YAIE UNIVEHSITY UBB*R''

A brief Memo IE of tlio life and
revolutionarv nervlces, of
Majoi William Haz^ard Wig?;,
v/asliinTt'Oj.,l^t'-''

Cb2E.4-lo

"Igu/t t&ffe Bsaks
j ffrthe f9Mn£ag of a. Coltt^ in. ifd^_Coloit^"_

Bought with the income
ofthe
James Dwight Fund

INTRODUCTORY.

Up to the latest moment of time, which the convenience of
the publisher and the necessity of publishing permitted, the
Memorialist fostered the hope and expectation, of receiving a
preface, from the pen of W. Gilmore Simms, Esq., L. L. D.,
the historian of South Carolina. The foundation of this hope,
rested upon the following extract from a private letter, which he
had the honor of receiving from that distinguished -writer and gen
tleman, under date of the 24th of August last : —
" Believe me, my dear sir, I should be most happy to assist
you in your effort, and quite pleased to revise your memoir —
provided you are willing to wait on me. But I am now driven
by my publishers ; and engaged in revising, and rewriting, my
History of South Carolina, which we must have printed by the
first of October : and am busy besides, in contributions to the
American Cyclopaedia, which cannot wait when the alphabet calls.
If you -will take your chance, and can wait, I will cheerfully
examine and revise your manuscript. Should you need illus
tration of any one point, I may suggest the clue."
Fresh from the field of his professional labor, Mr. Simms,
is eminently and particularly well qualified to decide all
questions relating to the Revolutionary policy, and practice
of his native State; and hence, the extreme desire of the
Memorialist, to make use of his valuable services. Availing
himself, therefore, of this friendly, and courteous permission,
he forwarded to Mr. Simms, the proof sheets, as soon as they
could be made ready ; but he regrets to say, that up to this time,
(the latest to ¦which the press-work can be delayed,) he has re
ceived no communication in reply ; and is constrained to believe,
that uncontrolable circumstances have occurred, to defeat the
generous, and friendly intentions so promptly expressed ; and
to disappoint the earnest wishes of the Memorialist, who is
fully sensible ofthe great weight, which would have been added
to his narrative, from an endorsement of its historical fidelity by
such high authority. He possesses the satisfaction, however,
of being able to present the opinion of Mr. Simms, taken
from another letter of the date of the 12th of November last,
upon the point, whether or not the discrimination, between the
Continental, and the Militia officers, which is alleged, in the
course of this memoir, to have existed under the treaty for the
' capitulation of the city of Charleston in 1780, is an established
fact of history .'' Mr. Simms says, in the extract alluded to : —
" The different treatment of Continentals, or Regulars, and that
'¦.1 - T»_.i;.,.,„ Militia, was proverbial."

ir

The important bearing of this fact, upon the theory, which
it is the design of this memoir to establish, as the foundation of
the validity ofthe claim, based upon it, cannot be overstated ;
and consequently, it is a cause of congratulation to the Memorial
ist, that the evidences on that point, previously adduced in
the text, is now reinforced so clearly, and conclusively, and by
such high authority. In this connection it cannot be too strenu
ously insisted upon, or too often repeated, that the 'cr.,!avij^ul
discrimination between classes of the besieged army of
Charleston, in 1780, directiy and indirec^'y, led to con
sequences which produced not only the pecuniaiy misfortune,
and personal sufferings of the subject of this memcir, but also
involved in destruction th-.z lives, da large class of as brave men,
and as illustriovs pai-.ioU, as any, f^ho wero engaged in the
achievement of tfca Indepondaxe of. hi Ur.It-d Ctates.
It is perhaps an oversiH.'^i" thecompilaticin of this memoir, that
the hardships, privation.';, ai^d persecutions, leading to death in
such a large number of cases, was not longer dwalt upon, and
painted in stronger colors, for, such treatment cf prisoners is cer
tainly without a parallel, ii^ the history of the r*.evoiution, or of
modem warf::;e. The vanton exposure of prisoners of war,
entitled to parole and protection, under tLs sacrad guaranty of
a treaty of capitulation, to the infection of ihe small pox* as
a means of seducing them from their allegiance to iaz'r country,
involves ideas of turpitude and bErbEiity, on tlie pari of the
British Nation, scarcely credible. Yet, such exposure is attested
upon highest authority ; while i-n another instance, one Captain
Bocquet, j- having the yellow fzver upon him, T-as placed in a
smr-il open boat, by himself, and anchored Ie iLo river; and
, there forced to remain, entirely exposed, from the riling to tlie
setting of the sun upon a summer day, ia thr.t \i^\i latitude.
The filemorialist cannot part from his woi!:, (wLica, brief as
it is, has occupied so much time, aud occcisioned 'to hiji
such labor, and anxiety,) without reluctance. Yet, ha
commits it to its fortune, with the consciousness, that in its
compilation, he has sedulously striven after the attainment
of truth; and it only. That he is the representative of a clear
a just, a lawful, and an honorable claim upon the Govern
ment of the United States, he unwaveringly believes ; and that
belief stimulates him to e:^pend ail the er gies of his mind
upon the diligent pursuit 0/ it to the end, ;if. the noblesi labor
of his life.
vr. H. w.
* Ramsay's History ofthe devolution in South Carolina, vol,
2, page 530.
t ILid, page 531,

MEMOIR.

Inservio virtutis anrorum praemium.

Major William Hazzard Wigg, the subject of this
memoir, and the grandsire of the memorialist, was born in the
town of Beaufort, in the then colony of South Carolina, on the
24th of November, in the year 1746. His ancestors emigrated
from England, amongst the earliest settlers of the country.
At the commencement of the Revolutionary struggle, Major
Wigg, then in the prime of life, received the commission of a
captain of cavalry, in the militia service of South Carolina. He
enjoyed all the advantages of talents, education, fortune, and
social position which were requisite to give weight and in
fluence to his services in the cause which he had embraced.
He entered upon the war with characteristic energy, and dis
charged the various duties of his position with zeal, fidelity,
and devotion.
The first military service of any magnitude, upon which it is
kno.wn he was engaged, was under General Howe, of North
Carolina, who, in the summer of 1778, led the disasterous ex
pedition of the Southern Army into the territory of East Florida,
whence less than a third part of his brave troops ever returned.
In the next year, we find him serving under General Lincoln, '
upon the Savannah River. He was also present at the battle
(or, more properly skirmish,) of Coosahatchie, (or Tulifinni,
as it is sometimes called :) at the battle of Stono : at the siege
of Savannah ; and finally, at the siege of the City of Charles
ton, which capitulated to the enemy on the 12th of May, 1780,
where his military services in the field were concluded ; for
upon that occasion, he was surrendered, together with the

whole of the Araerican Army, prisoners of war ; in which con
dition he remained, varied only in manner, as will be hereafter
related, until triumph finally crowned the heroic struggle of the
Colonies. Besides these several services,* which of themselves, judging
from their respective dates and localities, must have kept Major
Wigg continuously employed, from the commencement of the
war up to the period of his captivity, he is believed to have
taken part in many, if not all, of the numerous conflicts that
occurred upon the seaboard of South Carolina, and which ha.s
given a distinctive character to the war into which the country
was plunged. The long line of undefended southern sea coast,
in both of the Anglo-American wars, afforded advantages to
the assailants, which, in neither, were neglected : — hence the
large number of, (so to speak,) amphibious affairs, or battles,
partly upon land, and partly upon the water, which charac
terized both of those wars.
One of the most remarkable of such conflicts, was the aquatic
expedition of a party of landsmen, fitted out jointly by citizens
of Beaufort and Savannah, having for its object the capture of
a ship laden with gunpowder, and destined for the use of the
enemy at the latter place. The expedition encountered the ship
at sea, just beyond the bar ofthe Savannah river, and was fully
successful in its object. A portion of the gunpowder then cap
tured, is believed to have been the same which was subse
quently forwarded to Boston, and expended by the Americans
at the battle of Bunker's Hill.f
Major Wigg is traditionally represented, (unfortunately the
fame of South Carolina Revolutionary heroes depends, mainly
upon narratives of tradition,) as having been one of the bravest
* See Appendix, note 1.
fThe Carolinians, on the occasion, were commanded by
Captains Barnwell and Joyner, and the Georgians by Captains
Brown and Joseph Habersham. The vessel in sight proved to
be a ship homeward bound, commanded by Captain Montague
and no sooner was the Colonial schooner discovered, than
guessing the design, the ship tacked and stood to sea. The
schooner, however, pursued, and brought her to, and with the
assistance of the Carolina party and their barges, boarded her
and secured their prize. ****!„ jj^g distribution of
the powder, Carolina obtained about 7,000 pounds and Georgia
about 9,000 pounds. — Drayton's Memoirs, vol. 2, page 271.

©f men; and he is also remembered as one of the most
impulsive, uncompromising, and self-sacrificing, patriots of
the illustrious age in which he lived. The love of country,
was one of the cherished sentiments of his mind, and the
achievement of the freedom, and independence of his country
was, in his estimation, the great mission of his life: — hence, no
sacrifices could deter, no labors could discourage, and no dangers
could dismay him. He freely periled life and fortune upon the
cause of his affections, and joyfully met the hazard w^hich
brought success to it, although attended by fatal consequences
to hims«lf.
At the battle of Coosahatchie, it is related, upon the authority
ofthe historian. Garden,* that Major Wigg saved the life ofthe
wounded American commander. Colonel John Laurens, (the
same whose portrait, at the side of that of Alexander Hamilton,
now adorns the rotunda of the Capitol,) by bearing him to a
place of safety in the rear ; and in tradition, it is further related
of him, that upon returning to the field of battle, he met the
American troops upon the retreat. From them he learned that
the enemy were victorious : — were then advancing : — had made
several prisoners, and that amongst the number was a near
relative, and highly valued personal friend of his own.
Upon receiving this intelligence. Major Wigg immediately
resolved to attempt the rescue of his friend. For this purpose
he selected a suitable place, at the side of the high way over
which the enemy would be compelled to pass, and placing him
self in ambush, he quietly awaited the coming up ofthe British
Army, consisting of four thousand troops, and a body of Indian,
and Tory allies, under General Provost, destined for an
assault upon Charleston. | Allowing the advance guard to
pass by, as soon as the prisoners came up in front of his

* At Coosahatchie, in defending the pass, with a handful of
men against the whole force of Provost's army, he was again
wounded, and probably indebted to the gallantry of Captain
Wigg for the preservation of his life. — Garden's Anecdotes,
article, Laurens, Series 1.
t Battle of Coosahatchie * * * May 5th, 1779, * * *
Enemy 4,000, * * * under General Provost, * * *
Americans, a few Continentals, * * and a small body of
militia, * * Lieut. Col. John Laurens, commanding, * *
to check the enemy at the river, * * Laurens wounded. —
Mtesfrom Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. 1, page 407.

