YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

3 9002 06126 6590

OUR FALLEN LEADER,

A DISCOURSE

Delitered on Thursday, June 1, 1865, in the Bridge Street
Presbyterian Church, Georgetown, D. C.

BY
REV. A. A. E. TAYLOR,
PASTOE-ELEOT.

PUBLISHED BY REQUEST OF THE CONGREGATION.

PHILADELPHIA:
JAMES S. CLAXTON,
SUCCESSOE TO WILLIAM S. & ALPEED MARTIEN,
No. 606 Chestnut Steeet.
1866. I

SERMON

' ' But we trusted that it had been he 'which should have redeemed IsraeL" —
Luke xxlv. 21.

The followers of Christ, above all others, should be
most cautious in applying to merely human greatness
those words of Scripture by which especially our divine
Master has been described. No being who ever trod
the earth or rode the clouds of heaven is worthy of
comparison with Him. Neither is any earthly work of
deliverance of such priceless worth, as for one moment
to be likened to His spiritual redemption of His people.
A single reflection will show you that we do not
transgress this principle of Scripture use, by the present
application made of the passage selected as a text. It
appears plainly, from the study of the gospel history,
that the disciples of Jesus never attained to the true
apprehension of the spiritual nature of the Messiah's
work, as a deliverance of their nation from the bondage
of sin, until his interviews with them subsequent to the
resurrection. Up to the time of His death, they ex
pected to see him set up an earthly kingdom, and
achieve political redemption for Israel from the yoke
of Roman bondage.
Such was evidently the sense in which the two dis
ciples, on the road to Emmaus, used the word " redeem,"

as they held converse with the stranger who " drew near
and went with them." They spoke these words sorrow
fully, in their grievous disappointment at the failure of
Him in whom they had trusted, to re-establish the
temporal throne of David, and restore unto their loved
Israel its national rights and place of glory and power.
They mourned a civil leader, from whose wise head and
potent arm they had expected salvation from that
national ruin which seemed so near. And with such a
burden oppressing their hearts, they sadly exclaimed,
" But we trusted that it had been he which should have
redeemed Israel."
It will, therefore, appear to be not inappropriate for
us, under similar circumstances, to eraploy these same
words in the expression of our great national disap
pointment and grief at the loss of a leader to whom we
looked with so much confidence for the deliverance of
our people.
By the voice of the Chief Magistrate of our bereaved
nation are we sumraoned to the solemn service of this
day, as a day of humiliation and mourning in view of
the sudden and untimely death of our late honored and
beloved President. The religious end contemplated in
the appointment of this day, is clearly stated in the
proclamation under which we are convened. We are
to "humble ourselves before Almighty God, in order
that the bereavement may be sanctified to the nation ;
and in order to mitigate that grief on earth which can
only be assuaged by communion with the Father in
heaven." The whole loyal population of this nation
are expected to "assemble in their respective places of
worship, there to unite in solemn service to Almighty
God, in memory of the good man who has been re-

moved, so that all shall be occupied at the same time,
in contemplation of his virtue, and sorrow for his sudden
and untimely end."
When the chief officer of the State, and representa
tive head of the whole people, recognizes the hand of
God in our public afflictions, and calls the nation to
humiliation and prayer, it is the least that could be ex
pected of Christian citizens, joyfully to respond, and
give proof that we are a commonwealth which, not only
from its high places, but from its universal heart, recog
nizes Jehovah as the Supreme Euler and Dispenser of
all events, before whom it is incumbent upon both indi
viduals and States to bow and confess their sins. And it
is all the more appropriate that we should now respond
to this sad summons, since we have been so frequently
before convened, in like manner, at the call of him whose
end affords the occasion for our present convocation.
When President Lincoln fell by the blow of an
assassin — the enormity, and cowardice, and shame of
whose infamous crime against civilization, and hu
manity, and national life, no words can properly charac
terize — our entire nation was stunned, and, for a
moment, reeled in horror and dismay. So deeply was
the hope of the whole people grounded upon him ; such
confidence had they gained in his executive ability, by
their experience of his justice, and wisdom, and integ
rity; so fully convinced were especially the religious
portion of the community, that he was the chosen in
strument of God for the deliverance of the nation, that,
in the bitterness of their grief, and in their bewilder
ment at the future, they could only utter the touching
wail, "But we trusted that it had been he which
should have redeemed Israel."

