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FBESIDENT LINCOLN.

LIFE. AND PUBLIC SERVICES

OF

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

SIXTEENTH

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES;

AND

COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF OF THE ARMY AND NAVY
OF THE UNITED STATES.

¦With a, full history of his Life ; his career as a Lawyer and
Politician; his services in Congress; with a full account of his
Speeches, Proclamations, Acts, and services as President of the
United States, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy
of the United States, up to the present time.

PHILADELPHIA:
T. B. PBTEESON & BROTHERS,
306 CHESTNUT STREET.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1S64, by
T. B. PETEBSON & BEOTIIEES,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, in and for tho
Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

QcZZ\

CONTENTS.

. m • t

PAOB
Birth of President Abraham Lincoln, and his ancestors.... 21
His grandfather killed by the Indians and scalped — De
scription of his parents  22
" Abe" goes to school — The Lincoln Family remove to In
diana  23
Death of Mrs. Lincoln — " Abe" learns to write — His father
marries again — " Abe" finishes his education  26
He becomes a hired hand on a flatboat, and goes to New
Orleans  27
The family remove to Illinois — "Abe" seeks his fortune
among strangers  28
He takes another trip to New Orleans — Becomes a miller
and salesman — His services in the Black Hawk war.... 29
Is nominated for the Legislature and is defeated — Becomes
a merchant and surveyor — Is elected to the Legislature
— Studies law  30
A thrilling incident in his legal career  31
A protest against slavery — Is a candidate for Presidential
Elector — Mr. Lincoln is elected to Congress — His votes
and speeches during his Congressional term  32
Becomes a delegate to the National Convention of 1848 —
He is nominated for United States Senator, but with
draws  40
He is again nominated for the Senate — His speeches in tho
celebrated Lincoln-Douglas campaign — His tribute to the
Declaration of Independence  41
Pen-Portraits of Abraham Lincoln  43
Mr. Lincoln is defeated by Mr. Douglas — Is then named
for the Presidency — Evidence of his skill as a Kail-
splitter..  47
His great speech at the Cooper Institute, New York  48
Is nominated for President of the United States by the
Republican Convention  64
(11)

13 CONTENTS. PAGE
He is notified of his nomination by a Committee appointed
bythe Convention  65
Speech of the President' of the Convention — Reply of Mr.
Lincoln — Correspondence between the Convention and
Mr. Lincoln  66
Is elected President of the United States   67
He leaves Springfield for "Washington — Ovations on tha
route  68
His arrival at Toledo and Indianapolis — His speeches at
each place  -  69
He arrives at Cincinnati, and addresses the citizens from
the Burnet House  70
His arrival at Columbus, with his speech  71
His arrival at Steubenville, and his address to the people —
Arrives in Pittsburg, and makes a speech to the citi
zens  72
Proceeds to Cleveland, and from thence to Buffalo, with his
speeches at each place  74
Goes next to Albany — His arrival there, and speeches at
the Capitol and to the members of the Legislature  76
Proceeds to New York, and on his way makes a speech at
Poughkeepsie — Arrival in New York, with his speech,
on being welcomed by the Mayor of the city to that
place  78
Goes next to Trenton — His speeches to the Senate and
to the Chambers of the Assembly of the State of New
Jersey  79
Proceeds to Philadelphia — Is welcomed by the Mayor of
that city — Mr. Lincoln's speech in reply  81
He visits " Old Independence Hall" — His speech there  82
He raises the National Flag of the country to the top of the
flag-staff on " Old Independence Hall," on "Washington's
Birth-day  83
He leaves for Harrisburg — His arrival there — Is welcomed
by both Houses of the Legislature,' and his speech on
that occasion  84
A plot is made to assassinate him — How it was thwarted.... 85
Returns to Philadelphia in a special train, and proceeds to
Washington in disguise — His arrival there — Is welcomed
to "Washington by the authorities — His speech in reply 86
Addresses the Republican Association  87
He is inaugurated President of the United States — Inaugu
ral Address of Abraham Lincoln  88
President Lincoln's interview with the Virginia Commis
sioners, with his Address to them on that occasion  95

CONTENTS. 19
P.(OB
The first Proclamation for troops — Congress summoned to
assemble on the Fourth of July  97
A blockade of Southern ports ordered  98
The President's communication with the1 Maryland au
thorities  99
Blockading of Virginia and North Carolina  101
A call for additional troops  102
Has an interview with the Maryland Legislature  103
A special order for Florida — President Lincoln's first Mes
sage to Congress  104
A day of Fasting and Prayer appointed  117
Commercial intercourse with the Rebellious States pro
hibited  118
He modifies an order of General Fremont's — His second
Message to Congress  119
The President's Message recommending Gradual Emancipa
tion  120
He assumes active command of the Army and Navy of the
United States  122
He orders Thanksgiving for signal victories — Slavery abol
ished in the DistVict of Columbia.  123
Re-opening of some of the Southern Ports — Repudiates an
emancipation order of Major-General Hunter  124
The President's conference with the Loyal Governors — His
interview with the Border Congressmen — He reads to
them a powerful Appeal  125
Instructions to Military and Naval Commanders  128
A draft for Three Hundred Thousand Men ordered — The
President speaks at a war meeting in Washington  129
The Emancipation Proclamation of September 22d, 1862.,. 131
The Emancipation Proclamation of January 1st, 1863.... 133
Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus  135
He issues an Order for the observance, of the Sabbath. . . . 136
His Annual Message of December, 1862 — Important recom
mendations to Congress  137
Receives a Complimentary Address from Manchester, Eng
land  138
The President visits the Army of the Potomac — Reviews
the troops, etc  140
The Enrolment Act and the rights of Aliens  142
A National Thanksgiving ordered  143
Letter from the President on the Emancipation Proclama
tion to the Union men of Illinois  145

20 CONTENTS. PAOE
Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus in certain cases 148
A Proclamation for a National Thanksgiving  149
Three Hundred Thousand more men called for  151
The President's Dedicatory Address at the Consecration of
the National Cemetery at Gettysburg  152
He issues another Thanksgiving Proclamation — His Annual
Message of December, 1863 — Full pardon offered to the
Rebels  :  153
Issues a Proclamation for Seven Hundred Thousand more ,
men  156
Explanatory Proclamation of one issued December eighth,
1863...  :  157
An Impartial Review of the President's Policy  158
Address of President Lincoln at a fair held at the Patent
Ofiice at "Washington, on March 18th, 1864  174
His Address to the Committee of the Workingman's Demo
cratic Republican Association of New York, on March
21st, 1864  175
He is the choice of the Legislatures' of Fifteen States, and
ofthe American People for another term  177
Resolutions of the Union League of Philadelphia  » 179
Editorials from Leading Loyal Papers in the Union, recom
mending the re-nomination and re-election of Abraham
Lincoln for the next President of the United States . . . 180

LIFE AND PUBLIC SERYICES

OF

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

HIS BIRTH AND ANCESTORS.
Abraham Lincoln, the sixteenth President of the
United States, and the skilful ruler under whose wise ad
ministration the country in its hour of peril has been en
abled to combat successfully with the traitors who have
attempted its destruction, was bom on the twelfth of
February, 1809, in that part of Hardin county, Kentucky,
which is now known as Larue. His father, Thomas Lin
coln, and his grandfather, Abraham, were born in Rock
ingham county, Virginia, a section of the "Old Dominion"
to which their ancestors had migrated from Berks county,
Pennsylvania. In the year 1780, the grandfather removed
his family to Kentucky, where, taking possession of a
small tract of land in the wilderness, he erected a rude
cabin, and proceeded to make his new home comfortablo
and productive. His daily labors were attended in their
prosecution with great personal danger. There was no
other resident within two or three miles, and the country
was infested with Indians, who allowed no opportunity to
pass to slaughter the white settlers. His gun was carried
21

22 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
as regularly to his work as was his axe or any other im
plement necessary to the successful clearing of the land,
and at night when he retired to the bosom of his little
flock, the faithful weapon was placed in a convenient cor
ner, where it could be quickly grasped in the event of an
attack from the wily enemy.
Individuals and whole families living in the vicinity
were murdered by the Indians, but Abraham Lincoln for
four years escaped their bloodthirsty characteristics ; but
at the end of that period, while clearing a piece of land
about four miles from home, he was suddenly attacked,
and killed, and his scalped remains were found the next
morning. The loss was a severe one to the widow, who
now found herself alone in the wilderness with her three
sons and two daughters, and with but little money with
which to provide even the necessities of life for the young
members of her household. Poverty made it necessary
that the family should separate ; and all the children but
Thomas bade adieu to their remaining parent, and left the
county, the second son removing to Indiana, and the others
to other sections of Kentucky. '
DESCRIPTION" OF HIS PARENTS.
Thomas also left home before he was twelve years old,
but subsequently returned to Kentucky, and in the year
]806, married Miss Nancy Hanks, who was also a native
of Virginia ; so that it will be observed nearly all of the
immediate ancestors of the President were born upon
Southern soil. Thomas Lincoln and his wife were a plain,
unassuming couple, conscientious members of the Baptist
Church, and almost entirely uneducated. Mrs. Lincoln
could read, but not write, while her husband could do
neither, save so far as to scribble his own name in, a style
of caligraphy which a few of his more intimate friends
could decipher. He, however, appreciated the advan-

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 23
tages of education, and honored and respected the superior
learning of others. His kindness of heart was proverbial,
and he was always industrious and persevering. His
wife, although uneducated, was blessed with much natural
talent, excellent judgment, and good sense, and these
qualifications, with her great piety, made her a suitable
partner for a man of Thomas Lincoln's attributes, and a
mother whose precepts and teachings could not fail to be
of vast benefit in the formation of her children's characters.
This estimable couple had three children — a daughter, a
son who had died in infancy, and Abraham. The sister
attained the years of womanhood, and married; but subse
quently died without issue.
ABE" GOES TO SCHOOL.
When Abraham, or "Abe," as he was already called at
home and by his companions, was seven years of age, his
name was entered for the first time on the roll of an edu
cational institution — an academy which had but little pre
tension in outward appearance, and the presiding genius
of which had neither ambition nor ability to impart greater
instruction than that which would enable his pupils to
read and write. His term of schooling was, however, to
be of short duration.
THE LINCOLN FAMILY REMOVE TO INDIANA.
Mr. Lincoln, although a Southerner by birth and resf-
dence, had become early imbued with a disgust for slavery.
He witnessed the evils of the " peculiar institution," aiid
longed to be free from the disagreeable effects of a condi
tion of society which made a poor white man even more
degraded than the unfortunate negro, whose energies and
labors were controlled by an unprincipled and lazy master.
With these sentiments he naturally desired to change his
place of residence, and early in October, 1816, finding a

24 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
purchaser for his farm, he made arrangements for the
transfer of the property and for his removal. The price
paid by the purchaser was ten barrels of whiskey, of forty
gallons each, valued at two hundred and eighty dollars,
and twenty dollars in money. Mr. Lincoln was a tem
perate man, and acceded to the terms, not because he
desired the liquor, but because such transactions in real
estate were common, and recognized as perfectly proper.
The homestead was within a mile or two of the Rolling
Fork river, and as soon as the sale was effected, Mr. Lin
coln, with such slight assistance as little Abe could give
him, hewed out a flat-boat, and launching it, filled it with
his household articles and tools and the barrels of whiskey,
and bidding adieu to his son who stood upon the bank,
pushed off, and was soon floating down the stream on his
way to Indiana, to select a new home. His journey down
the Rolling Fork and into the Ohio river was successfully
accomplished, but soon afterwards his boat was unfortu
nately upset, and its cargo thrown into the water. Some
men standing on the bank witnessed the accident and
saved the boat and its owner, but all the contents of the
craft were lost except a few carpenter's tools, axes, thr*ee
barrels of whiskey and some other articles. He again
started, and proceeded to a well-known ferry on the river,
from whence he was guided into the interior by a resident
of the section of country in which he had landed, and to
"whom he had given his boat in payment for his services.
After several days of difficult travelling, much of the time
employed in cutting a road through the forest wide enough
for a team, eighteen miles were accomplished, and Spencer
county, Indiana, was reached. The site for his new home
having been determined upon, Mr. Lincoln left his goods
under the care of a person who lived a few miles distant,
and returning to Kentucky on foot, made preparations to
remove his family. In a few days the party bade farewell

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 25
to their old home and slavery. Mrs. Lincoln and her
daughter riding one horse, Abe another, and the father a
third. After a seven days' journey through an uninhab
ited country, their resting-place at night being a blanket
spread upon the ground, they arrived at the spot selected
for their future residence, and no unnecessary delays were
permitted to interfere with the immediate and successful
clearing of a site for a cabin. An axe was placed in
Abe's hands, and with the additional assistance of a neigh
bor, in two or three days Mr. Lincoln had a neat house of
about eighteen feet square, the logs composing which
being fastened together in the usual manner by notches,
and the cracks between them filled with mud. It had only
one room, but some slabs laid across logs overhead gave
additional accommodations which were obtained by climb
ing a rough ladder in one corner. A bed, table and four
stools were then made by the two settlers, father and son,
and the building was ready for occupancy. The loft was
Abe's bedroom, and there night after night for many
years, he who now occupies the most exalted position in
the gift of the American people, and who dwells in the
" White House" at Washington, surrounded by all the
comforts that wealth and power can give, slumbered with
one coarse blanket for his mattress and another for his
covering. Although busy during the ensuing winter with
his axe, he did not neglect his reading and spelling, and
also practised frequently with a rifle, the first evidence of
his skill as a marksman being manifested, much to the
delight of his parents, in the killing of a wild turkey,
which had approached too near the cabin. The knowledge
of the use of the rifle was indispensable in the border
settlements at that time, as the greater portion of the food
required for the settlers was procured by it, and the family
which had not among its male members one or more who
could discharge it with accuracy, Was very apt to suffer
from a scarcity of comestibles.

26 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
DEATH OF MRS. LINCOLN-" ABE" LEARNS TO
WRITE.
A little more than a year after removing to Spencer
county, Mrs. Lincoln died, an event which brought deso
lation to the hearts of her husband and children, but to
none so much as to Abe. He had been a dutiful son, and
she one of the most devoted of mothers^ and to her in
struction may be traced %iany of those traits and charac
teristics for which even now he is remarkable. Soon
after her death, the bereaved lad had an offer which prom-'
ised to afford him other employment during the long,
monotonous evenings, than the reading of books, a young
man who had removed into the neighborhood having
offered to teach him how to write. The opportunity was
too fraught with benefit to be rejected, and after a few
weeks of practice under the eye of his instructor, and also
out of doors with a piece of chalk or charred stick, he was
able to write his name, and in less than twelve months
could and did write a letter.
HIS FATHER MARRIES AGAIN— ABE FINISHES
HIS EDUCATION.
During the next year Mr. Lincoln married Mrs. Sally
Johnston, of Elizabethtown, Kentucky, a widow-lady with
three children, and who was admirably adapted to supply
the vacancy which existed in the Lincoln family; and a
superior woman, Between whom and Abe a most devoted
attachment sprung up, which ever afterwards continued.
About the same time a person named Crawford moved into
the neighborhood, and understanding how to read and
write and the rudiments of arithmetic, was induced to
open a school, to which Abe was sent, and in which he
greatly improved his knowledge of the first two branches,
and soon mastered the second. His school-garb comprised

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 27
a suit of dressed buckskin and a cap made from a raccoon
skin. His memory was retentive, and as he took an un
usual pride in his studies, his close application made him
a favorite scholar with his teacher, while his superior
knowledge, limited though it was, caused him to be used
bythe more ignorant settlers as their scribe whenever they
had letters to be written. A brief period at this school,
and to use a fashionable phrase, his education was finished.
Six months of instruction within the walls of an insigni
ficant school-house is all the education that Abraham Lin
coln has received during a long lifetime, a greater portion
of which has been spent in public positions, where ability
and talent were indispensable requisites.
BECOMES A HIRED HAND ON A FLATBOAT.
For four or five years after leaving school, or until he
was eighteen, he constantly labored in the woods with his
axe, cutting down trees and splitting rails, and during
the evenings, read such works as he could borrow from
the other settlers. A year later, he was hired by a man
living near by, at ten dollars a month, to go to New
Orleans on a flatboat loaded with stores, which were
destined for sale at the plantations on the Mississippi
river, near the Crescent City, and with but one companion
started on his rather dangerous journey. At night they
tied up alongside of the bank, and rested upon the hard
deck with a blanket for a covering, and during the hours
of light, whether their lonely trip was cheered by a bright
sun or made disagreeable in the extreme by violent storms,
their craft floated down the stream, its helmsmen never for a
moment losing their spirits, or regretting their acceptance
of the positions .they occupied. Nothing occurred to mar
the success of the trip, nor the excitement naturally inci
dent to a flatboat expedition of some eighteen hundred
miles, save a midnight attack bv a party of neg#es, who,

28 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
after a severe conflict, were whipped by Abe and his
comrade and compelled to flee, and after selling their
goods at a kandsome profit, the young merchants returned
to Indiana.
THE FAMILY REMOVE TO ILLINOIS— ABE
SEEKS HIS FORTUNE AMONG STRANGERS.
In March, 1830, Mr. Thomas Lincoln removed his
family to Illinois, their household articles being transported
thither in large wagons drawn by oxen, Abe himself
driving one of the teams. Upon the journey, and while
crossing the bottom lands of the Kaskaskia river, the
males of the family were compelled to wade through
water up to their waists. In two weeks they reached
Decatur, Macon county, Illinois, near the centre of that
State, and in another day were at the tract of land
(ten acres) on the north side of the Sangamon river, and
about ten miles west of Decatur. A log cabin was imme
diately erected, and Abe proceeded to split /the rails for
the fence with which the lot was to be enclosed. As a
rail-splitter, as a tiller of the soil, or as a huntsman, to
whose accuracy of aim the family depended in a great
measure for their daily food, young Abraham Lincoln
was active, earnest and laborious, and when ia the follow
ing spring he signified his intention to leave his home to
seek his fortune among strangers, the tidings were re
ceived by his parents and friends with the most profound
sorrow. Confident that a more extended field of observation and
action would be more suitable to his tastes and disposition,
he packed up what little clothing he possessed, and went
westward into Menard county. He worked on a farm
in the vicinity of Petersburg, during the ensuing summer
and winter, at the same time improving himself, in read
ing, writisg, grammar, and arithmetic.

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 29

HE TAKES ANOTHER TRIP TO NEW ORLEANS-
BECOMES MILLER AND SALESMAN.
Early in the following spring he was hired by a man
named Offutt, to assist in taking a flatboat to New
Orleans ; and, as it was found impossible to purchase a
suitable boat, Abe lent a willing and industrious hand in
building one at Sangamon, from whence, when completed,
it was floated into the Mississippi river. The trip was
made, and his employer was so much gratified with the
industry and tact of his hired hand, that he engaged him
to take charge of his mill and store in the village of New
Salem. In this position, " Honest Abe," as he was now
called, won the respect and confidence of all with whom
he had business dealings, while socially, he was much
beloved by the residents — young and old — of the place.
He was affable, generous, ever ready to assist the needy
or to sympathize with the distressed, and never was
known to be guilty of a dishonorable act.
HIS SERVICES IN THE BLACK HAWK WAR.
Early in the following year the Black Hawk War broke
out, and the Governor of Illinois calling for troops, Abe
determined to offer his services ; and a recruiting station
being opened in New Salem, he placed his name the first,
on the roll ; and by his influence inducing many of his
friends and companions to do likewise, a company was
soon organized, and Abe was unanimously elected captain.
The company marched to Beardstown, and from there to
the seat of war ; but during their term of enlistment —
thirty days — were not called into active service. A new
levy was then called for, and he re-enlisted as a private,
and at the end of thirty days again re-enlisted, and re
mained with his regiment until the war ended.

30 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
IS NOMINATED FOR THE LEGISLATURE AND
IS DEFEATED.
Soon after his return from this campaign, in the pro
gress of which he proved himself an efficient and zealous
soldier, although his regiment was not brought in conflict
with the enemy, or as he subsequently expressed it, he
" did not see any live fighting Indians, but had a good
many bloody struggles with the mosquitoes," he was
waited upon by several of the influential citizens of New
Salem, who asked his consent to nominate him for the
Legislature. He had only been a resident of the county for
nine months, but as a thorough-going " Henry Clay man"
was needed, he was deemed the most suitable person to run,
particularly as it was believed that his. popularity would
ensure success in a county which had, the year before,
given General Jackson a large majority for President.
There were eight aspirants for the legislative position;
but, although Abraham received two hundred and seventy-
seven votes out of two hundred and eighty#our, cast in
New Salem, he was not elected, the successful candidate
leading him a few votes.
BECOMES A MERCHANT AND SURVEYOR.
Soon after his political defeat he engaged in the mer
cantile business, but in a" few months sold out, and under
the tuition of John Calhoun (in later years President of
the Lecompton Constitutional Convention) became pro
ficient in surveying, an occupation which for more than a
year he found very remunerative for a novice. He was
also for a time Postmaster of New Salem.
IS ELECTED TO THE LEGISLATURE— STUDIES
LAW.
In August, 1834, he was again nominated for the Legis
lature, and was elected by a large majority ; and in 1836,

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 31
1838, and 1840, was re-elected. While attending the pro
ceedings of the first session, he determined to become a law
yer, and being placed in possession of the necessary books
through the kindness of the Hon. John T. Stuart, applied
himself to study, and in 1836 was admitted to practice at
the bar. In April, 1837, he removed to Springfield, and
became a partner of Mr. Stuart.
A THRILLING INCIDENT IN HIS LEGAL
CAREER.
One instance which occurred during his early legal
practice is worthy of extended publication. At a camp
meeting held in Menard county, a fight took place which
ended in the murder of one of the participants in the
quarrel. A young man named Armstrong, a son of the
aged couple for whom many years before Abraham Lin
coln had worked, was charged with the deed, and being
arrested and examined, a true bill was found against him,
and he was lodged in jail to await his trial. As soon as
Mr. Lincoln received intelligence of the affair, he addressed
a kind letter to Mrs. Armstrong, stating his anxiety that
her son should have a fair trial, and offering in return for
her kindness to him while in adverse circumstances some
years before, his services gratuitously. Investigation con
vinced the volunteer attorney that the young man was the
victim of a conspiracy, and he determined to postpone the
case until the excitement had subsided. The day of trial
however finally arrived, and the accuser testified positively
that he saw the accused plunge the knife into the heart of
the murdered man. He remembered all the circumstances
perfectly; the murder was committed about half-past nine
o'clock at night, and the moon was shining brightly.
Mr. Lincoln reviewed all the testimony carefully, and
then proved conclusively that the moon which the accuser
had swnvn was shining brightly, did not rise until an hour

32 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
or more after the murder was committed. Other dis
crepancies were exposed, and in thirty minutes after the
jury retired they returned with a verdict of " Not Guilty "
A PROTEST AGAINST SLAVERY.
On the third of March, 1837, a protest was presented
to the House of Representatives of Illinois and signed by
"Daniel Stone and Abraham Lincoln, Representatives
from Sangamon county," which is the first record that we
have of the sentiments of the subject of our sketch on the
slavery question. It was in opposition to a series of reso
lutions which had been adopted, taking an extreme South
ern view of slavery, for which Mr. Lincoln refused to vote,
and subsequently handed in the protest.
IS A CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENTIAL
ELECTOR.
In every campaign from 1836 to 18,52, he was a Whig
candidate for Presidential Elector, and in 1844, he stumped
the entire State of Illinois for Henry Clay ; and then
crossing the line into Indiana, spoke daily to immense
gatherings, until the day of election. His style of speak
ing was pleasing to the masses of the people, and his
earnest appeals were not only well received, but were
productive of much benefit to his favorite candidate.
Accustomed from early childhood to the habits and pecu
liarities of all kinds and conditions of men — the refined
and the vulgar, the intelligent and the illiterate, the rich
and the poor — he knew exactly what particular style of
language best suited his hearers, and the result was that
he was always listened to with a degree of attention and
interest which few political speakers receive.
MR. LINCOLN ELECTED TO CONGRESS — HIS
VOTES AND SPEECHES DURING HIS CON
GRESSIONAL TERM.
In 1846, Mr. Lincoln was elected to Congress from the

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 33
Central District of Illinois, by a majority of over fifteen
hundred votes, the largest ever given in that District to
any candidate opposed to the Democratic party. Illinois
elected seven Representatives that year ; and all were
Democrats but Mr. Lincoln. He took his seat on the
first Monday of December, 1847, and during the exciting
session that followed, cast his vote pro or con on every
important question, and on more than one occasion dis
played his eloquence and superior argumentative ability.
One of his first votes was given on the twentieth of De
cember in favor of the following resolution :
"Resolved, That if, in the judgment of Congress, it be neces
sary to improve the navigation of a river to expedite and render
secure the movements of our army, and save from delay and loss
our arms and munitions of war, that Congress has the power to
improve such river.
"Resolved, That if it be necessary for the preservation of the
lives of our seamen, repairs, safety, or maintenance of our ves-
sels-of-war, to improve a harbor or inlet, either on our Atlantic
or Lake coast, Congress has the power to make such improve
ment." .On the twenty-second of the same month, he voted in
favor of a similar resolution, and on the same day offered
the following series of resolutions, which he introduced
with one of his characteristic speeches, humorous at one
moment and logical at the next. Although, like the large
majority of the Whig party opposed to the declaration of
war with Mexico by the President, he never failed to vote
for any resolution or bill which had for its object the send
ing of supplies to our troops who had been ordered to the
seat of war. The resolutions.read as follows :
" Whereas, The President of the United States, in his mes
sage of May 11th, 1846, has declared ' that the Mexican Govern
ment not only refused to receive him (the envoy of the United
States) or listen to his propositions, but, after a long-continued
Beries of menaces, have at last invaded our territory and shed
the blood of our fellow -citizens on our own soil.'
"And again, in his message of December 8th, 1846, that ' we

34 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
had ample cause of war against Mexico long before the break
ing out of hostilities, but'even then we forbore to take redress
into our own hands until Mexico herself became the aggressor
by invading our soil in hostile array, and shedding the blood of
our citizens.'
"And yet again, in the message of December 7th, 1847, that
'the Mexican Government refused even to hear the terms of
adjustment which he (our minister pf peace) was authorized to
propose ; and, finally, under wholly unjustifiable pretexts, in
volved the two countries in war by invading the territory of the
State of Texas, striking the first blow, and shedding the blood
of our citizens on our own soil.'
" And whereas, This House is desirous to obtain a full knowl
edge of all the facts which go to establish whether the particu
lar spot on which the blood of our citizens was so shed, was or
was not at that time our own soil. Therefore, >
"Resolved, bythe House of Representatives, That the Presi
dent of the United States be respectfully requested to inform
this House,
" 1st. Whether the spot on which the blood of our citizens
was shed, as in his messages declared, was*or was not within the
Territory of Spain, at least after the treaty of 1819, until the
Mexican revolution.
"2nd. "Whether that spot is or is not within the territory
which was wrested from Spain by the revolutionary Govern
ment of Mexico.
" 3rd. Whether that spot is or is not within a settlement of
people, which settlement has existed ever since long before the
Texas revolution, and until its inhabitants fled before the ap
proach of the United States Army.
"ith. Whether that settlement is or is not isolated from any
and all other settlements by the Gulf and the Rio Grande on
the south and west, and by wide uninhabited regions on the north
and east.
"5th. Whether the people of that settlement, or a majority
of them, or any o'f them, have ever submitted themselves to the
Government or laws of Texas or of the United States, by con
sent or by compulsion, either by accepting office, or voting at
elections, or paying tax or serving on juries, or having process
served upon them, or in any other way.
" 6th. Whether the people of that settlement did or did not
flee from the approach of the United States Army, leaving un
protected their homes^and their growing crops, before the blood
was shed, as in the message stated ; and whether the first blood,
so shed, was or was not shed within the enclosure of one of the
people who had thus fled from it.
" 1th. Whether our citizens, whose blood was shed, as in his
messages declared, were or were not, at that time, armed officers

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 35
and soldiers, sent into that settlement by the military order of
the President, through the Secretary of War.
" Sth. Whether the military force of the United States was or
was not so sent into that settlement after General Taylor had
more than once intimated to the War Department that, in his
opinion, no such movement was necessary to tlie defence or pro
tection of Texas."
On several occasions during the session, he voted for
the reception of petitions and memorials in favor of the
abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, against
the slave-trade, and advocating the prohibition of slavery
in the territory that might be acquired from Mexico.
On the seventeenth of February, 1848, Mr. Lincoln
voted for a Loan bill reported by the Committee of Ways
and Means, authorizing the raising of sixteen millions of
dollars to enable the Government to provide for its debts,
principally incurred in Mexico.
On the eleventh of May, in moving to reconsider a vote
by which a bill having reference to the public lands had
passed, he made the following remarks :
" He stated to the House that he had made this motion for
the purpose of obtaining an opportunity to say a few words
in relation to a point raised in the course of the debate on
this bill, which he would now proceed to make, if in order.
The point in the case to which he referred, arose on the amend
ment that was submitted by the gentleman from Vermont (Mr.
Collamer), in Committee of the "Whole on the State of the Union,
and which was afterwards renewed in the House, in relation to
the question whether the reserved sections, which, by some bills
heretofore passed, by which an appropriation of land had been
made to Wisconsin, had been enhanced in value, should be re
duced to the minimum price of the public lands. The question
of the reduction in value of those sections was, to him, at this
time, a matter very nearly of indifference. He was inclined to
desire that Wisconsin should be obliged by having it reduced.
But the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. C. B. Smith), the Chair
man of the Committee on the Territories, associated that ques
tion with the general question, which is now, to some extent,
agitated in Congress, of making appropriations of alternate sec
tions of land to aid the States in making internal improvements.
and enhancing the prices of the section reserved, and the geii-

36 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
tleman from Indiana took ground against that policy. He did
not make any special argument in favor of Wisconsin ; but he
took ground generally against the policy of giving alternate sec
tions of land, and enhancing the price of the reserved sections.
Now, he (Mr. L.) did not at this time, take the \floor for the
purpose of attempting to make an argument on the general sub
ject. He rose simply to protest against the doctrine which the
gentleman from Indiana had avowed in the course 'of what he
(Mr. L.) could not but consider an unsound argument.
" It might however be true, for any thing he knew, that the
gentleman from Indiana might convince him that his argument
was sound ; but he (Mr. L.) feared that gentleman would not be
able to convince a majority in Congress that it was sound. It
was true, the question appeared in a different aspect to persons
in consequence of a difference in the point from which they
looked at it. It did not look to persons residing east of the
mountains as it did to those who lived among the public lands.
But, for his part, he would state that if Congress would make a
donation of alternate sections of public lands for the purpose
of internal improvement in his State, and forbid the reserved
sections being sold at $ 1.25, he should be glad to see the appro
priation made, though he should prefer it if the reserved sec
tions were not enhanced in price. He repeated, he should be
glad to have such appropriations made, even though the reserved
sections should be enhanced in price. He did not wish to be
understood as concurring in any intimation that they would re
fuse to receive such an appropriation of alternate sections of
land because a condition enhancing the price of the reserved
sections should be attached thereto. He believed his position
would now be understood, if not, he feared he should not be able
to make himself understood.
" But before he took his seat he would remark that the Senate,
during the present session, had passed a bill making appropria
tions of land on that principle for the benefit of the State in
which he resided — the State of Illinois. The alternata sections
were to be given for the purpose of constructing roads, and the
reserved sections were to be enhanced in value in consequence.
When the bill came here for the action of this House, it had
been received, and was now before the Committee on Public
Lands — he desired much to see it passed as it was, if it could
be put in a more favorable form for the State of Illinois. When
it should be before this House, if any member from a section of
the Union in which these lands did not lie, whose interest might
be less than that which he felt, should propose a reduction of
the price of the reserved sections to $1.25, he should be much
obliged; but he did not think it would be well for those who
came from the section of the Union in which the lands lay, to
do so. He wished it, then, to be understood, that he did not
join in the warfare against the principle which had engaged the

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 37
minds of some members of Congress who were- favorable to im
provements in the western country.
" There was a good deal of force, he admitted, in what fell
from the Chairman of the Committee on Territories. It might
be that there was no precise justice in raising the price of the
reserved sections to $2.50 per acre. It might be proper that
the price should be enhanced to some extent, though not to
double the usual price ; but he should be glad to have such an
appropriation with the reserved sections at $2.50; he should be
better pleased to have the price of those sections at something
less ; and he should be still better pleased to have them without
any enhancement at all.
" There was one portion of the argument of the gentleman
from Indiana, the Chairman of the Committee on Territories
(Mr. Smith), which he wished to take occasion to say that he
did not view as unsound. He alluded to the statement that the
General Government was interested in these internal improve
ments being made, inasmuch as they increased the value of the
lands that were unsold, and tbey enabled the Government to sell
lands which could not be sold without them. Thus, then, the
Government gained by internal improvements, as well as by tho
general good which the people derived from them, and it might
be, therefore, that the lands should not be sold for more than
$1.50, instead of the price being doubled. He, however, merely
mentioned this in passing, for he only rose to state, as the prin
ciple of giving these lands for the purposes which ho had men
tioned had been laid hold of and considered favorably, and as
there were some gentlemen who had constitutional scruples
about giving money for these purposes, who would not hesitate
to give land, that he was not willing to have it understood that
he was one of those who made war against that principle. This
was all he desired to say, and having accomplished the object
with which he rose, he withdrew his motion to reconsider."
On the nineteenth of the following month he first had
an opportunity to record his views upon the Tariff ques
tion, by voting in favor of a resolution instructing the
Committee of Ways and Means to inquire into the expe
diency of reporting a bill increasing the duties on foreign
luxuries of all kinds, and on " such foreign manufactures
as are now coming into ruinous competition with Ameri
can labor." He subsequently voted for a resolution in
structing the Committee of Ways and Means to inquire
into the expediency of reporting a Tariff bill based upon
the principles of the Tariff of 1842.

38 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
On the 28th of July, 1848, the celebrated bill estab
lishing Territorial governments for Oregon, California and
New Mexico, the peculiar feature of which was a provi
sion prohibiting the Legislatures of California and New
Mexico from passing laws in favor of or against slavery,
and providing that the laws of the Legislatures should be
subject to the sanction of Congress, was argued, and after
an exciting debate, laid on the table, Mr. Lincoln voting
with Mr. Webster, Mr. Corwin, and other illustrious col
leagues for this disposition of the bill.
On the sixteenth of "January, 1849, Mr. Lincoln offered
the following substitute for a resolution which he had
voted against, not being satisfied with all its provisions :
" Resolved, That the Committee on the District of Columbia
be instructed to report a bill in substance, as follows :
" Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Represen
tatives of the United States in Congress assembled, That no per
son not now within the District of Columbia, nor now owned by
any person or persons now resident within it, nor hereafter born
within it, shall ever be held in slavery within said District.
Sec. 2. That no person now within said District, or now owned
by any person or persons now resident within the same, or here
after born within it, shall ever be held in slavery without the
limits of said District : Provided, That officers of the Govern
ment of the United States, being citizens of the slaveholding
States, coming into said District on public business, and remain
ing only so long as may be reasonably necessary for that object,
maybe attended into and out of said District, and while there,
by the necessary servants of themselves and their families, with
out their right to hold such servants in service being impaired.
" Sec. 3. That all children born of slave mothers within said
District, on or after the 1st day of January, in the year of our
Lord 1850, shall be free ; but shall be reasonably supported and
educated by the respective owners of their mothers, or by their
heirs or representatives, and shall serve reasonable service as
apprentices to such owners, heirs, or representatives, until they
respectively arrive at the age of  years, when they shall
be entirely free : And the municipal authorities of Washington
and Georgetown, within their respective jurisdictional limits,
are hereby empowered and required to make all suitable and
necessary provision for enforcing obedience to this section, on
the part of both masters and apprentices. \
" Sec. 4. That all persons now within this District, lawfully

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 39
held as slaves, or now owned by any person or persons now resi
dent within said District, shall remain such at the will of their
respective owners, their heirs or legal representatives : Pro
vided that such owner, or his legal representatives, may at any
time receive from the Treasury of the United States the full
value of his or her slave, of the class in this section mentioned,
upon which such slave shall be forthwith and forever free : And
provided further, That the President of the United States, the
Secretary of State, and the Secretary of the Treasury, shall be
a board for determining the value of such slaves as their owners
desire to emancipate under this section, and whose duty it shall
be to hold a session for the purpose on the first Monday of each
calendar month, to receive all applications, and, on satisfactory
evidence in each case that the person presented for valuation
is a slave, and of the class in the section mentioned, and is
owned by the applicant, shall value such slave at his or her full
cash value, and give to the applicant an order on the Treasury
for the amount, and also to such slave a certificate of freedom.
"Sec. 5. That the municipal authorities of Washington and
Georgetown, within their respective jurisdictional limits, are
hereby empowered and required to provide active and efficient
means to arrest and deliver up to their owners all fugitive slaves
escaping into said District.
"Sec. 6. That tbe elective officers within said District of Col
umbia are hereby empowered and required to open polls at all
the usual places of holding elections, on the first Monday of
April next, and receive the vote of every free white male citi
zen above the age of twenty-one years, having resided within
said District for the period of one year or more next preceding
the time of such voting for or against this act, to proceed in
taking said votes in all respects not herein specified, as at elec
tions under the municipal laws, and with as little delay as pos
sible to transmit correct statements of the votes so cast to the
President of the United States ; and it shall be the duty of the
President to count such votes immediately, and if a majority
of them be found to be for this act, to forthwith issue his pro
clamation giving notice of the fact ; and this act shall only be
in full force and effect on and after the day of such procla
mation. " Sec. 7. That involuntary servitude for the punishment of
crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall
in nowise be prohibited by this act.
" Sec. 8. That for all purposes of this act, the jurisdictional
limits of Washington are extended to all parts of the District
of Columbia not included within the present limits of George
town."
^ We have given a sufficient record of Mr. Lincoln's ser
vices a8 a Representative in Congress, to sho^w that in his

40 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
numerous votes and remarks upon the slavery question,
he was uniformly consistent, and a determined opponent
to that peculiar institution which, Mr. Corwin truly re
marked, was- an exotic that blights with its shade the soil
in which it is planted. He with almost equal determina
tion opposed tb<j> annexation 0/ Texas, and voted more
than forty different times in favor of the Wilmot Proviso.
BECOMES A DELEGATE TO THE NATIONAL
CONVENTION OF 1848.
In the Whig National Convention of 1848, he was an
active delegate, and earnestly advocated the selection of
General Zachary Taylor as the nominee for the Presiden
cy, and during the canvass which followed, he traversed
the States of Indiana and Illinois, speaking in behalf of
his favorite candidate and the choice of his party.
HE IS NOMINATED FOR UNITED STATES
SENATOR, BUT WITHDRAWS.
In 1849 he was a candidate before the Legislature of
Illinois for United States Senator, but his political oppo
nents being in the majority, General Shields was chosen.
From that time until 1854, he confined himself almost
exclusively to the practice of his profession, but in that
year he again entered the political arena, and battled inde
fatigably in the celebrated campaign which resulted in
victory for the first time to the opposition of the Demo
cratic party in Illinois, and gave that State a Republican
Legislature, !and sent Mr. Trumbull to the United States
Senate. During the canvass, Mr. Lincoln was frequently
brought into controversy upon the stand with Stephen A.
Douglas, one of the discussions, that was held on the fourth
of October, 1854, during the progress of the annual State
Fair, being particularly remarkable as the great discussion
of the campaign.

