'? 5»M ¦.»«^ YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Gift of STUART W.JACKSON Yale 1898 '¦i2; ;0 ohHtJ HI — I I'B O llliistrati'il liilf.''ss4!^iiiation, and Funeral of "Ik Manyl'' Pl^dent." ^ ILLUSTRATtD LIFE, SERVICES, MAffTYRDOM, ^. AND FUNERAL OF AIRAHAM LINCOLN. SIXTEENTH PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. il. With a-.Portrait of President Lincoln, and other Ulnstrative Engravings of the Scene of the Assassination, etc. With B full history of his Life ; Asaassinatioh ( Death, and Funeral. His career as a Lawyer and Politician ; tiis services in Congress ; with his Speeches, Proclamations, Acts, and Services aa PriSaidect o*the tTnited States, Sad Commander-in-Chief of the "Army and Ha-vy, from the time of his first Inauguration as President of the United Statea, until the night of his Assassination. Only new and complete edition, with i full history of the assassination, by distinguished eye-witnes^jS ofthe" BOene. Mr. Lin coln s Death-bed sceins, and a fuU accotintof the Jljuneral Ceremonies, from the time his remains were placed in the East Boom at the 'White Hcmse, until they were finally consigned to. their last resting place, in Oak Sides Cemetery,fll Sjiringfleld, Illinois ; with; Addresses and Sermons by me ^on. Sohuy^fe^ Colfax ; Hon. GeOrg^ Batfcpoft ; Kev. Henry "Ward ~ ' Jll)tlal>el|j|)ia: ,. ^ B. PETERSON & BEOTHERS, 306 CHESTNUT STREET. PRICE SEVENTY-FIVE C]g;NTS. LIVES OF PRESIDENTS AND GENERALS. I. II.LCJSTRATED LIFE, SERVICES, MABTTRDOM, AND FUNE- BAIj of A-;KAHAM LiIiNoO-blir, Sixteenth Presideuc of the United States. With a full history of his Life; Assassiuation ; Death, and Funeral. His career as a Lawyer and Politician; his services iu 'Congress ; with his Speeches, Proclaniaiionn, Act.'*, ^nd services as President of the United States, and Commander'-ili-Cluef of the Jmny aud Navy, from the time of his firbt InHUguration as President of the United States until the night of' hia assassinatioa. Only new and complete edition, with a full history of the assafsinatiou of the President, by disti^iguished eye-witnesses of it. Mr. Liucoln's Death-bed pceues, and. a full accouutof the Funeral Ceremonies from the time his remains were placed in the East Koom at the White Hout-e, until they were finally consiKiipd to their last resting place, in Oak Ridge Cemetery, at Springfield, lllinni.'^, with Addresses and Sermons by the Hon. Schuyler Colfax; Hon. Ge.irge Bancroft; Rev. Henry Ward Beecher; General Walbridge; Bishup Simpson, etc., with a full account of the escape, pursuit, apprehension, and death of the assassin, Booth. With a Portrait of President Lincoln, and other Illustvative Engravings of the scene of the murder, etc. Price Seventy-five cents in paper, or One Dollar in cloth. Agents sup- plipd with the paper cover ediiton at Five Dollars a dozen, fifty copies -for Twenty Dol- lat's or $:^7..')0 a hundred; or with the cloth edition at Eight Dollars a dozen, fifty copies for Thirty Dollars, or Sixty Dollars a hundred. i II. ^^ THE LIFE, SPEECHES, AN'D SERVICES OF AWDRE'W JOHIST-' SON", Seveuteenth President of the United States. With a full History of his Life; his career as wTailor Boy, Alderman, Mayor, Legislator, State Senator, Governor of Ten- UPKsee, and his services in Congre.ss, with his Speeches on the Kebellioa, and the part I taken by him from the first outbreak of the War, with his Speeches, Proclamations, Acts and services since becoming President of the United States. With his Portrait. j Complete In one large volume, Pnce.75 cents in pappr, or One Dollar in cloth. Agents i pu-pplled with the paper cover edition at Five Dollars a dozen, fifty copies for $20.00, or j $:^7..'}0 a hundred; or with the cloth edition at Eight Dollars a dozen, fifty copies for Thirty Dollars, or Sixty Dollars a hundred. III. XLLUSTBATEB LIFE, CAMPAIG3SrS, AND SERVICES OF LIEU- TENA3S"T-GE]>rERAL GliiAN'i',; The hero of "Fort Douelt-on," "Vicks- bnrg,'' "Chattanooga," "Petersburg," and " Richmond, " also Captor of "General Lee's" and "General Johnston's" entire armies. 'With a full History of his Life, Cam paigns aud Battles, and his} Orders, Reports, and 'Correspondence with tbe War Depart ment aiid'the President in relation to them, from the time he first took the field in this witr uuiil the present time. Complete in one large volume. With a portrait of General Grant, aud other Illustrative engravings of the Battlesof Fort Donelsnn; General Lee's surrender to 'General Grant ; the Union army entering Richmond, etc. Price 75 cents in paper, or One Dollar in cloth. Agents suppli^-d with the paper cover edition at Five Dollars a dozen, or fifty copies for $20 00 ; or^;37.00 a hundred; or with the cloth edi tion at Eight Dollars a dozen, fifty copies for Thirty Dollars, or Sixty Dollars a hundred. WANTED. AGKNTS, CANVASSERS, BOOKSELLERS, and PrDLARS, are wanted in every town and village in the United States, who can make Ten Dollars a Day at it, to engaire in sel ling the " ILLUSTRATED LIFE, SERVICES, MARTYRDOM AND FUNERAL OF ABRA HAM LINCOLN," THE ".MARTYR PRESIDENT," "THE XIFE, SPEECHES AND SER VICES OP ANDREW JOHNSON,:" and the "ILLUSTRATED LIFE, CAMPAIGNS AND' SERVICES OF 'LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT ;" each of which are just published and for Kale in paper cover at S^enty-flvecentsa copy, and will be supplied to agents, assorted to suit themselves, at Five -Pollara a Dozen, Fifty copies Tor Twenty Dollars ; or $37.50 a Hundred; or the cloth editions, which retail at One Dollar each per copy, will be sup plied to agents, assorted to suit themselves, at. Eight Dollars a Dozen, Fifty copies for Thirty Doliare, or Sixty Dollars a Hun#ed. Apply in person, or address your orders with cash enclosed, for whatever quanii|;y of each book yon may wish to start with assorted to suiK yourself, to T. B. PKTEj^SOJf & 3ROTHEKS,'«06 Chestnut Street, Phil ladelphia, and your orders will l>e filled sat once, and the 'books fient you per first ex press after receipt of order. We have .agents :now making Fifteen and Twenty Dollars a ¦j'^ay selling »hem. ^'Published and for sale at the Cheapest Book House in the world to bay or send for a istock'Of^ w1}<^m all orders and remittances must come addressed to meet with prompt attention. ji^op^s of above books will be sent per mail, frea-ipf postage, on receipt of retail price. 402. Illustrated Life, Services, Martyrdom and Funeral of Abraham Lincoln . . . with a full Account of the Imposing Ceremonies at the National Capital, Feb. 13th, 1866, and the Orations by Geo. Bancroft and others. Por trait, scene of the tragedy and view of Booth's being burned out ofthe barn. 12mo, cloth. Phil : Peterson [1866] A more complete edition than is generally found with this imprint, containing the portrait and scene of the tragedy almost always lacking. PBESIDENT LINCOLN. THE ASSASSINATION OF PEESIDENT LINCOLN AT FOED'S THEATEE-AFTEE THE ACT BOOTH BEING BURNT OUT OF THE BAEN. ILLUSTRATED LIFE, SERVICES, MARTYRDOM, AND FUNERAL OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. SIXTEENTH PRESDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. With a Portrait of President Lincoln, and other Illustrative Engravings of the Scene of the Assassination, etc. With a full history of his Life ; Assassination ; Death, aud Puneral. His career as a Lawyer and Politician; his services in Congress; with his Speeches, Procla mations, Acts, and services as President of the United States, and Commander-in- Chief of the Army and I^avy, from the time of his first Inauguration as President of the United States, until the night of his Assassination. Only new and complete edition, with a full history of the assassination, by distinguished eye-wit nesses of it. Mr. Lincoln's Death-bed scenes, and a full account of the Funeral Ceremonies, from the time his remains were placed in the East Room at the White House, until they were finally consigned to their last resting place, in Oak Ridge Cemetery, at Springfield, Illinois; with Addresses and Sermons by the Hon. Schuyler Colfax; Hon. George Bancroft; Rev. Henry "Ward Beecher; General Walbridge ; Bishop Simpson, etc., with a full account of the escape, pursuit, [appre hension, and death of the assassin. Booth. |) l]ila^£lpl}ia.• T. B. PETEESON & BEOTHEES, 306 CHESTNUT STREET. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1865, by T. B. PETERSON & BROTHERS, In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, in and for tho A Eastern District of Pennsylvania. CONTENTS. PASI Birth of President Abraham Lincoln, and his ancestors..,. 21 His grandfather killed by the Indians and scalped — De scription of his parents 22 " Abe" goes to school — The Lincoln Family remove to In diana 23 Death of Mrs. Lincoln — " Abe" learns to write — His father marries again — " Abe" finishes his education 26 He becomes a hired hand on a flatboat, and goes to New Orleans 27 The family remove to Illinois — " Abe" seeks his fortune among strangers , 23 He takes another trip to New Orleans — Becomes a miller and salesman — His services in the Black Hawk war.... 29 [s nominated for the Legislature and is defeated — Becomes a merchant and surveyor. — Is elected to the Legislature — Studies law 30 A thrilling incident in his legal career 31 A protest against slavery — Is a candidate for Presidential Elector — Mr. Lincoln is elected to Congress — His votes and speeches during his Congressional term 32 Becomes a delegate to the National Convention of 1848 — He is nominated for United States Senator, but with draws 40 He is again nominated for the Senate — His speeches in the celebrated Lincoln-Douglas campaign — His tribute to the Declaration of Independence 41 Pen-Portraits of Abraham Lincoln 43 Mr. Lincoln is defeated by Mr. Douglas — Is then named for the Presidency — Evidence of his skill as a Eail- splitter 47 His great speech at the Cooper Institute, New York 48 Is nominated for President of the United States by tho Bepublican Conveation 64 fl5\ 16 CONTENTS. PASH He IS notilied of his nomination by a Committee appointed by the Convention 65 Speech of the President of the Convention — Reply of Mr. Lined n-^Correspondence between the Convention and Mr. Lincoln 66 Is elected President of the United States 67 He leaves Springfield for Washington— Ovations on the route 69 His arrival at Toledo and Indianapolis — His speeches at each place 69 He arrives at Cincinnati, and addresses the citizens from the Burnet House 70 His arrival at Columbus, with hia speech 71 His arrival at Steubenville, and his address to the people — Arrives in Pittsburg, and makes a speech to the citi zens 72 Proceeds to Cleveland, and from thence to Buffalo, with his speeches at each place 74 Goes next to Albany — His arrival there, and speeches ai the Capitol and to the members of the Legislature 76 Proceeds to New York, and on his way makes a speech at Poughkeepsie — Arrival in New York, with his speech, on being welcomed by the Mayor of the city to that place 78 Goes next to Trenton — His speeches to the Senate and to the Chambers of the Assembly of the State of New Jersey 79 Proceeds to Philadelphia — Is welcomed by the Mayor of that city, — Mr. Lincoln's speech in reply 81 He visits " Old Independence Hall" — His speech there 82 He r-aises the National Flag of the country to the top of the flag-staif on " Old Independence Hall," on Washington's Birth-day 83 He leaves for Harrisburg — His arrival there — Is welcomed by both Houses of the Legislature, and his speech on that occasion 34 A plot is made to assassinate him — How it was thwarted.... 85 Returns to Philadelphia in a special train, and proceeds to Washington in disguise — His arrival there— Is welcomed *o Washington by the authorities— His speech in reply 86 Addresses the Republican Association 87 He is inaugurated President of the United States— Inaugu ral Address of Abraham Lincoln 88 President Lincoln's interview with the Virginia Commis- : jBkuiers, with his Address to them on that occasion 95 CONTENTS. 17 PASB The first Proclamation for troops — Congress summoned to assemble on the Fourth of July 97 A blockade of Southern ports ordered 98 The President's communication with the Maryland au thorities 99 Blockading of Virginia and North Carolina 101 A call for additional troops .... 102 Has an interview with the Maryland Legislature 103 A special order for Florida — President Lincoln's first Mes sage to Congress 104 A day of Pasting and Prayer appointed 117 Commercial intercourse with the Rebellious States pro hibited 118 He modifies an order of General Fremont's — His second Message to Congress 119 The President's Message recommending Gradual Emancipa tion 120 He assumes active command ofthe Army and Navy ofthe United States 122 He orders Thanksgiving for signal victories — Slavery abol ished in the District of Columbia 123 Re-opening of some of the Southern Ports — Repudiates an emancipation order of Major-General Hunter 124 The President's conference with the Loyal Governors — His interview with the Border Congressmen — He reads to them a powerful Appeal 125 Instructions to Military and Naval Commanders 128 A draft for Three Hundred Thousand Men ordered — The President speaks at a war meeting in Washington 129 The Emancipation Proclamation of September 22d, 1862... 131 The Emancipation Proclamation of January 1st, 1863.... 133 Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus 135 He issues an Order for the observance of the Sabbath 136 His Annual Message of December, 1862 — Important recom mendations to Congress 137 Receives a Complimentary Address from Manchester, Eng land 138 The President visits the Army of the Potomac — Reviews the troops, etc 140 The Enrolment Act and the rights of Aliens 142 A National Thanksgiving ordered 143 Letter from the President on the Emancipation Proclama tion to tho Union men of Illinois 145 18 CONTENTS. FAdl Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus in certain casfis 148 A Proclamation for a National Thanksgiving 149 Three Hundred Thousand more men called for 151 The President's Dedicatory Address at the CoDsecration of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg 152 Heissues another Thanksgiving Proclamation — His Annual Message of December, 1863 — Full pardon offered to the Rebels 153 Issues a Proclamation for Seven Hundred Thousand more men 156 Explanatory Proclamation of one issued December eighth, 1863 157 An Impartial Review of the President's Policy... 158 Address of President Lincoln at a fair held at the Patent Office at Washington, on March 18th, 1864 174 His Address to the Committee ofthe Workingman's Demo cratic Republican Association of New York, on March 21st, 1864 175 He is the choice of the Legislatures of Fifteen States, and of the American People for another term 177 Resolutions of the Union League of Philadelphia 170 General Grant made a Lieutenant-General 181 A vigorous Prosecution of the War 181 Mr. Lincoln Re-nominated for the Presidency 182 President Lincoln visits Philadelphia 185 Wasiiington Threatened 186 " To whom it may Concern" 186 The Pall of Atlanta. Mr. Lincoln is Re-elected 187 Mr. Lincoln makes a Speech. His last Annual Message. . 188 More Troops wanted 189 Mr. Lincoln has an Interview with Rebel Commissioners. 189 Mr. Lincoln is inaugurated President of the United States for a second term 191 Mr. Lincoln's Inaugural Address of March 4th, 1865 192 President Lincoln goes to " the Front" 193 Gen. Lee Surrenders. President returns to Washington. 194 Mr. Lincoln's Last Speech I95 Assassination of President Lincoln 198 Scene of the Assassination of President Lincoln 201 The Dying Scenes of Abraham Lincoln 202 The Autopsy on the Body 204 CONTENTS. 19- PAQK The Murderer, of President Lincoln, and what became of him 205 Statements and Affidavits in Relation to the Murder — Statement of Assistant Secretary Field 207 Major Rathbone's Statement 210 Affidavit of Miss Harris, daughter of Senator Harris 212 Surgeon General Barnes' Statement 213 Full description of Ford's Theatre, in Washington 214 The Remains of Abraham Lincoln lay in State in the East Room, at the White House 216 Funeral Services at the White House 217 The whole Audience join in the Prayers, and are affected to tears 219 Bishop Simpson's Prayer at the Funeral Ceremonies at the White House 220 The Funeral Oration by Dr. Gurley, at the White House. 221 The Puneral Procession at Washington 228 Arrival of the Remains at the Capitol 229 The Departure of the Funeral Cortege from Washingtoa, on their way to Springfield, Illinois 330 Route of the Funeral Cortege to Springfield 231 Distinguished Mourners, and Delegates from Illinois 232 Scenes along the route, and the arrival of the Funeral Cortege at Baltimore 233 Their arrival at Harrisburg — Arrival at Philadelphia 234 The Body lay in State in Independence Hall 235 Is visited by the Mayor, Councils, and Judges of the Courts — The Guard of Honor in Independence Hall. . . 237 The Body is seen by over One Hundred and Twenty Thousand persons in Philadelphia 238 The Funeral Cortege leaves Philadelphia — Its Passage through New Jersey — Arrival at New York, and laid in State in City Hall 239 Leave New York for Albany — Arrival in .Albany — Syra cuse—Buffalo — Cleveland — Columbus — Indianapolis . . . 240 Leave Indianapolis for Chicago^ — Arrival at Chicago — Leave Chicago for Springfield — Arrival at Springfield, Illinois , . 241 The Funeral Procession at Springfield — The Guard of Honor, etc 242 20 CONTENTS. rkas Arrival of the Funeral Cortege at Oak Ridge Cemetery^ 'The Vault — The Religious Exercises at the Tomb 243 Last Sad Rites at the Vault — Depositing the Body into the Tomb — Reminiscenses of the Funeral Cortege from Washington to Springfield 244 Bishop Simpson's Puneral Oration at the Vault at Oak Ridge Cemetery 245 Abraham- Lincoln is mourned^by Twenty-five Millions of People, 254 The first plot to Assassinate President Lincoln 256 Tributes to the Memory of Abraham Lincoln 260 The Religious Character and Nobility of Heart of Abra ham Lincoln. Address of the Hon. Schuyler Colfax, Speaker of the House of Representatives, at Chicago, Illinois, on April 30th, 1865 261 Hon. George Bancroft's Oration in the city of New York. 275 Henry Ward Beecher's Tribute to Abraham Lincoln, delivered in Pljrmouth Street Church, Brooklyn, on Sunday, April 23d, 1865 280 Address of General Hiram Walbridge, in New York, on the death of President Lincoln 288 LIFE AND PUBLIC SERYICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. HIS BIRTH AND ANCESTORS. Abraham Lincoln, the sixteenth President of the United States, and the skilful ruler under whose wise ad ministration the country in its hour of peril has been en- flbled to combat successfully with the traitors who have attempted its destruction, was born on the twelfth of February, 1809, in that part of Hardin county, Kentucky, which is now known as Larue. His father, Thomas Lin coln, and his graadfather, Abraham, were born in Rock ingham county, Virginia, a section of the " Old Dominion" to which their ancestors had migrated from Berks county, Pennsylvania. In the year 1780, the grandfather removed his family to Kentucky, where, taking possession of a email tract of land in the wilderness, he erected a rude cabin, and proceeded to make his new home comfortablo and productive. His daily labors were attended in their prosecution with great personal danger. There was no other resident within two or three miles, and the country was infested with Indians, who allowed no opportunity to pass to slaughter the white settlers. His gun was carried 21 22 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. as regularly to his work as was his axe or any other im plement necessary to the successful clearing of the land, and at night when he retired to the bosom of his little flock, the faithful weapon was placed in a convenient cor ner, where it could be quickly grasped in the event of an attack from the wily enemy. Individuals and whole families living in the vicinity were murdered by the Indians, but Abraham Lincoln for four years escaped their bloodthirsty characteristics ; but at the end of that period, while clearing a piece of land about four miles from home, he was suddenly attacked, and killed, and his scalped remains were found the next morning. The loss was a severe one to the widow, who now found herself alone in the wilderness with her three sons and two daughters, and with but little money with which to provide even the necessities of life for the young members of her household. Poverty made it necessary that the family should separate ; and all the children but Thomas bade adieu to their remaining parent, and left the county, the second son removing to Indiana, and the others to other sections of Kentucky. DESCBIPTION OP HIS PARENTS. Thomas also left home before he was twelve years old, but subsequently returned to Kentucky, and in the year 1 806, married Miss Nancy Hanks, who was also a native of Virginia ; so that it will be observed nearly all of the immediate ancestors of the President were born upon Southern soil. Thomas Lincoln and his wife were a plain, unassuming couple, conscientious members of the Baptist Church, and almost entirely uneducated. Mrs. Lincoln could read, but not write, while her husband could do neither, save so far as to scribble his own name in a style of caligraphy which a few of his more intimate friends could decipher. He, however, appreciated the advan- LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 23 tages of education, and honored and respected the superior learning of others. His kindness of heart was proverbial, and he was always industrious and persevering. His wife, although uneducated, was blessed with much natural talent, excellent judgment, and good sense, and these qualifications, with her great piety, made her a suitable partner for a man of Thomas Lincoln's attributes, and a mother whose precepts and teachings could not fail to be of vast benefit in the formation of her children's characters. This estimable couple had three children — a daughter, a son who had died in infancy, and Abraham. The sister attained the years of womanhood, and married, but subse quently died without issue. ABE" GOES TO SCHOOL. When Abraham, or "Abe," as he was already called at home and by his companions, was seven years of age, his name was entered for the first time on the roll of an edu cational institution — an academy which had but little pre tension in outward appearance, and the presiding genius of which had neither ambition nor ability to impart greater instruction than that which would enable his pupils to read and write. His term of schooling was, however, to be of short duration. THE LINCOLN FAMILY REMOVE TO INDIANA. Mr. Lincoln, although a Southerner by birth and resi dence, had become early imbued with a disgust for slavery. He witnessed the evils of the " peculiar institution," and longed to be free from the disagreeable effects of a condi tion of society which made a poor white man even more degraded than the unfortunate negro, whose energies and labors were controlled by an unprincipled and lazy master. With these sentiments he naturally desired to change his place of residence, and early in October, 1816, finding a 24b LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. purchaser for his farm, he made arrangements for the transfer of the property and for his removal. The price paid by the purchaser was ten barrels of whiskey, of forty gallons each, valued at two hundred and eighty dollars, and twenty dollars in money. Mr-Tjincoln was a tem perate man, and acceded to the terms, not because he desired the liquor, but because such transactions in real estate were common, and recognized as perfectly proper. The homestead was within a mile or two of the Rolling Fork river, and as soon as the sale was efi^ected, Mr. Lin coln, with such slight assistance as little Abe could give him, hewed out a flat-boat, and launching it, filled it with his household articles and tools and the barrels of whiskey, and bidding adieu to his son who stood upon the bank, pushed off, and was soon floating down the stream on his way to Indiana, to select a new home. His journey down tbe Rolling Fork and into the Ohio river was successfully accomplished, but soon afterwards his boat was unfortu nately upset, and its cargo thrown into the water. Some men standing on the bank witnessed the accident and saved the boat and its owner, but all the contents of the craft were lost except a few carpenter's tools, axes, three barrels of whiskey and some other articles. He again started, and proceeded to a well-known ferry on the river, from whence he was guided into the interior by a resident of the section of country in which he had landed, and to whom he had given his boat in payment for his services. After several days of difficult travelling, much of the time employed in cutting a road through the forest wide enough for a team, eighteen miles were accomplished, and Spencer county, Indiana, was reached. The site for his new home having been determined upon, Mr. Lincoln left his goods under the care of a person who lived a few miles distant, and returning to Kentucky on foot, made preparations to remove his family. In a few days the party bade farewell LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 25 to their old home and slavery, Mrs. Lincoln and her daughter riding one horse, Abe another, and tho father a third. After a sevep days' journey through an uninhab ited country, their resting-place at night being a blanket spread upon the ground, they arrived at the spot selected for their future residence, and no unnecessary delays were permitted to interfere with the immediate and successful clearing of a site for a cabin. An axe was placed in Abe's hands, and with the additional assistance of a neigh bor, in two or three days Mr. Lincoln had a neat house of about eighteen feet square, the logs composing which being fastened together in the usual manner by notches, and the cracks between them filled with mud. It had only one room, but some slabs laid across logs overhead gave additional accommodations which were obtained by climb ing a rough ladder in one corner. A bed, table and four stools were then made by the two settlers, father and son, and the building was ready for occupancy. The loft was Abe's bedroom, and there night after night for many years, he who now occupies the most exalted position in the gift of the American people, and who dwells in the " White House'f at Washington, surrounded by all the comforts that wealth and power can give, slumbered with one coarse blanket for his mattress and another for big covering. Although busy during the ensuing winter with his axe. Be d.d not neglect his reading and spelling, and also practised frequently with a rifle, the first evidence of his skill as a marksman being manifested, much to the delight of his parents, in the killing of a wild turkey, which bad approached too near the cabin. The knowledge of the use of the rifle was indispensable in the border settlements at that time, as the greater portion of the food required for the settlers was procured by it, and the family which had not among its male members one or more who could discharge it with accuracy, svaa very apt to suffer from a scarcity of comestiblea 26 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. DEATH OP MRS. LINCOLN— " ABE" LEARNS TO WRITE. A little more than a year after removing to Spencer county, Mrs. Lincoln died, an event which brought deso lation to the hearts of her husband and children, but to none so much as to Abe. He had been a dutiful son, and she one of the most devoted of mothers, and to her in struction may be traced many of those traits and charac teristics for which even now he is remarkable. Soon after her death, the bereaved lad had an offer which prom ised to afford him other employment during the long, monotonous evenings, than the reading of books, a young man who had removed into the neighborhood having offered to teach him how to write. The opportunity was too fraught with benefit to be rejected, and after a few weeks of practice under the eye of his instructor, and also out of doors with a piece of chalk or charred stick, he was able to write his name, and in less than twelve months could and did write a letter. HIS PATHER MARRIES AGAIN— ABE FINISHES HIS EDUCATION. During the next year Mr. liincoln married Mrs. Sally Johnston, of Elizabethtown, Kentucky, a widow-lady with three chiWreUj and who was admirably adajpted to supply the vacancy which existed in the Lincoln family; and a superior woman, between whom and Abe a most devoted attachment sprung up, which ever afterwards continued. About the same time a person named Crawford moved into the neighborhood, and understanding how to read and write and the rudiments of arithmetic, was induced to open a school, to which Abe was sent, and in which he .greatly improved his knowledge of the first two branches, and soon mastered the second. His school-garb comprised LIFK AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 27 a suit of dressed buckskin and a cap made from a raccoon skin. His memory was retentive, and as he took an un usual pride in his studies, his close application made him a favorite scholar with his teacher, while his superior knowledge, limited though it was, caused him to be used by the more ignorant settlers as their scribe whenever they had letters to be written. A brief period at this school, and to use a fashionable phrase, his education was finished. Six months of instruction within the walls of an insigni ficant school- house is all the education that Abraham Lin coln has received during a long lifetime, a greater portion of which has been spent in public positions, where ability and talent were indispensable requisites. BECOMES A HIRED HAND ON A PLATBOAT. For four or five years after leaving school, or until he was eighteen, he constantly labored in the woods with his axe, cutting down trees and splitting rails, and during the evenings, read such works as he conlcj borrow from the other settlers. A year later, he was hired by a man Jiving near by, at ten dollars a month, to go to New Orleans on a flatboat loaded with stores, which were destined for sale at the plantations on the Mississippi river, near the Crescent City, and with but one companion started on his rather dangerous journey. At night they tied up alongside of the bank, and rested upon the hard (Jeck with a blaojiet for a covering, and during the hours of light, whether their lonely trip was cheered by a bright sun or made disagreeable in the extreme by violent storms, their craft floated down the stream, its helmsmen never for a moment losing their spirits, or regretting their acceptance of the positions they occupied. Nothing occurred to mar the success of the trip, nor the excitement naturally inci dent tp a flsitboat expedition of some eighteen hundred miles, save a midnight :?ittftcl£ bv a pa.rty of negroes, who, 28 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. after a severe conflict, were whipped by Abe and hia comrade and compelled to flee, and after selling their goods at a iiandsome profit, the young merchants returned to Indiana. THE FAMILY REMOVE TO ILLINOIS— ABE SEEKS HIS FORTUNE AMONG STRANGERS. In March, 1830, Mr. Thomas Lincoln removed his family to Illinois, their household articles being transported thither in large wagons drawn by oxen, Abe himself driving one of the teams. Upon the journey, and while crossing the bottom lands of the Kaskaskia river, the males of the family were compelled to wade through water up to their waists. In two weeks they reached Decatur, Macon county, Illinois, near the centre of that State, and in another day were at the tract of land (ten acres) on the north side of the Sangamon river, and about ten miles west of Decatur. A log cabin was imme diately erected, and Abe proceeded to split the rails for the fence with which the lot was to be enclosed. As a rail-splitter, as a tiller of the soil, or as a huntsman, to whose accuracy of aim the family depended in a great measure for their daily food, young Abraham Lincoln was active, earnest and laborious, and when in the follow ing spring he signified his intention to leave his home to seek his fortune among strangers, the tidings were re ceived by his parents and friends with the most profound sorrow. Confident that a more extended field of observation and action would be more suitable to his tastes and disposition, he packed up what little clothing he possessed, and went westward into Menard county. He worked on a farm in the vicinity of Petersburg, during the ensuing summer and winter, at the same time improving himself, in read ing, writing, grammar, and arithmetic. LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 29 HE TAKES ANOTHER TRIP TO NEW ORLEANS- BECOMES MILLER AND SALESMAN. Early in the following spring he was hired by a man named Offutt, to assist in taking a flatboat to New Orleans ; and, as it was found impossible to purchase a suitable boat, Abe lent a willing and industrious hand in building one at Sangamon, from whence, when completed, it was floated into the Mississippi river. The trip was made, and his employer was so much gratified with the industry and tact of his hired hand, that he engaged him to take charge of his mill and store in the village of New Salem. In this position, " Honest Abe," as he was now called, won the respect and confidence of all with whom he had business dealings, while socially, he was much beloved by the residents — young and old — of the place. He was affable, generous, ever ready to assitst the needy or to sympathize with the distressed, and never was known to be guilty of a dishonorable act. HIS SERVICES IN THE BLACK HAWK WAR. Early in the following year the Black Hawk War broke out, and the Governor of Illinois tailing for troops, Abe determined to offer his services ; and a recruiting station being opened in New Salem, he placed his name the first on the roll ; and by his influence inducing many of his friends and companions to do likewise, a company was soon organized, and Abe was unanimously elected captain. The company marched to Beardstown, and from there to the seat of war ; but during their term of enlistment- thirty days — ^were not called into active service. A new levy was then called for, and he re-enlisted as a private, and at the end of thirty days again re-enlisted, and re mained with his regiment until the war ended. 