The history of the inception and growth of this
almost universal faith in his leadership, as appointed of
God, is as remarkable as it is interesting.
The American people, above almost all others who
have ever of themselves maintained an extensive gov
ernment, have shown themselves most ready to accord
their thorough confidence to the leader of their choice;
but most stringent in the exaction of fidelity, zeal, and
wisdom on his part. When any leader gives indication
of incapacity or unfaithfulness they are ready to depose
him in an instant, though they may have previously
yielded to him their entire affections, and invested him
with the character of a hero. So jealous and sensitive
are they as to the proper administration and the right
ful execution of the public trust.
The election of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidential
seat was the signal for the outbreak in act, of that
treachery to the nation which was already ripe in heart.
As this attempt to dismember the Eepublic has signally
failed, so we are confident that history will show the
causes which led to its origin to have been with its
leaders ambitious, and with the masses who wildly
followed, imaginary or delusive.
When the newly chosen President left his quiet
home in the West, to assume control of the State, he
had mingled but little in the public counsels; and to
the vast majority of the people had been previously
unknown, except in the canvass immediately preceding
the election. Besides, it was the first entrance of the
party that elected him, upon a lease of national power.
The chief principles by which his administration was
to be controlled had not yet endured the test of politi
cal experience in this land, although they were deeply

seated in the mofal convictions ot a large proportion of
the loyal nation ; more deeply seated, perhaps, than all
were then ready to confess. Against these principles,
and under such circumstances, the revolting States ap
pealed in armed contest.
You well know with what trepidation, and even
dread, in a sorrowful conviction of duty to God and the
nation, the States that stood by the constitutional com
pact accepted the gage of battle, and entered upon the
unwelcome conflict. You also well understand the
vast difficulties and embarrassments, from causes both
of inexperience and previous infidelity of public ser
vants, and both at home and abroad, which surrounded
the loyal States in this fearful crisis. All eyes were
turned for help towards the untried man whose hands
were now calmly laid upon the reins of governraent.
It were needless for us to follow his course through
the tedious and arduous administration which followed;
through days of trial, doubt, and darkness; through
periods of ill-success at home and unfriendliness from
abroad; through the testing of military leadership and
the guardianship of constitutional principles; through
the search for true financial and political policy, and
for wise diplomacy, and the proper means and material
of warfare by land and by sea; through the conflict for
the control of popular emotion and the preservation of
it from prejudice and misdirection, by those who op
posed his policy; for the maintenance of the public
spirit, and other interests of no less importance to the
national security.
Is it any wonder, my friends, that amidst such per
plexities we should find the one whom the nation held.
responsible for success in all, retiring from his pubHc

8
offices to seek wisdom from "Him who giveth liberally
and upbraideth not." As he had been more than
human not to have needed divine counsel, so he had
been less than human not to have sought it, in such a
position when vital interests were at stake.
Nor need we follow him through subsequent periods,
when the day began to break, when the national anchor
began to hold, when the storm began to abate ; through
increasing difficulties, until the hollow shell of con
spiracy was at length broken, and the last remnant of
hopeful resistance was about to be crushed between the
two great approaching millstones of military power.
In the many new and varied questions of policy and
duty which were gradually evolved in the progress of
our victorious arms — all of them involving, to a greater
or less degree, moral principle, all surrounded with
difficulties which to many seemed inextricable — his
wisdom shone forth brighter and brighter, until the
nation came e'er long to lean upon his judgment as
supremely wise, although having sorely feared and
doubted it betimes, when his adversaries were not
unfrequently they of his own household of political
faith. Until, as event after event proved how saga
ciously he had unravelled their tangled perplexi
ties, how sagely he had discerned the true thread of
principle, the nation came at length to accept of his
decisions as unchallenged wisdom, and to endorse his
acts with instant acclamation, calmly confiding in the
result, and awaiting in assurance the day of its favor
able manifestation. So that never has a political leader
stood more deeply rooted in the confidence and affec
tion of any people under the sun, than did Abraham
Lincoln in the hearts of the American people at the