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 41
At the election of United States Senator, nine-tenths of
the majority were Whigs and in favor of Mr. Lincoln, and
the other tenth were Democrats, but not in favor of voting
for a Whig, and for the purpose of securing the success of
a man whom he knew was opposed to the Nebraska bill,
and thus preventing the election of a third person who had
little or nothing jn common with the Republican party,
which was then in its conception, he entreated his friends
to vote for Mr. Trumbull. Mr. Lincoln was subsequently
offered the nomination for Governor of Illinois, but de
clined the honor in favor of Mr. Bissell ; was also pre
sented, but ineffectually, at the first Republican National
Convention for Vice-President ; and at the next Presi
dential election headed the Fremont electoral ticket, and
labored industriously in support of that candidate.
AGAIN NOMINATED FOR THE SENATE— HIS
SPEECHES IN THE CELEBRATED LINCOLN-
DOUGLAS CAMPAIGN.
On the second of June, 1858, the Republican State
Convention met at Springfield, and nominated Mr. Lin
coln as their candidate for the United States Senate. At
the close of their proceedings the honored recipient of their
suffrage delivered a speech, which was a forcible exposi
tion of the views and aims of the party of which he was
to be the standard-bearer.
The contest which followed was one of the most ex
citing and remarkable ever witnessed in this country. Mr.
Stephen A. Douglas, his opponent, had few superiors as
a political debater, and while he had made many enemies
by his course upon the Nebraska bill, his personal popu
larity had been greatly increased by his independence, and
by the opposition manifested to him by the Administra
tion. His re-election, however, to the Senate would
have been equivalent to an indorsement of his acts and
«

42 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
views by his Commonwealth, and at the same time
would have promoted his prospects for the Presidential
nomination. The Republicans, therefore, determined
to defeat him if possible, and to increase the probabilities-
of success in the movement, selected Mr. Lincoln as the
man who was most certain of securing the election. Illi
nois was stumped throughout its length and breadth by
both candidates and their respective advocates, and the
people of the entire country watched with interest the
struggle. From county to county, township to township,
and village to village, the two leaders travelled, frequently
in the same car or carriage, and in the presence of
immense crowds of men, women and children — for the
wives and daughters of the hardy yeomanry were na
turally interested — face to face, these two opposing cham
pions argued the important points of their political belief,
and contended nobly for the mastery.
During the campaign, Mr. Lincoln paid the following
tribute to the Declaration of Independence
"These communities, (the thirteen colonies,) by their repre
sentatives in old Independence Hall, said to the world of
men, ' We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are
born equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with in
alienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pur
suit of happiness.' This was their majestic interpretation of the
economy of the universe. This was their lofty, and wise, and
noble understanding of the justice of the Creator to His crea
tures. Yes, gentlemen, to all His creatures, to the whole great
family of man. In their enlightened belief, nothing stamped
with the Divine image and likeness was sent into the world to
be trodden on, and degraded, and imb'ruted by its fellows. They
grasped not only the race of men then living, but they reached
forward and seized upon the furthest posterity. They created
a beacon to guide their children and their children's children,
and the countless myriads who shoul'd inhabit the earth in other
ages. Wise statesmen as they were, they knew the tendency of
prosperity to breed tyrants, and so they established these great
self-evident truths that when, in the distant future, some man,
some faction, some interest, should set up the doctrine that none
but rich men, or none but white men, or none but Anglo-Saxon

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 4']
white men, were entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap
piness, their posterity might look up again to the Declaration
of Independence, and take courage to renew the battle which
their fathers began, so that truth, and justice and mercy, and
all the humane and Christian virtues might not be extinguished
from the laud ; so that no man would hereafter dare to limit
and circumscribe the great principles on which the temple of
liberty was being built.
" Now, my countrymen, if you have been taught doctrines
conflicting with the great landmarks of the Declaration of Inde
pendence ; if you have listened to suggestions whiph would take
away from its grandeur, and mutilate the fair symmetry of its
proportions ; if you have been inclined to believe that all men
are not created equal in those inalienable rights enumerated by
our charvt of liberty, let me entreat you to come back — return to
the fountain whose waters spring close by the blood of the Re
volution. Think nothing of me, take no thought for the politi
cal fate of any man whomsoever, but come back to the truths
that are in the Declaration of Independence.
" You may do any thing with me you choose, if you will but
heed these sacred principles. You may not only defeat me for
the Senate, but you may take me and put me to death. While
pretending no indifference to earthly honors, I do claim to be
actuated in this contest by something higher than an anxiety
for office. I charge you to drop every paltry and insignificant
thought for any man's success. It is nothing ; I am nothing ;
Judge Douglas is nothing. Bat do not destroy that immortal
emblem of humanity — the Declaration of American Independ-

PEN-PORTRAITS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
As we have stated, the exciting struggle was watched
with intense interest, not only by the members of the
respective political parties of which the two orators were
recognized leaders and champions, but by that portion of
the different communities of the Union who do not gen
erally trouble their minds with political contests. Copious
extracts from the speeches of both Mr. Lincoln and Mr.
Douglas were published in the journals of the day, ancl
criticisms ofthe orators and their discussions appeared in
the leading magazines ahd newspapers. •
From some of the latter we select the following, for the
purpose of showing in what estimation the talents and

44 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
ability of the honorable subject of our sketch were held
at the time of which we now more particularly speak, and
to give those readers of this work who have not had the
opportunity to see Mr. Lincoln, an idea of his personal
appearance :
One writer gives the following pen-portrait :
" Mr. Lincoln stands six feet aud four inches high in his
stockings. His frame is not muscular, but gaunt and wiry;
his arms are long, but not unreasonably so for a person of
his height ; his lower limbs are not disproportioned to his body.
In walking, his gait, though firm, is never brisk. He steps
slowly and deliberately, almost always with his head inclined
forward, and his liands clasped behind his back. In matters of
dress he is by no means precise. Always clean, he is never
fashionable ; he is careless, but not slovenly. In manner he is
remarkably cordial, and, at the same time, simple. His polite
ness is always sincere, but never elaborate and oppressive. A
warm shake of the hand, and a warmer smile of recognition, are
his methods of greeting his friends. At rest, his features, though
those of a man of mark, are not such as belong to a handsome
man ; but when his fine dark gray eyes are lighted up by any
emotion, and his features begin their play, he would be chosen
from among a crowd as one who had in him not only the kindly
sentiments which women love, but the heavier metal of which
full-grown men and Presidents are made. His hair is black, and
though thin is wiry. His head sits well on his shoulders, but
beyond that it defies description. It nearer resembles that of
Clay than that of Webster ; but it is Unlike either. It is very
large, and, phrenologically, well proportioned, betokening power
in all its developments. A Vslightly Roman nose, a wide-cut-
mouth, and. a dark complexion, with the appearance of having
been weather-beaten, complete the description.
" In his personal habits, Mr. Lincoln is as simple as a child.
He loves a good dinner, and eats with the appetite which goes
with a great brain ; but his food is plain and nutritious. He
never drinks intoxicating liquors of any sort, not even a glass
of wine. He is not addicted to tobacco in any of its shapes.
He never was accused of a licentious act in all his life. He
never uses profane language.
"A friend says that once, when in a towering rage, in conse
quence of the efforts of certain parties to perpetrate a fraud on
the State, he-jpas heard to say: ' They sha'n't do it, d  n 'em !'
but beyond an expression of that kind, his bitterest feelings
never carry him. He never gambles ; we doubt if he ever in
dulges in any games of chance. He is particularly cautious

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 45
about incurring pecuniary obligations for any purpose whatever,
and in debt, he is never content until the score is discharged.
We presume he owes no man a dollar. He never speculates.
The rage for the sudden acquisition of wealth never took hold
of him. His gains from his profession have been moderate, but
sufficient for his purposes. While others have dreamed of gold,
he has been in pursuit of knowledge. In all his dealings he has
the reputation of being generous but exact, and, above all, re
ligiously honest. He would be a bold man who would say that
Abraham Lincoln ever wronged any one out of a cent, or ever
spent a dollar that he had not honestly earned. His struggles
in early life have made him careful of money ; but his generosity
with his own is proverbial. He is a regular attendant upon re
ligious worship, and though not a communicant, is a pew-holder
and liberal supporter of the Presbyterian Church, in Spring
field, to which Mrs. Lincoln belongs. He is a scrupulous teller
of the truth — too exact in bis notions to suit the atmosphere of
Washington, as it now is. His enemies may say that he tells
Black Republican lies ; but no man ever charged that, in a pro
fessional capacity, or as a citizen dealing with his neighbors, he
would depart from the Scriptural command. At home, he lives
like a gentleman of modest means and simple tastes. A good-
sized house of wood, simply but tastefully furnished, surrounded
by trees and flowers, is his own, and there he lives, at peace with
himself, the idol of his family, and for his honesty, ability, and
patriotism, the admiration of his countrymen."
Another person gives the subjoined sketch of him :
"In personal appearance, Mr. Lincoln, or, as he is more
familiarly termed among those who know him best, ' Old Uncle
Abe,' is long, lean, aud wiry. In motion he has a great deal of
the elasticity aud awkwardness which indicates the rough train
ing of his early life, and his conversation savors strongly of
Western idioms and pronunciation. His height is six feet four
inches. His complexion is about that of an octoroon ; his face,
without being by any means beautiful, is genial-looking, and good
humor seems to lurk in every corner of its innumerable angles.
He has dark hair tinged with gray, a good forehead, small eyes,
a long penetrating nosev with nostrils such as Napoleon always
liked to find in his best generals, because they indicated a long
head and clear thoughts ; and a mouth, which, aside from being
of magnificent proportions, is probably the most expressive
feature of his face.
"As a speaker he is ready, precise, and fluent. His manner
before a popular assembly is as he pleases to make it, being
either superlatively ludicrous, or very impressive. He employs
but little gesticulation, but when he desires to make a point, pro
duces a shrug of his shoulders, an elevation of his eyebrows, a

46 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
depression of his mouth, and a general malformation of counte
nance so comically awkward that it never fails to ' bring down
the house.' His enunciation is slow and emphatic, and his voice,
though sharp and powerful, at times has a frequent tendency to
dwindle into a shrill and unpleasant sound ; but as before stated,
the peculiar characteristic of his delivery is the remarkable mo
bility of his features, the frequent contortions of which excite a
merriment his words could not produce."
A third says :
" In perhaps tbe severest test that could have been applied
to any man's temper — his political contest with Senator Doug
las in 1858 — Mr. Lincoln not only proved himself an able speaker
and a good tactician, but demonstrated that it is possible to
carry on the fiercest political -warfare without once descending
to rude personality and course denunciation. We have it on
the authority of a gentleman who followed Abraham Lincoln
throughout the whole of that campaign, that, in spite of all the
temptations to an opposite course to which he was continuously
exposed, no personalities against his opponent, no vituperation
or coarseness, ever defiled his lips. His kind and genial nature
lifted him above a resort to any such weapons of political warfare,
and it was the commonly-expressed regret of fiercer natures that
he treated his opponent too courteously and urbanely. Vulgar
personalities and vituperation are the last thing that can be
truthfully charged against Abraham Lincoln. His heart is too
genial, his good sense too strong, and his innate self-respect too
predominant to permit him to indulge in them. His nobility
of nature — and we may use the term advisedly — has been as
manifest throughout his whole career as his temperate habits,
his self-reliance, and his mental and intellectual power."
And a fourth, a distinguished scholar, after listening to
a speech delivered at Galesburgh, thus wrote :
"The men are entirely dissimilar. Mr. Douglas is a thick set,
finely-built, courageous man, and has an air of self-confidence
that does not a little to inspire his supporters with hope. Mr.
Lincoln is a tall, lank man, awkward, apparently diffident, and
when not speaking has neither firmness in his countenance nor
fire in his eye.
" Mr. Lincoln has a rich, silvery voice, enunciates with great
distinctness, and has a fine command of language. He com
menced by a review of the points Mr. Douglas had made. In
this he showed great tact, and his retorts, though gentlemanly,
were sharp, and reached to the core the subject in dispute.
While he gave but little time to the work of review, we did not
feel that any thing was omitted which deserved attention.

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 47
" He then proceeded to defend the Republican party. Here
he charged Mr. Douglas with doing nothing for freedom ; with
disregarding the rights and interests of the colored man : and
for about forty minutes he spoke with a power that we have
seldom heard equalled. There was a grandeur in his thoughts,
a comprehensiveness in his arguments, and a binding force in his
conclusions, which were perfectly irresistible. The vast throng
were silent as death ; every eye was fixed upon the speaker,
and all gave him serious attention. He was the tall man elct
quent ; his countenance glowed with animation, and his eye
glistened with an intelligence that made it lustrous. He was no
longer awkward and ungainly; but graceful, bold, commanding.
" Mr. Douglas had been quietly smoking up to this time ; but
here he forgot his cigar and listened with anxious attention.
When he rose to reply he appeared excited, disturbed, and his
second effort seemed to us vastly inferior to his first. Mr. Lin
coln had given him a great task, and Mr. Douglas had not time
to answer him, even if he had the ability."
MR. LINCOLN DEFEATED BY MR. DOUGLAS.
The election-day at length arrived, and although the
efforts of Mr. Lincoln resulted in an immense increase of
the Republican vote, whatever aspirations he had for per
sonal success were frustrated. A vote of 126,084 was
cast for the Republican candidates, 121,940 for the Doug
las Democrats, and 5,091 for the Lecompton candidates,
but Mr. Douglas was elected United States Senator by
the Legislature, in which his supporters had a majority
of eight on joint ballot.
Although defeated in the hope of securing Mr. Lincoln
as their representative in the United States Senate, the
Republicans were not discouraged, and from that time de
termined that their favorite leader should be rewarded
with even more exalted honors.
IS NAMED FOR THE PRESIDENCY— EVIDENCE
OF HIS SKILL AS A RAIL-SPLITTER.
He was immediately mentioned prominently for the
Presidency, and at a meeting of the Illinois State Repub
lican Convention, where he was present as a spectator, a
3

48 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
veteran Democrat of Macon county brought in and pre
sented to the Convention two old fence-rails, gayly deco
rated with flags and ribbons, and upon which the follow
ing words were inscribed :

ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
THE RAIL CANDIDATE
FOR PRESIDENT IN. 1860.
Two rails from a lot of 3,000 made in 1830, by
Thos. Hanks and Abe Lincoln — whose
father was the first pioneer
of Macon county.

The event occasioned the most unbounded enthusiasm,
and for several minutes the most deafening applause re
sounded through the building. Mr. Lincoln was vocifer
ously called for, and arising from his seat, modestly ac
knowledged that he had split rails some thirty years pre
vious in Macon county, and he was informed that those
before him were a small portion of the product of his
labor with the axe.
The fame of the able advocate of Republican principles
induced the members of that party in other States to se
cure his voice and influence in their behalf, and in the fall
of 1859 he made several effective speeches in favor of the
cause.
HIS GREAT SPEECH AT THE COOPER INSTI
TUTE, NEW YORK.
On the twenty-seventh of February, 1860, he made the
following forcible speech at the Cooper Institute, New
York, before an immense audience :
" Mr. President and Fellow-citizens op New York :
The facts with which I shall deal this evening are mainly old

LIFE AND SERVICES OF. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 49
and familiar ; nor is there any thing now in the general use I
shall make of them. If there' shall be any novelty, it will be in
the mode of presenting the facts, and the inferences and obser
vations following that presentation.
" In his speech last autumn, at Columbus, Ohio, as reported
in The New York Times, Senator Douglas said :
" ' Our fathers, when they framed the Government under
¦ which we live, understood this question j-ist as well, and even
better than we do now.'
" I fully indorse this and I adopt it as a text for this discourse.
I so adopt it because it furnishes a precise and agreed starting
Soint for the discussion between Republicans and that wing of
lemocracy headed by Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the
inquiry : ' What was the understanding those fathers had of the
questions mentioned V
" What is the frame of Government under which we live ?
" The answer must be : ' The Constitution of the United
States.' That Constitution consists of the original, framed in
1787 (and under which the present Government first went into
operation), and twelve subsequently framed amendments, the first
ten of which were framed in 1789.
" Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution ? I sup
pose the ' thirty-nine' who signed the original instrument may
be fairly called our fathers who framed that part of the present
Government. It is almost exactly true to say they framed it,
and it is altogether true to say they fairly represented the
opinion and Bentimeut of the whole nation at that time. Their
names being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite all,
need not now be repeated.
" I take these ' thirty-nine,' for the present, as being ' our
fathers who framed the Government under which we live.'
" What is the question which according to the text, those
fathers understood just as well, and even bettaj than we do
now? " It is this : Does the proper division of local from federal
authority, or any thing in the Constitution, forbid our Federal
Government control as to slavery in our Federal Territories ?
"Upon this, Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans
the negative. This affirmative and denial form an issue ; and
this issue — this question — is precisely what the text declares
our fathers understood better than we.
" Let us now inquire whether the ' thirty-nine,' or any of them,
ever acted upon this question ; and if they did, how they acted
upon it — how they expressed that better understanding.
"In 1784 — three years before the Constitution — the United
States then owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other —
the Congress ofthe Confederation had before them the question
of prohibiting slavery in that- Territory; and four of the
' thirty-nine' who afterward framed the Constitution were in that

50 LtFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Congress, and voted on that question. Of these, Roger Sher
man, Thomas Mifflin, and Hugh Williamson voted for the pro
hibition — thus showing that, in their understanding, no line
dividing local from federal authority, nor any thing else, prop
erly forbade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in
federal territory. The other of the four — James McHenry —
voted against the prohibition, showing that, for some cause, he
thought it improper to vote for it.
" In 1787, still before the Constitution, but while the Con
vention was in session framing it, and while the Northwestern
Territory still was the only territory owned bythe United States
— the same question of prohibiting slavery in the territory
again came before the Congress ofthe Confederation ; and three
more of the ' thirty-nine' who afterward signed the Constitution,
were in that Congress, and voted on the question. They were
William Blount, William Few and Abraham Baldwin ; and
they all voted , for the prohibition — thus showing that, in their
understanding, no line dividing local from federal authority, nor
any thing else, properly forbids the Federal Government to
control as to slavery in federal territory. This time the pro
hibition became a law, being part of what is now well known as
the Ordinance of '87.
"The question of federal control of slavery in the territories,
seems not to have been directly before the Convention wliich
framed the original Constitution ; and hence it is not recorded
that the 'thirty-nine' or any of them, while engaged on that
instrument, expressed any opinion on that precise question.
"In 1789, by the first Congress which sat under the Con
stitution, an act was passed to enforce the Ordinance of '87
including the prohibition of slavery in the Northwestern Terri
tory. The bill for this act was reported by one of the ' thirty-
nine,' Thomas Fitzsimmons, then a member of the House of
Representatives from Pennsylvania. It went through all its
stages without a word of opposition, aud finally passed both
branches without yeas and nays, which is equivalent to an unani
mous passage. In this Congress there were sixteen of the
' thirty-nine' fathers who framed the original Constitution.,
They were John Langdon, Nicholas Gilman, Wm. S. Johnson,
Roger Sherman, Robert Morris, Thos. Fitzsimmons, William
Few, Abraham Baldwin, Rufus King, William Patterson,
George Clymer, Richard Bassett, George Read, Pierce Butler,
Daniel Carrol, James Madison.
" This shows that, in their understanding, no line dividing local
from federal authority, nor any thing in the Constitution,
properly forbade Congress to prohibit slavery in the federal
territory ; else both their fidelity to correct principle, and their
oath to support the Constitution, would have constrained them
to oppose the prohibition.
"Again, George Washington, another of the 'thirty-nine,'

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 51
was then President of the United States, and, as such, approved
and signed the bill, thus completing its validity as a law, and
thus showing that, in his understanding, no line dividing local
from federal authority, nor any thing in the Constitution, for
bade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in federal
territory. " No great while after the adoption of the original Constitu
tion, North Carolina ceded to the Federal Government the
country now constituting the State of Tennessee ; and a few
years later Georgia ceded that which now constitutes the States
of Mississippi and Alabama. Iu both deeds of cession it was
made a condition by the ceding States that the Federal Gov
ernment should not prohibit slavery in the ceded country.
Besides this, slavery was then actually in the ceded country.
Under these circumstances, Congress, on taking charge of these
countries did not absolutely prohibit slavery within them. But
they did interfere with it — take control of it- — even there, to a
certain extent. In 1798, Congress organized the Territory of
Mississippi. In the act of organization they prohibited the
bringing of slaves into the Territory, from any place without the
United States, by fine and giving freedom to slaves so brought.
This act passed both branches of Congress without yeas and
nays. In that Congress were three of the ' thirty-nine' who
framed the original Constitution. They were John Langdon,
George Read, and Abraham Baldwin. They all, probably,
voted for it. Certainly they would have placed their opposition
to it upon record, if, in their understanding, any line dividing
local from federal authority, or any thing in the Constitution,
properly forbade the Federal Government to control as to
slavery in federal territory.
. " In 1803, the Federal Government purchased the Louisiana
^country. Our former territorial acquisitions came from certain
of our own States ; but this Louisiana country was acquired
from a foreign nation. In 1804, Congress gave a territorial
organization to that part of it which now constitutes the State
of Louisiana. New Orleans, lying within that part, was an old
and comparatively large city. There were other considerable
towns and settlements, aud v slavery was extensively and
thoroughly intermingled with the people. Congress did not, in
the Territorial Act, prohibit Slavery; but they did interfere
with it — take control of it — in a more marked and extensive
way than they did in the case of Mississippi. The substance
of the provision therein made, iu relation to slaves, was :
"First. .That no slave should be imported into the territory
from foreign parts.
"Second. That no slave should be carried into it who had
been imported into the United States since the first day of May,
1798. "Third. That no slave should be carried into it, except by

52 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
the owner, and for his own use as a settler ; the penalty in all
tlie cases being a fine upon the violator of the law, and freedom
to the slave.
" This act also was passed without yeas and nays. In the
Congress which passed it, there were two of the ' thirty-nine.'
They were Abraham Baldwin and Jonathan Dayton. As
stated in the case of Mississippi, it is probable they both voted
for it. They would not have allowed it to pass without record
ing their opposition to it, if, in their understanding, it violated
either the line proper dividing local from Federal authority or
any provision of the Constitution.
"In 1819-20, came and passed the Missouri question. Many
votes were taken, by yeas and nays, in both branches of Con
gress, upon the various phases of the general question. Two
of the ' thirty-nine' — Rufus King and Charles Pinckney — were
members of that Congress. Mr. King steadily voted for slavery
prohibition and against all compromises, while Mr. Pinckney as
steadily voted against slavery prohibition and against all com
promises. By this Mr. King showed that, in his understanding,
no line dividing local from Federal authority, nor any thing in
the Constitution, was violated by Congress prohibiting slavery
in federal territory ; while Mr. Pincffiey, by his votes, showed
that in his understanding there was some sufficient reason for
opposing such prohibition in that case.
" The cases Ihave mentioned are the only acts of the ' thirty-
nine,' or of any of them, upon the direct issue, which I have
been able to discover.
" To enumerate the persons who thus acted, as being four iu
1784, three in 1787, seventeen in 1789, three in 1798, two in
1804, and two in 1819-20 — there would be thirty-one of them.
But this would be counting John Langdon, Roger Sherman,
William Few, Rufus King, and George Read, each twice, and
Abraham Baldwin four times. The true number of those ofthe
' thirty-nine' whom. I have shown to have acted upon the ques
tion, which, by the text they understood better than 'we, is
twenty-three, leaving sixteen not shown to have acted upon it
in any way.
" Here, then, we have twenty-three out of our ' thirty-nine'
fathers who framed the government under which we live, who
have, upon their official responsibility and their corporal oaths,
acted upou the very question which the text affirms they ' un
derstood just as well, and even better than we do now •' and
twenty-one of them — a clear majority of the ' thirty-nine'  so
acting upon it as to make them guilty of gross political impro
priety, and wilful perjury, if, in their understanding, any proper
division between local and Federal authority, or any thin" iu the
Constitution they had made themselves, and sworn to support
forbade the Federal government to control as to slavery in the
Federal territories. Thus the twenty-one acted ; aud, as actions

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 53
speak louder than words, so actions under such responsibility
speak still louder.
"Two of the twenty-three voted against Congressional pro
hibition of slavery in the Federal territories, in the instances in
which they acted upon the question. But for what reasons they
so voted is not known. They may have done so because they
thought a proper division of local from Federal authority, or some
provision or principle of the Constitution, stood in the way ; or
they may, without any such question, have voted against the pro
hibition, on what appeared to them to be sufficient grounds of ex
pediency. No one who has sworn to support the Constitution, can
conscientiously vote for what he understands to be an unconsti
tutional measure, however expedient he may think it ; but one
may and ought to vote against a measure which he deems con
stitutional, if, at the same time, he deems it inexpedient. It,
therefore, would be unsafe to set down even the two who voted
against the prohibition, as having done so because, in their un
derstanding, any proper division of local from Federal authority,
or any thing in the Constitution, forbade the Federal govern
ment to control as to slavery in Federal territory.
"The remaining sixteen of the 'thirty-nine,' so far as I have
discovered, have left no record of their understanding upon the
direct question of Federal control of slavery in the Federal ter
ritories. But there is much reason to believe that their under
standing upon that question would not have appeared different
from that of their twenty-three compeers, had it been manifested
at all.
" For the purpose of adhering rigidly to the text, I have pur
posely omitted whatever understanding may have been mani
fested, by any person, however distinguished, other than the
' thirty- nine' fathers who framed the original Constitution ; and,
for the same reason, I have also omitted whatever understanding
may have been manifested by any of the 'thirty-nine' even, on
any other phase of the general question of slavery. If we should
look into their acts and declarations on those other phases, as the
foreign slave-trade, and the morality and policy of slavery gen
erally, it would appear to us that on the direct question of Fed
eral control of slavery in Federal territories, the sixteen, if they
had acted at all, would probably have acted just as the twenty-
three did. Among that sixteen were several of the most noted
anti-slavery men of those times — as Dr. Franklin, Alexander
Hamilton, and Governeur Morris— while there was not one now
known to have been otherwise, unless it may be John Rutledge,
of South Carolina.
"The sum of the whole is, that of our 'thirty-nine' fathers
who framed the original Constitution, twenty-one — a clear' ma
jority of the whole — certainly understood that no proper division
of local from Federal authority nor any part of the Constitution,
forbade the Federal government to control slavery in the Fed-

54 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
eral territories, while all the rest probably had the same under
standing. Such, unquestionably, was the understanding of our
fathers who framed the original Constitution; and the text
affirms -that they understood the question better than we.
"But, so far, I have been considering the understanding of
the question manifested bythe framers ofthe original Constitu
tion. In and by the original instrument, a mode was provided
for amending it ; and, as I have already stated, the present
frame of government under which we live consists of ths,t
original, and twelve amendatory articles framed and adopted
since. , Those who now insist that Federal control of slavery in
Federal territories violates the Constitution, point us to the
provisions which they suppose it thus violates ; and, as I under
stand, they all fix upon provisions in these amendatory articles,
and not in the original instrument. The Supreme Court, in the
Dred Scott case, plant themselves upon the fifth amendment,
which provides that ' no person shall be deprived of property
without due process of law;' while Senator Douglas and bis
peculiar adherents plant themselves upon the tenth amendment,
providing that 'the powers not granted by the Constitution are
reserved to the States respectively, and to the people.'
" Now, it so happens that these amendments were framed by
the first Congress which sat under the Constitution — the identi
cal Congress which passed the act already mentioned, enforcing
the prohibition of slavery in the northwestern territory. Not
only was it the same Congress, but they were the identical, same
individual men who, at the same session, and at the same time
within the session, had under consideration, and in progress
toward maturity, these Constitutional amendments, and this act
prohibiting slavery in all the territory the nation then owned.
The Constitutional amendments were introduced before, and
passed after the act enforcing the Ordinance of '87 ; so that
during the whole pendency of the act to enforce the Ordinance,
the Constitutional amendments were also pending.
" That Congress, consisting in all of seveuty-six members, in
cluding sixteen of the framers of the original Constitution, as
before stated, were pre-eminently our fathers who framed that
part of the government under which we live, which is now
claimed as forbidding the Federal government to control
Blavery in the Federal territories.
" Is it not a little presumptuous in any one at this day to
affirm that the two things which that Congress deliberately
framed, and carried to maturity at the same time, are absolutely
inconsistent with each other? And does not such affirmation
become impudently absurd when coupled with the other affirma
tion, from the same mouth, that those who did the two things
alleged to be inconsistent understood whether they really were
inconsistent better than we — better than he who affirms that
they aro inconsistent ?

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 55
"It is surely safe to assume that the 'thirty-nine' framers of
the original Constitution, and the seventy-six members of the
Congress Which framed the amendments thereto, taken together,
do certainly include those who may be fairly called ' our fathers
who framed the government under which we live.' And so as
suming, I defy any man to show that any one of them ever, in
his whole life, declared that, in his understanding, any proper
division of local from Federal authority, or any part of the Con
stitution, forbade the Federal government to control as to
slavery in the Federal territories. I go a step further. I defy
any one to show that any living man in the whole world ever
did, prior to the beginning of the present century (and I might
almost say prior to the beginning of the last half of the present
century), declare that, in his understanding, any proper division
of local from Federal authority, or any part of the Constitution,
forbade the Federal government to control as to slavery p the
Federal territories. To those who now so declare, I give, not
only ' our fathers who framed the government under which we
live,' but with them all other living men within the century in
which it was framed, among whom to search, and they shall not
be able to find the evidence of a single man agreeing with them.
" Now, and here, let me guard a little against being misun
derstood. I do not mean to say we are bound to follow im
plicitly in whatever our fathers did. To do so, would be to
discard all the lights of current experience — we reject all prog-
¦ ress — -all improvement. What I do say is, that if we would
supplant the opinions and policy of our fathers in any case, we
should do so upon evidence so conclusive, and argument so clear,
that even their great authority, fairly considered and weighed,
cannot stand ; and most surely not in a case whereof we our
selves declare they understood the question better than we.
" If any man, at this day, sincerely believes that a proper
division of local from Federal authority, or any part of the
Constitution, forbids the Federal government to control as to
slavery in the Federal territories, he is right to say so, and to
enforce his position by all truthful evidence and fair argument
which he can. But he has no right to mislead others, who have
less access to history and less leisure to study it, into the false
belief that ' our fathers, who framed* the government under
which we live,' were of the same opinion — thus substituting false
hood and deception for truthful evidence and fair argument. If
any man, at this day, sincerely believes ' our fathers, who framed
the government under which we live,' used and applied princi
ples, in other cases, which ought to have led them to understand
that a proper division of local from Federal authority, or some
part of the Constitution, forbids the Federal government to
control as to slavery in the Federal territories, he is right to say
so. But he should, at the same time, brave the responsibility
of declaring that, in his opinion, he understands their principles

56 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
better than they did themselves ; and especially should he not
shirk that responsibility by asserting that they ' understood the
question just as well, and even better than we do now.'
"But enough. Let all who believe that 'our fathers, who
framed the government under which we live, understood this
question just as well, and even better than we do now,' speak as
they spoke, and .act as they acted upon it. This is all Republi
cans ask, all Republicans desire, in relation to slavery. As
those fathers marked it, so let it be again marked, as an evil not
to be extended, but to be tolerated and protected only because
of and so far as its actual presence among us makes that tolera
tion and protection a necessity. Let all the guaranties those
fathers gave it, be, not grudgingly, but fully and fairly main
tained. For this Republicans contend, and with this, so far as
I know or believe, they will be content.
"And now, if they would listen — as I suppose they will not —
I would address a few words to the Southern people.
"I would say to them : You consider yourselves a reasonable
and a just people ; and I consider that, in the general qualities
of reason and justice, you are. not inferior to any other people.
Still, when you speak of us Republicans, you do so only to de
nounce us as reptiles, or, at the best, as no better than outlaws.
You will grant a hearing to pirates or murderers, but nothing
like it to ' Black Republicans.' In all your contentions with
one another, each of you deems an unconditional' condemnation
of ' Black Republicanism' as the first thing to be attended to.
Indeed, such condemnation of us seems to be an indispensable
prerequisite — license, so to speak — among you to be admitted
or permitted to speak at all.
" Now can you, or not, be prevailed upon to gause and to
consider whether, this is quite just to us, or even to yourselves?
" Bring forward your charges and specifications, and then be
patient long enough to hear us deny or justify.
" You say we are sectional. We deny it. That makes an
issue ; and the burden of proof is upon you. You produce your
proof ; and what is it ? Why, that our party has no existence
in your section — gets no votes in your section. The fact is sub
stantially true ; but does it prove the issue ? If it does then •
in case we should, without change of principle, begin to get
votes in your section, we should thereby cease to be sectional.
You cannot escape this conclusion ; and yet, are you williu"1 to
abide by it? If you are, you will probably soon find that\ve
have ceased to be sectional, for we shall get votes in your sec
tion this very year. You will then begin to discover, as the
truth plainly is, that your proof does not touch the issue. The
fact that we get no votes in your section is a fact of your
making, and not of ours. And if there be fault iu that fact,
that fault is primarily yours, and remains so until you show that
we repel you by some wrong principle or practice. If we do

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 57
repel you by any wrong principle or practice, the fault is ours ;
but this brings us to where you ought to have started — to a dis
cussion of the right or wrong of our principle. If our principle,
put in practice, would wrong your section for the benefit of ours,
or for any other object, then our principle, and we with it, are
sectional, and are justly opposed and -denounced as such.
Meet us, then, on the question of whether our principle, put in
practice, would wrong your section ; and so meet it as ifit were
possible that something may be said on our side. Do you ac
cept the challenge? No? Then you really believe tbat the
principle which our fathers, who framed the government under
which we live, thought so clearly right as to adopt it, and indorse
it again and again upon their official oaths, is, in fact, so clearly
wrong as to demand your condemnation without a moment's
consideration. " Some of you delight to flaunt in our faces the warning
against sectional parties given by Washington in his Farewell
Address. Less than eight years before Washington gave that
warning, he had, as President of the United States, approved
and signed an act of Congress enforcing the prohibition of
slavery in the Northwestern Territory, which act embodied the
policy of the government upon that subject, up to and at the
very moment he penned that warning; aud about one year after
he penned it he wrote Lafayette that he considered that prohi
bition a wise measure, expressing, in the same connection, his
hope that we should some time have a confederacy of free
States. " Bearing this in mind, and seeing that sectionalism has since
arisen upon this same subject, is that warning a weapon in your
hands against us, or in our hands against you? Could Wash
ington himself speak, would he cast the blame of that sectional
ism upon us, who sustain his policy, or upon you, who repudiate
it? We respect that warning of Washington, and we commend
it to you, together with his example pointing to the right ap
plication of it.
" But you say you are conservative — eminently conservative —
while we are revolutionary, destructive, or something of the
sort. What is conservatism ? Is it'' not .adherence to the old
and tried against the new and untried ? We stick to, contend
for, the identical old policy on the point in controversy which
was adopted by our fathers who framed the government under
which we live ; while you, with one accord, reject, and scout,
and spit upon that old policy, and insist upon substituting some
thing new. True, you disagree among yourselves as to what
that substitute shall be. You have considerable variety of new
propositions and plaus, but you are unanimous in rejecting and
denouncing the old policy ofthe fathers. Some of you are for
reviving the foreign slave-trade; some for a Congressional
Slave-Code for the Territories ; some for Congress forbidding

58 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
the Territories to prohibit slavery within their limits ; some for
maintaining slavery in the Territories through the Judiciary ;
some for the 'gur-reat pur-rinciple' that, ' if one man would en
slave another, no third man should object,' fantastically called
' Popular Sovereignty;' but never a man among you in favor of
Federal prohibition of slavery in Federal Territories, according
to the practice of our fathers who framed the government under
which we live. Not one of all your various plans can show a
precedent or an advocate in the century within which our go
vernment originated. Consider, then, whether your claim of
conservatism for yourselves, and your charge of destructiveness
against us, are based on the most clear and stable foundations.
"Again, you say we have made the slavery question more
prominent than it formerly was. We deny it. We admit that
it is more prominent, but we deny that we made it so. It was
not we, but you, who discarded the old policy of the fathers.
We resisted, and still resist, your innovation ; and thence comes
the greater prominence of the question. Would you have that
question reduced to its former proportions ? Go back to that
old policy. What has been will be again, under the, same con
ditions. If you would have the peace of the old time3, re-adopt
the precepts and policy of the old times.
" You charge that we stir up insurrections among your slaves.
We deny it. And what is your proof? Harper's Ferry 1 John
Brown ! John Brown was no Republican ; and you have failed
to implicate a single Republican in his Harper's Ferry enter
prise. If any member of our party is guilty in that matter, you
know it, or you do not know it. If you do know it, you are in
excusable to not designate the man, and prove the fact. If you
do not know it, you are inexcusable to assert it, and especi
ally to persist in the assertion after you have tried and failed to
make the proof. You need not be told that persisting in a
charge which one does not know to be true is simply malicious
slander. " Some of you admit that no Republican designedly aided or
encouraged the Harper's Ferry affair ; but still insist that our
doctrines and declarations necessarily lead to such results. We
do not believe it. We k*ow we hold to no doctrine, aud make
no declarations which were not held to and made by our fathers
who framed the government under which we live. You uever
deal fairly by us in relation to this affair. When it occurred,
some important State elections were near at hand, and you
were in evident glee with the belief that, by charging the blame
upon us, you could get an advantage of us in those elections.
The elections came, and your expectations were not quite ful
filled. Every Republican man knew that, as to himself, at least,
your charge was a slander, and he was not much inclined by it
to cast his vote in your favor. Republican doctrines and decla
rations are accompanied with a continual protest against any

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 59
interference whatever with your slaves, or with you about your
slaves. Surely, this does not encourage them to revolt. True,
we do, in common with our fathers, who framed the government
under which we live, declare our belief that slavery is wrong;
but the slaves do not hear us declare even this. For any thing
we say or do, the slaves would scarcely know there is a Repub
lican party. I believe they would not, in fact, generally know
it but for your misrepresentations of us in their hearing. In
your political contests among yourselves, each faction charges
the other with sympathy with Black RepubMfcanism ; and then,
to give point to the charge, defines Black Republicanism to
simply be insurrection, blood and thunder among the slaves.
" Slave insurrections are no more common now than they
were before the Republican party was organized. What in
duced the Southampton insurrection, twenty-eight years ago, in
which, at least, three times as many lives were lost as at Har
per's Ferry? You can scarcely stretch your very elastic fancy
to the conclusion that Southampton was got up by Black Re
publicanism. In the present state of things in the United
States, I do not think a general, or even a very extensive slave
insurrection, is possible. The indispensable concert of action
cannot be attained. The slaves have no means of rapid com
munication ; nor can incendiary free men, black or white, sup
ply it. The explosive materials are everywhere in parcels ; but
there neither are, nor can be supplied, the indispensable con
necting trains.
" Much is said by southern people about the affection of
slaves for their masters and mistresses ; and a part of it, at least,
is true. A plot for an uprising could scarcely be devised and
communicated to twenty individuals before some one of them,
to save the life of a favorite master or mistress, would divulge
it. This is the rule ; and the slave revolution in Hayti was not
an exception to it, but a ca$e occurring under peculiar circum
stances. The gunpowder-plot of British history, though not
connected with the* slaves, was more in point. In that case,
only about twenty were admitted to the secret ; and yet one of
them, in his anxiety to save a friend, betrayed the plot to that
friend, and, by consequence, averted the calamity. Occasional
poisonings from the kitchen, and open or stealthy assassinations
in the field, and local revolts extending to a. score or so, will
continue to occur as the natural results of slavery ; but no gen
eral insurrection of slaves, as I think, can happen in this country
for a long time. Whoever much fears, or much hopes, for such
an event, will be alike disappointed.
\ " In the language of Mr. Jefferson, uttered many years ago,
'It is still in our power to direct the process of emancipation,
and deportation, peaceably, and in such slow degrees, as that the
evil will wear off insensibly ; and their place be, pari passu,
filled up by free white laborers. If, on the contrary, it is left to

60 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
force itself on, human nature must shudder at the prospect
held up.'
" Mr. Jefferson did not mean to say, nor do I, that the power
of emancipation is in the Federal Government. He spoke of
Virginia ; and, as to the power of emancipation, I speak of the
slaveholding States only.
" The Federal Government, however, as we insist, has the
power of restraining the extension of the institution — the power
to insure that a slave insurrection shall never occur on any
American soil which is now free from slavery.
" John Brown's effort was peculiar. It was not a slave insur
rection. It was an attempt by white men to get up a revolt
among slaves, in which the slaves refused to participate. In
fact, it was so absurd that the slaves, with all their. ignorarfce,
saw plainly enough it could not succeed. That affair, in its
philosophy, corresponds with the many attempts, related in his
tory, at the assassination of kings and emperors. An enthusiast
broods over the oppression of a people till he fancies himself
commissioned by Heaven to liberate them. He ventures the
attempt, which ends in^little else than in his own execution.
Orsini'B attempt on Louis Napoleon, and John Brown's attempt
at Harper's Ferry were, in their philosophy, precisely the same.
The eagerness to cast blame on old England in the one case,
and on New England in the other, does not disprove the same
ness of the two things.
"And how much would it avail you, if you could, by the use
of John Brown, Helper's book, and the like, break up the Re
publican organization ? Human action can be modified to some
extent, but human nature cannot be changed. There is a judg
ment and a feeling against slavery in this nation, which cast at
least a million and a-half of votes. You cannot destroy that
judgment and feeling — that sentiment— by breaking up the poli
tical organization which rallies around it. You can scarcely
scatter and disperse an army which has been formed into order
in the face of your heaviest fire ; but if you could, how much
would you gain by forcing the sentiment which created it out
of the peaceful channel of the ballot-box, into some other chan
nel? What would that other channel probably be ? Would the
number of John Browns be lessened or enlarged by the
operation. " But you will break up the Union rather than submit to a
denial of your Constitutional rights.
" That has a somewhat reckless sound ; but it would be pal
liated, if not fully justified, were we proposing, by the mere
force of numbers, to deprive you of some right plainly written
down in the Constitution. But we are proposing no such thin".
"When you make these declarations, you have a specific ami
well-understood allusion to an assumed Constitutional right of
yours, to take slaves into the. federal territories, and hold them

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.' 61
there as property. But no such right is specifically written in
the Constitution. That instrument is literally silent about any
such right. We, on the contrary, deny that such a right has
any existence in the Constitution, even by implication.
" Your purpose, then, plainly stated, is, that you will destroy
the Government, unless you be allowed to construe aud enforce
the Constitution as you please, on all points in dispute between
you and us. You will rule or ruin in all events.
" This, plainly ftated, is your language to us. Perhaps you
will say the Supreme Court has decided the disputed Constitu
tional question in ybur favor. Not quite so. But waiving the
lawyer's distinction between dictum and decision, the Courts
have decided the question for you in a sort of way. The Courts
have substantially said, it is your Constitutional right to take
slaves into the Federal Territories, and to hold them there as
property. " When I say the decision was made in a sort of way, I mean
it was made in a divided Court by a bare majority of the Judges,
and they not quite agreeing with one another in the reasons for
making it ; that it is so made as that its avowed supporters
disagree with one another about its meaning, and that it was
mainly based upon a mistaken statement of fact — the statement
in the opinion that ' the right of property in a slave is distinctly
and expressly affirmed in the Constitution.'
" An inspection of the Constitution will show that the right
of property iu a, slave is not distinctly and expressly affirmed in
it. Bear in mind the Judges do not pledge their judicial
opinion that such right is impliedly affirmed in the Constitution ;
but they pledge their veracity that it is distinctly and expressly
affirmed there — 'distinctly' that is, not mingled with any thing
else — ' expressly' that is, in words meaning just that, without
the aid of any inference, and susceptible of no other meaning.
" If they had only pledged their judicial opinion that such
right is affirmed in the instrument by implication, it would be
open to others to show that neither the word ' slave' nor ' sla
very' is to be found in the Constitution, nor the word ' property'
even, in any connection with language alluding to the things
slave, or slavery, and that wherever in that instrument the slave
is alluded to, he is called a ' person ;' and wherever his master's
legal right in relation to him is alluded to, it is spoken of as
' service or labor due,' as a ' debt' payable in service or labor.
Also, it Would be open to show, by contemporaneous history,
that this mode of alluding to slaves and slavery, instead of
speaking of them, was employed on purpose to exclude from the
Constitution the idea that there could be property in man.
" To show all this is easy and certain.
" When this obvious mistake of the Judges shall be brought
to their notice, is it not reasonable to expect that they will
withdraw the mistaken statement, and reconsider the conclusion
based upon it ?