place of concealment, he singled out his relative, dashed
suddenly into the midst of them, seized him, placed him
upon the saddle before him, and escaped, under cover of the
evening twilight, into the deeper shade of the adjacent swamp,
followed by the harmless vollies of the startled, and amazed
guards. This memoir might be extended indefinitely, with such remi
niscences, but the design of the narrative is conciseness,
while brevity, is a controling necessity. Hence, one other'
anecdote, of like nature to the one just related, shall
suffice. — It is related of Major Wigg, that on another occa
sion, while the bearer of despatches, upon arriving at the public
ferry on the Port Royal River, he found at hand no means of
crossing, but sooner than submit to any delay upon his im
portant errand, he swam over on horseback. The Port Royal
River is a deep, rapid and turbulent arm of the ocean, where
the swiftness ofthe current, and the ferocity ofthe terrible shark,
have proved suflicient, in all time past, to deter every other
man from the same fearful exploit.*
*I have heard the tradition in relation to Major Wigg's
having rescued a friend, or relative, from the British forces
during the Revolutionary war, who had been taken prisoner at
the battle of Coosahatchie. John Colcock.
Charleston, Oct. 28, 1859. Also —
Beaufort, S. C, Oct. 29, 1859.
Dkar Sir: — I received yours some time since, and would
have replied before but for the following reason : I had an in
terview with Joe, and endeavored to obtain from him the infor
mation necessary, but all that could be got from him was, that
his old master, he always heard, was very brave, and that he
performed several daring feats during the war. He could re
collect nothing as to any particular act ; nor anything regarding
the rescue of Mr. Cuthbert. So that, finding he could testify
to no tradition, relative to him (Mr. C.,) I determined to wait
before replying to your letter, in order to enquire further. I
learn from Mr. G. B. Cuthbert, that the tradition in his family
(the circumstances of which he has often heard his grandmother
relate,) is to this effect, that during the war Major Wigg swam
his horse over Port Royal Ferry, and single-handed rescued
from a party of British one Colonel Laurence, (or Laurens,) who
was a most intimate friend of Major W., and escaped, through
a heavy fire, to the American camp. Mr. C. is positive that

., These traditional reminiscences of Major Wigg's character
istic daring and intrepidity, are introduced into this memoir,
for the purpose of illustrating that he was habitually, in
fluenced by a reckless contempt of danger, no matter in what
form appearing, and by the loftiest instincts, of a brave, gener
ous, and chivalrous disposition.
The rescue, single-handed, during the hours of day-time, of
a prisoner, out of the heart of a victorious army, while upon its
march, and consequently prepared for all surprises, and to bear
him off in triumph, and unscathed, from under the very muzzles
pf their muskets, is unquestionably an action of successful
temerity, scarcely realizable, and unsurpassed by any of the
romantic legends of that eventful war.
In the year 1780, the fourth year of the Revolution, it
is well known to readers of history, that the zeal with
which the conflict had been waged, on the part of the
Americans, up to that period, had sensibly diminished, all
over the confederacy, under the pressure of adverse circum
stances, and the severe disasters which had latterly attended
their arms. As well at the North, as at the South, the face
of -affairs wore the same gloomy, and inauspicious fore-
shadowings of the future. All their late military enterprizes
had been attended with disaster, or equivocal advantages only ;
while the inability of Congress any longer to supply the sinews
of war, or to mitigate the public embarrassments, seemed
ominous of evil. At the South especially, (which had now,
in its turn, been made the point of concentrated attack,) the
failure, of the combined Franco-American forces, to expel the
eneray from their stronghold at Savannah, had served to emas-

the prisoner was Laurence. However, from that and other
statements, I have no doubt of the tradition existing, that there
was a rescue made by Major Wigg, single-handed, of a prisoner
in the hands ofthe British (either Cuthbert, or Laurence,) under
circumstances requiring the utmost bravery and coolness. I
have been at some pains to inquire into this, and believe that,
as I said before, the tradition does exist.
Yours, very respectfully, W. J. D'Treville.
P. S. — Dear Sir : I regret that I could not get any more in
formation than the above : — -have questioned several of the
oldest inhabitants about Major Wigg, but have only heard that
he was a very brave man, and distinguished himself in the war,
but no particular actions except as above. W. J. D'T.

6
culate the energies of the people, and measurably, to quell the
moral power of resistance.
It was at this particular juncture of affairs when Sir Henry
Clinton,* at the head of one ofthe most numerous, and best ap
pointed armies which had ever displayed its colors upon this
continent, debarked within thirty miles of Charleston, and pro
ceeded to lay siege to that vulnerable city.
In the emergency of the moment, John Rutledge, the Gov
ernor and Dictator,! finding the State thrown entirely
upon her own resources to repel the invasion, issued his proc
lamation, commanding the whole force of the militia to repair to
the city for its defence. This command a large number ofthe
people, disheartened by late reverses, doubtful of the policy of
exhausting the already impaired resources of the State, in the
defence of a single point, and for other reasons ably discussed,
and explained by Mr. Simms in his recent history of the State, |
were not disposed to obey, but were intent rather upon private
ineasures of defence, and safety, than upon making preparations
to carry on, what was so generally considered, an ill-advised
siege. Happily, there was a class of her sons of a different
* The Royal Army destined for the reduction of Charleston,
embarked at New York on the 26th of December, 1779. They
had a tedious and a difficult passage, in which they sustained
great damage. This, with touching at Savannah, made it as
late as the llth of February, 1780, before they landed at a dis
tance of thirty miles from Charleston. — Ramsay's Hist. Rev. in
S. C.,vol. 2, pp. 47-48.
! See Appendix, note 2.
if History of South Carolina, by William Gilmore Simms, New
York, 1860, page 242.
Mr. Simms, in his recent history, has corrected some of the
errors of the preceding historians, by explaining very clearly
and reasonably the causes which produced the backwardness of
the people in coming to the defence of Charleston in 1780.
Amongst other reasons, he says "they were unwilling to leave
their plantations unprotected,>and have always been particularly
averse to being cooped up in a besieged town at a season of
the year when the seaboard cities are particularly liable to
deseases. They dreaded the small-pox and yellow fever with
a mortal apprehension." The memorialist regrets that the late
publication of this valuable, and interesting work, which goes
far to supply the deficiencies of South Carolina history, de
prived him of the earlier use of it. — W. H. W.

teraper. These brave men, whose bosoms, burning with the fires
of patriotism, and whose ambition, restricted to the single
object of independence, knew no alternative but triumph, or the
embrace of death. This class flocked to the scene of honor
and danger, unseduced by the flattering proclamations of the
enemy, (which held out to them peace, and safety under
the Royal banner,) and unappalled by gathering perils.
Leaving all that was dear to them, their wives, their children,
and their property, far behind them, in their unprotected
country homes, under the stewardship of their slaves, with
minds alive to the full perils of their situation, they hastened
to the city, to encounter, in unequal strife, the haughty co
horts ofthe foe. History has been unfaithful to the memory of
these brave men, and posterity, ignorant of their virtues, has
exhibited no just appreciation ofthe high example, which they
have bequeathed to mankind. Nor to them only, but also to
the land of their birth, has injustice been done, in the great
tribunal of history; for while the unhallowed tongue of slander,
in late years, has ruthlessly assailed the Revolutionary fame
of South Carolina, the facts of her'career, truly and fully elicited,
will show, that no one ofthe Old Thirteen Colonies performed
better, or suffered more severely, in the war of the Revolution,
than herself.* From causes easily understood, Iroin first to last,
her Tories, in numbers, in wealth, and in influence, were nearly,
or quite, the equals of her Whig, or Patriot citizens. Hence,
there was an unrelaxed, and a ferocious war waged between
these two factions, which was far more bitter and exhausting,
than was experienced in any of the other States. Their
battlefields cover over her territory, and to this day, every
ancient landmark, has its romantic legend of blood and violence.
Her Tories moved not about stealthily, in the hours of
darkness, like the Tories of other States, but they banded to
gether in large, organized, and disciplined bodies, and marched,
and countermarched, with banners streaming, and in the broad
glare of the sun. The "Bloody Scouts," were the equals of
any similar troops which ever existed ; while her Robinsons,
her McGirths, and her Cunninghams have left behind, a terrible

* It has been computed by good judges, that between the year
1775 and 178J, the State of South Carolina was deprived of
negroes to the amount of twenty-five tkoasaad. -^Rams ai/' s Hist.
Hov. in S. C, vol. 2, page 384,

8
and a bloody fame. The foreign foe, was ever the feeblest
enemy, with whom the Revolutionary Patriots of South Caro
lina had to contend.*
This class of men — the Country Militia — who so readily and
cheerfully repaired to the city for its defence, at the period of
which we are speaking, had nothing to gain to themselves,
but every thing to lose. It was in the darkest hour of the
Revolution, and at a time when the general lukewarmness
of the people rendered obedience to the proclamation of the
the Dictator, less easy, and far more dangerous, than disobedi
ence would have been. Yet they came, willingly, readily,
and recklessly came, under the sole promptings, of exalted
sentiments of patriotism. Of this Spartan band, of whom we
are speaking, the subject of this memoir was one individual.
Making such provision for the safety of his family, and the
preservation of his property, as circumstances permitted,
(but which the sequel will show was wholly inadequate,) he
manfully girded on his sword, and hastened to his post. He
left his wife and children, in the enjoyment of affluence and
comfort. When next he embraced them, after years of toil and
hardships, they were in poverty and distress. He left his broad
fields, teeming under the nursing of his judicious care. He
never more beheld them with mortal eyes, save only the rem
nant thereof, which man's rapacity could not distrain. He
came to the city, a single-handed volunteer, attended only by
one faithful servant. In that season of profound despondency
he found himself powerless to persuade those, whom he had
* In consequence of these civil wars between the Whigs and
Tories — the incursions ofthe savages, and the other calamities
resulting from the operations of the British and American
armies, South Carolina exhibited scenes of distress which were
shocking to humanity. * * Mr. Tonyn, Governor of the
last mentioned -province, granted a commission to a horse-thief
ofthe name of McGirth, who, at the head of a party, had for
several years harrassed the inhabitants of South Carolina and
Georgia. — Ramsay's Hist. Rev. in S. C, vol. 2, pp. 275-277
Also —
Among the most active of these parties was the " Bloody
Scouts," under the notorious "Bill Cunningham." They
hovered around the American camp like vultures, and picked
off parties in detail — Lossing's Field Book, (Congress Library )
vol. 2, page 692. "'''

9
often before, commanded to follow. He found his influence
with his friends and neighbors, insufficient to break the fetters,
which doubts, and despondency, had fastened upon their minds.
Attended only by his servant,* {Robin, the faithful slave, who
was the companion of all of his Revolutionary dangers and es
capes,) he arrived in the city, and forthwith, at the side of Robin,
by day and by night, in the midst of the missiles of death, he
toiled, with mattock and spade, upon the earthworks of defence,
— those broad mounds, and deep trenches, which remain to this
hour, the honorable monuments of the hardy enterprise, and pa
tient labors, of the chivalry of South Carolina, " in the times
which tried men's souls."
The siege of the city progressed, during several weeks, at
tended with all the varying vicissitudes of war, until at length
proposals for surrender were tendered, discussed with the usual
formalities, and finally agreed upon by the respective bellige
rents. It is not now precisely known, what share was allowed, in
the discussions which preceded the acceptance of the terms of
the capitulation, to that class of the besieged which was com
posed of the Volunteers, or Country Militia, whose footsteps we
have thus far followed, and who will hereafter occupy so prom
inent a place in these pages. But it may be reasonably con
jectured, from their well known character, that if they had been
permitted, in any measure, to control events, they would have
taken better care of their own interests, than to have allowed
the possibility of the evils io exist, which the surrender precipi
tated, in the fullness of time, upon their heads. They would have
insisted upon reliable safe-guards, or otherwise they would have
embraced the alternative, of cutting their way out of the city.

