despotic prin
ciples. Gentlemen, I proceed. At a late commemoration
pf the " victory of New-Orleans," in a neighbouring
village, — (it was, if I rightly remeraber — " at the meet
ing of the glorious 43 ;") I had the honor to predict —
" that the Check drawn by Andrew Jackson, upon
the American People, on the ever memorable Sth of
January, 1815 — would be duly honored." In ventur
ing that prediction, I counted on the imposing merits
of our candidate, and upon the general intelligence

24
and spirit of our country, and here, suffer me to con
gratulate you, on the unexampled energy with which
the People have fulfilled my Prediction.
I need not apprize such an audience as this — that
the struggle involved in it a transcendent interest ; it
was nothing less, than — whether the cabinet, or the
People who made the cabinet, were to give us a
President .''
Americans, in the elevation of Andrew Jackson
(once an " orphan hoy,") to the highest office in your
gift, you have sanctioned a noble principle ; and it
is this, — that in this Republic, there is no man, who to
great virtues, unites splendid abilities, who raay not
attain the highest honors, by your unpurchased suffrar
ges : — a prerogative, Gentlemen, truly American, and
for the participation of which, there are thousands of
brave spirits in Europe — who would " pour out their
blood — like water." But our conquest has cost us
toil. (What boon can we gain, without it ?) The ar
ray of the Few against the candidate of the Many, was
asformidable as it was unprincipled.
Distrusting their strength, in this war between the
Cabinet and the People, the few availed themselves of
stratagem— ^nd sprung their mines ! Masters of near
ly all the presses in this section of the country, the
friends of liberty could find no avenue to the public
mind ; the few had sealed it — hermetically.
The Opposition — (so I call the partisans of the late
adrainistration ;) for who, but an arrogant aristocracy
could have ever rallied enough of impudence, to call
the majority of the People by that narae .'' The Op
position, (I say it emphatically,) adopted a very extra
ordinary policy to expel the People's Candidate from
the lodgement he had made in the confidence of his
£!auntry ! It was literally a war of ambush. We

25
felt the hatchet, but the liand Avas for the raost part
unseen. The first blow of the few, (the Lord help our chiv
alry !) was aimed at a Womaj^ ! ! ! I read your indig
nation in your eyes ! But, pardon me, it was not my
intention To stir the latent embers of your rage ;
(" The men who have done this — are honorable .'")
Why, Gentlemen, you must at least knew this,
(since they themselves have frequently proclaimed it,)
that they — "for life" — ^for " term of years" or, " in
fee-tail," do hold, by Federal tenure, all the " virtue,"
"wealth" — " talents"— anA "respectability" and " dig
nity," of this our nation, and, (to cap the climax,)
all the " religion" too I
" Bear with me," Gentleraen ;
stern even-handed justice must not wrong
An enem-y. Besides, it may be argued,
Witb some small shew of probability ;
That their bewildered fancies did mistake
The People's Candidate — (taking the Lady
For the lady's husband .')
But I have neither leisure nor inclination, to pass in
review the long catalogue of Federal reasons, why
the man who defended, should not be called to preside
over the free institutions of his Country ? " It would
tire the loquacity of a Fabius." I owe it however, to
common politeness, to notice some of them.
First, then, Andrew Jackson does not possess the
requisite qualifications — has never been abroad ; (ex
cept in pursuit of the eneraies of his country) nor has
he ever " danced attendance," in the anti-chambers of
Princes ; nor is he profoundly versed in — " Ho tamicts,
tou tamiou ;" nor in — " Hic, hac, hoc!"
(" Themistocles knew how to defend a city, but did
§iot know how to fiddle.") Second, Andrew Jack-
4.