62 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
"And then it is to be remembered that ' our fathers, who
framed the Government under which we live' — the men who
made the Constitution — decided this same Constitutional question
in our favor, long ago — decided it without a division among them
selves, when making the decision ; without division among
themselves about the meaning of it after it was made, aud so
far as any evidence is left, without basing it upon any mistaken
statement of facts.
" Under all these circumstances, do you re#ly feel yourselves
justified to break up this Government, unless such a court
decision as yours is, shall be at once submitteM to, as a conclusive
and final rule of political action.
" But you will not abide the election of a Republican Presi
dent. In, that supposed event, you say, you will destroy' the
Union ; and then, you say, the great crime of having destroyed
it will be "upon us 1
" That is cool. A highwayman holds a pistol to my ear, and
mutters through his teeth, ' stand and deliver, or I shall kill you,
and then you will be a murderer 1'
" To be sure, what the robber demanded of me — my money —
was my own ; and I had a clear right to keep it ; but it was no
more my own than my vote is my own ; and threat of death to
me, to extort my money, and threat of destruction to the
Union, to extort my vote,7 can scarcely be distinguished in
principle. "A few words now to Republicans. It is exceedingly desira
ble that all parts of this great Confederacy shall be at peace,
and in harmony, one with another. Let us Republicans do our
part to have it so. Even though much provoked, let us do
nothing through passion and ill temper. Even though the
southern people will not so much as. listen to us, let us calmly
consider their demands, and yield to them if, in our deliberate
view of our duty, we possibly can. Judging by all they say and
do, and by the subject and nature of their controversy with us,
let us determine, if we can, what will satisfy them ?
" Will they be satisfied if the Territories be unconditionally
surrendered to them ? We know they will not. In all their
present complaints against us, the Territories are scarcely
mentioned. Invasions and insurrections are the rage now.
Will it satisfy them if, in the future, we have nothing to do with
invasions and insurrections ? We know it will not. We so'
know because we know we never had any thing to ' do with
invasions and insurrections ; and yet this total abstaining does
not exempt us from the charge and the denunciation.
" The question recurs, what will satisfy them ? Simply this :
We must not only let them alone, but we must, somehow, con
vince them that we do let them alone. This, we know by
experience, is no easy task. We have been so trying to
convince them, from the very beginning of our organization,

LIFE AND* SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 63
but with no success. In all our platforms and speeches we have
constantly protested our purpose to let them alone ; but this
has had no tendency to convince them. Alike unavailing to
convince them is the fact that they have never detected a man
of us in any attempt to disturb them.
"These natural, and apparently adequate means all failing,
what will convince them ? This, and this only : cease to call
slavery wrong, and join them in calling it riglU. And this must
be done thoroughly — done iu acts as well as in words. Silence
will not be tolerated — we must place ourselves avowedly with
them. Douglas'a new sedition law must be enacted and en
forced, suppressing all declarations that slavery is wrong,
whether made in politics, in presses, in pulpits, or in private.
We must arrest and return their fugitive slaves with greedy
pleasure. We must pull down our Free-State Constitu
tions. The whole atmosphere must be disinfected from all
taint of opposition to slavery, before they will cease to believe
that all their troubles proceed from us.
" I am quite aware they do not state their case precisely in
this way. Most of them would probably say to us, ' Let us
alone, do nothing to us, and say what you please about slavery.'
But we do let them alone — have never disturbed them — so that,
after all, it is what we say, which dissatisfies them. They will
continue to accuse us of doing, until we cease saying.
• " I am also aware they have not, as yet, in terms demanded
the overthrow of our Free-State Constitutions. Yet those
Constitutions declare the wrong of slavery, with more solemn
emphasis, than do all other sayings against it ; and when all
these other sayings shall have been silenced, the overthrow of
these Constitutions will be demanded, and nothiug be left to
resist the demand. It is nothing to the contrary, that they do
not demand the whole of this just now. Demanding what
they do, and for the reason they do, they can voluntarily stop
nowhere ahort of this consummation. Holding, as they do,
that slavery is morally right, and socially elevating, they cannot
cease to demand a full national recognition of it, as a legal
right, and a social blessing.
" Nor can we justifiably withhold this, on any ground save
our conviction that slavery is wrong. If slavery is right, all
words, acts, laws, and constitutions against it, are themselves
wrong, and should be silenced, and swept away. If it is right,
we cannot justly object to its nationality — its universality ; if it
is wrong, they cannot justly insist upon its extension — its
enlargement. All they ask, we could readily grant, if we
thought slavery right ; all we ask, they could as readily grant,
if they thought it wrong. Their thinking it right, and our
thinking it wrong, is the precise fact upon which depends the
whole controversy. Thinking it right, as they do, they are not
to blame for desiring its full recognition, as being right; but,
4

64 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
thinking it wrong, as we do, can we yield to them ? Can we
cast our votes with their view, and against our own ? In view
of our moral, social, and political responsibilities, can we do this ?
" Wrong as we think slavery is, we can yet afford to let it
alone where it is, because that much is due to the necessity
arising from its actual presence in the nation ; but can we,
while our votes will prevent it, allow it to spread into the
National Territories, and to overrun us here in these Free
States ?
" If our sense of duty forbids this, then let us stand by our
duty, fearlessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of
those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so industriously
plied and belabored — contrivances such as groping for some
middle ground between the right and the wrong, vain as the
search for a man who should be neither a living man nor a dead
man — such as a policy of ' don't care' on a question about
which all true men do care — such as Union appeals beseeching
true Union men to yield to Disunionists, reversing the divine
rule, and calling, not the sinners, but the righteous to repen
tance — such as invocations to Washington, imploring men to
unsay what Washington said, and undo what Washington did.
" Neither let us be slandered from our duty by false accusations
against us, not frightened from it by menaces of destruction to
the Government, nor of dungeons to ourselves. Let us have
faith that right makes might, and in that faith, let us, to the end,
dare to do our duty, as we understand it."
IS NOMINATED FOR PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES BY THE REPUBLICAN CON
VENTION.
On the sixteenth of May, I860, the Republican National
Convention assembled in Chicago, for the purpose of
nominating candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presi
dency. The first day was spent in organizing, and the
second, in adopting rules for the government of the Con
vention and the platform of the party, and on the third,
the body proceeded to ballot for the two candidates*
Mr. Lincoln was nominated for President by Mr. Judd,
of Illinois, and on the first ballot, received 102 votes, Mr.
Seward receiving, on the same ballot, 173^ votes, and the
balance being divided between the other candidates. On
the second ballot, the vote stood : Lincoln, 181 ; Seward,
184|-; and on the third, Mr. Lincoln received 230^ votes,

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 65
or within one and one-half of a nomination. One of the
delegates then changed four votes of his State, giving them
to Mr. Lincoln, thus nominating him, and then, amid a
scene of the most intense excitement, vote after vote was
changed to the successful candidate, until at length the
nomination was made unanimous. The selection was re
ceived by the Republican voters of the country with the
most unbounded enthusiasm, and immediate preparations
were made for an arduous campaign. The antecedents
of their standard-bearer were of such an honorable and
noble character, that they felt convinced the different fac
tions among the opposition — indeed, all who were inspired
more by patriotism than party predilections — would sup
port him in the canvass and at the ballot-box. The ar
chitect of his own fortunes, he had raised himself from
obscurity to eminence and distinction. Born in a floorless
log-cabin, in a Kentucky wilderness ; the child of humble
and uneducated, but Christian parents ; and with no edu
cation save that received during six months tuition in an
unpretending school-house, and from attentive study at
home by the light of a log fire, Abraham Lincoln, by his
indefatigable perseverance and energy, rapidly rose from
one position of trust and responsibility to another, until
he attained the nomination of a great political party for
the highest office in the gift of the American people.
IS NOTIFIED OF HIS NOMINATION— THE
ADDRESSES ON THE OCCASION.
The committer appointed by the Convention to notify
Mr. Lincoln of his nomination, performed their duty
without delay, and upon arriving at his residence in
Springfield, whither they were escorted by an immense
concourse of citizens, the President of the Convention
addressed the nominee as follows :

66 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

SPEECH OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE CON
VENTION.
"I have, sir, the honor, in behalf of the gentlemen who are
present, a Committee appointed by the Republican Convention,
receutly assembled at Chicago, to discharge a most pleasant
duty. We have come, sir, under a vote of instructions to that
Committee, to notify you that you have been selected by the
Convention of the Republicans at Chicago, for President of the
United States. They instruct us, sir, to notify you of that
selection, and that Committee deem it not only respectful to
yourself, but appropriate to the important matter which they
have in hand, that they should come in person, and present to
you the authentic evidence of the action of that Convention ;
and, sir, without any phrase which shall either be considered
personally plauditory to yourself, or which shall have any refer
ence to the principles involved in the questions which are con
nected with your nomination, I desire to present to you the
letter which has been prepared, and which informs you of tho
nomination, and with it the platform, resolutions and sentiments,
which the Convention adopted. Sir, at your convenience, wu
shall be glad to receive from you such a response as it may bo
your pleasure to give us."
REPLY OF MR. LINCOLN.
In response, Mr. Lincoln said :
"Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee: I tender
to you, and through you to the Republican National Convention,
and all the people represented in it, my profoundest thanks for
the high honor done me, which you now formally announce.
Deeply, and even painfully sensible of the great responsibility
which is inseparable from this high honor— a responsibility
which I could almost wish had fallen upon some one of the far
more eminent men and experienced statesmen whose distin
guished names were before the Convention, I shall, by your
leave, consider more fully the resolutions of the Convention,
denominated the platform, and without unnecessary or unrea
sonable delay, respond to you, Mr. Chairman, in writing, not
doubting that the platform will be found satisfactory, and the
nomination gratefully accepted. And now I will not longer
defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of you, by the hand."
CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE CONVEN
TION AND MR. LINCOLN.
The following letter was addressed to Mr. Lincoln by

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 67
the President of the Convention, and a committee ap
pointed for that purpose : " Chicago, May 18th, 1860.
" To the Hon. Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois.
" Sir : The representatives of the Republican party of the
United States, assembled in Convention at Chicago, have this
day by a unanimous vote, selected you as the Republican can
didate for the office of President of the United States to be
supported at the next election ; and the undersigned were ap
pointed a Committee of the Convention to apprise you of this
nomination, and respectfully to request that you will accept it.
A declaration of the principles and sentiments adopted by the
Convention accompanies this communication.
" In the performance of this agreeable duty we take leave to
add our confident assurance that the nomination of the Chicago
Convention will be ratified by the suffrages of the people.
" We have the honor to be, with great respect and regard,
your friends and fellow-citizens."
On the 23d, Mr. Lincoln addressed the following letter
to the President of the Convention :
" Springfield, Illinois, May 23rd, 1860.
"Hon. George Ashman, President ofthe Republican National
"Convention.
" Sir: I accept the nomination tendered me by the Conven
tion over which you presided, and of which I am formally ap
prised in the letter of yourself and others, acting as a Commit
tee of the Convention for that purpose.
" The declaration of principles and sentiments, which accom
panies your letter, meets my approval ; and it shall be my care
not to violate, or disregard it, in any part.
" Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with
due regard to the views and feelings of all who were represented
in the Convention ; to the rights of all the States and Territo
ries, and people of the nation ; to the inviolability of the Con
stitution, and the perpetual 'union, harmony and prosperity of
all, I am most happy to co-operate for the practical success of
the principles declared by the Convention,
" Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, " Abraham Lincoln."
On the sixth of November, 1860, the election for President
took place, with the following result : Mr. Lincoln received
491,275 over Mr. Douglas ; 1,018,499 over Mr. Brecken-

68 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
ridge, and 1,275,821 over Mr. Bell ; and the vote waa
subsequently proclaimed by Congress to be as follows :
For Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois  180
For John C. Breckenridge, of Kentucky  72
For John Bell, of Tennessee  39
For Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois  12
To describe the various movements and projects which
were devised and consummated in the South between the
time that Mr. Lincoln was elected and the date of his in
auguration, would require a much larger work than that
which we now offer to the public, and we will therefore
confine our account merely to those which it is unavoid
ably necessary to mention. The principal and most dia
bolical plot conceived and recommended by the traitors,
was to prevent the inauguration by obtaining possession
of the Federal Capital, or by assassinating Mr. Lincoln
while on his way thither, or upon the day that the cere
monies were to take place. Whatever may have been the
plan, or however large the reward offered to the villain
who would accomplish the murderous deed, the object of
their vindictiveness escaped their machinations, and still
continues to administer the government wisely and faith
fully.
LEAVES SPRINGFIELD FOR WASHINGTON —
OVATIONS ON THE ROUTE.
The President Elect left his home in Springfield, Illinois,
on the eleventh of February, 1861, for Washington, having
before leaving the depot addressed the following words
of farewell to the thousands of his fellow-citizens who had
assembled at the place of departure :
i
" My friends : No one not in my position can appreciate the
sadness I feel at this parting. To this people I owe all that I
am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century. Here
my children were born, and here one of them lies buried. I
know not how soon I shall see you again. A duty devolves

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 69
upon me which is perhaps greater than that which has devolved
upon any other man since the days of Washington. He never
would have succeeded except for the aid of Divine Providence,
upon which he at all times relied. I feel that I cannot succeed
without the same Divine aid which sustained him, and in tho
same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support ; and I
hope you, my friends, will all pray that I may receive that
Divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with
which success is certain. Again, I bid you all an affectionate
farewell." Along the route, multitudes assembled at the railway
stations to greet him. At Toledo, in response to repeated
calls, Mr. Lincoln appeared on the platform and said :
" I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, at
tended, as you are aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us
believe, as some poet has expressed it, ' Behind the cloud the
sun is shining still.' I bid you an affectionate farewell."
He next proceeded to Indianapolis, where Mr. Lincoln
was welcomed by the Governor of the State, and escorted
by a procession composed of both Houses of the Legis
lature, the public officers, municipal authorities, military,
and firemen. On reaching the Hotel he addressed the
people as follows :
"Fellow-citizens of the State of Indiana : I am here to thank
you much for this magnificent welcome, aud still more for the
very generous support given by your State to that political
cause, which I think is the true and just cause of the whole
country and the whole world. Solomon says ' there is a time to
keep silence ;' and when men wrangle by the mouth, with no
certainty that they mean the same thing while using the same
words, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence. The
words 'coercion' and 'invasion' are much used in these days,
and often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if
we can, that we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who
use them. Let us get the exact definitions of these words, not
from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly
deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the
words. What, then, is ' coercion V What is 'invasion ?' Would
the marching of an army into South Carolina, without the con
sent of her people, and with hostile intent towards them, be in
vasion ? I certainly think it would, and it would be ' coercion'
also if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if the
United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and
other property, and iollect the duties on foreign importations,

70 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAnAM LINCOLN.
or even withhold the mails from places where they were habit
ually violated, would any or all of these things be ' invasion' or
' coercion ?' Do our professed lovers of the Union, but who
spitefully resolve that they will resist coercion and invasion, un
derstand that such things as these, on the part of the United
States, would be coercion or invasion of a State ? If so, their
idea of means to preserve the object of their great affection
would seem to be exceedingly thin and airy. If sick, the little
pills of the homoeopathist would be much too large for it to
swallow. In their view, the Union, as a family relation, would
seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort of ' free-love'
arrangement, to be maintained on passional attraction. By the
way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State ? 1
speak not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by
the Constitution, for that is the bond we all recognize. That
position, however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with
it. I speak of that assumed primary right of a State to rule
all which is less than itself, and to ruin all which is larger than
itself. If a State and a County, iu a given case, should be
equal in extent of territory and equal in number of inhabitants,
in what, as a matter of principle, is the State better than the
County? Would an exchange of name be an exchange of
rights ? Upon what principle, upon what riehtful principle, may
a State, being no more than one-fiftieth part of the nation in
soil and population, break up the nation, and then coerce a pro
portionally larger subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary
way ? What mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a
district of country with its people, by merely calling it a State ?
Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting any thing. I am merely
asking questions for you to consider. And now allow me to bid
you farewell."
Proceeding to Cincinnati, he received a most enthusi
astic welcome. Having been addressed by the mayor of
the city, and escorted by a civic and military procession
to the Burnet House, he addressed the assemblage in
these words :
"Fellow-citizens : I have spoken but once before this in Cin
cinnati. That was a year previous to the late Presidential elec
tion. On that occasion, in a playful manner, but with sincere
words, I addressed much of what I said to the Kentuckians. I
gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, would ultimately beat
them as Democrats, but that they could postpone the result
longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency than
they could in any other way. They did not, in any true sense
of the word, nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has come
certainly as soon as ever I expected.

, LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 71
" I also told them how I expected they would be treated after
they should have been beaten, and now wish to call their atten
tion to what I then said :
" ' When we do, as we say we will, beat you, you perhaps
want to know what we will do with you. I will tell you — as far
as I am authorized to speak for the opposition — what we mean
to do with you. We mean to treat you as near as we possibly
can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. We
mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your
institutions ; to abide by all and every compromise of the Con
stitution. In a word, coming back to the original p'roposition,
to treat you, as far as degenerate men — if we have degenerated
— may, according to the example of those noble fathers, Wash
ington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that
you are as good as we ; that there i3 no difference between us
othur than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recog
nize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in
your bosoms as other people, or as we claim to have, and to
treat you accordingly.'
" Fellow-citizens of Kentucky, friends, brethren : May I call
you such? In my new position I see no occasion and feel no
inclination to retract a word of this. If it shall not be made
good be assured that the fault shall not be mine.'
In the evening he had a reception, when large crowds
called upon him.
On the next morning he left Cincinnati, and arrived at
Columbus, where he was received with every demonstra
tion of enthusiasm. He visited the Governor in the Ex
ecutive Chamber, and was subsequently introduced to the
members of the Legislature in joint session, when he was
formally welcomed by the Lieutenant-Governor, to whom
Mr. Lincoln responded in these words :
" It is true, as has been said by the President of the Senate,
that very great responsibility rests upon me in the position to
which the votes of the American people have called me. I am
deeply sensible of that weighty responsibility. I cannot but
know, what you all know, that without a name — perhaps without
a reason why I should have a name — there has fallen upon me a
task such as did not rest upon the Father of his Country. And
so feeling, I cannot but turn and look for the support without
which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task
I turn, then, and look to the American people, and to that God
who has never forsaken them.
"Allusion has been made to the interest felt in relation to the
policy of the new Administration. In this, I have received

72 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
from some a degree of credit for having kept silence, from
others some depreciation. I still think I was right. In the
varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, without a
precedent which could enable me to judge for the past, it has
seemed fitting, that before speaking upon the difficulties of the
country I should have gained a view of the whole field. To be
sure, after all, I would be at liberty to modify and change the
course of policy as future events might make a change
necessary. " I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety.
It is a good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there
is nothing going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that
when we look out there is nothing that really hurts anybody.
We entertain different views upon political questions, but
nobody is suffering any thing. This is a most consoling circum
stance, and from it I judge that all we want is time and patience,
and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this people."
On the 14th of February, Mr. Lincoln proceeded to
Pittsburgh. At Steubenville, on the route, in reply to an
address, he said :
" I fear the great confidence placed' in my ability is un
founded. Indeed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast diffi
culties, as I am, nothing shall be wanted on my part, if
sustained by the American people and God. I believe the
devotion to the Constitution is equally great on both sides of
the river. It is only the different understanding of that instru
ment that causes difficulties. The only dispute is ' What are
their rights ?' If the majority should not rule who should be
the judge ? Where is such a judge to be found ? We should
all be bound by the majority of the American people — if not,
then the minority must control. Would that be right ? Would
it be just or generous? Assuredly not." He reiterated, the
majority should rule. If he adopted a. wrong policy, then the
opportunity to condemn him would occur in four years' time.
" Then I can be turned out and a better man with better views
put in my place."
The next morning he left for Cleveland, but before his
departure he made an address to the people of Pittsburgh,
in which he said :
" In every short address I have made to the people, and in
every crowd through which I have passed of late, some allusion
has been made to the present distracted cpudition of the coun
try. It is naturally expected that I should say something upon
this subject, but to touch upon it at all would involve an
elaborate discussion of a great many questions and circum-

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 73
stances, would require more time than I can at present com
mand, and would perhaps unnecessarily commit me upon matters
which have not yet fully developed themselves.
" The condition of the country, fellow-citizens, is an extra
ordinary one, and fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety
and solicitude. My intention is to give this subject all the con
sideration which I possibly can before I speak fully and
definitely in regard to it, so that, when I do speak, I may
be as nearly right as possible. And when I do speak, fellow-
citizens, I hope to say nothing in opposition to the spirit of the
Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, or which
will in any way prove inimical to the liberties of the people or
to the peace of the whole country. And, furthermore, when
the time arrives for me to speak ou this great subject, I hope to
say nothing which will disappoint the reasonable expectations
of any man, or disappoint the people generally throughout the
country, especially if their expectations have been based upon
any thing which I may have heretofore said.
" Notwithstanding the troubles across the river, [the speaker,
smiling, pointed southwardly to the Monongahela River,] there
is really no crisis springing from any thing in the Government
itself. In plain words, there is really no crisis except an arti
ficial one. What is there now to warrant the condition of
affairs presented by our friends 'over the river'? Take even
their own view of the questions involved, and there is nothing
to justify the course which they are pursuing. I repeat it, then,
there is no crisis, except such a one as may be gotten up at
any time |by turbulent men, aided by designing politicians.
My advice, then, under such circumstances, is to keep cool; If
the great American people will only keep their temper on both
sides of the line, the trouble will come to an end, and the ques
tion which now distracts the country will be settled just as
surely as all other difficulties of like character which have
originated in this Government have been adjusted. Let the
people on both sides keep their self-possession, and just as other
clouds have cleared away in due time, so will this, and this
great nation shall continue to prosper as heretofore."
He then referred to the subject of the tariff, and said :
" According to my political education, I am inclined* to be
lieve that the people in the various portions of the country
should have their own views carried out through their represen
tatives in Congress. That consideration of the Tariff bill should
not be postponed until the next session of the National Legisla
ture. No subject should engage your representatives more
closely than that of the tariff. If I have any recommendation
to make, it will be that every man who is called upon to serve
the people, in a representative capacity, should study the whole

74 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN,
subject thoroughly, as I intend to do myself, looking to all the
varied interests of the common country, so that, when the time
for action arrives, adequate protection shall be extended to the
coal and iron of Pennsylvania and the corn of Illinois. Permit
me to express the hope that this important subject may receive
such consideration at the hilhds of your representatives that the
interests of no part of the country may be overlooked, but that
all sections may share in the common benefits of a just and
equitable tariff."
Mr. Lincoln, upon his arrival in Cleveland, adverted to
the same subject in the following terms :
"It is with you, the people, to advance the great cause, of the
Union and the Constitution, and not with any one man. It
rests with you alone. This fact is strongly impressed on my
mind at present. In a community like this, wnose appearance
testifies to their intelligence, I am convinced that the cause of
liberty and the Union can never be in danger. Frequent allu
sion is made to the excitement at present existing in national
politics. I think there is no occasion for any excitement. The
crisis, as it is called, is altogether an artificial crisis. In all
parts of the nation, there are differences of opinion in politics.
There are differences of opinion even here. You did not all
vote for the person who now addresses you. And,how is it with
those who are not here ? Have they not all their rights as they
ever had ? Do they not have their fugitive slaves returned now
as ever? Have they not the same Constitution th^they have
lived under for seventy odd years ? Have they not a position
as citizens of this common country, and have we any power to
change that position ? What, then, is the matter with them ?
Why all this excitement? Why all these complaints ? As I
said before, this crisis is all artificial. It has no foundation in
fact. It was ' argued up,' as the saying is, and cannot be argued
down. Let it alone, and it will go down itself."
On Saturday he proceeded to Buffalo, where he arrived
at evening, and was met by an immense concourse of citi
zens, headed by Ex-President Fillmore.
Arriving at the hotel, Mr. Lincoln was welcomed in a
brief speech by the acting chief magistrate, to which he
made a brief reply, as follows :
"Mr. Mayor and Fellow- Citizens :— I am here to thank you
briefly for this grand reception given to me, not personally, but
as the representative of our great and beloved country. Your
worthy mayor has been pleased to mention in his address to me,

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 75
the fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had from
home — only it is rather a circuitous route to the Federal Capi
tal. I am very happy that he was enabled, in truth, to congrat
ulate myself and company on that fact. It is true, we have
had nothing thus far to mar the pleasure of the trip. We have
not been met alone by those who assisted in giving the election
to me ; I say not alone, but by the whole population of tho
country through which we have passed. This is as it should be.
Had the election fallen to any other of the distinguished candi
dates instead of myself, under the peculiar circumstances, to say
the least, it would have been proper for all citizens to have
greeted him as you now greet me. It is an evidence of the de
votion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and
the perpetuity of the liberties of this country. I am unwilling,
on any occasion, that I should be so meanly thought of as to
have it supposed for a moment that these demonstrations are
tendered to me personally. They are tendered to the country,
to the institutions of the country, and to the perpetuity of the
liberties of the country for which these institutions were made
and created. Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express
the hope that I may be able to relieve the country from the pre
sent, or, I should say, the threatened difficulties. I am' sure I
bring a heart true to the work. For the ability to perform it, I
trust in that Supreme Being who has never forsaken this favored
land, through the instrumentality of this great aud intelligent
people. Without that assistance I should surely fail; with it
I cannot fail. When we speak of the threatened difficulties to
the country, it is natural that it should be expected that some
thing should be said by myself with regard to particular mea
sures. Upon more mature reflection, however — and others will
agree with me — that, when it is considered that these difficulties
are without precedent, and never have been acted upon by any
individual situated as I am, it is most proper I should wait and
see the developments, and 'get all the light possible, so that,
when I do speak authoritatively, I may be as near right as possi
ble. When I shall speak authoritatively, I hope to say nothing
inconsistent with the Constitution, the Union, the rights of all
the States, of each State, and of each section of the country,
and not to disappoint the reasonable expectations of ^hose who
have confided to me their votes. In this connection, allow me
to say that you, as a portion ofthe great American people, need
only to maintain your composure, stand up to your sober con
victions of right, to your obligations to the Constitution, and
act in accordance with those sober convictions, and thp clouds
which now arise in the horizon will be dispelled, and we shall
have a bright and glorious future ; and, when this generation
shall have passed away, tens of thousands shall inhabit this
country where only thousands inhabit it now. I do not propose
to address you at length; I have no voice for it. Allow me

76 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN".
again to thank you for this magnificent reception, and bid you
farewell." Mr. Lincoln then proceeded from Buffalo to Albany.
Here he was met by the Mayor, the City Councils, and
the Legislative Committees, and was conducted to the
Capitol, where he was. welcomed by Governor Morgan,
and responded briefly, as follows :
"Governor Morgan: — I was pleased to receive an invitation
to visit the capital of the great Empire State of this nation,
while on my way to the Federal capital. I now thank you, and
you, thl people of the capital of the State of New York, for
this most hearty and magnificent welcome. If I am not at fault,
the great Empire State at this time contains a larger population
than did the whole of the United States of America at the time
they achieved their national independence ; and I was proud to
be invited to visit its capital, to meet its citizens as I now have
the honor to do. I am notified by your governor that this re
ception is tendered by citizens without distinction of party.
Because of this, I accept it the more gladly. In this country,
and in any country where freedom of thought is tolerated, citi
zens attach themselves to political parties. It is but an ordi
nary degree of charity to attribute this act to the supposition
that, in thus attaching themselves to the various parties, each
man, in his own judgment, supposes he thereby best advances
the interests of the whole country. And when an election is
passed, it is altogether befitting a free people that, until the
next election, they should be one people. The reception you
have extended me to-day is not given to me personally. It
should not be so, but as the representative, for the time being,
of the majority of the nation. If the election had fallen to any
ofthe more distinguished citizens, who received the support of
the people, this same honor should have greeted him that greets
me this day, in testimony of the unanimous devotion of the whole
people to the Constitution, the Union, and to the perpetual
liberties of succeeding generations in this country. I have
neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any greater
length. I beg you will, therefore, accept my most grateful
thanks for this manifest devotion — not to me but to the institu
tions of this great and glorious country."
He was then conducted to the Legislative halls, where,
in reply to an address of welcome, he again adverted to
the troubles of the country in the following terms :
"Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Legislature of the

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 77
State of New York : — It is with feelings of great diffidence, and,
1 may say, feelings even of awe, perhaps greater than I have re
cently experienced, that I meet you here in this place. The
history of this great State, the renown of its great men, who
have stood in this chamber, and have spoken their thoughts, all
crowd around my fancy, and incline me to shrink from an attempt
to address you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the
generous manner in which you have invited me, and the still
more generous manner in which you have received me. You
have invited me and received me without distinction of party.
I could not for a moment suppose that this has been done in any
considerable degree with any reference to my personal self. It
is very much more grateful to me that this reception and tho
invitation preceding it were given to me as the representative
of a free people than it could possibly have been were they but
the evidence of devotion to me or to any one man. It is true
that, while I hold myself, without mock-modesty, the humblest
of all the individuals who have ever been elected President of the
United States, I yet have a more difficult task to perform than
any one of them has ever encountered. You have here gen
erously tendered me the support, the united support, of the great
Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation — in behalf of
the President and of the future of the nation — in behalf of the
cause of civil liberty in all time to come- — I most gratefully
thank you. I do not propose now to enter upon any expressions
as to the particular line of policy to be adopted with reference
to the difficulties that stand before us in the opening of the in
coming Administration. 1 deem that it is just to the country,
to myself, to you, that I should see every thing, hear every
thing, and have every light that can possibly be brought within
my reach to aid me before I shall speak officially, in order that,
when I do speak, I may have the best possible means of taking
correct and true grounds. For this reason, I do not now an
nounce any thing in the way of policy for the new Administra
tion. When the time comes, according to the custom of the
government, I shall speak, and speak as well as I am able for
the good of the present and of the future of this country — for the
good of the North and of the South — for the good of one and
of the other, and of all sections of it. In the meantime, if we
have patience, if we maintain our equanimity, though some may
allow themselves to run off in a burst of passion,. I still have con
fidence that the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, through the
instrumentality of this great and intelligent people, can and will
bring us through this difficulty, as he has heretofore brought us
through all preceding difficulties of the country. Relying upon
this, and again thanking you, as I forever shall, in my heart, for
this generous reception you have given me, I bid you farewell."
At Albany, he was met by a delegation from the city
authorities of New York, and on the 19th started for that

78 LIFE AND SERVICES 9F ABRAHAM LINCOLN.'
#
city. At Poughkeepsie, he was welcomed by the Mayor
of the city. Mr. Lincoln, in reply, said :
" I am grateful for this cordial welcome, and I am gratified
that this immense multitude has come together, not to meet the
individual man, but the man who, for the time being, will humbly
but earnestly represent the majesty of the nation. These re
ceptions have been given me at other places, and, as here, by
men of different parties, and not by one party alone. .It shows
an earnest effort on the part of all to save, not the country, for
the country can save itself, but to save the institutions of the
country — those institutions under which, for at least three-
quarters of a century, we have become the greatest, the most
intelligent, and the happiest people in the world. These mani
festations show that we all make common cause for these ob
jects ; that if some of us are successful in an election, and others
are beaten, those who are beaten are not in favor of sinking the
ship in consequence of defeat, but are earnest in their purpose
to sail it safely through the voyage in hand, and, in so far as they
may think there has been any mistake in the election, satisfying
themselves to take their chance at setting the matter right the
next time. That course is entirely right. 1 am not sure — I do
riot pretend to be sure — that in the selection of the individual
who has been elected this term, the wisest choice has been made.
I fear it has not. In the purposes and in the principles that
have been sustained, I have been the instrument selected to
carry forward the affairs of this Government. I can rely upon
you, and upon the people of the country ; and with their sus
taining hand, I think that even I shall not fail in carrying the
Ship of State through the storm."
The reception of President Lincoln in New York City
was a most imposing demonstration. Places of business
were generally closed, and hundreds of thousands wore in
the streets. On the next day, he was welcomed to the
city by Mayor Wood, and replied as follows :
"Mr. Mayor: It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I
make my acknowledgments for the reception given me in the
great commercial city of New York. I cannot but remember
that this is done by a people who do not, by a majority, agree
with me in political sentiment. It is the more grateful, because
in this I see that, for the great principles of our • Government,
the people are almost unanimous. In regard to the difficulties
that confront us at this time, and of which your Honor has
thought fit to speak so becomingly and so justly, as 1 suppose,
I can only say that I agree in the sentiments expressed. In my

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 79
devotion to the Union, I hope I am behindno man in the nation.
In the wisdom with which to conduct the affairs tending to tho
preservation of the Union, I fear that too great confidence may
have been reposed in me ; but I am sure I bring a heart devoted
to the work. There is nothing that could ever bring me to wil
lingly consent to the destruction of this Union, under which not
only the great commercial city of New York, but the whole
country, acquired its greatness, except it be the purpose for
which the Union itself was formed. I understand the ship to
be made for the carrying and the preservation of the cargo, and
so long as the ship can be saved with the cargo, it should never
be abandoned, unless it fails the possibility of its preservation,
and shall cease to exist, except at the risk of throwing overboard
both freight and passengers. So long, then, as it is possible that
the prosperity and the liberties of the people be preserved in this
Union, it shall be my purpose at all times to use all my powers
to aid in its perpetuation. Again thanking you for the recep
tion given me, allow me to come to a close."
On the next day, he left for Philadelphia. At Trenton,
ne remained a few hours, and visited both Houses of the
Legislature. On being received in the Senate, he thus
addressed that body :
"Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Senate of the State cf
New Jersey: I am very grateful to you for the honorable recep
tion of which I have been the object. I cannot but remember
the place that New Jersey holds in our early history. In the
early Revolutionary struggle, few of the States among the old
Thirteen had more of the battle-fields of the country within its
limits than old New Jersey. May I be pardoned, if, upon this
occasion, I mention, that away back in my childhood, the earliest
days of my being able to read, I got hold of a small book, such
a one as few of the younger members have ever seen, ' Weems'
Life of Washington.' I remember all the accounts there given
of the battle-fields and struggles for the liberties of the country,
and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so deeply as the
struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing of the
river— the contest with the Hessians— the great hardships en
dured at that time— all fixed themselves on my memory more
than any single revolutionary event ; and you all know, for you
have all been boys, how these early impressions last longer than
any others. I recollect thinking then, boy even though I was.
that there must have been something more than common that
those men struggled for. I am exceedingly anxious that that
thing which they struggled for— that something even more than
National Independence— that something that held out a great
promise to all the people of the world to all time to come— I am
5

80 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
exceedingly anxious that this Union, the Constitution, and the
liberties of the people, shall be perpetuated in accordance with
the original idea for which that stTuggle was made, and I shall
be most happy indeed if I shall be an humble instrument in the
hands of the Almighty, and of this, His almost chosen people,
for perpetuating the object of that great struggle. You give
me this reception, as I understand, without distinction of party.
I learn that this body is composed of a majority of gentlemen
who, in the exercise of their best judgment in the choice of a
Chief Magistrate, did not think I was the man. I understand,
nevertheless, that they came forward here to greet me as the
constitutional President of the United States— as citizens of the
United States, to meet the man who, for the time being, is the
representative man of the nation, united by a purpose to per
petuate the Union and liberties of the people. As such, I ac
cept this reception more gratefully than I could do did I believe
it was tendered to me as an individual."
He then passed into the Chamber of the Assembly, and
upon being introduced by the Speaker, addressed that
body as follows :
"Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen : I have just enjoyed the honor
of a reception by the other branch of this Legislature, .and I re
turn to you and them my thanks for the reception which the
people of New Jersey have given, through their chosen repre
sentatives, to me, as the representative, for the time being, of
the majesty of the people of the United States. I appropriate
to myself very little of the demonstrations of respect with which
I have been greeted. I think little-should be given to any man,
but that it should be a manifestation of adherence to the Union
and the Constitution. I understand myself to be received here
by the representatives of the people of New Jersey, a majority
of whom differ in opinion from those with whom I have acted.
This manifestation is therefore to be regarded by me as expres
sing their devotion to the Union, the Constitution, and the lib
erties of the people. You, Mr. Speaker, have well said, that
this is the time when the bravest and wisest look with doubt and
awe upon the aspect presented by our national affairs. Under
these circumstances, you will readily see why I should not speak
in detail of the course I shall deem it best to pursue. , It is
proper that I should avail myself of all the information and all
the time at my command, in order that when the time arrives in
which I must speak officially, I shall be able to take the ground
which I deem the best and safest, and from which I may have
no occasion to swerve. I shall endeavor to take the ground I
deem most just to the North, the East, the West, the South, and
the whole country. I take it, I hope, in good temper — certainly

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 81
with no malice towards any section. I shall do all that may be
in my power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficul
ties. The man does not live who is more devoted to peace than
I am — none who would do more to preserve it. But it may be
necessary to put the foot down firmly. And if I do my duty,
and do right, you will sustain me, will you not? Received, as I
am, by the members of a Legislature, the majority of whom do
not agree with me in political sentiments, I trust that I may
have their assistance in piloting the Ship of State through this
voyage, surrounded by perils as it is ; for if it should suffer ship
wreck now, there will be no pilot ever needed for another voy
age." On his arrival in Philadelphia, he was received with
great enthusiasm, and the Mayor greeted him with the
following address :
" Sir : In behalf of the Councils of Philadelphia and of its
citizens, who, with common respect for their chief Magistrate-
elect, have greeted your arrival, I tender you the hospitality of
this city. I do this as the official representative of ninety thou
sand hearths, around which dwell six hundred thousand people,
firm and ardent in their devotion to the Union ; and yet it may
not be withheld, that there are but few of these firesides whose
cheer is not straitened and darkened bythe calamitous condition
of our country. The great mass of this people are heartily weary
and sick of the selfish schemes and wily plots of mere politicians, '
who bear no more relation to true statesmanship than do the
barnacles which incrust the ship to the master who stands by
the helm. Your fellow-countrymen look to you in the earnest
hope that true statesmanship and unalloyed patriotism may,
with God's blessing, restore peace and prosperity to this dis
tracted land. It is to be regretted that your short stay pre
cludes that intercourse with the merchants, manufacturers, me
chanics, and other citizens of Philadelphia, which might afford
you a clear discernment of their great interests. And, sir, it
could not be other than grateful to yourself to have the oppor
tunity of commuuicating with the memories of the past, in those
historic walls where were displayed the comprehensive intellects,
and the liberal, disinterested virtues of our fathers, who framed
the Constitution of the Federal States, over which you have
been called upon to preside."
Mr. Lincoln replied :
" Mr. Mayor and Felloio-citizens of Philadelphia : I appear
before you to make no lengthy speech but to thank you for this
reception. The reception you have given me to-night is not to
me, the man, the individual, but to the man who temporarily

82 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
represents, or should represent, the majesty of the nation. It is
true, as your worthy Mayor has said, that there is anxiety among
the citizens of the United States at this time. I deem it a happy
circumstance that this dissatisfied portionvof our fellow-citizens
do not point us to any thing in which they are being injured, or
are about to be injured ; for which reason I have felt all the
while justified in concluding that the crisis, the panic, the anxiety
of the country at this time, is artificial. If there be those who
differ with me upon this subject, they have not pointed out the
substantial difficulty that exists. I do not mean to say that an
artificial panic may not do considerable harm ; that it hasdone
such I do not deny. The hope that has been expressed by your
Mayor, that I may be able to restore peace, harmony, and pros
perity to the country, is most worthy of him ; and happy indeed
will I be if I shall be able to verify and fulfil that hope. I
promise you, in all sincerity, that I bring to the work a sincere
heart. Whether I will bring a head equal to that heart, will be
for future times to determine. It were useless for me to speak
of details of plans now ; I shall speak officially next Monday
week, if ever. If I should not speak then, it were useless for
me to do so now. If I do speak then, it is useless for me to do
so now. When I do speak, I shall take such ground as I deem
best calculated to restora peace, harmony, and prosperity to the
country, and tend to the perpetuity of the nation, and the liberty
of these States and these peqple. Your worthy Mayor has ex
pressed the wish, in which I join with him, that it were con
venient for me to remain with your city long enough to consult
your merchants and manufacturers ; or, as it were, to listen to
those breathings rising within the consecrated walls wherein the
Constitution of the United States, and, I will add, the Declara
tion of Independence, were originally framed and adopted. I
assure you and your Mayor, that I had hoped on this occasion,
and upon all occasions during my life, that I shall do nothing
inconsistent with the teachings of these holy and most sacred
walls. I never asked any thing that does not breathe from those
walls. All my political warfare has been in favor of the teach
ings that come forth from these sacred walls. May my right
hand forget its cunning, ar.d my tongue cleave to the roof of
my mouth, if ever I prove false to those teachings. Fellow-citi
zens, now allow me to bid you good-night."
On the next morning, Mr. Lincoln visited the old " In
dependence Hall," for the purpose of raising the national
flag over it. Here he was received with a warm welcome,
and made the following address :
" I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing
here, in this place, where were collected the wigdom, the patriot-

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 83
ism, the devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions
nnder which we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in
my hands is the task of restoring peace to the present distracted
condition of the country. I can say in return, sir, that all the
political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I
have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which origi
nated and were given to the world from this hall. I have never
had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments
embodied in the Declaration of Independence. I have often
pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men who
assembled here, and framed and adopted that Declaration of In
dependence. I have pondered over the toils that were endured
by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that inde
pendence. I have often inquired of myself what great principle
or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so long together. It
was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from
the mother-land, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Inde
pendence which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this
country, but, I hope, to the world for all future time. It was
that which gave promise that in due time the weight would be
lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment em
bodied in the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends,
can this country be saved upon this basis ? If it can, I will-
consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can
help to save it. If it cannot be, saved upon that principle, it
will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved with
out giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather
be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now, in my
view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed
or war. There is no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such
a course, and I may say, in advance, that there will be no blood
shed unless it be forced upon the government, and then it will
be compelled to act in self-defence.
" My friends, this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did
not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here.
I supposed it was merely to do something towards raising the
flag. I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet. I have
said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, if it be the
pleasure of Almighty Gqd, to die by."
The party then proceeded to a platform erected in front
of the State House, and Mr. Benton, of the Select Council,
invited the President-elect to raise the flag. Mr. Lincoln
responded in a brief speech, stating his cheerful compli
ance with the request, and alluded to the original flag of
thirteen stars, saying that the number had increased as

84 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
time rolled on, and we became a happy and a powerful
people, each star addingto its prosperity. " The future,"
he added, " is in the hands of the people. It is on such an
occasion as this that we can reason together, reaffirm our
devotion to the country and the 'principles of the Declara
tion of Independence. Let us make up our mind, that
when we do put a new star upon our banner, it shall be. a
fixed one, never to be dimmed by the horrors of war, but
brightened by the contentment and prosperity of peace.
Let us go on to extend the area of our usefulness, add
star upon star, until their light shall shine upon five hun
dred millions of a free and happy people."
The President-elect then raised the flag to the top of
the staff.
At half-past 9 o'clock the party left for Harrisburg.
Both Houses of the Legislature were visited by Mr. Lin
coln, and to an address of welcome he thus replied :
" I appear before you only for a very few brief remarks, in
response to what has been said to me. I thank you most sin
cerely for this reception, and the generous words in which sup
port has been promised me upon this occasion. I thank your
great commonwealth for the overwhelming support it recently
gave, not to me personally, but the cause, which I think a just
one, in the late election. Allusion has been made to the fact —
the interesting fact, perhaps we should say — that I, for the first
time, appear at the Capital of the great Commonwealth of
Pennsylvania upon the birthday ofthe Father of his Country,
in connection with that beloved anniversary connected with the
history of this country.. I have already gone through one ex
ceedingly interesting scene this morning in the ceremonies at
Philadelphia. Under the high conduct of gentlemen there, I
was, for the first time, allowed the privilege of standing in Old
Independence Hall, to have a few words addressed to me there,
and opening up to me an opportunity of expressing, with much
regret, that I had not more time to express something of my
own feelings, excited by the occasion, somewhat to harmonize
and give shape to the feelings that had been really the feelings
of my whole life. Besides this, our friends there had provided a
magnificent flag ofthe country. They had arranged it so that I
was given the honor of raising it to the head of its staff. And
when it went up 1 was pleased that it went' to its place by the
strength of my own feeble arm ; when, according to the arrange-

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 85
ment, the cord was pulled, and it flaunted gloriously to the wind
without an accident, in the bright glowing sunshine of the morn
ing, I could not help hoping that there was in the entire success
of that beautiful ceremony at least something of an omen of
what is to come. Nor could I help feeling then, as I often have
felt, in the whole of that proceeding, I was a very humble in
strument. I had not provided the flag ; I had not made the ar
rangements for elevating it to its place. I had applied but a
very small portion of my feeble strength in raising it. In the
whole transaction I was in the hands of the people who had ar
ranged it, and if I can have the same generqus cooperation of
the people ofthe nation, I think the flag of our country may yet
be kept flaunting gloriously. I recur for a moment but to
repeat some words uttered at the hotel in regard to what has
been said about the military support which the General Gov
ernment may expect from the Commonwealth of Pennsylva
nia in a proper emergency. To guard against any possible
mistake do I recur to this. It is not with any pleasure that
1 contemplate the possibility that a necessity may arise in
this country for the use of the military arm. While 1
am exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon your
streets of your military force here, and exceedingly gratified
at your promise here to use that force upon a proper
emergency — while I make these acknowledgments, I desire
to repeat, in order to preclude any possible misconstruction,
that I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no use for
them ; that it will never become their duty to shed blood, and
most especially never to shed fraternal blood. I promise that,
so far as I may have wisdom to direct, if so painful a result
shall in any wise be brought about, it shall be through no fault
of mine. Allusion has also been made by one of your honored
speakers to some remark recently made by myself at Pittsburg,
in regard to what is supposed to be the especial interests of this
great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. I now wish only to say,
in regard to that matter, that the few remarks which I uttered
on that occasion were rather carefully worded. I took pains
that they should be so. I have seen no occasion since to add to
them or subtract from them. I leave them precisely as they
stand, adding only now, that I am pleased to have an expres
sion from you, gentlemen of Pennsylvania, significant that they
are satisfactory to you. And now, gentlemen of the General
Assembly of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, allow me to
return you again my most sincere thanks."
PLOT TO ASSASSINATE HIM— HOW IT WAS
THWARTED.
Arrangements had been made for his departure from

86 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Harrisburg on the following morning, but the discovery
of a plot to assassinate him as he passed through Balti
more — a plot in which some of the principal residents of
that city were interested, although their projects were to
be accomplished by means of paid emissaries — caused a
change in the schedule, and on the evening of the day that
he had been received by the Legislature, he left in a
special train for Philadelphia, and from thence proceeded
in the sleeping-car attached to the regular midnight train
to Washington, where he arrived at an early hour on the
morning of the twenty-third.
The sudden departure of Mr. Lincoln from the Penn
sylvania State Capital naturally astonished the people of
the country ; "and while the loyal citizens exulted in the
fact that he was safe in Washington, the traitors and their
sympathizers were greatly exasperated at the failure of
their nefarious designs, and pronouncing the movement
an act of cowardice, solemnly declared that he should
never be inaugurated.
IS WELCOMED TO WASHINGTON BY THE
AUTHORITIES.
A few days after his arrival he was waited' upon by the
Mayor and other municipal authorities, who welcomed
him to the city, and to whom he made the following
reply :
" Mr. Mayor : I thank you, and through you the municipal
authorities of this city who accompany you, for this welcome.
And as it is the first time in my life since the present phase of
politics has presented itself in this country, that I have said
any thing publicly within a region of country where the institu
tion of slavery exists, I will take this occasion to say that I
think very much of the ill-feeling that has existed, and still ex
ists, between the people in the sections from whence I came
and the people here, is dep&ndent upon a misunderstanding |of
one another. I therefore avail myself of this opportunity to
assure you, Mr. Mayor, and all the gentleman present, that I
have not now, and never have had, any other than as kindly

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 87
feelings towards you as the people of my own section. I havn
not now, and never have had, any disposition to treat you in any
respect otherwise than as my own neighbors. I have not now
any purpose to withhold from you any of the benefits of the
Constitution, under any circumstances, that I would not feel
myself constrained to withhold from my neighbors ; and I hope,
in a word, that, when we shall become better acquainted, and I
say it with great confidence, we shall like each other the more. I
thank you for the kindness of this reception."
ADDRESSES THE REPUBLICAN ASSOCIATION.
On the following evening the Republican Association
tendered him a delightful serenade, at the conclusion of
which he made the following remarks to the assembled
crowd :
"My friends : I suppose that I may take this as a compli
ment paid to me, and as such please accept my thanks for it.
I have reached this city of Washington under circumstances
considerably differing from those under which any other man
has ever reached it. I am here for the purpose of taking an
official position amongst the people, almost all of whom wero
politically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to me as I
suppose.- I propose no lengthy address to you. I only propose
to say, as I did on yesterday, when your worthy Mayor and
Board of Aldermen called upon me, that I thought much ofthe
ill-feeling that has existed between you and the people of your
surroundings and that people from amongst whom I came, has
depended, and now depends, upon a misunderstanding.
" I hope that, if things shall go along as prosperously as I
believe we all desire they may, I may have it in my power to re
move something of this misunderstanding ; that I may be
enabled to convince you, and the people of your section of the
country, that we regard you as in all things our equals, and in
all things entitled to the same respect and the same treatment
that we claim for ourselves ; that we are in nowise disposed, if
it were in our power, to oppress you, to deprive you of any of
your rights under the Constitution of the United States, or even
narrowly to split hairs with you in regard to those rights, but
are determined to give you, as far as lies in our hands, all your
rights under the Constitution — not grudgingly, but fully and
fairly. I hope that, by thus dealing with you, we will become
better acquainted, and be better friends. And now, my friends,
with these few remarks, and again returning my thanks for this
compliment, and expressing my desire to hear a little more of
your good music, I bid you good-night."