80 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. IS NOMINATED FOR THE LEGISLATURE AND IS DEFEATED. Soon after his return from this campaign, in the pro gress of which he proved himself an efficient and zealous soldier, although his regiment was not brought in conflict with the enemy, or as he subsequently expressed it, he " did not see any live fighting Indians, but had a good many bloody struggles with the mosquitoes," he was waited upon by several of the influential citizens of New Salem, who asked his consent to nominate him for the iuegislature. He had only been a resident of the county for nine months, but as a thorough-going "Henry Clay man" was needed, he was deemed the most suitable person to run, particularly as it was believed that his popularity would ensure success in a county which had, the year before, given General Jackson a large majority for President. There were eight aspirants for the legislative position; but, although Abraham received two hundred and seventy- seven votes out of two hundred and eighty-four, cast in New Salem, he was not elected, the successful candidate leading him a few votes. BECOMES A MERCHANT AND SURVEYOR. Soon after his political defeat he engaged in the mer cantile business, but in a few months sold out, and under the tuition of John Calhoun (in later years President of the Lecompton Constitutional Convention) became pro ficient in surveying, an occupation which for more than a year he found very remunerative for a novice. He was also for a time Postmaster of New Salem. IS ELECTED TO THE LEGISLATURE— STUDIES LAW In August, 1 .934, he was again nominated for the Legis lature, and was elected by a largo majority ; and in 1836, LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 81 1838, and 1840, was re-elected. While attending the pro ceedings of the first session, he determined to become a law yer, and being placed in possession of the necessary books through the kindness of the Hon. John T. Stuart, applied himself to study, and in 1836 was admitted to practice at the bar. In April, 188t, he removed to Springfield, and became a partner of Mr. Stuart. A THRILLING INCIDENT IN HIS LEGAL CAREER. One instance which occurred during his early legal practice is worthy of extended publication. At a camp meeting held in Menard county, a fight took place which ended in the murder of one of the participants in the quarrel. A young man named Armstrong, a son of the aged couple for whom many years before Abraham Lin coln had worked, was charged with the deed, and being arrested and examined, a true bill was found against him, and he was lodged in jail to await his trial. As soon as Mr. Lincoln received intelligence of the affair, he addressed a kind letter to Mrs. Armstrong, stating his anxiety that her son should have a fair trial, and offering in return for her kindness to him while in adverse circumstances some years before, his services gratuitously. Investigation con vinced the volunteer attorney that the young man was the victim of a conspiracy, and he determined to postpone the case until the excitement had subsided. The day of trial however finally arrived, and the accuser testified positively that he saw the accused plunge the knife into the heart of the murdered man. He remembered all the circumstances ])erfectly ; the murder was committed about half-past nine o'clock at night, and the moon was shining brightly. Mr. Lincoln reviewed all the testimony carefully, and then proved conclusively that the moon which the accuser had sworn was shining brightly, did not rise until an hour 32 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. or more after the murder was committed. Other dis crepancies were exposed, and in thirty minutes after the jury retired they returned with a verdict of " Not Guilty." A PROTEST AGAINST SLAVERY. On the third of March, 183t, a protest was presented to the House of Representatives of Illinois and signed by "Daniel Stone and Abraham Lincoln, ^ Representatives from Sangamon county," which is the first record that wij have of the sentiments of the subject of our sketch on the slavery question. It was in oppositibn to a series of reso lutions which had been adopted, taking an extreme South ern view of slavery, for which Mr. Lincoln refused to vote, and subsequently handed in the protest. IS A CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENTIAL ELECTOR. In every campaign from 1836 to 1852, he was a Whig candidate for Presidential Elector, and in 1844, he stumped the entire State of Illinois for Henry Clay ; and then crossing the line into Indiana, spoke daily to immense gatherings, until the day of election. His style of speak ing was pleasing to the masses -^f the people, and his earnest appeals were not only well received, but were productive of much benefit to his favorite candidate. Accustomed from early childhood to the habits and pecu liarities of all kinds and conditions of men — the refined and the vulgar, the intelligent and the illiterate, the rich and the poor — he knew exactly what' particular style of language best suited his hearers, and the result was that he was always listened to with a degree of attention and interest which few political speakers receive. MR. LINCOLN ELECTED TO CONGRESS — HIS VOTES AND SPEECHES DURING HIS CON GRESSIONAL TERM. In 1846, Mr. Lincoln was elected to Congress from the LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LIRCOLN. 83 Central District of Illinois, by a majority of over fifteen hundred votes, the largest ever given in that District to any candidate opposed to the Democratic party. Illinois elected seven Representatives that year ; and all were Democrats but Mr. Lincoln. He took his seat on the first Monday of December, 1847, and during the exciting ¦ session that followed, cast his vote pro or com, on every important question, and on more than one occasion dis played his eloquence and superior argumentative ability. One of his first votes was given on the twentieth of De cember in favor of the following resolution : "Resolved, That if, in the judgment of Congress, it be neces sary to improve the navigation of a river to expedite and render secure the movements of our army, and save from delay and loss our arms and munitions of war, that Congress has the power to improve such river. "Resolved, Tliat if it be necessary for the preservation of the lives of our seamen, I'epairs, safety, or maintenance of our ves- sels-of-war, to improve a harbor or inlet, either on our Atlantic or Lake coast, Congress has the power to make such iniprovo- ment." On the twenty-second of the same month, he voted in favor of a similar resolution, and on the same day offered the following series of resolutions, which he introduced with one of his characteristic speeches, humorous at one moment and logical at the next. Although, like the large majority of the Whig party opposed to the declaration of war with Mexico by the President, he never failed to vote for any resolution or bill which had for its object the send ing of supplies to our troops who had been ordered to the seat of war. The resolutions read as follows : " Whereas, The President of the United States, in his mes sage of May 11th, 1846, has declared ' that the Mexican Govern ment not only refused to receive him (the envoy of the United States) or listen to his propositions, but, after a long-continued series of menaces, have at last invaded our territory and shed the blood of our fellow.citizens on our own soil.' "And again, in his message of December Sth, 1846, that ' we 34 LIFE AND Services of Abraham Lincoln. had ample cause of war against Mexico long before the break- inff out of hostilities, but even then we forbore to take redress into our own hands until Mexico herself became the aggressor by invading our soil in hostile array, and shedding the blood ot our citizens.' „j_, -,oAn i.-\. i. "And yet again, in the message of December 7th, 1847, that ' the Mexican Government refused even to hear the terms of adjustment which .he {our minister of peace) was authorized to propose; and, finally, under wholly unjustifiable pretexts, in volved the two countries in war by invading the territory of the State of Texas, striking the first blow, and shedding the blood of our citizens on our own soil.' " A-nd whereas. This House is desirous to obtain a full knowl edge of all the facts which go to establish whether the particu lar spot on which the blood of our citizens was so shed, was or was not at that time our own soil. Therefore, "Resolved, hy the House of Representatives, That the Presi dent of the United States be respectfully requested to inform this House, " \st. Whether the spot on which the blood of our citizens was shed, as in his messages declared, was or was not within the Territory of Spain, at least after the treaty of 1819, until the Mexican revolution. , "2jid. Whether that spot is or is not within the territory which was wrested from Spain by the revolutionary Govern ment of Mexico. " 3rd. Whether that spot is or is not within a settlement of people, which settlement has existed ever since long before the "Texas revolution, and until its inhabitants fled before the ap proach of the United States Army. "Uh. Whether that settlement is or is not isolated from any and all other settlements by the Gulf and the Rio Grande on the south and west, andisy wide uninhabited regions on the north and east. "bth. Whether the people of that settlement, or a majority of them, or any of them, have ever submitted themselves to the Government or laws of Texas or of the United States, by con* sent or by compulsion, either by accepting ofBce, or voting at elections, or paying tax or serving on juries, or having process served upon them, or in any other way. " tth. Whether the people of that settlement did or did not flee from the approach of the United States Army, leaving un protected their homes and their growing crops, before the blood was shed, as in the message stated; and whether the first blood, BO shed, was or was not shed within the enclosure of one of tie people who had thus fled from it. " Ith. Whether our citizens, whose blood was shed, as in his messages declared, were or were not, at that time, armed officers life and services of ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 85 and soldiers, sent into that settlement by the military order of the President, through the Secretary of War. " Sth. Whether the military force of the United States was or was not so sent into that settlement after General Taylor had more than once intimated to the War Department that, in his opinion, no such movement was necessary to the defence or pro tection of Texas." %. On several occasions during the session, he voted for the reception of petitions and memorials in favor of the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, against the slave-trade, and advocating the prohibition of slavery in the territory that might be acquired from Mexico. On the seventeenth of February, 1848, Mr. Lincoln voted for a Loan bill reported by the Committee of Ways and Means, authorizing the raising of sixteen millions of dollars to enable the Government to provide for its debts, principally incurred in Mexico. On the eleventh of May, in moving to reconsider a vote by which a bill having reference to the public lands had passed, he made the following remarks : " He stated to the House that he had made this motion for the purpose of obtaining an opportunity to say a few words in relation to a point raised in the course of the debate on this bill, which he would now proceed to make, if in order. The point in the case to which he referred, arose on the amend ment that was submitted by the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Collamer), in Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, and which was afterwards renewed in the House, in relation to the question whether the reserved sections, which, by some bilk heretofore passed, by which an appropriation of land had been made to Wisconsin, had been enhanced in value, should be re duced to the minimum price of the public lands. The question of the reduction in value of those sections was, to him, at this time, a matter very nearly of indifference. He was inclined to desire that Wisconsin should be obliged by having it reduced. But the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. C. B. Smith), the Chair man of the Committee on the Territories, associated that ques tion with the general question, which is now, to some extent, agitated in Congress, of making appropriations of alternate sec tions of land to aid the States in making internal impr«y«E<>0Dt9 and enhancing the prices of the section reserved, and Hb* gm 86 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. tleman from Indiana took ground against that policy. He did not make any special argument in favor of Wisconsin ; but he took ground generally against the poUcy of giving alternate sec tions of land, and enhancing the price of the reserved sections. Now, he (Mr. L.) did not at this time, take the floor for the purpose of attempting to make an argument on the general sub ject. He rose simply to protest against the doctrine which the geatleman from Indiana had avowed in the course of„what he (Mr. L.) could not but consider an unsound argument. " It might however be true, for any thing he knew, that the gentleman from Indiana might convince him that his argument was sound ; but he (Mr. L.) feared that gentleman would not be able to convince a majority in Congress that it was sound. It was true, the question appeared in a different aspect to persons in consequence of a difference in the point from which they looked at it. It did not look to persons residing east of the mountains as it did to those who lived among the public lands. But, for his part, he would state that if Congress would make a donation of alternate sections of public lands for the purpose of internal improvement in his State, and forbid the reserved sections being sold at $1.25, he should be glad to see tho appro priation made, though he should prefer it if the reserved sec tions were not enhanced in price. He repeated, he should be glad to have such appropriations made, even though the reserved sections should be enhanced in pi-ice. He did not wish to be understood as concurring in any intimation that they would re fuse to receive such an appropriation of alternate sections of land because a condition enhancing the price of the reserved sections should be attached thereto. He believed his position would now be understood, if not, he feared he should not be able to make himself understood. "But before he took his seat he would remark that the Senate, during the present session, had passed a bill making appropria tions of land on that principle for the benefit of the State in which he resided — the State of Illinois. The alternata sections were to be given for the purpose of constructing roads, and the reserved sections were to be enhanced in value in consequencfe. When the bill came here for the action of this House, it had been received, and was now before the Committee on Public Lands — he desired much to see it passed as it was, if it could be put in a more favorable form for the State of Illinois. When it should be before this House, if any member from a section of the Union in which these lands did not lie, whose interest might be less than that which he felt, should propose a reduction of the price of the reserved sections to $1.25, he should be much obliged ; but he did not think it would be well for those who came from the section of the Union in which the lands lay, to do 80. He wished it, then, to be understood, that he did not j«in in the warfare against the principle which had engaged the LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 37 minds of some members of Congress who were favorable to im provements in the western country. " There was a good deal of force, he admitted, in what fell from the Chairman of the Committee on Territories. It might be that there was no precise justice in raising the price of the reserved sectio'is to $2.50 per acre. It might be proper that the price should be enhanced to some extent, though not to double the usual price ; but he should be glad to have such an appropriation with the reserved sections at $2.50; he should be better pleased to have the price of those sections at something less ; and he should be still better pleased to have them without any enhancement at all. " There was one portion of the argument of the gentleman from Indiana, the Chairman of the Committee on 'lerritories (Mr. Smith), which he wished to take occasion to say that he did not view as nnsonnd. He alluded to the statement that the General Government was interested in these internal improve ments being made, inasmuch as they increased the value of the lands that were unsold, and they enabled the Government to sell lands which could not be sold without them. Thus, then, the Government gained by internal improvements, as well as by tho generai good which the people derived from them, and it might be, therefore, that the lands should not be sold for more than $1.50, instead ofthe price being doubled. He, however, merely mentioned this in passing, for he only rose to state, as the prin ciple of giving these lands for the purposes which he had men tioned had been laid hold of and considered favorably, and as there were some gentlemen who had constitutional scruples about giving money for these purposes, who would not hesitate to give land, that he was not willing to have it understood that he was one of those who made war against that principle. This was all he desired to say, and having accomplished the object with which he rose, he withdrew his motion to reconsider." On the nineteenth of the following month he first had an opportunity to record his views upon the Tariff ques tion, by voting in favor of a resolution instructing the Committee of Ways and Means to inquire into tbe expe diency of reporting a bill increasing the duties on foreign luxuries of all kinds, and on " such foreign manufactures as are now coming into ruinous competition with Ameri can labor.'' He subsequently voted for a resolution in structing the Committee of Ways and Means to inquire into the expediency of reporting a Tariff bill based upon the principles of the Tariff of 1842. 38 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. On the 28th of July, 1848, the celebrated bill estab lishing Territorial governments for Oregon, California and New Mexico, the peculiar feature of which was a provi sion prohibiting the Legislatures of California and New Mexico from passing laws in favor of or against slavery, and providing that the laws of the Legislatures should be subiect to the sanction of Congress, was argued, and after an exciting debate, laid on the table, Mr. Lincoln voting with Mr. Webster, Mr. Corwin, and other illustrious col leagues for this disposition of the bill. On the sixteenth of January, 1849, Mr. Lincoln offered the following substitute for a resolution which he had voted against, not being satisfied with all its provisions : " Resolved, That the Committee on the District of Columbia DO instructed to report a bill in substance, as follows : " Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Represen tatives of the United States in Congress assembled, 'That no per son not now within the District of Columbia, nor now owned by any person or persons now resident within it, nor hereafter born within it, shall ever be held in slavery within said District. ' Sec. 2. That no person now within said District, or now owned by any person or persons now resident within the same, or here after born, within it, shall ever be held in slavery without the limits of said District : Provided, That officers of the Govern ment of the United States, being citizens of the slaveholding States, coming into said District on public business, and remain ing only so long as may be reasonably necessary for that object, maybe attended into and out of said District, and while there, by the necessary servants of themselves and their families, with out their right to hold such servants in service being impaired. " Sec. 3. That all children born of slave mothers within said District, on or after the 1st day of Ja,nuary, in the year of our Lord 1850, shall be free; but shall be reasonably supported and educated by the respective owners of their mothers, or by their heirs or representatives, and shall serve reasonable service as apprentices to such owners, heirs, or representatives, until they respectively arrive at the age of years, when they shall be entirely free: And the municipal authorities of Washington and Georgetown, within their respective jurisdictional limits, are hereby empowered and required to make all suitable and necessary provision for enforcing obedience to this section, on the part of both masters and apprentices. " Sec. 4. That all persons now within this District, lawfully LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 89 held as slaves, or now owned by any person or persons now resi dent within said District, shall remain such at the will of their respective owners, their heirs or legal representatives : Pro vided that such owner, or his legal representatives, may at any time receive from the Treasury of the United States the fuU value of his or her slave, of the class in this section mentioned, upon whijh such slave shall be forthwith and forever free : An A provided further. That the President of the United States, the' Secretary of State, and the Secretary of the Treasury, shall ba a board for determining the value of such slaves as their owner* desire to emancipate under this section, and whose duty it shall be to hold a session for the purpose on the first Monday of each calendar month, to receive all applications, and, on satisfactory evident e in each case that the person presented for valuatioR is a slave, and of the class in the section mentioned, and i» owned by the applicant, shall value such slave at his or her full cash value, and give to the applicant an order on the Treasury for the amount, and also to such slave a certificate of freedom. " Sec. 5. That the municipal authorities of Washington and Georgetown, within their respective jurisdictional limits, are hereby empowered and required to provide active and efficient means to arrest and deliver up to their owners all fugitive slaves escaping into said District. " Sec. 6. That the elective officers within said District of Col umbia are hereby empowered and required to open polls at all the usual places of holding elections, on the first Monday of April next, and receive the vote of every free white male citi zen above the age of twenty-one years, having resided within said District for the period of one year or more next preceding the time of such voting for or against this act, to proceed in taking said votes in all respects not herein specified, as at elec tions under the municipal laws, and with as little delay as pos sible to transmit correct statements of the votes so cast to the President of the United States ; and it shall be the duty of the President to count such votes immediately, and if a majority of them be found to be for this act, to forthwith issue his pro clamation giving notice of the fact ; and this act shall only be in full force and effect on and after the day of such procla mation. " Sec. 7. That involuntary servitude for the punishment of crime, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall in nowise be prohibited by this act. " Sec. 8. That for all purposes of this act, the jurisdictional limits of Washington are extended to all parts of the District of Columbia not included within the present limits of George town." We have given a sufficient record of Mr. Lincoln's ser vices as a Representative in Congress, to show that in his 40 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. numerous votes and remarks upon the slavery question, be was uniformly consistent, and a determined opponent to that peculiar institution which, Mr. Corwin truly re marked, vi'as an exotic that blights with its shade the soil in which it is planted. He with almost equal determina tion opposed the annexation of Texas, and voted mors than forty different times in favor of the Wilmot Proviso. BECOMES A DELEGATE TO THE NATIONAL CONVENTION OF 1848. In the Whig National Convention of 1848, he was an active delegate, and earnestly advocated the selection of General Zachary Taylor as the nominee for the Presiden cy, and during the canvass which followed, he traversed the States of Indiana and Illinois, speaking in behalf of his favorite candidate and the choice of his party. HE IS NOMINATED FOR UNITED STATES SENATOR, BUT WITHDRAWS. In 1849 he was a candidate before the Legislature of Illinois for United States Senator, but his political oppo nents being in the majority. General Shields was chosen. From that time until 1854, he confined himself almost exclusively to the practice of his profession, but in that year he again entered the political arena, and battled inde- fatigably in the celebrated campaign which resulted in victory for the first time to the opposition of the Demo cratic party in Illinois, and gave that State a Republican Legislature, and .^^ent Mr. Trumbull to the United States Senate. During the canvass, Mr. Lincoln was frequently- brought into controversy upon the stand with Stephen A. Douglas, one of the discussions, that was held on the fourth of October, 1854, during the progress of the annual State Fair, being particulariy remarkable as the great discussiop of the campaign. LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 41 At the election of United States Senator, nine-tenths of the majority were Whigs and in favor of Mr. Lincoln, and the other tenth were Democrats, but not in favor of voting for a Whig, and for the purpose of securing the success of a man whom he knew was opposed to the Nebraska bill, and thus preventing the election of a third person who had little or nothing in common with the Republican party, which was then in its conception, he entreated his friends to vote for Mr. Trumbull. Mr. Lincoln was subsequently offered the nomination for Governor of Illinois, but de clined the honor in favor of Mr. Bissell ; was also pre sented, but ineffectually, at the first Republican National Convention for Vice-President ; and at the next Presi dential election headed the Fremont electoral ticket, and labored industriously in support of that candidate. AGAIN NOMINATED FOR THE SENATE— HIS SPEECHES IN THE CELEBRATED LINCOLN- DOUGLAS CAMPAIGN. On the second of June, 1858, the Republican State Convention met at Springfield, and nominated Mr. Lin coln as their candidate for the United States Senate. At the close of their proceedings the honored recipient of their suffrage delivered a speech, which was a forcible exposi tion of the views and aims of the party of which he was to be the standard-bearer. The contest which followed was one of the most ex citing and remarkable ever witnessed in this country. Mr Stephen A. Douglas, his opponent, had few superiors as a political debater, and while he had made many enemies by his course upon the Nebraska bill, his personal popu larity had been greatly increased by his independence, and by the opposition manifested to him by the Administra tion. His re-election, however, to the Senate would have been equivalent; to an indorsement of his acts and 42 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. views by his Commonwealth, and at the same time would have promoted his prospects for the Presidential nomination. The Republicans, therefore, determined to defeat him if possible, and to increase the probabilitien of success in the movement, selected Mr. Lincoln as the man who was most certain of securing the election. Illi nois was stumped throughout its length and breadth by both candidates and their respective advocates, and the people of the entire country watched with interest the struggle. From county to county, township to township, and village to village, the two leaders travelled, frequently in the same car or carriage, and in the presence of immense crowds 'of men, women and children — for the wives and daughters of the hardy yeomanry were na turally interested — face to face, these two opposing cham pions argued the important points of their political belief, and contended nobly for the mastery. During the campaign, Mr. Lincoln paid the following tribute to the Declaration of Independence "These communities, (the thirteen colonies,) by their repre sentatives in old Independence Hall, said to the world of men, ' We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are born equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with in alienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pur suit of happiness.' This was' their majestic interpretation of the economy of the universe. This was their lofty, and wise, and noble understanding of the justice of the Creator to His crea tures. Yes, gentlemen, to all His creatures, to the whole great family of man. In their enlightened belief, nothing stamped with the Divine image and likeness was sent into the world to be trodden on, and degraded, and imbruted by its fellows. Thev grasped not only the race of men then living, but they reached forward and seized upon the furthest posterity. They created a beacon to guide their children and their children's children, a.id the countless myriads who should inhabit the earth in other ages. Wise statesmen as they were, they knew the tendency of prosperity to breed tyrants, and so they established these great self-evident truths that when, in the distant future, some man, some faction, some interest, should set up the doctrine that none but rich men, or none but white men, or none but Anglo-Saxon LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 43 while men, were entitled to life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap piness, their posterity might look up again to the Declaration of Independence, and take courage to renew the battle which their fathers began, so that truth, and jiistice and mercy, and all the humane and Christian virtues might not be extinguished fromthe land; so that no man would hereafter dare to limit and circumscribe the great principles on which the temple of liberty was being built. .¦ " Now, my countrymen, if you have been taught doctrines conflicting with the great landmarks ofthe Declaration of Inde pendence ; if you have listened to suggestions which would take away from its grandeur, and mutilate the fair symmetry of its proportions ; if you have been inclined to believe that all men are not created equal in those inalienable rights enumerated by our chart of liberty, let me entreat you to come back — return to the fountain whose waters spring close by the blood of the Re volution. Think nothing of me, take no thought for the politi cal fate of any man whomsoever, but come back to the truths that are in the Declaration of Independence. "You may do any thing with me you choose, if yon will but heed these sacred principles. You may not only defeat me for the Senate, but you may take me and put me to death. While pretending no indifference to earthly honors, I do claim to be actuated in this contest by something higher than an anxiety for office. I charge you to drop every paltry and insignificant thought for any man's success. It is nothing ; I am nothing ; Judge Douglas is nothing. But do not destroy that immortal emblem of humanity — the Declaration of American Independ ence." - PEN-PORTRAITS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. As we have stated, the exciting struggle was watched with intense interest, not only by the members of the respective political parties of which the two orators were recognized leaders and champions, but by that portion of the different communities of the Union who do not gen erally trouble their minds with political contests. Copious extracts from the speeches of both Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Dcuglas were published in the journals of the day, and criticisms ofthe orators and their discussions a;}peared in the leading magazines and newspapers. From some of the latter we select the following, for the purpose of showing in what estimation the talents and 44 LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ability of the honorable subject of our sketch were held at the timo of which we now more particularly speak, and to give those readers of this work who have not had the opportunity to see Mr. Lincoln, an idea of his personal appearance : One writer gives the following pen-portrait : "Mr. Lincoln stands six feet and four inches high in his stockirgs. His frame is not muscular, but gaunt and wiry; his arms are long, but not unreasonably so for a person of his height ; his lower limbs are not disproportioned to his body. In walking, his gait, though firm, is never brisk. He steps slowly and deliberately, almost always with his head inclined forward, and his hands clasped behind his back. In matters of dress he is by no means precise. Always clean, he. is never fashionable ; he is careless, but not slovenly. In manner he is remarkably cordial, and, at the same time, simple. His polite ness is always sincere, but never elaborate and oppressive. A warm shake of the hand, and a warmer smile of recognition, are his methods of greeting his friends. At rest, his features, though those t)f a man of mark, are not such as belong to a handsome man ; but when his fine dark gray eyes are lighted up by any emotion, and his features begin their play, he would be chosen from among a crowd as one who had in him not only the kindly sentiments which women love, but the heavier metal of which full-grown men and Presidents are made. His hair is black, and though thin is wiry. His head sits well on his shoulders, but beyond that it defies description. It nearer resembles that of Clay than that of Webster ; but it is Unlike either. It is very large, and, phrenologically, well proportioned, betokening power in all its developments. A slightly Roman nose, a wide-cut mouth, and a dark complexion, with the appearance of having been weather-beaten, complete the description. " In his personal habits, Mr. Lincoln is as simple as a child. He loves a good dinner, and eats with the appetite which goes with a great brain ; but his food is plain and nutritious. He never drinks intoxicating liquors of any sort, not even a glass of wine. He is not addicted to tobacco in any of its shapes. He never was accused of a licentious act in all his life. He never uses profane language. "A friend says that once, when in a towering rage, in conse quence of the efforts of certain parties to perpetrate a fraud on the State, he was heard to say : ' They sha'n't do it, d — n 'em !' but beyond an expression of that kind, his bitterest feelings never carry him. He never gambles ; we doubt if he ever in dulges in any games of chance. He is particularly cautious LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 45 about incurring pecuniary obligations for any purpose whatever, and in debt, he is never content until the score is discharged. We presume he owes no man a dollar. Ho never speculates. 