hour when victory had crowned his endeavors, and the
final battles for the preservation of the nation had been
fought and won. This is not mere eulogy, my hearers,
prompted by the favoritism of party, called forth by the
glory of success, or forced to the lips by the partial
judgment of personal grief. It is the solemn and
simple testimony of truth, to which the world stands a
witness to-day.
We are permitted in this connexion, also, to state
that soon after the end of the great battles which closed
up the conflict, a letter bearing upon this subject was
received in this vicinity, from one of the most promi-
ment ministers of our denomination in the late capital
of the rebellion, who has been in warm sympathy with
the secession movement from the very beginning. In
this letter the writer states, as the result of his obser
vation, for which he possessed unusual facilities, that
towards the close of the conflict, as the people of that
neighboring State gradually lost confidence in their
own political leaders, so they steadily acquired confi
dence in Mr. Lincoln, and were ready at the time of
'his death to submit to his terms, and trust to his truth
and wisdom with implicit faith.* It is also understood
'* The following quotations from thaj letter will show that we have not
exaggerated its expressions: — "No 'words can depict the grief and conster
nation that this foul murder has produced here. We were beginning to
hope for speedy tranquillity, and knew that in Mr. Lincoln we had a man
whose policy would certainly secure it ; and all classes seemed ready to
bow, and many to welcome his authority with joy. We felt that in him we
had a wise, true, and humane ruler whom we could trust. And now, in the
mysterious providence of God, he is struck down by the hand of the assassin.
Oh, it is unspeakably sad and fearful, and we can only gaze in silence on
this new act of sorrow and mystery that opens up. I believe that at no
time, for two years past, would the assassination of Davis have caused a
hundredth part of the grief here that this has done, for he has long been
losing the love and confidence of the people, vfhile Mr. Lincoln was, 'with

10
that this same clergyman, on the Sabbath after the
news of the assassination reached him, pronounced a
warm and discriminating eulogy upon the life and
character of the deceased. After the furious confiict of
the past four years, this is remarkable testimony in
deed. Let the ages to come hear it and render judg
ment. And when the President fell, the world beheld
a scene such, for greatness of its kind, as it never gazed
upon before. The millions of a mighty nation arising
as one man from business, society, and pleasure, and
bowing down to grieve for a President as for a father;
thronging out from palace and hamlet, to stand in line
and guard the avenue of his funeral procession with
parallel walls of living mourners for more than a thou
sand miles; to express in one appalling outburst a
national lamentation, which found its responsive echoes
from every nation and people unto the ends of the
earth, even from thrones and chairs of state; and to
clothe throughout a whole land, from ocean to ocean,
in city and in country, every loyal house with the sombre
drapery of a mourning that was both sincere and deep.
It does not require to be proved that such success in
administration, and such a hold upon the popular heart,
could not have been attained without mental capacities
of a high order and deeply-seated moral principles,
especially during such a period of popular agitation and
conflict. Had not the nation had just cause to trust
him before all others, we should not have seen him
returned to his seat in the second term, with such an
unexampled rapidity, gaining it. *'*'***** *
Most of the people of V  , I think, regarded the war as ended with Lee's
surrender, and wanted peace, and were willing to come back on Mr. Lin
coln's own terms."

11
overwhelming voice, amidst the most determined opposi
tion of those whose sympathies were so foreign to his own.
It is too soon for history to weigh the acts and mo
tives of Mr. Lincoln, in private and in his administra
tion, and to assign him without prejudice to his true
place among men. Such men as he rise in greatness
with succeeding years, and the posterity of those who
have thought lightly of his worth will delight to exalt
him to the skies. We know enough, however, of his
character and life to be assured that the future can
never write his name in any hurable place. He must
ever live among the mighty, good men of earth.
Eaised from the most humble and obscure position
by the steadfast exercise of that natural force of mind
and will which everywhere won him respect and favor,
he preserved the simplicity of his early years until the
latest moment of his life. He carried his natural gen
tleness and unassuming manners with hira frora his
prairie horae to the presidential chair. Elevation did
not unduly elate, as adversity did not overwhelm him.
He displayed in all the same tranquil, undisturbed,
unimpassioned, hopeful, and serene character, that first
arose before the nation's eye to pass to the mansion of
the nation's chief. Governing, his simplicity ripened
into wisdom, his meekness became patience, his hope
endurance, and his serenity tenacious faith in God.
So that he sat upon the chair of state "at once a giant
and a child."
His judgment was singularly clear, cool, quick, and
penetrating. His will was naturally firm and unbend
ing, save to the pleas of pity or mercy. To the mild
determination of that unshaken will, as it stood stead
fast alike against the shock of extreme opinions fifom