88 • LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
IS INAUGURATED PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES.
On the fourth of March, 1861, Abraham Lincoln was
inaugurated the Sixteenth President of the United States,
the ceremonies incident to the event being of the most
imposing description. A large number of troops partici
pated in the procession, and every arrangement was made
to frustrate any movement the Secessionists or their
friends might make to prevent the choice of a majority of
the voters of the nation from taking the oath of office.
From a platform erected in the usual position on the east
front of the capitol, and in the presence of not less than
ten thousand persons, Mr. Linooln delivered the following
Inaugural Address :
INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
"Fellow-citizens of the United States :
" In compliance with a custom as old as the Government it
self, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take, in
your presence, the oath prescribed '\>y the Constitution of the
United States to be taken by the President, before he enters on
the execution of his office.
'¦ I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss
those matters of administration about which there is no special
anxiety or excitement. - Apprehension seems to exist among the
people of the Southern States, that, by the accession of a Re
publican Administration, their property and their peace and
personal security are to be endangered. There has never been
•any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most
ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and
been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the pub
lished speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote
from one of those speeches, when I declare that ' I have no pur
pose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the'institution of
/ slavery in the States where it exists.' I believe I have no law
ful right to do so ; and I have no inclination to do so. Those
who nominated and elected me, did so with the full knowledge
that I had made this, and made many similar declarations, and
had never recanted them. And more than this, they placed in
the platform, for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and
to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read:
" 'Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 89
the States, and especially the right of each State to order and
control its own domestic institutions according to its own judg
ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which
the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend ; and
we denounce the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of
any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among
the gravest of crimes.'
" I now reiterate these sentiments ; and in doing so I only
press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of
which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and se
curity of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now
incoming Administration.
" I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with
the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully
given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever
cause, as cheerfully to one section as to another.
" There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugi
tives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly
written in the Constitution as any other of its provisions :
" 'No person held to service or labor in one State under the
laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any
law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom
such service or labor may be due.'
" It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by
those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive
slaves ; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law.
"All members Of Congress swear their support to the whole
Constitution' — to this provision a"s well as any other. To the
proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms
of this clause ' shall be delivered up,' their oaths are unanimous.
Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they
not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by means
of which to keep good that unanimous oath?
" There is some difference of opinion whether this clause
should be enforced by national or by State authority ;. but
surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave
is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him
or to others by which authority it is done ; and should any one,
iu any case, be content that this oath shall go unkept on a
merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept ?
"Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the sa-fe-
gnards of liberty known in the civilized and humane jurisprudence
to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surren
dered as a slave? And might it not be well at the same time to
provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Consti
tution, which guarantees that ' the citizens of each State shall bp
entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the
several States?'

90 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
¦" I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations,
and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by
any hypercritical rules ; and while I do not choose now to
specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I
do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both in official and
private stations, to conform to and abide by all those acts which
stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find
impunity in having them held to be unconstitutional.
" It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a
President under our national Constitution. During that period
fifteen different and very distinguished citizens have in succes
sion administered the executive branch of the government.
They have conducted it through many perils, and generally
with great success. Yet, with all this scope for precedent, I
now enter upon the same task, for the brief constitutional term
of four years, under great and peculiar difficulties.
"A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced,
is now formidably attempted. I hold that in the contemplation
of universal law and of the Constitution, the Union of these
States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in
the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe
to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its
organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all
the express provisions of our national Constitution, and the
Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it ex
cept by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.
"Again, if the United States be not a government proper, but
an association of States in the nature of a contract merely, can
it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties
who made it? One party to a contract may violate it — break it,
so to speak; but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we find the proposi
tion that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual, con
firmed by the history of the Union itself.
" The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was
formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was
matured and continued in the Declaration of Independence in
1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then
thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be
perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation, in 1778 ; and,
finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and
establishing the Constitution was to form a more perfect
Union. But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a
part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is less
than before, the Constitution having lost the vital element of
perpetuity. " It follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere
motion, can lawfully get out of the Union ; that resolves and
ordinances to that effect are legally void ; and that acts of vio-

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 91
lence within any State or States against the authority of the
United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to
circumstances. " I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and
the laws, the Union is unbroken, and, to the extent of my
ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expresslj
enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully
executed in all the States. Doing this, which I deem to be only
a simple duty on my part, I shall perfectly perform it, so far as
is practicable, unless my rightful masters, the American people,
shall withhold the requisition, or, iu some authoritative manner,
direct the contrary.
" I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the
declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend
and maintain itself.
"In doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence, and
there shall be none unless it is forced upon the national au
thority. " The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and
possess the property and places belonging to the government, and
collect the duties and imposts ; but beyond what may be neces
sary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force
against or among the people anywhere.
" Where hostility to the United States shall be so great and
so universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding
the Federal offices, there will be np attempt to force obnoxious
strangers among the people that object. While strict legal right
may exist of the goverument to enforce the exercise of these
offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating, and so
nearly impracticable withal, that I deem it better to forego for
the time the uses of such offices.
"The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished to
all parts of the Union.
" So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that
sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought
and reflection.
" The course here indicated will be followed, unless current
events and experience shall show a modification or change to be
proper; and in every case and exigency my best discretion will
be^exercised according to the circumstances actually existing,
and with a view and hope of a peaceful solution of the national
troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and af
fections. " That there are persons, in one section or another, who seek
to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext
to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny. But if there be such, I
need address no word to them.
" To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not
speak, before entering upon so grave a matter^as the destruc-

92 LIFE AXD SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
tion of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories,
and its hopes? Would it not be well to ascertain why we do
¦ it? Will you hazard so desperate a step, while any portion of
the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while
the certain ills you fly to, are greater than all the^real ones you
fly from? Will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?
All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights
can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly writ
ten in the Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Hap
pily the human mind is so constituted, that no party can reach
to the audacity of doing this.
" Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly-
written provision of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by
the mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive a minority
of any clearly-written constitutional right, it might, in a moral
point of view, justify revolution ; it certainly would, if such right
were a vital one. But such is not our case.
"All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so
plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, guar
antees and prohibitions in the Constitution, that controversies
never rise concerning them. But no organic law can ever be
framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question
which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can
anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, ex
press provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from
labor be surrendered by national or by State authorities? The
Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect
slavery in the territories? The Constitution does not expressly
say. From questions of this class spring all our constitutional
controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and
minorities. " If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the
government must cease. There is no alternative for continuing
the government but acquiescence on the one side or the other. If
a minority in such a case will secede rather than acquiesce, they
make a precedent which in turn will ruin and divide them, for a
minority of their own will secede from them whenever a ma-
j ority refuses to be controlled by such a minority. For instance, „
why nbt any portion of a new confederacy, a year or two hence/
arbitarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present
Uniou now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion
sentiments are uow being educated to the exact temper of doing
this. Is there such perfect identity of interests among the
States to compose a new Union as to produce harmony only,
and prevent renewed secession ? Plainly, the central idea of
secession is the essence of anarchy.
"A majority held in restraint by constitutional check and
limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes
of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 93
a free people. Whoever reject it, does, of necessity, fly to an
archy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible ; the rule of a
majority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible.
So that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism
in some form is all that is left.
" I do not forget the position assumed by some that constitu
tional questions are to be decided bythe Supreme Court, nor do
I deny that such decisions must be binding iu any case upon the
parties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are also
entitled to very high respect and consideration in all parallel
cases by all other departments of the government : and while it
is obviously possible that such decision may be erroneous in any
given case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that
particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and
never become a precedent for other cases, can better be borne
than could the evils of a different practice.
"At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that, if the
policy of the government upon the vital questions affecting the
whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by the decisions of the
Supreme Court, the instant they are made, as in ordinary litiga
tion between parties in personal actions, the people will have
ceased to be their own masters, unless having to that extent
practically resigned their government into the hands of that
eminent tribunal.
"Nor is. there in this view any assault upou the court or the
judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink, to decide
cases properly brought before them ; and it is no fault of theirs
if others seek to turn their decisions to political purposes. One
section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be
extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to
be extended ; and this is the only substantial dispute ; and the
fugitive slave clause of the Constitution, and the law for the
suppression of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced,
perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral
sense of the people imperfectly supports the law itself. The
great body of the people abide by the • dry legal obligation in
both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot
be perfectly cured, and it would be worse, in both cases, after
the separation of the sections, than before. The foreign slave-
trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultimately revived,
without restriction, in one section ; while fugitive slaves, now
only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by
the other.
"Physically speaking, we cannot separate — we cannot remove
our respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable
wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and
go out of the presence and beyond the reach of the other, but
the different parts of our country cannot do that. They cannot
but remain face to face ; and intercourse, either amicable or

94 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to
make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory
after separation than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier
than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully
enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose
you go to war, you cannot tight always ; and when, after much 4
loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the
identical questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon
you. " This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who
inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing
government, they can exercise their constitutional 'right of
amending, or their revolutionary right to dismember or over
throw it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many worthy
and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the national Con
stitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amend
ment, I fully recognize the full authority of the people over
the- whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes pre
scribed in the instrument itself, and I should, under existing
circumstances, favor, rather than oppose, a fair opportunity
being afforded the people to act upon it.
" I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems
preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the
people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or
reject propositions originated by others not especially chosen for
the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they
would wish either to accept or refuse. I understand that a pro
posed amendment to the Constitution (which amendment, how
ever, I have not seen) has passed Congress, to the effect that
the Federal Government shall never interfere with the domestic
institutions of States, including that of persons held to service.
To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my
purpose not to" speak of particular amendments, so far as to say
that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional
law, I have no objections to its being made express and irrevo
cable. " The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the peo
ple, and they have con ferred none upon him to fix the terms for
the separation of the States. The people themselves, also, can
do this if they choose, but the Executive, as such, has nothing
to do with it. His duty is to administer the present government
as it came to his hands, and to transmit it, unimpaired by him,
to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence
in the ultimate justice of the people ? Is there any better or
equal hope in the world ? In our present differences, is either
party without faith of being in the right ? If the Almighty
Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be ou your
side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that
justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal,

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 9:1 r-">
the American people. By the frame of the government under
which we live, this same people have wisely given their public
servants but little power for mischief, and have, with equal wis
dom, provided for the return of that little to their own hands at
very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and
vigilance, no administration, by auy extreme wickedness or
folly, can very seriously injure the government in the short space
of four years.
" My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon
this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking
time. ,
" If mere be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, to
a step which you would, never take deliberately, that object will
be frustrated by taking time ; but no good object can be frus
trated by it.
" Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Con
stitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your
own framing under it ; while the new administration will have
no immediate power, if it would, to change either.
" If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the
right side in the dispute, there is still no single reason for pre
cipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a
firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored
land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our
present difficulties.
" In "your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in
mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government
will not assail you.
" You can have no conflict without being yourselves the ag
gressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destrpy
, the government; while I shall have the most solemn one to
' preserve, protect, and defend it.'
" I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We
must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it
must not break our bonds of affection.
" The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every battle
field and patriot grave to every living. heart and hearthstone All
over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union,
when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels
of our nature."
Chief Justice Taney then administered the oath of
office, and President Lincoln left the Capitol for the
White House, where he held a public reception.
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S INTERVIEW WITH
THE VIRGINIA COMMISSIONERS.
On the ISth of April, 1861, Messrs. Preston Stuart and
6

96 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Randolph, a committee appointed by the Virginia Con
vention, were formally received by the President, and pre
sented the resolutions under which they were appointed.
In response, Mr. Lincoln made the following address :
" Gentlemen : As a committee of the Virginia Convention,
now in session, you present me a preamble and resolution in
these words :
" ' Whereas, in the opinion of this Convention, the uncertainty
which prevails in the public mind as to the policy which the
Federal Executive intends to pursue towards the seceded States
is extremely injurious to the industrial and commercial interests
of the country, tends to keep up an excitement which is un
favorable to the adjustment of the pending difficulties, and
threatens a disturbance of the public peace ; therefore,
" 'Resolved, That a committee of three delegates be appointed
to wait on the President of the United States, present to him
this preamble, and respectfully ask him to communicate to this
Convention the policy which the Federal Executive intends to
pursue in regard to the Confederate States.'
" In answer I have to say, that having, at the beginning of
my official term, expressed my intended policy as plainly as I
was able, it is with deep regret and mortification I now learn there
is great and injurious uncertainty in the public mind as to what
that policy is, and what course I intend to pursue. Not having
as yet seen occasion to change, it is now my purpose to pursue
the course marked out in the inaugural address. I eommend a
careful consideration of the whole document as the best ex
pression I can give to my purposes. As I then and therein said,
I now repeat, ' The power confided iu me will be used to hold,
occupy, and possess property aud places belonging to the Gov
ernment, and to . collect the duties and imports ; but beyond
what is necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no
using of force against or among the people anywhere.' By the
words ' property and places belonging to the Government,' I
Chiefly allude to the military posts and property which were in
possession of the government when it came into my hands.
But if, as now appears to be true, in pursuit of a purpose to
drive the United States authority from these places, an unpro
voked assault has been made upon Fort Sumter, i shall hold
myself at liberty to repossess it, if I can, like places which had
been seized before the Government was devolved upon me, and
in any event I shall, to the best of my ability, repel force by
force. In case it proves true that Fort Sumter has been
assaulted, as is reported, I shall, perhaps, cause the United
States mails to be withdrawn from all the States which claim to
have seceded, believing that the commencement of actual war
against the Government justifies and possibly demands it.- I

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 97
scarcely need to say that I consider the military posts and
property situated within the States which claim to have seceded,
as yet belonging to the Government of the United States as
much as they did before the supposed secession. Whatever
else I may do for the purpose, I shall not attempt to collect the
duties and imposts by any armed invasion of any part of the
country; not meaning by this, however, that I may not land a
force deemed necessary to relieve a fort upon the border of the
country. From the fact that I have quoted a part of the
inaugural address, it must not be inferred that I repudiate any
other part, the whole of which I reaffirm, except so far as what I
now say" of the mails may be regarded as a modification."
Two days later the following proclamation was issued :
THE FIRST CALL FOR TROOPS.— CONGRESS
SUMMONED TO ASSEMBLE.
" Whereas, The laws of the United States have been for some
time past, and now are opposed, and the execution thereof ob
structed, in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too
^powerful to be suppressed bythe ordinary course of judicial pro
ceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law ; now,
therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States,
in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the
laws, have thought fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the
militia of the several States of the Union to the aggregate num
ber of 75,000, in order to suppress said combinations and to
cause the laws to be duly executed.
" The details for this object will be immediately communicated
to the State authorities through the War Department. I ap
peal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate, and aid this effort
to maintain the honor, the integrity, and existence of our na
tional Union, and the perpetuity of popular government, and to
redress wrongs already long enough endured. I deem it proper
to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby called
forth, will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and property
which have been seized from the Union ; and in every event thr,
utmost care will be observed, consistently with the objects afore
said, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of, or interference
with property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens of any
part of the country; and I hereby command the persons com
posing the combinations aforesaid, to disperse and retire peace
ably to their respective abodes, within twenty days from this
date. " Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents
an extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power
in me vested by the Constitution, convene both Houses of Con-

98 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
gress. The Senators and Representatives are, therefore, sum
moned to assemble at their respective chambers at twelve o'clock,
noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July next, then and there
to consider and determine such measures as, in their wisdom, the
public safety and interest may seem to demand.
" In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused
the seal of the United States to be affixed.
" Done at the City of Washington, this fifteenth day of April, in
the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-
one, and of the independence of the United States the eighy-
fifth. " By the President : "Abraham Lincoln.
" William H. Seward, Secretary of State."
Within three days after the appeal had been made to
the patriots of the North, six hundred of their number
had arrived in Washington, prepared for active duty and
ready to sacrifice their lives in defence of the capital. The
avenues to the city of Washington were guarded night
and day, and cannon were placed in position. "The excite
ment was intense, but amid all the various apprehensions
of the residents and the country, he, who really should
have been more especially anxious and fearful, was always
calm and collected. The murderous outbreak in Balti
more on the nineteenth only increased the excitement, but,
as if indifferent to the scenes which were in progress im
mediately around him, the President issued the following
Proclamation, ordering a blockade of the Southern ports :
A BLOCKADE OF SOUTHERN PORTS ORDERED.
" Whereas, An insurrection against the Government of the
United States has broken out in the States of South Carolina,
Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas,
and the laws of the United States for the collection of the
revenue cannot be efficiently executed therein conformably to
that provision of the Constitution which requires duties to be
uniform throughout the United States.
"And whereas, A combination of persons, engaged in such
insurrection, have threatened to grant pretended letters of
marque to authorize the bearers thereof to commit assaults on
the lives, vessels, and property of good citizens of the country
lawfully engaged in commerce on the high seas, and in waters
of the United States.

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. , 99
"And whereas, An Executive Proclamation has been already
issued, requiring the persons engaged in these disorderly pro
ceedings to desist therefrom, calling out a militia force for the
purpose of repressing the same, and convening Congress in ex
traordinary session to deliberate and determine thereon.
" Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, with a view to the same purpose before men
tioned, and to the protection of the public peace, and the
lives and property of quiet and orderly citizens pursuing their
lawful occupations, until Congress shall have assembled and de
liberated on the said unlawful proceedings, or until the same
shall have ceased, have further deemed it advisable to set on
foot a blockade of the ports within the States aforesaid, in pur
suance of the laws of the United States and of the laws of nations
in such cases provided. For this purpose a competent force will
be posted so as to prevent entrance and exit of vessels from the
ports aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate such block
ade, a vessel shall approach, or shall attempt to leave any of the
eaid ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of one of
the blockading vessels, who will indorse on her register the fact
and date of such warning ; and if the same vessel shall again
attempt to enter or leave the blockaded port, she will be cap
tured and sent to the nearest convenient port, for such proceed
ings against her and her cargo as prize as may be deemed ad
visable. "And I hereby proclaim and declare, that if any person, un
der the pretended authority of said States, or under any other
pretence, shall molest «, vessel of the United States, or the
persons or cargo on board of her, such person will be held
amenable to the laws of the United States for the prevention
and punishment of piracy.
" By the President : "Abraham Lincoln.
" William H. Seward, Secretary of State.
" Washington, April 19th, 1861."
THE PRESIDENT'S COMMUNICATION WITH
THE MARYLAND AUTHORITIES.
On the twentieth of April, the President sent the follow
ing letter to the Governor of Maryland and also to the
Mayor of Baltimore : " Washington, April 20th, 1861.
" Governor Hicks and Mayor Brown :
" Gentlemen :¦ — Your letter by Messrs. JBond, Dobbin, and
Brune, is received. I tender you both my sincere thanks for
your efforts to keep the peace in the trying situation in which
you are placed. For the future, troops must be brought here,
but I make no point of bringing them through Baltimore. 9

100 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
" Without any military knowledge myself, of course I must
leave details to General Scott. He hastily said this morning,
in presence of those gentlemen, ' March them around Baltimore,
and not through it.'
"I sincerely hope the general, on fuller reflection, will con
sider this practical and proper, and that you will not object to
it. By this a collision of the people of Baltimore with the
troops will be avoided, unless they go out of the way to seek it.
I hope you will exert your influence to prevent this. Now and
eyer, I shall do all in my power for peace, consistently with the
maintenance of government " Your obedient servant, "A. Lincoln."
And on the twenty-first, he sent a despatch to Mayor
Brown, requesting him to proceed immediately to Wash
ington, a request that was obeyed, and upon arriving at
the White House the invited guest was admitted to an
interview with the Cabinet and General Scott. The Presi
dent informed the Mayor, and three of the citizens of Bal
timore who had accompanied him, that he recognized the
good faith of the City and State authorities, but should
insist upon a recognition of his own.
He admitted the excited state of feeling in Baltimore,
and his desire and duty to avoid the fatal consequences
of a collision with the people. He urged, on the other
hand, the absolute, irresistible necessity of having a tran
sit through the State for such troops as might be neces
sary for the protection of the Federal capital. The pro
tection of Washington, he asseverated with great earnest
ness, was the sole object of concentrating troops there ;
and he protested that none of the troops brought through
Maryland were intended for any purposes hostile to the
State, or aggressive as against the Southern States. Being
now unable to bring them up the Potomac in security, the
Government must either bring them through Maryland or
abandon the capital.
He called on General Scott for his opinion, which the
General gave at length, to the effect that troops might be

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 101
brought through Maryland, without going through Balti
more, by either carrying them from Perryville to Annapo
lis, and thence by rail to Washington, or by bringing them
to the Relay House on the Northern Central railroad, and
marching them to the Relay House on the Washington
railroad, and thence by rail to the capital. If the people
would permit them to go by either of these routes uninter
ruptedly, the necessity of their passing through Baltimore
would be avoided. If the people would not permit them
a transit thus remote from the city, they must select their
own best route, and, if need be, fight their way through
Baltimore, a result which the General earnestly depre
cated. The President expressed his hearty concurrence in the
desire to avoid a collision, ^Lnd said that no more troops
should be ordered through Baltimore if they were per
mitted to go uninterrupted by either of the other routes
suggested. In this disposition the Secretary of War ex
pressed his participation.
About this same date a deputation of sympathizers
visited the President, and demanded a cessation of hostili
ties until the convening of Congress, accompanying the
demand with the assertion that seventy-five thousand
Marylanders would contest the passage of troops over
their soil. Mr. Lincoln, in refusing to accede to the truce,
quietly replied that he presumed there was room enough
on her soil to bury seventy-five thousand men.
BLOCKADING OF VIRGINIA AND NORTH
CAROLINA.
On the twenty-seventh of April, the following additional
proclamation, extending the blockade, was issued :
" Whereas, For the reasons assigned in my proclamation of
the 19th instant, a blockade of the ports of the States of South
Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi,
and Texas, was ordered to be established ; And whereas, Since

102 LIFE AKT> SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
that date public property of the United States has been seized,
the collection ofthe revenue obstructed, and duly commissioned
officers of the United States, while engaged in executing the
orders of their superiors, have been arrested and held in custody
as prisoners, or have been impeded in the discharge of their
official duties, without due legal process, by persons claiming to
act under authority of the States of Virginia and North Caro
lina, an efficient blockade of the ports of these States will there
fore also be established.
" In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused
the seal of the United States to be affixed.
" Done at the City of Washington, this 27th day of April, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one,
and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-
fifth. " By the President : "Abraham Lincoln.
" William H. Seward, Secretary of State."
Although the first call for troops had been responded to
in the most gratifying mannei»by the outraged citizens of
the free States, it was early ascertained that the number
asked was totally insufficient for the existing exigencies,
and on the third of May the following proclamation was
issued :
A CALL FOR ADDITIONAL TROOPS.
" Washington, Friday, May 3d, 1861.
"Whereas, Existing exigencies demand immediate and ade
quate measures for the protection of the national Constitution
and the preservation of the national Union by the suppression
of the insurrectionary combinations now existing in several
States for opposing the laws of the Union and obstructing the
execution thereof, to which end a military force, in addition to
that called forth by my Proclamation of the fifteenth day of
April, in the present year, appears to be indispensably neces
sary, now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy
thereof, and ofthe militia ofthe several States, when called into
actual service, do hereby call into the service of the United
States forty-two thousand and thirty-four volunteers, to serve
for a period of three years, unless sooner discharged, and to be
mustered into service as infantry and cavalry. The proportions
of each arm and the details of enrolment and organization will
be made known through the Department of War ; and I also
direct that the regular army of the United States be increased
by the addition of eight regiments of infantry, one regiment of

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 103
cavalry, and one regiment of artillery, making altogether a
maximum aggregate increase of 22,714 officers and enlisted men,
the details of which increase will also be made known through
the Department of War; and I further direct the enlistment,
for not less than one nor more than three years, of 18,000 sea
men, in addition to the present force, for the naval service of
the United States. The details ofthe enlistment and organiza
tion will be made known through the Department of the Navy.
The call for volunteers, hereby made, and the direction of the
increase of the regular army, and for the enlistment of seamen
hereby given, together with the plan of organization adopted for
the volunteers and for the regular forces hereby authorized, will
be submitted to Congress as soon as assembled.
"In the meantime, I earnestly invoke the- co-operation of all
good citizens in the measures hereby adopted for the effectual \
suppression of unlawful violence, for the impartial enforcement
of constitutional laws, and for the speediest possible restoration
of peace and order, and with those of happiness and prosperity
throughout our country.
" In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
" Done at the City of Washington, this third day of May, in the
year of our Lord one" thousand eight hundred and sixty-one,
and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-
fifth. " By the President : "Abraham Lincoln.
" William H. Seward, Secretary of State."
AN INTERVIEW WITH THE MARYLAND
LEGISLATURE.
On the following day, the President had an interview
with a Committee of the Maryland Legislature, who ad
mitted the right of the Government to transport troops
through Baltimore or Maryland, but expressed their belief
that no immediate efforts would be made by the State au
thorities at secession or resistance, and asked that the
State might be spared military occupation, or a mere re
vengeful chastisement for former transgressions. The
President, in reply, promised to give their suggestions a
respectful consideration, and stated that whatever meas
ures might be adopted, would be actuated entirely by the
public interests and not by any spirit of revenge.

104 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
A SPECIAL ORDER FOR FLORIDA.
On the tenth of May, 1861, the following proclamation
was promulgated :
" Whereas, An insurrection exists in the State of Florida, by
which the lives, liberty, and property of loyal citizens of the
United States are endangered.
"And whereas, It is deemed proper that all needful measures
should be taken for the protection of such citizens and all officers
of the United States in the discharge of their public duties in
the State aforesaid.
" Now, therefore, be it 'known that I, Abraham Lincoln,
President of the United States, do hereby direct the Com
mander of the forces of the United States on the Florida coast
to permit no person to exercise any office or authority upon the
Islands of Key West, the Tortugas, and Santa Rosa, which
may be inconsistent with the laws and Constitution of the
United Stages, authorizing him at the same time, if he shall
find it necessary, to suspend there the writ of habeas corpus,
and to remove from the vicinity of the United States fortresses
all dangerous or suspected persons.
" In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused
the seal of the United States to be affixed.
" Done at the City of Washington, this tenth day of May, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one,
and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-
fifth. "By the President : "Abraham Lincoln.
" William H. Sewaed, Secretary of State."
PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S FIRST MESSAGE TO
CONGRESS.
On the fourth of July, 1861, Congress assembled, in
pursuance to the call of the President, and received from
the Executive the following Message :
" Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Represen
tatives : — Having been convened on an extraordinary occasion,
as authorized by the Constitution, your attention is not called
to any ordinary subject of legislation. At the beginning of the
present Presidential term, four months ago, the functions of the
Federal Government were found to be generally suspended
within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama,
Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the
Post-Office Department.

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 105
" Within these States all the Forts, Arsenals, Dock-Yards,
Custom-Houses, and the like, including the movable aud station
ary property in and about them, had been seized, and were held
in open hostility to this Government, excepting only Forts
Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on and. near the Florida coast,
and Fort Sumter in Charleston harbor, South Carolina. The
forts thus seized had been put in improved condition, new ones
had been built, and armed forces had been organized, and were
organizing, all avowedly for the same hostile purpose.
" The forts remaining in possession of the Federal Govern
ment in and near these States were either besieged or menaced
by warlike preparations, and especially Fort Sumter was nearly
surrounded by well-protected hostile batteries, with guns equal
in quality to the best of its own, and outnumbering the latter as,
perhaps, ten to one — a disproportionate share of the Federal
muskets and rifles had somehow found their way into these
States, and had been seized to be used against the Government.
" Accumulations of the public revenue lying within them had
been seized for the same object. The navy was scattered in
distant seas, leaving but a very small part of it within the imme
diate reach of the Government.
" Officers of the Federal army had resigned in great numbers,
and of those resigning a large proportion had taken up arms
against the Government.
" Simultaneously, and in connection with all this, the purpose
to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. In accordance
with this purpose an ordinance had been adopted in each of these
States, declaring the States respectively to be separated from
the National Union. A formula for instituting a combined
Government of these States had been promulgated, and this
illegal organization, in the character of the ' Confederate States,'
was already invoking recognition, aid, and intervention from
foreign Powers.
" Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an
imperative duty upon the incoming Executive to prevent, if pos
sible, the consummation of such attempt to destroy the Federal
Union, a choice pf means to that end became indispensable.
This choice was made and was declared in the" Inaugural
Address. " The policy chosen looked to the exhaustion of all peaceful
measures before a resort to any stronger ones. It sought only
to hold the public places and property not already wrested from
the Government, and to collect the revenue, relying for the rest
on time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a contin
uance of the mails, at Government expense, to the very people
who were resisting the Government, and it gave repeated pledges
against any disturbances to any of the people, or any of their
rights,- of all that which a President might constitutionally and
justifiably do in such a case ; every thing was forborne, without
Which it was believed possible to keep the Government on foot.

106 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
" On the 5th of March, the present incumbent's first full day
in office, a letter from Major Anderson, commanding at Fort
Sumter, written on the 28th of February and received at the
War Department on the 4th of March, was by that Department
placed in his hands. This letter expressed the professional
opinion of the writer, that reinforcements could not be thrown
into that fort within the time for its relief rendered necessary by
the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding pos
session of the same, with a force less than 20,000 good and well-
disciplined men. This opinion was concurred in by all the
officers of his command, and their memoranda ot. the subject
were made in.closures of Major Anderson's letter. The whole
was immediately laid before Lieutenant-General Scott, who at
once concurred with Major Anderson in his opinion. On re
flection, however, he took full time, consulting with other officers
both of the army and navy, and at the end of four days came
reluctantly but decidedly to the same conclusion as before. He
also stated at the same time that no such sufficient force was
then at the control of the Government, or could be raised and
brought to the ground, within the time when the provisions in
the fort would be exhausted. In a purely military poiut of view,
this reduced the duty of the Administration in the case to the
mere matter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort.
" It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position,
under the circumstances, would be utterly ruinous ; that the
necessity under which it was to be done would not be fully un
derstood ; that by many it would be construed as a part of a
voluntary policy ; that at home it would discourage the friends
of the Union, embolden its adversaries, aud go far to insure to
the latter a recognition abroad ; that, in fact, it would be our
national destruction consummated. TnisCcould not be allowed.
Starvation was not yet upon the garrison, and ere it would be
reached, Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This, last would
be a clear indication of policy, and would better enable the
country to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumter as a military
necessity. Ah order was at once directed to be sent for the
landing of. the troops from the steamship Brooklyn into Fort
Pickens. This order could not , go by land, but must take the
longer and slower route by sea. The first return news from the
order was received just one week before the fall of Sumter. The
news itself was that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which
vessel the troops had been transferred from the Brooklyn, acting
upon some quasi armistice of the late Administration, and of
the existence of which the present Administration, up to the
time the order was despatched, had only too vague aud uncertain
rumors to fix attention, had refused to land the troops. To now
reinforce Fort Pickens before a crisis would be reached at
Fort Sumter was impossible, rendered so by the -near exhaustion
of provisions at the latter named fort. In precaution against

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 107
such^a conjuncture the Government had a few days before com
menced preparing an expedition, as well adapted as might be, to
relieve Fort Sumter, wliich expedition was intended to be ulti
mately used or not, according to circumstances. The strongest
anticipated case for using it was now presented, and it was re
solved to send it forward as had been intended. In this contin
gency it was "also resolved to notify the Governor of South Caro
lina that he might expect an attempt would be made to pro
vision the fort, and that if the attempt should not be resisted,
there would be no attempt to throw in men, arms, or ammu
nition, without further notice or in case of an attack upon the
fort. This notice was accordingly given, whereupon the fort
was attacked and bombarded to its fall, without even awaiting
the arrival of the provisioning expedition.
" It is thus seen that the assault upon, and reduction of Fort
Sumter, was, in no sense, a matter of self-defence on the part
of the assailants. They well knew that the garrison in the fort
could by no possibility commit aggression upon them ; they
knew they were expressly notified that the giving of bread to the
few brave and hungry men of the garrison was all which would
on that occasion be attempted, unless themselves, by resisting
so much, should provoke more. They knew that this Govern
ment desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to assail
them, but merely to maintain visible possession, and thus to pre
serve the Union from actual and immediate dissolution ; trust
ing, as hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot-
box for final adjustment, and they assailed and reduced the fort,
for precisely the reverse object, to drive out the visible authority
of the Federal Union, and thus force it to immediate dissolution ;
that this was their object the Executive well understood, having
said to them in tjie Inaugural Address, ' you can have no con
flict without being yourselves the aggressors.' He took pains
not only to keep this declaration good, but also to keep the case
so far from ingenious sophistry as that the world should not
misunderstand it. By the affair at Fort Sumter, with its sur
rounding circumstances, that point was reached. Then and
thereby the assailants of the Government began the conflict of
arms, — without a gun in sight or in expectancy to return their
fire, save only the few in the fort sent to that harbor years
before, for their own protection, and still ready to give that pro
tection in whatever was lawful. In this act, discarding all else,
they have forced upon the country the distinct issue, immediate
dissolution or blood, and this issue embraces more than the fate
of these United States. It presents to the whole family of
man the question whether a Constitutional Republic or De
mocracy, a Government of the people, by the same people, can
or cannot maintain its territorial integrity agaihst its own
domestic foes. It presents the question whether discontented
. individuals, too few in numbers to control the Administration

108 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
according to the organic law in any case, can always, upon
the pretences made in this ease, or any other pretences
or arbitrarily without any pretence, break up their Govern
ment, and thus practically put an end to free government
upon the earth. It forces us to ask, ' Is there in all republics
this inherent and fatal weakness ?' Must a Government of
necessity be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too
weak to maintain its own existence ? So viewing the issue, no
choice was left but to call out the war power of the Government,
and so to resist the force employed for its destruction by force
for its preservation. The call was made, and the response of
the country was most gratifying, surpassing, in unanimity and
spirit, the most sanguine expectation. Yet none of the States,
commonly called slave States, except . Delawaro, gave a regi
ment through the regular State organization. A few regiments
have been organized within some others of those States by
individual enterprise, and received info the Government service.
Of course the seceded States, so called, and to which Texas
had been joined about the time of the inauguration, gave no
troops to the cause of the Union. The Border States, so called,
were not uniform in their action, some of them being almost for
the Union, while in others as in Virginia, North Carolina,
Tennessee, and Arkansas, the Union sentiment was nearly
repressed and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the
most remarkable, perhaps the most important. ^A convention,
elected by the people of that State to consider this very ques.
tion of disrupting the Federal Union, was in session at the
capital of Virginia when Fort Sumter fell.
" To this body the people had chosen a large majority of pro
fessed Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sum
ter many members of that majority went oyer to the original
disunion minority, and with them adopted an ordinance for with
drawing the State from the Union. Whether this-change was
wrought by their great approval of the assault upon Sumter, or
their great resentment at the Government's resistance to that
assault, is not definitely known. Although they submitted the
ordinance for ratification to a vote of the people, to be taken on
>a day then somewhat more than a month distant, the Conven
tion and the Legislature, which was also in session at the same
time and place, with leading men of the State, not members
of either, immediately commenced aeting as if the State was
already out of the Union. They pushed military preparations
vigorously forward all over the State. They seized the United
States Armory at Harper's Ferry, and the Navy-Yard at Gos
port, near Norfolk. They received, perhaps invited into their
State large bodies of troops, with their warlike appointments,
from the so-called seceded States.
"They formally entered into a treaty of temporary alliance
with the so-called Confederate States, and sent members to their

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 109
Congress at Montgomery, and fiually they permitted the insur
rectionary Government to be transferred to their capitol at
Richmond. The people of Virginia have thus allowed this
giant insurrection to make its nest within her borders, ar.d this
Government has no choice left but to deal with it where it finds
it, and it has the less to regret as the loyal citizens have in due
form claimed its protection. Those loyal citizens this Govern
ment is bound to recognize and protect as being in Virginia.
In the Border States, so called, in fact the middle States, there
are those whb favor a policy which they call armed neutrality,
that is, an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces
passing one way or the disunion forces the other over their soil.
This would be disunion completed. Figuratively speaking, it
would be the building of an impassable wall along the line of
separation, and yet not quite an impassable one, for under the
guise of neutrality it would tie the hands of the Union men, and
freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrectionists,
which it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke it would
take all the trouble off the hands of secession, except only
what proceeds from the external bl6ckade. It would do for the
disunionists that which of all things they most desire, feed them
well and give them disunion without a struggle of their own.
It recognizes no fidelity to the Constitution, no obligation to
maintain the Union, and while very many who have favored it
are doubtless loyal citizens, it is nevertheless very injurious in
effect. " Recurring to the action of the Government it may be stated
that at first a call was made for 75,000 militia, and rapidly
following this a proclamation was issued for closing the ports
of the insurrectionary districts by proceedings in the nature
of a blockade. So far all was believed to be strictly legal.
"At this point the insurrectionists announced their purpose
to enter upon the practice of privateering.
" Other calls were made for volunteers, to serve three years, un
less sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular
army and navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not,
were ventured upon under what appeared to be a popular demand
and a public necessity, trusting then, as now, that Congress
would ratify them.
" It is believed that nothing has been done beyond the con
stitutional competency of Congress. Soon after the first call
for militia it was considered a duty to authorize the commanding
general, in proper caseS, according to his discretion, to suspend
the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus ; or, in other words,
to arre.st and detain, without resort to the ordinary processes
and forms of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous
to the public safety. This authority has purposely been exer
cised but very sparingly. Nevertheless the legality and pro
priety of what has been done 'under it are questioned, and the

110 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
attention of the country has been called to the proposition that
one who is sworn to take care that the laws be faithfully exe
cuted, should not himself violate them. Of course some
consideration was given to the questions of power and propriety
before this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws
which were required to be faithfully executed were being resisted,
and failing of execution in nearly one-third of the States.
Must they be allowed to finally fail of execution, even had it
been perfectly clear that by use of the means necessary to their
execution, some single law, made in such extreme tenderness of
the citizen's liberty that practically it relieves more of the
guilty than the innocent, should to a very great extent be
violated ? To state the question more directly, are all the laws
but one to go unexecuted, and the Government itself to go to
pieces lest that one be violated? Even in such a case would
not the official oath be broken if the Government should be
overthrown when it was believed that disregarding the single law
would tend to preserve it.
"But it was bot believed that this question was presented.
It was not believed that any law was violated. The provision
of the Constitution, that the privilege of the writ of habeas
corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in, cases of rebel
lion or invasion, the public safety may require it, is equivalent to
a provision that such privilege may be suspended when, in cases
of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does require it. It
was decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the
public safety does require the qualified .suspension of the
privilege of the writ, which was authorized to be made. Now(
it is insisted that Congress, and not the Executive, is vested
with this power. But the Constitution itself ?s silent as
to which or who is to exercise the power ; and as the provision
was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be
believed that the framers of the instrument intended that in
every case the danger should run its course until Congress could
be called together, the very assembling of which might be pre
vented, as was intended in this case by the rebellion. No more
extended argument is now afforded, as an opinion at some
length will probably be presented by the Attorney-General.
Whether there shall be any legislation on the subject, and if so
what, is submitted entirely to the better judgment of Congress.
The forbearance of this Government had been so extraordinary,
and so long continued, as to lead some foreign nations to shape
their action as if they supposed the early destruction of our
national Union was probable. While this, on discovery, gave
the Executive some concern, he is now happy to say that the
sovereignty and rights ofthe United States are now everywhere
practically respected by foreign Powers, and a general sympathy
with the country is manifested throughout the world.
"The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Ill
the Navy, will give the information in detail deemed necessary
and convenient for your deliberation and action, while the Ex
ecutive and all the departments will stand ready to supply
omissions or to communicate new facts considered important for
you to know.
" It is now recommended that you give the legal means for
making this contest a short and decisive one ; that you place at
the control of the -Government for the work at least 400,000
men and $400,000,000 ; that number of men is about one-tenth
of those of proper ages within the regions where apparently all
are willing to engage, and the sum is less than a twenty-third
part of the money value owned by the men who seem ready to
devote the whole. A debt of $600,000,000 now is a less sum
per head than was the debt of our Revolution when we came
out of that struggle, and the money value in the country bears
even a greater proportion to what it was then than does the
population. Surely each man has as strong a motive now to
preserve our liberties as each had then to establish them.
"Alright result at this time will be worth more to the world
than ten times the men and ten times the money. The evidence
reaching us from the country leaves no doubt that the material
for the work is abundant, and that it needs only the hand of
legislation to give it legal sanction, and the hand of the Execu
tive to give it practical shape and efficiency. One of the greatest
perplexities of the Government is to avoid receiving troops
faster than it can provide for them ; in a word, the people will
gave their Government if the Government will do its part only
indifferently well. It might seem at first thought to be of little
difference whether the present movement at the South be called .
secession or rebellion. The movers, however, well understand
the difference. At the beginning they knew that they could
never raise their treason to any respectable magnitude by any
name which implies violation of law ; they knew their people
possessed as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law
and order, and as much pride in its reverence for the history and
Government of their common country, as any other civilized
'and patriotic people. They knew they could make no advance
ment directly in the teeth of these strong and noble sentiments.
Accordingly they commenced by an insidious debauching of the
;iublic mind ; they invented an ingenious sophism, which, if con
ceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps through all the
incidents of the complete destruction of the Union. The
Sophism itself is that any State of the Union may, consistently
with the nation's Constitution, and therefore lawfully and peace
fully, withdraw from the Union without the consent of the
Union or of any other State.
" The little disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised
only for just cause, themselves to be the sole judge of its justice,
is too thin to merit any notice with rebellion. Thus sugar-
7

112 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
coated, they have been drugging the public mind of their section
for more than thirty years, and until at length they have brought
many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the
Government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted
the farcical pretence of taking their State out of the Union, who
could have been brought to no such thing the day before. This
sophism derives much, perhaps the whole of it's currency, from
the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred su
premacy pertaining to a State, to each State of our Federal
Union. Our States have neither more nor less power than that
reserved to them in the Union by the Constitution, no one of
them ever having been a State out of the Union. The original
ones passed into the Union before they cast off their British
Colonial dependence, and the new ones came into the' Union
directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas, and
even Texas, in its temporary independence, was never designated
as a State. The new ones only took the designation of States
on coming into the Union, while that name was first adopted
for the old ones in and by the Declaration of Independence.
Therein the United Colonies were declared to be free and inde
pendent States. But even then the object plainly was not to
declare their independence of one another of the Union, but di
rectly the contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual ac
tion before, at the time, and afterward, abundantly show. The
express plight of faith by each ahd all of the original thirteen
States in the Articles of Confederation two years later that the
Union shall be perpetuated, is most conclusive. Having never
been States either in substance or in name outside ofthe Union,
whence this magical omnipotence of State rights, asserting a
claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union itself. Much is
said about the sovereignty of the States, but the word even is
not in the National Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of
the State constitutions. What is sovereignty in the political
sense of the word ? Would it be far wrong to define it a politi
cal community without a political superior ? Tested by this, no
one of our States, except Texas, was a sovereignty, and even
Texas gave up the character on coming into the Union, by
which" act she acknowledged the Constitution of the United
States ; and the laws and treaties of the United States, made in
pursuance of States, have their status in the Union, made in
pursuance of the Constitution, to be for her the supreme law.
The States have their status in the Union, and they have no
other legal status. If they break from this, they can only do so
against law and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves
separately, procured their independence and their liberty by con
quest or purchase. The Union gave each of them whatever of
independence and liberty it has. The Union is older than any
of the States, and, in fact, it created them, as States. Origi
nally, some dependent Colonies made the Union, and in turn the