* It was the custom of Southern Planters to take their body
servant with them into battle. Under the old Colonial system,
the soldiers were required to carry with them a contingent of
negro slaves. When Marion joined, or prepared to join Gates,
before Camden, a proportion of his force was negroes, the body
servants of their masters. — Extract of a private letter from W.
Gilmore Simmes, LL. D., to the Memorialist.
Also —
The garrison was assiduous in preparing for defence. The
works that had been thrown up, in the spring ofthe year 1779,
were strengthened and extended. — Ramsay's Hist. Rev. in S.
C, vol. 2, page 49.

10
or of perishing beneath the ruins, which they could no longer
defend.* These Volunteers, or Country Militia, as has been already
intimated, were the flower of the State, and the representatives
of her embodied spirit and patriotism ; and this fact was well
understood by the enemy. Hence, the possession of this
class of men, as prisoners, was an object of great importance
to them, for it would be placing in their hands the strings
ofthe rebellion, whereby they reasonably calculated they would
be able to crush it out.
The city of Charleston, under a Treaty of Capitulation, was
formally surrendered, and its gates thrown open to the hostile
army, on the 12th of May 1780. Under this treaty, all of the
besieged, without exceptions, were surrendered prisoners
of war.
The fall of Charleston, in May 1780, was followed in the
month of August of the same year, by the defeat of General
Gates at Camden. These two, rapidly succeeding misfortunes,
smote upon the minds of the people of South Carolina, and of
the Confederacy at large, with terrible force. The first, paralized
the energies ofthe Confederacy, while the last, annihilated for a
time, the hope of independence. To recruit another army at the
South, at that time, was believed to be a work of difficult ac-

* At length the lines of defence being almost entirely de
molished by an incessant bombardment and cannonade, the
besieged were reduced to the last extremity, and being in hourly
expectation of an assault, it was agreed between General Lin
coln and the principal inhabitants, that the town and garrison
should be surrendered by capitulation. — Thatcher's Military
Journal, page 238, (Congress Library.)
Also —
The measure of petitioning received its first and warmest sup
port from the disaffected, to whom all capitulations were equal,
as they meant to become British subjects. These had the
address to strengthen themselves by the timid, and even by
some ofthe bravest citizens, who believed that further resist
ance was vain. — Ramsay's Hist. Rev. in S. C,,vol. 2, pp. 58-59.
JVote. — These two quotations from history, leave the un
avoidable inference, which is drawn in the text, that the coun
try volunteers had little or no share in the councils of the be
sieged, but that the whole arrangement was in the hands of
" General Lincoln and the principal inhabitants," — including,
of course, the disaffected. — W. H. W.

11
complishment, while the sending of another by Congress was
known to be not less so.*
It was in view of this situation of affairs, that Sir Henry
Clinton, the Royal Commander-in-chief at the South, for
warded his congratulations to His Majesty's Ministers,
upon the early, and certain suppression of the rebellion of the
Colonies. Of South Carolina, in particular, he said, that she
had again become English, and had returned to her duty to her
Sovereign. That every prominent inhabitant of the Province,
had either been transported out of the country, was a prisoner
of war, or was in arms under the Royal flag, — and concluded
by recommending the sending out of a Royal Governor, and
the re-establishment ofthe civil power ofthe Crown.!
It may be observed in passing, that these anticipations, and
congratulations of the British general, were however, made
upon insufficient warrant, for at no period of the war was the
State ever in the condition represented ; for although over
whelmed, and sorely pressed, so long as her gallant partizans
were in the field — her Marions, Sumpters, and Pickenses — it
could not be justly said either, that she was reconquered, or that
she had returned to her duty to the Crown. Cotemporaneously
with this temporary triumph of the royal arms at the South, it
has already been stated, that matters at the North, were not less
discouraging to the friends of freedom. But while upon the
one theatre, these evils were the legitimate consequences of
sieges and battles, upon the other, they were brought about,
by other, and more reprehensible causes.
The privations of the Armies, arising from the inability of
Congress to raise supplies, were endured at the South with

* The loss of Charleston, and the capture of an army within
its lines, had reduced American affairs in South Carolina low ;
but the complete rout of a second army, procured with great
difficulty for the recovery of the State, sunk them much lower,
and filled the friends of independence with fearful anxiety for
the future fate of their country*. — Ramsay's Hist. Rev. in S.C,
vol 2, page 154. -
! General Clinton wrote to London that South Carolina was
again English, and that there were few men in the Province
who were not prisoner to, or in arms with the British forces.
But he was perfectly aware the conquest he owed to his arms
could not be preserved but by the entire re-establishment of the
civil administration. — Botta' s American War, Book xii,page 147.

12
stoical fortitude,* while at the North, they unhappily led to
mutiny, and rebellion, which fortunately, the genius of Wash
ington enabled him to quell, before any great head had been
gained ; but it was beyond his power to arrest its demor-
aTizing tendency. Nor was this misfortune, the only one,
which befel the Northern Army at this period ; for it was
shortly followed by the odious treason of Benedict Arnold.
One of the disastrous consequences of this treason, was the
mutual distrust and suspicion, with which it filled the minds of
the officers exposed to it. No one knew whom to trust, and,
consequently, jealousies, and animosities were unavoidable. To
so great an extent did, these feelings prevail, that for a time, the
army was rendered 'hors de combat,' and the hope of independ
ence waxed faint and low ; so that the hearts of the stoutest sunk
within them, while the minds of the most sanguine, wavered at
the issue. Even the iron soul of Washington himself, could
not resist the contagion, and gloomy forebodings tincture all
his correspondence of the period.
In the month of September 1780, it will be remembered by
readers of history, that one of the overt consequences of the
treason of Arnold, was the arrest of Major Andre, ofthe Royal
Army, as a spy, (confederated with the traitor) and his execution,
which took place a few days later. After the conviction of
Andre, the British commander-in-chief at the North, Lord Howe,
resorted to every means in his power, to save the unfortunate
officer, from the penalty which he had incurred. To this end,
as a last resort, he proposed to Washington the appointment of
Commissioners to discuss the subject. Washington readily
assented, and appointed General Greene, to meet General
Robertson, who had been sent by Lord Howe for the pur
pose. These officers had their interview at Dobb's Ferry !
* (Extract of a letter from Baron De Kalb to the Chevalier de
la Luzerne, French Minister Plenipotentiary, dated August 15,
1780 : ) " You may judge of the virtues of our small army from
the following fact : we have for several days lived on nothing
but peaches, and I have not heard a complaint. There has
been no desertion." — Ramsay's Hist. Rev. in S. C.,vol. 2, p. 139.
! He sent General Greene to Dobb's Ferry, where he was
met by General Robertson on the part ofthe English. * *
Finally, General Robertson presented a letter from Arnold, di
rected to Washington. * * He did not retire till after threat
ening the most terrible retaliation. — Botta' s American Wa.r. Tinnh
xii, pp. 232-233.

on the banks of the Hudson. After General Robertson had
unavailingly exhausted all the arguments at his command,
and saw that the doom of the hapless officer was fixed, he
changed his tone, and resorted to the use of threats. He
threatened that, in case Andre perished, his death should be
atoned for by retaliation, which would inevitably lead
to the sacrifice of many valuable lives upon both sides, and
give a feature of shocking barbarity, to the character of the
war. Finally, upon taking his leave, he placed in General
Greene's hand a letter, addressed to Washington, by Arnold.
The traitor, anticipating the fruitlessness ofthe commission, in
vehement language, not only repeated the threats of General
Robertson, but he went a step further, and pointed out forty
particular individuals, who should be held as the victims of re
taliation, in case Andre perished. That is to say, he informed
Washington that there were "forty gentlemen, inhabitants
OF south CAROLINA," upon whom would be inflicted the pain
and penalty of retaliation, if the life of Andre was taken.
Of the FORTY GENTLEMEN, INHABITANTS OF SOUTH CAROLINA,
thus indicated, and appropriated beforehand, to the work of
death, the subject of this memoir was one individual.*
It will be shown, in the progress of this memoir, that the
threat of Arnold was not an idle threat, but was treasured up in
memory, and a few months later acted upon.
After the defeat of General Gates at Camden, the command of
the Southern Army, (or rather Department, for there was, in fact,
no army at the South to command,) was conferred upon General
Greene, who was, unquestionably, one of the ablest officers of
the war. He arrived at the South early in December, and es
tablished his headquarters at Charlotte, in North Carolina.
Without money, or essential means of any description, ne
cessary for the organization and equipment of an army. General
Greene labored diligently in the work before him. Never was
* I have further to observe, that forty gentlemen, inhabitants
of South Carolina, have justly forfeited their lives, which have
hitherto been spared, through the clemency of his Excellency
Sir Henry Clinton, who cannot with propriety extend his mercy
to them any longer, if Major Andre suffers, which will open up
a scene of blood, at which humanity revolts. — (Arnold's Letter
to General Washington,) Garden's Anecdotes of the Revolution,
1 Series, page 291.

14
any officer charged with a more difficult duty, and never did
any officer exhibit more fitness for the duty with which he was
charged ; for he was so far successful, that by the month of
March following he found himself at the head of a force with
which he judged, he might venture to take the field. Hence,
he courted a conflict with the enemy, nor remained long
ungratified ; for, on the fifteenth of that month, he met Lord
Cornwallis at Guilford Court House in a general battle, but had
the misfortune to be defeated. Undaunted by his defeat, but
rendered more cautious, he met the enemy again, in the ensuing
month, at Hobkirk's Hill ; but was again defeated.
Besides the two pitched battles just mentioned. General
Greene in person, or by his lieutenants, encountered the
enemy in many minor affairs — such as those of Black Stocks,
Cowpens, Ninety-Six, and elsewhere ; and although victorious
in several, still the aggregate of results, was very decidedly,
against the American arms, and upon the whole, had the effect
of depressing, rather than elevating the animus of his men ;
while the enemy, on their part, flushed with repeated successes
and a corresponding belief in their own invincibility, and supe
riority in arms to the Americans, had grown to be propor
tionately insolent and daring.
The whole theatre of the war in the South, at that period,
was tracked with the footsteps of desolation. In the lan
guage of the historian, " The Royal standard we have seen
overspreading all the country, penetrating into every quarter,
and triumphing over all opposition. Their defeat at Hanging
Rock, and at Williams's, in the upper part of South Carolina,
made little impression upon an army grown familiar with vic
tories."* Such was the condition of the State of South Carolina and
of the cause of the confederacy down to the date of the battle
at Hobkirk's Hill, in April, 1781.
Tbe thread of the narrative now leads back to the city of
Charleston, in the month of May of the same year, (1781,)
and to details, in which the subject of this memoir was more
immediately involved. At that particular date, the British,
finding themselves in undisturbed possession of the city, and
* Vide Ramsay's History of the Revolution in South Caro
lina, vol. 2, page 174.