1'hc rage for the sudden acquisition of wealth never took hold of him. His gains from his profession have been moderate, but sufficient for his purposes. While others have dreamed of gold, he has been in pursuit of knowledge. In all his dealings he has the reputation of being generous but exact, and, above all, re ligiously honest. He would be a bold man who would say that Abraham Lincoln ever wronged any one out of a cent, or ever spent a dollar that he had not honestly earned. His struggles in early life have made him careful of money ; but his generosity with his own is proverbial. He is a regular attendant upon re ligious worship, and though not a communicant, is a pew-holder and liberal supporter of the Presbyterian Church, in Spring field, to which Mrs. Lincoln belongs. He is a scrupulous teller of tlie truth — too exact in his notions to suit the atmosphere of Washington, as it now is. His enemies may say that he tells Black Republican lies ; but no man ever charged that, in a pro fessional capacity, or as a citizen dealing with his neighbors, he would depart from the Scriptural command. At home, he lives like a, gentleman of modest means and simple tastes. A good- sized house of wood, simply but tastefully furnished, surrounded by trees and flowers, is his own, and there he lives, at peace with himself, the idol of his family, and for his honesty, ability, and patriotism, the admiration of his countrymen." Another person gives the subjoined sketch of him : " In personal appearance, Mr. Lincoln, or, as he is more familiarly termed among those who know him best, ' Old Uncle Abe,' is long, lean, and wiry. In motion he has a great deal of the elasticity and awkwardness which indicates the rough train ing of his early life, and his conversation savors strongly of Western idioms and pronunciation. His height is six feet four inches. His complexion is about that of an octoroon ; his face, without being by any means beautiful, is genial-looking, and good humor seems to lurk in every corner of its innumerable angles. He has dark hair tinged with gray, a good forehead, small eyes, a long penetrating nose, with nostrils such as Napoleon always liked to find in his best generals, because they indicated a long head and clear thoughts ; and a mouth, which, aside from being of magnificent proportions, is probably the most expressive feature cf his face. "As a speaker he is ready, precise, and fluent. His manner before a popular assembly is as he pleases to m 'ke it, being either superlatively ludicrous, or very impressive. . le employs but little gesticulation, but when he desires to make a point, pro duces a shrug of his shoulders, an elevation of his eyebrows, a 3 46 LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. d^ltreSsion of his mouth, and a general malformation of counte nance so comically awkward that it never fails to ' bring down the house.' His enunciation is slow and emphatic, and his voice, though sharp and powerful, at times has a frequent tendency to dS*indle into a shrill and unpleasant sound ; but as before stated, the peculiar Characteristic of his delivery is the remarkable mo bility of his features, the frequent contortions of which excite a merriment his Words could not produce." A third says : " In perhaps the severest test that could have been applied to any man's temper — his political contest with Senator Doug las in 1858 — Mr. Lincoln not only proved himself an able speaker and a good tactician, but demonstrated that it is possible to carry on the fiercest political warfare without once descending' to rude personality and course denunciation. We have it on the authority of a gentleman who followed Abraham Lincoln throughout the whole of that campaign, that, in spite of all the temptations to an opposite course to which he was continuously exposed, no personalities against his opponent, no vituperation or coarseness, ever defiled his lips. His kind and genial nature lifted him above a resort to any such weapons of political warfare, and it was the commonly-expressed regret of fiercer natures that he treated his opponent too courteously and urbanely. Vulgaif personalities and vituperation are the last thing that can be truthfully charged against Abraham Lincoln. His heart is too genial, his good sense too strong, and his innate self-respect too predominant to permit him to indulge in them. His nobility of nature — and we may use the term advisedly — has been as manifest throughout his whole career as his temperate habits, his self-reliance, and his mental and intellectual power." And a fourth, a distinguished scholar, after listening to S speech delivered at Galesburgh, thus wrote : " The men are entirely dissimilar. Mr. Douglas is a thick set, finely-built, courageous man, and has an air of self-confidence that does not a little to inspire b"s supporters with hope. Mr. Lincoln is a tall, lank man, awkward, apparently diffident, and when not speaking has neither firmness in his countenance nor fire in his eye. "Mr. Lincoln has a rich, silvery voice, enunciates with great distinctness, and has a fine command of language. He com menced by a review of the points Mr. Douglas liad made. In this he showed great tact, and his retorts, though gentlemanly, were sharp, and reached to the core the subject in dispute' While he gave but little time to the work of review, we did not feel that any thing was omitted which deserved attention. LIFE AXD SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 47 " He then proceeded to defend the Republican party. Here he charged Mr. Douglas with doing nothing for freedom ; with disregarding the rights and interests of the colored man : and for about forty minutes he spoke with a power that we have seldom heard equalled. There was a grandeur in his thoughts, a comprehensiveness in his arguments, and a binding force in his conclusions, which were perfectly irresistible. The vast throng were silent as death ; every eye was fixed upon the speaker, and all gave him serious attention. He was the tall man elo quent ; his countenance glowed with animation, and his eye glistened with an intelligence that made it lustrous. He was no longer awkward and ungainly; but graceful, bold, commanding " Mr. Douglas had been quietly smoking up to this time ; but here he forgot his cigar and listened with anxious attention. When he rose to reply he appeared excited, disturbed, and his second effort seemed to us vastly inferior to his first. Mr. Lin coln had given him a great task, and Mr. Douglas had not tima to answer him, even if he had the ability." MR. LINCOLN DEFEATED BY MR. DOUGLAS.' The election-day at length arrived, and although the efforts of Mr. Lincoln resulted in an immense increase of the Republican vote, whatever aspirations he had for per sonal success were frustrated. A vote of 126,084 was cast for the Republican candidates, 121,940 for the Doug las Democrats, and 5,091 for the Lecompton candidates, but Mr. Douglas was elected United States Senator by the Legislature, in which his supporters had a majority of eight on joint ballot. Although defeated in the hope of securing Mr. Lincoln as their representative in the United States Senate, the Republicans were not discouraged, and from that time de termined that their favorite leader should be rewarded with even more exalted honors. IS NAMED FOR THE PRESIDENCY— EVIDENCE OF HIS SKILL AS A RAIL-SPLITTER. He was immediately mentioned prominently for the Presidency, and at a meeting of the Illinois State Repub lican Convention, where he was present as a spectator, a 48 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. veteran Democrat of Macon county brought in. and pre sented to the Convention two old fence-rails, gayly deco rated with flags and ribbons, and upon which the follow ing words were inscribed : (^ ABRAHAM LINCOLN, THE BAIL CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT IN I860 Two rails from a lot of 3,000 made in 1830, by Thos. Hanks and Abe Lincoln — whose father was the first pioneer of Macon county. The event occasioned the most unbounded enthusiasm, and for several minutes the most deafening applause re sounded through the building. Mr. Lincoln was vocifer ously called for, and arising from his seat, modestly ac-' knowledged that he had split rails some thirty years pre vious in Macon county, and he was informed that those before him were a small portion of the product of his labor with the axe. The fame of the able advocate of Republican principles induced the members of that party in other States to se cure his voice and influence in their behalf, and in +vhe fall of 1859 he made several effective speeches in favor of the cause. HIS GREAT SPEECH AT THE COOPER INSTI TUTE, NEW YORK. On the twenty-seventh of February, 1860, he made the following forcible speech at the Cooper Institute, New Yfjrk, before an immense audience ; "Mr. President and Fellow-oitizbns of New York- The facts with which I shall deal this evening are mainlv old LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 49 and familiar ; nor is there any thing new in the general use I . shall make' of them. If there shall be any novelty, it will be in the mode of presenting the facts, and the inferences and obser vations following that presentation. " In his speech last autumn, at Columbus, Ohio, as reported in Tlie. New York Times, Senator Douglas said: " ' Our" fathers, when they framed the Government under which we live, understood this question just as well, and even better than we do now.' " I fully indorse this and I adopt it as a text for this discourse I so adopt it because it furnishes a precise and agreed starting Eoint for the discussion between Republicans and that wing of lemocracy headed by Senator Douglas. It simply leaves the inquiry : ' What was the understanding those fathers had of the questions mentioned ?' " What is the frame of Government under which we live ? "The answer must be: 'The Constitution of the United States.' That Constitution consists of the original, framed in 1787 (and under which the present Government first went into operation), and twelve subsequently framed amendments, the first ten of which were framed in 1789. " Who were our fathers that framed the Constitution ? I sup pose the ' thirty-nine' who signed the original instrument may be fairly called our fathers who framed that part of the present Government. It is almost exactly true to say they framed it, and it is altogether true to say they fairly represented the opinion and sentiment of the whole nation at that time. Their names being familiar to nearly all, and accessible to quite all, need not now be repeated. " I take these ' thirty-nine,' for the present, as being ' our fathers who framed the Government under which we live.' " What is the question which according to the text, those fathers understood just as well, and even better than we do now? " It is this : Does the proper division of local from federal authority, or any thing in the Constitution, forbid our Federal Government control as to slavery in our Federal Territories ? "Upon this, Douglas holds the affirmative, and Republicans the negative. This affirmative and denial form an issue ; and this issue — this question — is precisely what the text declares our fathers understood better than we. " Let us now inquire whether the ' thirty-nine,' or any of them, ever acted upon this question ; and if they did, how they acted upon it — how they expressed that better understanding. " In 1784 — three years before the Constitution — the United States then owning the Northwestern Territory, and no other — the Congress of the Confederation had before them the question of prohibiting slavery in that Territory; and four of the ' thirty-nine' who afterward framed the Constitution were in tiuit 5C LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Couj, -ess, and voted on that question. Of these, Roger Sher- mao, fhomas MiHlin, and Hugh Williamson voted for the pro- hibiti )fl— thus showing that, in their understanding, no line dividit.jf local from federal authority, nor any thing else, prop erly fv..i)ade the Federal Government to control as to slavery in federal territory. The other of the four — James McHenry — voted agiinst the prohibition, showing that, for some cause, he thought ii improper to vote for it. "In nriting, not doubting that the platform will be found satisfuctory, and the nomination gratefully accepted. And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of you, by the hand." COEEESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE CONVEN TION AND ME. LINCOLN. The following letter was addressed to Mr. Lincoln by LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 67 the President of the Convention, and a committee ap pointed for that purpose : " Chicago, May \9th, 1860. " To THE Hoif. Abraham Lincoln, op Illinois. " Sir : The representatives of the Republican party of the United States, assembled in Convention at Chicago, have this day by a unanimous vote, selected you as the Republican can didate for the office of President of the United States to be supported at the next election ; and the undersigned were ap pointed a Committee of the Convention to apprise you of this nomination, aud respectfully to request that you will accept it. A declaration of the principles and sentiments adopted by the Convention accompanies this communication. " In the performance of this agreeable duty we take leave to add our confident assurance that the nomination of the Chicago Convention will be ratified by the suffrages of the people. " We have the honor to be, with great respect and regard, your friends and fellow-citizens." On the ?3d, Mr. Lincoln addressed the following letter to the President of the Convention : " SpeinqpiblI), Illinois, May 23rd, 1860. " Hon. George Ashman, President ofthe Republican National "Convention. " Sir : I accept the nomination tendered me by the Conven tion over which you presided, and of which I am formally ap prised in the letter of yourself and others, acting as a Commit tee of the Convention for that purpose. " The declaration of principles and sentiments, which accom panies your letter, meets my approval ; and it shall be my care not to violate, or disregard it, in any part. " Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were represented in the Convention ; to the rights of all the States and Territo ries, and people of the nation ; to the inviolability of the Con stitution, a..d the perpetual union, harmony and prosperity of all, I am most happy to co-operate for the practical success of ^he principles declared by the Convention, " Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, "Abraham Lincoln." On the sixth of November, 1860, the election far President took place, with the following result : Mr. Lincoln received *91,275 over Mr. Douglas ; 1,018,499 over Mr. JJrecken- 68 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABBAHAST LINCOLN. ridge, and 1,275,821 over Mr. Bell ; and the vote waa subsequently proclaimed by Congress to be as follows : For Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois 180 For John 0. Breckenridge, of Kentucky 72 For John Bell, of Tennessee 39 For Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois 12 To describe the various movements and projects which were devised and consummated in the South between the time that Mr. Lincoln was elected and the date of his in auguration, would require a much larger work than that which we now offer to the public, and we will therefore confine our account merely to those which it is unavoid ably necessary to mention. The principal and most dia bolical plot conceived and recommended by the traitors, was to prevent the inauguration by obtaining possession of the Federal Capital, or by assassinating Mr. Lincoln while on his way, thither, or upon the day that the cere monies were to take place. Whatever may have been the plan, or however large the reward offered to the villain who would accomplish the murderous deed, the object of their vindictiveness escaped their machinations, and still continues to administer the government wisely and faith fully. LEAVES SPEINGPIELD POE WASHINGTON — OVATIONS ON THE EOUTE. The President Elect left his home in Springfield, Illinois, on the eleventh of February, 1861, for Washington, having before leaving the depot addressed the following words of farewell to the thousands of his fellow-citizens Who haa assembled at the place of departure : "My friends: No one not in my position can appreciate the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people 1 owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a quarter of a century., Here my children were born, and here one of them lies buried I know not how soon I shall see you again. A duty devolves LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRASAJil LI^NCULi*. 6?) upon me which is perhaps greater than that which has devolved upon any other man since the days of Washington. He never would have succeeded except for the aid of Divine Providence, upon which he at all times relied. I feel that I cannot succeed without the same Divine aid which sustained him, and in tho same Almighty Being I place my reliance for support ; and I hope yon, my friends, will all pray that I may receive that Divine assistance, without which I cannot succeed, but with which success is certain. Again, I bid you all an affectionate farewell." Along the route, multitudes assembled at the railway stations to greet him. At Toledo, in response to repeated calls, Mr. Lincoln appeared on the platform and said : " I am leaving you on an errand of national importance, at tended, as you are aware, with considerable difficulties. Let us believe, as some poet has expressed it, ' Behind the cloud the sun is shining still.' I bid you an affectionate farewell." He next proceeded to Indianapolis, where Mr. Lincoln was welcomed by the Governor of the State, and escorted by a procession composed of both Houses of the Legis lature, the public officers, municipal authorities, military, and firemen. On reaching the Hotel he addressed the people as follows : "Fellmv-citizens of the State of Indiana : I am here to thank you much for this magnificent welcome, and still more for the very generous support given by your State to that political cause, which I think is the true and just cause of the whole country and the whole world. Solomon says ' there is a time to keep silence ;' and when men wrangle by the mouth, with no certainty that they mean the same thing while using the same words, it perhaps were as well if they would keep silence. The words 'coercion' and 'invasion' are much used in these days, and often with some temper and hot blood. Let us make sure, if we can, that we do not misunderstand the meaning of those who use them. Let us get the exact definitions of these words, not from dictionaries, but from the men themselves, who certainly deprecate the things they would represent by the use of the words. What, then, is ' coercion ?' What is ' invasion ?' Would the marching of au army into South Carolina, without the con sent of her people, and with hostile intent towards them, be in vasion ? I certainly think it would, and it would be ' coercion' also if the South Carolinians were forced to submit. But if the United States should merely hold and retake its own forts and other property, and collect tho duties on foreign importations. 70 LIFE A.ND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. or even withhold the mails from places where they were habit ually violated, would any or all of these things be ' invasion' or ' coercion ?' Do our professed lovers of the Union, but who spitefully resolve,that they will resist coercion and invasion, un derstand that such things as these, on the part of the United States, would be coercion or invasion of a State ? If so, their idea of means to preserve the object of their great affection would seem to be exceedingly thin -and airy. If sick, therlittle pills of the homosopathist would be much too large for it to swallow. In their view, the Union, as a family relation, would seem to be no regular marriage, but rather a sort of ' free-love' arrangement, to be maintained on passional attraction. By the way, in what consists the special sacredness of a State? I speak not of the position assigned to a State in the Union by the Constitution, for that is the bond we all recognize. That position, however, a State cannot carry out of the Union with it. I speak of that assumed primary right of a State to rule all which is lesa than itself, and to ruin all which is lai^er than itself. If a State and a County, iu a given case, should be equal in oxtent of territory and equal iu number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter of principle, is the State better than the County? Would an exchange of name be an exchange of rights ? Upon what principle, upon what rightful principle, may a State, being no more than one-fiftieth part of the nation in soil and population, break up the nation, and then coerce a pro portionably larger subdivision of itself in the most arbitrary way ? What mysterious right to play tyrant is conferred on a district of country with its people, by merely calling it a State ? Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting any thing. I am merely asking questions for you to consider. And now allow me to bid yon farewell." Proceeding to Cincinnati, he received a most enthusi astic welcome. Having been addressed by the mayor ol the city, and escorted by a civic and military procession to the "Burnet House, he addressed the assemblage in these words : " Fellow-citizens : I have spoken but once before this in Cin cinnati. That was a year previous to the late Presidential elec tion. On that occasion, in a playful manner, but with sincere words, I addressed much of what I said to the Kentuckians. 1 gave my opinion that we, as Republicans, would ultimately beat them as Democrats, but that they could postpone the result longer by nominating Senator Douglas for the Presidency than they could in any other way. They did not, in any true sense of the word, nominate Mr. Douglas, and the result has come certainly as soon aa ever I expected. LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 71 " I also told them how I expected they would be treated after they should have been beaten, and now ^ish to call their atten tion to what I then said ; " ' When we do, as we say we will, beat you, you perhaps Want to know what we will do with you. I will tell you — as far as I am authorized to speak for the opposition — what we mean to do with you. We mean to treat you as near as we possibly can, as Washington, Jefferson, and Madison treated you. Wfl mean to leave you alone, and in no way to interfere with your institutions ; to abide by all and every compromise of the Con stitution. In a word, coming back to the original proposition, to treat you, as far as degenerate men — if we have degenerated — may, according to the example of those noble fathers, Wash ington, Jefferson, and Madison. We mean to remember that you are as good as we ; that there is no difference between us othur than the difference of circumstances. We mean to recog nize and bear in mind always that you have as good hearts in your bosoms as other people, or as we claiu) to have, aud to treat yon accordingly.' " Fellow-citizens of Kentucky, friends, brethren ; May I call you such ? In my new position I see no occasion and feel no inclination to retract a word of this. If it shall not be made good be assured that the fault shall not be mine.' In the evening he had a reception, when large crowds called upon him. On the next morning he left Cincinnati, and arrived at Columbus, where he was received with every demonstra tion of enthusiasm. He visited the Governor in the Ex ecutive Chamber, and was subsequently introduced to the members of the Legislature in joint session, when he was formally welcomed by the Lieutenant-Governor, to whom Mr. Lincoln responded in these words : " It is true, as has been said by the President of the Senate, that very great responsibility rests upon me in the position to which the votes of the American people have called me. I am deeply sensible of that weighty responsibility. I cannot but know, what you all know, that without a name — perhaps without a reason why I should have a name — there has fallen upon me a task such as did not rest upon the Father of his Country. And so feeling, I cannot but turn and look for the support without which it will be impossible for me to perform that great task I turn, then, and look to the American people, and to that God who has never forsaken them. "Allusion has been made to the interest felt in relation to the policy of the new Administration. In this, I have received Y^ LIFE AND SBKVIOBS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. from some a degree of credit for having kept silence, from others some depreciation. I still think I was right. In the varying and repeatedly shifting scenes of the present, without a precedent which could enable me to judge for the past, it has seemed fitting, that before speaking upon the difficulties of the country I should have gained a view of the whole field. To be sure, after all, I would be at liberty to modify and change the course of policy as future events might make a change necessary. " I have not maintained silence from any want of real anxiety. It is a good thing that there is no more than anxiety, for there is nothing going wrong. It is a consoling circumstance that when we look out there is nothing that really hurts anybody. We entertain different views upon political questions, but nobody is suffering any thing. This is a most consoling circum stance, and from it I judge that all we want is time aud patience, and a reliance on that God who has never forsaken this people." On the 14th of February, Mr. Lincoln proceeded to Pittsburgh. At Steubenville, on the route, in reply to an address, he said : " I fear the great confidence placed iu my ability is un founded. Indeed, I am sure it is. Encompassed by vast diffi culties, as I am, nothing shall be wanted on my part, it sustained by the American people and God. I believe the devotion to the Constitution is equally great on both sides of the river. It is only the different understanding of that instru ment that causes difiiculties. The only dispute is ' What are their rights ?' If the majority should not rule who should be the judge ? Where is such a judge to be found ? We should all be bound by the majority of the American people — if not, then the minority must control. Would that be right ? Would it be, just or generous ? Assuredly not." He reiterated, the majority should rule. If he adopted a wrong policy, then the opportunity to condemn him would occur in four years' time. " Then I can be turned out and a better man with better views put in my place." The next morning he left for Cleveland, but before his departure he made an address to the people of Pittsburgh, in which he said : "In every short address I have made to the people, and in every crowd through which I have passed of late, some allusion has been made to the present distracted condition of the coun try. It is naturally expected that I should say something upon this subject, but to touch upon it at all would involve an elaborate discussion of a great many questions and circum- LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 73 stances, would require more tiifie than I can at present com mand, and would perhaps unnecessarily commit me upon matters which have not yet fully developed themselves. " The condition of. the country, fellow-citizens, is an extra ordinary one, and fills the mind of every patriot with anxiety and solicitude. My intention is to give this subject all the con sideration which I possibly can before I speak fully and definitely in regard to it, so that, when I do speak, I may be as nearly right as possible. And when I do speak, fellow- citizens, I hope to say nothing in opposition to the spirit of the Constitution, contrary to the integrity of the Union, or which will in any way prove inimical to the liberties of the people or to the peace of the whole country. And, furthermore, when the time arrives for me to speak on this great subject, I hope to say nothing which will disappoint the reasonable expectations of any man, or disappoint the people generally throughout the country, especially if their expectations have been based upon any thing which I may have heretofore said. " Notwithstanding the troubles across the river, [the speaker, smiling, pointed southwardly to the Monongahela River,] there is really no crisis springing from any thing in the Government itself. In plain words, there is really no crisis except an arti ficial one. What is there now to warrant the condition of affairs presented by our friends ' over the river' ? Take even their own view of the questions involved, and there is nothing to justify the course which they are pursuing. I repeat it, then, there is no crisis, except such a one as may be gotten up at any time by turbulent men, aided by designing politicians. My advice, then, under such circumstauces, is to keep cool. If the great American people will only keep their temper on both sides of the line, the trouble will come to an end, and the ques tion which now distracts the country will be settled just as surely as all other difficulties of like character which have originated in this Government have been adjusted. Let the people on both sides keep their self-possession, and just aa other clouda have cleared away in due time, so will this, and this great nation shall continue to prosper as heretofore." He then referred to the subject of the tariff, and said : " According to my political education, I am inclined to be lieve that the people in the various portions of the country should have their own views carried out through their represen tatives in Congress. That consideration of the Tariff bill should not be postponed until the next session of the National Legisla ture. No subject should engage your representatives more clpeely than that of the tariff. If I have any recommendation to make, it will be that every man who is called upon to serva the people, in « representative capacity, sbMliI rtnily the whole 74 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LISOOLN. subject thoroughly, as I intend to do myself, looking to all vad varied interests of the common country, so that, when the timo for action arrives, adequate protection shall be extended to the coal and iron of Pennsylvania aud the corn of Illinois. Permit me to express the hope that this important subject may receive such consideration at the hands of your representatives that the interests of no part of the country may be overlooked, but that all sections may share in the common benefits of a juat and equitable tariff." Mr. Lincoln, upon his arrival in Cleveland, adverted to the sanie subject in the following terms : " It is with you, the people, to advance the great cause of the Union and the Constitution, and not with any one man. It rests with you alone. This fact is strongly impressed on my mind at present. In a community like this, wnose appearance testifies to their intelligence, I am convinced that the cause of liberty and the Union can never be in danger. Frequent allu sion is made to the excitement at present existing in national politics. I think there is no occasion for any excitement. The crisis, as it is called, is altogether an artificial crisis. In all parts of the nation, there are differences of opinion in politics. There are differences of opinion even here. • You did not all vote for the person who now addresses you. And how ia it with those who are not here ? Have they not all their rights as they ever had ? Do they not have their fugitive slaves returned now as ever ? Have they not the same Constitution that they hav9 lived under for seventy odd years ? Have they not a position as citizens of this common country, and have we any power to change that position? What, then, is the matter with them? Why all this excitement ? Why all these complaints ? As I said before, this crisis is all artificial. It has no foundation in fact. It was ' argued up,' as the saying is, and cannot be argued down. Let it alone, and it will go down itself." On Saturday he proceeded to Buffalo, where he arrived at evening, and was met by an immense concourse of citi zens, headed by Ex-President Fillmore. Arriving at the hotel, Mr. Lincoln was welcomed in a brief speech by the acting chief magistrate, to which he made a brief reply, as follows : ''Mr. Mayor and Fellow- Citizens -.