VALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

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THE LIFE

OF

ULYSSES S. GRANT,

GENERAL-IN-CHIEF U. S. A.,

BT
HGN. J. T. HEADLEY, eneea:
i," "i
NAVAL COMMANDERS," ETC., ETC.
ILLUSTRATED.

SOLD BY SUBSCRIPTION.

NEW YORK:
E. B. TREAT & CO., PUBLISHERS, 654 BROADWAY.
O. W, LILLET, CHICAGO, ILL. ; A. L. TALCOTT, PITTSBUEG, PA. ;
A. H. HUBBAED, PHILADELPHIA, PA. ; A. EOMAN & CO.,
BAN FKANCISCO, CAL.
1868.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1808, by
J. T. HEADLEY,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the
Southern District of New York.

f*& «J*"^

PREFACE.

In a former work, composed of biographical
sketches of the distinguished generals that shared
the fortunes and the triumphs of General Grant,
we gave a brief outline of the military history of
the latter. The object of the present work is to
fill up that outline, and present him not merely
1 as a great military leader, but by .& careful col
lection and faithful narration of the facts and
events that go to make up his history, from his
boyhood to the present hour, furnish to the reader
the materials for obtaining a correct estimate of
his character as a man.
Immediately after the war, things were in that
state of chaos that it was impossible to get hold
of those details so necessary to the proper under
standing of this. These have since come to light,
which enables the biographer not only to give his

IV PREFACE.

complete history, so far as it illustrates his great
qualities, but also to explain much that was
hitherto wrapt in obscurity. This is especially
true of his early struggles in the "West, against
secret persecutions and open hostility. In his
varied fortunes whilst serving under. Halleck,
much that is new and strange has been learned
which not only reveals Grant in a more attrac
tive light than even his great deeds,- but also the
mysterious path by which Providence finally led
him to the exalted height which he so much
adorns. Such a complete history of him is desirable,
not only because of the prominent place he holds
in our military annals and national history,
but because of the important position he at
present occupies in the civil affairs of the re
public. If he is destined in these t.irbulent times to
take the helm of the government, it is of vital
consequence that the people should know his
character as illustrated by his acts, other than as
a victorious general.
"We believe a calm perusal of the following
work will enable a just man to form correct con
clusions, and that he will rise from it convinced

PKEFACE. V
that a more unselfish, patriotic, or purer man
was never entrusted with power.
In reference to Grant's military life West, we
wish to acknowledge our great obligations to Col.
Badeau, who, as a member of the General's staff,
had access to his private papers, and hence was
able to reveal what was before unknown, or only
conjectured.

ILLUSTRATI QNS

FINELY EXECUTED ON STEEL,

From Photographs and Original Designs.

Page
Pobteait of Geneeal U. S. Geant (from a late Photograph,
Engraved by H. B. Hall  Frontispiece
Map of Geneeal Geant's Vicksbubg Campaign, Engraved
by Roberts,  16
Bieth-plaoe of Geneeal U. S. Geant, Designed by Perkins,
Engraved by Robins  40
Viotoeiot/s Maech of Gen'l Geant's Aemt into Richmond,
Designed by Momberger, Engraved by A. Robins  200
Geneeal Geant's Aemt's "Welcome Home {Oramd Review
at Washmgtov), Designed by A. L. Rawson, Engraved
by A. Robins  357