15
with no enemy in the vicinity of sufficient consideration to
annoy, or alarm them, deemed the fit time arrived, when they
might safely take vengeance for the execution of Major Andre.
Consequently, on the 17th of that month, they suddenly caused
the arrest of all that class of prisoners of war, in the city, to
which the subject of this memoir belonged. The number, by
the severities, and the transportations of the enemy, had now
been reduced, to one hundred and thirty individuals. As soon-
as arrested, they were all sent to the prison hulk Torbay.
From this number, the forty gentlemen, inhabitants of
SOUTH CAROLINA, previously designated by Arnold, on the
following day were selected, and transferred to the schooner
of war Pack- Horse, and immediately subjected to close, and
rigorous wardship. As soon as they were safely secured,
a letter* to them from Colonel Balfour, the military Com
mandant of Charleston, was placed in their hands, in which
they were informed that they had been seized, and would
be held as hostages, to secure the good treatment of such
'¦^ loyal militia"\ — -(meaning the Tories,) — as were then, or
might thereafter, fall into the hands of the Patriots. With the
letter, they were offered a flag, to carry any communications,
they might desire to make, to such American officer as they
might be pleased to sielect.
The next step of the British was to secure a victim. It was
not their policy to make either of the hostages the victim.
They preferred an officer, who should be taken in arms ;
who was superior in rank to Major Andre, (which none
of the hostages were,) and also, one who stood high in the es
timation of his fellow citizens. Such an one, was not easily to be
* Induced by these motives, I have conceived it an act of
expediency to seize on your persons, and retain them as host
ages for the good usage of all the loyal militia who are, or may
be, made prisoners of war, resolving to regulate, in the full ex
tent, your treatment by the measure of theirs, and which my
feelings make me hope may hereafter be most lenient. — (Extract
from Balfour's Letter,) Ramsay's Hist. Rev. in S. C, vol. 2, p.
535. ! Perhaps, too — though this is not suffered to appear in the
proceedings — Hayne was only a chosen sacrifice to the manes
of Major Andre. Balfour endorsed one ofthe petitions offered
in behalf of Hayne with the two words " Major Andr6." —
History of South Carolina, by W. Gilmore Simms, page 332.

16
pfocured ; for under the transportation policy, and the removal
of actual hostilities from the vicinity of Charleston, very few
officers, possessing the several requisites, were within their
reach. Finally, however, fate threw Colonel Isaac Hayne into
their power, and in him, all their requirements were fulfilled.
He was captured, while pursued by a party of cavalry sent for
the purpose, through the failure of his horse, about forty miles
from Charleston, and brought to the city.
It is not designed to speak of the martyrdom of this gentle
man, who was one of South Carolina's bravest, and most virtu
ous citizens, further than is rendered essential, by the lineal con
nection ofthe subject of this memoir with his fate. The English
public, at the date of the transaction, strongly reprobated, and
condemned the execution, and an inquiry into the facts was
commenced in Parliament. But Lord Rawdon, who had re
turned home, and upon whom the odium chiefly rested, had
the address by brow-beating, and intimidating His Royal
Highness the Duke of Richmond, to suppress the proceedings
before any considerable progress had been made. But the
general verdict of mankind, confirmed by time, has affixed to it
the seal of reprobation, while the name of the martyr, will
forever adorn the page of history.
Colonel Hayne, by chance, was the brother-in-law of Major
Wigg. They had grown up together from childhood, and were
intimate personal friends. They followed the sarae profession —
that of planting. Their political sentiments were indentical
upon all important measures, which in those days was the surest,
and strongest bond of friendship, between individuals. And,
finally, they entered at the same time into the military service
of the State ; in the same arm of the service, and had been
companions in arms. Hence it may be inferred, their personal
relations, were of the strongest, and most enduring character ;
and such as would have excited the sympathies of either, upon
the occasion of any injury to the other; and could not fail to
arouse a less impulsive man, than Major Wigg is known to have
been, to resent or avenge such injury, by any means in his power. ,
The historian, Ramsay,* though an eye witness to the execu-
* The procession began from the Exchange, in the forenoon
ofthe fourth of August, 1781. The streets were crowded with
thousands of spectators. He walked to the place of execution
with such decent firmness, composure and dignity, as to

17
tion, has not given a very minute account of the circymstanceS
attending it. He relates, in the second volume of his History of
the Revolution in South Carolina, that the martyr was attended
to the fatal place, by three gentlemen, and followed by a large
concourse of lamenting citizens, but he omits to state who the
three gentlemen were.
The current belief is, that the historian himself, who was
upon intimate terms of friendship with Colonel Hayne, was one
of the three, and that the other two, were General John Barn
well, and the subject of this memoir, both of whom were, not
Only intimate friends, but also bore to him, the relationship of
brothers-in-law, as has already been stated with respect to Major
Wigg. That they were the parties alluded to, seems to be very
probable ; for who so likely as tried friends, and near relatives,
to be selected to discharge the last sad offices of friendship, and
affection, which the occasion demanded ?
On the other hand, at the time of the execution, both of the
gentlemen mentioned, were in imprisonment as hostages, on
board of the schooner Pack Horse, to which they had been
sent on the I8th of the preceding month of May ; while the
severity with which all of that class of men, to which they both
belonged, had been uniformly treated by the enemy, would seem
to forbid the presumption that any favor was shown to them ;
not even the melancholy favor, of being permitted to administer

awaken the compassion of many, and to command the respect
of all. There was a majesty in his sufferings which rendered
him superior to death. When the city barrier was past, and
the instrument of his catastrophe appeared in full view, a faith
ful friend by his side observed to him, " that he hoped he
would exhibit an example ofthe manner in which an American
can die." He answered with the utmost tranquility, " I will
endeavor to do so." He ascended the cart, with a firm and
serene aspect. He enquired of the executioner, who was mak
ing an attempt to get up and pull the cap over his eyes, what
he wanted. Upon being informed of his design, the Colonel
replied, " I will save you that trouble," and pulled it over
himself. He was afterwards asked, whether he wished to say
any thing; to which he answered, "I will take leave of my
friends, and be ready." He then affectionately shook hands
with three gentlemen, recommended his children to their care,
and gave the signal for the cart to move. — Ramsay's Hist. Rev.
in S. C, vol. 2, pp. 284-285.

18
the consolations of friendship and affection, in the hour of igno
minious death.
But be that as it may :— Whether Major Wigg, was actually
present at the place of execution or not, is immaterial. If be
was present, the sight of his friend, suspended above his head,
and writhing in mortal agony, was cause sufficient to lead him to
the fearless utterance of the feelings, which oppressed his bosom ;
regardless alike of the cordon of glittering bayonets around
him, the paraphernalia of death at hand, and of tbe relentless
character of the enemy, into whose power he had fallen a help
less, manacled prisoner. Nor upon such an occasion was it
probable, that a man like himself, would have refrained from
endeavoring to inspire his friends around him, with sentiments
kindred to his own, and with the resolution to avenge upon the
enemy, the immolation of their honored, and respected country
man. Such is believed actually to have been the fact:
that is to say — it is believed that, being present at the place
of execution, his haughty, and contemptuous bearing, in the
presence of the enemy, — his fearless, and vehement denuncia
tion of the atrocious deed, and his appeals to his friends for
vengeance, constituted the offence of which he was guilty ;
and for which he was punished by the loss of his property.
But be that as it may : dismissing all conjecture, the broad fact
is undeniable, that it was this execution, which furnished the
motive to the enemy, for the plunder of his estates ; and this is
shown by the quick following of the depredation, upon the
heels of the catastrophe of blood ; and hence, it is perfectly
immaterial when, where, or in what manner the offence was
perpetrated — whether by word, or gesture, or whether on the
land, at the foot of the scaffold ; or afloat, upon the deck of the
Pack Horse.
The enemy, partly with the view of justifying to the world,
the unlawful seizure of a body of prisoners of war upon parole ;
already confined to the limits of a city, but chiefly with the view
of concealing, and thereby rendering more certain of success,
the still more unlawful, and inhuman work upon which they
were about to engage, found it convenient to hold up, as a blind,
the declaration of other motives. But the pretext was of the
shallowest, for at that time, there were no " loyal militia," in the
hands ofthe Patriots. The game was running rather upon the
other cards. Moreover, ihe fosteringy and not the suppressing.

19
of internecine strife, was from the first, the policy ofthe enemy,
from which they never departed ; for it was a truism, that
of Whigs and Tories, whichsoever slaughtered the other, so
long as the life of a native-born citizen was lost, the gain
was to the British, inasmuch as it reduced the quantity of
the fuel, upon which fed the flames of rebellion. Hence it
is evident, the alleged motive for the arrest of the prisoners of
whom we are speaking, was false, and unreal, while it is equally
evident, that the true motive can only be referred to the solution,
which the threat of Arnold, respecting these very men,
gives to the affair. But if further evidence of the fact was
needed, it would be sufficient, to state that one ofthe petitions
on behalf of the officer who was unlawfully and inhuman y sacri
ficed, was returned to the parties presenting it, with the brief,
but pointed endorsement by Balfour, of the words, " Major
Andre."* We possess no clue by which to determine the reasons, which
influenced the enemy, in making the selections of these particu
lar forty gentlemen, inhabitants of S'uth Carolina, save that
which their respective names discloses — that they were, at the
time of Andre's execution, forty of the most valuable, and
prominent prisoners, which death and transportation, had left
remaining in the State. But to continue.
The prisoners of war upon parole, now tyrannically converted
into HOSTAGES by the enemy, availed themselves of the offer
of the flag to cover their communications to their countrymen,
and accordingly forwarded the letter they had received from
Balfour, with one of their own, to General Greene, which last
contains this memorable language: "We would just beg
leave to observe that, should it FALL TO THE LOT OF ALL,
OR ANY OF US, TO BE MADE VICTIMS, AGREEABLE TO THE
MENACES THEREIN CONTAINED, WE HAVE ONLY TO REGRET,
THAT OUR BLOOD CANNOT BE DISPOSED OF, MORE TO THE
ADVANCEMENT OF THE GLORIOUS CAUSE, TO WHICH WE HAVE
ADHERED."! In passing, it will not be considered out of place
to remark, with respect to this letter, that the spirit, and the
patriotism, which it exhibits, marks it, as one of the noblest
monuments of the Revolution.

* Simms's History of South Carolina, page 332.
! Vide Ramsay's History of the Revolution in South Caro
lina, vol, 2, jiage 541.

20
With respect to the execution of Colonel Hayne, in parting
from the subject. It was the capital error of the war com
mitted by the enemy. Its effect, which was undoubtedly
designed to be altogether political, in every respect disappointed
their expectations, and kindled a spirit throughout the land
which could not be quelled, but which led directly to the most
portentous consequences. It was the pivot, upon which the war
turned, at the South. Garden, in his anecdotes, says of it,
that —
"Colonel Hayne, as the object of his deadly hate" (the author
refers to Lord Rawdon) " was condemned, and suffered with the
patience of a martyr, while from his tomb a flame arose which,
widely diffused, gave constant increase to the spirit of revolt,
till the expulsion of the enemy caused justice to triumph, and
confirmed the independence of the Union."*
With respect to Major Wigg. Immediately after the execu
tion, a special expedition by water, was despatched with orders,
to plunder, and destroy the property, on his two plantations lying
on the Okeetee river, in St. Luke's parish, Beaufort district :
distant about one hundred and twenty miles from the city ;
and never, since the time of Highland forays, upon Lowland
Plains, was plunder and destruction made more absolute. Sur
passing all nations of the earth, (as the records of this wai will
bear witness,) in the ruthless art, and practice of devastation,
the British upon this occasion, excelled themselves in the
thoroughness of the ravage, with which they visited the banks of
the Oketee.
Within a period of about fifteen, or twenty days, all the
perishable property, possessed by Major Wigg, (except
three servants, who were absent,) was swept away from him.
His slaves were taken on board the vessel, and conveyed
to San Augustine, in Florida, and sold. His crops were
left to waste. His buildings were devoted to the torch. His
flocks and his herds, were given to the slaughter knife, and his
horses were carried off to the enemy's lines at Savannah. In
short, the plantations which Major Wigg had left (upon the
call of his country, at a time when that call was a mission of
peril,) flourishing under his skillful husbandry, were now con
verted into a wilderness. Even the very site was blotted from
* Vide Garden's Anecdotes, 1st series, page 225.