—I am here to thank you briefly for this grand reception given to me, not personally bat as the representative of our great and beloved country. Yont worthy mayor has been pleased to mention in his address to m*^ LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 75 the fortunate and agreeable journey which I have had from home— only it is rather a circuitous route to the Federal Capi tal. I am very happy that he was enabled, in truth, to congrat ulate myself and company on that fact. It is true,' we have had nothing thus far to mar the pleasure of the trip. We have not been met alone by those who assisted in giving the election to me ; I say not alone, but by the whole population of tho, country through which we have passed. This is as it should be. Had the election fallen to any other of the distinguished candi dates instead of myself, under the peculiar circumstances, to say the' least, it would have been proper for all citizens to have greeted him as you now greet me. It is an evidence of the de votion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and the perpetuity of the liberties of thia country. I am unwilling, on an^ occasion, that I should be so meanly thought of as to have it supposed for a moment that these demonstrations are tendered to me personally. They are tendered to the country, to the institutions of the country, and to the perpetuity of the liberties of the country for which these institutions were made and created. Your worthy mayor has thought fit to express the hope that I may be able to relieve the.:eountry from the pre sent, or, I should say, the threatened difficulties. I am sure I bring a heart true to the work. For the ability to perform it, I trust in that Supreme Being who has nevei: forsaken this favored land, through the instrumentality of thia.grgat and intelligent people,. Without that assistance I should' Surely fail ; with it I cannot fail. When we speak of the threatened difficulties to the country, it is natural that it should be expected that some thing should be said by myself with regard to particular mea sures. Upon more mature reflection, however — and others will agree with me — that, when it is considered that these difficulties are without precedent, and never have been acted upon by any individual situated as I am, it is most proper I' should wait and see the developments, and get all the light possible, so that, when I do speak authoritatively, I may be as near right as possi ble. When I shall speak authoritatively, I hope to say nothing inconsistent with the Constitution, the Union, the rights of all the States, of each State, and of each section of the country, and not to disappoint tho reasonable expectations of those who have confided to me their votes. In this connection, allow me to say that you, as a portion of the great American people, need only to maintain your composure, stand np to your sober con victions of right, to your obligations to the Constitution, and act in accordance with those sober convictions, and the clouda which now arise in the horizon will be dispelled, and we shall have a bright nnd glorious future ; and, when this generation shall have passed away, tens of thousands shall inhabit this country where only thousands inhabit it now. I do not propose to address you at length. I have no voice for it. Allow me 76 LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN, again to thank you for this magnificent reception, and bid you farewell." Mr. Lincoln then proceeded from Buffalo to Albany. Here he was met by the Mayor, the City Councils, and the Legislative Committees, and was conducted to the Capitol, where he was welcomed by Governor Morgan, and responded briefly, as follows : "Governor Morgan: — I was pleased to receive an invitation to visit the capital of the great Empire State of this nation, while on my way to the Federal capital. I now thank you, and you; the people of the capital of the State of New York, for this most hearty and magnificent welcome. If I am not at fault, the great Empire State at this time contains a larger population than did the whole of the United States of America at the time they achieved their national independence ; and I was proud to be invited to visit its capital, to meet its citizens as I now have the honor to do. I am notified by your governor that this re ception is tendered by citizens without distinction of party. Because of this, I accept it the more gladly. In this country, and in any country where freedom of thought is tolerated, citi zens attach themselves to political parties. It is but an ordi nary degree of charity to attribute this act to the supposition that, in thus attaching themselves to the various parties, each man, in his own judgment, supposes he thereby best advances the interests of the whole country. And when an election is passed, it is altogether befitting a free people that, until the next election, they should be one people. The reception you have extended me to-day is not given to me personally. It should not be so, but as the representative, for the time being, ofthe majority ofthe nation. If the election had fallen to any of the more distingnished citizens, who received the support of the people, this same honor should have greeted him that greets me this day, in testimony of the unanimous devotion of the whole people to the Constitution, the Union, and to the perpetual liberties of succeeding generations in this country. I have neither the voice nor the strength to address you at any greater length. I beg you will, therefore, accept my most grateful thanks for this manifest devotion — not to me but to the institu tions of this great and glorious country." He was then conducted to the Legislative halls, where, in reply to an address of welcome, he again adverted to the troubles of the country in the following terms : "Mr. President and Gentlemen qf the Le^isMure of tha LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 77 State of New York : — It is with feelings of great diffidence, and, I may say, feelings even of awe, perhaps greater than I have re cently experienced, that I meet you here in this place. Tha history of this great State, the renown of its great men, who have stood in this chamber, and have spoken their thoughts, all crowd around ray fancy, and incline me to shrink from an attempt to address you. Yet I have some confidence given me by the generous manner in which you have invited me, and the still more generous manner in which you have received me. You have invited me and received me without distinction of party. I could not for a moment suppose that this has been done ih any considerable degree with any reference to my personal self. It is very much more grateful to me that this reception and tho invitation preceding it were given to me as the representative of a free people than it could possibly have been were they but the evidence of devotion to me or to any one man. It is true that, while I hold myself, without mock-modesty, the humblest of all the individuals who have ever been elected President of the United States, I yet have a more difficult task to perform than any one of them has ever encountered. You have here gen erously tendered me the support, the united support, of the great Empire State. For this, in behalf of the nation — in behalf of the President and of the future of the nation — in behalf of the cause of civil liberty in all time to come — I most gratefully thank you. I do not propose now to enter upon any expressions as to the particular line of policy to be adopted with reference to the difficulties that stand before us in the opening of the in coming Administration. 1 deem that it is just to the country, to myself, to you, that I should see every thing, hear every thing, and have every light that can possibly be brought within my reach to aid me before I shall speak officially, in order that, when I do speak, I may have the best possible means of taking correct and true grounds. For this reason, I do not now an nounce any thing in the way of policy for the new Administra tion. When the time comes, according to the custom of the government, I shall speak, and speak as well as I am able for the good of the present and of the future of this country — for the good of the North and of the South— for the good of one and of the other, and of all sections of it. In the meantime, if wc have patience, if we maintain our equanimity, though some may allow themselves to run off in a burst of passion, I still have con fidence that the Almighty Ruler of the Universe, through the instrumentality of this great and intelligent people, can and will bring us through this difficulty, as he has heretofore brought us through all preceding difficulties of the country. Relying upon this, and again thanking you, as I forever shall, in my heart, for this generous reception you have given me, I bid you farewell." At Albany, he was met by a delegation from the city authorities of New York, and on the ISth started for that 5 78 LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. city. At Poughkeepsie, he was welcomed by the Mayor of the city. Mr. Lincoln, in reply, said : " I am grateful for this cordial welcome, and I am gratified that this immense multitude has come together, not to meet the individual man, but the man who, for the time being, will humbly but earnestly represent the majesty of the nation. These re ceptions have been given me at other places, and, as here, by men of different parties, and not by one party alone. It shows an earnest effort on the part of all to save, not the country, for the country can save itself, but to save the institutions of the country — those institutions under which, for at least three- quarters of a century, we have become the greatest, the most intelligent, and the happiest people in the world. These mani festations show that we all make common cause for these ob jects ; that if some of ua are successful in an election, and others «re beaten, those who are beaten are not in favor of sinking the ship in consequence of defeat, but are earnest in their purpose to sail it safely through the voyage in band, and, in so far as they may think there has been any mistake in the election, satisfying themselves to take their chance at setting the matter right the next time. That course is entirely right. I am not sure — I do not pretend to be sure — that in the selection of the individual who has been elected this term, the wisest choice haa been made. I fear it has not. In the purposes and in the principles that have been sustained, I have been the instrument selected to carry forward the affairs of this Government. I can rely upon you, and upon the people of the country ; and with their sus taining hand, I think that even I shall not fail in carrying the Ship of State through the storm." The reception of President Lincoln in New York City was a most imposing demonstration. Places of business were generally closed, and hundreds of thousands wore iij the streets. On the next day, he was welcomed to tho city by Mayor "Wood, and replied as follows : "Mr. Mayor: It is with feelings of deep gratitude that I make my acknowledgments for the reception given me in the great commercial city of New York. I cannot but remember that this is done by a people who do not, by a majority, agree with me in political sentiment. It is the more grateful, because in this I see that, for the great principles of our Government, the people are almost unanimous. In regard to the difficulties that confront us at this time, and of which your Honor has thought fit to speak so becomingly and so justly, aa 1 suppose I can only say that I agree in the sentiments expressed. In my LIFE AND SERVICES QP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 79 devotion to the Union, I hope I am behind no man in the nation. In the wisdom with which to conduct the affairs tending to tha preservation of the Union, I fear that too great confidence may have been reposed in me ; but I am sure I bring a heart devoted to the work. There is nothing that could ever bring me to wil lingly consent to the destruction of this Union, under which not only the great commercial city of New York, but the whole cointry, acquired its greatness, except it be the purpose for which the Union itself was formed. I understand the ship to be made for the carrying and the preservation of the cargo, and so long as the ship can be saved with the cargo, it should never be abandoned, unless it fails the possibility of its preservation, and shall cease to exist, except at the risk of throwing overboard both freight and passengers. So long, then, as it is possible that the prosperity and the liberties of the people be preserved in this Union,_ it shall be my purpose at all times to use all my powers to aid in ita perpetuation. Again thanking you for the recep- .lon given me, allow me to come to a close." On the next day, he left for Philadelphia. At Trenton, ne remained a few hours, and visited both Houses of the Legislature. On being received in the Senate, he thus addressed that body : "Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Senate of the Stale of New Jersey: I am very grateful to you for the honorable recep tion of which I have been the object. I cannot but remember the place that New Jersey holds in our early history. In the early Revolutionary struggle, few of the States among the old Thirteen had more of the battle-fields of the country within its limits than old New Jersey. May I be pardoned, if, upon this occasion, I mention, that away back in my childhood, the earliest days of my being able to read, I got hold of a small book, such ¦ a one as few of the younger members have ever seen, ' Weems' Life of Washington.' I remember all the accounts there given of the battle-fields and struggles for the liberties of the country, and none fixed themselves upon my imagination so deeply as the struggle here at Trenton, New Jersey. The crossing of the river — the contest with the Hessians — the great hardships en dured at that time — all fixed themselves on my memory more than any single revolutionary event ; and you all know, for yon have all been boys, how thete early impressions last longer than any others. I recollect thinking then, boy even though I was, that there must have been something more than common that those men struggled for. I am exceedingly anxious that that , thing which they struggled for — that something even more than National Independence — that something that held out a great promise to all the people of the world to all time to come — I am 80 LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. exceediufflv anxious that this Union, the Constitution, and the liberties of the people, shall be perpetuated in accordance with the original idea for which that struggle was made, and i shall be most happy indeed if I shall be an humble instrument in the hands of the Almighty, and of this, Hia almost chosen people, for perpetuating the object of that great struggle. You give me this reception, as I understand, without distinction of party. I learn that this body is composed of a majority of gentlemen who, in the exercise of their best judgment in the choice of a Chief Magistrate, did not think I was the man. I understand, nevertheless, that they came forward hero to greet me as the constitutional President of the United States— as citizens of the United States, to meet the man who, for the time being, is the representative man of the nation, united by a purpose to per petuate the Union and liberties of the people. As such, I ac cept this reception more gratefully than I could do did I believe it was tendered to me as an individual." He then passed into the Chamber of the Assembly, and upon being introduced by the Speaker, addressed that body as follows : "Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen : I have just enjoyed the honor of a reception by the other branch of this Legislature, and I re- tufU' to you and them my thanks for the reception which the people of New Jersey have given, through their chosen repre sentatives, to me, as the representative, for the time being, of the majesty of the people of the United States. I appropriate to myself very little of the demonstrations of respect with which I have been greeted. I think little should be given to any man, but that it should be a manifestation of adherence to the Union and the Constitution. I understand myself to be received here by the representatives of the people of New Jersey, a majority of whom differ in opinion from those with whom I have acted. This manifestation is therefore to be regarded by me as expres sing their devotion to the Union, the Constitution, and the lib erties of the people. You, Mr. Speaker, have well said, that this is the time when the bravest and wisest look with doubt and awe upon the aspect presented by our national aifairs. Under these circumstances, you will readily see why I should not speak in detail of the course I shall deem it best to pursue. It is proper that I should avail myself of all the information and all the time at my command, in order that when the time airives in which I must speak officially, I shall be able to take the ground which I deem the best and safest, and from whioh I may have no occasion to swerve. I shall endeavor to take the ground I deem moat just to the North, the East, the West, the South, and tho whole country. I take it, I hope, in good temper— certainly LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 81 with no malice towards any section. I shall do all that may be in iny power to promote a peaceful settlement of all our difficul ties. The man does cot live who is more devoted to peace than I am — none who would do more to preserve it. But it may be necessary to put the foot down firmly. And if I do my duty, and do right, you will sustain me, will you not? Received, as I am, by the members of a Legislature, the majority of whom do not agree with me in political sentiments, I trust that I may ha^-B their assistance in piloting the Ship of State through this voyage, surrounded by perils as it is ; for if it should suffer ship wreck now, there will be no pilot ever needed for another voy age." On his arrival in Philadelphia, he was received with great enthusiasm, and the Mayor greeted him with the following address : " Sir : In behalf of the Councils of Philadelphia and of its citizens, who, with common respect for their chief Magistrate- elect, have greeted your arrival, I tender yon the hospitality of this city. I do this as the official representative of ninety thou sand hearths, around which dwell six hundred thousand people, firm and ardent in their devotion to the Union ; and yet it may not be withheld, that there are but few of these firesides whose cheer is not straitened and darkened by the calamitous condition of our country. The great mass of this people are heartily weary and sick of the selfish schemes and wily plots of mere politicians, who bear no more relation to true statesmanship than do the barnacles which incrust the ship to the master who stands by the helm. Your fellow-countrymen look to you in the earnest hope that true statesmanship and unalloyed patriotism may, with God's blessing, restore peace and prosperity to this dis tracted land. It is to be regretted that your short stay pre cludes that intercourse with the merchants, manufacturers, me chanics, and other citizens of Philadelphia, which might afford you a clear discernment of their great interests. And, sir, it could not be other than grateful to yourself to have the oppor tunity of conimuuicating with the memories of the past, in those historic walls where were displayed the comprehensive intellects, and the liberal, disinterested virtues of our fathers, who framed the Constitution of the Federal States, over which you have besn called upon to preside." Mr. Lincoln replied : " Mr. Mayor and Fellow-citizens of Philadelphia : 1 appear before you to make no lengthy speech, but to thank yon for this reception. -The reception yon have giten me to-night is not to me, tbe mkn, the inaividaal, btit to tbe Oan who temporarily 82 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. represents, or should represent, the majesty of the nation. It is true, as your worthy Mayor has said, that there is anxiety among tho citizens ofthe United States at this time. I deem it a happy circumstance that this dissatisfied portion of our fellow-citizens do not point us to any thing in which they are being injured, or are about to be injured ; for which reason I have felt all the while justified in concluding that the crisis, the panic, the anxiety of the country at this time, is artificial. If there be those who differ with me upon this subject, they have not pointed out the substantial difficulty that exists. I do not mean to say that an artificial panic may not do considerable harm ; that it has done such I do not deny. The hope that has been expressed by yonr Mayor, that I may be able to restore peace, harmony, and pros perity to the country, is most worthy of him ; and happy indeed will I be if I shall be able to verify and fulfil that hope. I promise you, in all sincerity, that I bring to the work a sincere heart. Whether I will bring a head equal to that heart, will be for future times to determine. It were useless for me to speak of details of plans now; I shall speak officially next Monday week, if ever. If I should not speak then, it were useless for me to do so now. If I do speak then, it is useless for me to do BO now. When I do speak, I shall take such ground as I deem best calculated to restore peace, harmony, and prosperity to the country, and tend to the perpetuity of the nation, and the liberty of these States and these people. Your worthy Mayor has ex pressed the wish, in which I join with him, that it were con venient for me to remain with your city long enough to consult your merchants and manufacturers ; or, as it were, to listen to those breathings rising within the consecrated walls wherein the Constitution ofthe United States, and, I will add, the Declara tion of Independence, were originally framed and adopted. I assure you and your Mayor, that I had hoped on this occasion, and upon all occasions during my life, that I shall do nothing inconsistent with the teachings of these holy and most sacred walls. I never asked any thing that does not breathe from those walls. All my political warfare has been in favor of the teach ings that come forth from these sacred walls. May my right hand forget its cunning, and my tongue cleaye to the roof of my mouth, if ever I prove false to those teachings. Fellow-citi zens, now allow me to bid you good-night." On the next morning, Mr. Lincoln visited the old " In dependence Hall," for the purpose of raising the national flag over it. Here he was received with a warm welcome, and made the following address : "I ara filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing hero, ia this plaoe, where -were collected the wudcm, tbe patriot- LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 83 ism, the devotion to principle, from which sprang the institutions under which we live. You have kindly suggested to me that in tny hands is the task of restoring peace to the present distracted condition of the country. I cau say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which origi nated and were given to the world from this hall. I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. I have often pondered over the danglers which were incurred by the men who assembled here, and framed and adopted that Declaration of In dependence. I have pondered over the toils that were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who achieved that inde pendence. I have often inquii:ed of myself what great principle or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so long togetner. It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother-land, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Inde pendence which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but, I hope, to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment em bodied in the Declaration of Independence, Now, my friends, can thia country be saved upon this basis ? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the worid if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved tipon that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved with out giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed or war. There ia no necessity for it. I am not in favor of such a course, and I may say, in advance, that there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the government, and then it will be compelled to act in self-defence. " My friends, this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. I supposed it was merely to do something towards raising the flag. I may, therefoire, have said something indiscreet. I have said nothing biit what I am willing to live by, and, if it be the pleasure Of Almighty God, to die by." The party then proceeded to a platform erected in front of the State House, and Mr. Benton, of the Select Council, invited the President-elect to raise the flag. Mr. Lincoln responded in a brief speech, stating his cheerful compli ance with the request, and alluded to the original flag of thirteen stars, saying that the number bad increased aa 84 LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. time rolled on, and we became a happy and a powerful people, each star adding to its prosperity. " The future," he added, " is in the hands of the people. It is on such an occasion as this that we can reason together, reaffirm our devotion to the country and the principles of the Declara tion of Independence. Let us make up our mind, that when we do put a new star upon our banner, it shall be a fixed one, never to be dimmed by the horrors of war, but brightened by the contentment and prosperity of peace. Let us go on to extend the area of our usefulness, add star upon star, until their light shall shine upon five hun dred millions of a free and happy people." The President-elect then raised the flag to the top of the staff. At half-past 9 o'clock the party left for Harrisburg. Both Houses of the Legislature were visited by Mr. Lin coln, and to an address of welcome he thus replied : " I appear before you only for a very few brief remarks, in response to what has been said to me. I thank you most sin cerely for this reception, and the generous words in which sup port has been promised me upon this occasion. I thank your great commonwealth for the overwhelming support it recently gave, not to me personally, but the cause, which I think a just one, in the late election. Allusion has been made to the fact — the interesting fact, perhaps we should say — that I, for the first time, appear at the Capital of the great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania upon the birthday of the Father of his Country, in connection with that beloved anniversary connected with the history of this country. I have already gone through one ex ceedingly interesting scene this morning in the ceremonies at Philadelphia. Under the high conduct of gentlemen there, I was, for the first time, allowed the privilege of standing in Old Independence Hall, to have a few words addressed to me there, and opening up to me an opportunity of expressing, with much ¦ regret, that I had not more time to express something of my own feelings, excited by the occasion, somewhat to harmonize and give shape to the feelings that had been really the feelings of my whole life. Besides this, our friends there had provided a magnificent flag of the country. They had arranged it so that I was given the honor of raising it to the head of its staff. And when it went up I waa pleased that it went to its place by the Strength of my own feeble arm ; when, according to the arrange- LIFE AN'D SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 85 ment, the cord was pulled, and it flaunted gloriously to the wind Without an accident, in the bright glowing sunshine of the morn ing, I could not help hoping that ther*} was in the entire success of that beautiful ceremony at least something of an omen of what is to come. Nor could I help feeling then, as I often ha>o felt, in the whole of that proceeding, I was a very humble in strument. I had not provided the flag ; I had not made the ar rangements for elevating it to its place. I had applied but a very small portion of my feeble strength in raising it. In tho whole transaction I was in the hands of the people who had ar ranged it, and if 1 can have the same generous cooperation of the people ofthe nation, I think the flag of our country may yet be* kept flaunting gloriously. I recur for a moment but to repeat some words uttered at the hotel in regard to what has been said about the military support which the General Gov ernment may expect from the Commonwealth of Pennaylvn- nia in a proper emergency. To guard against any possible mistake do I recur to this. It is not with any pleasure that I contemplate the possibility that a necessity may arise iu this country for the use of the military arm. While I am exceedingly gratified to see the manifestation upon your streets of your military force here, and exceedingly gratified at your promise here to use that force upon a proper emergency — while I make these acknowledgments, I desire to repeat, in order to preclude any possible misconstruction, that I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no use for them ; that it will never become their duty to shed blood, and most especially never to shed fraternal blood. I promise that, so far as I may have wisdom to direct, if so painful a result shall in any wise be brought about, it shall be through no fault of mine. Allusion has also been made by one of your honored speakers to some remark recently made by myself at Pittsburg, in regard to what is supposed to be the especial interests of this great Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. I now wish only to aay, in regard to that matter, that the few remarks which I uttered on that occasion were rather carefully worded. I took pains that they should be so. I have seen no occasion since to add to them or subtract from them. I leave them precisely as they Btaud, adding only now, that I am pleased to have an expres sion from you, gentlemen of Pennsylvania, significant that they are satisfactory to you. And now, gentlemen of the General Assembly of the Conmonwealth of Pennsylvania, allow me to return you again my most sincere thanks." PLOT TO ASSASSINATE HIM— HOW IT WAS THWABTEP, Arrangements had been made for his departure from 86 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Harrisburg on the following morning, but the discovery of a plot to assassinate him as he passed through Balti more — a plot in which some of the principal residents of that city were interested, although theif projects were to be accomplished by means of paid emissaries — caused a change in the schedule, aud on the evening of tho day that be had been received by the Legislature, he left in a special train for Philadelphia, and from thence proceeded in the sleeping-car attached to the regular midnight train to Washington, where he arrived at an early hour on the morning of the twenty-third. The sudden departure of Mr. Lincoln from the Penn sylvania State Capital naturally astonished the people of the country ; and while the loyal citizens exulted in the fact that he was safe in Washington, the traitors and their sympathizers were greatly exasperated at the failure of their nefarious designs, and pronouncing the movement an act of cowardice, solemnly declared that he should never be inaugurated. IS WELCOMED TO WASHINGTON' BY THE AUTHOEITIES. A few days after his arrival he was waited upon by the Mayor and other municipal authorities, who welcomed him to the city, and to whom he made the following reply : "Mr. Mayor: I thank you, and through you the municipal authorities of this city who accompany you, for this welcome And as it ia the first time in my life since the present phase of politics has presented itself in this country, that I have said any thing publicly within a region of country where the institu tion of slavery exists, I will take this occasion to say that I think very much of the ill-feeling that haa existed, and still ex ists, between the people in the sections from whence I came and the fieople here, is dependent upon a misunderstanding of one another. I therefore avail myself of this opportunity to assure you, Mr. Mayor, and all the gentleman present, that I have not now, and never have had, any other than as kindly LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 87 feelings towards you as the people of my own section. I have not now, and never have had, any disposition to treat you in aiij' respect otherwise than as my own neighbors. I have not now any purpose to withhold from you any of the benefits of the Constitution, under any circumstances, that I would not feel myself constrained to withhold from my neighbors ; and I hope, in a word, that, when we shall become better acquainted, and 1 say it with great confidence, w'e shall like each other the more. 1 thank you for the kindness of this reception." ADDRESSES THE EEPUBLICAN ASSOCIATION. On the following evening the Republican Association tendered him a delightful serenade, at the conclusion of which he made the following remarks to the assembled crowd : "My friends : I suppose that I may take this as a compli ment paid to me, and as such please accept my thanks for it. I have reached this city of Washington under circumstances considerably differing from those under which any other man has ever reached it. I am here for the purpose of taking an official position amongst the people, almost all of whom wero politically opposed to me, and are yet opposed to me as I suppose. I propose no lengthy address to you. I only propose to say, as I did on yesterday, when your worthy Mayor and Board of Aldermen called upon me, that I thought much of the Ill-feeling that has existed between you and the people of your surroundings and that people from amongst whom I came, has depended, and now depends, upon a misunderstanding. " I hope that, if thinga shall go along as prosperously as I believe we all desire they may, I may have it in my power to re move something of this misunderstanding; that I may be enabled to convince you, and the people of your section of the country, that we regard you as in all things our equals, and in all things entitled to the same respect and the same treatment that we claim for ourselves ; that we are in nowise disposed, if it were in our power, to oppress you, to deprive you of any of your rights under the Constitution of the United States, or even narrowly to split hairs with you in regard to those rights, but are determined to give you, as far as lies in our hands, all your rights under the Constitution— not grudgingly, but fully and fairly. I hope that, by thus dealing with you, we will become better acquainted, and be better friends. And now, my friends, with these few remarks, and again returning my thanks for this compliment, and expressing my desire to near a little more of your good music, I bid yon gooU-night." 