CONTENTS,

CHAPTER I.
Childhood of Great Men — Influence of Circumstances — How
Generals are made— Grant's Ancestry — Nativity — Early Life
— Apt at Figures — Examined by a Phrenologist— His love for
Horses — Early management of them — Rides a Circus-Pony —
Sent alone on business to Kentucky — Ingenuity in loading
heavy timber — Dissatisfied with his position — Resolves to go to
West Point  17
CHAPTER II.
Enters "West Point — How his Name became changed — Application
to his Studies — His steady Progress — Distinguished for his
Horsemanship — Graduates — Brevetted Second Lieutenant —
Ordered West — Serv.es under Taylor on the Rio Grande — Battles
of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma — Joins Scott at Vera
Cruz — Made Quartermaster and serves also on the Staff — Dis
tinguishes himself at Molino del Rey and Chapultepec— Com
plimented for his gallantry — West Point Officers turn Gunners —
" Value of their early training in the Field — Returns home and
Marries — Stationed at Detroit and Sackettfe Harbor — Sent to
California — to Oregon — Made Captain — Resigns his Commis
sion — Settles on a Farm near . St. Louis — Sells Wood — Anec
dotes — Turns Collector — Poor Success — Joins his Father in the
Leather business — Breaking out of the War — West Point vin
dicated  .,  27
CHAPTER III.
His Politics — Raises a Company and takes it' to SpriDgfield — He
offers his services to the Government— His letter unanswered
— Assists Governor Tates in organizing the troops — Made Col-

Vlll CONTENTS.
onel of the 21st Regiment — Endeavors to get on McClellan's
staff— Serves in Missouri — Made Brigadier-General — Amusing
Anecdote of him — Makes Cairo his Headquarters — Occupies
Paducah — Proclamation to the People — Correspondence with
General Polk — Battle of Belmont — His congratulatory Order —
Letter to his Father, giving an account of the Action — The
Cairo Expedition — Order respecting it — Retaliatory Order —
Proposes to Halleck to seize Fort Henry — Rude treatment by
the latter  41
CHAPTER IV.
Importance of their Capture — Grant commands. the land forces in
the Expedition against them — Fort Henry taken by Admiral
Foote — Grant's advance against Fort Donelson — Repulse of
Foote — Investment of the place — Description of its defences —
Desperate Assault of Pillow — The Battle — Arrival of Grant on
the Field — His sublime determination — Assault of the enemy's
works— Smith's Success — The Night-Consultation of the Rebel
Officers — Escape of Pillow and Floyd — Correspondence between
Grant and Buckner — The Surrender — Grant breakfasts with
the Rebel General — Result of the Victory — Enthusiasm of the
People — Congratulatory Order to the Troops — Fall of Nash
ville—Consternation and Flight of the People — Violence of the
Mob — Columbus Flanked  63
CHAPTER Y.
Halleek's Neglect— His unjust and abusive Despatch to Wash
ington — Failure of his Attempt to injure him with the Gov
ernment — Grant ordered to Fort Henry — Halleck accuses
him of Acting Unbecoming an Officer — Puts Smith in his Place
at the head of the Army of the Tennessee — Continues his Per
secutions—Noble Conduct of Grant — Denies the Charges made
against him— Asks to be relieved from Command till his Con
duct can be investigated — Sudden Change in Halleek's Treat
ment — Attempts to vindicate his Conduct— His Duplicity 
Unsuspected by Grant — General Morgan treated in a similar
manner— Magnanimity of Grant and Smith — Rumors of Grant's
Arrest  83

CONTENTS. UC
CHAPTER VI.
Position of the Army on the Tennessee — Located at Pitlsburgh
Landing and Savannah — Reasons for it — Grant restored to his
command, and takes up his Headquarters at Savannah — Buell
ordered to join him with forty thousand men — Grant forbidden
to give battle — Concentration of the Enemy at Corinth — Threat
ening Demonstrations of the Enemy— Accident to Grant —
Fierce and unexpected onset of the Enemy— The Battle — Sur
render of Prentiss— Gallantry of Sherman — Arrival of Grant
on the Battle Field — His orders to Nelson and Wallace to push
forward to his aid — They fail to arrive — The Army driven back
to the River — Arrival of Buell — The Gunboats — Night — A
Storm — Buell's army got into position — Grant sleeps on the
field— The Second Day's Battle — Grant heads a charge— The
Victory — Correspondence with Beauregard — Causes of First
Day's Defeat — Defence of Grant — Outcry against him. ... 97
CHAPTER VII.
Halleck takes Chief Command — Again disgraces Grant — Uncom
plaining Conduct of the latter — Abused by Correspondents of
the Press — His calm Reply to one — His quiet, dignified
Behavior — Offers Halleck Good Advice — Insulted for it — His
Sharp Retort — Evacuation of Corinth — An Excellent Illus
tration of Halleek's Strategy — Halleck called to Washing
ton — Last Attempt to disgrace Grant — The latter makes
Corinth his Headquarters — Order respecting Fugitive Slaves
^ — Severe Order to the People of Memphis — Reeeives a threat
ening Letter — Battle of luka — Of Corinth — Sends Sherman to
Attempt the Capture of Vicksburg — Causes of his Failure —
Plans his great Expedition against the Stronghold  116
CHAPTER VIII.
Situation of Vicksburg — Difficulty of reaching it^-Attempt to get
below it by a Canal — Sickliness of the Camp — Visit of one of
the Sanitary Commission— Aided by Grant — His Solicitude for
the Comfort of the Soldiers— A Flood— Failure of the Canal—
The Red River Route — Abandoned — Attempt on the east Side