12
different sides, more perhaps than to anything else,
under God, do we owe our present prosperity.
His sense of justice was most keen. He would not
willingly wrong even a child or an eneray; and amidst
hours when his overtasked nature sought and de
manded repose, he was found balancing the petitions
and prayers of the suffering and distressed against the
stern demandg upon which the nation's life depended,
seeking some possible way of escape. The widow or
the mother in distress gained as ready access to his ear,
and were as patiently and attentively heard in their
pleas, as the statesman in his counsels.
He confided in the people as thoroughly as the people
iu him, and sympathized in all their sorrows. Indeed,
his humane spirit was full of mercy and pity towards
all. The fearful necessities and expedients of warfare
wrung his tender heart, and his reluctant consent was
yielded to them only when every other plan had failed.
He was eager for the close of the conflict, though there
were apparently years of power before him, that he
might relieve from their sufferings those who had been
deluded into the commission and support of resistance
to the national authority. So conscious was he of
nothing but kindness and compassion in his own breast
for them, that he fearlessly ventured alone into the
midst of their conquered capital, whilst the smoke of
battle still overhung its dismantled defences. Neither
the grievous sorrow of defeat, nor the atrocities of
barbarism practiced upon imprisoned, helpless, and
dying men, appeared to elicit from him expressions of
unholy anger, malice, wrath, or vengeance. That self-
possession and maintenance of an undisturbed spirit,
which it has been so great a task for the Christian

13
people of this nation to preserve during the progress of
the war, found their loftiest exhibition, as they endured
their severest trial, because of his position, in him.
Whilst his fidelity to the popular trust, and to the vital
principles of natural and civil freedom, has been as
evident as his desire and determination to wrong not
even his bitterest foe.
If there ever was danger to the State from his hands,
it arose from his choice to suffer rather than to commit
a wrong, and to hedge about the necessities of justice
with the sweet clemencies of mercy.
His integrity was unimpeachable, his honesty of pur
pose as evident as the frankness of his nature. His
moral heroism was as sublime as it was fearless. And
in him the nation finds all it desires to hand down as a
model and living illustration of national character, and
a specimen type and product of free representative
government to succeeding generations.
His was a character worthy to complete the experi
ment of liberty which was begun under the hand of
Washington; so let their names be inseparably linked
together. As we look upon yon unfinished monument of a
nation's gratitude to its founder, whose half-risen mass
is even now not beyond the range of our vision, we can
but reflect how fltting it was that it should remain thus
sadly incomplete, whilst the problem of the capability
of a free people in governing itself was still unsolved. •
But now the time has come for block after block of
marble to rise into its place, until the perfected shaft
shall become the admiration, as the republican princi
ple it represents is the bulwark, of this whole liberty-
loving race.

14
The nation's capital itself is reaching perfection in
an appropriate hour. So let the monument now begin
anew its growth. And when the work is done, on its
surmounting block let the grateful builders carve the
name of him who brought to a successful issue that
political enterprise which he whose honored name shall
adorn its base first inaugurated. So shall the cap-stone
respond with the notes of liberty to the foundation-
stone, and the whole lofty pile stand to bear perpetual
witness to the work that has been done, and so well
done, between the dawn of liberty under the first, and
its attainment to the perfection of power under the
second Washington.
President Lincoln could scarcely have been what he
was, except he had been first a Christian. Not that
these beautiful characteristics make him a Christian,
but they could scarcely have existed save as the fruits
of a devout spirit. We rejoice, therefore, that we have
satisfactory reason for believing that he was a sincere
and earnest servant of the Lord, whose devout character
steadily ripened towards the close of life. It is right
that a Christian people should be governed by Chris
tian magistrates. So shall we everywhere recognize
the Lord as our nation's God and King.
Those who were privileged to hold spiritual inter
course with Mr. Lincoln repeatedly received from his
lips assurance of his faith and personal confidence in
the Son of God. Whilst the tone of all his proclama
tions, and especially of his last inaugural address, was
such as to impress upon all men the sincerity and
courage of his religious belief, which feared or shunned
no public avowal.
We rejoice that we were permitted to have such a