88 LIFK AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. IS INAUGUBATED PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. On the fourth of March, 1861, Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated the Sixteenth President of the tJnited States, the ceremonies incident to the event being of the most imposing description. A large number of troops partici pated in the procession, and every arrangement was made to frustrate any movement the Secessionists or their friends might make to prevent the choice of a majority of the voters of the nation from taking the oath of office. Prom a platform erected in the usual position on the east front of tbe capitol, and in the presence of not less than ten thousand persons, Mr. Linooln delivered the following Inaugural Address : INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "Fellow-citizens of the United States : " In compliance with a custom as old as the Government it self, I appear before you to address you briefly, and to take, in your presence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President, before he enters en the execution of his office. " I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to discuss those matters of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States, that, by the accession of a Re publican Administration, their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeeid, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed, and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the pub lished speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches, when I declare that ' I have no pur pose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists.' I believe I have no law ful right to do so ; and I have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and elected me, did so with the full knowledge that I had made this, and made many similar declarations, and had never recanted them. Aud more than thia, they placed in the platform, for my a«ceptauce, nnd as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read : " 'Besolwd, That the maintenance inwlate of the rights of LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 89 the States, and especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to its own judg ment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend ; and we denounc« the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.' " I now reiterate these sentiments ; and in doing so I only press upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, peace, and se curity of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the now incoming Administration. " I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section as to another. " There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugi tives from service or labor, 'rhe clause I now read is as plainly written iu the Constitutiou as any other of its provisions : " ' No person held to service or labor in one State under tho laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.' " It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves ; and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. "All members of Congress swear their support to the whole Constitution — to this provision as well as any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within the terms of this clause 'shall be delivered up,' their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath ? "There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which authority it is done ; and should any one, in any case, be content that this oath shall go unkept on a merely un lubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept ? "Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safe guards of liberty known in the civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surren dered as a slave? And might it not be well at the satne time to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Consti- tutionVwhich guarantees that ' the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in th shall have partici pated, shall, i.i;; the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed ojnclusive evidence that such State and the people thereof have not been in rebellion against the United States. " That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress en titled, 'An act to make an additional article of war,' approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figures fol lowing : " 'Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representati-ves of the United States of America, in Cbngress assembled, That here after the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be observed and obeyed as such. " ' Article — . All officers or persons of the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article, shall be dismissed from the service. " ' Sec. 2. And be it further enacted. That this act shall take effect from and after its passage.' ' Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled, ' An i,ct to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate property of rebels, and for other purposes,' approved July 17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following : " ' Sec. 9. And be it further enacted. That all slaves of per sons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the government of the United States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army ; and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them, and coming under the control of the government of the United States, and all slaves of Duch persons found on (or being within) any place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude and not again held as slaves.^ "'Sec. 10. And be it further enacted. That no slave escaping into any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any of the States, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for crime, or some offence against. MFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 133 the laws, unless the person claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the labor or service of such fugi tive is alleged to be due, is his lawful owner, and has not leca in arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto ; and no person en gaged in the military or naval service of the United States shall, under any pretence whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person, or surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service.' " And I do hereby enjoin upon, and order all persons engaged in the military and naval service of the United States to ob serve, obey and enforce within their respective spheres of ser vice the act and sections above recited. " And the executive will in due time recommend that all citi zens of the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto throughout the rebellion, shall (upon the restoration of the con stitutional relation between the United States and their respec tive States and people, if the relation shall have been suspended or disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves. " In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. " Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-sevemth. " By the President : " Abraham Lincoln. " Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State." Such a bold movement was necessarily distastefizl to the traitors, and while the Southern journals pronounced it to be a bid for the slaves to rise in insurrection, a bid which none but a barbarian would devise, it was denounced in the Richmond Congress, and a resolution was there offered, exhorting the people to slay every Union soldier and raider found within their borders, and offering a reward to every negro, who would, after the first of January, 1863, kill a Unionist. The other important proclamation was issued on the first of January, 1863, and was worded as follows : "Whereas, on the twenty-second day ol September, in. year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the United States containing among other things the following, to wit : 134 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLIT. % " That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforth and forever free, and the Ex ecutive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. " That the Executive will, on the first day of January afore said, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people therein respectively shall then be in rebellion against tbe United States, and the fact that any State or the people thereof, shall on th.it day be in good faith repre sented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such States shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence' that such State and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United States. " Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Com mander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and Gov ernment of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days from the day of the first above-mentioned order, and designate, as the States and parts of States wherein the people thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against the United States, the following to wit: Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assumption, Terre Bonne, La fourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, including the City of New Orleans. Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, except the forty- eight counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Accomao, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, and Norfolk, including the cities of Nor folk and Portsmouth, and which excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as if this proclamation were not issued. "And by virtue of the power and lor the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as' slaves within said designated States and parts of States are, and henceforwaru shall be free; and that the Executive Government of the United States; including the Military and Naval authorities LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 135 thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons. "And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free, to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self-defence, andl recommend to thom, that in all cases, when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. "And 1 further declare aud make known that such persons of suitable condition will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, aud other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. "And upon this, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, 1 invoke the considerate judgment of mankind aud the gracious favor of Almighty God. "In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. " Done at the City of Washington, this first day of r , January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight L*" ^'J hundred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-seventh. " By the President : "Abraham Lincoln. " William H. Seward, Secretary of State." SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OP HABEAS CORPUS, On the twenty-fourth of September, 1862, two days after the promulgation ofthe renowned Emancipation Proc lamation, the following order was published : " Whereas, It has become necessary to call into service, not only volunteers, but also portions of the militia of the State by draft, in order to suppress the insurrection existing in the United States, and disloyal persons are not adequately restrained by the ordinary processes of law from hindering this measure, and from giving aid and comfort in various ways to the insurrection : " Now, therefore, be it ordered : " First. That during tbe existing insurrection, and as a ne cessary measure for suppressing the same, all rebels and insur gents, their aiders and abettors, within the United States, and all persons discouraging volunteer enlistments, resisting militia drafts, or guilty of any disloyal practice affording aid aud com fort to the rebels against the authority of the United States, shall be subject to martial law, and liable to trial and punish ment by courts-martial or military commissions. " Third. That the writ of habeas corpus is suspended in re spect to all persons arrested, or who are now, or hereafter du ring the rebellion shall be imprisoned in any fort, camp, arsenal, military prison, or other place of confinement, by any military 136 LIFE. AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. authority or by the sentence of any court-martial or military commission. " In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. ' " Done at the City of Washington, this twenty-fourth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. " By the President. " Abraham Lincoln. " Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State." The suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus was naturally obnoxious to Northern sympathizers with trea-« son, and for some time their newspaper organs were daily filled with editorial and other articles, teeming with in vidious criticism and abuse. The act placed more power in the hands of the President than was acceptable to men who, by their voice and pen, if not by their pecuniary means, were aiding and abetting the enemies ofthe country, and as they were not aware what moment they might be arrested and imprisoned for their despicable crimes, in their regard for their personal safety, they forgot their prudence, and abused the Executive. The beneficial ef fects of the order were not over-estimated by Mr. Lincoln, and with its promulgation almost entirely ceased the in- teference with enlistments, which had too often before that date delayed the organization of regiments in some of the loyal States. THE SABBATH " TO BE OBSERVED. On the sixteenth of November, 1862, the following order was issued to the soldiers and sailors of the Union : " The President, Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, desires and enjoins the orderly observance of the Sabbath by the officers and men in the military and naval service. The im portance for man and beast of the prescribed weekly rest, the sacred rights of Christian soldiers and sailors, a becoming defer ence to the best sentiment of a Christian people, and a due regard for the Divine will, demand that Sunday labor in the lArmy and Navy be reduced to the measure of strict necessity. LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 137 " The discipline and character of the National forces should act suffer, nor the cause they defend be imperilled, by the pro fanation of the day or name of the Most High. 'At this time of public distress' adopting the words of Washington in 1776, ' men may find enough to do in the service of God and their country without abandoning themselves to vice and immorality.' The first general order issued by the Father of his Country after the Declaration of Independence indicates the spirit in which our institutions were founded and should ever be defended : ' The General hopes and trusts that every officer and man will endeavor to live and act as becomes a Christian soldier defend ing the dearest rights and liberties of his country.' "Abraham Lincoln." HIS ANNUAL MESSAGE.— IMPORTANT RECOM MENDATIONS TO CONGRESS. On the first of December, 1862, Mr. Lincoln sent in to Congress his annual message ; giving a satisfactory resum^ of the events of the previous twelve months ; calling the attention of the Senators and Representatives to important matters which should receive their notice ; recommending the organization of national banking associations, under the hope and belief that they would be the means of pro; moting the early resumption of specie payments ; re-im pressed upon them the importance of his plan of " compen sated emancipation;" repeated at length his views upon the slavery question, and recommended the adoption of the following resolutions and articles amendatory to the Constitution : "Resolved, By the Senate and Hou.'^e of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, two-thirds of both houses concurring, that the following articles be pro posed to the Legislatures or Conventions of the several States, as amendments to the Constitution of the United States, all or any of which articles, when ratified by three-fourths of the said Len-islatures or Conventions, to be valid as part or parts of the said Constitution, namely : "Article — . Every State wherein slavery now exists, which shall abolish the same therein at any time or times before the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred, shall receive compensation from the United States aa follows, to wit: 138 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LI^COLN•. " The President of the United States shall deliver to every such State, bonds of the United States, bearing interest at the rate of , for each slave shown to have been therein, by the eighth census of the United States ; said bouds to be delivered to such State by instalments, or in one parcel at the completion of the abolishment, according as the same shall have been gradual or at one time within such State ; and interest shall begin to run upon any such bond only from the proper time of its delivery as aforesaid, and afterward. Any State having received bonds as aforesaid, and afterward introducing or tolerating slavery therein, shall refund to the United States the bonds so received, or the value thereof, and all interest paid thereon. "Article — . All slaves who shall have enjoyed actual free dom, by the chances of the war at any time, before the end of the rebellion, shall be forever free ; but all owners of such, who shall not have been disloyal, shall be compensated for thera at the same rates as is provided for States adopting abolishment of slavery — but in such a way that no slave shall be twice accounted for. "Article — . Congress may appropriate money, and otherwise provide for colonizing free colored persons with their own con sent, at any place or places without the United States." The message and its recommendations were received with the same eclat w^iich has attended all the official documents penned by the illustrious statesman. The proclamation of September had awakened the people of the Union to the vast advantages to be derived from the adoption of his views and suggestions on every thing re lating to slavery, and as the day on whioh the unfortunate blacks were to be rescued from a life of degradation ap proached, thousands, who had hitherto protested against interference with the " peculiar institution," united with their old political opponents, and awaited anxiously the hour when the order of emancipation was to go into effect. Residents of foreign lands were no less eager for the time to arrive when the Federal Government should strike off the fetters of the slave, and among other complimentary addresses sent to the President, was one from Manchester, England, from which we make the following extracts : "As citizens of Manchester, assembled at the Free-Trade Hall, we beg to express our fraternal sentiments toward you and LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 13i> your country. We rejoice in yonr greatness as an outgrowth of England, whose blood and language you share, whose orderly and legal freedom you have applied to new circumstances, over a region immeasurably greater than our own. We honor your Free States, as a singularly happy abode for the working mil- linns where industry is honored. One thing alone haa, in the past, lessened our sympathy with your country and our confi dence in it— we mean the ascendency of politicians who not merely maintained negro slavery, but desired to extend and root it more firmly. We joyfully honor you, as the President, and the Congress with you, for many decisive steps toward practi cally exemplifying your belief in the words of your great founders: 'All men are created free and equal.' You have procured the liberation of the slaves in the district around Washington, and thereby made the centre of your Federation visibly free. You have enforced the laws against the slave- trade, and kept up your fieet against it, even while every ship was wanted for service in your terrible war. You have nobly decided to receive embassadors from the negro republics of Hayti and Liberia, thus forever renouncing that unworthy prejudice which refuses the rights of humanity to men and women on account of their color. In order more effectually to stop the slave-trade, you have made with our Queen a treaty, which your Senate has ratified, for the right of mutual search. Your Congress has decreed freedom as the law forever in the vast unoccupied' pr half unsettled Territories which are directly siibject to its legislative power. It has offered pecuniary aid to all States which will enact emancipation locally, and has for bidden your generals to restore fugitive, slaves who seek their protection. You have entreated the slave-masters to accept these moderate offers ; and after long and patient waiting, you, as Commander-in-chief of the Army, have appointed to-morrow, the first of January, 1863, as the day of unconditional freedom for the slaves of the rebel States. We implore you, for your own honor and welfare, not to faint in your providential mission. While your enthusiasm is aflame, and the tide of events runs high, let the work be finished effectually. Leave no root of bitterness to spring up and work fresh misery to your children. It is a mighty task, indeed, to reorganize the industry not only of four millions of the colored race, but of five millions of whites. Nevertheless, the vast progress you have made in the short space of twenty months, fill us with hope that every stain on your freedom will shortly be removed, and that the erasure of that foul blot upon civilization and Christianity — chattle slavery — during your Presidency, will cause the name of Abraham Lincoln to be honored and revered by posterity." In answer to this flattering letter, Mr. Lincoln sent a happy response, in which he explained the motive which 140 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. had pTompted him to the undeviating course he h£«s pur sued since his inauguration. He had, he said, considered the duty of maintaining and preserving the Constitution and the integrity of the Federal Republic paramount to all others, and as a conscientious purpose to perform that duty was the key to all the measures of his administra.- tion, he could not, if he would, under his oath and our frame of government, depart from that purpose. THE PRESIDENT VISITS THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC. Early in April, 1863, the President left Washington on a visit to the Army of the Potomac. He had in the pre vious year, when the same noble troops were resting at Harrison's Landing, after their campaign before Richmond, gone thither to observe for himself their true condition, and upon other occasions has visited their camping-grounds, where he has been always received with great enthusiasm. Upon the visit to which we now refer, he was accompanied by Mrs. Lincoln and one of his sons, and an eye-witness thus describes the proceedings incident to the entertain ment of such distinguished guests : On the morning of April seventh, 1863, a reception was had in General Hooker's tent, the members ofthe staff pass ing in and being introduced to the President by the Chief of Staff. Mr. Lincoln was in unusual good humor, and com pletely banished the constraint felt by all by his sociability and shafts of wit. The interview lasted some time, much to the enjoyment of all, until finally the officers one by one dropped out, and the hour designated for the review ar rived. Early in the morning the several cavalry brigades commenced moving towards the field selected for the re view, and during the forenoon were engaged forming the lines and stationing guards to keep off the crowd. At noon the roar of artillery announced that the cortege had LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 141 arrived. President Lincoln, mounted on a magnificent bay, adorned with heavy trappings, rode steadily and rapidly along the line, with Generals Hooker and Stone- man at his side, and followed by an imposing cavalcade of general officers, aides-de-camp and orderlies. Having returned to the right of the line, a position was selected for the President upon a slight eminence, while the cavalry at a walk passed in review before him, fhe bands playing and the bugles sounding merrily. Mrs. Lincoln occupied a carriage at the right of the President while the regi ments passed in review, surrounded by major-generals and stars of lesser magnitude. After the cavalry had moved off the field, the lancers, in splendid order, wheeled around into line fronting the President, while the light artillery dashed at a gallop through the avenue thus formed, the guns and caissons bounding over the irregularities as though the wheels were of India rubber. The cannon were soon off the field, the lancers filed in behind the cav alcade of generals, spectators vanished, and the plateau, torn and trodden by the squadrons, was left to the scatter ing working parties engaged in preparing the ground foi the grand review of infantry. The President also rode over to the head-quarters of several commanding officers, and during the day reviewed the reserve artillery. Doubtless the lady readers are anxious to know iij what dress the wife of the Chief Magistrate visited tho army, how she appeared, what she said, and how she liked the contrast — the Executive mansion, with its costly fur niture, and the bare floor, cot and camp stools of the field. Mrs. Lincoln's attire was exceedingly simple — of that pe culiar style of simplicity which creates at the time no im pression upon the mind, and prevents one from remem bering any article of dress. In this case there was nothing to attract attention, and after she had entered the tent there was not one in twenty of those gathered about who 142 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, could tell what she wore. A rich black silk dress, with narrow flounces ; a black cape, with a broad trimming of velvet around the border, and a plain hat of the same hue, composed her costume. A shade of weariness, doubtless the result of her labors in behalf of the sick and wounded in Washington, rested upon her countenance ; but the change seemed pleasant to her, and the scenes of camp were noted with evident interest. The President wore a dark sack overcoat and a fur muffler, while Master Lincoln sported a suit of gray, and rambled about among the tents, examining the quarters of the staff, and watched by the orderlies and sentries with a curiosity somewhat amusing, THE ENROLMENT ACT AND THE RIGHTS OP ALIENS. To enumerate all the proclamations which the President issued during the year 1863, would be impossible in this work, and we must therefore restrict ourselves to those which were of more than usual interest. The one in re gard to the rights of aliens, under the act calling out the national forces, was one of these, and reads as follows : "Whereas, The Congress of the United States at its last session enacted a law entitled, 'An act for enrolling and calling out the national forces and for other purposes,' which was ap proved on the third day of March last, and, ¦" Whereas, It is recited in the said act that there now exists in the United States an insurrection and rebellion against the authority thereof, and it is, under the Constitution ofthe United States, the duty of the Government to suppress insurrection and rebellion, to guarantee to each State a republican form of gov ernment, and to preserve the public tranquility, and " Wliereas, For these high purposes a military force is indis pensable, to raise and support which all persons ought willingly to contribute ; and "Whereas, No service can be more praiseworthy and honor. able than that which is rendered for the maintenance of tbe Constitution and the Union, and the consequent preservation of the Government ; and " Whereas, For the reasons thus recited, it was enacted by the said statute that all able-bodied male citizens of the United States and persons of foreign birth, who shall have declared on LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 143 oath their intentions to become citizens, under and in pursuance of the laws thereof, betweeu the ages of twenty and forty-Lve years, with certain exceptions not necessary to be here men tioned, are declared to constitute the national forces, and shall be liable to perform military duty in the service of the United States, when called out by the President for that purpose ; and " Whereas, It is claimed, and in behalf of persons of foreign birth within the ages specified in said act who have heretofore declared on oath their intentions to become citizens under and in pursuance of the laws of the United States, and who have not exercised the right of suffrage or any other political fran chise under the laws of the United States, or any of the States thereof, are not absolutely precluded by their aforesaid declara tion of intention from renouncing their purpose to become citizens, and that, on the contrary, such persons under treaties or the law of nations, retain a right to renounce that purpose and to forego the privilege of citizenship and residence within the United States under the obligations imposed by the afore said act of Congress. " Now, therefore, to avoid all misapprehensions concerning the liability of persons concerned to perform the service required by such enactment, and to give it full effect, I do hereby order and proclaim that no plea of alienage will be received or allowed to exempt from the obligations imposed by the aforesaid act of Congress, any person of foreign birth who shall have declared, on oath, his intention to become a citizen of the United States under the laws thereof, and who shall be found within the United States at any time during the con- tinuiince of the present insurrection and rebellion, at or after the expiration of the sixty-five days from the date of this proc lamation, nor shall any such plea of alienage be allowed in favor of any such person who lias so as aforesaid declared his intention to become a citizen of the United States, and shall have exercised at any time the right of suffrage or any other political franchise within the United States, under the laws thereof, or under the laws of any of the several States. " In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused tbe seal of the United States to be affixed. " Done at the city of Washington, this eighth day of May, in the year of our Lord 18G3. and of the independence of the United States the eighty-seventh. " By the President, "Abraham Lincoijj. "William H Seward, Secretary of State." A NATIONAL THANKSGIVING ORDERED. On the fifteenth day of July, 1863, the President or dered the sixth of the following month to be set apart as 44 LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. dav of National Thanksgiving. Victories had crowned ir arms on land and sea, and no greater cause for offer- ig thanks to the Almighty ever prompted the Chief Mag- trate of a country to call tbe people together, and few roclamations were ever written more chaste and beauti- il than the following : " It has pleased Almighty God to hearken to the supplications id prayers of an afflicted people, and to vouchsafe to the army id the navy of the United States, on the land and on the sea, ctories so signal and so effective as to furnish reasonable ¦ounds for augmented confidence that the union of these States ill be maintained, their constitutions preserved, and their peace id prosperity permanently preserved. '' B jt these victories have been accorded not without sacrifice ' li.fe, limb and liberty, incurred by the brave, patriotic and lyal citizens. Domestic affliction in every part of the country illoivs in the train of these fearful bereavements. It is meet id right to recognize and confess the presence of the Almighty ather, and the power of His hand equally in these triumphs ad these sorrows. "Now, therefore, be it known, that I do set apart Thursday, le sixth day of August next, to be observed as a day for na- onal Thanksgiving, praise, and prayer, and I invite the people of le United States to assemble on that occasion in their custom- ry places of worship, and in the forms approved by their own jnscience, render the homage due to the Divine Majesty for le wonderful things He has done in the nation's behalf, and ivoke the influence of His Holy Spirit to subdue the anger hich has produced and so long sustained a needless and cruel re- ellion ; to change the hearts of the insurgents, to guide the ounsels of the government with wisdom adequate to so great a ational emergency, and to visit with tender care and consola- on throughout the length and breadth of our land all those ho through the vicissitudes of marches, voyages, battles and eges, have been brought to suffer in mind, body or estate and imily, to lead the whole nation through paths of repentance nd submission to the Divine Will, back to the perfect enjoy- lent of Union and fraternal peace. " In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused le seal of the United States to be affixed. " Done at the city of Washington, this 15th day of July, in le year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred aud sixty- iree, and of the independence of the United States of America le eighty-eighth. "Abraham Lincoln. " By the President : " William H. Seward, Secretary of State." LIFE AND SERVICES OP AJ'.KAUAM LINCOLN. 