X CONTENTS.
of the River, by Moon Lake — Narrative of the Expedition sent
through it — Its Abandonment — A Fourth Attempt by Steele's
Bayou — Its Difficulties — Porter's Account of it — Its Abandon
ment  ,.128
CHAPTER IX.
Grant resolves to run the Batteries with his Fleet — Opposed by his
Oflicers — Boldness of the Resolution — Desperate Character of
his Plan — Attempt to remove him — CoSperation with Banks —
The Army marches below Vicksburg — Running the Batteries —
A thrilling Spectacle — Success — Grand Gulf attacked — Re
pulse — Its Batteries run— Landing at Bruinsburgh — Energy
and Activity of Grant — Superintends every thing — Strikes In
land — Battle of Port Gibson — Grant assumes Command — The
Victory— Grand Gulf Evacuated — Entered by Grant  145

CHAPTER X.
A Perilous Resolve — Cuts loose from his Base — Untiring Activity
— Urgent Orders — Sherman's Arrival — His Astonishment —
Grant Marches for Jackson — Address to his Troops— His little
Son accompanies him — Despatch to Halleck — McPherson de
feats Johnston — Jackson evacuated — Grant's Son the first to
enter it — Sherman left to destroy Public Property — The Army
marches back toward Vicksburg— Johnston outmarched — Bat
tle of Champion's Hill— Grant with hi3 Boy under Fir^-
" The Hilf of Death "—Battle of Black River— Before Vicks
burg — Sherman's Opinion of the Campaign — Results of it 
Its Resemblance to Napoleon's Italian Campaign  164
CHAPTER XI.
Description of the Enemy's Works— First Assault — Bombardment
of the City by Porter— Second Assault — Terrific Scene  Hero
ism of the Troops— Gallant Deed of Joseph Griffith— The Chi
cago Battery— Mistake of McClernand— Grant deceived by it
and orders the Assault renewed— Its Failure— Our Loss 

CONTENTS. Xi
Grant's Reasons for making the Assault — Grant resolves on a
regular Siege — Pemberton asks for a Suspension of Hostilities
— Burial of the dead  189
CHAPTER XII.
Perilous Position of the Army — Want of competent Engineers —
Labor of Grant— Silence of the Enemy— Wooden Mortars —
Progress of the Siege— Famine in the City — Distress of the In
habitants — They hide in Caves — Explosion of a Mine — Despe
rate Fighting— The "Death Hole"— Day fixed for the final
Assault — Pemberton sees his Condition to be hopeless  199
CHAPTER XIII.
Propositions of Pemberton — Interview between him and Grant —
Impressive Scene — Haughty Bearing of the former — Terms
Agreed upon — The Rebel Soldiers stack their Arms — Interview
between Grant and Pemberton — Rudeness of the Latter and his
Officers — Grant enters the City in Triumph — Interview between
him and Porter— The Soldiers Celebrate the Fourth of
July — Pemberton's Reasons for Surrendering on the Fourth —
Grant's Despatch to the Government — Parole and Departure
of the Prisoners — Rebuke of Halleck — Correspondence with
Banks — The President's Letter — Sherman sent back to Fight
Johnston — Summing up of the Campaign  208
CHAPTER XIV.
Employment of Negro Troops — Grant's Views respecting - it —
Threatens to retaliate if they are abused when captured — Op
posed to opening Trade with the South — Proposes an Ex
pedition against Mobile — His Application rejected — Protects
his Soldiers against the Extortion of Steamboat Captains — Wife
visits him — Her enthusiastic Reception in St. Louis — Public
Dinner at Memphis — Thrown from his Horse at New Orleans
and laid up — Long Confinement — Ordered to reinforce Rose
crans — Leaves Vicksburg — Placed over all the Troops in the
Mississippi Valley— Interview with the Secretary of War. . 227