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 113
Union threw off their old dependence for them and made them
States, such as they are. Not one of them ever had a State
constitution independent of the Union. Of course it is not for
gotten that all the new States formed their constitutions before
they entered the Union; nevertheless, dependent upon, and pre
paratory to coming into the Union. Unquestionably, the States
have the powers and rights reserved to them in and by the Na
tional Constitution.
" But among these surely are not included all conceivable
powers, however mischievous or destructive, but at most such
only as were known in the world at the time as governmental
powers, and certainly a power to destroy the Government itself
had never been known as a governmental, as a merely adminis
trative power. This relative matter of national power and State
rights as a principle, is no other than the principle of generality
and locality. Whatever concerns the whole should be conferred
to the whole General Government, while whatever concerns only
the State should be left exclusively to the State. This is all
there is of original principle about it. Whether the National
Constitution, in defining boundaries between the two, has ap
plied the principle with exact accuracy, is not to be questioned.
We are all bound by that defining without question. What is
now combated, is the position that secession is consistent with
the Constitution, is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended
that there is any express law for it, and nothing should ever be
implied as law which leads to unjust or absurd consequences.
The nation purchased with money the countries out of which
several of those States were formed. Is it just that they shall
go off without leave and without refunding? The nation paid
very large sums in the aggregate, I believe nearly a hundred
millions, to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just
that she shall now be off without consent or without any return ?
The nation is now in debt for money applied to the benefit of
these so-called seceding States, in common with the rest. Is it
just, either that creditors shall go unpaid, or the remaining
States pay the whole ? . A part of the present national debt was
contracted to pay the old debt of Texas. Is it just that she
shall leave and pay no part of this herself? Again, if one State
may secede so may another, and when all shall have seceded
none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to creditors ?
Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed
their money ? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the
seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if
others choose to go, or to extort terms upon which they will
promise to remain. The seceders insist that our Constitution
admits of secession. They have assumed to make a National
Constitution of their own, in which, of necessity, they have either
discarded or retained the right of secession, as they insist exists
in ours. If they have discarded it, they thereby admit that on

114 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
•
principle it ought not lo exist in ours ; if they have retained it,
by their own construction of ours that shows that to be consist
ent, they must secede from one another whenever they shall find
it the easiest way of settling their debts, or effecting auy other sel
fish or unjust object. The principle itself is one of disintegra
tion, and upon which no Government can possibly endure. If
all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one
out ofthe Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder poli
ticians would at once_deny the power, and denounce the act as
the greatest outrage upon State rights. But suppose that pre
cisely the same act, instead of being called driving the one out,
should be called the seceding of the others from that one, it
would be exactly what the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed,
they made the point that the one, because it is a minority, may
rightfully do what the others, because they are a majority, may
not rightfully do. These politicians are subtle, and profound in
the rights of minorities. They are not partial to that power
which made the Constitution, and speaks from the preamble,
calling itself, ' We, the people.' It may be well questioned
whether there is to-day a majority of the legally-qualified voters
of any State, except, perhaps, South Carolina, in favor of dis
union. There is much reason to believe that the Union men are
the majority in many, if not in every one of the so-called seceded
States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of
them. It is ventured to affirm this, even of Virginia and Ten
nessee, for the result of an election held in military camps, where
the bayonets are all on one side of the question voted upon, can
scarcely be considered as demonstrating popular sentiment. At
such an election all that large class who are at once for the
Union and against coercion, would be coerced to vote against
the Union. It may be affirmed, without extravagance, that the
free institutions we enjoy have developed the powers and im
proved the condition of our whole people beyond any example
in the world. Of this we now have a striking and impressive
illustration. So large an army as the Government has now on
foot was never before known, without a soldier in it but who has
taken his place there of his own free choice. But more than
this, there are many single regiments whose members, one and
another, possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences,
professions, and whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is
known in the whole world, aud there is scarcely one from which
there could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a Congress,
and perhaps a Court, abundantly competent to administer the
Government itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the
army of our late friends, now adversaries, in this contest. But
it is so much better the reason why the Government which has
conferred such benefits on both them and us should not be broken
up. Whoever in any section proposes to abandon such a Gov
ernment, would do well to consider in deference to what prin-

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 115
ciple it is that lie does it. What better he is likely to get in
its stead, whether the substitute will give, or be intended to
- give so much of good to the people. There are some fore-
shadowings on this subject. Our adversaries have adopted some
declarations of independence in which, unlike the good old one
penned by Jefferson, they omit the words, 'all men are created
equal.' Why? They have adopted a temporary National Con
stitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one
signed by Washington, they omit ' We the people,' and substi
tute ' We, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States.'
Why ? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of
men and the authority of the people ? This is essentially a peo
ple's contest. On the side of the Union it is a struggle for
maintaining in the world that form and substance of Government
whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men, to lift
artificial weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths of laud
able pursuit for all, to afford all an unfettered start and a fair
chance in the race of life, yielding to partial and temporary de
partures from necessity. This is the leading object of the Gov
ernment, for whose existence we contend.
" I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand
and appreciate this. It is worthy of note that while iu this, the
Government's hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army
and navy who have been favored with the offices, have resigned
and proved false to thfe hand which pampered them, not one
common soldier or c6mmon sailor is known to have deserted his
flag. Great honor is due to those officers who remained true
despite the example of their treacherous associates, but the
greatest honor and the most important fact of all, is the unani
mous firmness ofthe common soldiers and common sailors. To
the last man, so far as known, they have 'successfully resisted
the traitorous efforts of those whose commands but an hour be
fore they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic instinct
of plain people. They understand without an argument that the
destroying the Government which was made by Washington
means no good to them. Our popular Government has often
been called an experiment. Two points in it our people have
settled : the successful establishing and the successful adminis
tering of it. One still remains. Its successful maintenance
against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is now
for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly
carry an election can also suppress a rebellion ; that ballots are
the rightful and peaceful successors of bullets, and that when
ballots bave fairly and constitutionally decided, there can be no
successful appeal back to bullets ; that there can be no success
ful appeal except to ballots themselves at succeeding elections.
Such will be a great lesson of peace, teaching men tbat what
they cannot take by an election, neither can they take by a war,
teaching all the folly of being the beginners of a war.
" Lest there be some uneasiness iu the minds of candid men

116 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
as to what is to be the course of the government toward the
Southern States after the rebellion shall have been suppressed,
the Executive deems it Rjioper to say it will be his purpose, then,
as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and the laws, and that
he probably will have no different understanding of the powers
aud duties of the Federal Government relatively to the rights
of the States and the people under the Constitution than that
expressed in the inaugural address. He desires to preserve the
government, that it may be administered for all, as it was ad
ministered by the men who made it. . Loyal citizens everywhere
have the right to claim this of their government, and the gov
ernment has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not per
ceived that, in giving it, there is any coercion, any conquest, or
any subjugation in any sense of these terms.
" The Constitution provided, and all the States have accepted
the provision, ' that the United States shall guarantee to every
State in this Union a Republican form of government ;' but if a
State may lawfully go out of the Union, having done so, it may
also discard the Republican form of government. So that to
prevent its going out is an indispensable means to the end of
maintaining the guarantee mentioned ; and, when an end is law
ful and obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also lawful
and obligatory.
" It was with the deepest regret that the Executive found the
duty of employing the war power forced upon him. In defence
of the government he could but perform this duty or surrender
the existence of the government. " No compromise by public
servants could, in this case, be a cure ; not that compromises are
not often proper, but that no popular government can long sur
vive a marked precedent, that those who carry an electiou can
only save the government from immediate destruction by giving
up the main point upon which the people gave the election.
The people themselves and not their servants can safely reverse
their own deliberate decisions.
"As a private citizen, the Executive could not have consented
that these institutions shall perish, much less could -he in be
trayal of so vast and so sacred a trust as these free people had
confided to him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink,
nor even to count the chances of his own life in what might
follow. " In full view of his great responsibility, he has so far done what
he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to your own
judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views
and your actions may so accord with his as to assure all faith
ful citizens who have been disturbed in their rights of a cer
tain and speedy restoration to them under the Constitution and
laws ; and, having thus chosen our cause without guile, and
with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go for
ward without fear and with manly hearts.
" Abraham Lincoln."

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 117
A DAY OF FASTING AND PRAYER AP
POINTED.
On the twelfth of August, the following proclamation,
appointing a day of fasting and prayer, was issued :
"Whereas, A joint committee of both Houses of Congress
has waited on the President ofthe United States, and requested
him to ' recommend a day of public humiliation, prayer, and fast
ing, to be observed by the people of the United States with reli
gious solemnities, and the offering of fervent supplications to
Almighty God for the safety and welfare of these States, His
blessings on their arms, and a speedy restoration of peace.'
"And whereas, It is fit and becoming in all people, at all
times, to acknowledge and revere the Supreme Government of
God ; to bow in humble submission to his chastisements ; to
confess and deplore their sins and transgressions, in the full con
viction that the fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom, and
to pray, with all fervency and contrition, for the pardon of their
past offenaes, and for a blessing upon their present and prospec
tive action.
"And whereas, When our own beloved country, once, by the
blessing of God, united, prosperous, and happy, is now afflicted
with faction and civil war, it is peculiarly fit for us to recognize
the hand of God in this terrible visitation, and, in sorrowful re
membrance of our own faults and crimes as a nation, and as in
dividuals, to humble ourselves before Him, and to pray for His
mercy — to pray that we may be spared further punishment,
though most justly deserved ; that our arms may be blessed and
made effectual for the re-establishment of law, order, and peace
throughout the wide extent of our country; and. that the inesti
mable boon of civil and religious liberty, earned under His
guidance and blessing by the labors and sufferings of our fathers,
may be restored in all its original excellence;
"Therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, do appoint the last Thursday in September next as a
day of humiliation, prayer and fasting for all the people of the
nation. And I do earnestly recommend to all the people, and
especially to all ministers and teachers of religion, of all denomi
nations, and to all heads of families, to observe and keep that
day, according to their several creeds and modes of worship, in
all humility, and with all religious solemnity, to the end that the
united prayer ofthe nation may ascend to the Throne of Grace,
and bring down plentiful blessings upon our country.
" In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed, this
[l. s.] 12th day of August, a. d. 1861, and of the Independ
ence of the United States of America the eighty-sixth.
" By the President : "Abraham Lincoln.
" William H. Seward, Secretary of State."

118 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE WITH THE RE
BELLIOUS STATES PROHIBITED.
Four days later he also promulgated the following :
" Whereas, On the 15th day of April, the President of 'the
United States, in view of an insurrection against the laws, Con
stitution, and Government of the United States, which had
broken out within the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Ala
bama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and in pursu
ance of the provisions of the act entitled an act to provide for
calling forth the .militia to execute the laws of the Union, sup
press insurrections, and repel invasions, and to repeal the act
now in force for that purpose, approved February 28th, 1795,
did call forth the militia to suppress said insurrection and cause
the laws of the Union to be duly executed — and the insurgents
have failed to disperse by the time directed by the President ;
and whereas, such insurrection has since broken out and yet
exists within the States of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee,
and Arkansas ; and whereas, the insurgents in all the said
States claim to act under authority thereof, and such claim is
not disclaimed or repudiated by the persons exercising the func
tions of government in such State or States, or in the part or
parts thereof, in which such combinations exist, nor has such
insurrection been suppressed by said States.
" Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, in pursuance of the act of Congress approved
July 13th, 1861, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the
said States of Georgia, South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama,
Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida, except the
inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia lying west of
the Alleghany Mountains, and of such other parts of that State
and the other States hereinbefore named as may maintain a loyal
adhesion to the Union and the Constitution, or may be, from
time to time occupied and controlled by the forces of the
United States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents, as
are in a state of insurrection against the United States, and that
all commercial intercourse between the same and the inhabi
tants thereof, with the exception aforesaid, and the citizens of
other States and other parts of the United States, is unlawful
and will remain unlawful until such insurrection shall cease or
has been suppressed ; that all goods and chattels, wares and
merchandize, coming from any of the said States, with the ex
ceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, without
the special license and permission of the President, through tho
Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of the said
States, with the exception aforesaid, by land or water, together
with the vessel or vehicle conveying the same or conveying per-

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 119
sous to and from the said States, with the said exceptions, will
be forfeited to the United States ; and that, from and after fif
teen days from the issuing of this proclamation, all ships and
vessels belonging, in whole or in part, to any citizen or inhabi
tant of any of the said States, with the said exceptions, found at
sea in any part of the United States, will be forfeited to the
United States ; and I hereby enjoin upon all district attorneys,
marshals, and officers of tho revenue of the military and naval
forces of the United States to be vigilant in the execution of the
said act, and in the enforcement of the penalties and forfeitures
imposed or declared by it, leaving any party who may think him
self aggrieved thereby to his application to the Secretary of the
Treasury for the remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which
the said Secretary is authorized by law to grant if, in his judg
ment, the special circumstances of any case shall require such
a remission. " In witness whereof,. I have hereunto set my hand, and caused
the seal of the United States to be affixed.
" Done in the city of Washington, thjs, the 16th day of Au
gust, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-one, aud of the Independence of the United States of
America the eighty-sixth.
" By the President : "Abraham Lincoln.
" William H. Seward."

HE MODIFIES AN ORDER OF GENERAL FRE
MONT.
In the latter part of August, General Fremont declared
martial law throughout the State of Missouri, and at the
same time ordered that the property of all persons within
the limits of his Department who had been disloyal, should
be confiscated, and their slaves declared free men, but the
President promptly issued an order modifying that clause
of the proclamation in relation to the confiscation of prop
erty and the liberation of slaves, so as to conform with,
and not transcend the provisions on the same subject con
tained in the Act of Congress approved August 6th, 1861.
HIS SECOND MESSAGE TO CONGRESS.
On the 3d of December, 1861, Congress having convened
on the preceding day, the President sent in his Message, a
document which was eminently conservative and which

120 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
was received with great satisfaction by the loyal men of
the country. No general scheme of emancipation was
urged, and in alluding to the policy to be adopted to en
sure the suppression of the rebellion, he stated that be
had been anxious and careful that the inevitable conflict
necessary for that purpose should not degenerate into a
violent and remorseless revolutionary struggle. " I have,
therefore," he continued, "in every case, thought it proper
to keep the integrity of the Union prominent as the pri
mary object of the contest on our part, leaving all ques
tions which are not of vital military importance to the
more deliberate action ofthe Legislature."
There can never be any difficulty in ascertaining Mr.
Lincoln's views upon the exciting and absorbing topics of
the day. His messages, proclamations, and correspond
ence all evince the same spirit of independence and deter
mination, while his language is so explicit that there can
be no doubt of his meaning. In his letter to Governor
Magoffin, of Kentucky, declining to remove the Union
troops from that State, and rebuking that official for his
indifference to the cause of his country — in the one to Gen
eral Fremont, in reference to the modification of his pro
clamation, and in fact in all his correspondence on matters
connected with political movements, his views have been
of such a force and exalted character that they could not
fail to receive the hearty approbation of his fellow-country -
inerf* On the nineteenth of February, 1862, he issued a pro
clamation requesting the people of the United States to
assemble on the twenty-second of the same month and
celebrate the day by reading the Farewell Address of the
" Father of his Country."
THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE RECOMMENDING
GRADUAL EMANCIPATION.
On the sixth of March, 1862. the President sent into

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 121
Congress the following Message, recommending the adop
tion of measures looking to " gradual, and not sudden"
emancipation :
"Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives :
" I recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by your
honorable bodies which shall be substantially as follows :
" 'Resolved, That the United States ought to cooperate with
any State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of slavery,
giving to such State pecuniary aid to be used by such State
in its discretion, to compensate for the inconveniences, public
and private, produced by such change of system.'
" If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet
the approval of Congress and the country, there is the end ; but
if it does command such approval, I deem it of importance
that the States and people immediately interested should be at
once distinctly notified of the fact, so that they may begin to
consider whether to accept or reject it. The Federal Govern
ment would find its highest interest in such a, measure as one of
the most efficient means of self-preservation. The leaders of
the existing insurrection entertain the hope that the Govern
ment will ultimately be forced to acknowledge the independence
of some part of the disaffected region, and that all the slave
States north of such parts will then say : ' The Union for which
we have struggled being already gone.we now choose to go with
the southern section.' To deprive them of this hope, substan
tially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation com
pletely deprives them of it as to all the States initiating it.
" The point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would
very soon, if at all, initiate emancipation, but that while the
offer is equally made to all, the more northern shall, by such
initiation, make it certain to the more southern that in no
event will the former ever join the latter in their proposed con
federacy. I say 'initiation,' because, in my judgment, gradual
and not sudden emancipation is better for all. In the mere
financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress, with- the
census tables and the treasury report before him, can readily
see for himself how very soon the current expenditures of this
war would purchase, at a fair valuation, all the slaves in any
named State.
" Such a proposition on the part of the general Government
sets up no claim of a right by Federal authority to interfere
with slavery within State limits, referring as it does the absolute
control of the subject in each case to the State and its people
immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of perfectly
free choice with them.
" In the annual message last December I thought fit to say :

122 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
'The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable
means must be employed.' I said this not hastily, but deliber
ately. War has been, and continues to be ac. indispensable
means to this end. A practical re-acknowledgment of the
national authority would render the war unnecessary, and it
would at once cease. If, however, resistance continues, the war
must also continue, and it is impossible to foresee all the inci
dents which may attend, and all the ruin which may follow it.
Such as may seem indispensable, or may obviously promise
great efficiency toward ending the struggle, must and will come.
The proposition now made is an offer only, and I hope it may
be esteemed no offence to ask whether the pecuniary considera
tion tendered would not be of more value to the States and
private persons concerned than are the institution and property
in it, in the present aspect of affairs. While it is true that the
adoption of the proposed resolution would be merely initiatory,
and not within itself a practical measure, it is recommended in
the hope that it would soon lead to important results. In full
view of my great responsibility to my God and to my country,
I earnestly beg the attention of Congress and the people to the
subject. ' "Abraham Lincoln."
This important recommendation was received with the
most unbounded satisfaction in all sections of the great
North and West, and the leading loyal journals vied with
each other in the laudatory notices bestowed upon its illus
trious author. The English press favorable to the preser
vation of the Union, were equally complimentary, and
pronounced it a fair, moderate, aud magnanimous policy,
greatly in contrast with that adopted by the rebel authori
ties.
ASSUMES ACTIVE COMMAND OF THE ARMY
AND NAVY.
On the eleventh of March, 1862, the President gave an
additional evidence of his independence and fearlessness
by promulgating, for the information of the service and
the country, three important military orders, assuming the
active duties of Commander-in-Chief of the Army and
Navy of the United States ; ordering a general and com
bined movement of the land and naval forces ; requiring
the Army of the Potomac to be organized into Corps ; con-

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 123
fining General McClellan to the command of the Depart
ment of the Potomac ; and organizmg the Department of
the Mississippi and the Mountain Department.
THANKSGIVING FOR SIGNAL VICTORIES.
The triumphant success of our arms in the South and
West during the early spring months of that year of con
flict and carnage, prompted Mr. Lincoln to call upon the
patriots of the nation- to offer up their thanks to the Al
mighty for his manifold kindnesses, and for the inestimable
blessings he had showered upon them in their hour of
need. The recommendation was scrupulously observed,
and from almost every place of public worship arose upon
the following Sabbath songs of thanksgiving, mingled with
invocations for a continuance of the Divine guidance.
SLAVERY ABOLISHED IN THE DISTRICT OF
COLUMBIA.
On the sixteenth of April, 1862, Mr. Lincoln consum
mated an act which had for many years been one of his
most favorite projects, by sending into Congress the fol
lowing Message :
"Fellow- Citizens ofthe Senate and House of Representatives :
" The act entitled 'An act for the release of certain persons
held to service or labor in the District of Columbia,' has this
day been approved and signed.
" I have never doubted the constitutional authority of Con
gress to abolish slavery in this District, and I have ever desired
to see the national capital freed from the institution iu some
satisfactory way. Hence there has never been in my mind any
question upon the subject except the oue of expediency, arising
in view of all the circumstances. If there be matters within
and about this act, which might have taken a course or shape
more satisfactory to my judgment, I do not attempt to specify
them. I am gratified that the two principles of compensation
and colonization are both recognized and practically applied in
the act.
" In the matter of compensation, it is provided that claims
may be presented within ninety days from the passage of the
act, but not thereafter, and there is no saving for minors^/eromes

124 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
coverts, insane, or absent persons. I presume this is an omis
sion by mere oversight, and I recommend that it be supplied by
an amendatory or supplemental act. "Abraham Lincoln."
RE- OPENING OF SOUTHERN PORTS.
During the month of May, 1862, two important proclama
tions were published — one on the twelfth, declaring the ports
of Beaufort, Port Royal, and, New Orleans open for trade ;
and the second, a week later, repudiating an emancipation
order of Major-General Hunter. This last document is
too important a part of the history of the rebellion to be
omitted here, and we therefore give it in full. It is as
follows :
" Whereas, There appears in the public prints what purports
to be a proclamation of Major-General Hunter, in the words and
figures following, to wit :
" ' Head-quarters, Department of the South,
" ' Hilton Head, S. C, May 9th, 1862. '
"'General Orders No. 11.
" ' The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina,
comprising the Military Department of the" South, having delib
erately declared themselves no longer under the protection of
the United States of America, and having taken up arms against
the said United States, it becomes a military necessity to declare
them under martial law. This was accordingly done on the
twenty-fifth day of April, 1862. Slavery and martial law in a
free country are altogether incompatible. The- persons in these
three States, Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, heretofore
held as slaves, are therefere declared forever free.
" ' David Hunter, Major-General Commanding.
" ' Official :
" ' Ed. W. Smith, Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.'
"And whereas, The same is producing some excitement and
misunderstanding, "Tlierefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, proclaim and declare that the government of the United
States had no knowledge or belief of an intention, on the part of
General Hunter, to issue such a proclamation, nor has it yet any
authentic information that the document is genuine ; and further,
that neither General Hunter nor any other commander or persou
has been authorized by the government of the United States to
make proclamation declaring the slaves of any State free, and
that the supposed proclamation now in question, whether
genuine or false, is altogether void, so far as respects such
declaration.

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 125
" I further make known, that whether it be competent for me
as commander-in-chief of the army and navy to declare the
slaves of any State or States free, and whether at any time, or
in any case, it shall have become a necessity indispensable to the
maintenance of the government to exercise such supposed power,
are questions which, under my responsibility, I reserve to myself,
and which I cannot feel justified in leaving to the decision of
commanders in the field. These are totally different questions
from those of police regulations in armies and camps.
" On the sixth day of March last, by a special message, I
recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint resolution, to
be substantially as follows :
" 'Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with
any State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of slavery,
giving to such State in its discretion to compensate for the in
conveniences, public and private, produced by such change of
system.' " The resolution, in the language above "quoted, was adopted
by large majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands
an authentic, definite and solemn proposal of the nation to the
States and people most immediately interested in the subject
matter. To the people of these States I now earnestly appeal.
I do not argue ; I beseech you to make the arguments for your
selves. You cannot, if you would, be blind to the signs of the
times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration of them,
ranging, if it may be, far above personal and partisan politics.
This proposal makes common cause for a common object, cast
ing no reproaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The
change it contemplates would come gently as the dews of
Heaven, not rending or wrecking any thing. Will you not em
brace it? So much good has not been done by one effort in all
past time, as in the Providence of God it is now your high
privilege to do. May the vast future not have to lament that
you have neglected it.
" In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused
the seal of the United States to be affixed.
"Done at the City of Washington, this nineteenth day of
May, in the year of our" Lord one thousand eight hundred and
sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the
eighty-sixth. " By the President : "Abraham Lincoln.
" Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State."
THE PRESIDENT'S CONFERENCE WITH THE
LOYAL GOVERNORS— HIS INTERVIEW WITH
THE BORDER CONGRESSMEN.
On the first of July, 1862, the President, in ac
cordance with the Act for the collection of direct taxes in

126 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
the insurrectionary districts, issued a proclamation de
claring in what States and in what counties of Virginia
insurrection existed ; and on the same day addressed a
letter to the Governors of the loyal States, in reply to one
received from them, asking that for the purpose of follow
ing up recent signal successes by measures which would
ensure the speedy restoration of the Union, a sufficient
number of men from each State to fill up existing regi
ments and to form new organizations, might be called for.
Mr. Lincoln fully concurred in the views of the Executives,
and expressed his intention to call for an additional force
of three hundred thousand men.
On the twelfth of July, an interesting interview took
place at the White House, the Senators and Representa
tives of the Border States having assembled there by in
vitation of the President, who wished to converse with
them upon the important topic of gradual emancipation.
During an extended conversation, he expressed his views
clearly and explicitly, requesting their calm consideration
of the subject, and charging them to commend his sug
gestions to their constituents, and to prevent all doubt of
his meaning, read to them the following appeal :
"Gentlemen: After the adjournment of Congress, now near, I
shall have no opportunity of seeing you for several months.
Believing that you of the border States hold more power for
good than any other equal number of members, I feel it a duty,
which I cannot justifiably waive, to make this appeal to you.
" I intend no reproach or complaint when I assure you that,
in my opinion, if you all had voted for the'resolution in the gradual
emancipation message of last March, the war would now be sub
stantially ended. And the plan therein proposed is yet one of
the most potent and swift means of ending it. Let the States
which are in rebellion see definitely and certainly that, in no
event, will the States you represent ever join their proposed
confederacy, and they cannot much longer maintain the contest.
But you cannot divest them of their hope to ultimately have you
with them so long as you show a determination to perpetuate the
institutions within your own States. Beat them at elections, as
you have overwhelmingly done, and, nothing daunted, they still
claim you as theirown. You and I know what the lever of their

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 127
power is. Break that lever before their faces, and they can
shake you no more forever.
" Most of you have treated me with kindness and consideration,
and I trust you will not now think I improperly touch what is
exclusively your own, when, for the sake of the whole country,
I ask, ' Can you, for your States, do better than to take the
course I urge ?' Discarding punctilio and maxims adapted to
more manageable times, and looking only to the unprecedentedly
stern facts of our case, can you do better in any possible event ?
You prefer that the constitutional relation of the States to the
nation shall be practically restored without disturbance of the
institution ; and, if this were done, my whole duty, in this re
spect, under the Constitution and my oath of office, would be
performed. But it is not done, and we are trying to accomplish
it by war. The incidents of the war cannot be avoided. If the
war continues long, as it must if the object be not sooner at
tained, the institution in your States will be extinguished by
mere friction and abrasion — by the mere incidents of the war.
It will be gone, and you will have nothing valuable in lieu of it.
Much of its value is gone already. How much better for you
and for your people to take the step which at once shortens the
war, and secures substantial compensation for that which is'sure
to be wholly lost in any other event ! How much better to thus
save the money which else we sink forever in the war 1 How
much better to do it while we can, lest the war, ere long, ren
der us pecuniarily unable to do it ! How much better for you, as
seller, and the nation, as buyer, to sell out and buy out that without
which the war could never have been, than to sink both the thing
to be sold and the price of it in cutting one another's throats.
" I do not speak of emancipation at once, but of a decision at
once to emancipate gradually. Room in South America for
colonization can be obtained cheaply and in abundance ; and,
¦when numbers shall be large enough to be company and en
couragement for one another, the freed people will not be so
reluctant to go. .
" I am pressed with a difficulty not yet mentioned — one which
threatens division among those who, united, are none too strong.
An instance of.it is known to you. General Hunter is an honest
man. He was, and I hope still is, my friend. I valued him
none the less for his agreeing with me in the general wish that
all men everywhere could be freed. He proclaimed all men free
within certain States, and I repudiated the proclamation. He
expected more good and less harm from the measure than I could
believe would follow. Yet, in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfac
tion, if not offence, to many whose support the country cannot
afford to lose. And this is not the end of it. The pressure in
th'is direction is still upon me, and is increasing. By conceding
what I now ask, you can relieve me, and, much more, can relieve
the country in this important point.
8

128 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
" Upon jthese considerations I have again begged your atten
tion to the message of March last. Before leaving the capital,
consider and discuss it among yourselves. You are patriots and
statesmen, and, as such, I pray you consider this proposition,
and, at the least, commend it to the consideration of your States
and people. As you would perpetuate popular government for
the best people in the world, I beseech you that you do in nowise
omit this. Our common country is in great peril, demanding
the loftiest views and boldest action to bring a speedy relief.
Once relieved, its form of government is saved to the world, its
beloved history and cherished memories are vindicated, and its
happy future fully assured and rendered inconceivably grand.
To you, more than to any others, the privilege is given to assure
that happiness and swell that grandeur, and to link your own
names therewith forever."
INSTRUCTIONS TO MILITARY AND NAVAL
COMMANDERS.
On the twenty-second of July, he issued the following
order ; " War Department, Washington, July 22d, 1862.
"First. Ordered that military commanders within the^States
of Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mis
sissippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas, in an ordinary manner
seize and use any property, real or personal, which may be
necessary or convenient for their several commands, for sup
plies, or for other military purposes ; and that while property
may be destroyed for proper military objects, none shall be de
stroyed in wantonness or malice. .
" Second. That military and naval commanders shall employ
as laborers, within and from said States, so many persons of
African descent as can be advantageously used for military or
naval purposes, giving them reasonable wages for their labor.
" Third. That, as to both property, and persons of Africah
descent, accounts shall be kept sufficiently accurate and in de
tail to show quantities and amounts, and from whom both prop
erty and such persons shall have come, as a basis upon which
compensation can be made in proper cases ; and the several de
partments of this government shall attend to and perform their
appropriate parts toward the execution of these orders.
" By order of the President. " Edwin M. Stanton,
"Secretary of War."
And on the twenty^fifth of July, by proclamation, he
warned all persons to cease participating in aiding, counte
nancing, or abetting the rebellion, and to return to their

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 129
allegiance under penalty of the forfeitures and seizures
provided by an Act " to suppress insurrection, to punish
treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate the property
of rebels, and for other purposes," approved on the seven
teenth of July, 1862.
A DRAFT FOR THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND
MEN ORDERED.
On the fourth of August, 1862, the following order for
a draft was issued :
" Ordered : First, that a draft of three hundred thousand mili
tia be immediately called into the service of the United States,
to serve for nine months, unleSs sooner discharged. The Secre
tary of War will assign the quotas to the States and establish
regulations for the draft.
"Second, that if any State shall not, by the fifteenth of
August, furnish its quota of the additional three hundred thou
sand volunteers authorized by law, the deficiency of volunteers
in that State will also be made up by a special draft from the
militia. The Secretary of War will establish regulations for
this purpose.
" Third, regulations will be prepared by the War Department,
and presented to the President, with the object of securing the
promotion of officers ofthe army and volunteers for meritorious
and distinguished services, and of preventing the nomination and
appointment in the military service of incompetent or un
worthy officers.
" The regulations will also provide for ridding the service of
such incompetent persons as now hold commissions.
" By order of the President. " Edwin M. Stanton,
"Secretary of War.'-
THE PRESIDENT SPEAKS AT A WAR
MEETING.
On the sixth of August, 186*2, a large and enthusi
astic Union meeting was held in Washington, at which a
series of patriotic resolutions was adopted, and numerous
eloquent speeches delivered, among others the following
characteristic one by the Chief Magistrate of the nation :
"Fellow-citizens : I believe there is no precedent for my ap
pearing before you on this occasion, [applause,] but it is also

130 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
true that there is no precedent for your being here yourselves,
[applause and laughter,] and I offer, in justification of myself
and of you, that, upon examination, I have found nothing in the
Constitution against it. [Renewed applause.] I, however, have
an impression that there are younger gentlemen who will enter
tain you better, [voices — 'No, no! none can do better than
yourself. Go on !'] and better address your understanding than
I will or could, and therefore I propose but to detain you a mo
ment longer. [Cries — ' Go on ! Tar and feather the rebels'!']
" I am very little inclined on . any occasion to say any thing
unless I hope to produce some good by it. [A voice — ' You do
that ; go on.'] The only thing I think of just now not likely to
be better said by some one-else is a matter in which we have
heard some other persons blamed for what I did myself.
[Voices — ' What is it ?'] There has been a very wide-spread at
tempt to have a quarrel between General McClellan and the
Secretary of War. Now, I occupy a position that enables me
to observe, at least these two gentlemen are not nearly so deep
in the quarrel as some pretending to be their friends. [Cries of
' Good.'] General McClellan's attitude is such that, in the very
selfishness of his nature, he cannot but wish to be successful,
and I hope he will — and the Secretary of War is in precisely the
same situation. If the military commanders in the field cannot
be successful, not only the Secretary of War, but myself, for the
time being the master of them both, cannot be but failures.
[Laughter and applause.] I know General McClellan wishes'to
be successful, and I know he does not wish it any more than the
Secretary of War for him, and both of them together no more
than I wish it. [Applause and cries of ' Good.'] Sometimes
we have a dispute about how many men General McClellan has
had, and those who would disparage him say that he has had a
very large number, and those who would disparage the Secretary
of War insist that General McClellan has had a very small
number. The basis for this is, there is always a wide difference,
and on this occasion perhaps a wider one, between the grand
total on McClellan's rolls and the men actually fit for duty ; and
those who would disparage him talk of the grand total on paper,
and those who would disparage the Secretary of War talk of
those at present fit for duty. General McClellan has sometimes
asked for things that the Secretary of War did not give him.
General McClellan is not to blame for asking what he wanted and
needed, and the Secretary of War is not to blame for not giving
when he had none to give. [Applause, laughter, and cries of
' Good, good.'] And I say here, as far as I know, 'the Secretary
of War has withheld no one thing at any time in my power to
give him. [Wild applause, and a voice — ' Give him enough
now!'] I have no accusation against him. I believe he is a
brave and able man, [applause,] and I stand here, as justice re
quires me to do, to take upon myself what has been charged on
the Secretary of War, as withholding from him.

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 131
" I have talked longer than I expected to, [cries of ' No, no —
go on,'] and now I avail myself of my privilege of saying no
more."

THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATIONS OF
SEPTEMBER, 1862, AND JANUARY, 1863.
On the twenty-second of September, 1862, Mr. Lincoln
issued one of the two most important proclamations ever
penned by a President of the United States : that which
announced to the negroes held as slaves in the rebellious
States that on and after the first day of the new year, they
should be forever released from bondage. This great docu
ment, which was read with joy by the loyal residents ofthe
North, and which was a source of such infinite happiness
to the unfortunate class of beings who were to be more
particularly affected by its provisions, was as follows :
" I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of
America, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy
thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter as here
tofore the war .will be prosecuted for the object of practically
restoring the constitutional relation between the United States
and the people thereof in those States in which that relation is,
or may be, suspended or disturbed ; that it is my purpose upon
the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption
of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free ac
ceptance or rejection of all the slave States, so-called, the peo
ple whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United
States, and which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or
thereafter may voluntarily adopt, the immediate or gradual
abolishment of slavery within their respective limits, and that
the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their con
sent, upon the continent or elsewhere, with the previously ob
tained consent of the government existing there, will be con
tinued ; that on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord
one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as
slaves within any State, or any designated part of a State, the
people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United
States,. shall be then, thenceforward and forever, free, and the
executive government of the United States, including the
military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and main
tain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to
repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may
make for their actual freedom ; that the Executive will, on the first

132 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
day of Jannary aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States
and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof respec
tively shall then be in rebellion against the Uuited States ; and
the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day
be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United
States by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a ma
jority of the qualified voters of such State shall have partici
pated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony,
be deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people
thereof have not been in rebellion against the United States.
" That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress en
titled, 'An act to make an additional article of war,' approved
March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figures fol
lowing :
" 'Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That here
after the following shall be promulgated as an additional article
of war for the government of the army of the United States, and
shall be observed and obeyed as such.
" ' Article — . All officers or persons of the military or naval
service of the United States are prohibited from employing any
of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose
of returning fugitives from service or labor who may have
escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is
claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by
a court-martial of violating this article, shall be. dismissed from
the service.
" ' Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take
effect from and after its passage.'
" Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled, 'An
act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to
seize and confiscate property of rebels, and for other purposes,'
approved July 17, 1862, and which sections are in the words
and figures following :
"' Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That all slaves of per
sons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against tha
government of the United States, or who shall in any way give
aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and taking
refuge Within the lines of the army ; and all slaves captured
from such persons or deserted by them, and coming under the
control of the government of the United States, and all slaves of
such persons found on (or being within) any place occupied by
rebel forces and afterwards occupied by the forces of the United
States, shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever
free of their servitude and not again held as slaves.
" ' Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That no slave escaping
into any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any
of the States, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or
hindered of his liberty, except for crime, or some offence against

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 133
the laws, unless the person claiming said fugitive shall first make
oath that the person to whom the labor or service of such fugi
tive is alleged to be due, is his lawful owner, and has not been
in arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor
in any way given aid and comfort thereto ; and no person en
gaged in the military or naval service of the United States
shall, under any pretence whatever, assume to decide on the
validity of the claim of any person to the service or labor of any
other person, or surrender up any such person to the claimant,
on pain of being dismissed from the service.'
" And I do hereby enjoin upen, and order all persons engaged
in' the military and naval service of the United States to ob
serve, obey and enforce within their respective spheres of ser
vice the act and sections above recited.
" And the executive will in due time recommend that all citi
zens of the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto
throughout the rebellion, shall (upon the restoration of the con
stitutional relation between the United States and their respec
tive States and people, if the relation shall have been suspended
or disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of the United
States, including the loss of slaves.
" In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused
the seal of the United States to be affixed.
" Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-second day of
September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States
the eighty-seventh. " By the President : " Abraham Lincoln.
" Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State."
Such a bold movement was necessarily distasteful to
the traitors, and while the Southern journals pronounced
it to be a bid for the slaves to rise in insurrection, a bid
which none but a barbarian would devise, it was denounced
in the Richmond Congress, and a resolution was there
offered, exhorting the people to slay every Union soldier
and raider found within their borders, and offering a reward
to every negro, who would, after the first of January, 1863,
kill a Unionist.
The other important proclamation was issued on the
first of January, 1863, and was worded as follows :
" Whereas, on the twenty-second day of September, in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a
proclamation was issued by the President of the United States
containing among other things the following, to wit :

134 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
" That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord
one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as
slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the
people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United
States, shall be then, thenceforth and forever free, and the Ex
ecutive Government of the United States, including the military
and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the
freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress
such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for
their actual freedom.
" That the Executive will, on the first day of January afore
said, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States,
if any, in which the people therein respectively shall then be in
rebellion against the United States, and the fact that any State,
or the people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith repre
sented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen
thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters
of such States shall have participated, shall, in the absence of
strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence
that such State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion
against the United States.
" Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Com
mander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the United States in
time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and Gov.
ernment of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war
measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of
January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do,
publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days
from the day of the first above-mentioned order, and designate,
as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof
respectively are this day in rebellion against the United States,
the following to wit : Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, except the
parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St.
Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, La
fourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the City
of New Orleans. Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia,
South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, except the forty-
eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the
counties of Berkeley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City,
York, Princess Ann, and Norfolk, including the cities of Nor
folk and Portsmouth, and which excepted parts are, for the
present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued.
"And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I
do order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said
designated States and parts of States are, and henceforward
Bhall be free ; and that the Executive Government of the
United States, including the Military and Naval authorities

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 135
thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said
persons. "And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be- free,
to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence, and I,
recommend to them, that in all cases, when allowed, they labor
faithfully for reasonable wages.
"And I further declare and make known tbat such persons of
suitable condition will be received into the armed service of
the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and
other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service.
"And upon this, sincerely believed to be an act of justice,
warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke
the considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor
of Almighty God.
" In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused
the seal of the United States to be affixed.
"Done at the City of Washington, this first day of
r -, January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
I"1" 'i huudred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of
the United States of America the eighty-seventh.
"By the President : "Abraham Lincoln.
" William H. Seward, Secretary of State."
SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF HABEAS
CORPUS.
On the twenty-fourth of September, 1862, two days
after the promulgation ofthe renowned Emancipation Proc
lamation, the following order was published :
" Whereas, It has become necessary to call into service, not
only volunteers, but also portions of the militia of the State by
draft, in order to suppress the insurrection existing in the United
States, and disloyal persons are not adequately restrained by
the Qrdinary processes of law from hindering this measure, and
from giving aid and comfort in various ways to the insurrection :
" Now, therefore, be it ordered :
" First. That during tbe existing insurrection, and as a ne
cessary measure for suppressing the same, all rebels and insur
gents, their aiders and abettors, within the United States, and
all persons discouraging volunteer enlistments, resisting militia
drafts, or guilty of any disloyal practice affording aid and com
fort to the rebels against the authority of the United States,
shall be subject to martial law, and liable to trial and punish
ment by courts-martial or military commissions.
" Third. That the writ of habeas corpus is suspended in re
spect to all persons arrested, or who are now, or hereafter du
ring the rebellion shall be imprisoned in any fort, camp, arsenal,
military prison, or other place of confinement, by any military

136 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. *
authority or by the sentence of any court-martial or military
commission. " In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused
the seal of the United States to be affixed.
"Done at the City of Washington, this twenty-fourth day of
September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States
the eighty-seventh. " By the President. " Abraham Lincoln.
" Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State."
The suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus wa3
naturally obnoxious to Northern sympathizers with trea
son, and for some time their newspaper organs were daily
filled with editorial and other articles, teeming with in
vidious criticism and abuse. The act placed more power
in the hands of the President than was acceptable to men
who, by their voice and pen, if not by their pecuniary
means, were aiding and abetting the enemies ofthe country,
and as they were not aware what moment they might be
arrested and imprisoned for their despicable crimes, in
their regard for their personal safety, they forgot their
prudence, and abused the Executive. The beneficial ef
fects of the order were not over-estimated by Mr. Lincoln,
and with its promulgation almost entirely ceased the in-
teference with enlistments, which had too often before that
date delayed the organization of regiments in some of the
loyal States.
THE SABBATH TO BE OBSERVED.
On the sixteenth of November, 1862, the following
order was issued to the soldiers and sailors of the Union :
" The President, Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy,
desires and enjoins the orderly observance of the Sabbath by
the officers and men in the military and naval service. The im
portance for man and beast of the prescribed weekly rest, the
sacred rights of Christian soldiers and sailors, a becoming defer
ence to the best sentiment of a Christian people, and a due
regard for the Divine will, demand that Sunday labor in the
Army and Navy be reduced to the measure of strict necessity.