15
President. And as we say with the disciples, "We
trusted that it had been he which should have redeemed
Israel," so our condition is not unlike theirs in this
other respect, that he it was indeed, who, though he
seemed lost to us, had yet redeemed his people.
• The life of Abraham Lincoln, when justly portrayed,
will exhibit the late rebellion in the height of its moral
and political turpitude, since he was the representative
of the laws and the moral principles against which it
revolted. And it would have been more favorable to
the rebellion to have had a less pure, true, and just
character with which to be compared.
The mysterious fall of the President, at the precise
moment when the part of physical force seemed finished,
and the influence of reason and heart was about to
resume that authority which peace ever confers, was
terrible in its shock, not only to the Government, but
also to the whole people. So far as concerned the
Government, it was doubtless intended to be shown that
there is scarcely any violent concussion that can even
disturb the steady and fixed movements of a free Con
stitution, founded on the principles of divine justice
and right, in its power to control the thinking millions
of its subjects. If at such a crisis it could stand such a
test, what could it not endure] Such a blow would
have forced monarchies to reel from their foundations,
and exploded an empire of tyranny into scattered and
hopeless fragments.
So far as the people were concerned, the lessons which
Providence intended thereby to impress are evidently
various. God desired us to learn that no mere man
who ever lived was essential to the accomplishment of
his divine purposes ; that he can work by one as well

16
as by another. So we are taught to rely not upon any
single instrument or human agency, but primarily and
substantially upon the Omnipotent Euler who holdeth
the heart of kings and governors in His hand, and
turneth them as the rivers of water, whithersoever
he will.
But doubtless the chief lesson indicated by this great
national affliction, was the duty which this day teaches,
of national humility. The whole approach to success in
this war has lain through the path of disaster and
sorrow. The inherent tendency of a free government
is to the self-exaltation of the people who constitute it.
To abase this pride may have been in part the object
of this blighting conflict itself. And now, when final
and conclusive victory had wreathed our banners, and
the whole people were rejoicing, perhaps too much,
with a carnal and self-reliant joy — especially when joy
was letting down its moral barriers, and displaying
itself in interaperate, sensual excesses and physical
indulgence in too many quarters — this blow fell sud
denly and violently upon us. "And the victory that
day was turned into mourning unto all the people."
This healthful sorrow tempered our joy, bowed our
pride, steadied the national pulse and purpose, and
brought us low before the throne of grace whence all
our blessings flow; to which, if gratitude in joy will
not serve to bring us, we may ever expect to be led by
the hand of chastisement. God is the Lord who ruleth,
and he is jealous of his prerogative, and will have it
respected. We heard a voice saying unto us, "Be still
and know that I am God; I will be exalted in the
earth." When we attempt to condense into one distinct

17
lesson those inferences which are to be derived both
from the character of the late' President, and from the
teachings of this startling providence by which he was
sundered from us, we are deeply impressed with this
one thought — that it is the duty of every faithful
citizen to bear himself meekly, patiently, quietly, with
forbearance and brotherly love, and due submission to
rightful and established authority. The administration
of justice to offenders of right belongs, and may safely
be trusted to, the organization of law and its officers.
It belongs not to society at large. The attempt by
society to assume it would fill the land with ceaseless
heart-burnings and discord. We are henceforth, as a
people, to seek for unity in heart and life throughout
all our bounds. The work of establishing this real and
•vital union will only be embarrassed and delayed by
continued hostility in thought, word, or act.
More especially is it demanded of Christian people that
they should conduct themselves with gentleness, and
charity, and self-control. Let no untiraely and needless
word, bitter expression, or scornful look, aid in the per
petuation of social dissension. To bear and forbear, to
endure and suffer, rather than to resent or challenge
diversity of views, to stand fast and firm in principle, yet
not to aggravate or provoke — this is Christian duty,
this is the imitation of the life of our divine Master.
We will fail to acquire the lesson which the life of
our fallen chief, amidst all its trials, constantly im
pressed, as well as refuse to accept the teaching of this
terrible affliction, if we do not learn thus to conduct
ourselves. This is the task to which the past and the
present, as well as the future, unite to bind us. Let