145 LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT ON THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. The following letter, written in August, 1863, in answer to an invitation to attend a meeting of unconditional Union men held in Illinois, gives at length the President's views at that time on his Emancipation proclamation : " Executive Mansion, Washington, August 26th, 1863. " My Dear Sir : — Your letter inviting me to attend a mass meeting of unconditional Union men, to be held at the capitol of Illinois on the third day of September, has been received. It would be very agreeable to me thus to meet my old friends at my own home ; but I cannot just now be absent from this city so long as a visit there would require. The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional devotion to the Union ; and I am sure that my old political friends will thank me for tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those other noble men whom no partisan malice or partisan hope can make false to the nation's life. There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say : — You desire peace, and you blame me that we do not have it. But how can we attain it? There are but three conceivable ways : — First, to suppress the rebel lion by force of arms. This I am trying to do. Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If. you are not for it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. If you are, you should say so, plainly. If you are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, there only renaains some imaginable compro mise. I do not brieve that any compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now possible. All that I learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the rebel lion is its military — its army. That army dominates all the country and all the people within its range. Any offer of any terms made by any man or men within that range in opposition to that army is simply nothing for the present, because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made with them. To illustrate : Sup pose refugees from the South and peace men of the North get together in convention, aud frame and proclaim a compromise embracing the restoration of the Union. In what way can that compromise be used to keep General Lee's army out of Penn sylvania? General Meade's army can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and I think can ultimately drive it out of ex istence. But no paper compromise to which the controllers of General Lee's army are not agreed, can at all affect that army. In an effort at such compromise we would waste time which tlie enemy would improve t^mir disadvantage, and that would be all. A compromise, to betcffectivojUmust be made either with 146 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABKAHAM LINCOLN. those who control the rebel army, or with the people, first liber ated from the domination of that army by the success of our army. Now, allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from the rebel army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to any peace compromise, has ever come to my knoW' ledge or belief. All charges and intimations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless. And I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept secret from you. I freely acknowledge myself to be the servant of the people, according to the bond of service, the United States constitution ; and that, as such, I am responsible to them. But, to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that all tnen could be free, while you, I suppose, do not. Yet I have neither adopted nor proposed any measure which is not consist ent with even your view, provided you are for the Union. 1 suggested compensated emancipation, to which you replied that you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I have not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, except iu such way as to save you from greater taxation, to save the Union exclusively by other means. "You dislike the emancipation proclamation, and perhaps would have it reti-acted. You say it is unconstitutional. I think differently. I think that the constitution invests its com mander-in-chief with the law of war in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, is, that the slaves are property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may be taken when needed ?- And is it not needed whenever taking it helps us or hurts the enemy ? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' prop erty when they cannot use it ; and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemy, except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and female. But the proclamation, as law, is valid or is nbt valid. If it is not valid it needs no retraction. If it is valid it cannot be retracted, any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some of you profess to think that its retraction would operate favorably for the Union. Why better after the retraction than before the issue? There was more than u, year and a half of trial to suppress the rebellion before the proclamation was is sued, the last one hundred days of which passed under an ex plicit notice, that it was coming unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as favorably for us since the issue of the proclamation as before. I know as fully as one can know the opinions of others, that some of the comman^rswf- o|PW:mies in the field, who LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 147 have given us our most important victories, believe the emanci pation policy and the aid of colored troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to the rebellion, aud that at least one of those important successes could not have been achieved when it was but for the aid of black soldiers. Among the command ers holding these views are some who have never had any affinity with what is called abolitionism or with 'republican party politics.' — But who hold them purely as military opinions. I submit their opinions as being entitled to some weight against the objections often urged that emancipation and arming the blacks are unwise as military measures, and were not adopted as such in good faith. You say that you will i^ot fight to free negroe^. Some of them seem to be willing to fight for you — but no matter. Fight you, then, exclusively to save the Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare that you will not fight to free negroes. I thought that in your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that extent it weakened the enemy in his resistance to you. D" you think differently ? I thought that whatever negroes can be got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you? But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do any thing for us if we will do nothing for them ? If they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by th? strongest motive, even the promise of freedom. And the prom ise, being made, must be kept. The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea. Thanks to the great North-west for it. Not yet wholly to them. Three hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone aud Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The Sunny South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a hand. On the spot their part of the history was jotted down in black and white. The job was a great national one, and let none be banned who born an honorable part in it ; and, while those who have cleared the great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to say that any thing has been more bravely and better done than at Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less note. Nor must Uncle Sam's webfleet be forgotten. At all the waters' margins they have been present : — not only on the deep sea, the broad bay and the rapid river, but also np the narrow, muddy bayou ; and wherever the ground was a little damp they have been and made their tracks. Thanks to all. For the great republic — for the principles by which it lives and keeps alive — for man's vast future — thanks to all. Peace does not appear so far distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to stay : and so come as to be worth the keepins: in all future 148 LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. time. It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. And then there will be some black men who can remember that, with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and steady eye, and well poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consummation ; while 1 fear that there will be some white men unable to fo^rgpt that with malignant heart and deceitful speech they have striven to hinder it. Still let us not be over sanguine of a speedy final triumph. Let us be quite sobci. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubting that a just God, in his own good time, will give us the rightful re sult. Yours very truly, "A.Lincoln." During September and October; 1863, the following proclamations were published : SUSPENSION OF THE WRIT OF HABEAS CORPUS IN CERTAIN CASES, " WASHiNoroN, Sept. Ibth, 1863. " Whereas, the Constitution of the United States has or dained that ' the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it ;' and " Whereas, a rebellion was existing on the third day of March, 186.3, which rebellion is still existing ; and " Wliereas, by a statute which was approved on that day, it was enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled, that during the present insurrection the President ofthe United States, whenever in his judgment the public safety may require, is authorized to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus in any case throughout the United States, or any part thereof; and "Whereas, in the judgment of the President the public safety does require that the privilege of the said writ shall now be sus pended throughout the United States in cases where, by the au thority of the President of the United States, military, naval and civil officers of the United States, or any of them, hold persons under their command or in their custody, either as prisoners of war, spies, or aiders or abettors of the enemy, or officers sol diers, or seamen enrolled, drafted or mustered or enlisted 'in or belonging to the land or naval forces of the United States or as deserters therefrom, or otherwise amenable to military law' or to the Rules and Articles of War, or to the rules and regulations prescribed for the military or naval service by the authoritv of the President of the United States, or for resistiug a draft or for any other ofience against the military or naval service • ' LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 149 " Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United Btates, do hereby proclaim and make known to all whom it may concern, that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus is sus pended throughout the United States in the several cases befors mentioned, and that the suspension will continue throughout the duration of the said rebellion ; or until this proclamation shall by a subsequent one, to be issued by the President of the United States, be modified and revoked. And I do hereby require all magistrates, attorneys and other civil officers within the United States, and all officers and others in the military and naval services of the United States, to take distinct notice of this sus pension, and give it full effect ; and all citizens of the United States to conduct and govern themselves accordingly and in con formity with the Constitution of the United States and the laws of Congress in such cases made and provided. " In testimony whereof 1 have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed, this fifteenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the United States of America the eighty-eighth. " Abraham Lincoln. " By the President : " William H. Seward, Secretary of State." NATIONAL THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION. " The year that is drawing towards its close has been filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties, which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source from which they come, others have been added, which are of so extraordinary a nature, that they cannot fail to penetrate and soften even the heart which is habitually insensible to the ever watchful providence of Almighty God. " In the midst of a civil war of unequalled magnitude and severity, which has sometimes seemed to invite and provoke tha aggression of foreign States, peace has been preserved with all nations, order has been maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and harmony has prevailed everywhere, except in the theatre of military conflict ; while that theatre has been greatly contracted by the advancing armies and navies of the Union. "The needful diversions of wealth and strength from the fields of peaceful industry to tbe national defence have not arrested the, plough, the shuttle or the ship. The axe has enlarged the borders of our settlements, and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious metals, have yielded even more abun dantly than heretofore. Population has steadily increased, not withstanding the waste that has been made in the camp, the Biege and the battle-field ; and the country, rejoicing in the con- 150 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. sequences of augmented strength and vigor, is permitted to ex- pott continuance of years with lar^je increase of freedom. " No human counsel hath devised, nor hath any mortal hand worked out these great things. They are the gracious gifts of the Most ifigh God, who, while dealing with us in anger for our sius, hath nevertheless remembered mercy. "It has seemed to me fit aud proper that they should be solemnly, reverently and gratefully acknowledged as with one heart and voice by the whole American people ; I do, therefore, invite my fellow-citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who are at sea and those who are sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and observe the last Thursday of November next as a Day of Thanksgiving and Prayer to our beneficent Father, who dwelleth iu the heavens. And I recommend to them that, while offering up the ascriptions justly due to him for such singular deliverances aud blessings ; they do also, with humble penitence for our national perverseness and disobedience, commend to his tender care all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of the Almighty hand to heal the wounds of the nation and to restore it, as soon as may be consistent with the Divine purposes, to the full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tran quillity, and union. " In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal ofthe United States to be affixed. " Done at the city of Washington this third day of ©ctober, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- three, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty- eighth. " Abraham Lincoln. ' By the President: "William H. Seward, Secretary of State." Wc have shown, in the first pages of this volume, that the early instruction of Abraham Lincoln was of that re ligious character which could not fail to have a proper effect upon his after life, and it is not therefore surprising Ihat during his Presidential' career he has embraced every opportunity to publicly acknowledge the source from whence have come all the blessings the people of the Union have received during the progress of the civil war ; and the unanimity with which his numerous requests for a general Thanksgiving have been acquiesced in, can but be gratifying to their author. LIFE AND SERVlCEo OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 151 THREE HUNDRED THOUSAND MORE MEN CALLED FOR. " Wlifreas, The term of service of part of the volunteer forces of the United States will expire during the coming year ; and whereas, in addition to the men raised by the present draft, it is deemed expedient to call out three hundred thousand volunteers, to serve for three years or the war — not, however, exceeding three years. " Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy thereof, and of the militia of the several States when called into actual service, do issue this my proclamation, calling upon tho Governors of the different States to raise aud have enlisted into the United States service, for the various companies and regi ments in the field from their respective States, their quotas of three hundred thousand men. " I further proclaim that all the volunteers thus called out and duly enlisted shall receive advance pay, premium and bounty, as heretofore communicated to the Governors of States by the War Department, through the Provost Marshal General's office, by special letters. " I further proclaim that all volunteers received under this call, as well as all others not heretofore credited, shall be duly credited and deducted from the quotas established for the next draft. •-¦ •. " 1 further proclaim that, if any State shall fail to raise the quota assigned to it by the War Department under this call ; then a draft for the deficiency iif said quota shall be made in said State, or on the districts of said State, for their due pro portion of said quota, and the said draft shall commence on the fifth day of January, 1864. "And I further proclaim that nothing in this proclamation shall interfere with existing orders, or with those which may be issued for the present draft in the States where It is now in pro gress or where it has not yet been commenced. " The quotas of the States and districts wilb be assigned by the War Department, through the Provost Marshal General's office, due regard being had for the men heretofore furnished, whether by volunteering or drafting, aud the recruiting will be conducted in accordance with such instructions is have been or may be issued by that department. "In issuing this proclamation I address mj^«lf not only to the Governors of the several States, but also to the good and loyal people thereof, invoking them to lend their cheerful, will ing and effective aid to the measures thus adopted, w-th a view to reinforce our victorious armies now in the field and bring our needful military operations to a prosperous end, thus dosing forever the fountains of sedition and civil war. i52 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. " In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the. United States to be affixed. "Done at the city of Washingtun, this seventeenth day of October, iu the year of our I ncw birth of freedom, and that the government of the people, by the people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth." THANKSGIVING PROCLAMATION, On the seventh of December, 1863, the following recom mendation was made to the people of the country : LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 153 " Executive Mansion, Washington, Dec. 1th, 1863. — Reliable information heit.g received that the insurgent force is retreating from East Tennessee, under circumstances rendering it probable that the Union forces cannot hereafter be dislodged from that important position, aud esteeming this to be of high National consequence, 1 recommend that all loyal people do, on the re ceipt of this, informally assemble at their places of worship, and render special homage aud gratitude to Aliuiglity God for this great advancement of the National cause. "A. Lincoln." THE ANNUAL MESSAGE OF 1863— FULL PAR DON OFFERED TO THE REBELS. On the ninth of December, 1863, President Lincoln sent into Congress his Annual Message, and never were his wis dom and moderation more satisfactorily exhibited than in this document. His review of our foreign relations and the operations of the various departments of the Government was comprehensive and clear, while on the subject of the rebellion he re-affirmed all that he had written in his pre vious messages, and in referring to the success which had attended the proclamation of emancipation, he said : " While I remain in my present position, I shall not at tempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation ; nor shall I return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation, or by any of the acts of Congress." Accompanying the Message, was a proclamation offering for the acceptance ofthe traitors a fair and practicable mode, by which they might return to their allegiance, and once again become loyal citizens. It was worded as follows : "Wliereas, In and by the Constitution of the United States, it is provided that the President ' shall have power to grant re prieves and pardons for offences against the United States, ex cept in cases of impeachment ;" and " Whereas, A rebellion now exists whereby the loyal State governments of several States have for a long time been sub verted, and many persons have committed and are now guilty of treason against the United States ; and " Whereas, With reference to said rebellion and treason, laws have been enacted by Congress, declaring forfeitures and con- 3-64 LIFE AND SERVICE^ Oif 4,SBAflAM LINCOLIf. fiscations of property and liberatiop of slaves, all upon terms and conditions therein stated, and also declaring that the Presi dent was thereby authorized at any time thereafter, by proclama tion, to extend to persons who may have participated in the ex isting rebellion in any State, or part thereof, pardon and amnesty, with such exceptions and at such times acd on such conditions as he may deem expedient for the public welfare ; and "Whereas, The Congressional declaration for limited and conditional pardon accords with well-established judicial ex position of the pardoning power ; and " Whereas, With reference to said rebellion, the President of the United States has issued several proclamations, with pro visions in regard to the liberation of slaves ; and " Whereas, It is now desired by some persons heretofore en gaged in said rebellion to resume their allegiance to the United States, and to re-inaugurate loyal State governments within and for their respective States ; " Therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do proclaim, declare, and make known to all persons who have, directly or by implication, participated in the exist ing rebellion, except as hereinafter excepted, that a full pardon is hereby granted to them and each of them, with restoration of all rights of property, except as to slaves, and in property cases where rights of third parties shall have intervened, and upon tha condition that every such person shall take and subscribe an oath, and thenceforward keep and maintain said oath inviolate; and which oath shall be registered for permanent preservation, and shall be of the tenor and effect following, to wit : " ' I , do solemnly swear, in presence of Almighty God,, that I will henceforth faithfully support, protect, and defend tha Constitution of the United States, and the Union of the States thereunder; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faith fully support all acts of Congress passed during the existing rebellion with reference to slaves, so long and so far as not re pealed, modified, or held void by Congress, or by decision of tha Supreme Court ; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully support all proclamations of the President made du ring the existing rebellion having reference to slaves, so long and so far as not modified or declared void by decision of tho Supreme Court. So help me God.' " The persons excepted from the benefits of the foregoing provisions 'are all who are or shall have been civil or diplomatic officers or agents of the so-called Confederate Government; all who have left judicial stations under the United States to aid the rebellion ; all who are or shall have been military or naval officers of said Confederate Government above the rank of Colonel in the army or of Lieutenant in the navy ; all who left seats in the United States Congress to aid the rebellion ; all who resigned their commissions in the army or navy of the United LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 155 States, and afterwards aided the rebellion, and all who have en gaged in any way, in treating. colored persons or white per.sons, in charge of such, otherwise than lawfully, as prisoners of war, and which persons may be found in the United States service, as soldiers, seamen, or in any other capacity. "And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known, that whenever, in any of the States of Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Tennessee, Alabama, Georgia, Florida, South Caro lina, and North Carolina, a number of persons, not less than one-tenth in number of tho votes cast in such State at the Presi dential election of the year of our Lord 1360, each having taken the oath aforesaid and not having since violated it, and being a qualified voter by the election law of the State existing imme diately before the so-called act of secession, and excluding all others, shall re-establish a State government which shall be Re publican, and in nowise contravening said oath, such shall be recognized as the true government of the State, and the State shall receive thereunder tbe benefits of the constitutional pro vision, which declares that ' the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican form of government, and shall protect each of them against invasion ; and, on appli cation of the Legislature, or the executive (when the Legisla ture cannot be convened), against domestic violence.' "And I do further proclaim, declare, and make known, that any provision which may be adopted by such State Government in relation to the freed people of such State, which shall recog nize and declare their permanent freedom, provide for their education, and which may yet be consistent, as a temporary ar rangement, with their present condition as a laboring, landless, and homeless class, will not be objected to by the National Executive. And it is suggested as not improper, that, in con structing a loyal State government in any State, the name of the State, the boundary, the subdivisions, tbe Constitution, and the general code of laws, as before the rebellion, be maintained, subject only to the modifications made necessary by the condi tions hereinbefore stated, and such others, if any, rot contra vening said conditions, and which may be deemed expedient by those framing the new State Government. " To avoid misunderstanding, it may be proper to say that this proclamation, so far as it relates to State Governments, has no reference to States wherein loyal State Governments have all the while been maintained. And for the same reason, it may be proper to further say, that whether members sent to Congress from any State shall be admitted to seats constitutionally, rests exclusively with the respective Houses, and not to any extent with the Executive. And still further, that this proclamation is intended to present the people of the States wherein the National authority has been suspended, and loyal State Govern. ments have been subverted, a mode in and by whicb the Na- 156 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. tional authority and loyal State Governments may be re-estab lished within said States, or in any of them ; and, while the mode presented is the best the Executive can suggest, with his present impressions, it must not be understood that no other possible mode would be acceptable. " Given under my hand at the City of Washington, the eighth day of December, A. D. one thousand eight hundred and sixty. three, and of the Independence of the United States of America tbe eighty-eighth. " &y the President : " Abraham Lincoln. " Wm. H. Seward, Secretary qf State." CALLS MADE FOR SEVEN HUNDRED THOUSAND MEN. Since the beginning of the present year, 1864, two orders have been issued by the President, with a view of augment ing the armies of the Union to correspond with the require ments of the service. The first, dated February first, is as follows : " Executive Mansion, Washington, February 1st, 1864. — Ordered, that a draft for five hundred thousand men, to serve three years or during the war, be made on the tenth of March next, for the military service ofthe United States, crediting and deducting therefrom so many as have been enlisted or drafted into the service prior to the first day of March, and not hereto fore credited. " (Signed) "Abraham Lincoln." The other, dated March fourteenth, was worded as fol lows : "Executive Mansion, Washington, March lith, 1864. — In order to supply the force required to be drafted for the navy, and to provide an adequate reserve force for all contingencies, in addition to the five hundred thousand men called for February 1st, 1864, the call is hereby made, and a draft ordered for two hundred thou sand men, for the military service of the army, navy, and marine corps of the United States. The proportionate quotas for the different wards, towns, townships, precincts, election districts, or counties will be made known through the Provost Marshal General's bureau, and account will be taken of the credits and deficiencies on former quotas. The 15th day of April, 1864, is designated as the time up to which the numbers required in each ward of a city, town, etc., may be raised by voluntary enlist ment ; and drafts' will be made in each ward of a city, town, LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 157 etc., which shall not have filled the quota assigned to it within the time designated fur the number required to fill the said quotas. The draft will be commenced as soon after the 15th of April as practicable. The Government bounties, as now paid, will be continued until April 15th, 1864, at which time the ad ditional bounties cease. On and after that date, one hundred dollars only will be paid, as provided by the act approved July 22nd, 1861. "Abraham Lincoln. " Official. " E. D. Townsend, A. A. G. " EXPLANATORY PROCLAMATION. On the twenty-sixth of March, 1864, the following proc lamation, explanatory of the one issued on the eighth of December, 1863, was published : "Wliereas, It has become necessary to define the cases in which insurgent enemies are entitled to the benefits of the Proclamation of the President of the United States, which was made on the Sth day of December, 1863, and the manner in which they shall proceed to avail themselves of these benefits ; "And whereas. The object of that proclamation were to sup press the insurrection and to restore the authority of the United States ; "And whereas. The amnesty therein proposed by the Presi dent was offered with reference to these objects alone ; " Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do hereby proclaim and declare that the said proclama tion does not apply to the cases of persons who, at the time when they seek to obtain the benefits thereof, by taking the oath thereby prescribed, are in military, naval or civil confinement or custody, or under bonds or on parole of the civil, military or naval au thorities or agents of the United States, as prisoners of war, or persons detained for offences of any kind, either before or after conviction ; aud that on the contrary, it does apply only to those persons who, being at large and free from any arrest, confina- ment or duress, shall voluntarily come forward and take the said oath, with the purpose of restoring peace and establishing tho national authority. " Prisoners excluded from the amnesty offered in the said proclamation may apply to the President for clemency, like all other offenders, and their application wiU receive due con sideration. " I do further declare and proclaim that the oath prescribed in the aforesaid proclamation of the Sth of December, 1863, may be taken and subscribed to before any commanding officer,. civil, military or naval, in the service of the United States, or any civil or military officer of a State or territory not in instir-' rectiou, who, by the laws thereof, may be qualified for adminis tering oatha. 