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 137
" The discipline and character of the National forces should
not suffer, nor the cause they defend be imperilled, by the pro
fanation of the day or name of the Most High. 'At this time of
public distress' adopting the words of Washington in 1776,
' men may find enough to do in the service of God and their
country without abandoning themselves to vice and immorality.'
The first general order issued by the Father of his Country
after the Declaration of Independence indicates the spirit in
which our institutions were founded and should ever be defended :
' The General hopes and trusts that every officer and man will
endeavor to live and act as becomes a Christian soldier defend
ing the dearest rights and liberties of his country.'
"Abraham Lincoln."
HIS ANNUAL MESSAGE.— IMPORTANT RECOM
MENDATIONS TO CONGRESS.
On the first of December, 1862, Mr. Lincoln sent in to
Congress his annual message ; giving a satisfactory resume1
of the events of the previous twelve months ; calling the
attention of the Senators and Representatives to important
matters which should receive their notice ; recommending
the organization of national banking associations, under
the hope and belief that they would be the means of pro
moting the early resumption of specie payments ; re-im
pressed upon them the importance of his plan of " compen
sated emancipation ;'' repeated at length his views upon
the slavery question, and recommended the adoption of
the following resolutions and articles amendatory to the
Constitution :
"Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled, two-thirds
of both houses concurring, that the following articles be pro
posed to the Legislatures or Conventions of the several States,
as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all or
any of which articles, when ratified by three-fourths of the said
Legislatures or Conventions, to be valid as part or parts of the
said Constitution, namely :
"Article — . Every State wherein slavery now exists, which
shall abolish the same therein at any time or times before the
first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine
hundred, shall receive compensation from the United States as
follows, to wit :

138 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
" The President of the United States shall deliver to every
such State, bonds ofthe United States, bearing' interest at the
rate of—; — , for each slave shown to have been therein, by the
eighth census of the United States ; said bonds to be delivered
to such State by instalments, or in one parcel at the completion
of the abolishment, according as the same shall have been
gradual or at one time within such State ; and interest shall
begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its
delivery as aforesaid, and afterward. Any State having received
bonds as aforesaid, and afterward introducing or tolerating
slavery therein, shall refund to the United States the bonds so
received, or the value thereof, and all interest paid thsreon.
"Article — . All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual free
dom, by the chances of the war at any time, before the end of
the rebellion, shall be forever free ; but all owners of such, who
shall not have been disloyal, shall be compensated for them at
the same rates as is provided for States adopting abolishment
of slavery — but in such a way that no slave shall be twice
accounted for.
"Article — . Congress may appropriate money, and otherwise
provide for colonizing free colored persons with their own con
sent, at any place or places without the United States."
The message and its recommendations were received
with the same eclat which has attended all the official
documents penned by the illustrious statesman. The
proclamation of September had awakened the people of
the Union to the vast advantages to be derived from the
adoption of his views and suggestions on every thing re
lating to slavery, and as the day on which the unfortunate
blacks were to be rescued from a life of degradation ap
proached, thousands, who had hitherto protested against
interference with the " peculiar institution," united with
their old political opponents, and awaited anxiously the
hour when the order of emancipation was to go into effect.
Residents of foreign lands were no less eager for the time
to arrive when the Federal Government should strike off
the fetters of the slave, and among other complimentary
addresses sent to the President, was one from Manchester,
England, from which we make the following extracts :
"As citizens of Manchester, assembled at the Free-Trade
Hall, we beg to express our fraternal sentiments toward you and

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 139
your country. We rejoice in your greatness as an outgrowth
of England, whose blood and language you share, whose orderly
and legal freedom you have applied to new circumstances, over
a region immeasurably greater than our own. We honor your
Free States, as a singularly happy abode for the working mil
lions where industry is honored. One thing alone has, in the
past, lessened our sympathy with your country and our confi
dence in it — we mean the ascendency of politicians who liftt
merely maintained negro slavery, but desired to extend and root
it more firmly. We joyfully honor you, as the President, and
the Congress with you, for many decisive steps toward practi
cally exemplifying your belief in the words of your great
founders : 'All men are created free and equal.' , You have
procured the liberation of the slaves iu the district around
Washington, and thereby made the centre of your Federation
visibly free. You have enforced the laws against the slave-
trade, and kept up your fleet against it, even while every ship
was wanted for service in your terrible war. You have nobly
decided to receive embassadors from the negro republics of
Hayti and Liberia, thus forever renouncing that unworthy
prejudice which refuses the rights of humanity to men and
women on account of their color. In order more effectually to
stop the slave-trade, you have made with our Queen a treaty,
which your Senate has ratified, for the right of mutual search.
Your Congress has decreed freedom as the law forever in the
vast unoccupied or half unsettled Territories which are directly
subject to its legislative power. It has offered pecuniary aid to
all States which will enact emancipation locally, and has for
bidden your generals to restore fugitive slaves who seek their
protection. You have entreated the slave-masters to accept
these moderate offers ; and after long and patient waiting, you,
as Commander-in-chief of the Army, have appointed to-morrow,
the first of January, 1863, as the day of unconditional freedom
for the slaves of the rebel States. We implore you, for your
own honor and welfare, not to faint in your providential mission.
While your enthusiasm is aflame, and the tide of events runs
high, let the work be finished effectually. Leave no root of
bitterness to spring up and work fresh misery to your children.
It is a mighty task, indeed, to reorganize the industry not only
of four millions of the colored race, but of five millions of
whites. Nevertheless, the vast progress you have made in the
short space of twenty months, fill us with hope tbat every
stain on your freedom will shortly be removed, and that the
erasure of that foul blot upon civilization and Christianity —
chattle slavery — during your Presi-dency, will cause the name of
Abraham Lincoln to be honored and revered by posterity."
In answer to this flattering letter, Mr. Lincoln sent a
happy response, in which he explained the motive which

140 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
had prompted bim to the undeviating course he has pur
sued since his inauguration. He had, he said, considered
the duty of maintaining and preserving the Constitution
and the integrity of the Federal Republic paramount to
all others, and as a conscientious purpose to perform that
dcty was the key to all the measures of his administra
tion, he could not, if he would, under his oath and our
frame of government, depart from that purpose.
THE PRESIDENT VISITS THE ARMY OF THE
POTOMAC.
Early in April, 1863, the President left Washington on
a visit to the Army of the Potomac. He had in the pre
vious year, when the same noble troops were resting at
Harrison's Landing, after their campaign before Richmond,
gone thither to observe for himself their true condition,
and upon other occasions has visited their camping-grounds,
where he has been always received with great enthusiasm.
Upon the visit to which we now refer, he was accompanied
by Mrs. Lincoln and one of his sons, and an eye-witness
thus describes the proceedings incident to the entertain
ment of such distinguished guests :
On the morning of April seventh, 1863, a reception was
had in General Hooker's tent, the members ofthe staff pass
ing in and being introduced to the President by the Chief of
Staff. Mr. Lincoln was in unusual good humor, and com
pletely banished the constraint felt by all by his sociability
and shafts of wit. The interview lasted some time, much
to the enjoyment of all, until finally the officers one by one
dropped out, and the hour designated for the review ar
rived. Early in the morning the several cavalry brigades
commenced moving towards the field selected for the re
view, and during the forenoon were engaged forming the
lines and stationing guards to keep off the crowd. At
noon the roar of artillery announced that the cortege had

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 141
arrived. President Lincoln, mounted in a magnificent
bay, adorned with heavy trappings, rode steadily and
rapidly along the line, with Generals Hooker and Stone-
man at his side, and followed by an imposing cavalcade
of general officers, aides-de-camp and orderlies. Having
returned to the right of the line, a position was selected for
the President upon a slight eminence, while the cavalry at
a walk passed in review before him, the bands playing
and the bugles sounding merrily. Mrs. Lincoln occupied
a carriage at the right of the President while the regi
ments passed in review, surrounded by major-generals and
stars of lesser magnitude. After the cavalry had moved
off the field, the lancers, in splendid order, wheeled around
into line fronting the President, while the light artillery
dashed at a gallop through the avenue thus formed, the
guns and caissons bounding over the irregularities as
though the wheels were of India rubber. The cannon
were soon off the field, the lancers filed in behind the cav
alcade of generals, spectators vanished, and the plateau,
torn and trodden "by the squadrons, was left to the scatter
ing working parties engaged in preparing the ground for
the grand review of infantry. The President also rode
over to the head-quarters of several commanding officers,
and during the day reviewed the reserve artillery.
Doubtless the lady readers are anxious to know in
what dress the wife of the Chief Magistrate visited the
army, how she appeared, what she said, and how she liked
the contrast — the Executive mansion, with its costly fur
niture, and the bare floor, cot and camp stools of the field.
Mrs. Lincoln's attire was exceedingly simple — of that pe
culiar style of simplicity which creates at the time no im
pression upon the mind, and prevents one from remem
bering any article of dress. In this case there was nothing
to attract attention, and after she had entered the tent
there was not one in twenty of those gathered about who

142 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
could tell what she wore. A rich black silk dress, with
narrow flounces ; a black cape, with a broad trimming of
velvet around the border, and a plain hat of the same hue,
composed her costume. A shade of weariness, doubtless
the result of her labors in behalf of the sick and wounded
in Washington, rested upon her countenance ; but the
change seemed pleasant to her, and the scenes of camp
were noted with evident interest. The President wore a{
dark sack overcoat and a fur muffler, while Master Lincoln
sported a suit of gray, and rambled about among the tents,
examining the quarters of the staff, and watched by the
orderlies and sentries with a curiosity somewhat amusing,
THE ENROLMENT ACT AND THE RIGHTS
OF ALIENS.
To enumerate all the proclamations which the President
issued during the year 1863, would be impossible in this
work, and we must therefore restrict ourselves to those
which were of more than usual interest. The one in re
gard to the rights of aliens, under the act calling out the
national forces, was one of these, and reads as follows :
"Whereas, The Congress of the United States at its last
session enacted a law entitled, 'An act for enrolling and calling
out the national forces and for other purposes,' which was ap
proved on the third day of March last, and,
" Whereas, It is recited in the said act that there now exists
in the United States au insurrection and rebellion against the
authority thereof, and it is, under the Constitution of the United
States, the duty of the Government to suppress insurrection and
rebellion, to guarantee to each State a republican form of gov
ernment, and to preserve the public tranquility, and
" Whereas, For these high purposes a military force is indis
pensable, to raise and support which all persons ought willingly
to contribute ; and
" Whereas, No service can be more praiseworthy and honor
able than that which is rendered for the maintenance of the
Constitution and the Union, and the consequent preservation
of the Government ; and
" Whereas, For the reasons thus recited, it was enacted by the
said Btatute that all able-bodied male citizens of the United
Statca and persons of foreign birth, who shall have declared on

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 143
oath their intentions to become citizens, under and in pursuance
of the laws thereof, between the ages of twenty and forty-five
years, with certain exceptions not necessary to be here men
tioned; are declared to constitute the national forces, and shall
be liable to perform military duty in the service of the United
States, when called out by the President for that purpose ;
and " Whereas, It is claimed, and in behalf of persons of foreign
birth within the ages specified in said act who have heretofore
declared on oath their intentions to become citizens under and
in pursuance of the laws of the United States, and who have
not exercised the right of suffrage or any other political fran
chise under the laws of the United States, or any of the States
thereof, are not absolutely precluded by their aforesaid declara
tion of intention from renouncing their purpose to become
citizens, and that, on the contrary, such persons under treaties
or the law of nations, retain a right to renounce that purpose
and to forego the privilege of citizenship and residence within
the United States under the obligations imposed by the afore
said act of Congress.
" Now, therefore, to avoid all misapprehensions concerning
the liability of persons concerned to perform the service
required by such enactment, and to give it full effect, I do
hereby order and proclaim that no plea of alienage will be
received or allowed to exempt from the obligations imposed by
the aforesaid act of Congress, any person of foreign birth who
shall have declared, on oath, his intention to become a citizen
of the United States under the laws thereof, and who shall be
found within the United States at any time during the con
tinuance of the present insurrection and rebellion, at or after
the expiration of the sixty-five days from the date of this proc
lamation, nor shall any such plea of alienage be allowed in
favor of any such person who has so as aforesaid declared his
intention to become a citizen of the United States, and shall
have exercised at any time the right of suffrage or any other
political franchise within the United States, under the laws
thereof, or under the laws of any of the several States.
" In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused
the seal of the United States to be affixed.
" Done at the city of Washington, this eighth day of May,
in the year of our Lord 1863, and of the independence of the
United States the eighty-seventh.
" By the President, "Abraham Lincoln.
"William H Seward, Secretary of 'State."
A NATIONAL THANKSGIVING ORDERED.
On the fifteenth day of July, 1863, the President or
dered the sixth of the following month to be set apart as
9

14i LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
a day of National Thanksgiving. Victories had crowned
our arms on land and sea, and no greater cause for offer
ing thanks to the Almighty ever prompted the Chief Mag
istrate of a country to call the people together, and few
proclamations were ever written more chaste and beauti
ful than the following :
" It has pleased Almighty God to hearken to the supplications
and prayers of an afflicted people, and to vouchsafe to the army
and the navy of tho United States, on the land and on the sea,
victories so signal and so effective as to furnish reasonable
grounds for augmented confidence that the union of these States
will be maintained, their constitutions preserved, and their peace
and prosperity permanently preserved.
" But these victories have been accorded not without sacrifice
of life, limb and liberty, incurred by the brave, patriotic and
loyal citizens. Domestic affliction in every part of the country
follows in the train of these fearful bereavements. It is meet
and right to recognize aud confess the presence ofthe Almighty
Father, and the power of His hand equally in these triumphs
and these sorrows.
" Now, therefore, be it known, that I do set apart Thursday,
the sixth day of August next, to be observed as a day for na
tional Thanksgiving, praise, and prayer, and I invite the people of
the United States to assemble on that occasion in their custom
ary places of worship, and in the forms approved by their own
conscience, render the homage due to the Divine Majesty for
the wonderful things He has done in the nation's behalf, and
invoke the influence of His Holy Spirit to subdue the anger
which has produced and so long sustained a needless and cruel re
bellion ; to change the hearts of the insurgents, to guide the
counsels of the government with wisdom adequate to so great a
national emergency, and to visit with tender care and consola
tion throughout the length and breadth of our land all those
who through the vicissitudes of marches, voyages, battles aud
sieges,. have been brought to suffer in mind, body or estate and
family, to lead the whole nation through paths of repentance
and submission to the Divine Will, back to the perfect enjoy
ment of Union and fraternal peace.
" In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused
the seal of the United States to be affixed.
" Done at the city of Washington, this 15th day of July, in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred aud sixty-
three, and of the independence of the United States of America
the eighty-eighth. "Abraham Lincoln.
" By the President :
" William H. Sewabd, Secretary of State." *

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 145
LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT ON THE
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION.
The following letter, written in August, 1863, in answer
to an invitation to attend a meeting of unconditional Union
men held in Illinois, gives at length the President's views
at that time on his Emancipation proclamation :
"Executive Mansion, Washington, August 2Gth, 1863.
"My Dear Sir: — Your letter inviting me to attend a mass
meeting of unconditional Union men, to be held at the capitol
of Illinois on the third day of September, has been received. It
would be very agreeable to me thus to meet my old friends at
my own home ; but I cannot just now be absent from this city
so long as a visit there would require. The meeting is to be of
all those who maintain unconditional devotion to the Union ;
and I am sure tl»at my old political friends will thank me for
tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those other noble
men whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make false
to the nation's life. There are those who are dissatisfied with
me. To such I would say : — You desire peace, and you blame
me that we do not have it. But how can we attain it? There
are but three conceivable ways : — First, to suppress the rebel
lion by force of arms. This I am trying to do. Are you for
it ? If you are, so far we are agreed. If. you are not for it, a
second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. If you
are, you should say so, plainly. If you are not for force, nor yet
for dissolution, there only remains some imaginable compro
mise. I do not believe that any compromise embracing the
maintenance of the Union is now possible. All that I learn
leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the rebel
lion is its military — its army. That army dominates all the
country and all the people within its range. Any offer of any
terms made by any man or men within that range in opposition
to that army is simply nothing for the present, because such
man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of a
compromise, if one were.made with them. To illustrate : Sup
pose refugees from the South and pe^,ee men of the North get
together in convention, and frame and proclaim a compromise
embracing the restoration of the Union. In what way can that
compromise be used to keep General Lee's army out of Penn
sylvania? General Meade's army can keep Lee's army out of
-Pennsylvania, and I think can ultimately drive it out of ex
istence. But no paper compromise to which the controllers of
General Lee's army are not agreed, can at all affect that army.
In an effort at such compromise we would waste time which the
enemy would improve to our disadvantage, and that would be
all. A compromise, to be effective, must be made either with

146 LIFE A-ND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
those who control the rebel army, or with the people, first liber
ated from the domination of that army by the success of our
army. Now, allow me to assure you that no word or intimation
from the rebel army, or from any of the men controlling it, in
relation to any peace compromise, has ever come to my know
ledge or belief. All charges and intimations to the contrary
are deceptive and groundless. And I promise you that if any
such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected
and kept secret from you. I freely acknowledge myself to be
the servant of the people, according to the bond of service, the
United States constitution ; and that, as such, I am responsible
to them. But, to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about
the negro. Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between
you and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that all
men could be free, while you, I suppose, do not. Yet I have
neither adopted nor proposed any measure which is not consist
ent with even your view, provided you are for the Union. I
suggested compensated emancipation, to which jou replied that
you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I have not
asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, except in such way as to
save you from greater taxation, to save the Union exclusively
by other means.
" You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and perhaps
would have it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional. I
think differently. I think that the constitution invests its com
mander-in-chief with the law of war in time of war. The most
that can be said, if so much, is, that the slaves are property.
Is there, has there ever been, any question that by the law of
war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when
needed ? And is it not needed whenever taking it helps us or
hurts the enemy ? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' prop
erty when they cannot use it; and even destroy their own to
keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their
povjer to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except a few
things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions are
the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and
female. But the proclamation, as law, is valid or is not valid.
If it is not valid it needs no retraction. Ifit is valid it cannot
be retracted, any more than the dead' can be brought to life.
Some of you profess to thnik that its retraction would operate
favorably for the Union. Why better after the retraction than
before the issue? There was more than a year and a half of
trial to suppress the rebellion before the proclamation was is
sued, the last one hundred days of which passed under an ex-
. plicit notice, that it was coming unless averted by those in
revolt returning to their allegiance. The war has certainly
progressed as favorably for us since the issue of the proclamation
as before. I know as fully as one can know the opinions of others,
that some of the commanders of our armies in the field, who

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 147
i
have given us our most important victories, believe the emanci
pation policy and the aid of colored troops constitute the
heaviest blows yet dealt to the rebellion, and that at least one
of those important successes could uot have been achieved when
it was but for the aid of black soldiers. Among the command
ers holding these views are some who have never had any affinity
with what is called abolitionism or with ' republican party
politics.' — But who hold them purely as military opinions. I
submit their opinions as being entitled to some weight against
the objections often urged that emancipation and arming the
blacks are unwise as military measures, arid were not adopted
as such in good faith. You say that you will not fight to free
negroes. Some of them seem to be willing tQ fight for you —
but no matter. Fight you, then, exclusively to save the Union.
I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving tho
Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all resistance to
the Union, if I shall urge you to continue fighting, It will be an
apt time then for you to declare that you will not fight to free
negroes. I thought that in your struggle for the Union, to
whatever extent the negroes should cease helping the enemy, to
that extent it weakened the enemy in his resistance to you. Do
you think differently ? I thought that whatever negroes can be
got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for white soldiers
to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you?
But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should
they do any thing for us if we will do nothing for them ? If
they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the
strongest motive, even the promise of freedom. And the prom
ise, being made, must be kept. The signs look better. The
Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea. Thanks to
the great North-west for it. Not yet wholly to them. Three
hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone and
Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The Sunny South, too,
in more colors than one, also lent a hand. On the spot their
part of the history was jotted down in black and white. The
job was a great national one, and let none be banned who boro
an honorable part in it ; and, while those who have cleared the
great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard
to say that any thing has been more bravely and better done than
at Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of
less note. Nor must Uncle Sam's webfleet be forgotten. At
all the waters' margins they have been present : — not only ou
the deep sea, the broad bay and the rapid river, but also up the
narrow, muddy bayou ; and wherever the ground was a little
damp they have been and made their tracks. Thanks to all.
For the great republic — for the principles by which it lives and
keeps alive — for man's vast future — thanks to all. Peace does
not appear so far distant as it did. I hope it will come sbon, and
come to stay : and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future

148 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
time. It will then have been proved that among freemen there
can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and
that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and
pay the cost. And then there will be some black men who can
remember that, with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and
steady eye, and well poised bayonet, they have helped mankind
on to this great consummation ; while I fear that there will be
some white men unable to forget that with malignant heart and
deceitful speech they have striven to hinder it. Still let us not
be over sanguine of a speedy final triumph. Let us be quite
sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubting that
a just God, in His own good time, will give us the rightful re
sult. Yours very truly, "A. Lincoln."
During September and October, 1863, the following- proc
lamations were published :
SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF HABEAS
CORPUS IN CERTAIN CASES.
" Washington, Sept. IHh, 1863.
" Whereas, the Constitution ofthe United States has ordained
that 'the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be sus
pended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public
safety may require it ;' and
" Whereas, a rebellion was existing on the third day of March,
1863, which rebellion is still existing ; and
" Whereas, by a statute which was approved on that day, it
was enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States in Congress assembled, that during the present
insurrection the President ofthe United States, whenever in his
judgment the public safety may require, is authorized to suspend
the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in any case throughout
the United States, or any part thereof; and
" Whereas, in the judgment of the President the public safety
does require that the privilege of the said writ Bhall now be sus
pended throughout the United States in cases where, by the au
thority of the President of the United States, military, naval and
civil officers of the United States, or any of them, hold persons
under their command or in their custody, either as prisoners of
war, spies, or aiders or abettors of the enemy, or officers, sol
diers, or seamen enrolled, drafted or mustered or enlisted in or
belonging to the land or naval forces of the United States, or as
deserters therefrom, or otherwise amenable to military law, or to
the Rules and Articles of War, or to the rules and regulations
prescribed for the military or naval service by the authority of
the President of the United States, or for resisting a draft, or
for any other offence against the military or naval service :

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 149
" Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, do hereby proclaim and make known to all whom it may
concern, that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus is sus
pended throughout the United States in the several cases before
mentioned, and that the suspension will continue throughout the
duration of the said rebellion ; or until this proclamation shall by
a subsequent one, to be issued by the President of tbe United
States, be modified and revoked. And I do hereby require all
magistrates, attorneys and other civil officers within the United
States, and all officers and others in the military and naval
services of the United States', to take distinct notice'of this sus
pension, and give it full effect ; and all citizens of the United
States to conduct and govern themselves accordingly and in con
formity with the Constitution of the United States and the laws
of Congress in such cases made and provided.
" Iu testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed, this fifteenth
day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight
hundred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the United
States of America the eighty-eighth. " Abraham Lincoln.
" By the President :
" William H. Seward, Secretary of State."
NATIONAL THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION.
" The year that is drawing towards its close has been filled with
the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these
bounties, which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to
forget the source from which they come, others have been added,
which are of so extraordinary a nature, that they cannot fail to
penetrate and soften even the heart which is habitually insensible
to the ever watchful providence of Almighty God.
" In the midst of a civil war of unequalled magnitude and
severity, which has sometimes seemed to invite and provoke tht»
aggression of foreign States, peace has been preserved with all
nations, order has been maintained, the laws have been respected
and obeyed, and harmony has prevailed everywhere, except in
the theatre of military conflict ; while that theatre has been
greatly contracted by the advancing armies and navies of the
Union. •
" The needful diversions of wealth and strength from the fields
of peaceful industry to the national defence have not arrested
the plough, the shuttle or the ship. The axe has enlarged the
borders of our settlements, and the mines, as well of iron and
coal as of the precious metals, have yielded even more abun
dantly than heretofore. Population has steadily increased, not
withstanding the waste that has been made in the camp, the
siege and the battle-field ; and the country, rejoicing in the con-

150 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
sequences of augmented strength and vigor, is permitted to ex
pect continuance of years with large increase of freedom.
"No human counsel hath devised, nor hath any mortal hand
worked out these great things. They are the gracious gifts of
the Most High God, who, while dealing with us in anger for our
sins, hath nevertheless remembered mercy.
" It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be
solemnly, reverently and gratefully acknowledged as with one
heart and voice by the whole American people ; I do, therefore,
invite my fellow-citizens in every part of the United States, and
also those who are at sea and those who are sojourning in foreign
lands, to set apart and observe the last Thursday of November
next as a Day of Thanksgiving and Prayer to our beneficent
Father, who dwelleth in the heavens. And I recommend to
them that, while offering up the ascriptions justly due to him for
such singular deliverances aud blessings ; they do also, with
humble penitence for our national perverseness and disobedience,
commend to his tender care all those who have become widows,
orphans, mourners or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife ib
which we are unavoidably engaged, and fervently implore the
interposition of the Almighty hand to heal the wounds of the
nation and to restore it, as soon as may be consistent with the
Divine purposes, to the full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tran
quillity, and union.
" In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
" Done at the city of Washington this third day of October,
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-
three, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-
eighth. "Abraham Lincoln.
" By the President :
"William H. Seward, Secretary of State."
We have shown, in the first pages of this volume, that
the early instruction of Abraham Lincoln was of that re
ligious character which could not fail to have a proper
effect upon his after life, and it is not therefore surprising
that during his Presidential career he has embraced every
opportunity to publicly acknowledge the source from
whence have come all the blessings the people of the
Union have received during the progress of the civil war ;
and the unanimity with which his numerous requests for
a general Thanksgiving have been acquiesced in, can but
be gratifying to their author.

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 151

THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND MORE MEN
CALLED FOR.
" Whereas, The term of service of part of the volunteer forces
of the United States will expire during the coming year ; and
whereas, in addition to the men raised by the present draft, it is
deemed expedient to call out three hundred thousand volunteers,
to serve for three years or the war — not, however, exceeding
three years.
" Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy
thereof, and of the militia of the several States when called into
actual service, do issue this my proclamation, calling upon tho
Governors of the different States to raise aud have enlisted into
the United States service, for the various companies and regi
ments in the field from their respective States, their quotas of
three hundred thousand men.
" I further proclaim that all the volunteers thus called out and
duly enlisted shall receive advance pay, premium and bounty, as
heretofore communicated to the Governors of States by the
War Department, through the Provost Marshal General's office,
by special letters.
" I further proclaim that all volunteers received under this
call, as well as all others not heretofore credited, shall be duly
credited and deducted from the quotas established for the next
draft. " I further proclaim that, if any State shall fail to raise the
quota assigned to it by the War Department under this call ;
then a draft for the deficiency in said quota shall be made in
said State, or on the districts of said State, for their due pro
portion of said quota, and the said draft shall commence on the
fifth day of January, 1864.
"And I further proclaim that nothing in this proclamation
shall interfere with existing orders, or with those which may be
issned for the present draft in the States where it is now in pro
gress or where it has not yet been commenced.
"The quotas of the States and districts will be assigned by
the War Department, through the Provost Marshal General's
office, due regard being had for the men heretofore furnished,
whether by volunteering or drafting, and the recruiting will be
conducted in accordance with such instructions as have been or
may be issued by that department.
" In issuing this proclamation I address myself not only to
the Governors of the several States, but also to the good and
loyal people thereof, invoking them to lend their cheerful, will
ing and effective aid to the measures thus adopted, with a view
to reinforce our victorious armies now in the field and bring our
needful military operations to a prosperous end, thus closing
forever the fountains of sedition and civil war.

152 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ,
" In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused
the seal of the United States to be affixed.
"Done at the city of Washington, this seventeenth day of
October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-three, and of the independence of the United States
the eighty-eighth. "Abraham Lincoln.
" By the President :
" Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State."
THE PRESIDENT'S DEDICATORY ADDRESS AT
GETTYSBURG.
On the nineteenth of November, 1863, the President par
ticipated in the solemn and imposing ceremonies incident to
the consecration of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg.
Arriving in the town on the previous evening, he was the
recipient of a delightful serenade, which he acknowledged
in a brief speech. On the next day he delivered the fol
lowing beautiful Dedicatory Address :
" Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth
upon this continent a n8w nation, conceived in Liberty, and
dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that
nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long
endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We
are met to dedicate a portion of it as the final resting-place of
those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It
is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.
" But in a larger sense we cannot dedicate, we cannot conse
crate, we cannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living
and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it far above our
power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long
remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they
did here. It is for us, the living, rather to be dedicated here to
the unfinished work that they have thus far so nobly carried on.
It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remain
ing before us — that from these honored dead we take increased
devotion to the cause for which they here gave the last full mea
sure of devotion, — that we here highly resolve that the dead shall
not have died iu vain, that the nation shall, under God, have a
new birth of freedom, and that the government of the people, by
the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth."
THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION.
On the seventh of December, 1863, the following recom- s
mendation was made to the people of the country ;

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 153
" Executive Mansion, Washington, Dec. 1th, 1863. — Reliable
information being received that the insurgent force is retreating
from East Tennessee, under circumstances rendering it probable
that the Union forces cannot hereafter be dislodged from that
important position, and esteeming this to be of high National
consequence, I recommend that ail loyal people do, on the re
ceipt of this, informally assemble at their places of worship, and
render special homage aud gratitude to Almighty God for this
great advancement of the National cause. "A. Lincoln."
THE ANNUAL MESSAGE OF 1863— FULL PAR
DON OFFERED TO THE REBELS.
On the ninth of December, 1863, President Lincoln sent
into Congress his Annual Message, and never were his wis
dom and moderation more satisfactorily exhibited than in
this document. His review of our foreign relations and the
operations of the various departments of the Government
was comprehensive and clear, while on the subject of the
rebellion he re-affirmed all that he had written in his pre
vious messages, and in referring to the success which had
attended the proclamation of emancipation, he said :
" While I remain in my present position, I shall not at
tempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation ;
nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by
the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of
Congress." Accompanying the Message, was a proclamation offering
for the acceptance ofthe traitors a fair and practicable mode,
by which they might return to their allegiance, and once
again become loyal citizens. It was worded as follows :
"Whereas, In and by the Constitution of the United States,
it is provided that the President ' shall have power to grant re
prieves and pardons for offences against the United States, ex
cept in cases of impeachment ;" and
" Whereas, A rebellion now exists whereby the loyal State
governments of several States have for a long time been sub
verted, and many persons have committed and are now guilty
of treason against the United States ; and
" Whereas, With reference to said rebellion and treason, laws
have been enacted by Congress, declaring forfeitures and con-

154 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
fiscations of property and liberation of slaves, all upon terms
and conditions therein stated, and also declaring that the Presi
dent was thereby authorized at any time thereafter, by proclama
tion, to extend to persons who may have participated in the ex
isting rebellion in any State, or part thereof, pardon and amnesty,
with such exceptions and at such times and on such conditions
as he may deem expedient for the public welfare ; and
" Whereas, The Congressional declaration for limited and
conditional pardon accords with well-established judicial ex
position of the pardoning power ; and
" Whereas, With reference to said rebellion, the President of
the United States has issued several proclamations, with pro
visions in regard to the liberation of slaves ; and
" Whereas, It is now desired by some persons heretofore en
gaged in said rebellion to resume their allegiance to the United
States, and to re-inaugurate loyal State governments within and
for their respective States ;
" Therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, do proclaim, declare, and make known to all persons
who have, directly or by implication, participated in the exist
ing rebellion, except as hereinafter excepted, that a full pardon
is hereby granted to them and each of them, with restoration of
all rights of property, excegt as to slaves, and in property cases
where rights of third parties shall have intervened, and upon the
condition that every such person shall take and subscribe an
oath, and thenceforward keep and maintain said oath inviolate ;
and which oath shall be registered for permanent preservation,
and shall be of the tenor and effect following, to wit :
" ' I  , do solemnly swear, in presence of Almighty God,
that I will henceforth faithfully support, protect, and defend the
Constitution of the United States, and the Union of the States
thereunder ; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faith
fully support all acts of Congress passed during the existing
rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so far as not re
pealed, modified, or held void by Congress, or by decision ofthe
Supreme Court ; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and
faithfully support all proclamations of the President made du
ring the existing rebellion having reference to slaves, so long
and so far as not modified or declared void by decision of the
Supreme Court. So help me God.'
" The persons excepted from the benefits of the foregoing
provisions are all who are or shall have been civil or diplomatic
officers or agents of the so-called Confederate Government; all
who have left judicial stations under the United States to aid
the rebellion ; all who are or shall have been military or naval
officers of said Confederate Government above the rank of
Colonel in the army or of Lieutenant in the navy; all who left
seats in the United States Congress to aid the rebellion ; all
who resigned their commissions in the army or navy of the United

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 155
States, and afterwards aided the rebellion, and all who have en
gaged in any way, in treating colored persons or white persons,
in charge of such, otherwise than lawfully, as prisoners of war,
and which persons may be found in the United States service,
as soldiers, seamen, or in any other capacity.
"And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known, that
whenever, in any of the States of Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana,
Mississippi, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Caro
lina, and North Carolina, a number of persons, not less than
one-tenth in number of the votes cast in such State at the Presi
dential election of the year of our Lord 1860, each having taken
the oath aforesaid and not having since violated it, and being a
qualified voter by the election law of the State existing imme
diately before the so-called act of secession, and excluding all
others, shall re-establish a State government which shall be Re
publican, and in nowise contravening said oath, such shall be
recognized as the true government of. the State, and the State
shall receive thereunder the benefits of the constitutional pro-
vision, which declares that ' the United States shall guarantee
to every State in this Union a Republican form of government,
and shall protect each of them against invasion ; and, on appli
cation of the Legislature, or the executive (when the Legisla
ture cannot -be convened), against domestic violence.'
"And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known, that
any provision which may be adopted by such State Government
in relation to the freed people of such State, which shall recog
nize and declare their permanent freedom, provide for their
education, and which may yet be consistent, as a temporary ar
rangement, wifh their present condition as a laboring, landless,
and homeless class, will not be objected to by the National
Executive. And it is suggested as not improper, that, in con
structing a loyal State government in any State, the name of
the State, the boundary, the subdivisions, the Constitution, and
the general code of laws, as before the rebellion, be maintained,
subject only to the modifications made necessary by the condi
tions hereinbefore stated, and such others, if any, not contra
vening said conditions, and which may be deemed expedient by
those framing. the new State Government.
" To avoid misunderstanding, it may be proper to say that this
proclamation, so far as it relates to State Governments, has
no reference to States wherein loyal State Governments have
all the while been maintained. And for the same reason, it may
be proper to further say, that whether members sent to Congress
from any State shall be admitted to seats constitutionally, rests
exclusively with the respective Houses, and not to any extent
with the Executive. And still further, that this proclamation
is intended to present the people of the States wherein the
National authority has been suspended, and loyal State Govern
ments have been subverted, a mode in and by which the Na-

156 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
tional authority and loyal State Government's may be re-estab
lished within said States, or in any of them ; and, while the
mode presented is the best the Executive can suggest, with his
present impressions, it must not be understood that no other
possible mode would be acceptable.
" Given under my hand at the City of Washington, the eighth
day of December, A. D. one thousand eight hundred and sixty-
three, and of the Independence of the United States of America
the eighty-eighth.
" By the President : " Abraham Lincoln.
" Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State."
CALLS MADE FOR SEVEN HUNDRED
THOUSAND MEN.
Since the beginning of the present year, 1864, two orders
have been issued by the President, with a view of augment
ing the armies of the Union to correspond with the require
ments of the service. The first, dated February first, is as
follows :
" Executive Mansion, Washington, February 1st, 1864. —
Ordered, that a draft for five hundred thousand men, to serve
three years or during the war, be made ou the tenth of March
next, for the military service ofthe United States, crediting and
deducting therefrom so many as have been enlisted or drafted
into the service prior to the first day of March, and not hereto
fore credited.
" (Signed) "Abraham Lincoln."
The other, dated March fourteenth, was worded as fol
lows :
"Executive Mansion, Washington, March lith, 1864. — In
order to supply the force required to be drafted for the navy, and to
provide an adequate reserve force for all contingencies, in addition
to the five hundred thousand men called for February 1st, 1864, the
call is hereby made, and a draft ordered for fwo hundred thou
sand men, for the military service of the army, navy, and marine
corps of the United States. The proportionate quotas for the
different wards, towns, townships, precincts, election districts,
or counties will be made known through the Provost Marshal
General's bureau, and account will be taken of the credits and
deficiencies on former quotas. The 15th day of April, 1864, is
designated as the time up to which the numbers required in each
ward of a city, town, etc., may be raised by voluntary enlist
ment ; and drafts will be made in each ward of a city, town,

. LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 157
etc., which shall not have filled the quota assigned to it within
the time designated for the number required to fill the said
quotas. The draft will be commenced as soon after the 15th of
April as practicable, The Government bounties, as now paid,
will be continued until April 15th, 1864, at which time the ad
ditional bounties cease. On and after that date, one hundred
dollars only will be paid, as provided by the act approved July
22nd, 1861. "Abraham Lincoln.
" Official. "E. D. Townsend, A. A. G. "
EXPLANATORY PROCLAMATION.
On the twenty-sixth of March, 1864, the following proc
lamation, explanatory of the one issued on the eighth of
December, 1863, was published :
"Whereas, It has become necessary to define the cases in
which insurgent enemies are entitled to the benefits of the
Proclamation of the President of the United States, which was
made on the 8th day of December, 1863, and the manner in which
they shall proceed to avail themselves of these benefits ;
"And whereas, The object of that proclamation were to sup
press the insurrection and to restore the authority of the United
States ;
"And whereas, The amnesty therein proposed bythe Presi
dent was offered with refereuce to these objects alone ;
" Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United
States, do hereby proclaim and declare that the said proclama
tion does not apply to the cases of persons who, at the time when
they seek to obtain the benefits thereof, by taking the oath thereby
prescribed, are in military, naval or civil confinement or custody,
or under bonds or on parole of the civil, military or naval au
thorities or agents of the United States, as prisoners of war, or
persons detained for offences of any kind, either before or after
conviction ; and that on the contrary, it does apply only to those
persons who, being at large and free from any arrest, confine
ment or duress, shall voluntarily come forward and take the said
oath, with the purpose of restoring peace and establishing the
national authority.
" Prisoners excluded from the amnesty offered in the said
proclamation may apply to the President for clemency, like all
other offenders, and their application will receive due con
sideration. " I do further declare and proclaim that the oath prescribed
in the aforesaid proclamation of the 8th of December, 1863,
may be taken and subscribed to before any commanding officer,
civil, military or naval, in the service of the United States, or
any civil or military officer of a State or territory not in insur
rection, who, by the laws thereof, may be qualified for adminis
tering oaths.

158 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
"All officers who receive such oaths are hereby authorized to
give certificates thereon to the persons respectively by whom
they are made, and such officers are hereby required to transmit
the original records of such oaths at as early a day as may be
convenient to the Department of State, where they will be de
posited and remain in the archives of the government.
" The Secretary of State will keep a register thereof, and will,
on application, in proper cases, issue certificates of such records
in the customary form of official certificates.
" In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and
caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
" Done at the City of Washington, the twenty-sixth day of
March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred
and sixty-four, and of the Independence of the United States
the eighty-eighth.
"By the President: "Abraham Lincoln.
" Wm. H- Seward, Secretary of State."
REVIEW OF THE PRESIDENT'S POLICY.
In the number of the North American Review for
January, 1864, a most able article was published, review
ing the policy of President Lincoln, and from it we make
the following extracts :
"'Bare is back,' says the Norse proverb, 'without
brother behind it;' and this is, by analogy, true of an
elective magistracy. The hereditary ruler in any critical
emergency may reckon on the inexhaustible resources of
prestige, of sentiment, of superstition, of dependent inter
est, while the new man must slowly and painfully create'
all these out of the unwilling material around him, by
superiority of character, by patient singleness of purpose,
by sagacious presentiment of popular tendencies and in
stinctive sympathy with the national character. Mr. Lin
coln's task was one of peculiar and exceptional difficulty.
Long habit had accustomed the American people to the
notion of a party in power, and of a President as its crea
ture and organ, while the more vital fact, that the execu
tive for the time being represents the abstract idea of
government as a permanent principle superior to all party
and all private interest,, had gradually become unfamiliar.
They had so long seen the public policy more or less

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 159
directed by views of party, and often even of personal ad
vantage, as to be ready to suspect the motives of a chief
magistrate compelled, for the first time in our history, to
feel himself the head and hand of a great nation, and to act
upon the fundamental maxim, laid down by all publicists,
that the first duty of a government is to defend and main
tain its own existence. Accordingly, a powerful weapon
seemed to be put into the hands of the opposition by the
necessity under which the administration found itself of
applying this old truth to new relations. They were not
slow in turning it to use, but the patriotism and common-
sense of the people were more than a match for any
sophistry of mere party. The radical mistake of the lead
ers of the opposition was in forgetting that they had a
country, and expecting a similar obliviousness on the part
of the people. In the undisturbed possession of office for
so many years, they had come to consider the government
as a kind of public Gift Enterprise conducted by them
selves, and whose profits were nominally to be shared
among the holders of their tickets, though all the prizes
had a trick of falling to the lot of the managers. Amid
the tumult of war, when the life of the nation was at stake,
when the principles of despotism and freedom were grap
pling in deadly conflict, they had no higher conception of
the crisis than such as would serve the purpose of a con
tested election ; no thought but of advertising the tickets
for the next drawing of that private speculation which
they miscalled the Democratic party. But they were too
little in sympathy with the American people to under
stand them, or the motives by which they were governed.
It became more and more clear that, in embarrassing the
administration, their design was to cripple the country;
that, by a strict construction of the Constitution, they
meant nothing more than the locking up of the only
arsenal whence effective arms could be drawn to defend the
nation. Fortunately, insincerity by its very nature, by
1 A

160 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
its necessary want of conviction, must ere long betray
itself by its inconsistencies. It was hard to believe that
men had any real horror of sectional war, who were busy
in fomenting jealousies between East and West ; that they
could be in favor of a war for the Union as it was, who
were for accepting the violent amendments of Rebellion ;
that they could be heartily opposed to insurrection iu the
South, who threatened government with forcible resistance
in the North ; or that they were humanely anxious to stay
the effusion of blood, who did not scruple to stir up the
mob of our chief city to murder and arson, and to compli
ment the patriotism of assassins with arms in their hands.
Believers, if they believed any thing, in the divine right
of Sham, they brought the petty engineering of the caucus
to cope with the resistless march of events, and hoped to
stay the steady drift of the nation's purpose, always set
ting deeper and stronger in one direction, with the scoop-
nets that had served their turn so well in dipping fish from
the turbid eddies of politics. They have given an example
of the shortest and easiest way of reducing a great party
to an inconsiderable faction.
" The change which three years have brought about, is
too remarkable to be passed over without comment — too
weighty in its lesson not to be laid to heart. Never did
a President enter upon office with less means -at his com
mand, outside his own strength of heart and steadiness of
understanding, for inspiring confidence in the people, and
so winning it for himself, than Mr. Lincoln. All that was
known of him was that he was a good stump-speaker,
nominated for his availability — that is, because he had no
history — and chosen by a party with whose more extreme
opinions he was not in sympathy. *It might well be feared
that a man past fifty, against whom the ingenuity of hos
tile partisans could rake up no accusation, must be lacking
in manliness of character, in decision of principle, in

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 161
strength of will, — that a man who was at best only the
representative of a party, and who yet did not fairly re
present even that — would fail of political, much more of
popular support. And certainly no one ever entered upon
ofiice with so few resources of power in the past, and so
many materials of weakness in the present, as Mr. Lin
coln. Even in that half of the Union which acknowledged
him as President, there was a large, and at that time dan
gerous minority, that hardly admitted his claim to the
office, and even in the party that elected him there was
also a large minority that suspected him of being secretly
a communicant with the church of Laodicea. All that he
did was sure to be virulently attacked as ultra by one side ;
all that he left undone, to be stigmatized as proof of luke-
warmness and backsliding by the other. Meanwhile he
was to carry on a truly colossal war by means of both ; he
was to disengage the country from diplomatic entangle
ments of unprecedented peril undisturbed by the help or
the hinderance of either, and to win from the crowning
dangers of his administration, in the confidence of the
people, the means of his safety and their own. He has
contrived to do it, and perhaps none of our Presidents
since Washington has stood so firm in the confidence of
the people as he does after three years of stormy admin
istration. " Mr. Lincoln's policy was a tentative one, and rightly
so. He laid down no programme which must compel
him to be either inconsistent or unwise — no cast-iron
theorem to which circumstances must be fitted as they
rose, or else be useless to his ends. He seemed to have
chosen Mazarin's motto, Le temps et moi. The moi, to
be sure, was not very prominent at first ; but it has grown
more and more so, till the world is beginning to be per
suaded that it stands for a character of marked individu
ality and capacity for affairs. Time was his prime-min- ¦

162 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
ister, and, we began to think at one period, his general-
in-chief also. At fijst he was so slow that he tired out
all those who see no evidence of progress but in blowing
up the engine ; then he was so fast, that he took the
breath away from those who think there is no getting on
safely while there is a spark of fire under the boilers. God
is the only being who has time enough ; but a prudent
man, who knows how to seize occasion, can commonly
make a shift to find as much as he needs. Mr. Lincoln,
as it seems to us in reviewing his career, though we have
sometimes in our impatience thought otherwise, has al
ways waited, as a wise man should, till the right moment
brought up all his reserves. Semper nocuit differre par-
atis is a sound axiom, but the really efficacious man will
also be sure to know when he is not ready, and be firm
against all persuasion and reproach till he is.
" One would be apt to think, from some of the criticisms
made on Mr. Lincoln's course by those who mainly agree
with him in principle, that the chief object of a statesman
should be rather to proclaim his adhesion to certain doc
trines than to achieve their triumph by quietly accom
plishing his ends. In our opinion, there is no more unsafe
politician than a conscientiously rigid doctrinaire, nothing
more sure to end in disaster than a theoretic scheme of
policy that admits of no pliability for contingencies. True,
there is a popular image of an impossible He, in whose
plastic hands the submissive destinies of mankind become
as wax, and to whose commanding necessity the toughest
facts yield with the graceful pliancy of fiction ; but in real
life we commonly find that the men who control circum
stances, as it is called, are those who have lesfrned to
allow for the influence of their eddies, and have the nerve
to turn them to account at the happy instant. Mr. Lin
coln's perilous task has been to carry a rather shackly
. raft through the rapids, making fast the unrulier logs as