XII CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XV.
Grant's Despatch to Thomas — Puts him in the place of Rosecrans
— Starts for Chattanooga — Has to be carried over rough
places — Gloomy Entrance into Chattanooga — Positions of the
two Armies — Opening up the Channel for Supplies — Hazen's
Expedition — Seizure of Lookout Valley by Hooker — Burnside
threatened at Knoxville — Sherman hurried forward — Grant
resolves to attack the Enemy — Postponement — His Anxiety for
Burnside — Despatches to him — His great Anxiety  241
CHAPTER XVI.
Bridges carried away — Anxiety and Restlessness of Grant — Recon-
noisances and advance of Thomas — Sherman makes a lodg
ment on Missionary Ridge — Hooker carries Lookout Mountain-
Battle above the clouds — A thrilling spectacle — Night before
the Battle — Sherman's attack — Hooker's delay— Grant's anxie
ty — Assault of the Mountain — -Heroism of the Troops — Grant
and Thomas — The victory— The pursuit — Hooker attacks by
moonlight — Grant's despatch to Halleck — Sherman sent to re
lieve Burnside — Review of the Campaign and Battle — Letter
from the President  256
CHAPTER XVII.
Grant again Proposes to capture Mobile— His views Opposed 
His Congratulatory Order to his Troops — Congress orders a
Medal struck for him— He wishes to carry on a Winter Cam
paign, but is unable — Sends Sherman on a raid into Mississippi
—A Public Dinner given him in Louisville— His Political Views
—Made Lieut.-General, and ordered to Washington — Inter
esting Correspondence between him and Sherman — His Recep
tion at Washington — His Commission presented him by the
President — Grandeur of his Position — Hurries up Banks-
Maturing of his Plans  277
CHAPTER XVHI.
The way to a stable Peace — Grant on the Erroneous Manner in
which the War had been carried on— The right Plan of Action

CONTENTS. ail
— View of the Condition — Forces in the Field— Sketch of
Grant's Plan of Campaign — Instructions to Sherman — Instruc
tions to Butler — To Meade — Army of the Potomac— Its' Route
decided, upon — Movement delayed by muddy Roads — Strange
Confidence of the South — Not shared by Lee, who orders a
day of Humiliation and Prayer — His Preparations — Numerical
Strength of the two Armies  ,  292
CHAPTER XIX.
*
The March begun — The Rapidan crossed — Lee's Flank turned —
He determines to attack Grant in the Wilderness — A sagacious
Move — First Day's Battle of the Wilderness — Arrival of Long-
street and Burnside — Swift Marching — Second Day's Battle —
Third Day— Headquarters — Grant attempts to move around
Lee's Left to Spottsylvania — The Night-March — The Enemy
arrive first — Grand Assault of the Enemy's Works — Gallant
Charge of Hancock*— A Lull — A third Attempt to get between
Lee and Richmond — It Fails — Last Effort to reach Richmond
from the North— Battle of Cold Harbor — Change of Base to
the James River — Attempt to capture Petersburg  302
CHAPTER XX.
The Overland and Peninsula Routes considered — Reasons against
the Former—" Continuous Hammering" — Grant charged with
having Contempt for all Manoeuvres — The Charge disproved —
Distinguished for his Skilful Manoeuvres — Compared to Napo
leon — Not to blame for the Slaughter in the Wilderness, or the
Error at Cold Harbor — Gloomy Retrospect— Failure of Siegel
and Butler to do their Part — Reason of the great Disparity in
the Losses of the two Armies  321
CHAPTER XXI.
Disheartening aspect of affairs— Importance of Petersburg— Hun
ter succeeds Siegel— Wilson's raid— Movement north of the
James River— Explosion of a Mine— Defeat of Hunter— Inva
sion of Early— Despondency— Grant's letter to Washburn—
Appoints Sheridan Commander of all the Forces around Wash-