10 158 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "All officers who receive such oaths are hereby authorized to give certificates thereon to the persons respectively by whom they are made, and such officers are hereby required to transmit the original records of such oaths at as early a day as may be convenient to the Department of State, where they will be de posited and remain in the archives of the government. " The Secretary of State will keep a register thereof, and will, on application, in proper cases, issue certificates of such records in the customary form of official certificates. " In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. " Done at the City of Washington, the twenty-sixth day of March, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-eighth. " By the President : "A*.«aham Lincoln. " Wm. H. Seward, Secretary qf Sta/,e." REVIEW OF THE PRESIDENT'S POLICY. In the number of the North American Review for January, 1864, a most able article was published, review ing the policy of President Lincoln, and from it we make the following extracts : " ' Bare is back,' says the Norse proverb, ' without brother behind it;' and this is, by analogy, true of an elective magistracy. The hereditary ruler in any critical emergency may reckon on the inexhaustible resources of prestige, of sentiment, of superstition, of dependent inter est, while the new man must slowly and painfully create all these out of the unwilling material around him, by superiority of character, by patient singleness of purpose, by sagacious presentiment of popular tendencies and in stinctive sympathy with the national character. Mr. Lin coln's task was one of peculiar and exceptional difficuli;y. Long habit had accustomed the American people to the notion of a party in power, and of a President as its crea ture and organ, while the more vital fact, that the execu tive for the time being represents the abstract idea of government as a permanent principle superior to all party and all private interest, had gradually become unfamiliar. They had so long «eeu the public policy more or lesa LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 159 directed by views of party, and often even of personal ad vantage, as to be ready to suspect the motives of a chief magistrate compelled, for the first time in our history, to feel himself the head and hand of a great nation, and to act upon the fundamental maxim, laid down by all publicists, that the first duty of a government is to defend and main tain its own existence. Accordingly, a powerful weapon seemed to be put into the hands of the opposition by the necessity under which the administration found itself of applying this old truth to new relations. They were not slow in turning it to use, but the patriotism and common- sense of the people were more than a match for any sophistry of mere party. The radical mistake of the lead ers of the opposition was in forgetting that they had a country, and expecting a similar obliviousness on the part of the people. In the undisturbed possession of office for so many years, they had come to consider the government as a kind of public Gift Enterprise conducted by them selves, and whose profits were nominally to be shared among the holders of their tickets, though all the prizes had a trick of falling to the lot of the managers. Amid the tumult of war, when the life of the nation was at stake, when the principles of despotism and freedom were grap pling in deadly conflict, they had no higher conception of the crisis than such as would serve the purpose of a con tested election ; no thought but of advertising the tickets for the next drawing of that private speculation which they miscalled the Democratic party. But they were too little in sympathy with the American people to under stand them, or the motives by which they were governed. It became more and more clear that, in embarrassing the administration, their design was to cripple the country; that, by a strict construction of the Constitution, they meant nothing more than the locking up of the only arsenal whence effective arms could be drawn to defend the nation Fortunately, insincerity by its very nature, by 160 LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. its necessary want of conviction, must ere long betray itself by its inconsistencies. It was hard to believe that men had any real Horror of sectional wai, who were busy in fomenting jealousies between East and West ; that they could be in favor of a war for the Union as it was, who were for accepting the violent amendments of Rebellion ; that they could be heartily opposed to insurrection in the South, who threatened government with forcible resistance in the North ; or that they were humanely anxious to stay the effusion of blood, who did not scruple to stir up the mob of our chief city to murder and arson, and to compli ment the patriotism of assassins with arms in their hands. Believers, if they believed any thing, in the divine right of Sham, they brought the petty engineering of the caucus to cope with the resistless march of events, and hoped to stay the steady drift of the nation's purpose, always set ting deeper and stronger in one direction, with the scoop- nets that had served their turn so well in dipping fish from the turbid eddies of politics. They have given an example of the shortest and easiest way of reducing a great party to an inconsiderable faction. " The change which three years have brought about, is too remarkable to be passed over without comment — too weighty in its lesson not to be laid to heart. Never did a President enter upon office with less means at his com mand, outside his own strength of heart and steadiness of understanding, for inspiring confidence in the people, and so winning it for himself, than Mr. Lincoln. All that was known of him was that he was a good stump-speaker, nominated for his availability — that is, because he had no history — and chosen by a party with whose more extreme opin' ons he was not in sympathy. It might well be feared that 1 man past fifty, against whom the ingenuity of hos tile partisans could rake up no accusation, must be lacking in manliness of character, in decision of principle, in LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINOOLN. 161 strength of will, — that a man who was at best only the representative of a party, and who yet did not fairly re present even that — would fail of political, much more of popular support. And certainly no one ever entered upon office with so few resources of power in the past, and so many materials of weakness in the present, as Mr. Lin coln. Even in that half of the Union which acknowledged him as President, there was a large, and at that time dan gerous minority, that hardly admitted his claim to the office, and even in the party that elected him there was also a large minority that suspected him of being secretly a communicant with the church of Laodicea. All that he did was sure to be virulently attacked as ultra by one side ; all that he left undone, to be stigmatized as proof of luke- warmness and backsliding by the other. Meanwhile he was to carry on a truly colossal war by means of both ; he was to disengage the country from diplomatic entangle ments of unprecedented peril undisturbed by the help or the hinderance of either, and to win from the crowning dangers of his administration, in the confidence of the people, the means of his safety and their own. He has contrived to do it, and perhaps none of our Presidents since Washington has stood so firm in the confidence of the people as he does after three years of stormy admin istration. " Mr. Lincoln's policy was a tentative one, and rightly so. He laid down no programme which must compel bim to be either inconsistent or unwise — no cast-iron theorem to which circumstances must be fitted as they rose, or else be useless to his ends. He seemed to have chosen Mazarin's motto, Le temps et moi. The moi, to be sure, was not very prominent at first ; but it has grown more and more so, till the world is beginning to be per suaded that it stands for a character of marked individu ality and capacity for affairs. Time was Ms prime-min- 162 LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. ister, and, we began to think at one period, his general- in-chief also. At first he was so slow that he tired out all those who see no evidence of progress but in blowing up the engine ; then he was so fast, that he took the breath away from those who think there is no getting on safely while there is a spark of fire under the boilers. God is the only being who has time enough ; but a prudent man, who knows how to seize occasion, can commonly make a shift to find as much as ho needs. Mr. Lincoln, as it seems to us in reviewing his career, though we have sometimes in our impatience thought otherwise, has al ways waited, as a wise man should, till the right moment brought up all his reserves. Semper nocuit differre par- atis is a sound axiom, but the really efficacious man will also be sure to know when he is not ready, and be firm Against all persuasion and reproach till he is. " One would be apt to think, from some of the criticisms made on Mr. Lincoln's course by those who mainly agree with him in principle, that the chief object of a statesman ishould be rather to proclaim his adhesion to certain doc trines than to achieve their triumph by quietly accom plishing his ends. In our opinion, there is no more unsafe politician than a conscientiously rigid doctrinaire, nothing more sure to end in disaster than a theoretic scheme of policy that admits of no pliability for contingencies. True, there is a popular image of an impossible He, in whose plastic hands the submissive destinies of mankind become as wax, and to whose commanding necessity the toughest facts yield with the graceful pliancy of fiction ; but in real life we commonly find that the men who control circum stances, as it is called, are those who have learned to allow for the influence of their eddies, and have the nerve to turn them to account at the happy instant. Mr. Lin coln's perilous task has been to carry a rather shackly raft through the rapids, making fast the unrulier logs aa LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 163 he could snatch opportunity ; and the country is to be congratulated that he did not think it his duty to run straight at all hazards, but cautiously to assure himself with his setting-pole where the main current was, and keep steadily to that. He is still in wild water, but we have faith that his skill and sureness of eye will bring him out right at last. " A curious, and, as we think, not inapt parallel might be drawn between Mr. Lincoln and one of the most striking figures in modern history — Henry IV. of France. The career of the latter may be more picturesque, as that of a daring captain always is ; but, in all its vicissitudes,, there is nothing more romantic than that sudden change, as by a rub of Aladdin's lamp, from the attorney's office in a country town of Illinois to the helm of a great nation in times like these. The analogy between the characters and circumstances of the two men is, in many respects, singularly close. Succeeding to a rebellion rather than a crown, Henry's chief material dependence was the Hugue not party, whose doctrines sat upon him with a looseness distasteful certainly, if not suspicious, to the more fanati cal among them. King -only in name over the greater part of France, and with his capital barred against him, it yet gradually became clear to the more far-seeing even of the Catholic party, that he was the only centre of order and legitimate authority round which France could re organize itself. While preachers who held the divine right of kings made the churches of Paris ring with decla mations in favor of democracy rather than submit to the heretic dog of a Bearnois — much as our soi-disant Demo crats have lately been preaching the divine right ol slavery, and denouncing the heresies of the Declaration of Independence — Henry bore both parties in hand till he was convinced that only one course of action could pos sibly combine his own interests and those of France 164 LIFE A»D aBRVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Meanwhile the Protestants believed somewhat doubtfully that he was theirs, the Catholics hoped somewhat doubt fully that he would be theirs, and Henry himself turned aside remonstrance, advice, and curiosity alike with a jest or a proverb, (if a little high, he liked them none the worse,) joking continually, as his manner was. We have seen Mr. Lincoln contemptuously compared to Sancho Panza by persons incapable of appreciating one of the deepest pieces of wisdom in the profoundest romance ever written^ — namely, that, while Don Quixote was incompa rable in theoretic and ideal statesmanship, Sancho, with his stock of proverbs, the ready-money of human experi ence, made the best possible practical governor. Henry IV. was as full of wise saws and modern instances as Mr. Lincoln, but beneath all this was the thoughtful, practi cal, humane, and thoroughly earnest man, around whom the fragments of France were to gather themselves till she took her place again as a planet of the first magnitude in the European system. In one respect Mr. Lincoln was more fortunate than Henry. However some may think him wanting in zeal, the most fanatical can find no taint of apostasy in any measure of his, nor can the most bitter charge him with being influenced by motives of personal interest. The leading distinction between the policies of the two is one of circumstances. Henry went over to the nation ; Mr. Lincoln has steadily drawn the nation over to him. One left a united France ; the other, we hope and believe, will leave a re-united America. We leave our readers to trace the further points of difference and resemblance for themselves, merely suggesting a gen eral similarity which has often occurred to us. One only point of melancholy interest we will allow ourselves to touch upon. That Mr. Lincoln is not handsome nor ele gant, we learn from certain English tourists who would conside* similar revelations in regard to Queen Vic4«iria LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 165 as thoroughly American in their want of Inensiance. It is no concern of ours, nor does it affect his fitness for the high place he so worthily occupies ; but he is certainly AS fortunate as Henry in the matter of good looks, if we may trust contemporary evidence. Mr. Lincoln has also been reproached with Americanism by some not unfriendly British critics ; but, with all deference, we cannot say that we like him any the worse for it, or see in it any k'cason why he should govern Americans the less wisely. " The most perplexing complications that Mr. Lincoln's government has had to deal with have been the danger of rupture with the two leading commercial countries of ¦Europe, and the treatment of the slavery question. In regard to the former, the peril may be considered aa nearly past, and the latter has been withdrawing steadily, ever since the war began, from the noisy debating-ground of faction to the quieter region of practical solution by convincingness of facts and consequent advance of opinion which we are content to call Fate. " Even so long ago as when Mr. Lincoln, not yet con- finced of the danger and magnitude of the crisis, was en deavoring to persuade himself of Union majorities at the South, and to carry on a war that was half peace in the hope of a peace that would have been all war, — while he was still enforcing the Fugitive Slave Law, under some theory that Secession, however it might absolve States from their obligations, could not escheat them of their claims under tbe Constitution, and that slaveholders in rebellion had alone among mortals the privilege of having their cake and eating it at the same time, — the enemies of free government were striving to persuade the people that the war was an Abolition crusade. To rebel with out reason was proclaimed as one of the rights of man, while it was carefully kept out of sight that to suppiess rebellion is the first duty of government. All the ee-Nls 166 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. that have come upon the country have been attributed to the Abolitionists, though it is hard to see how any party can become permanently powerful except in one of two -ways, — either by the greater truth of its principles, or the extravagance of th6 party opposed to it. To fancy the ship of state, riding safe at her constitutional moorings, suddenly engulfed by a huge kraken of Abolitionism, rising from unknown depths and grasping it with slimy tentacles, is to look at the natural history of the matter with the eyes of Pontoppidan. To believe that the leaders in the Southern treason feared any danger from Abolitionism, would be to deny them ordinary intelli gence, though there can be little doubt that they made use of it to stir the passions and excite the fears of theij deluded accomplices. They rebelled, not because they thought slavery weak, but because they believed it strong enough, not to overthrow the government, but to get pos session of it ; for it becomes daily clearer that they used rebellion only as a means of revolution, and if they got revolution, though not in the shape they looked for, is the American people to save them from its consequences at the cost of its own existence ? The election of Mr. Lin coln, which it was clearly in their power to prevent had they wished, was the occasion merely, and not tbe cause, of their revolt. Abolitionism, till within a year or two, was the despised heresy of a few earnest persons, without political weight enough to carry the election of a parish' constable ; and their cardinal principle was disunion, be cause they were convinced that within the Union the position of slavery was impregnable. In spite of the proverb, great effects do not follow from small causes,— that is, disproportionately small, — but from adequate causes acting under certain required conditions. To con trast the size of the oak with that of the parent acorn, as if tbe poor seed had paid all costs from its slender strong LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 167 box, may serve for a child's wonder ; but the real miracle lies in that divine league which bound all the forces of nature to the service of the tiny germ in fulfilling its destiny. Every thing has been at work for the past ten years in the cause of antislavery, but Garrison and Phillips have been far less successful propagandists than the slaveholders themselves, with the constantly-growing arrogance of their pretensions and encroachments. They have forced the question upon the attention of every voter in the Free States, by defiantly putting freedom and de mocracy on the defensive. But, even after the Kansas outrages, there was no wide-spread desire on the part of the North to commit aggressions, though there was a growing determination to resist them. The popular unanimity in favor of the war three years ago was but in small measure the result of antislavery sentiment, far less of any zeal for abolition. But every month of the war, every movement of the allies of slavery in the Free States, has been making Abolitionists by the thousands. The masses of any people, however intelligent, are very little moved by abstract principles of humanity and jus tice, until those principles are interpreted for them by the stinging commentary of some infringement upon their own rights, and then their instincts and passions, once aroused, do indeed derive an incalculable reinforcement of impulse and intensity from those higher ideas, those sublime tra ditions, which have no motive political force till they are allied with a sense of immediate personal wrong or im minent peril. Then at last the stars in their courses be gin to fight against Sisera. Had any one doubted before that the rights of human nature are unitary, that oppres sion is of one hue the world over, no matter what the color of the oppressed, — had any one failed to see what the real essence of the contest was, — the efforts of the ad vocates of slavery among ourselves to throw discredit upon 168 LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. the fundamental axioms of the Declaration of Independence and the radical doctrines of Christianity, could not fail to sharpen his eyes. This quarrel, it is plain, is not between Northern fanaticism and Southern institutions, but be tween downright slavery and upright freedom, between despotism and democracy, between the Old World and the New. " The progress of three years has outstripped the ex pectation of the most sanguine, and that of our arms, great as it undoubtedly is, is trifling in comparison with the advance of opinion. The great strength of slavery was a superstition, which is fast losing its hold on the public mind. When it was first proposed to raise negro regiments, there were many even patriotic men who felt as the West Saxons did at seeing their high priest hurl his lance against the temple of their idol. They were sure something terrible, they knew not what, would follow. But the earth stood firm, the heavens gave no sign, and presently they joined in making a bonfire of their bugbear. That we should employ the material of the rebellion for ita own destruction, seems now the merest truism. In the same way men's minds are growing wonted to the thought of emancipation ; and great as are the difficulties which must necessarily accompany and follow so vast a measure, we have no doubt that they will be successfttlly overcome. The point of 'interest and importance is, that the feeling of our country in regard to slavery is no whim of sentiment, but a settled conviction, and that the tendency of opinion is unmistakably and irrevocably in one direction, no less in the Border Slave States than in the Free. The chances of the war, which at one time seemed against us, are now greatly in our favor. The nation is more thoroughly united against any shameful or illusory peace than it ever was on any other 'question, and the very extent of the ter ritory to be subdued, which was the most serioua cause of LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 169 misgiving, is no longer an element of strength, but of dis integration, to the conspiracy. The Rebel leaders can make no concessions ; the country is unanimously resolved that the war shall be prosecuted, at whatever cost ; and if the war go on, will it leave slavery with any formidable strength in the South ? and without that, need there be any fear of effective opposition in the North ? " While every day was bringing the people nearer to the conclusion which all thinking men saw to be inevitable from the beginning, it was wise in Mr. Lincoln to leave the shaping of his policy to events. In this country, where the rough and ready understanding of the people is sure at last to be the controlling power, a profound common-sense is the best genius for statesmanship. Hitherto the wisdom of the President's measures has been justified by the fact that they have always resulted in more firmly uniting public opinion. It is a curious comment on the sincerity of political professions, that the party calling itself Democratic should have been the last to recognize the real movement and tendency of the popular mind. The same gentlemen who two years ago were introducing resolutions in Congress against coercion, are introducing them now in favor of the war, but against subjugation. Next year they may be in favor of emanci pation, but against abolition. It does not seem to have occurred to them that the one point of difference between a civil and a foreign war is, that in the former, one of the parties must by the very nature of the case be put down, and the (fther left in possession of the government. Un less the country is to be divided, no compromise is possible, ' and, if one side must yield, shall it be the nation or the conspirators ? A government may make, and any wise government would make, concessions to men who have risen against real grievances ; but to make them in favor of a rebellion that had no juster cause than the personal 170 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, ambition of a few bad men, would be to abdicate. Southern politicians, however, have always been so dexterous in drawing nice distinctions, that they may find some consolation inappreciable by obtnser minds in being coerced instead of subjugated. " If Mr. Lincoln continue to act with the firmness and prudence which have hitherto distinguished him, we think he has little to fear from the efforts of the opposition. Men without sincere convictions are hardly likely to have a well-defined and settled policy, and the blunders they have hitherto committed must make them cautious. If their personal hostility to the President be unabated, we may safely count on their leniency to the opinion of majorities, and the drift of public sentiment is too strong to be mistaken. They have at last discovered that there is such a thing as Country, which has a meaning for men's minds and a hold upon their hearts; they may make the further discovery, that this is a revolution that has been forced on us, and not merely a civil war. In any event, an opposition is a wholesome thing ; and we are only sorry that this is not a more wholesome opposi tion. " We believe it is the general judgment of the country on the acts of the present administration, that they have been, in the main, judicious and well-timed. The only doubt about some of them seems to be as to their con stitutionality. It has been sometimes objected to our form of government, that it was faulty in having a writ ten constitution which could not adapt itself to the needs of the time as they arose. But we think it rather a theoretic than a practical objection ; for in point of fact there has been hardly a leading measure of any administration that has not been attacked as uncon stitutional, and which was not carried nevertheless. Purchase of Louisiana, Embargo, Removal of the De- LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 171 posits. Annexation of Texas, not to speak of others less important, — on the unconstitutionality of all these, power ful parties have appealed to the country, and invariably the decision has been against them. The will of the people for the time being has always carried it. In the present instance, we purposely refrain from any allusion to the moral aspects of the question. We prefer to leave the issue to experience and common-sense. Has any sane man ever doubted on which side the chances were in this contest ? Can any sane man who has watched the steady advances of opinion, forced onward slowly by the im mitigable logic of facts, doubt what the decision of tho people will be in this matter ? The Southern conspira tors have played a desperate stake, and, if they had )von, would have bent the whole policy of the country to the interests of slavery. Filibustering would have been nationalized, and the slave-trade re-established as the most beneficent form of missionary enterprise. But if they lose ? They have, of their own choice, put the chance into our hands of making this continent the empire of a great homogeneous population, substantially one in race, language, and religion, — the most prosperous and power ful of nations. Is there a doubt what the decision of a victorious people will be ? If we were base enough to decline the great commission which Destiny lays on us, should we not deserve to be ranked with those dastards whom the stern Florentine condemns as hateful alike to God and God's enemies ? "We would not be understood as speaking lightly of the respect due to constitutional forms, all the more essential under a government like ours and in times like thesfe. But where undue respect for the form will lose us the substance, and where the substance, as in this case, is nothing less than the country itself, to be over-scrupulous would be unwise. Who are most tender in their solicitude that we 1712 LIFE AND SERVICES OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN. keep sacred the letter of the law, in order that its spirit may not keep us alive ? Mr. Jefferson Davis aud those who, in the Free States, would have been his associates, but must content themselves with being his political guerilleros. If Davis had succeeded, would he have had any scruples of constitutional delicacy ? And if he has not succeeded, is it not mainly owing to measures which bis disappointed partisans denounce as unconstitutional ? " We cannot bring ourselves to think that Mr. Lincoln nas done any thing that would furnish a precedent dan gerous to our liberties, or in any way overstepped the just limits of his constitutional discretion. If his course has been unusual, it was because the danger was equally so. It cannot be so truly said that he has strained his prerogative, as that the imperious necessity has exercised its own. Surely the framers of tlie Constitution never dreamed that they were making a strait waistcoat, in which the nation was to lie helpless while traitors were left free to do their will. In times like these, men seldom settle precisely the principles on which they shall act, but rather adjust those on which they have acted to the lines of precedent as well as they can after the event. This is what the English Parliament did in the Act of Settlement. Congress, after all, will only be called on for the official draft of an enactment, the terms of which have beep already decided by agencies beyond their control. Even while they are debating, the current is sweeping them onward toward new relations of policy. At worst, a new precedent is pretty sure of pardon, if it successfully meet a new occasion. It is a harmless pleasantry to call Mr. Lincoln 'Abraham the First,' — we remember when a similar title was applied to President Jackson ; and it will not be easy, we suspect, to persuade a people who have more liberty than they know what to do with, that tliey are the victims of despotic tyranny. LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 178 " Mr. Lincoln probably thought it more convenient, to say the least, to have a country left without a constitution, than a constitution without a country. We have no doubt we shall save both ; for if we take care of the one, tbe other will take care of itself. Sensible men, and it is the sensible men in any country who at last shape its policy, will be apt to doubt whether it is true conservatism, after the fire is got under, to insist on keeping up the flaw in the chimney by which it made its way into the bouse. Radicalism may be a very dangerous thing, and so is calomel, but not when it is the only means of saving the life of the patient. Names are of great influence in ordi nary times, when they are backed by the vis inertice of life-long prejudice, but they have little power in com parison with a sense of interest ; and though, in peaceful times, it may be highly respectable to be conservative merely for the sake of being so, though without very clear notions of any thing in particular to be conserve;d, what we want now is the prompt decision that will not hesitate between the bale of silk and the ship when a leak is to be stopped. If w;e succeed in saving the great land marks of freedom, there will be no difficulty in settling our constitutional boundaries again. We have no sympathy to spare for the pretended anxieties of men who, only two years gone, were willing that Jefferson Davis should break all the ten commandments together, and wouM now impeach 14r. Lincoln for a scratch on the surface of the tables where they are engraved." As soon as the publication was received and read -by the President, he sent to the publishers the following letter : " Executive Mansion, Washington, January 16th, 1864 ^'Messrs. Crosby If Nichols : " Gentlemen" : The number for this month and year of the North American Review was duly received and for which please accept my thanks. Of course I am not the most impartial 11 174 LIFE AND SERVICES OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN'. judge ; yet, with ^,ne allowance for this, I venture to hope that the article entitled ' The President's Policy ' will be of value to the country. I fear I am not quite worthy of all which ia therein kindly said of tpe personally. " The sentence of twelve lines, commencing at the top of page 252, {which in this book is on page 165,) I could wish to be not u exactly as it is. In what is there expressed the writer has not pojfreptly understood me. I have never hs^d a theory that seces sion could absolve States or people frpra their obligations. Pre cisely the contrary-is asserted in the iiiaugural address; and it fas becaase of my belief in the continuation of those ebUpaUmt that 1! wa^, puzzled, fpr a, ti^^e, ap to denjyjng tbe \'^S^. T»aA finished with heavy silver fringe, and the curtains of black velvet were fringed with silver and gracefully looped The coffin rested on a raised dais, on an inclined plane, the inclination being such that the face of the departed patriot was in view of visitors while passing for two or three minutes. The coffin was laid on the dais in the presence of Gen erals Dix, Burnside, Van Vliet, Peck, Ullman, Sandford, and Townsend ; Admiral Spaulding ; Commodores Meade and Rice ; the members of the Press, and a number of emi nent civilians. The embalmers then re-arranged the body, which had been somewhat disturbed by the journey, after 240 ALBANY — BUFFALO — COLUMBUS, ETC. which the lid ^as removed, affording a view of the face and upper portion of the breast. The people were admitted early the same afternoon, and from that time until twelve M., the next day, Tuesday, the 25th, a continuous stream passed through the hall. At one o'clock the remains were placed upon the hearse, and an immense procession escorted them to the Hudson River Railroad Depot, whence they departed for Albany. ALBANY, SYRACUSE, AND BUFFALO, At every point between the two cities, great concourses of people assembled, and when the train arrived at the State Capital of New York, a procession accompanied the remains to the Capitol building, where they were placed in State. At four P. M., on the 26th, they were again borne to the funeral car, and the train departed on its solemn journey to the Great West. Syracuse, Buffalo, and each town and village on the line paid their last tribute to the dead statesman. CLEVELAND AND COLUMBUS. The same sad duties were rendered by the people of Ohio, the body being transferred from the train at Cleve land, and also at Columbus, where it was placed in the Capitol for several hours, giving thousands of the citizens an opportunity to view all that remained of Abraham Lincoln. ARRIVAL AT INDIANAPOLIS. In Indiana, the State in which Mr. Lincoln had spent some ten years of his early life, the most intense exhibi tions of grief and respect were evinced. Gov. Morton, a warm personal friend of the deceased President, joined tbe train at the State line, his suite consisting of his staff and all the chief officers of the State, military and civil. On Sun day morning, April 30th, the train reached Indianapolis, and though a heavy rain prevailed, the entire population INDIANAPOLIS — CHICAGO — SPRINGFIELD. 