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 163
he could snatch opportunity ; and the country is to be
congratulated that he did not think it his duty to run
straight at all hazards, but cautiously to assure himself
with his setting-pole where the main current was, and
keep steadily to that. He is still in wild water, but we
have faith that his skill and sureness of eye will bring him
out right at last.
" A curious, and, as we think, not inapt parallel might
be drawn between Mr. Lincoln and one of the most
striking figures in modern history — Henry IV. of France.
The career of the latter may be more picturesque, as that
of a daring captain always is ; but, in all its vicissitudes.
there is nothing more romantic than that sudden change,
as by a rub of Aladdin's lamp, from the attorney's office
in a country town of Illinois to the helm of a great nation
in times like these. The analogy between the characters
and circumstances of the two men is, in many respects,
singularly close. Succeeding to a rebellion rather than a
crown, Henry's chief material dependence was the Hugue
not party, whose doctrines sat upon him with a looseness
distasteful certainly, if not suspicious, to the more fanati
cal among them. King only in name over the greater
part of France, and with his capital barred against him,
it yet gradually became clear to the more far-seeing even
of the Catholic party, that he was the only centre of order
and legitimate authority round which France could re
organize itself. While preachers who held the divine
right of kings made the churches of Paris ring with decla
mations in favor of democracy rather than submit to the
heretic dog of a Bearnois — much as our soi-disant Demo
crats have lately been preaching the divine right of
slavery, and denouncing the heresies of the Declaration
of Independence — Henry bore both parties in hand till he
was convinced that only one course of action could pos
sibly combine his own interests and those of France

164: LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Meanwhile the Protestants believed somewhat doubtfully
that he was theirs, the Catholics hoped somewhat doubt
fully that he would be theirs, and Henry himself turned
aside remonstrance, advice, and curiosity alike with a
jest or a proverb, (if a little high, he liked them none the
worse,) joking continually, as his manner was. We have
seen Mr. Lincoln contemptuously compared to Sancho
Panza by persons incapable of appreciating one of the
deepest pieces of wisdom in the profoundest romance ever
written — namely, that, while Don Quixote was incompa
rable in theoretic and ideal statesmanship, Sancho, with
his stock of proverbs, the ready-money of human experi
ence, made the best possible practical governor. Henry
IV. was as full of wise saws and modern instances as Mr.
Lincoln, but beneath all this was the thoughtful, practi
cal, humane, and thoroughly earnest man, around whom
the fragments of France were to gather themselves till
she took her place again as a planet of the first magnitude
in the European system. In one respect Mr. Lincoln was
more fortunate than Henry. However some may think
him wanting in zeal, the most fanatical can find no taint
of apostasy in any measure of his, nor can the most bitter
charge him with being influenced by motives of personal
interest. The leading distinction between the policies of
the two is one of circumstances. Henry- went over to
the nation ; Mr. Lincoln has steadily drawn the nation
over to him. One left a united France ; the other, we
hope and believe, will leave a re-united America. We
leave our readers to trace the further points of difference
and resemblance for themselves, merely suggesting a gen
eral similarity which has often occurred to us. One only
point of melancholy interest we will .allow ourselves to
touch upon. That Mr. Lincoln is not handsome nor ele
gant, we learn from certain English tourists who would
consider similar revelations in regard to Queen Victoria

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 165
as thoroughly American in their want of bienseance. It
is no concern of ours, nor does it affect his fitness for the
high place he so worthily occupies ; but he is certainly
as fortunate as Henry in the matter of good looks, if we
may trust contemporary evidence. Mr. Lincoln has also
been reproached with Americanism by some not unfriendly
British critics ; but, with all deference, we cannot say
that we like him any the worse for it, or see in it any
reason why he should govern Americans the less wisely.
" The most perplexing complications that Mr. Lincoln's
government has had to deal with have been the danger
of rupture with the two leading commercial countries of
Europe, and the treatment of the slavery question. In
regard to the former, the peril may be considered as
nearly past, and the latter has been withdrawing steadily,
ever since the war began, from the noisy debating-ground
of faction to the quieter region of practical solution by
convincingness of facts and consequent advance of opinion
which we are content to call Fate.
" Even so long ago as when Mr. Lincoln, not yet con
vinced of the danger and magnitude of the crisis, was en
deavoring to persuade himself of "Union majorities at the
South, and to carry on a war that was half peace in the
hope of a peace that would have been all war, — while he
was still enforcing the Fugitive Slave Law, under some
theory that Secession, however it might absolve States
from their obligations, could not escheat them of their
claims under the Constituti°n> an(^ ^iat slaveholders in
rebellion, fiad alone among mortals the privilege of having
their cake and eating it at tbe same time, — the enemies of
free government were striving to persuade the people
that the war was an Abolition crusade. To rebel with
out reason was proclaimed as one of the rights of man,
while it was carefully kept out of sight that to suppress
rebellion is the first duty of government. All the evils

166 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
that have come upon the country have been attributed to
the Abolitionists, though it is hard to see how any party
can become permanently powerful except in one of two
ways, — either by the greater truth of its principles, or the
extravagance of {he party opposed to it. To fancy the
ship of state, riding safe at her constitutional moorings,
suddenly engulfed by a huge kraken of Abolitionism,
rising from unknown depths and grasping it with slimy
tentacles, is to look at the natural history of the matter
with the eyes of Pontoppidan. To believe that the
leaders in the Southern treason feared any danger from
Abolitionism, would be to deny them ordinary intelli
gence, though there can be little doubt that they made
use of it to stir the passions and excite the fears of their
deluded accomplices. They rebelled, not because they
thought slavery weak, but because they believed it strong
enough, not to overthrow the government, but to get pos
session of it ; for it becomes daily clearer that they used
rebellion only as a means of revolution, and if they got
revolution, though not in the shape they looked for, is the
American people to save them from its consequences at
the cost of its own existence ? The election of Mr. Lin
coln, which it was clearly in their power to prevent had
they wished, was the occasion merely, and not the cause,
of their revolt. Abolitionism, till within a year or two,
was the despised heresy of a few earnest persons, without
political weight enough to carry the election of a parish
constable ; and their cardinal principle was disunion, be
cause they were convinced that within the Union the
position of slavery was impregnable. In spite of the
proverb, great effects do not follow from small causes, 
that is, disproportionately small, — but from adequate
causes acting under certain required conditions. To con
trast the size of the oak with that of the parent acorn, as
if the poor seed had paid all costs from its slender strong

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 167
box, may serve for a child's wonder ; but the real miracle
lies in that divine league which bound all the forces of
nature to the service of the tiny germ in fulfilling its
destiny. Every thing has been at work for the past ten
years in the cause of antislavery, but Garrison and
Phillips have been far less successful propagandists than
the slaveholders themselves, with the constantly-growing
arrogance of their pretensions and encroachments. They
have forced the question upon the attention of every voter
in the Free States, by defiantly putting freedom and de
mocracy on the defensive. But, even after the Kansas
outrages, there was n^wide-spread desire on the part of
the North to commit aggressions, though there was a
growing determination to resist them. The popular
unanimity in favor of the war three years ago was but in
small measure the result of antislavery sentiment, far less
of any zeal for abolition. But every month of the war,
every movement of the allies of slavery in the Free
States, has been making Abolitionists by the thousands.
The masses of any people, however intelligent, are very
little moved by abstract principles of humanity and jus
tice, until those principles are interpreted for them by the
stinging commentary of some infringement upon their own
rights, and then their instincts and passions, once aroused,
do indeed derive an incalculable reinforcement of impulse
and intensity from those higher ideas, those sublime tra
ditions, which have no motive political force till they are
allied with a sense of immediate personal wrong or im
minent peril. Then at last the stars in their courses be
gin to fight against Sisera. Had any one doubted before
that the rights of human nature are unitary, that oppres
sion is of one hue the world over, no matter what the
color of the oppressed, — had any one failed to see what
the real essence of the contest was, — the efforts bf the ad
vocates of slavery among ourselves to throw discredit upon

168 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
the fundamental axioms of the Declaration of Independence
and the radical doctrines of Christianity, could not fail to
sharpen his- eyes. This quarrel, it is plain, is not between
Northern fanaticism and Southern institutions, but be
tween downright slavery and upright freedom, between
despotism and democracy, between the Old World and
the New.
" The progress of three years has outstripped the ex
pectation of the most sanguine, and that of our arms,
great as it undoubtedly is, is trifling in comparison with
the advance of opinion. The great strength of slavery
was a superstition, which is fastJosing its hold on the
public mind. When it was first proposed to raise negro
regiments, there were many even patriotic men who felt
as the West Saxons did at seeing their high priest hurl
his lance against the temple of their idol. They were sure
something terrible, they knew not what, would follow.
But the earth stood firm, the heavens gave no sign, and
presently they joined in making a bonfire of their bugbear.
That we should employ the material of the rebellion for its
own destruction, seems now the merest truism. In the same
way men's minds are growing wonted to the thought of
emancipation ; and great as are the difficulties which must
necessarily accompany and follow so vast a measure, we
have no doubt that they will be successfully overcome.
The point of interest and importance is, that the feeling of
our country in regard to slavery is no whim of sentiment,
but a settled conviction, and that the tendency of opinion.
is unmistakably and irrevocably in one direction, no less
in the Border Slave States than in the Free. The chances
of the war, which at one time seemed against us, are now
greatly in our favor. The nation is more thoroughly
united against any shameful or illusory peace than it ever
was on any other-question, and the very extent ofthe ter
ritory to be subdued, which was the most serious cause of

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 169
misgiving, is no longer an element of strength, but of dis
integration, to the conspiracy. The Rebel leaders can
make no concessions ; the country is unanimously resolved
that the war shall be prosecuted, at whatever cost* and if
the war go on, will it leave slavery with any formidable
strength in the South ? and without that, need there be any
fear of effective opposition in the North ?
" While every day was bringing the people nearer to the
conclusion which all thinking men saw to be inevitable
from the beginning, it was wise in Mr. Lincoln to leave
the shaping of his policy to events. In this country,
where the rough and ready understanding of the people
is sure at last to be the controlling power, a profound
common-sense is the best genius for statesmanship.
Hitherto the wisdom of the President's measures has
been justified by the fact that they have always resulted
in more firmly uniting public opinion. It is a curious
comment on the sincerity of political professions, that the
party calling itself Democratic should have been the last
to recognize the real movement and tendency of the
popular mind. The same gentlemen who two years ago
were introducing resolutions in Congress against coercion,
are introducing them now in favor of the war, but against
subjugation. Next year they may be in favor of emanci
pation, but against abolition. It does not seem to have
occurred to them that the one point of difference between
a civil and a foreign war is, that in the former, one of the
parties must by the very nature of the case be put down,
and the other left in possession of the government. Un
less the country is to be divided, no compromise is possible,
and, if one side must yield, shall it be the nation or the
conspirators ? A government may make, and any wise
government would make, concessions to men who have
risen against real grievances ; but to make them in favor
of a rebellion that had no juster cause than the personal

170 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
ambition of a few bad men, would be to abdicate.
Southern politicians, however, have always been so
dexterous in drawing nice distinctions, that they may
find some consolation inappreciable by obtuser minds in
being coerced instead of subjugated.
" If Mr. Lincoln continue to act with the firmness and
prudence which have hitherto distinguished him, we think
he has little to fear from the efforts of the opposition.
Men without sincere convictions are hardly likely to have
a well-defined and settled policy, and the blunders they
have hitherto committed must make them cautious. If
their personal hostility to the President be unabated, we
may safely count on their leniency to the opinion of
majorities, and the drift of public sentiment is too strong
to be mistaken. They have at last discovered that there
is such a thing as Country, which has a meaning for
men's minds and a hold upon their hearts; they may
make the further discovery, that this is a revolution that
has been forced on us, and not merely a civil war. In
any event, an opposition is a wholesome thing ; and we
are only sorry that this is not a more wholesome opposi
tion. " We believe it is the general judgment of the country
on the acts of the present administration, that they have
been, in the main, judicious and well-timed. The only
doubt about some of them seems to be as to their con
stitutionality. It has been sometimes objected to our
form of government, that it was faulty in having a writ
ten constitution which could not adapt itself to the needs
of the time as they arose. But we think it rather a
theoretic than a practical objection ; for in point of
fact there has been hardly a leading measure of any
administration .that has not been attacked as uncon
stitutional, and which was not carried nevertheless.
Purchase of Louisiana, Embargo, Removal of the De-

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 171
posits, Annexation of Texas, not to speak of others less
important, — on the unconstitutionality of all these, power
ful parties have appealed to the country, and invariably
the decision has been against them. The will of the
people for the time being has always carried it. In' the
present instance, we purposely refrain from any allusion
to the moral aspects of the question. We prefer to leave
the issue to experience and common-sense: Has any sane
man ever doubted on which side the chances were in this
contest ? Can any sane man who has watched the steady
advances of opinion, forced onward slowly by the im
mitigable logic of facts, doubt what the decision of tho
people will be in this matter ? The Southern conspira
tors have played a desperate stake, and, if they had won,
would have bent the whole policy of the country to the
interests of slavery. Filibustering would have been
nationalized, and the slave-trade re-established as the most
beneficent form of missionary enterprise. But if they
lose ? They have, of their own choice, put the chance
into our hands of making this continent the empire of a
great homogeneous population, substantially one in race,
language, and religion, — the most prosperous and power
ful of nations. Is there a doubt what the decision of a
victorious people will be ? If we were base enough to
decline the great commission which Destiny lays on us,
should we not deserve to be ranked with those dastards
whom the stern Florentine condemns as hateful alike to
God and God's enemies ?
" We would not be understood as speaking lightly of the
respect due to constitutional forms, all the more essential
under a government like ours and in times like these. But
where undue respect for the form will lose us the substance,
and where the substance, as in this case, is nothing less
than the country itself, to bo over-scrupulous would be
unwise. Who are most tender in their solicitude that we

17J2 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
keep sacred the letter of the law, in order that its spirit
may not keep us alive ? Mr. Jefferson Davis and those
who, in the Free States, would have been his associates,
but must content themselves with being his political
guerilleros. If Davis had succeeded, would he have had
any scruples of constitutional delicacy ? And if he has
not succeeded, is it not mainly owing to measures which
his disappointed partisans denounce as unconstitutional ?
" We cannot bring ourselves to think that Mr. Lincoln
has done any thing that" would furnish a precedent dan
gerous to our liberties, or in any way overstepped the
just limits of his constitutional discretion. If his course
has been unusual, it was because the danger was equally
so. It cannot be so truly said that he has strained his
prerogative, as that the imperious necessity has exercised
its own. Surely the framers of the Constitution never
dreamed that they were making a strait waistcoat, in
which the nation was to lie helpless while traitors were
left free to do their will. In times like these, men seldom
settle precisely the principles on which they shall act, but
rather adjust those on which they have acted to the lines
of precedent as well as they can after the event. This is
what the English Parliament did in the Act of Settlement.
Congress, after all, will only be called on for the official
draft of an enactment, the terms of which have been
already decided by agencies beyond their control. Even
while they are debating, the current is sweeping them
onward toward new relations of policy. At worst, a new
precedent is pretty sure of pardon, if it successfully meet
a new occasion. It is a harmless pleasantry to call Mr.
Lincoln 'Abraham the First,' — we remember when a
similar title was applied to President Jackson ; and it
will not be easy, we suspect, to persuade a people who
have more liberty than they know what to do with, that
they are the victims of despotic tyranny. ^

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 173
" Mr. Lincoln probably thought it more convenient, to
say the least, to have a country left without a constitution,
than a constitution without a country. We have no doubt
we shall save both ; for if we take care of the one, the
other will take care of itself. Sensible men, and it is the
sensible men in any country who at last shape its policy,
will be apt to doubt whether it is true conservatism, after
the fire is got under, to insist on keeping up thefiaw in
the chimney by which it made its way into the house.
Radicalism may be a very dangerous thing, and so is
calomel, but not when it is the only means of saving the
life of the patient. Names are of great influence in ordi
nary times, when they are backed by the vis inertice of
life-long prejudice, but they have little power in com
parison with a sense of interest ; and though, in peaceful
times, it may be highly respectable to be conservative
merely for the sake of being so, though without very
clear notions of any thing in particular to be conserved,
what we want now is the prompt decision that will not
hesitate between the bale of silk and the ship when a leak
is to be stopped. If we succeed in saving the great land
marks of freedom, there will be no difficulty in settling our
constitutional boundaries again. We have no sympathy
to spare for the pretended anxieties of men who, only two
years gone, were willing that Jefferson Davis should
break all the teh commandments together, and would
now impeach Mr. Lincoln for a scratch on the surface of
the tables where they are engraved."
As soon as the publication was received and read by
the President, he sent to the publishers the following
letter :
" Executive Mansion, Washington, January 16th, 1864.
"Messrs. Crosby §¦ Nichols :
" Gentlemen : The number for this month and year of the
North American Review was duly received and for which please
accept my thanks. Of course I am not the most impartial

174 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
judge ; yet, with due allowance for this, I venture to hope that
the article entitled ' The President's Policy ' will be of value
to the country. I fear I am not quite worthy of all which is
therein kindly said of me personally.
" The sentence of twelve lines, commencing at the top of page
252, (which in this book is on page 165,) I could wish to be not
exactly as it is. In what is there expressed the writer has not
correctly understood me. I have never had a theory that seces
sion could absolve States or people from their obligations. Pre
cisely the contrary is asserted in the inaugural address; and it.
was because of my belief in the continuation of those obligations
that I was puzzled, for a time, as to denying the legal rights of
those citizens who remained individually innocent of treason or
rebellion. * But I mean no more now than to merely call atten
tion to this point. " Yours respectfully, "A. Lincoln."
The sentence referred to by Mr. Lincoln, is as follows :
" Even so long ago as when Mr. Lincoln, not yet con
vinced of the danger and magnitude of the crisis, was
endeavoring to persuade himself of Union majorities at
the South, and to carry on a war that Was half peace, in
the hope of a peace that would have been all war, while
he was still enforcing the Fugitive Slave law, under
some theory that secession, however it might absolve
States from their obligations, could not escheat them of
their claims under the constitution, and that slaveholders
in rebellion had alone among mortals, the privilege of
having their cake and eating it at the same time, — tho
enemies of free government were striving to persuade the
people that the war was an abolition crusade. To rebel
without reason was proclaimed as one of the rights of man,
while it was carefully kept out of sight that to suppress
rebellion is the first duty of government."
RECENT ADDRESSES OF MR. LINCOLN.
On the night ofthe eighteenth, at the close of the. suc
cessful fair held in the Patent Office at Washington, Mr.
Lincoln spoke as follows :
" Ladies and Gentlemen : — I appear, to say but a word. This

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 175
extraordinary war in which we are engaged falls heavily upon all
classes of people, but the most heavily upon the soldier. For it
has been said, all that a man hath will he give for his life ; and,
while all contribute of their substance, the soldier puts his life
at stake, and often yields it up in his country's cause. The high
est merit, then, is due to the soldier:
" In this extraordinary war, extraordinary developments have
manifested themselves, such as have not been seen in former
wars; and amo"ng these manifestations nothing has, been more
remarkable than these fairs for the relief of suffering soldiers
and their families. And the chief agents in these fairs are the
women of America. I am not accustomed to the use of the
language of eulogy ; I have never studied the art of paying
compliments to women ; but I must say that, if all that has been
said by orators and poets, since the creation of the world, in
praise of women were applied to the women of America, it would
not do them justice for their conduct during this war. I will
close by saying, God bless the women of America !" (Great
applause.) Three days later, a committee appointed by the Work-
ingmen's Democratic Republican Association of New
York waited on the President, and presented him with an
address informing him that he had been elected a member
of that organization. After the chairman had stated the
object of the visit, Mr. Lincoln made the following reply :
"Gentlemen of the Committee : — The honorary membership in
your Association so generously tendered is gratefully accepted.
You comprehend, as your address shows, that the existing re
bellion means more and tends to more than the perpetuation of
African slavery- — that it is, in fact, a war upon the rights of all
working people. Partly to show that the view has not escaped
my attention, and partly that I cannot better express myself, I
read a passage from the message to Congress in December, 1861 :
" ' It continues to develop that the insurrection is largely, if
not exclusively, a war upon the first principle of popular Gov
ernment — the rights of the people. Conclusive evidence of this
is found in the most grave and maturely-considered public docu
ments, as well as in the general tone of the insurgents. In those
documents we find the abridgement of the existing right of suf
frage, and the denial to the people of all right to participate in
the selection of public officers, except the legislative body, boldly
advocated with labored arguments, to prove that large control
of the people in government is the source of all political evil.
Monarchy is sometimes hinted at as a possible refuge from the
power of the people. Iu my present position, I could scarcely
11

176 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
be justified wore I to omit raising my voice against this approach
of returning despotism.
" ' It is not needed or fitting here that a general argument
should be made in favor of popular institutions ; but there is one
point, with its connections, not so hackneyed as most others, to
which I ask a brief attention. It is the effort to place capital
on an equal footing with, if not above, labor in the structure of
the Government. It is assumed that labor is available only in
connection with capital ; that nobody labors unless somebody
else owning capital somehow, by use of it, induces him to labor.
" ' This assumed, it is next considered whether it is best that
capital shalWuVe laborers, aud thus induce them to work by their
own consent, or buy them and drive them to it without their
consent. Having proceeded so far, it is naturally concluded
that all laborers are either hired laborers or what we call slaves.
And, further, it is assumed that whoever is once a hired laborer
is fixed in that condition for life. Now there is no such relatiou
between capital and labor as assumed, nor is there any such
thing as a free man being fixed for life in the condition of a
hired laborer. Both of these assumptions are false, and all infer
ences from them are groundless.
"'Labor is prior to and independent of capital. Capital is
only the fruit of labor, and never could have existed if labor had
not first existed. Labor is the support of capital, and deserves
much the higher cousideration. Capital has its rights, which
are as worthy of protection as any other rights. Nor is it denied
that there is, and probably always will be, a relation between
labor and capital producing mutual benefits. The error is in
assuming that the whole labor of a community exists within that
relation. A few men own capital, and that few avoid labor
themselves, and with that capital hire or buy another few to
labor for them.
" 'A large majority belong to neither class — neither work
for others nor have others working for them. In most of the
Southern States a majority of the whole people, of all colors,
are neither slaves nor masters, while, in the Northern States, a
large majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their
families — wives, sons, and daughters — work for themselves on
their farms, in their houses, and in their shops, taking the whole
product to themselves, and asking no favors of capital on the
one hand nor of hired laborers or slaves on the other. It is
not forgotten that a considerable number of persons mingle their
own labor with capital — that is, they labor with their own hands
and also buy or hire others to labor for them ; but this is only a
mixed and not a distinct class. No principle stated is disturbed
by the existence of this mixed class.
" 'Again. As has already been said, there is not of necessity
any such thing as the free hired laborer being fixed to that con
dition for .life. Many independent men everywhere in these

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 177
States, a few years back in their lives, were hired laborers. The
prudent, penniless beginner in the world labors for wages a while,
saves a surplus with which to buy tools or lands for himself, then
labors on his own account another while, and at length hires
another new beginner to help him. This is the just, and gener
ous, and prosperous system which opens the way to all — gives
hope to all, and consequent energy, and progress, and improve
ment to all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than
those who , toil up from poverty — none less inclined to take or
touch aught with which they jiave not honestly earned. Let
them beware of surrendering a political power which they already
possess, and which, if surrendered, will surely- be used to close
the door of advancement against such as they, and to fix new
disabilities aud burdens upon them till all of liberty shall be
lost.' " The views then expressed remain unchanged — nor have I
much to add. None are so deeply interested to resist the
present rebellion as -the working people. Let them beware of
prejudices working disunion and hostility among themselves.
The most notable feature of a disturbance in your city last sum
mer was the hanging of some working people by other working
people. It should never be so. The strongest bond of human
sympathy, outside of the family relation, should be one uniting
all working people, of all nations, tongues, and kindreds. Nor
should this lead to a war upon property or the owners of prop
erty. Property is the fruit of labor ; property is desirable ;
is a positive good in the world. That some should be rich,
shows that others may become rich, and hence is just encourage
ment to industry and enterprise. Let not him who is houseless
pull down the house of another, but let him labor diligently and
ouild one for himself; thus, by example, assuring that his own
shall be safe from violence when built."
ABRAHAM LINCOLN THE CHOICE OF THE
PEOPLE FOR ANOTHER TERM.
Within the past few months, a movement has been in
progress throughout the North and West, which can but
be as gratifying to Abraham Lincoln as it is pleasing to
the great mass of the loyal voters of the country.
No President ever encountered the same difficulties
which have met the present incumbent of the " White
House" at every step he has taken since the day of hi-s
inauguration. The traitors in the South have naturally
opposed every important order he has issued ; have ridi-

178 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
culed every proclamation he has promulgated ; have criti
cised and sneered at every message he has written ; and
have vilified and maligned the character of their author.
This was to be expected ; but there have been traitors at
the North who have been no less bitter, no less strenuous
in their opposition ; but, under the guidance of Divine
Providence, he has been able to repel the assaults of both
of these classes of unprincipled advocates of treason ; and,
strong in .his holy purpose to rescue the country from the
machinations of its enemies, he has continued steadfast in
the path of official duty. He may have made some mis
takes, but they have been few, and it must be remembered
that even those which have been more particularly re
ferred to by his opponents were caused, not by ignorance,
but by the exigencies of the occasion, which compelled
him to give an important answer, or issue an important
order, without being allowed the time for reflection which
the magnitude of the subject demanded.
The importance, indeed the absolute necessity, of re
taining Mr. Lincoln in his present exalted position, is now
the popular belief, and from every loyal Commonwealth
come tidings, pronouncing in language which cannot be
mistaken, that he alone is deemed the proper person to
rescue the country from its present danger. The Legis
latures of fifteen States have declared that he is their
choice and the choice of their constituents. Union
Leagues, Conventions, and public assemblies of different
political characters, have indorsed the decision of their
legislative bodies; and the loyal people 'almost unani
mously approve of the action which has again brought
Mr. Lincoln prominently forward as the best7 and only
man to nominate and elect to the Presidency. He has
been tried, and not found wanting, and no better return
for the perils encountered, the labors accomplished, and
the benefits derived to the country, could be offered, than

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 179
his re-nomination and re-election, both of which are now
almost as certain as that the Union Convention will assem
ble at Baltimore in June next, and that the election will
be held in November. Maine, New Hampshire, Connec
ticut, Rhode Island, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Mary
land, Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minne
sota, Kansas, and California, have spoken, and, at the
advent of the summer solstice, the other States will re
echo the popular sentiments, as so emphatically expressed
by their sister Commonwealths. He is no longer the rep
resentative of any particular political party, but comes
before the loyal voters of the country as an indefatigable,
incorruptible, public servant, whose multiform and per
plexing duties have been faithfully performed, and who
has no other ambition than to so administer the affairs of
the nation as will be most conducive to its welfare.
Throughout his Presidential career he has never failed
to prove himself equal to any emergency that might oc
cur. To use the words of a patriotic Philadelphian, even
in the darkest hour of our struggle, wheu every thing
seemed lost, and the feeling of despondency with regard
to the future was so great that those who had been con
fident before lost all hope, he who was at the helm of
Government still maintained his self-command and a firm
reliance in an overruling Providence, which, in due time,
would order all things aright. Coolness, confidence, and
courage, are only valuable when they are needed ; and he
who has passed through ordeals in which' the possession
of such qualities have been manifested, in no ordinary de
gree, obtains a hold on the confidence of the world which
but few are fortunate enough to secure ; men of extraor
dinary abilities, lacking these qualities, have, on great and
trying occasions, too often demonstrated their incapacity
for supreme command, like that which belongs to the head
of a great government. Considerations such as these will

180 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
make the people loth to part with one who, in the hour of
trial, has proved himself equal to the. emergency.
As an evidence of the sentiment to which we have re
ferred, we publish the following resolutions, unanimouslj'
adopted by the Union League of Philadelphia, on the
eleventh of January, 1864 :
" Whereas, The skill, courage, fidelity and integrity with
which, in a period of unparalleled trial, Abraham Lincoln has
conducted the administration ofthe National Government, have
won for him the highest esteem and the most affectionate regard
of his grateful countrymen ;
•'And whereas, The confidence which all loyal men repose in
his honesty, his wisdom and his patriotism, should be proclaimed
on every suitable occasion, in order that his hands may be
strengthened for the important work he has yet to perform ;
"And whereas, The Union League of Philadelphia, composed
as it is, of those who, having formerly belonged to various.
parties, in this juncture recognize no party but their country ;
and representing, as it does, all the industrial, mechanical, man
ufacturing, commercial, financial, and professional interests
of the city, is especially qualified to give, in this behalf, an
unbiased and authentic utterance to the . public sentiment ;
therefore, "Resolved,^ That to the prudence, sagacity, comprehension
and perseverance of Mr. Lincoln, under the guidance of a benign
Providence, the nation is more indebted for the grand results of
the war, which southerh rebels have wickedly waged against
liberty and the Union, than to any other single instrumentality;
and that he is justly entitled to whatever reward it is in the
power of the nation to bestow.
"Resolved, That we cordially approve of the policy which
Mr. Lincoln has adopted and pursued, as well the principles /he
has announced as the actB he has performed, and that we shall
continue to give an earnest and energetic support to the doc
trines and measures by which his administration has thus far
been directed and illustrated.
"Resolved, That as Mr. Lincoln has had to endure the largest
share of the labor required to suppress the rebellion, now
rapidly verging to its close, he should also enjoy the largest
share of the honors which await those who have contended for
the right ; and as, in all respects, he has shown pre-eminent
ability in fulfilling the requirements of his great office, we recog
nize with pleasure the unmistakable indications of the popular
will in all the loyal States, aud heartily join with our fellow-
citizens, without any distinction of party, here and elsewhere, in
presenting him as the People's candidate for the Presidency at
the approaching election.

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 181
"Resolved, That a Committee of Seventy-Six be appointed,
whose duty it shall be to promote the object now proposed, by
correspondence with other loyal organizations, by stimulating the
expression of public opinion, and by whatever additional modes
shall, in their judgment, seem best adapted to the end ; and that
this Committee have power to supply vacancies- in their own
body and to increase their numbers at their own discretion.
"Resolved, That a copy of these proceedings, properly en
grossed and attested, be forwarded to President Lincoln ; aud
that they also be published in the loyal newspapers."
The loyal papers have also, almost without exception,
raised the name of Abraham Lincoln at the head of their
columns, and are preparing to do battle with his opponents.
To insert in this work extracts from all the editorials
which have recently appeared in the leading journals of
the North and West, recommending the renomination and
re-election of Mr. Lincoln is impossible, but from the
large number we cull a few of the most ably written and
forcible. The Philadelphia Daily Evening Bulletin says : " The
re-election of President Lincoln appears to be a foregone
conclusion. That he will be nominated for a second term
by the Republican party is as manifest as any thing that
is yet to come to pass can be, and in the event of his re-
nomination, there is nothing to prevent his election. Un
less the States that seceded from the Union in 1860 and
1861 vote, the election in November, 1864, will be a matter
of form, a mere recording of the will ofthe people already
plainly expressed ; and no statesman, unless he belongs to
the ten-pin school of politicians, who are willing to be set
up to be knocked down again, will consent to accept the
nomination of a Democratic Convention. At the State
elections which took place in 1863, when the great issue
was the question of supporting the policy of President
Lincoln, every free State, except New Jersey, went for
the Union cause. When Mr. Lincoln himself, as well as
his policy, will be before the country for judgment in No
vember next, what reasonable man can doubt the result ?

182 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
"As regards the voting of the South, that possible con
tingency involves the disbanding of the Union army, and
the return to their homes of nearly half a million of
voters, the greater portion of whom did not cast their
suffrages in 1863, and very many of whom, from General
Butler down to the privates in the ranks, went into the
war pro-slavery Democrats, to come out of it earnest,
slavery-hating Republicans. The recent return home of
so many veteran soldiers has convinced even the most
skeptical that President Lincoln is the most popular man
in the country with the army, and it is not difficult to un
derstand what the effect will be of the permanent infusion
among the voting people of the North of five hundred
thousand patriotic soldiers who have had practical experi
ence of the curse of slavery, and of the terrific social and
political evils growing out of it, and who understand per
fectly well that the present Democratic party have no plat
form to stand upon except that based upon sympathy with
slavery and the slaveholders' rebellion, and persistent and
wicked opposition to the war that has been conducted by
the administration for the preservation of the Union and
in defence of our nationality.
" Mr. Lincoln cannot fail to carry every State in 1864
that he carried in 1860, and by increased majorities too ;
while the probabilities are that he will carry other States.
Mr. Lincoln received one hundred and eighty out of three
hundred and three electoral votes, twenty-eight votes
more than a majority of the whole. How this result can
be changed, except to increase the majority of Mr. Lin
coln at the next election, is, we confess, entirely beyond
our comprehension."
The same paper in commenting upon the patriotic reso
lutions adopted by the New Hampshire Republican Union
Convention, says : " This resolution, carried as it was
amid every demonstration of the wildest enthusiasm, will

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 183
find an echo in the hearts of millions of loyal citizens, from
the White Mountains to the Pacific. No President could
have more ably managed the affairs of this mighty Republic,
during so terrible a period, than has Abraham Lincoln.
His mingled wisdom, moderation and firmness, his justice
and yet kindness show him a statesman of the noblest
character, and the admiration accorded him by his country
men proves how thoroughly they appreciate such gifts in
such a man. With Abraham Lincoln as the Union candi
date in 1864, we can sweep the loyal States with even
more triumphant success than in 1860."
The Chicago Tribune thus dilates upon the affection of
the armies of the Union for the President, and the truth of
its assertions can be substantiated in every military de
partment :
"It is notorious that the army almost en masse desire
the re-election of President Lincoln. Officers and men
prefer him to any other candidate. They have faith in
him ; they believe him to be their warm friend, and that
he does all for them in his power. They know him to be
as true to the cause of liberty as Jefferson, and to national
unity as Jackson. He has done well so far, and, like
wine, grows better as he grows older.
" Soldiers like to be commanded by experienced officers.
Lincoln has had three years experience ; he begins to un
derstand the details of his manifold duties. He has pretty
well learned his trade, and has now become a skilful
workman. The boys in blue don't want him thrown 6ver-
board right in the middle of the voyage when he is bring
ing the ship of state safely into port after having success
fully piloted her through shoals, breakers, rocks, and hurri
canes. They want him to remain where he is until he
finishes his big job, and sees the last rebel lay down his
arms and^submit to the national authority. The feeling
of the army is pretty well expressed by the remarks of a

184 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
returned veteran the other day in answer to the question
of a citizen, whether the soldiers wanted Lincoln re-elected :
' Why, of course they do,' replied the blue-coat. ' We have
all re-enlisted to see this thing through, and Old Abe
must re-enlist too. He mustered us in, and must stay
where he is until he has mustered us out. We'll never
give it up till every rebel acknowledges that he is the
Constitutional President. When they got beat at the
election they kicked out of the traces, and swore they
would not submit to a black Republican President ; but
they've got to. We will show them that elections in this
country have got to stand. Old Abe must stay in the
White House until every rebel climbs down, and agrees
to behave himself, and obey the laws of his country.
There mustn't be any fooling in this thing, for I wouldn't
give a cuss for this country if the beaten side has a right
to bolt after an election ; it wouldn't be fit to live in.'
"This is the sentiment that pervades the whole army.
It is the talk that passes round the camp fires of fifteen
hundred regiments of citizen soldiers. The rebellion must
be put down, and the insurgents who bolted the election
shall be compelled to submit to the rule of the man who
was constitutionally elected President; there must be no
more appeals from the ballot-box to the cartridge-box ;
the minority must let the majority rule ; and, if there is
any disturbing element in our country that stands in the
way, it must be hewn down and cast into the fire. Free
Governments can only endure and prosper by the steadfast
adherence to the fundamental principle that the will of the
majority shall govern."
The New York Times, in referring to the anxiety which
the rebels evince for the retirement of Mr. Lincoln, says :
" In a speech delivered in Portland, General Neal Dow,
who for nine months has been a prisoner at Richmond and
other points, detailing bis personal observations, made the

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 185
statement that ' at present the rebels are looking anxiously
at movements at the North in relation to the next Presi
dential election, and their hope is that some other man
than Mr. Lincoln may be nominated and elected.' Ho
testified that they would regard the election of any other
person as a sure indication that the loyal North tires of
the war and means to change its policy. This special
spite of the rebel press against President Lincoln, has long
indicated the same thing. His 'tyranny,' as it is termed,
is uniformly treated as the special motive power of the
war. Their fixed idea is, that if an end could somehow.
be made of that, the war itselfwould speedily come to an
end. " This idea, doubtless, springs quite as much from blind
feeling as from sober thought. When a man is hard
pressed, he is apt to fancy that a change of any sort would
bring relief. So long as a change is in prospect, even
though there may be nothing promising in it, he yet is
very sure to keep up his hope by imagining that somehow
it may turn to his advantage. This is as true of a whole
people as of an individual It is human nature. There
has never been a people so unimaginative and unimpas-
sioned that it did not have some influence over them. It
always operates, more or less, even though reason is dead
against it. 9
" But in this case reason is not dead against it. Just
the contrary. If Abraham Lincoln shall be superseded
by the nominee of the Democratic party, there would al
most surely be an abatement of the war, and a resort to
negotiation. The rebels would understand that this nego
tiation, once begun, would result, sooner or later, in se
curing their independence. It might take a long while
to clear the way for this consummation, but it would in
all probability be reached before the Copperhead Presi
dency ended. The war once suspended, would never be

186 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
resumed. The path of peace once entered upon, there
would be no steps backward. The rebels know this, and
therefore attach not the slightest consequence to the pro
testations of our Copperheads that no peace is possible
without the Union.
"But if Mr. Lincoln's successor were to be not a Cop
perhead, but a genuine Union man, the rebels yet would
find in the fact some hope of relief, from the uncertainty
what the policy of the new President would be ; whether
that policy, when developed, would be acceptable to the
Northern people, and whether it might not breed a disaf
fection and discord that \^teld rend and ruin the Union
party. Indeed, no Northern man can say that this is im
possible. There certainly are policies, which have zealous
advocates in some quarter, that never could be practically
applied, without the most determined opposition of the
great body of the Northern people — policies which bear
against some of the most rooted popular convictions of
political right and expediency. For instance, many Anti-
Slavery leaders maintain, with great vehemence, that no
rebel State ought to be restored without a guarantee that
the liberated slaves shall have the right of suffrage and
every privilege of highest citizenship. Does any sane
man believe that the next President of the United States-
could de,vote himself persistently to that object without
convulsing the Union party with internal strife ? One of
the chief official virtues of President Lincoln has been
his consummate discretion in pushing no policy that the
great loyal body of the people would not heartily accept,
and aid in furthering. He has known how to keep Union
sentiment, in a wonderful degree, united and compact.
We do not believe that any other public man has the
combination of qualities that could have so happily se
cured this. There can be no assurance that it would be
realized at all under any man, however loyal, not yet

LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 187
tried. This is a matter of exceeding consequence, and the
rebels recognize it. The great danger to the Union cause,
from .the beginning, has been the danger of dividing into
two hostile camps upon some of the tremendous questions
which the progress of the war is constantly evolving.
Such a division, once established, would very soon so
weaken the Government as to make the further effective
prosecution of the war impossible, and would assure the
success of the rebellion. We say, then, that the placing
any other man in our Presidential chair, at this stage of
the war, hovnever zealous he might be for the war, would
raise this strong hope in the rebel heart, and would be a
new stimulus to keep the rebel flag flying.
" There-election of President Lincoln bythe unanimous
vote of all the vast loyal majority of the North, would do
more than any thing else to shut off the last hope of the
rebels. His war policy, developed through three years,
and thoroughly tested, needs only the complete ratification
of tho people to stand as an adamantine barrier against
all possibility of ' Confederate' independence. It would
confront the rebels like doom itself. Though yet only
foreshadowed, the rebels even now shrink from it. The
political event which, of all others, they most deprecate,
is the election of Abraham Lincoln to a second term of
office. As it is with them, so is it with their Northern
sympathizers. "

THE END.

T, B, PETERSON & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS.
THIS CATALOGUE CONTAINS AlffD
Describes the Most Popular and Best Selling Books in the World.
I'he Books will also be found to be the Best and Latest Publications by
the most Popular and Celebrated Writers in the World. They are
also the most Readable and Entertaining Books published.
Suitable for tlie Parlor, Library, Sitting-Room, Railroad
Camp, Steamboat, Army, or Soldiers' Reading*
PUBLISHED AND FOR SALE BY
T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS, Philadelphia.
Booksellers and all others will be Supplied at very Low Rates.
Copies of any of Petersons' Publications, or any other work or works
Advertised, Published, or Noticed by any one at all, in any place,
will be sent by us, Free of Postage, on receipt of Price.
TERMS : To those with whom we have no monthly account, Cash with Order.

MRS. SOUTH WORTH'S W ORKS.

Tbe Fatal Marriage. Complete
in oae or two volumes, paper cover.
Price $1.00 ; or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Move's Labor Won. Two volts.,
paper cover. Price One Dollar ; or in
one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Tbe Gipsy's* Prophecy. Com
plete in two vols., paper cover. Price
$1 00 ; or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Mother-in-Law. Complete iu two
volumes, paper cover. Price $1.00;
or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Tbe Lady of tbe Isle. Complete
In two vols., paper cover. Price $1.00 ;
or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Tbe Two Sisters. Completeintwo
volumes, paper cover. Price $1.00 ; or
in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Tbe Three Beauties. Complete
in two vols., paper cover. Price $1.00;
or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Vivia. Tbe Secret of Power.
Two vols., paper cover. Price $1.00 ;
or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
India. Tbe Pearl of Pearl
River. Two volumes, paper cover.
Price $1.00 ; or in cloth, for $1.50.
Fhe Wife's Victory. Two vols.,
paper cover. Price One Dollar ; or in
one volume, cloth, for $1.50.
Tbe Lost Heiress. Two volumes,
paper cover. Price One Dollar ; or in
one volume, cloth, for $1.50.
Hickory Hall. By Mrs. Southworth.
Price 50 cents.

Tbe Missing Bride. Two vol
urnes, paper cover. Prico One Dollar ;
or in one volume, cloth, for $1.50.
Retributions A Tale of Pas
sion. Two.vols., paper cover. Price
$1.00; or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Tbe Haunted Homestead. Two
vols., paper cover. Price One Dollar ;
or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Tbe Curse of Clifton. Two vols.,
paper cover. Price One Dollar ; or la
one volume, cloth, for $1.60.
Tbe Discarded Daughter. Two
vols., paper cover. Price One Dollar;
or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
The Deserted Wife. Two vol
umes, paper cover. Price One Dollar ;
or in one volume, cloth, for $1.50.
Tbe Jealous Husband. Two vol
umes, paper cover. Price $1.00; or in
one vol., cloth, for $1.50.
The Belle of Washington. Two
vols., paper cover. Price One Dollar;
or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Tbe Initials. A Love Story.
Two vols., paper cover. Trice One Dol
lar ; or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Kate Aylesford. Two vols., papei
cover. Price One Dollar ; or bound in
one vol., cloth, for $1.50.
Tbe Dead Secret. Two volumes,
paper cover. Price One Dollar; oi
hound in one vol., clotli, $1.50.
The Broken Engagement,
By Mrs. Southworth. Price 25 cents.
0)

2 T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS

MRS. AWN S. STEPHENS' WORKS.

Tbe Rejected Wife. One volume,
paper cover. Price One Dollar; or in
one volume, cloth, for 1.50.
Fashion and Famine. One vol
ume, paper cover. Price $1.00; or in
fine vol., cloth, $1.50.
Mary Derwent. One volume*
paper cover. Price One Dollar; or in
ong volume, cloth, for $1.50.

Tbe Heiress. One volume, paper
cover Price One Dollar; or in ono
volume, cluth, for $1. SO.
The Old Homestead. One vol
ume, paper cover. Priee One DoUar ;
or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
The edition of these books in one vol
ume, paper cover, is the " Kailwaf
Edition."

CAROLINE LEE HENTZ'S WORKS.