XIV CONTENTS.
ington and in the Middle Department — Checks Sheridan —
Finally, bids him' " Go in ! "—Effect of Sheridan's Victories-
Grant attempts to get around Lee's left — Hancock attacked —
Winter operations — Almost a frightful disaster — Atlanta reach
ed — Grant's grief at the death of McPherson — His Letter to the
Grandmother — Permits Sherman to cut loose from Atlanta —
His views upon it — Is anxious to have Thomas attack Hood —
Correspondence — Fort Fisher — Butler's disobedience — Capture
of the place — Directs Sherman to come to him by sea — Coun
termands the order — Schofield ordered East — Stoneman's raid
— Expedition against Mobile — Directions to Thomas — Con
centric movements — Sheridan's raid — Correspondence with
Lincoln — Interview with him and Sherman — Resolves to
move  335
CHAPTER XXIII.
Attack of Lee — Sheridan's Orders — The Movement Begun — Sheri
dan's Orders revoked — Grant changes his Plan and resolves
" to Finish the Job" — Battle of Five Forks— Storming of the
Works — The Victory — Evacuation of Richmond ordered —
Davis receives the News in Church — Incredulity of the People —
Scene in the Capital — Terrific Scene in the Streets — Blowing-
up of the Rebel Iron-clads— Burning of the Bridges and Ware
houses — The City takes fire — A maddened Populace — We.itzel
and Ewell — Their Regimental Bands — The Morning — Entering
the City— The Conflagration continues — The Capitol-square at
Night  357
CHAPTER XXIV.
The Pursuit — Swift Marching — Sheridan's Victory over Ewell 
Lee cut off from Burkesville — Endeavors to reach Lynchburg 
Grant's Letter to Sherman — Lee leaves the Highway, and takes
to the Thickets — Headed off by Sheridan — Grant addresses a
Note to Lee asking him to surrender — The Reply — Correspon
dence — Lee resolves to cut his way through Sheridan's Cav
alry — The Attempt abandoned — Lee seeks an Interview with
Grant — Description of the Meeting — The Surrender of the Army
agreed upon — The Surrender— Grant visits Washington — The

CONTENTS. XV
President tells him a Dream — Is sent down to receive the Sur
render of Johnston — The Army starts for Home — Grand Review
„ in the Capital  368
CHAPTER XXV.
Grant since the War — Keeps clear of Politics — His freedom from
animosity to the South — His calm and dispassionate judgment
— Interferes in behalf of Lee — Opposed to the distinctions made
in the Amnesty' Proclamation between Officers of different
Rank — Also to that based on Property — Opposed to Military
Government-^-Intercedes for Rebels asking for Pardon — The
Presidential Tour — His Reception at the Sanitary Fair in Chi
cago — A thrilling spectacle — Welcome at Galena — Prefers
Work to Show — Sent South to examine into its Condition —
Remonstrates against the Removal of Sheridan — Appointed
Secretary of War ad interim — Discharges the Duties cf the
Office with signal Ability — His Reticence on Political Questions
—His Platform of Principles  386
CHAPTER XXVI.
Grant's Freedom from Party prejudice — Vacates the War Ofiice — ¦
Correspondence with the President — Statements of the Mem
bers of the Cabinet — Contradictory Statements — Explanation
of the discrepancy — His course approved — Refuses to, sanction
Hancock's order at New Orleans — His Character — His Courage
— Power of Concentration — Tenacity — Knowledge of Detail
— On the Picket Line — Anecdote of him — Skill in handling
Large Armies — Lincoln's estimate of his Character— McPher
son's  398

TIIE LAST INLAND EOUTE OF GEN. GEANT TO EEACH THE EEAE OF VICKSBUEG

LIFE OF GRANT.