21
the map, as far as human powers of destruction, could erase the
lines, laid down by the hand of the Almighty. Himself a
captive, undergoing inflictions, privations and indignities, the
greatest which the refinements of cruelty could invent, and the
hands of brutal hirelings could inflict. His family, (his wife,
and tender offspring,) driven forth houseless, homeless wan
derers, in the land of their fathers. Such was the price which
it was the hard fate, of this patriot of South Carolina, to be
forced to pay for his devotion to his country, and his fidelity to
the ennobling instincts, of humanity, and friendship.
Having brought the narrative to this point, we leave the Pack
Horse, with her company of hostages on board, securely
anchored, and safely guarded, in Charleston harbor, while we
return to General Greene.
This commander, although his army was still very in
differently equipped, and suffering from the want of ne
cessaries, fearlessly sought the enemy again ; — (relying upon
the new influences, planted in the minds of his troops, by the
death of Hayne ;) — and upon the field of Eutaw, decided the great
battle ofthe Revolution. — Great, not only in the skill of the Com
manders, and the severity ofthe conflict, but in the results achieved.
Though not precisely a victory, inasmuch as both armies after
the battle rested upon the field, yet it failed to be such only in
name, and from accidental causes, while it was recognized by
Congress, and the Country, as a great victory.* And all the
fruits of victory, accrued to the American arms, while not
the least amongst these, was the restoration of the lost prestige
of victory, and the corresponding loss to the Royal forces of
their previously claimed invincibility ; for from that day forward
to the end of the war, the American arms knew reverses no
more, but triumphed in every conflict.! Moreover, the
battle of Eutaw was the last battle of the Revolution in
South Carolina, as well as the era of the decadence of

* Congress honored General Greene for his decisive conduct
in this action, with a British standard and a golden medal, and
they also voted their thanks to the different corps and their
commanders. — Ramsay's His. of Rev. in S. C, vol. 2, p. 255,
! After the action at Eutaw, the Americans retired to their
former position on the high hills of Santee, and the British took
post in the vicinity of Munk's Corner. While they lay there,
a small party of ^American_^cavalry,. commanded by Colonel
Maham, took upwards of eighty prisoners within, sight jof theij*

22
British colonial authority upon the continent. It also mate
rially aided in preparing the way, for the final conflict at
Yorktown, by the moral influence which it exercised upon
the minds ofthe belligerents, in elevating the confidence ofthe
one, and depressing that of the other.
When the British, whose power in the State had rapidly de
clined, as we have seen, from the battle of Eutaw, found them
selves no longer able to retain their foothold, and were about
to evacuate, they ordered the Pack Horse to proceed to the
port of New York. Still feeling the possession of those hostages
of paramount importance to themselves, as the means of re
straint upon General Greene, whose power had become so greatly
enlarged, with the view of preventing the possibility of escape,
they also ordered a frigate to convoy her to her destination.
But their precaution proved to be unavailing. The Pack Horse
never reached the port of New York. She was captured at sea
by her prisoners. In the night, (as it is traditionally related,)
a few days 'fter leaving Charleston, everything having been pre
arranged, the prisoners released themselves from their manacles,
and rising upon the officers and crew, made a gallant capture of
the vessel, without sustaining the loss of a single man of their
party. So quietly and so masterly had the affair been conducted,
that although her consort v/as but a little way off, and in a calm
sea, yet when the day dawned she evidently entertained no sus
picion of what had taken place. During the day, the two vessels
continued sailing in company, and still no alarm or distrust was
excited. Throughout the day, as the voyage progressed, the
hostages resorted to a variety of expedients, both to conceal the
affair, and to increase their distance from the convoy, and hap
pily they succeeded so well, that when the evening came they
were far beyond the reach of her shot; whereupon, the frigate
fired a gun, as a signal for the convoy to close with her,
when, this not being obeyed as promptly as was expected, a
boat was dispatched to bring her up, but before the boat could
reach her, darkness had set in. The Pack Horse then,
needing concealment no longer, spread her sails upon another
main army. The British no more acted with their former vigor.
On the slightest appearance of danger, they discovered a dis
position to fiee, scarcely less than what was exhibited the year
before by the American militia. — Ramsay's Hist, ofthe Rev. in
S. C.,l!ol.2,p. 255.

23
course, and safely escaped into one of the ports of North Caro
lina, carrying with her as prisoners, the men who had so lately,
for so long a time, and so inexorably, exercised the office of
jailors over those who had now, in turn, become the masters.
The prisoners thus captured by the hostages of the Pack
Horse, are believed to have been the last prisoners, made in
the war of the Revolution.
In reviewing the case of this capture, the conclusion cannot
be resisted, that, taking all the circumstances into consideration,
it is one of the most remarkable naval achievements upon
record ; and that it exhibits, in an eminent degree, the predomi
nant characteristic of daring which the actors possessed, and
which so fully justified the sentiments of their memorable letter
to General Greene. It must be borne in mind, that, upon the
one hand, none of the hostages were seamen ; probably few of
them had ever before been out of sight of land. They were
prisoners, manacled, watched, and on ship-board. They had
been prisoners for nearly a year, crowded into a small vessel, in
a southern latitude, and during the whole of the period, they had
been treated with great rigor, and consequently their health
must have been seriously impaired, and their bodily strength
diminished in proportion. On the other hand, the vessel on
board of which they sailed, was a British cruiser, fully manned,
armed, equipped and disciplined, having on board a crew,
which at the least must have been twice as great in number,
as their own number, and whose business it had been for many
months, to guard these prisoners with unusual vigilance. And
finally, the schooner was under the guns of a heavy frigate,
doubtless having strict orders of watchfulness. Yet, in the
face of such disadvantages, the capture was not only at
tempted, but successfully accomplished. In view of all these
circumstances, it cannot be denied that the capture was most re
markable ; and had it not been for the modesty ofthose engaged,
(who, while living, boasted not of their achievement, nor,
when dying, left any memorial to speak, when they could speak
no more) its fame would have been made the theme of song,
and its memory perpetuated in columns of brass and marble.
The hostages, after their escape, disembarked in one of the
ports of North Carolina, as already stated, and about the end of
spring, we find them assembled at Halifax, in that State;
whence they started, raostly on foot, (having with. them only

24
one or two horses,) upon their weary pilgrimage, through arid
pine barrens, and tangled swamps, back to their loved homes — ,
where, in due time, toil worn, they safely arrived : — Major
Wigg to find his home scathed by the ruthless hand of war,
and himself bereft of all, save honor, and the consolations of
knowing that he had faithfully performed his duty to his country.
Such was the effect of the severities of their long imprison
ment on ship-board, in a southern latitude, upon the constitutions
of the hostages, that it is believed not one of the number ever
reached old age : — Major Wigg himself dying at the early age of
fifty-one years, and three others ofthe number, all of whom were
nearly related to himself, are known not to have survived a
much greater age.
During the period of Major Wigg's incarceration, he received
military promotion, in the same manner as if his duties had
never been interrupted ;* and after the close of the war, the
State, mindful it may be inferred, of the value of his ser
vices, and aware of the total wreck of his fortune, autho
rized the sale to him, upon a liberal credit, of a large
number oi confiscated slaves, and subsequently, whenever from
loss of crops or other causes, he was unable to meet his ob
ligations, as often as solicited, he was, by resolution ofthe Legis
lature, granted such indulgence in his payments, as was
• Comptroller General's Office,
Columbia, S. C, January 3, 1860.
This will certify that I find upon record in this office the
stated account of William Hazzard Wigg for pay as captain
and major in the militia of this State for the years 1779 and
1782, as follows : Account No. 369, Book E, " 19th October
1782, to amount of pay bill, .£100 I8s. Q^d, currency ;" and
" 1782, to 3 months and 10 day's service, from 1st March tp
lOth June, at $200 per month, as per agreeraent with his ex
cellency the governor, is $666f^, at 4s. §d.z=£lbb Us. l\d "
for duty in 1782. Certified to by Governor Matthews 19'th
October, 1782, and receipted by said Wigg 14th December
1784 ; and on the back of the account it is stated " for duty in
militia as captain and major in 1779, 1781,! and 1782."
Given under my hand.
WM. R. HUNTT,
Deputy Compt'r Gen'l.
(No seal of office.)
, t See Appendix, note 3. -. ..

25
desired by himself or by his executors, after his death,*
Subsequently to the war Major Wigg gave to the public service of
the State the benefit of his wisdom, and experience in the recon
struction of the Government, by serving during several years in
the Legislature. And finally he expired, at Myrtle Bush, his
country seat, near the town of Beaufort, after a few days illness,
from pleurisy, on the 20th of April, 1798.

CONCLUSION.
It has been found necessary by the memorialist, in order to
develope fully, the nature of his claim upon the government of
the United States, for compensation, for the Revolutionary losses
of his ancestor, through the depredations of the enemy, to sketch
somewhat elaborately, the history of the State of South Carolina,
which is embraced witliin the period of the war. In doing
this he has endeavored, to follow closely, such authorities, as
were within his reach, and he relies upon the tenour of the
copious notes which he has appended, to exhibit his general
accuracy. Before bringing this memoir to a close, it is proper to explain
the views, and expectations of the memorialist, together with
the several grounds upon which he relies, for the enforcement of
both. In the first place, he takes occasion to remark, that the sketch
of the life and character of Major Wigg which has been pre
sented is designed solely, as illustrative of the history of the
events which form the basis ofthe Claim upon Government for
relief, and not, by any means, is it considered as of itself, creative
of any claim. That Major Wigg exhibited courage upon all
proper occasions, energ-y of character whenever demanded, and
patriotism throughout the Revolution, must be admitted ; yet
not for those reasons is aught demanded, for such attributes
were possessed in common with the whole of that class of his
countrymen, of which he was an individual. The claim rests
upon other and higher ground. Upon two simple, broad, and
unquestionable facts, inwoven with its history:
First, that Major Wigg was an hostage to the eneray ac
cording to the established principles of international law.