26
SON possesses a deep tincture of " cruelty," and has
treated those mild and benevolent, and humane tenants
of our forests, (the Indians) very unpolitely, and in
that particular, has violated all the xxAes of good breed
ing ! It is admitted, that the " tomahawk and scalp
ing-knife" gentry are under no very great obligations
to the General.
Third. Andrew Jackson executed Ambrister and
Arbuthnot : — and, Gentlemen, the candidate of the
few — the acquiescence of the British Cabinet — and
the law of nations, conclusively justified their execu
tion. If the enemies of Andrew Jackson, " hear
not MOSEs" — (Moses Q. Adams,) " neither would they
be persuaded though one rose from the dead !
Fourth. Andrew Jackson threatened to drag an
American Senator from his seat — in the very " Temple
of Liberty," and to chastise him for words used — m
debate !
I remeraber Gentlemen of hearing ofa "tinpedlar"
who sold a very curious and inquisitive " old lady," a
book, purporting to be " a dead man's speech." (It
was a bl^nk-book.) On discovering it, the " good lady'*
complained " that there was nothing in it !" True,
rejoined the " tin vender," he said nothing."
Fifth. Andreav Jackson executed the "six mi
litia men." The burthen of this very serious charge,
(if I rightly comprehend it,) is this ;— that such an act
of rigor goes to the radical subversion of all military
discipline, and is corapletely destructive of the virtue
of desertion.
Sixth. Andrew Jackson treated a Federal saint,
{St. Dominic,") with irreligious rudeness, in his oton
church! The General's zn^eniion was upright; his
view was to prevent the introduction of an English
Episcopalian into the Diocese. -''

27
7th. Andrew J ackson is " a military chieftain" 
dangerous to reward " military chieftains .'" A very
sagacious charge ! The business of a soldier, in a
Republic, according to the " well-born," is only — to
Meed. To meet an enemy gallantly, creates " ipso
facto," a disqualification for the honors and emoluraents
of the Civil Department! Those who are willing to
bleed, on these terms — " let 'em."
Eighth. I fear, Gentlemen, I raay trespass on your
patience ; but I must throw myself on your indulgence,
and proceed to the eighth specification. Andrew Jack
son has demolished that " stupendous monument" of
the concentrated wisdom of the feav — :the W. B, So
ciety ! It is no more than justice to admit that " the
Sth of January" was a serious day to the " concern,"
and that it wholly annihilated the " riband trade."
" But yesterday, the narae of " peter Washington,"*
The " saint" of that soeiety, had stood
Against — the worlu. Now lies he low.
And none so poor to do him reverence .'
Oh Masters !"
* Note. It is hardly necessary to inform the readers of history, that
«very nation has something inexplicably mysterious in its Annals. The
French have their " Homme au masque de Fer," (" the man with the
Iron Mask,") — the English their " Perkin Warbeck," and the Ameri
cans, their "peter Washington .'" In Araerica, "peter" was little less
adroit than " Perkin Warbeck" in England. Both atterapted to
personify illustrious personages. Such was the tact of "peter Wash
ington" that, however incredible it may appear, he succeeded, for a.
considerable time, in palming himself upon a very "discerning" por
tion of the American People, as no less a personage than the celebrated
George AVashington — the iraraortal Father of his country !
He provided himself with a whole Edition of George Washington's
" Farjswell Address," and so inimitably did he manage, as to convince,
even his "shrewdest" partisans, that if he was not the identical
George Ay'ASHiNGTON, he wasnot (to saythe least of it,) his in/eWor.'
So perfectly was "peter" the master of the " Robe" he had resolved
" to play," that, although he actually instituted an " erder of nobility"

28
Ninth. Andrew Jackson blew the Hartford Con
vention "sky high." Ofthis " Hartford Convention,"
Gentlemen, I shall say nothing. I do not wish to be
the herald of my country's dishonor.
and distributed his " ribands," his retainers never for a moment enter
tained a doubt of his "republicanism !"
But bis adventures were not more mysterious than his exit ! He had
just dispatched his plenipotentiaries, to reside " near the Government of
the United States," when intelligence was received at his " Court, '^
that Andrew Jackson had vanquished his "allies," in the memora
ble battle of the Sth of January. The news is said to have been imme
diately /a(aZ ; and his " demise" is still involved in the deepest obscu
rity ; and which no historical industry has hitherto been able to dispel.
The most probable account of his exit is as foUows. Upon the exam
ination of his body, his retainers discovered him to be " defunct ;" and,
as he was " a rare character," and the world was not likely " to see
his like again," it seemed " the better opinion," that his body should
be " kept in state."
On the evening of his decease, by some unaccountable fatality,
(whether it was owing to a deficiency in loyalty, or f o some other less
censurable cause, historians have not been able to determine,) the body
was left for the night, (but under " lock and key,") in an apartment of
his Palace. On repairing thither, at an early hour in the morning, the
door of the apartment was found " locked," as it had been left ; but on
opening and entering, the body was " missing !" Conjectures, as
raay readily be supposed, were busy in accounting for the absence of the
" corpse," hut nothing satisf actory wns discovered until on a " courtier"
(putting his thumb and fore-finger to his nose) took occasion to remark,
that he thffught he smelt " sulphur!" Upon which, a very general
" smelling"' ani " snuffing" ensued ; when it became extremely proba
ble, (by the corroborating evidence of noses,) that there had been "foul
play !"
On a subject of such extreme " delicacy," as the exit ofthe " tutela
ry saint" of " the W. B. S." opinions are not to be sported lightly. It
is however, pretty generally believed, upon the strength of historical
conjecture, resting on the well authenticated fact of the remains of
" sulphur" in "peter' s" apartment — that the D  1 availing himself
of the absence of " pcter's" disciples, " feloniously took and carried
away" the body of the "defunct!" This much, however, is certain,
that he could not have been carried " through the side of the house,"
as the ceiling was observed to be entire. Hence the belief has become
nearly universal, that the D  1 in bearing away the " body," must
liavc carried it " up chimney."