CHAPTER I.
BOYHOOD.

Childhood of Great Men — Influence of Circumstances — How
Generals are made — Grant's Ancestry — Nativity — Early Life
— Apt at Figures — Examined by a Phrenologist— His love for
Horses — Early management of them — Rides a Circus-Pony —
Sent alone on business to Kentucky — Ingenuity in loading
heavy timber — Dissatisfied with his position — Resolves to go to
West Point.
There is always more or less desire to know
something of the early life of great men, in the
expectation of finding those traits or qualities of
character, in boyhood, which afterwards rendered
them so distinguished. Sometimes the wish is so
strong to find these early revelations, that every
floating rumor is caught at, and accepted as true,
if it goes to establish precocity of .genius. Thus,
the boyhood of Napoleon and Washington has
been turned into a romance, in the eagerness to
show how, almost in their infancy, they gave
indications of their former greatness.
But the truth is, circumstances make men —
not that circumstances can make a strong man
2

18 LIFE OF GEANT.
out of a weak one — -a wise one out of a fool —
but that men are educated by circumstances. A
man of well-balanced character, strong common
sense, and good mental capacity, is capable of ex
panding to meet any of the exigencies of human
life ; that is, he will grow to his condition, adapt
himself to the sphere rapidly enlarging around
him. Washington, for instance, but for the Rev
olution, would doubtless have been distinguished
only as the first man in his county, of excellent
judgment, and worthy of any position of trust
or responsibility. But he had the capacity for
greater things ; and when the momentous strug
gle of the colonies was thrown upon him, he rose
to meet the great responsibility. As the war
advanced, he advanced in military knowledge
and skill. In short, he was capable of being
educated by the circumstances and events into
which he was thrown. There are great geniuses
in history that were born such — who seem to be
endowed with a sort of inspiration that enables
them to leap to results which others reach only
by patient labor and slow experience ; but they
are rare as comets in the solar system. The
great truth, that but few men are equal, at once, to
any and all emergencies that may arise, was one
that our government, at the outset, was slow in
learning. In ordinary wars, the general that has
been educated for the very position of trust in

MISTAKES. 19
which he finds himself, and shows by his failures
that he is unequal to it, proves his incapacity, and
his removal is a matter of imperious necessity.
But no one in our country had received the
training requisite to fit him for the wide field of
operations, and the distracting circumstances pre
sented by the awful civil war that was precipi
tated upon us. That military leaders should
blunder, as well as the government, which was
equally unprepared for it, was inevitable. To re
quire, as some did, an immediate change of gov
ernment — even going so far as to hint at the re
moval of the President — was insanity. We were
all children, and had, like children, to learn to
walk, by repeated stumbles. Ignoring this im
portant fact, in military matters, made the gov
ernment present the spectacle of throwing dice, as
it were, for a general. One after another was
sacrificed, and Grant and Sherman narrowly
escaped the same fate. The latter was removed
from the Department of Kentucky, as a crazy
man ; while nothing but the most strenuous efforts
of a single friend saved the former from disgrace,
after the battle of Pittsburgh Landing ; yet both
proved themselves to be eventually the greatest
captains of the age.
But though it is true that the child seldom ex
hibits any indications of the future greatness to
which he attains, yet, in many respects, the old