Planter's Northern Bride..
Two volumes, paper cover. Price One
Dollar; or in cloth, $1.50.
Linda. The Young Pilot of
the Belle Creole. Price $1.00 iu
paper ; or $1.50 in cloth.
Robert Graham. The Sequel to,
aud Continuation of Linda. Price $1.00
in paper ; or $1.50 in cloth.
The Lost Daughter. Tw vols.,
paper cover. Price One Doli«* ; or
bound in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Courtship and Marriage. Two
vols., paper cover. Price One Dollar ;
or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Rena; or, Tbe Snow Bird.
Two vols., paper cover. Price One
Dollar ; or one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Marcus Warland. Two volumes,
paper cover. Price One Dollar ; or
bound in one vol., cloth, $1.50.

Love after Marriage. Two vols ,
paper cover. Price One Dollar ; or In
one volume, cloth, for $1.00.
Tbe Planter's Daughter. Two
vols., paper cover. Price One Dollar;
or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Eoline; or, Magnolia Vale.
Two vols., paper cover. Price One
Dollar ; or in one vol., cloth, $1.50,
The Banished Son. Two vols.,
paper cover. Price One Dollar ; or in
one volume, cloth, for $1.50.
Helen and Arthur. Two vol
umes, paper cover. Price One Dollar ¦
or in one volume, cloth, for $1.50.
Ernest Linwood. Two volumes,
paper cover. Price One Dollar ; or in
one volume, cloth, for $1.50.
Courtship and Matrimony.
Two vols,, paper cover. Price One
DoUar; or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.

MRS. HENRY WOOD'S BOOKS.

Tbe Shadow of Ashlydyat.
Two vols., paper cover. Price One
Dollar ; or in one vol., cloth, for $1.25.
Squire Trevlyn's Heir. Two
vols., paper cover. Price One Dollar ;
or in one vol., cloth, for $1.25.
The Castle's Heir. Two volumes,
octavo, paper cover. Price One Dol
lar ; or in one vol., cloth, for $1.25.
Verner's Pride. Two vols., octavo,
paper cover, Price $1.00; or in one
vol., cloth, for $1.25.
We also publish a " Railway Edition"
of all- the above, each one in one volume)
paper cover. Price One Dollar each.
Tbe Earl's Heirs. Price Fifty
cents ; or one vol., cloth, 75 cents.

The Mystery. One vol., octavo,
paper cover.. Price Fifty cents; or
bound in one vol., cloth, 75 cents.
A Life's Secret. One vol., octavo,
paper cover. Price Fifty cents ; or in
one vol., cloth, 75 cents.
The Channings. One vol., octavo,
paper cover. Price 75 cents ; or in one
vol,, cloth, $1.00.
Aurora Floyd. Price 50 cents ; or
a finer edition, in cloth, for $1.00.
Better Por Worse. One vol., oc
tavo, paper cover. Price 50 cents.
Martyn Ware's Temptation.
One vol., paper cover. Price 25 cents
The Foggy Night at Offbrd.
Price 25 cents.

THE GREAT NOVEL OF THE WAR.
Shoulder Straps. A novel of Hew Tork and the Army iu 1862. By ITeary
Mot-ford, editor of the " New York Atlas." It is the book for Ladies! Gentle
men! Soldiers! Wives a^nd Widows, Fast Young Ladies, Slow Young Ladies,
Married Men and Bachelors, Youncf Ladies about to be Married, and those who
h.i,ve no Matrimonial Prospects whatever! Stay-at-Home Guards, Government
officials, Army Contractors, Aldermen, Doctors, Judges, Lawyers, etc. Complete
in two large volumes, illustrated, and neatly done up in paper covers, price
Oci Dollar a copy; or bound in one volume, oloth, for $1.50. We also publittn a
" Railway Editiou" of it, complete in one vol., paper cover, price One Dollar

T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS 3

CHARLES DICKENS' WORKS.
ILLUSTRATED OCTAVO EDITION.

Pickwick Papers,  Cloth, $2.00
Nicholas Nickleby,  Cloth, 2 00
Great Expectations,.. .Cluth, 2.00
Lamplighter's Story,. .Cloth, 2.00
Oliver Twist,  Cloth, 2.00
Bleak House,  Cloth, 2.00
Little Dorrlt,  Cloth, 2.00
Dombey and Son,  Cloth, 2.00
Sketches by "Boz,"....Cloth, 2.00

David Copperileld,  Cloth, 2.00
Barnaby Rlldge,  Cloth, 2.00
Martin Chuzzle wit,... Cloth, 2. 0B
Old Curiosity Shop  Cloth, 2.00
Christmas Stories,  Cloth, 2.00
Dickens' New Stories,  2.00
A Tale of Two Cities,  2.00
American Notes and
Plc-Nlc Papers,  Cloth, 2.00

Price of a set, ih Black cloth, in 17 volumes  $32.00
" " Full Law Library style  42.00
" " Half calf, sprinkled edges  48.00
. " " Half calf, marbled edges  50.00
" " Half calf, antique  60.00
" " Half calf, full gilt backs, etc  60.05
PEOPLE'S DUODECIMO EDITION.

Pickwick Papers,  Cloth, $1.75
Nicholas Nickleby,...Cloth, 1.75
Great Expectations, ...Cloth, 1.75
Lamplighter's Story,..Cloth, 1.75
David Copperfleld,  Cloth, 1.75
Oliver Twist,  Cloth, 1.75
Bleak House,  Cloth, 1.75
A Tale of Two Cities,  1.75
Dickens' New Stories,  1.50

Little Dorrit,  Cloth 1.75
Dombey and Son,  Cloth, 1.75
Christmas Stories  Cloth, 1.75
Sketches by "Boz,»....Cloth, 1.75
Barnaby Rudge,  Cloth, 1.75
Martin Chuzzlewit,... Cloth, 1.75
Old Curiosity Shop,. ... Cloth, 1.75
Dickens' Short Stories,  1.50
Message from the Sea,  1.50

Price of a set, in Black cloth, in 17 volumes  $29.00
" " Full Law Library style  35.00
" " Half calf, sprinkled edges  42.0C
" " Half calf, marbled edges  44 00
" " Half calf, antique  50.00
" " Half calf, full gilt backs, etc  60.00
" " Full calf, antique  :  60.00
" " Full calf, gilt edges, backs, etc  60.0C
ILLUSTRATED DUODECIMO EDITION.
Sketches by "Boz,".. .Cloth, 3.00
Barnaby Rudge,  Cloth, 3.00
Martin Chuzzlewit, ...Cloth, 3.00
Old Curiosity Shop,...Cloth, 3.00
Little Dorrit  Cloth, 3.00
Dombey and Son  Cloth, 3 Ot

Pickwick Papers,  Cloth, $3.00
Tale of Two Citles,....Cloth, 3.00
Nicholas Nlckleby, ....Cloth, 3.00
David Copperfleld,  Cloth, 3.00
Oliver Twist,  Cloth, 3.00
Christmas Stories,  Cloth, 3.00
Bleak House,  Cloth, 3.00
Each of the above are complete in two volumes, illustrated.
Great Expectations, ...Cloth, 1.75 I Dickens' New Stories,  1.7f
Lamplighter's Story,  1.75 I Message from the Sea,  1.7)
Price of a set, in Thirty volumes, bound in Black cloth, gilt backs  $45.06
" " Full Law Library style  55.01
" " Half calf, antique  90.00
" " Half calf, full gilt back  '.  90.00
" " Full calf, antique  100.08
" " Full calf, gilt edges, backs, etc  100.00

4 T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS.

CHARLES DICKENS' WORKS.
CHEAP EDITION, PAPER COVER.
1 his edition is published complete in Twenty-two large octavo volumes, in paper
cover, as follows. Price Fifty cents a volume.

Pickwick Papers.
Groat Expectations.
A Tale of Two Cities.
New Years5 Stories.
Barnaby Rudge.
Old Curiosity Shop.
Little Dorrit.
David Copperfield.
Sketches by "Boz."
Dickens' New Stories.
American Notes.

Oliver Twist.
Lamplighter's Story.
Dombey and gos*.
Nicholas Nickleby.
Holiday Stories.
Martin Chuzzlewit*
Bleak House.
Dickens' Short Stories.
Message from the Sea.
Christmas Stories.
Pic-Nic Papers.

LIBRARY OCTAVO EDITION. IN SEVEN VOLUMES.
This edition is in SEVEN very large octavo volumes, with a Portrait on steel of
Charles Dickens, and hound ln the foUowing various styles.
Price of a set, in Black Cloth, in seven volumes,  $14.00
" " Scarlet cloth, extra,  16.00
" " Law Library style......  17.50
" " Half calf, sprinkled edges,  20.00
" '! Half calf, marbled edges,  , 21.00
•' " Half calf, antique,  25.00
" " Half calf, full gilt backs, etc.,  25.00
CHARLES LEVER'S WORKS.
Fine Edition, bound separately.

Charles O'Malley, cloth  $1.50
Harry Lorreqner, cloth,  1.50
•Tack Hinton, cloth,  1.50
Davenport Dunn, cloth,  1.50
Tom Burke of Ours, cloth,. 1.50

Arthur O'Leary, cloth,  1.50
Con Cregan, cloth,  150
Knight of Gwynnc, cloth,.. 1.50
Valentine Vox, cloth,  1.50
Ten Thousand a Year,,.., 1.50

CHARLES LEVER'S NOVELS.
AU neatly dons up in paper covers.

Charles O'Malley, ....Price 50 cts.
Harry Lorreqner,  50 "
Horace Templeton,  50 "
Tom Burke of Ours,  50 "
Jack Hinton, the Guards
man,  50 "
LIBRARY

Arthur O'Leary,  60 cts.
The Knight ofGwyune,50 "
Kate O'Donoghue,  50 "
Con Cregan, the Irish
Gil Bias,  50 "
Davenport Dunn,  50 "
EDITION.

THIS EDITION is complete in FIVE large octavo volumes, containing1 Charles
O'Malley, Harry Lorrequer, Horace Templeton, Tom Burke of Ours, Arthur O'Leary,
Jack Hinton the Guardsman, The Knight of C'-wynne, Kate O'Donoghue, etc., hand-
Boinely printed, and bound in various styles, as follows :
Price of a set in Black cloth  J^.flO
" " Scarlet cloth,  „  8.0C
» " Law Library sheep,  8.75
» •' Half Calf, sprinkled edges,  12.00
» " Half Calf, marbled edges,  12.50
" " Half Calf, antique,  15 00

T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS. 5

WILKIE COLLINS' GREAT WORKS.

The Dead Secret. One volume,
octavo, paper cover. Price fifty cents ;
or hound in Que vol., cloth, for 75 cits. ;
or a fine 12mo. edition, iu two vols.,
paper cover, in large type, for One
Dollar, orin one vol., cloth, for $1.50.
The Crossed Path; or, Basil.
Complete in two volumes, paper cover.
Price One Dollar ; or bound in one vol
ume, cloth, for $1.50.
The Stolen Mask. Price 25 cents.
COOK
Petersons* New Cook Book;
or Useful Receipts for the Housewife
and the Uninitiated. Full of valuable
receipts, all original and never before
published, all of which will be found
to be very valuable and of daily use.
One vol., bound. Price $1.50.
Miss Leslie's New Cookery
Book. Being her last new book.
One volume, bound. Price $1.50.

Hide and Seek. One vol., octavo,
paper ¦ cover. Price fifty cents ; or
bound in ooe vol., cloth, for 76 cents.
After Dark. One vol., octavo, piper
cover. Price fifty cents ; or bonnd in
one vol., cloth, for 75 cents.
Sights A-fbot; or Travels Beyond
Railways. One volume, octavo, paper
cover. Price 50 cents.
The Yellow Mask. Price 25 cts.
Sister Rose. Price 25 cents.
BOOKS. Widdineld's New CookBook j
or, Practical Receipts for the House
wife. Cloth. Price $1.25.
Mrs. Hale's New Cook Book.
By Mtb. Sarah J. Hale. One volume,
bound. Price $1.25.
Miss Leslie's New Receipts
for Cooking. Complete in one
volume, bound. Price $1.25.

MRS. HALE'S RECEIPTS.
Mrs. Hale's Receipts for the Million. Containing 4545 Receipts.
By Mrs. Sarah J. Hale. One vol., 800 pages, strongly bound. Price, $1.50.
MISS LESLIE'S BEHAVIOUR BOOK.
Miss Leslie's Behaviour Book. A complete Guide and Manual for
Ladies. Price $1.50.
FRANCATELLI'S FRENCH COOK.
Francatelli's Celebrated French Cook Book. The Modern
Cook. A Practical Guide to the Culinary Art, in all its branches ; comprising,
in addition to English Cookery, the most approved and recherche1 systems of
French, Italian, and German Cookery; adapted aswell for the larjfesi. establish
ments, as for the use of private families. By CHARLES ELME FRANCA-
TELLI, pupil to the celebrated Cakeme, and late Maftre-d'Hotel and Chief Cook
to ber Majesty, the Queen of England. With Sixty-Two Illustrations of various
dishes. Reprinted from the last London Edition, carefully revised and consider
ably enlarged. Complete in one large octavo volume of Six Hundred pages,
strongly bound, and printed on the finest double super-calendered paper. Price
Three Dollars a copy.
J. A. MAITLAND'S GREAT WORKS.

The Three Cousins. By J. A.
Maitland. Two vols., paper. Price
$1.00; or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
The Watchman. Complete in two
large vols., paper cover. Price $1.00 ;
or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
The Wanderer. Complete in two
volumes, paper cover. Price $1.00 ;
or in one vol., cloth, for $1.60.

The Diary of an Old Doctor.
Two vols., paper cover. Price $1.00 ;
or bound in cloth for $1.50.
The Lawyer's Story. Two vol
umes, paper cover. Price $l!00 ; of
bound in cloth for $1.60.
Sartaroe. A Tale of Norway.
Two vols., paper cover. Price $1.00;
or in cloth for $1.50.
MRS. DANIELS' GREAT WORKS.
The Poor Cousin. Price 50 cent*
Price Bi

Marrying for Money. One vol.
octavo, paper cover. Price fifty cents
<>r one vol., cloth, 75 cents.

Kate Walsingham.
i cents.

6 T. B. PETERS02T & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS.

ALEXANDER DUMAS' WORKS.

Count of Monte - Crist o. By
Alexander Dumas. Beautifully illus
trated. One volume, cloth, $1.50 ; or
in two volumes, paper cover, for $1.00.
The Conscript. Two vols., paper
cover. Price One Dollar; or in one
volume, cloth, for $1.50.
amille; or the Fate of a
Coquette. Only correct Translation
from the Original French. Two vol
umes, paper, price $1.00 ; cloth, $1.50.
The Three Guardsmen. Price
75 cents, in paper cover, or a finer
edition in cloth, for $1.50.
Twenty Years After. A Sequel
to the "Three Guardsmen." Price 75
cents, in paper cover, or a finer edition,
7.n one volume, cloth, for $1.50.
Bragelonne; the Son of Athos:
being the continuation of "Twenty
Years After. " Price 75 cents, in paper,
or a finer edition, in cloth, for $1.50.
The Iron Mask. Being the con
tinuation ofthe "Three Guardsmen."
Two vols., paper cover. Price One
Dollar ; or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
Louise La Valliere ; or, The
Second Series aud end of the "Iron
Mask," Two volumes, paper cover.
Price $1.00, or in one vol., cloth, $1.50.
The Memoirs of a Physician.
Beautifully Illustrated. Two vols.,
paper cover. Price One Dollar ; or
bound in one volume, cloth, for $1.50.
The Q,ueen's Necklace. A Se
quel to the " Memoirs of a Physician."
Two vols., paper cover. Price $1.00 ;
or in one vol., cloth, for $1.50.-
Six Years Later; or, Taking of
the Bastile. A Continuation of "The
Queen's Necklace." Two vols., paper
cover. Price One Dollar ; or in one
vol., cloth, for $1.50.
Countess of Charny; or, The
Fall of the French Monarchy, Sequel
to Six Years Later. Two vols., paper
cover. Price One Dollar; or in one
volume, cloth, for $1.50.

Andrcc de Tavcrney. A Sequel
to aud continuation of the Countess of
Charny. Two volumes, paper. - Price
$1.00; or in one vol., cloth, for $1.50.
The Chevalier. A Sequel to, and
final eud of " Andree De Taverney."
One vol. Price 75 cents.
The Adventures of a Mar
quis. Two vols., paper cover. Price
1.00; or in one vol., cloth, for $1.50.
The Forty-Five Guardsmen.
Price 75 cents, or a finer edition in one
volume, cloth. Price $1.50.
The Iron Hand. Price 75 cents,
in paper cover, or a finer edition in
one volume, cloth, for $1.50.
Diana of Meridor. Two volumes,
paper cover. Price One Dollar ; cr in
one vol., cloth, for $1.50.
Edmond Dantes. Being a Sequel
to Dumas' celebrated novel of the
"Count of Monte-Cristo. " Price 50 cts.
Annette ; or, The Lady of the
Pearls. A Companion to "Camille."
Price 50 cents. .
The Fallen Angel. A Story c*
Love and Life in Paris. One volume.
Price 50 cents.
The Man with Five Wives.
Complete in one volume. Price 50 cts.
George ; or, The Planter of
the Isle of France. One vol
ume. Price Fifty cents.
Genevieve ; or, The Chevalier of
Maison Rouge. One volume. Illus
trated. Price 50 cents.
The Mohicans of Paris. 50 cts.
Sketches in France. 50 cents.
Isabel of Bavaria. Price 50 cts.
Felina de Chambure ; or, The
Female Fiend. Price 50 cents.
The Horrors of Paris. 50 cents.
The Twin Lieutenants. Ota
vol. Price 50 cts.
The Corsican Brothers. 25 cts

FRANK E. SMEDLEY'S WORKS.

Harry Coverdale's Courtship
and Marriage. Two vols., paper.
Price $1.00 ; or cloth, $1.50.
Lorrimer Littlegood. Byauthor
of "Frank Fairleigh." Two vols.,
paper. Price $1.00; or cloth, $1.50.
Frank Fairleigh. One volume,
cloth, $1.50 ; or cheap edition in paper
cover, for 75 cents

Lewis Arundel. One vol., cloth.
Price $1.50 ; or cheap edition in paper
cover, for 75 cents.
Fortunes and Misfortunes of
Harry Racket Scapegrace.
Cloth. Price $1.50 ; or cheap edition
in paper cover, for 50 cents.
Tom Racquet i and His Three
Maiden Aunts. Illustrated. SOcentu,

T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS. 7

MISS BREMER'S NEW "WORKS
The Father and Daughter.
By Fredrika Bremer. Two vols, paper.
Price $1.00 ; or cloth, $1.50.
The Four Sisters. Two vols.,
paper cover. Price Oue Dollar ; or in
one volume, cloth, for $1.50.
Life in tbe Old World; or, Two Years in Switzerland aud Italy.
plete in two large duodecimo volumes, of near 1000 pages. Price $3.00.

The Neighbors. Two vols., paper
cover. Price One Dollar; or in una
volume, cloth, for $1.50.
The Home. Two volumes, paper
cover. Price One Dollar; or in one
volume, cloth, for $1.50. Com-

GREEN'S WORKS ON GAMBLING.
The Secret Band of Brothers.
Two volumes, paper cover. Price Oue
Dollar ; or bound in one volume, cloth,
for $1.50.
The Reformed Gambler. Two
vols., paper. Price One Dollar ; or in
one vol., cloth, for $1.50.

Gambling Exposed. By J. H.
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The Gambler's Life. Twovols.,
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MRS. GREY'S NEW BOOKS.
Little Beauty. Two vols., paper l Cousin Harry. Two vols., paper
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The Flirt. One vol. octavo, paper cover, 60 cents ; or in cloth, for 75 cents.
MRS. GREY'S POPULAR NOVELS.
Price Twenty-Five Cents each.

Gil sy's Daughter.
Lena Cameron.
Belle of the Family.
Sybil Lennard*
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Alice Seymour.
Baronet's Daughters.
Old Dower House.
Hyacinthc.
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G. P. R. JAMES'S NEW BOOKS.

The Cavalier. An Historical Ro
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The Man in Black. Price 50 cts.
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MISS ELLEN PICKERING'S WORKS.
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Who Shall be Heir 1
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Prince and Pedlar.
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COINS OF THE "WORLD.
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8 T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS.

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Stories of "Waterloo. One of the I
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Brian O'Lynn; or, Luck is Every
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SAMUEL C. WARREN'S BOOKS.

Ten Thousand a Year. Com
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Diary of a Medical Student.
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Heiress of Be lief on I e and
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Witches of New York. Complete
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Nothing to Say. Illustrated. Price 50 cents.

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Humphrey Clinker. 50 cencs. Joseph Andrews. Fifty cents.

T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS. 9

MILITARY NOVELS.
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With Illuminated Military Covers, in Colors.
Published and for sale at wholesale, by the single copy, or by the dozen, hundred,
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Their Fames are as Follows :

Charles O'Malley,  Price 50
Jack Hinton, the Guardsman.. 50
The Knight of Gwynne  50
Harry Lorrequer  60
Tom Burke of Ours  50
Arthur O'Leary  60
Con Cregan's Adventures 50
Kate O'Donoghue  50
Horace Templeton  50
Davenport Dunn  50
Following the Drum  60
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Valentine Vox  Price 00
Twin Lieutenants  60
Stories of Waterloo  60
The Soldier's "Wife  60
Guerilla Chief.  50
The Three Guardsmen  76
Twenty Years After  75
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The Necromancer. A Romance
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The Rye-House Plot; or, Ruth,
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May Middleton; or, The History
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10 T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS.

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Mysteries of London Life. Complete
in one vol. Price 50 cents.
The Ruined Gamester. With
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Wallace: the Hero of Scot
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The Countess and the Page.
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The Countess of Lascelles.
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Duke of Marchmont. Being the
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Gipsy Chief. Beautifully Illustrated
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Pickwick Abroad. A Companion
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Agnes Evelyn ; or, Beauty and
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Clifford and the Actress. 50 cts
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T. S. ARTHUR'S BEST "WORKS.
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The Lady at Home.
Year after Marriage.
Cecilia Howard.
Orphan Children.
Love in High Life.
Debtor's Daughter.
Agnes; or, The Possessed.
Love in a Cottage.
Mary Moreton.

The Divorced Wife.
The Two Brides.
Lucy Sandford.
The Banker's Wife.
The Two Merchants.
Insubordination.
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Lizzie Glenn; or, The Trials of a Seamstress. By T. S. Arthur. One
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CHARLES J. PETERSON'S WORKS.
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Grace Dudley ; or, Arnold at Sara
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Mabel; or, Darkness and Dawn. Two
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Kate Aylesford. A Love Story.
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T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS. 11

WAVERLEY NOVELS.
The Waverley Novels. By Sir Walter Scott. With a magnificent Portrait
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The Heart of Mid Lothian,
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St. Ronan's Well,
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\ '-fiit Robert of Paris,
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Lockhart's Life of Scott. Completein one volume, cloth. Price $1,50.
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New Orleans Sketch Book.
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T.B.PETERSON & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS. 13

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Consuelo. By George Sand. Trans
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Countess of Rudolstadt. The
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First and True Love. By author
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Familiar Letters on Chem
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Chemistry and Physics in re
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The Potato Disease.

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Major Thorpe's Scenes in Ar-
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Humors of Falconbridge. Two
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Piney Woods Tavern ; oi ,
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The Swamp Doctor's Adven
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Containing the whole of the Louisiana
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The Big Bear's Adventure
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Frank Forester's Sporting
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14 T.B.PETERSON & BROTHERS* PUBLICATIONS.

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Juphtt in Search of a Father.
Snarleyow* King's Own.
Newton Forster.
Pirate and Three Cutters.
Phantom Ship-
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Rattlin, the Reefer.
Percival Keene. Price 50 cents
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Sea King. 50 cents.
Poor Jack. 50 cents.
Valerie. 50 cents.

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Legends of the American
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Paul Ardenheim; the Monk of
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LIPPARD'S "WORKS.
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Legends of Mexico.
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Dow's Short. Patent Sermons.
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Life &> Adventures of Paul
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cts. iu paper cover, or 40 cts. in cloth.
Ellsworth's "Zouave Drill''
and Biography. Price 25 ceuts in
Xaper, or forty ceuts in cloth.

Dow's Short Patent Sermons.
Third Series. By Dow, Jr.
Containing 116 Sermons. Complete in.
one vol., bound in cloth, for #1.00 ; or
in one vol., paper, for 75 cents.
Dow's Short Patent Sermons.
Fourth Series. By Dow, Jr.
Coutainingl52 Sermons. Complete iu
one vol., bound in cloth, for $1.00 ; oi
in one vol., paper, for 75 cents.

Adventures in Africa. By Major
Cornwallis Harris. This book is a rich
1 treat. Two vols., paper, $1.00; or in
cloth. $1.50.
Don Cfcuixotte. — Life and Ad
ventures of Don Q,uixotte ;
and his Squire, Sancho Panza. Two
vols, paper cover. Price $1.00; or in
one volume, cloth, for $1.50.
"WORKS.
The Volunteers' Text Book.
This Work contains the whole of
"The Soldier's Guide," as well as tha
whole of "The Soldier's Companion.
Price 50 cents in paper, or 75 cents in
cloth. \
The United States' Light In
fantry Drill. Price 25 cents in
paper cover, or forty cents in clot'h.
United States' Government
Infantry and. Rifle Taclics,
full of engravings. Price 25 cents.

T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS. 15

REVOLUTIONARY. TALES.
Price Twenty-Five Cents each.

The Seven Brothers of Wy
oming ; or, The Brigands of the
American Revolution.
The Brigand ; or, The Mountain
Chief.
The l&eoel Bride. A Revolution
ary Romance.
Ralph Runnion; or, The Out
law's Doom.
The Flying Artillerist, or Mex
ican Treachery.
Lippard's Legends of Mexico.
SEA AND PIRATICAL
Life and Adventures of Jack
Adams, the celebrated Sailor and
Mutineer. Price 50 cents.
Life and Adventures of Ben
Brace, the Sailor. Price 50 cents.
Jack Ariel; or, Life on Board an
East Indlaman. One vol. Fifty cents.
Life and Adventures of Tom
Bowling, the Sailor. Fifty cents.

Old Put ; or, The Days of 76. A
Revolutionary Tale.
Wau-nan-gee ; or, The Massacre
at Chicago,
Grace Dudley; or Arnold at
Saratoga.
The Guerilla Chief. Price 50
cents.
Red Sleeve, the Apache Chief. Price
50 cents.
The Quaker Soldier. One vol
ume, paper, $1.00 ; or cloth, $1.50.

The Petrel ; or, Love on the Ocean.
A Sea Novel. By Admiral Fisher.
One volume. Price 50 cents.
Cruising in Last War. 50 cents.
Percy Ellingham. Price 50 cents.
Percival Keene. Price 50 cents.
The Sea King. Price 50 cents.
Peter Simple. Price 50 cents.
Poor Jack. Price 50 cents.

SEA TALES, AT
The Doomed Ship; or, Wreck in
the Arctic Regions.
The Pirate's Son. Illustrated.
The Three Pirates ; or, Cruise
of the Tornado.
The Flying Dutchman.
Life of Alexander Tardy, the
Pirate.
The Flying Yankee. By Harry
Hazel.
The Yankee Middy ; or, The Two
Frigates.
The Gold Seekers; or, Cruise of
the Lively Sally.
The River Pirates. A Tale of
New York.
Dark Shades of City Life.
Rats of the Seine; or, River
Thieves of Paris.
Yankees in Japan; or, Adven
tures of a Sailor.
Red King ; or, the Corsair Chieftain.
Morgan, the Buccaneer; or,
The Freebooters.

or, The Tar for all

Jack Junk;
Weathers.
Davis, the Pirate; or, the Free
booter of the Pacific.
Valdez, the Pirate ; His Life and
Adventures.

25 CENTS EACH.
Gallant Tom ; or, Perils of Ocean.
Yankee Jack; or, The Perils of a
Privateersman.
Harry Helm ; or, The Cruise of tha
Bloodhound.
Harry Tempest; or, The Pirate's
Protege.
The King's Cruisers. By Harry
Hazel ."
Charles Ransford; or, Love ou
Board a Cruiser.
Red "Wing ; or, Cruiser of Van
Dieman's Land.
The Pacha of Many Tales.
Pirate and Three Cutters.
The Man-of-War's-Man.
Rebel and the Rover.
Jacob Faithful.
Midshipman Easy.
Newton Forster.
King's Own.
The Naval Officer.
Phantom Ship.
Snarleyow. Our Mess.
Wreck of the Golden Mary.
"Wild Oats Sown Abroad; or.
On and Off SoundingB. 60 cents in
paper ; or in cloth, gilt, 75 cents.

16 T.B.PETERSON & BROTHERS' PUBLICATIONS.

AINSWORTH'S BEST "WORKS.

Life of Jack Sheppard, the most
noted burglar, robber, and j ail breaker,
that ever lived. Illustrated . 50 cents.
The Tower of London. With
over One Hundred splendid Engra
vings. Two vols. Price $1.00.
The Miser's Daughter. Com
plete in two large vols. Price $1.00.
Pictorial Life and Adven
tures of Guy Fawkes. The
Bloody Tower, &c. Price 50 cents.
The Pictorial Old St. Pauls'.
A Tale of the Plague and the Fire. Il
lustrated. Price 60 cents.
The Star Chamber. Beautifully
Illustrated. Price 50 cents.
Mysteries of the Court of
Queen Anne. Price 50 cents.
Windsor Castle. One volume.
, Price 50 cents.

Mysteries ofthe Court of the
Stuarts. Price 50 cents.
Life of Henry Thomas, the
Western Burglar and Murderer. FvU
of Plates. Price 25 cents.
Pictorial Life and Adven
tures of Dick Turpin, the Bur
glar, Murderer, etc. Price 25 cents.
The Desperadoes ofthe New
World. Price 25 cents.
Life of Ninon De L'Enclos.
With her Letters on Love, Courtship,
and Marriage. Price 25 cents.
Pictorial Life and Adven
tures of Davy Crockett. Ono
volume. Price 50 cents.
Grace O'Malley — Her Life and
Adventures. Price 50 cents.
Life of Arthur Spring. Price
25 cents.

HARRY COCKTON'S "WORKS.

Valentine Vox, the Ventrilo
quist. One volume, paper cover.
Price 50 ceuts ; or a finer edition in
cloth, for $1.50.
Sylvester Sound, the Som
nambulist. Illustrated. One vol
ume. Price 50 cents.

The Sisters. By Harry Cockton,
author of "Valentine Vox, the Ven
triloquist." Price 50 cents.
The Steward. By Harry Cockton.
Price 50 cents.
Percy Effingham. By Harry
Cockton. Price 50 cents.

BY VARIOUS GOOD AUTHORS.

Somebody's Luggage. By Chas.
Dickens. Price 25 cents.
The Two Prima Donnas. By
George Augustus Sala. Price 25 cents.
The Haunted House. By Chas.
Dickens. Price 25 cents.
The Deformed. By Mrs. Marsh.
Price 25 cents.
The Iron Cross. By Sylvanus
Cobb, Jr. Price 25 cents.
The Nobleman's Daughter.
Price 25 cents.
Robert Oaklands ; or, The Outcast
Orphan. By Leigh Ritchie, author of
" Robber of the Rhine." Price 25 cts.

Webster and H a y n e ' s
Speeches in the United States Sen
ate, on Mr. Foot's Resolution of
January, 1S30. Also, Daniel Webster's
Speech in the Senate of the United
States, March 7, 1S50, on the Slavery
Compromise. Price 50 cents.
Train's Union Speeches. Com
plete in two volumes. 25 cents each.
Father Tom and the Pope.
Price 25 cents.
Rifle Shots at the Great Men.
Price 25 cents.
Tom Tiddler's Ground. By
Charles Dickens. Price 25 cents.

REV. CHARLES WADSWORTH'S SERMONS.

America's Mission. A Thanks
giving Discourse. By Rev. Charles
Wadsworth. Price 25 ceuts.
Thankfulness and Charac
ter. Two Discourses. By Rev. Charles
Wadsworth. Price 25 cents.

Politics in Religion. A Thanks
giving Sermon. By Rev. Charles
Wadsworth. Price 12 cents.
Thanksgiving. A Sermon. By
Rev. Charles Wadsworth. Price 12
cents.

T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS' PITELICATIONS. 17

WORKS BY POPULAR AUTHORS.

Lady Maud, the Wonder of
Kings-wood Chase. By Pierce
Egan. Price 75 ceuts in paper ; or a
finer edition, bound, for $1.50.
Mysteries of Three Cities :
Boston, New York, and Philadelphia.
By A. J. H. Duganne. Price 50 cents.
Red Indians of Newfound
land. A beautifully Illustrated In
dian Story. By author of "Prairie
Bird." Price 50 cents.
Whitehall ; or, The Times of Oliver
Cromwell. Illustrated. Price 50 cents.'
The Greatest Plague of Life ;
or, The Adventures of a Lady in Search
of. a Good Servant. By one who haB
been " worried to death." 50 cents.
Gorinne ; or, Italy. By Madame
De Stael. The poetical passages by
L. E. L. Only unabridged edition.
50 cents in paper, or 75 cents in cloth.
Moredun. A Tale of 1210. By Sir
Walter Scott, Bart., author of "Lvan-
hoe,"etc. Price 50 cents.
Flirtations in America ; or,
High Life in New York. Complete in
one volume. Price 50 cents.
Life ln the South. With Illustra
tions by Darley. Price 50 cents.
Llorente's History of the In
quisition in Spain. Complete
in one volume. Price 50 cents.
Genevra. By Miss Fairfield. 50 cts.
Aristocracy; or, Life among the
Upper Ten. By Joseph A. Nunes, Esq.
Price 50 cents.
Tom Racquet; and His Three
Maiden Aunts. Fall of illustrative
engravings. Price 50 cents.
The Two Lovers; or a Sister's
Devotion. A Domestic Story. By
author of Twin Sisters. Price 50 cts.
Thackeray's Irish Sketch
Book. By W. M. Thackeray, author
of "Vanity Fair." Price 50 cents.

Salathiel. By Rev. George Croly.
50 cents in paper, or in cloth, 75 cents'.
The Coquette. By the author of
" Misserimus." One ofthe best books
ever written. Price 50 cents.
The Fortune Hunter. By Mrs.
Anna Cora Mowatt. Price Fifty ceni.s.
Ned Musgrave; or, the Most Un
fortunate Man in the World. By The
odore Hook. Price 50 cents.
Clifford and the Actress ; or
the Reigning Favorite. By Margaret
Blount. Price Fifty cents.
The Jesuit's Daughter. By Red
Buntline. Price 50 cents.
Ryan's Mysteries of Mar
riage. Full of Illustrations. 50 cts.
The Orphan Sisters. By Mrs.
Marsh, author of "The Deformed."
Price 50 cents.'
Romish Confessional. By M
Michelet. Price 50 cents.
Abbey of Innismoyle. By Grace
Kennedy, author of " Father Clement. "
Price 25 cents.
Father Clement. By author of
" Dunallen." Price 50 cents in paper,
or 75 cents in cloth.*,
Wilfred Montrcssor; or, the Se
cret Order of the Seven. A Romance
of Life in the New York Metropolis.
Illustrated with 87 Illustrative Engra
vings. Two vols., paper cover. $1.00.
The Cabin and Parlor. By
J. Thornton Randolph. 50 cents in
paper ; or in cloth for $1.00.
Henry Clay's Portrait. By
Nagle. Size 22 by 30 inches. Price
$1.00 a copy. Originally sold at $5.00.
The Miser's Heir. By P. H.
Myers. Price 50 cents in paper cover ;
or 75 cents in cloth, gilt.
Victims of Amusements. By
Martha Clark. Suitable for Sunday-
Schools. One vol., cloth. 38 cents.

CHRISTY &. WOOD'S SONG BOOKS.
No music is so generally esteemed, or songs so frequently sung and listened t »
•With so much delight, as is the music and the songs of the Ethiopian Minstrels.
They have commenced a new epoch in Music, and the best works relating to them
are those mentioned below. Each Book contains near Seventy Songs.

Christy & Wood's New Song
Book. Illustrated. Price 12 cents.
The Melodeon Song Book.
Price 12 cents.
The Plantation Melodies.
Price 12 cents.
The Ethiopian Song Book.
Price 12 cents.

The Serenaders' Song Book.
Price 12 cents.
Bndsworth's Songs. 12 cents.
Christy and White's Com
plete Ethiopian Melodies,
containing 291 sougs, aud beautifully
bound in one volume, cloth, giit.
Price $1.00.

JJ@- GET US» YOFK CLUBS FOIS 1864 !
NEW AND SPLENDID PKEMIUMS !
THE BEST AND CHEAPEST IN THE WORLD !
 1 . . ¦ , 
This popular Monthly contains moro for the money than any Magazine in tho world.
In 1864, it will have nearly 1000 pages, 25 to 30 steel plates, VI colored patterns, and 900
wood engravings— and all this for only TWO DOLLARS A YEAR, or a dollar less than
magazines of its class. Evory lady ought to take "Peterson." In the general advance
of prices, it is the ONLY MAGAZINE TII AT HAS NOT RAISED ITS PRICES, EITHER
TO SINGLE SUBSCRIBERS OR TO CLUBS; and is, therefore, emphatically,
THE MAGAZINE FOR THE TIMES!
The stories in " Peterson " are conceded to bo tlie best published anywhere. Mrs. Ann
S. Stephens, Ella Rodman, Mrs. Denison, Frank Lee Benedict, the author of " Susy L's
Diary," T. S. Arthur, E. L. Chandler Moulton, Gabrielle Lee, Virginia F. Townsend
Rosalie Grey, Clara Augusta, and tho author of "The Second Life," besides all the
most popular female writers of America are regular contributors. In addition to the
usual number of shorter stories, there will be given in 1864, Four Original
Copy-righted Novelets, viz:
THE MAID OF HONOR— a Story of Queen Sess,
By ANN S. STEPHENS.
THE LOST ESTATE— a Story of To-Day,
By the author of " Tho Second Life."
MAUD'S ST/MMEB AT SASATOGA,
By PRANK LEE BENEDICT.
FANNY'S FLIRTATION,
By ELLA RODMAN.
In its Illustrations also, "Peterson" Is unrivaled. The publisher challenges a compari
son between its SUPERB MEZZOTINTS AND OTHER STEEL ENGRAVINGS and
those in other Magazines, and one at least is given in every number.
COLORED FASHION PLATES IN ADVANCE,
It is the ONLY MAGAZINE whose Fashion Plates can be relied on.
Each, number contains a Fashion Plate, engraved on steel, and colored — from Fashions
later than any other Magazine gives; also, a dozen or more New Styles, engraved on
Wood; also, a Pattern, from which a Dress, Mantilla, or Child's Costume can be cut, with
out the aid of a mantua-maker — so that each number, in this way, will SAVE A YEAR'S
SUBSCRIPTION. The Paris, London, Philadelphia and New York Fashions are descri
bed, at length, each month. Patterns of Caps, Bonnets, Head Dresses, &c, given. Its
COLORED PATTERNS IN ER1BRGISERY, CROCHET, &C.
The Work-Table Department of this Magazine IS WHOLLY UNRIVALED. Every
number contains a dozen or more patterns in every variety of "Fancy-work ; Crochet,
Embroidery, Knitting, Bead-work, Shell-work, Hair-work, &'c, Ac, &c. Every month, a
SUPERB COLORED PATTERN FOR SLIPPER, PURSE or CHAIR SEAT, &c, is given
— each of which, ut a retail store, would cost Fifty Cents.
"OUR NKW COOK-BOOK."
The Original Household Receipts of "Peterson" are quite famous. For 1864 our
"Cook-Book" will be continued: EVERY ONE OF THESE RECEIPTS H^S BEEN
TESTED. This alone will be worth the price of "Peterson." Other Receipts for the
Toilette, Sick-room, &c, &c, will be given.
NEW AND FASHIONABLE MUSIC in every number. Also, Hints on Horticulture,
Equestrianism, and all matters interesting to Ladies.
TERMS:— ALWAYS IN ADVANCE.
One Copy for One year, - - $2.00 I Five Copies for One year, - - - $7.50
Three Copies for One- year, - - - - 5.00 | Eight Copies for One year. - ... 10.00
PREMIUMS FOR GETTING UP CLUBS!— Three, Five, or Eight, copies, make
a Club. To every person getting up a club an extra copy ofthe Magazine for 1864 will
be given. Address, postpaid, CHARLES J. PETERSON",
Wo. 306 Chestnut St., Phila.
.8®=- All Postmasters constituted Agents; but any person may get up a club. Speci
mens sent gratuitously, if written for.
  * ¦

CIEIPEST BOOK HOUSE II HE WORLD.
To Sutlers! Pedlars! Booksellers! News Agents! etc.
 »..»» «»-«-<- 
T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS,
No. 306 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia,
PUBLISH THE MOST SALEABLE BOOKS IN THE WORLD,
AND SUPPLY ALL BOOKS AT VERY LOW RATES,.
The cheapest place in the world to bny or send for a stock of all
kinds of Books, suitable for all persons whatever, for Soldiers, and for
the Army, and for all other reading, is at the Bookselling and Pub
lishing House of T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS, Philadelphia.
Any person wanting any books at all, in any quantity, from a single
book to a dozen, a hundred, thousand, teu thousand, or larger quantity
of books, had better send on their orders at once to the " CHEAP
EST BOOKSELLING AND PUBLISHING HOUSE IN THE
WORLD," which is at T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS, No. 306
Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, who bave the largest stock in the coun
try, and will supply them and sell them cheaper than any other house
in the world. We publish a large variety of Military Novels, with
Illustrated Military covers, in colors, besides thousands of others, all
of which are the best selling and most popular books in the world.
We have just Issued a new and complete Catalogue, copies of which
we will send gratuitously to all on their sending for one.
Enclose one, two, five, ten, twenty, fifty, a hundred, or a thousand
dollars, or more, to us iu a letter, or per express, and write what kind
of books you wish, and they will be packed and sent to you at once, per
first express or mail, or in any other way you may direct, just as well
assorted, and the same as if you were on the spot, with circulars, show
bills, <fcc, gratis. All we ask is to give us a trial.
Address all orders for any books you may want at all, np matter by
whom published, or how small or how large your order may be, to the
Cheeped Publishing and Bookselling House in the world, which is at
T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS,
No. 306 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia,
And they will be packed and sent to you within an hour after receipt
of the order, per express or railroad, or in any other way you may direct.
tW Agents, Sutlers, and Pedlars wanted everywhere, to engage in the
<+*> f -jut popular selling Books, all of which will be sold at very low rates.

MUFBT BOOK Hill III 111 IfflLU.
To Sutlers! Pedlars! Booksellers! News Agents ! etc.
T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS,
No. 306 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia,
PUBLISH THE MOST SALEABLE BOOKS IN THE WORLD,
AND SUPPLY ALL BOOKS AT VERY LOW RATES..
The cheapest place in the world to buy or send for a stock of all
kinds of Books, suitable for all persons whatever, for Soldiers, and for
the Army, and for all other reading, is at the Bookselling and Pub
lishing House of T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS, Philadelphia.
Any person wanting any books at all, in any quantity, from a single
book to ii dozen, a hundred, thousand, ten thousand, or larger quantity
of hooks, had better send on their orders at once to the " CHEAP
EST BOOKSELLING AND PUBLISHING HOUSE IN THE
WORLD," which is at T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS, No. 306 .
Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, who bave the largest stock in the coun
try, and will supply them and sell them cheaper than any other house
in the world. We publish «, large variety of Military Novels, with
UlustrateVl Military covers, in colors, besides thousands of others, all
of which are the best selling aud most popular books iu the world.
We have just Issued a new and complete Catalogue, copies of which
we will send gratuitously to all on their sending for one.
Enclose one, two, five, ten, twenty, fifty, a hundred, or a thousand
dollars, or more, to us in a letter, or per express, and write what kind
of books you wish, and they will be packed and sent to you at once, per
first express or mail, or in any olher way you may direct, just as well
assorted, and the same as if you were on the spot, with circulars, show
bills, &c, gratis. AJ1 we ask is to give us a trial.
Address all orders for any books you may want at all, np matter by
whom published, or how small or how large your order may be, to the
Clieaped Publishing and Bookselling House in the world, which is at
T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS,
No. 306 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia,
And they will be packed and sent to you within an hour after receipt
of the order, per express or railroad, or in any other way you may direct.
63° Agents, Sutlers, and Pedlars wanted everywhere, to engage in the
u» / Tiur popular selling Books,allofwhiohwillJ^ rates.

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Gift of
STUART W. JACKSON
Yale 1898