29
But there is another charge, in the dark catalogue of
the political " misdemeanors" of Andrew Jackson,wh\ch
involves in it the accuraulated turpitude of all the rest.
The aristocracy had confidently predicted the inevitable
disgrace of America, in her war with England.
The man who foretells mischief, very naturally
wishes for its arrival ; and the reason is obvious. The
reputation of his prophetical infallibility is at stake.
Now it is nearly superfluous to reraind the audience
I address — that Andrew Jackson, taking counsel only
(under God,) of his own great and intrepid soul, and
poising himself on the pivot of his natural energy, on
the ever-memorable Sth of January, 1815 — confounded
forever, both the "prediction," and the "prophets !"
" If the offence be rank, and smell to Heaven,
And hath the primal, eldest curse of Heaven
Upon it,"
The more scope, Gentlemen, for the exercise of the
generous virtue of forgiveness. Do the enemies of
" the defender of his Country" ask for precedents of
the exercise of this virtue, in similar cases ? History
is full of them. We are told, that the Lacedemonians
did not scruple to pardon Leonidas the " misdemeanor"
of dying for his country at the straits of Thermopylee.
Nor did the Athenians, (the inventors of the ostra
cism, and proverbial for their jealousy of their great
men,) hesitate to forgive Miltiades the offence of lead
ing the 10,000 to victory and glory ; and the Romans
(those haughty masters of the world,) were still more
indulgent ; and so far were they from punishing their
Generals for beating the enemy — that, in the case of
the unfortunate Cato, they came near thanking him
for getting beat ; and only because he did hot despair
of the Commonwealth ! Nor are these instances of
national moderation limited to the Greeks and Roraans.

30
Similar instances of indulgence^may be gleaned froin
modern history. ^
Why Gentlemen, I have never heard, that in the
very cradle of arbitrary principles in the domains of
the Merovingians, the Carlovingians, and Carpetians,
forgiveness was not extended to Charles Martel, who
overthrew the ancient Saracens, as signally as AndrcAV
Jackson did the raodern. But why refer the few to
foreign precedents ? We have thera at home.. Did
the American People punish Washington, for the
" misdemeanor" of having made the person and army
of the subsequent " conqueror of India," his prisoners,
by the penalty of a perpetual disqualification to serve
his country in the Cabinet ?
I lay peculiar stress upon the last precedent — stnce
the offence, was of a very flagrant description— being
coraraitted against the person and dignity of a lord!
That General Jackson may have erred, (like the
great raen I have raentioned,) is not to be disputed. —
Be it so ; it only opens a raore glorious field, in which
the FEW may display the virtue to which I have ad
verted. Fellow Citizens ; a word more and 1 will con
clude. If, (I borrow the language of Edmund Burke,)
" on the slightest affront" to a proffligate " Marie An-
toniette — a thousand swords would have leaped in
stinctively from their scabbards," can Araericans pos
sess so little of honor, of virtue and of chivalry, as to
forget, amidst the festivities of the day, to drop one
tributary tear to the memory of a woman, on whose
character a higher eulogium cannot be passed — than,
that for "forty years" she possessed the entire affec
tion and confidence of Andrew Jackson.

31
May He, who " weighs the Empires in a balance,'^
igipire the President with prudence— our Councils
Avith wisdom— the People with vigilance— and grant
stability and perpetuity to our free institutions ; and
may our watch-word be " God, our Country, and our
Constitution." Gentlemen, I reiterate my congratulations, and
thank you for your attention. I am not ignorant of the
cause of it. I am sensible it has proceeded rather
from your accustomed politmess, "than from any merit
in my very poor remarks. '

1- 'ilirMi'! = rfiiil

>' ' ii. i