* I find upon reference to the statutes of our State that Wra.
H. Wigg was granted further time for paying off bonds due by
liim. Indulgence was granted three different times. (Extract
of letter to the memorialist from W. R. Huntt, esq., the assistant
comptroller general ofthe State, dated at Columbia, South Caro
lina, July 2d, ldb9.) . --^' ;-» . -M' V  - . ' • •'

26
He was declared such, in express and explicit terms, by the
enemy, at the date of the transactions, as has been shown herein.
Moreover, upon the reception of the flag of truce, cover
ing the communications of the hostages to General Greene,
we do not find that he protested against, or remonstrated with the
enemy, on account of the unlawfulness of the act of converting
prisoners of war upon parole, into hostages. On the con
trary, he was silent upon the subject; hence, the condition of
hostageship was fully recognized by him, and thus the measure
was rendered complete, and binding upon all parties : according
to the rule laid down by the best writers upon international
law. The doctrine of hostages, is laid down by Grotius, in the fol
lowing language :
" Hostages, we have already said, are either such as freely
give themselves, or are given by him that hath the sovereign
power. For he that is possessed of the supreme civil power,
has a right, both on the actions and the goods of the subject,
but the Prince, or State, shall be obliged to make satisfaction
to him, or to his friends, for any losses he may sustain."
With respect to the escape of hostages, he says :
" The quere is, whether hostages may lawfully escape ? and
certainly he may not, if at first, or since, he hath engaged his
word, (in order to obtain a little more liberty,) that he would
not, otherwise, it does not seem to be the intent of the State
that sent him, not to oblige their subject from raaking his escape,
but to allow the enemy to secure hira as he pleased."*
The next, or second fact in the history of this claira, (and upon
which alone the memorialist is both ready, and willing, to rest
his cause,) is the treatment Major Wigg (together with all that
class of Patriots to which he belonged) received at the hands
of the constituted authorities of the United States, upon the
occasion of the surrender of Charleston in 1780, wherein his
rights, as a citizen soldier, were sacrificed, or bartered away, to
the end, that another class of citizen soldiers, (the Continentals,)
with whom he was serving, raight escape certain pains and
penalties, to which he was subjected, in their stead.
But before proceeding further, it is essential to a full develop
ment of the point, to explain the fact, that the besieged con
sisted of three several, and distinct classes of men : First the
* Grotius, vol. iii, chap, xx, sec. 52-53, : , . . ,

27
Resident Population; Second, the Continental Troops; and
Third, the Volunteer Militia, from the country. By the first
class, as a class, the chief part of the real, and personal property
ofthe city, was owned. This class was composed, principally,
ofthe merchants and tradesmen. Many, if not most of whom,
•were foreigners. Such men were naturally tender of the rights
of property, and were of loose principles of allegiance. Conse
quently, as a body, they were Royalists at heart, and opposed to
the defence of the city ; and throughout the siege, as was after
wards made known, they carried on a clandestine correspond
ence with the enemy, and exerted their influence to the utmost,
from first to last, in secretly thwarting operations, and producing
discord amongst the besieged.
The Second Class, the Continentals, were chiefly of the
same description of men as at present compose the array ofthe
United States, with the difference, perhaps, of a preponder
ance in their ranks, of native citizens. They were, however,
brave men, and good soldiers, as well as patriotic citizens; —
against whose valor, and services, the word of reproach has never
been uttered. Still, they were hirelings, and not denizens of
the soil, they were professionally engaged in defending.
The Third Class, was the Volunteers, or Country Militia.
These men have already been fully described. The historian,
Ramsay, says of them :
" The commanders of the militia from the country, who were
mostly people of the first rank, influenced by a sense of honor,
repaired to the defence ofthe town, though they could not bring
with them a number of privates equal to their respective com
mands."* Of such were the component classes, of the defenders of the
city of Chaileston in 1780.
The Treaty, in general terms, as already stated, stipulated for
the surrender, as prisoners of war, of the whole of the besieged.
But under the Third Article it was provided, with respect to
the Continentals, that they should be marched out with all their
baggage, and should be assigned convenient quarters in or near
the city, where they were to rem,ain until regularly exchanged,
and in the mean tirae, they were to be supplied, and furnished

History ofthe Revolution in South Carolina, vol. 2, p. 61.

28
in the same manner, as if they were British soldiers.* In con
formity with this stipulation of the treaty, the non-commissioned
officers and privates, were assigned to the barracks, which they
had previously occupied, while the commissioned officers, with
General Moultrie at tlieir head, were located at Haddrel's Point,
distant several miles from the city, with Cooper river flowing
between. These officers doubtless, suffered such hardships as
were inseparable from their condition ; but upon the high
authority of General Moultrie, himself one of the number, they
were comparatively well provided for. He says :
" When we got to Haddrel's Point, it was very difficult to
get quarters in the barracks for the number of officers that were
sent over. They went to the neighboring houses, within the
limits of their parole, (I was, at this time, allowed to corae to
town whenever I pleased,) and many others built huts about
in the woods, and in a little time were very comfortably settled,
with little gardens about them. * * Colonel Pinckney and
myself were in excellent quarters, at Mr. Pinckney's place,
called Snee Farm."!
To these means of comfort were superadded the full control
of their tirae, which may be inferred, was spent in cultivating
vegetables, and in other similar pursuits, conducive to their
general comfort. But first, and above all, they were, through
THE ARRANGEMENTS OF THE SURRENDER, DELIVERED FROM
THE CITY, (which was shortly to be converted into pandemo
nium, by the cruelties inflicted upon others, from which they
were themselves exempted,) and from the odious surveil
lance ofthe enemy.
The First Class, or the Resident Population, already the
fast friends of the enemy, as soon as the gates were open, met
thera at the portals with open arms, and with an address of

* " Article III. The Continental troops and sailors, with
their baggage, shall be conducted to a place to be agreed on,
where they will remain prisoners of war until exchanged.
While prisoners, they shall be supplied with good and whole
some provisions, in such quantity as is served out to the troops
of bis Britannic Majesty." — Ramsay's Hist. Rev. in S. C. vol.
2, page 405.
! Vide Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. 2, page 117,
Also —
The Continental officers taken at the surrender of Charles
ton, were confined at Haddock's Point. — Ramsay's Hist. Rev.
in S. C, vol. 2, page 294.

29
congratulation* upon the result of the siege, and with
swelling protestations, of their unimpaired loyalty to the
CROWN OF ENGLAND.
General Moultrie, in his memoirs, makes mention of this
class of the besieged. He says :
"About 11 o'clock a. m., on the 12th of May, we marched
out between 1500 and 1600 Continental troops, (leaving five or
six hundred sick and wounded in the hospital,) without the
horn of the work, on the left, and piled our arms ; the officers
marched the men back to the barracks, where a British guard
was placed over them : the British asked, where our second
division was .-' They were told, these were all the Continentals
we had, except the sick and wounded. They were astonished,
and said we had made a gallant defence. * * While we
were in the horn work, together in conversation, he said,! ' Sir,
you have made a gallant defence, but you had a great many
rascals among you, (and mentioned names,) who came out every
night and gave us information of what was passing in your
garrison.' * * The militia remained in Charleston." |
By this course of conduct, as soon as the eneray were in pos
session ofthe city, they obtained from them (doubtless under
prior and clandestine arrangements,) total exemption frora all
the pains and penalties of the rebellion, together with perfect
freedom from personal restraint, and readmission into the
ranks of Royal subjects. Consequently, they returned im
mediately to their ordinary pursuits, and probably were in
raany respects in as good, if not in a better position, than they
formerly occupied ; and were immediately used by the enemy, as
tools, in operating upon the fidelity of their late associates, and
upon other not more honorable services. So rauch for this class
of the besieged, the Resident Population, considered as a class.
Amongst them, of course, there were some, if not many, of the
truest, and best patriots ofthe State.
The Third Class — the brave and patriotic volunteers:
Upon these hapless patriots, unfortunately fell, all the evils
OF THE surrender, which were so manifold and terrible, as
to make the record thereof, " the bloodiest picture in the book
of time."

* Vide Ramsay's His. Rev. in S. C, vol. 2, p. 405.
! The British officer with whom he was conversing.
i Vol. ii, page 117.

30
Surrendered as prisoners of war to the enemy, under the
following conditions of the treaty : —
"Article IV. — The militia now in garrison shall be per
mitted to return to their respective homes as prisoners upon
parole, which parole, as long as they observe, shall secure them
from being molested in their property by the British troops."*
They were entitled to parole, (with the privilege of retiring to
their homes,) and to the protection of their property, from the
ravages of the enemy. But in every particular they were
cruelly deceived. The enemy never regarded, as of binding
force, and never designed so to regard, this article ofthe treaty.
They looked upon it, in the words of the historian, " as the
expedient of a day."! It was only intended as a lure, to
gain possession of the persons of the volunteers, which would
be a more valuable acquisition, than the possession of every
other individual in the State. Having accomplished this prime
object, and being now in the possession of the persons of these
men, their first efforts were directed, mainly with the aid ofthe
first class of prisoners, their late friends and associates, to
convert them from the heresy of independence, into orthodox
sentiraents, of loyalty to the King. To this end their treatraent
at first was comparatively mild and humane, but meeting with
little success in their missionary labors under such regimen,
(for ihe fidelity of these Volunteers was as incorruptible, as the
Palmetto battlements of the glorious fort, which had so lately
withstood their artillery,) a sterner method was very shortly
after resorted to. In the first place, not a man of the
number was permitted to leave THE CITY, but Were all re
tained, to be raade victims ofthe foulest system of outrage, and
inhumanity, which disgraces the annals of modern times. They
were deprived of all their property : every article of value was
taken away from them. They were constantly harrassed by
petty, and unfounded complaints, upon which they were dragged
up to military tribunals: and as constantly, unjustly punished.
They were inadequately supplied with food and raimant, and
* Ramsay's History of the Revolution in South Carolina,
vol. ii, page 405.
! The conquerors ridiculed the idea of observing the capitu
lation with the citizens. They considered the measure as the
expedient of a day, only proper at the surrender to prevent the
effusion of blood, but no longer so when their arms were
triumphant in the remote extremities of the State. — Ibid, p. 297.

• 31
were prohibited to increase the supply, by the practice of their
former professions.* Young maidens! were harshly treated,
and imprisoned in noisome dungeons, already occupied by
by the vile, and debased of both sexes. The sick were pur
posely placed in improper hospitals, and wantonly exposed to
the fatal infection of the small pox. But we will not dwell
upon such loathsome details.:); Sufficient for the purpose to state,
that from these various causes, in the brief space of a few
months, the number of this ill-fated class were reduced to less
than one-third of the original number who were surrendered, §
while the survivors were attenuated into living shadows of their
former selves, and with injuries to their physical constitutions,
from which few, if any of thera, ever recovered. Such was
the condition to which these brave men were reduced by the
consequences of the surrender of the city. And in this de-
* " Whereas divers persons who are prisoners on parole in
Charleston, do exercise the professions, trades and occupations,
and avail themselves ofthe emoluments and advantages incident
thereto, which should be enjoyed only by those who have re
turned to their allegiance, and are desirous of supporting his
Majesty's Government, which affords thera protection. For
prevention whereof in future, it is ordered, that no person, now
a prisoner on {)arole in Charleston, shall have the liberty of ex
ercising any profession, trade, mechanic art, business or occu
pation. And his Majesty's subjects are hereby strictly enjoined
and required not to employ such person or persons, on any
pretence. " By order of the Commandant :
" Henry Barry,
" Secretary and Deputy Adjutant.
" Date, 25th of March, 1781."
(Ramsay's Hist. Rev. in S. C, vol. 2, page 296.^
! Two young ladies, * * * on groundless suspicion of
giving intelligence to the Americans, were for a short time sub
jected to the same indignities. They were crowded together
with the sick, laboring under contagious diseases, with negroes,
deserters, and women of infamous character. * * The
Araerican State prisoner, and the British felon, shared the same
fate. — Ibid, pp. 264-5.
I After the British landed in Carolina in 1780, they confined
sorae of their first prisoners in the vaults with the dead. — Ibid,
p. 280.
§ See Appendix, note 4.