24 1 of the city and tbe adjacent country were gathered to receive the remains. The coffin was borne beneath a magnificent arch, into the Capitol, and placed under the great dome, the splendid structure being festooned with black. The preparations here were of the most expensive and elaborate nature, and were said to be by far the most elegant and appropriate witnessed on the entire route. All through the Sabbath the people passed in an almost endless line by the coffin, the scene proving one of most extraordinary solemnity. All the children of the Sunday- schools were admitted, and the City Councils of Cincin nati and Louisville, together with Gov. Bramlette of Kentucky, were present. ARRIVAL AT CHICAGO. At midnight of Sunday, April 30th, the remains were escorted to the cars at Indianapolis, and the train left for Chicago, where it arrived at eleven A. M., May 1st, 1865. Minute guns and the tolling of bells announced the arrival of the remains, and the multitude stood in pro found silence, with uncovered heads, as the coffin was slowly borne to tbe funeral car, under a grand arch across Park place. The arch was fifty-one feet in span, sixteen feet deep and forty feet high, its centre draped with the national flags and mourning emblems, and containing several inscriptions, including one as follows : " We Mourn the Man with Heaven-born Principles." The remains were conveyed to the rotunda of the Court-house. Among the mottoes was " Illinois clasps to her bosom her slain but glorified son. " The number of people in the city at the time the processsion moved was not less than a quarter of a million. ARRIVAL AT SPRINGFIELD. At eight o'clock in the evening of May 1st, the coffin was again closed, and borne to the cars on its journey to 242 THE FUNERAL PROCESSION AT SPRINGFIELD. Springfield, the earthly resting-place of its sacred treasure. The next morning, May 2d, the funeral train reached tbe city, and the corpse was conveyed to the State Capitol and revealed to the view of the dead President's late fellow- citizens. The grief expressed here surpassed that of all other communities. To thousands of the people Me. Lin coln had been personally known, and their affection and sorrow for his untimely death was of a deeper nature than that of any of bis countrymen. Bells were tolled, funeral guns fired, and a universal woe overspread the city. Many thousand people visited the Capitol during the day and night. THE FUNERAL AT SPRINGFIELD. The funeral took place on the fourth of May, and at noon twenty-one guns were fired, and afterward single guns at intervals of ten minutes. About noon, the remains were brought from the State House and placed ia a hearse, which was surrounded by a magnificent crown of flowers. Meanwhile a chorus of hundreds of voices, accompanied by a brass band, sang the following hymn from the- por tico of tbe Capitol. " Children of the heavenly King, Let us journey as we sing." The funeral procession was under the imediate direction of Major-General Hooker, Marshal-in-chief, Brigadier- General Cook and staff, and Brevet Brigadier-General Oakes and staff. The military and the firemen made a fine appearance. The guard of honor consisted of General Barnard ; Rear- Admiral Davis ; and Generals McCallum, Ramsay, Caldwell, Thomas, Howe, Townsend, and Eakin; and Captain Field, of the Marine Corps. The relations and family friends of the deceased were in carriages. Among them were Judge Davis, of the Supreme Court, ARRIVAL AT OAK RIDGE CEMETERY 243 the officiating clergyman, Bishop Simpson, Dr. Gurley, and others. In the procession were the Governors of several States, members of Congress, the State and mu nicipal authorities, and delegations from adjoining States. The long line of civilians was closed by the Free Masons, Odd Fellows, and citizens at large, including colored per sons. The hearse was immediately followed by the horse formerly belonging to Mr. Lincoln. Its body was covered with black cloth, trimmed with silver fringe. Never be fore was there so large a military and civic display in Springfield. There were immense crowds of people in the immediate vicinity of the Capitol to see the procession as it passed, and the people for several miles occupied the side-ways. The procession arrived at Oak Ridge Cemetery at one o'clock. On the left of the vault in which the remains of the President were deposited immediately on their arrival, was a platform on which singers and an instrumental band were in place, and these united in the chanting and sing ing of appropriate music, including a burial hymn by the deceased President's pastor, the Rev. Dr. Gurley. On the right was the speaker's stand, appropriately draped with mourning. The vault is erected at tbe foot of a knoll in a beautiful part of the grounds, which contains forest trees of all varieties. It has a doric gable resting on pilasters, the main wall being rustic. The vault is fifteen feet high and about the same in width, with semi-circular wings of bricks projecting from the hill-sides. The material is limestone, procured at Joliet, Illinois. Directly inside of the ponderous doors is an iron grating. The interior walls are covered with black velvet, dotted with evergreens. In the centre of the velvet is a foundation of brick, capped with a marble slab, on whicb the coffin rests. The front of the vault is trimmed virith evergreens. The dead 244 LAST RITES AT THE VAULT. — REMINISCENCES. march in " Saul" was sung, accompanied by the band, aa the remains were deposited. Thousands of persons were assembled at the cemetery before the arrival of the pro cession, occupying the succession of green hills, and the scene was one of the most intense solemnity. The land scape was beautiful in the light of an unclouded sun. The religious exercises were commenced by tbe singing of a dirge. Then followed the reading of appropriate portions of the Scriptures and a prayer. After a hymn sung by the choir, the Rev. Mr. Hubbard read the last inaugural of President Lincoln. Another dirge was sung by the choir, when Bishop Simpson delivered the funeral oration. It was in the highest degree solemn, eloquent, and patriotic, and portions of it were applauded. Then followed another dirge and hymn, when benediction was pronounced by the Rev. Dr. Gurley. The procession was then re-formed, and returned to the city. REMINISCENCES. We have followed the remains of President Lincoln from Washington, the scene of his assa.ssination, to Spring field, his former home and noTiV to be his final resting- place. He had been absent from that city ever since he left it in February, 1861, for the National Capital, to be inaugurated as President of the United States. We have seen him lying in state in the Executive Mansion, where the obsequies were attended by numerous mourners, some of them clothed with the highest public .honors and re sponsibilities which our republican institutions can bestow, and by the diplomatic representatives of foreign Govern ments. We have followed the remains from Washington, through Baltimore, Harrisburg, Philadelphia, New York, Albany, Buffalo, Cleveland, Columbus, Indianapolis, and Chicago to Springfield, a distance in circuit of fifteen hun dred or eighteen hundred miles. On the route milliuiis BISHOP SIMPSON'S FUNERAL ORATION. 245 of people have appeared to manifest by every means of which they were capable, their deep sense of the public loss, and their appreciation of the many virtues which adorned the life of Abraham Lincoln. All classes, with out distinction of politics, spontaneously united in the posthumous honors. All hearts seemed to beat as one at the bereavement ; and now funeral processions are ended, our mournful duty of escorting the mortal remains- of Abraham Lincoln hither is performed. We have seen them deposited in the tomb. The bereaved friends, with subdued and grief-stricken hearts, have taken their adieu and turn their faces homeward, ever to remember the affecting and impressive scenes which they have witnessed. The injunction, so often repeated on the way, " Bear him gently to his rest," has been obeyed, and the great heart of the nation throbs heavily at the portals of the tomb. BISHOP SIMPSON'S FUNERAL ORATION. " Pellow-Citizens op Illinois and of many farts of our ENTIRE Union : — Near the capital of this large and growing State of Illinois, in the midst of this beautiful grove, and at the open mouth of the vault which hag just received the remains of our fallen chieftain, we gather to pay a tribute of respect and drop the tears of sorrow around the ashes of the mighty dead. A little more than four years ago, from his plain and quiet home in yonder city, he started, receiving the parting words of the con course of friends who gathered around him, and in the midst of the dropping of the gentle shower he told of the pains of parting from the place where his children had been born and his home had been made so pleasant by early recollections. And as he left he made an earnest request in the hearing of some who are present, that as he was about to enter upon responsibilities which he believed to be greater than any which had fallen upon any man since the days of Washington, the people would offer up their prayers that God would aid and sustain him in the work they had given him to do. His company left your quiet city. But as it went snares were in waiting for the Chief Magistrate. Scarcely did he escape the dangers of the way or the hand« of the assassin as he neared Washington, and I believe he escaped only through the vigilance of the officers and the prayers of the people ; so that the blow was suspended for mure than four 246 BISHOP SIMPSON'S FUNERAL ORATION. years, which was at last permitted, through the providence of God, to fall. How different the occasion which witnessed his departure and that whioh witnessed his return ! Doubtless you expected to take him by the hand, to feel the warm grasp which you felt in other days, and to see the tall form walking among you which you had delighted to honor in years past. But he was never permitted to return until he came with lips mute and silent, his frame encoflined, and a weeping nation following as his mourners. Such a scene as his return to you was never wit nessed among the events of history. There have been great processions of mourners. There was one for the patriarch Jacob, which came up from Egypt, and the Egyptians wondered at the evidence of reverence and filial affection which came from the hearts of the Israelites. There was mourning when Moses fell upon the heights of Pisgah aud was hid from human view. There have been mournings in the kingdoms of the earth when kings and warriors have fallen ; but never was there in the his tory of man such mourning as that which has accompanied the funeral procession and has gathered around the mortal remains of him who was our loved one, and who now sleeps among us. If we glance at the procession which followed him we see how the nation stood aghast. Tears filled the eyes of many sun burned faces. Strong men, as they clasped the hands of their friends, were unable to find vent for their grief in words. Women and little children caught up the riding's as they ran '^ through the land and were melted into tears. The nation stood still. Men left their plows in the fields and asked what the end would be. The hum of manufactures ceased and the sound of the hammer was not heard. Busy merchants closed their doors, and in the exchange gold passed no more from hand to hand. Three weeks have passed. The nation has scarcely breathed easily yet. A mournful silence is abroad upon the land. Nor is this mourning confined to any class or to any district of the country. Men of all political parties and of all religious creeds seem united in paying this mournful tribute. The Archbishop of the Roman Catholic Church in New York and a Protestant minister walked side by side in the sad procession, and a Jewish Eabbi performed a part of the solemn service. There are gath ered around his tomb representatives of the army and navy, senators, judges, governors and officers of all the branches of the government and members of all the civic associations, with men and women from the humblest as well as the highest occupations. Here and there, too, are tears, as sincere and warm as any that drop, which come from the eyes of those whose kindred and whose race have been freed from their chains by him whom they mourn as their deliverer. Par more have gazed on the face of the departed than ever looked upon the face of any other departed man. More eyes have looked upon the procession for sixteen hundred miles or more by night and by day, by sunlight, BISHOP SIMPSON'S PUNERAL ORATION. 247 dawn, twilight and by torchlight, than ever before watched the progress of a procession. We ask why this wonderful mourning, this great procession 1 I answer : First, a part of the interest has arisen from the times in which we live, and in which he that has fallen was a principal actor. It is a principle of our nature thai; feelings once excluded from the object by which they are excited, turn readily to some other object which may for the time being take possession of the mind. Another principle is, that the deepest affections of our hearts gather around some human form in which are incarnated the loving thoughts and ideas of the passing age. If we look, then, at the times, we see an age of excitement. For four years the popular heart has been stirred to its utmost depths. War had come upon us, di viding families, separating nearest and dearest friends— a war, the extent and magnitude of which no one could estimate— a war in which the blood of brethren was shed by a brother's hand. A call for soldiers was made by this voice, now hushed, and all over this land — from hill to mountain, from plain to^valley — they sprung up, hundreds of thousands of bold hearts, ready to go forth and save our National Union. This feeling of excite ment was transferred next into a feeling of deep grief, because of the dangers in which our country was placed. Many said. Is it possible to save our nation ? Some in our own country, and" nearly all the leading men in other countries, declared it to be impossible to maintain the Union ; and many an honest heart was deeply pained with apprehensions of common ruin ; and many, in grief, aud almost in despair, anxiously inquired, 'What shall the end of these things be?' In addition, the wi-ses had given their husbands, and mothers their sons. In the prrle and joy of their hearts, they saw them put on their uniform — they saw them take their martial step — and they tried to hide their deep feelings of sadness. Many dear ones slept on the battle field — never, never, to return again — and there was mourning in every mansion and in every cabin in our broad land. Then came a feeling to deepen sadness, as the story came of prisoners tortured to death, or starved, through the mandates of those who are called the representatives of the Chivalry, or who claim to be the honorable ones of the earth ; and as we read the stories of frames attenuated, and reduced to mere skeletons, our grief turned partly to horror, and partly into a cry for vengeance. Then, the feeling was changed to one of joy. There came signs of the end of the rebellion. We followed the career of our glorious Generals. We saw our army, under the command of the brave officer who is guiding this procession, climb up the heights of Lookout Mountain, and drive the rebels from their strongholds. Another brave General swept through Georgia, South and North Carolina, and drove the combined armies of the rebels before him — while the honored Lieutenant-General held Lee and his hosts in a death-grasp. Then the tidings came 248 BISHOP SIMPSON'S PUNERAL ORATION. that Richmond was evacuated, and that Lee had surrendered I The bells rang merrily all over the land. The booming of cannon was heard. Illuminations and torch-light processions manifested the general joy, and families were looking for the speedy return of their loved ones from the field of battle. Just in the midst of the wildest joy — in one hour, nay, in one mo ment — the tidings rang throughout the land, that Abraham Lin coln, the best of Presidents, had perished by the hands of au assassin ! And then, all that feeling which had been gatheitd for four years — in forms of excitement, grief, horror, and joy — turned into one wail of woe : a sadness inexpressible, anguish unutterable. But it is not the time merely which caused this mourning — the mode of his death must be taken into account. Had he died on a bed of illness, with kind friends around him ; had the sweat of death been wiped from his brow, by gentle hands, while he was yet conscious ; could he have had the power to speak words of affection to his stricken widow ; words of counsel to us all, like those which we heard in his parting for Washington — in his inaugural, which shall now be immortal — how it would have softened or assuaged something of the grief. There might at least have been preparation for the event. But no moment of warning was given to him or to us. He wag stricken down when his hopes for the end of the rebellion were bright, and the prospects of a joyous life were before Him. There was a Cabinet meeting that day, said to have been the most cheerful and happy of any held since the beginning of the rebellion. After this meeting, he talked with his friends, and, spoke of the four years of tempest, of the storm being over, aud of the four years of pleasure and joy now awaiting him, as the weight of care and anguish would be taken from his mind, and he could have happy days with his family again. In the midst of these anticipations, he left his house, never to return alive. Though the evening was Good Friday— the saddest day in the whole calendar for the Christian Church — henceforth in this country to be made still sadder, if possible, by the memory of our nation's loss. And so filled with grief was every Christian's heart, that even all the joyous thoughts of Easter Sunday failed to remove the crushing sorrow under which the true worshipper bowed in the house of God. But the great canSe of this mourning is to be found in the man himself. Mr. Lin coln was no ordinary man ; and I believe the conviction has been growing on the nation's mind, as it certainly has been on my own, especially in the last years of his administration, that, by the hand of God, he was especially singled out to gujde our government in these troublous times. And it seems to me that the hand of God maybe traced in many of the events connected with his history. " First, then, I recognize that in his physical education which he received, and which prepared him for enduring Herculean BISHOP SIMPSON'S FUNERAL ORATION 249 labors in the toils of his boyhood and the labors of his man hood, God was giving him an iron form. Next to this, was his identification with the heart of the great people — understanding their feelings, because he was one of them, and connected with them in their movements and life. His education was simple. A few months spent in the school-house, gave him the elements of education. He read few books, but mastered all he read. 'Bunyan's Progress' and the 'Life of Washington' were his fa vorites. In these we recognize the works which gave the bias to his character, and which partly moulded his style. His early life, with its varied struggles, joined him indissolubly to the weeping masses, and no elevation in society diminished his respect for the sons of toil. He knew what it was to fell the tall trees of the forest, and to stem the current of the swift Mississippi. His home was in the growing West, the heart of the Republic ; and, invigorated by the wind which swept over its groves, he learned the lesson of self-reliance which sustained him in seasons of adversity. His genius was soon recognized, as true genius always will be. He was placed in the Legislature of a State. Already acquainted with the principles of law, he devoted his thoughts to matters of public interest, and began to be looked on as the coming statesman. As early as 1849 he presented resolutions in the Legislature asking for emancipation in the District of Columbia, although, with rare exceptions, the whole popular mind of his State was opposed to the measures. From that hour he was a steady and uniform friend of humanity, and was preparing for the conflict of later years. If you ask on what mental characteristics his greatness rested, I answer, on a quick and ready perception of facts, and a memory unusually tenacious and retentive, and on a logical turn of mind which followed sterlingly and unwaveringly every link in the chain of thought on any subject which he was called on to investigate. I think there have been minds more decided in their character, more comprehensive in their scope, but I doubt if there has been a man who could follow, step by step, with logical power, the points which he desired to illustrate. He gained the power by the close study of geometry, and by a determination to per severe in truth. It is said of him, that in childhood, when he had any difficulty, in listening to a conversation, to understand what people meant, if he retired to rest he could not sleep till he tried to understand the precise points intended, and, when understood, to convey it in a clearer manner to those who had hstened with him. 'Who that has read his messages fails to perceive the directness and the simplicity of his style ; and this very trait, which was scoffed at and derided by his opposers, is now recognized as one of the strong points of that mighty mind which has so powerfully influenced the destiny of the nation, and which shall for ages to come influence the destiny of hu manity. It is not, however, chiefly by his mental faculties that 250 BISHOP Simpson's funeral oration. he gained such a control over mankind. His moral power gave him prominence. The convictions of men that Abraham Lin coln was an honest man, led them to yield to his guidance. As has been said of Cobden, whom he greatly respected, he made all men feel and own the sense of himself, and recognize in him, individually, a self-relying power. They saw in him a man whom they believed would do that which was right, regardless of all consequences. It was this moral feeling which gave him the greatest hold on the people, and made his utterances almost oracular. When the nation was angered by the perfidy of foreign nations in allowing privateers to be fitted out, he ut tered the significant expression — ' One war at a time' — and it stilled the national heart. When his own friends were divided as to what steps should be taken as to slavery, that simple utterance—' I will save the Union if I can with slavery ; but, if not, slavery must perish : for the Union must be preserved' — became the rallying word. Men felt that the struggle was for the Union, and all other questions must be subsidiary. But after all the acts of a man, shall his fall be perpetuated ? What are his acts? Much praise is due to the men who aided him. He called able counsellors around him, and able Generals into the field — men who have borne the sword as bravely as any hu man arm has borne it. He had the aid of prayerful and thought ful men everywhere. But under his own guiding hands the movements of our land have been conducted. " Turn towards the different departments. We had an unor ganized militia — a mere skeleton army ; yet under his care that army has been enlarged into a force which for skill, intelligence, efficiency and bravery surpasses any which tho world has ever seen. Before its veterans the renowned veterans of Napoleon shall pale — and the mothers and sisters on these hillsides and all over the land shall take to their arms .again braver men than ever fought in European Wars. The reason is obvious. Money, or a desire for fame collected their armies, or they were rallied to sustain favorite theories or dynasties ; but the armies he called into being fought for liberty, for the Union, and for the right of self-government; and many of them felt that the battles they won were for humanity everywhere, and for all time ; for 1 believe that God has not suffered this terrible rebellion to come upon our land merely as a chastisement to us or a lesson to our age. There are moments which involve in themselves eternities. There are instants which seem to contain germs which shall develop and bloom forever. Such a moment comes in the tide of time to our land when a question must be settled. The contest was not for the republic merely, not for the Union simply, but to decide whether the people, as a people, in their entire majesty, were destined to be the government, or whether they were to be subjects of tyra,nts, or autocrats, or to class-rule of any kind. This is the great question for which we have been bishop SIMPSONS FUNERAL ORATION. 20J fighting, and its decision is at hand, and the result of the con test will affect the ages to come. If successful, republics will spread, in spite of mouarchism, all over this earth. [Exclama tions of Amen," " Thank God!") I turn from the Army to the Navy. Whatwasitwhenthe war commenced? Nowwehaveour ships of war at home and abroad — to guard privateers in foreign sympathizing ports as well as to take care of every part of our own coast. They have taken forts that military men said could not be taken, and a brave admiral, for the first time in the world's history, lashes himself to the mast, there to remain as long as he had a particle of skill or strength to watch over his ship while it engaged in the perilous contest of taking the strong forts of the enemy. I turn to the Treasury Department. Where shall the money come from ? Wise men predicted ruin, but our National credit has been maintained, and our currency is safer to-day than it ever was before. Not only is this so, but through our National bonds, if properly used, we shall have a permanent basis for our currency ; and they are also an investment so de sirable for capitalists of other nations, that under the laws of trade, I believe, the centre of exchange will be transferred from England to the United States. But the great act of the mighty chieftian, on whioh his fame shall rest long after his frame shall moulder away, is that of giving freedom to a race. We have all been taught to revere the sacred character of Moses, of his power, and the prominence he gave to the moral law. How it lasts, and how his name towers among the names in Heaven, and how he delivered three millions of his kindred out of bond age ; and yet we may assert that Abraham Lincoln, by his Pro-' clamation, liberated more enslaved people than ever Moses set free, and these not of his kindred or of his race. Such a power, or such an opportunity, God has seldom given to man. When other events shall have been forgotten, when this world shall have become a network of republics, when every throne shall have been swept from the face of the earth, when literature shall enlighten all minds, when the claims of humanity shall be recoo-nized every where, this act shall still be conspicuous on the pages of history, and we are thankful that God gave to Abraham Lincoln the decision, wisdom and grace to issue that Proclamation which stands high above all other papers which have been penned by uninspired men. Abraham Lincoln was a good man. He was known as an honest, temperate, forgiving man, a just man, a man of noble heart in every way. As to his religions experience, I cannot speak definitely, because I was net privileged to know much of his private sentiments. My acquaintance with him did not give me the opportunity to hear him speak on this topic. 1 know, however, he read the Bible frequently; loved it for its great truths and for its profound teachings', and he tried to be guided by its precepts. He be lieved in Christ, the Saviour of sinners, and I think he was sin- 252 BISHOP SIMPSON'S FUNERAL ORATION. cerely trying to bring his life into the principles of revealed religion. Certainly, if ever there was a man who illustrated some of the principles of pure religion, that man was our de parted President. Look over all his speeches ; listen to his utterances. He never spoke unkindly of any man ; even the rebels received no words of auger from him ; and the last day illustrated, in a remarkable manner, his forgiving disposition. A despatch was received that afternoon, that Thompson and Tucker were trying to make their escape through Maine, and it was proposed to arrest them. Mr. Lincoln, however, preferred rather to let them quietly escape, and this morning we read the Proclamation offering twenty-five thousand dollars each for the arrest of these men, as aiders and abettors of his assassination. So that in his expiring acts he was saying : ' Father forgive them ; they know not what they do !' As a rule I doubt if any President has ever shown such trust in God, or in public docu ments so frequently referred to Divine aid. Often did he remark to friends and to delegations that his hope for our success rested in his conviction that God would bless our efforts because we were trying to do right. To the address of a large religious body he replied, 'Thanks be unto God, who, incur national trials, givetb us the churches.' To a minister who said he hoped the Lord wag on our side, he replied that it gave him no concern whether the Lord was on our side or not, for, he added, ' I know that the Lord is always on the side of the right,' and with a deep feeling, added, ' But God is my witness that it is my constant anxiety aud prayer, that both myself and this nation should be on the Lord's side.' In his domestic life he was exceedingly kind and affectionate. He was a devoted husband and father. " During his Presidential term he lost his second son, Willie. To an officer of the army he said not long since, ' Do you ever find yourself talking with the dead !' and added, ' Since .Willie's death I catch myself every day involuntarily talking with him; as if he were with me.' On his widow, who is unable to be here, 1 need only invoke the blessing of Almighty God that she may be comforted and sustained. For his son, who has witnessed the exercises of this hour, all that I can desire is that the mantle of his father may fall upon him. {Exclamations of 'Amen.') Let us pause a moment iu the lesson of the hour before we part. This man, though he fell by the hand of the assassin, still he fell under the permissive hand of God. Ho had some wise pur pose in allowing him so to fall. What more could he. have desired of life for himself? Were not his honors full? There was no office to which he could aspire. The popular heart clung around him as around no other man. The nations of the world have learned to honor him. If rumors of a desired alliance with England be true, Napoleon trembled when he heard of the fall of Richmond, and asked what nation would join him to pro tect him against our government. Besides the goodness of such BISHOP SIMPSON'S FUNERAL ORATIOX. 253 ft man his fame was full, his work was done, and he sealed his glory by b