20 LIFE OF GRANT.
maxim is true, that " the child is father to the
man." A child of weak and vacillating will never be
comes a man of great decision and executive
force ; nor one who exhibits a total lack of perse
verance and energy in every thing he undertakes
be distinguished for marking out a-«5ourse, and
persisting in it, over all obstacles, and amid the
greatest discouragements. Those qualities of
character for which Grant is so - remarkable,
he exhibited as a child. He confronted difficul
ties with the same dauntless resolution then, that
he did afterwards.
.His father, still living, loves to recall and recount
the events in the childhood of his distinguished
son ; hence, there is no public character of mod
ern times, of whose early life so much is known.
He is of Scotch descent; and though much
effort has been made to trace his lineage to Con
necticut, we can find very little that is reliable,
beyond his great-grandfather, who settled . in
Westmoreland county, Pennsylvania, where, in
in 1794, the father of Ulysses was born, and, five
years after, emigrated to Ohio — then the far west
Here he in a few years died, leaving his son,
eleven years of age, an orphan, and nearly pen
niless. There were seven children in all, the old
est of which was but twelve years of age when
the family was broken up. When sixteen years

HIS BOYHOOD. 21
old he was apprenticed to his half-brother, in
Maysville, Kentucky, to learn the tanner's trade,
and served out his time, and then went back to
Ohio, and set up in business for himself, at
Ravenna, Portage county. Compelled by illness,
after a few years of toil, to abandon his trade, he
finally settled down again, for a while, at Point
Pleasant. He shortly after became acquainted
with Miss Hannah Simpson, who had emigrated
from his native county, in Pennsylvania, and
married her.
Ulysses, their first child, was born here, on the
27th day of April, 1822. The mother was a
Methodist, and trained her child to respect re
ligion, to avoid profanity and strife, and to love
truth, industry, and honesty. The father was
poor, and Ulysses was early taught to help him,
on whom a rapidly increasing family pressed hard.
Thus, at eight years of age, we find him driving
team for him; and at ten he was accustomed
to drive a pair 'of horses alone from George
town, where he lived, forty miles, to Cincinnati,
and bring back a load. Like many farmer-boys,
he was very fond of horses, and, though a mere
lad, showed great skill in managing them, and
acquired a knack, no one knew how, of breaking
them to pace. Most of the incidents of his boy
hood differ but little from those which make up
.the life of boys of poor parents, whose necessities

22 LIFE OF GRANT.
qompel them to work instead oi" play. Some of
them, however, exhibit those traits which have
since distinguished him — in fact, have led to his
success. That tenacity of purpose, which no ob
stacles or dangers can shake, was illustrated in the
persistency with which he once clung to a circus-
pony that he was induced to mount in the ring.
The trained, little animal could' not, with its ut
most efforts, shake him«off ; and the ring-master,
disappointed to see him succeed, where others
always failed, let loose a monkey, which sprung
up behind him and mounted on his shoulders,
and began to pull his hair. The spectators
shouted, and the pony struggled still more fran
tically to get rid of its rider ; but Ulysses, with
his face wearing the same imperturbable expres
sion it in after-years wore in battle, rode on, until
pony and ring-master had to give it up.
That " quiet, fixed resolution, ' which is such a
marked feature in his character to-day, he pos
sessed when a mere lad. His father possessed
great confidence in his ability to take care of
himself, and once sent him, when but twelve years
of age, to Louisville, alone. We give the incident
in his own language. He says :
" It was necessary for me to have a deposition taken
there, to be used in a law-suit in which I was engaged
in the State of Connecticut. I had written more than
once about it to my lawyers, but could not get the

SENT ON A JOURNEY. 23
business done. ' I can do it,' said Ulysses. So I sent
him on the errand alone. Before he started, I gave
liim an open letter that he might show the captain of
the boat, or any one else, if he should have occasion,
stating that he was m'y son, and was going to Louisville
on my business. Going down, he happened to meet a
neighbor with whom he was acquainted ; so he had no
occasion to use the letter. But when he came on board
a boat, to return, the captain asked him who he was.
He told him ; but the captain answered, ' I cannot
take you ; you may be running away.' Ulysses then
produced my letter, which put every thing right ; and
the captain not only treated him with great kindness,
but took so much interest in him a^ to invite him to go
as far as Maysville with him, where he had relatives
living, free of expense. He brought back the deposi
tion with him, and that enabled me to succeed in
making a satisfactory adjustment of my suit." *
The father remembers also the following inci
dent, of which doubtless similar may be related of
hundreds of others who never reached any emi
nence, yet it has a peculiar interest in the light of
after events. He says, ." I will relate another cir
cumstance which I. have never mentioned before,
which you may use as you think proper. He
was always regarded as extremely apt in figures.
When he was ten years old a distinguished phre
nologist came along and stayed several days in
the place. He was frequently asked to examine
heads blindfolded. Among others, Ulysses was
placed in the chair. The phrenologist felt his
head for several minutes without saying any
* Written for the " Ledger:"