32
plorable condition they continued to exist, not only until every
man of the Continentals, Officers and Soldiers, had been ex
changed, and were again as free as the winds of Heaven, but
up to the very latest moment, the British had the power of
holding them.
Comment upon the case of these brave and unfortunate men
is unnecessary. The broad fact looms up in history that
they were sacrificed. That their hardships and sufferings,
which resulted in such fearful mortality, was the price paid
for the IMMUNITY of THE CONTINENTAL OFFICERS, from like
ill-usage, and for their earlier liberation. Surely this sacrifice
of one class of the officers, of a beleaguered army, for the
benefit of another class, has no precedent, and no parallel,
IN the American service. That this result was intentional
on the part of the American Commander, ds not alleged. He,
doubtless, animated wilh sentiments of good faith, judged that
the enemy felt the same influences. But this admission does
not change the state of the case in any respect. A general
COMMANDING AN ARMY UNDER THE FLAG OF THE UNITED
STATES, NOT ONLY, Hj^S^'no LAWFUL POWER TO DISCRIMINATE
BETWEEN THE INDIVIDUALS UNDER HIS COMMAND, AS WAS DONE
AT CHARLESTON, BUT HE CANNOT DO ANYTHING WHICH MAY
AFTERWARDS SO OPERATE AS TO PRODUCE UNEQUAL, AND UN
LAWFUL DISCRIMINATION.
Under this view of the subject, no single man, or officer, of
the Continentals should have been allowed to leave the city, so
long as a single Volunteer remained in it, exposed to the evils
which the whole practice of the English, during the Revolution,
might have led to the supposition as being likely to follow, the
power to inflict. Hence, the ranks of the army never
SHOULD HAVE BEEN SEPARATED, and the fate of one, should
have been made the fate of all.
With respect to the General Comraanding : — As soon as the
treaty was signed, he gave up the command of the Continental
forces to General Moultrie, and was provided, in virtue of
THE TREATY, with a vesscI, on which, together with his
staff, he sailed for Philadelphia, leaving the volunteers
TO THE MERCY OF THE ENEMY.*

* General Lincoln was furnished with a vessel to carry him
and his suite to Philadelphia. — Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. 2, vase
117. ^^

33
From this historical statement of the facts of the case, the
deduction is inevitable, that the general commanding the
American forces at the siege of Charleston in 1780, when
forced to surrender to the enemy, made unlawful discrimination
between the troops under his command ; surrendering one
class — the Continental officers — to a comparatively mild, and
humane treatment; inasmuch as they were removed away from
the city to Haddrell's Point, several miles distant ; where they
had the means of comfort around thera, and were free from all
surveillance, and control of the enemy : in which condition they
reraained until they were exchanged, and restored to the service
of their country : And the other class — the Volunteers, of whom
Major Wigg was one individual — to a close and most cruel
imprisonment in the city, where they were deprived of all the
advantages and privileges enjoyed by the Continental officers ;
and where they were exposed to, and actually made to suffer,
such privations and severities, as consigned a large portion of
the whole number to the grave ; and that they continued in this
state, until long after the Continental officers were exchanged.
There is no fact of Revolutionary history, more^clearly ^estab
lished, than this fact, of unlawful discrimination ;',yihi\e Ail'is
equally clear, that by reason of it alone, the misfortune of losing
his property, was brought upon Major Wigg ; for it is evident
that if he had been exchanged, as he ought to have been, when
the Continental officers were exchanged, in June 1781, he
would have gone home to his family, and°necessarily, would
have been absent from the city in the following i month of
August, which is the date of his pecuniary misfortunes.
Moreover, when Lord Cornwallis surrendered his army at
Yorktown, the occasion was a fitting one for the American
Officers to demand the release of Major Wigg and his com
panions, who were at the time still in confinement on board the
Pack Horse in Charleston harbor, and also to require indemni
fication for the ravage of his estates, — both the^one^and the
other, they, the Araerican officers, had the power to enforce,
and yet the occasion was neglected. He and his companions
were not thought of, while a military indignity placed upon
General Lincoln at the surrender of Charleston, by Sir'Henry
Clinton, was borne in mind and atonement required of Lord
Cornwallis, by the infliction of the same indignity upon himself.
3

34
It was an impossibility that a single officer of the Americara
army, before Yorktown, could have been ignorant of the trans
actions at Charleston, for many of them had been eye-witnesses
ofthe barbarities, which had converted that ill-fated city into a
charnel house. Hence, it can only be inferred that reasons
of State existed, to prevent interference in their behalf.
The cause and character of the punishment inflicted upon
Major Wigg, in the plunder of his property by the enemy, is
marked and verified, with perfect clearness, by the fact that the
expedition sent for that purpose, in going upon its errand, al
though it passed through the wealthiest, and perhaps, the
most unguarded, region of the State, molested the possessions of
no other man. Particularly, it passed and repassed the Island
of Callawassie, lying in the Oketee river, exactly midway
between the two plantations of Major Wigg, upon opposite
banks, without disturbing it in any way, although upon it there
was at the time a large number of slaves, and all the requisites
of a first class plantation.* The business of the expedition
was the plunder of Major Wigg's property, and to that single
object, its work was restricted. He alone had offended, and he
alone was aimed at : and great indeed must that offence have
* This fact is admitted, in the Report of the Committees of
Congress, when this claim originally came before that body, in
1852-3, in words as follows :
" This expedition reached its destination within two or three
weeks after the execution of Colonel Hayne, and neither going
or returning did it molest the property of any other man ; par
ticularly it passed and repassed the Island of Callawassie, lying
between the two plantations of Major Wigg, on which was a
large number of negroes and other property, none of which were
seized." — Vide Senate Report, JYo. 348, 1st session, 32d Con
gress, page 3.
JYote.. — It may not be out of place here to remark, that the
Island of Callawassie, in 1780, was owned by the father ofthe
lady of the late Geueral Jaraes Harailton, of South Carolina
and it was upon his parol testiraony (strengthened since, by
the testimony of his lady's brother, who was born upon'the
Island,) the admission ofthe Report was founded.
Also, the secluded location ofthe Oketee, as being out ofthe
line of military operations, contributed to preserve it from the
forays ofthe eneray. Hence, no other property was ever molested,
in that immediate neighborhood, except that of Major Wigg'
as far as it has been possible to discover. — W. II. W.

3.5
been considered by the enemy, to demand such condign, and
instantaneous punishment.
The records ofthe Thirty-Second Congress will show that this
claim, now brought up a second time, was investigated by that
body, and favorably acted upon. But the payment made
was at the time considered inadequate, inasmuch as the interest
was withheld. Hence, the present suit is to recover, either the
interest, or, in lieu of it, the usu fruct, of the property, for the
number of years Major Wigg survived, after the date of the loss,
which seems to be a most reasonable demand.
It was the memorable, and somewhat singular, misfortune of
this claira, at the time of its first appearance before Congress,
to have its striking features of justice — strict, clear, legal
justice — eclipsed by the brilliant halo with which the chival
rous character ofthe incidents of the narrative, upon which it
is founded, encircled it. This probably arose, in some measure,
from the fact, that the period of its advent was soon after the close
ofthe Mexican war, when the Halls of Congress, and the Country,
were overflowing with men, fresh from the tented fields, bearing
upon their brows the unwithered laurels they had won. Such
men, heroes themselves, very naturally, were alive to recitals of
heroism, regardless whether the narrative told of deeds, newly
consummated in the palaces ofthe Montezuraas, by themselves^
or ran back to "the tiraes which tried men's souls," when their
ancestors were the actors. This, though flattering to the claim
ant, and gratifying to his feelings in one respect, was, in an
other, very irksome to him, for it drew away the attention of
Congress from the points upon which its attention ought to
have been concentrated, and expended it in another direction.
Such unfortunate diversion, inflicted a gross, and a double
wrong upon him, inasmuch as, on the one hand, it curtailed
the measure of relief which he feels assured would have been
meted out to him, under a clearer understanding of the case.
And upon the other hand, it gave to that measure the ap
pearance of a gratuity, bestowed without just warrant of law,
by generous men, in commemoration of the brilliant achieve
ments of one whose inspirations were kindled at the same altar.
whence came the fires glowing in their own heroic bosoras.
Under these irapressions, coupled with a fir~i conviction of
the justice of his clairc, the memorialist now solicits of Congress
a reinvestigation of the whole subject, and desires that the

36
same shall be conducted with the most rigid scrutiny, for he
entertains no fears of the clearness, and conclusiveness, ofthe
facts upon which he relies, nor apprehensions of the result,
when those facts, shall be fully developed, and clearly under
stood by Congress.
Whether success shall attend upon his efforts, or whether
disappointment only awaits hira, is a problem which time alone
can solve. But be the issue what it may, he hath already a
recompense, of which he cannot be deprived. It is the know
ledge ofthe fact, that he has rescued from oblivion the memory
of one who, in his narrow sphere of action, was an hero,
amongst heroes, in the age of heroism. And beyond this, he
hath another recompense, of not inferior value. It is the con
sciousness of having contributed, with his feeble pen, to vindi
cate, in some small measure, the Revolutionary history of his
native State ; that traduced, but misunderstood — ever honored,
and ever honorable. Republic ; whose history in time past, and
tirae present — in peace, and in war — in paths of virtue, and in
fields of enterprise, like the unwrought diamond, needs only
the craftman's hand, to draw forth all of its hidden splendors,
and perpetuate the blaze forever.
WILLIAM HAZZARD WIGG,
Of South Carolina.
Washington City, January, 1860.

APPENDIX.

JYbfe 1—Page 2.

The following article is from the pen of the venerable Dr.
Joseph Johnson, of Charleston, South Carolina, anther qf^^ Un
published Traditions of the Revolution." It was prepared for
a second edition of that work ; and was published in ihe Charles
ton Courier for January, 1853 :
" Major William Hazzard Wigg. — This gentleman was
a native of the town of Beaufort, and was related to the Barn-
wells of that district. At the commencement of the American
Revolution he was very independent in his circumstances, and
took an active part in support of the patriot cause against the
aggressions of Great Britain, and bore a commission in the
militia of the State. Under this coramission he served in
Georgia under General Howe, of North Carolina, when opposed
to the invasion of the British troops frora Florida. On General
Lincoln's taking command, Wigg served under him, on Savan
nah River, and fought under Colonel John Laurens, in the battle
of Tulifinni, also in that at Steno, and in the siege of Savannah,
and in that of Charleston. He became a prisoner of war on
the capitulation of this city, in May, 1780, and remained in it,
expecting to be exchanged, and then resurae his command.
"On the 4th of August, 1781, Colonel Isaac Hayne, the
brother-in-law and bosom friend of Major Wigg, having been
taken in arms, was executed by the joint order ofthe Comman
dant, Colonel Balfour, and of the Commander-in-chief, LorO
Rawdon, known afterwards as the Earl of Moira. At this un
just and unmerciful act. Major Wigg, being much incensed,
spoke so freely as to provoke the British authorities. He was
accordingly imprisoned on board the schooner Pack Horse, on
the 17th of May, and an expedition sent by water to destroy his
property. They ravaged his two plantations on the Oketee
river, about one hundred and twenty miles south of Charleston ;
took from them ninety-six negroes, with all the horses, cattle,
and other stock — everything, in short, which it was in their
power to remove. All this was done, in violation of the terms
under which Charleston capitulated : That the prisoners under
that capitulation should, when paroled, remain in peaceable
possession of their property, until exchanged That it was the
design of ths British to make this the peculiar punishment of
Major Wigg, was demonstrated by the fact, that they left un-