18
us apply ourselves with diligence and watchfulness to
the complete mastery of it.
Certain vital principles of national policy, for. the
ultimate decision of which an appeal was made to arms,
have been definitely and permanently established in
this highest court of war, by the result of the late
conflict; and, being decided, the conflict has ceased.
Of these, two, standing out almost solely prominent,
are to be particularly observed.
First, it is now decided beyond further appeal, that
the inhabitants of all our States are henceforth to live
as one people, under one Constitution and one flag.
In other words, the^ rights of States are to be subordi
nate to the rights and demands of the Union of States.
Secondly, human bondage throughout all our national
territory is henceforth and forever at an end.
Now, whether any like the result or not, it is no less
decisive and final, and it were forfeiting the character
of law-abiding people to still oppose it. It becomes
the evident duty of every faithful and upright citizen
to accept the decrees of Providence, whether favorable
or adverse to our personal preferences, and to submit
peaceably to those decisions which cannot be reversed.
Let all then conform themselves, submissively at least,
if they do not so joyfully, to that state of affairs which
is inevitable. Our duty as consistent Christians espe
cially demands this much of us.
Without ever seeming to exult over the humbled
foes of constitutional government and human freedom,
we may say that, for ourselves personally, no other
result could be grateful to our hearts, or in conformity
with those pure civil and moral principles which we
deem to be essential to the permanency of any govern-

19
ment, and its "acceptability before a just and righteous
God. During the course of this war for principle, it
has appeared to the ministers of the gospel a bounden
duty, frora which they dared not draw back, to instruct
the people that fidelity to their rightful Government,
even to the extent of the defence of it by the sword,
was fidelity to God and to his commandments. So
have we invariably held and taught. So would we
expect to do again, with similar light, under a solemn
consciousness of duty.
But as to the future, now that civil power has
resumed its sway, and so long as the life and morality
of the nation appears to be no longer in danger from
armed hostility, it will become the ministers of religion
to remand the instruction of this duty, in great part, to
the law and the civil powers, as upon them rests its
enforcement. So far as our own course in this respect, as the
chosen spiritual leader of this church, may be now
foreshadowed, it will be enough to say, that, whilst
true in every instinct of our heart to the Government
of our fathers, and maintaining steadfastly the duty of
every Christian to lend it his cordial and sincere
support, we yet trust that the occasion may never
again arise which shall compel us, by the evident faith
lessness of any in its performance, to enforce this duty
from this desk. We shall seek, by a candid, patient,
honest bearing in word and deed, by refraining from
the indulgence of severity, or reproach, or impatient
condemnation, to commend ourselves to you as the
servant of Christ, in all forbearance, meekness, gentle
ness, and brotherly love, setting the things immediately
pertaining to the kingdom of God before all lesser

20
interests. This course we also earnestly commend to
you all, as brethren in Christ Jesus, having a comraon
inheritance in the church of our Eedeeraer below, and
one hope of glory above. Dear brethren: Let us live
not in the past, but in the future. Let the dead past
bury its dead, "but go thou and preach the kingdom
of God." Let us strive to imitate the earnest apostle,
and "forgetting those things which are behind, and
reaching forth unto those things which are before, press
toward the mark for the prize of the high calling of
God in Christ Jesus."
These great humiliations of this war, if they serve
no other purpose, should at least bind all the people of
God, who recognize his hand, together before the
throne of grace, in the unity of the Spirit and the bond
of peace.And may the forgiving Lord -pour out his Spirit of
grace upon us, and link us all closely in the chain of
true and hearty Christian love ; teaching us to receive,
observe, and exhibit in our lives, that disposition mani
fested by our beloved Saviour for an example to us.
May He again unite in one body every portion of our
favored land, binding up all its wounds, heaUng its
broken bones, and restore it speedily to that perfect
health in every member, which shall prepare it, as a
strong and undivided nation, for that blessed work
which we trust he has appointed unto it, of becoming
the messenger of grace and peace to the utmost bounds
of the earth. So shall we be rewarded with His per
petual favor, aud remain as a people, through His
preserving grace, "one and indivisible," until the end
of days.