38
injured the valuable property on Callawassie Island, which lay
exactly between the two plantations of Major Wigg, the only
intervening property between them.
" When put on board the Pack Horse, Major Wigg was still
more irritable and disposed to irritate his enemies. As usual in
large establishments, the food was there cooked in copper
boilers, which, whe.n kept clean, can be used. Whether the
copper was not clean, or whether the prisoners were unreason
ably apprehensive of danger, we know not ; they certainly
forraed a party, seized the copper boiler, and threw it into the
river, alleging their belief that Balfour had provided it for the
purpose of poisoning them, as the easiest way of getting rid of
them. " The negroes taken from Major Wigg's plantations were
carried to East Florida and sold in St. Augustine. About
twenty of them were purchased by Mr. Leavitt, a citizen of
Georgia, and brought to his plantation in that State. After the
peace. Major Wigg went for them, into Georgia, identified the
negroes as his, and claimed them as property illegally taken
from him by the British, and insisted on their being returned to
him. Mr. Leavett gave them up, without resistance, and Major
Wigg retained possession of them as long as he lived. At his
death, they were inherited by his son, but a suit was commenced
soon after, in the Federal Court, and decided against him, by
which he was compelled either to give up the negroes or pay
the full value for the acknowledged property of his father. As
this portion of his people had now intermarried with others on
his plantations, and were attached to his family, they entreated
that they might not be separated, and he bought them at their
full valuation.
" Shortly after Major Wigg's confinement in the Pack Horse,
General Greene notified Colonel Balfour that he would make
retaliation for the execution of Colonel Hayne, on the first
British officer of that rank who should be captured. Balfour
returned the threat of further retaliation on the prisoners in
Charleston and at St. Augustine. This notice, having been
given to the seventy-eight prisoners in the Torbay, and the
forty in the Pack Horse ; they all signed, in alphabetical order,
the following letter addressed to General Greene, enclosed it to
the commandant, and requested that he would forward it to the
General :
"'We have the honor to enclose the copy of a letter from
' Colonel Balfour, Commandant of Charleston, which was
' handed us immediately on our being put on board this ship.
' The letter speaking for itself, needs no comment ; your wisdom
' will best dictate the notice it merits. We just beg leave to
' observe, that should it fall to the lot of all, or any of us, to be
' made victims agreeable to the menaces therein contained, we

39
* have only to regret that our blood cannot be disposed of more
' to the advancement of the glorious cause to which we have
* adhered.' " The firm, unbending spirit manifested by the unanimous
signature of the prisoners, to this calm, dignified and modest,
but brave and unfaltering letter, was highly commended through
out the United States. It was transmitted to Congress by
General Greene, with Balfour's letter, and both published by
Congress, in all the Araerican journals ofthe day. A royalist,
but little inferior to Colonel Hayne in rank, was captured soon
after, and the question discussed, whether he should be made
the victim. It was said at the time that General Marion de
cided the other members of the conference by observing, that
the proposed execution would not affect the British : that the
retaliation should be on a native of England, as Balfour did not
care a pin how many Americans cut each other's throats, and
heightened the prevailing virulence of parties. Colonel Balfour
found troublesome customers in these obstinate rebel prisoners,
and wishing to get rid of them, ordered off the Pack Horse to
New York, that her prisoners might have a better chance of
being disposed of among the typhus fever inmates ofthe prison
ship, in the Wallabach at Long Island, She accordingly sailed
under the convoy of a man-of-war, with a number of merchant
vessels. When three days out from Charleston, a little before
daylight, most ofthe prisoners having got off their irons, seized
the arms of those in the morning watch, soon overpowered
them, battened down the hatches over those in the hold, and
clothed themselves in the uniform of their prisoners, to avoid
discovery. This disguise was highly necessary, as at daylight
the man-of-war was but a quarter of a mile off. Their only
chance was to continue with the convoy all day, as if nothing
had happened, change their course at night, and make good
their escape. This plan succeeded ; they gradually edged off
from the convoy, but were recalled a little before dark by a gun
fired and a signal made for the Pack Horse to rejoin tbe convoy.
This not being presently executed, the man-of-war backed her
topsails and lowered a boat, to enforce the order. But they
were too late ; it was nearly dark ; the Carolinians crowded all
sail to run the Pack Horse into a port in North Carolina, and
succeeded in reaching Halifax, from whence they returned home
by land, and joined the army of General Greene.
" when Major Wigg landed in North Carolina, he had the
good fortune to meet with his favorite war horse, that had been
lost to him at the surrender of Charleston, and taken by the
British as one of the spoils of war, or of the military equipments,
but brought into North Carolina by a British transport, that had
been driven in by stress of weather. This horse was a full
blooded roan, foaled on his own plantation, or homestead, on

40
the 4th of July, 1776, and called Independence, from that cir
cumstance. Having been trained with great care and kindness
by Major Wigg, the animal exhibited remarkable docility and
instinct on various occasions during the campaigns made under
his master. It was on his back, on one occasion, that Major
Wigg, when the bearer of iraportant despatches, swam over
Port Royal river at the Ferry. It was also on his back that
the wounded Colonel John Laurens was borne from the disas
trous field of Coosahatchie, or Tulifinni as it is soraetimes
called. He survived all the hardships and dangers of the Revo
lution, and was cherished as a friend, often tried and never
found wanting, by Major Wigg to the day of his death. After
his death, also by the son of Major Wigg, until finally he
ceased to live in 1807, at the advanced — the extraordinary —
age of about 31 years.
" When the British carried off the slaves of Major Wigg in
1781, three of his most valuable personal attendants were saved,
they being absent frora the plantations when plundered. Of
these, one was his body servant, naraed Robin, who was with
him in the prison ship, and at the capture of the Pack Horse.
It was from him that raany of these particulars are derived, and
who bore no unimportant part in their transaction. In Moultrie's
Memoirs, he speaks as if displeased at the little resistance made
by the militia under Colonel John Laurens at Coosahatchie, and
reflects upon Colonel Laurens, for not having arranged his men
under shelter, as might have been done. Laurens was more
exposed than any of thera, and encouraged the men by saying,
that the enemy fire^ at his white plume and not at thera. To
Moultrie he answered that he was among the raen, in all their
exposure, but that his militia could not stand fire. It is very
doubtful if the result could have been otherwise, under any cir
cumstances. His militia had no experience ; they were on a
retreat, and were opposed to British veterans with their field
artillery." Note. — The writer might have added, that the American
force consisted of not over two hundred men, while they were
opposed to four thousand regulars of the enemy and one thous
and allies — Indians and Tories. The enemy also fired from
the houses ofthe village at the Americans on the oppo.site side
of the river, who had neither cover, nor artillery. The object
was to resist the crossing of the river by the enemy, and to
have done that effectually, would have required a force, at least
equal to the enemy.
In the foregoing narrative it is left to be inferred, that Major
Wigg was imprisoned on the Pack Horse, in consequence of
his conduct upon the occasion of the execution of Colonel
Hayne. Such inference is not correct. He was imprisoned on
the 17th of May, and the execution took place on the 4th of

41
August. The facts are correctly stated in the text of the
Memoir. His conduct, on the occasion of the execution, was
punished by the plunder of his property. Again : the Pack
Horse was not dispatched to New York until after the enemy
found themselves no longer able to keep her safely in Charles
ton, and that was not until the whole State, with the exception
of Charleston, had been redeemed from their grasp.
W. H. W.

J^fote 2— Page 6.
The Assembly then sitting immediately broke up, and dele
gated " till ten days after the next session, to the Governor,
John Rutledge, Esq., and such of his Council as he could con
veniently consult, a power to do anything for the public good,
except the taking away of the life of a citizen without a legal
trial." Invested with this authority, he immediately ordered
the militia to rendezvous. Though the necessity was great,
few obeyed the pressing call. A proclamation was soon after
issued, " requiring such of the militia as were regularly draught
ed, and all the inhabitants ofthe town, and owners of property
in the town, to repair to the American standard, and join the
garrison immediately, under pain of confiscation." This severe,
though necessary measure, produced very little effect. — Ram
say's Hist. Rev. in S. C, vol. 2, pp. 47-48.
Also —
Vested with such authority, Rutledge called out the militia,
but few displayed their colors. * * The inhabitants of the
country seemed plunged into a kind of stupor. — Botta' s Ameri
can War, Book xii, page 134. Also —
Though the greatest exertions had been made by the gentle
men in power to reinforce the garrison, and to strengthen the
lines, yet their endeavors were not seconded by the people. No
more country militia could be brought into the town, and very
few could be persuaded to emb«dy in the country. — Ramsay's
Hist. Rev. in S. C, vol, 2, page 52.
Also —
The almost uninterrupted march of General Provost through
the richest part of South Carolina to the gates of the capital ;
the conduct of the planters, who, on that occasion, were more
attentive to secure their property by submission, than to defend
it by resistance. — Ibid.
JVb^e. — It must be borne in mind, that at this period South
Carolina was in a very exhausted condition. She had lost
heavily in the various affairs of Howe's invasion of Florida, of

42
the siege of Savannah, and in Lincoln's trial of strength with
Provost, wherein, upon several occasions, he had suffered very
severely. Superadded to these causes, the small-pox, which in
those days was a more terrible scourge than at present, was
known to be raging in Charleston, and consequently, that par
ticular service, to which the miliria were now called was re
garded with great and just fears, and doubtless contributed
largely to their lukewarmness, and supineness. In short,
such was the condition ofthe State, at the period ofthe
landing of Sir Henry Clinton, in 1780 — taking into considera
tion the failure of Congress, and of all of her sister States, to
aid her by any essential means, to defend her chief city, or any
portion of her soil, from the invaders, (which condition was
solely brought about by her lavish, and generous expenditure, of
both blood, and treasure in behalf of her contiguous sisters,) —
that she would have been fully justified in an absolute, and un
conditional surrender, of her whole territory, to the invaders. —
W. H. W.

Mote 3— Page 24.
The numbers, 1781, in the endorsement upon the account
stated by Mr. Huntt, is evidently a clerical error in said en
dorsement, and is intended for 1780.
It is known of Major Wigg, that he was surrendered a
prisoner of war, upon the fafl of Charleston, on the 12th of
May, 1780. That he continued such, in the city, until he was
arrested, and committed to the Pack Horse as an hostage on
the 17th of May, 1781, and that he remained, in that condition,
on board of that vessel, until he liberated himself, a short time
prior to the 1st of March, 1782, when he returned to the State,
and resumed his duties.
This resumption of duties, by Major Wigg, on the 1st of
March, 1782, is the most reliable testimony which exists, as to
the precise period of the capture of the Pack Horse, for it is
presumable, that he returned to the State, frora North Carolina,
as early after his landing as possible, and that immediately after
his return, he resumed his duties : — hence, the capture of that
vessel, may be stated to have occurred " a short time prior to
the 1st of March, 178]."— W. H. W.

JVote 4— Page 31.
Upwards of eight hundred of these brave men, nearly one-
third ofthe whole, exhausted by a vaHetv nf =i.flr=-: — - — • ¦

43
in the short space of thirteen months' captivity. When the
general exchange took place in June, 1781, out of nineteen
hundred taken at the surrender of Charleston, on the 12th of
May, 1780, and several hundred more, taken afterwards at
Camden and at Fishing Creek, on the 16th and 18th of August
of the same year, there were only seven hundred and forty re
stored to the service of their country. — Ramsay's Hist, of Rev.
in S. C, vol. 2, page 288-9. FINIS.

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