24 LIFE OF GRANT.
thing ; at length, a noted doctor asked him if the
boy had a capacity for mathematics. The phre
nologist, after some further examination, said,
' You need not be surprised if you see this boy fill
the presidential chair some time.' " *
Now, whether the opinion of the phrenologist
was worth any thing or not, or whether it was a
mere piece of flattery, or a scientific opinion, may
not, perhaps, be of much consequence ; but one
thing is certain, if he had not been different from
the ordinary class of boys of his age he never
would have been selected as a subject, for public
examination. This fact alone shows that he was
a marked lad, possessing certain positive, distinct
qualities which distinguished him from others.
If it were not so, the examination of his head
would have been without significance. Another
anecdote is told of him when a little older, show
ing that great self-reliance which also formed so
remarkable a trait of his manhood. Sent once to
the woods with a team to bring some pieces of
timber, where his father supposed there were work
men to do the loading for him, he, on his arrival,
found no one there. Instead, however, of return
ing with the team and reporting the state of af
fairs, he immediately set about performing the
herculean task himself; and unhitching the horses,
he with their help hauled up the pieces of hewn
* "The Hero Boy," by Rev. P. C. Headley.

DISSATISFIED WITH HIS LOT. 25
timber on a half-fallen tree, that served as an in
clined plane,- the ends projecting over. He then
backed the wagon under them, and hitching a
chain to the ends, pulled them one after another
in, and started for home with his load.
The means for securing that mental discipline
and culture necessary to fit him for any position
of eminence were wanting in the little town
where he resided. His moral training, however,
was excellent. Though his parents were not the
old rigid Scotch Covenanters, they had the Scotch
probity and prudence, and inculcated right prin
ciples into the boy, and it is said of him what
can be said of few lads, that he was never known
to tell a lie or use a profane word.
He devoted himself to his father's business of
tanning leather with reluctance, preferring to
drive a team instead.
But while he was thus growing a strong, broad-
shouldered young man in an obscure western vil
lage, he was not satisfied with his lot. Besides,
his father felt that he ought to have the benefit
of a better education than could be obtained at
home. It was a subject of much anxious thought
with him, for he believed that his son had capacity
for a more important position than that which the*
trade of a tanner would give him. But his means
were limited — the want of money, which chains so
many gifted minds to the mere effort to obtain a
2

26 LIFE OF GRANT.
livelihood in the dull routine in which they have
been brought up, stood sadly in the way of young
Grant being placed in the more enlarged sphere
for which he seemed to be fitted.
There was, however, one way of securing an
education, and that was by adopting the profes
sion of arms and obtaining the appointment of
Cadet at West Point. Besides, Ulysses had a
strong inclination for a military life, and so it was
decided to apply for a situation in the United
States Military Academy.
Thus, in the early struggles of this Western
youth — in the discussion and balancing of various
plans and projects, fate was silently weaving the
first threads of that web oh whose completion
hung most important destinies.

CHAPTER II.
HIS MILITARY EDUCATION AND EARLY SERVICE.
Enters West Point — How_ his Name became changed — Application
to his Studies— His steady Progress — Distinguished for his
Horsemanship — Graduates — Brevetted Second Lieutenant —
Ordered West — Serves under Taylor on the Rio Grande — Battles
of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma — Joins Scott at Vera
Cruz — Made Quartermaster and serves also on the Staff — Dis
tinguishes himself at Molino del Rey and Chapultepec — Com
plimented for his gallantry — West Point Officers turn Gunners —
Value of -their early training in the Field — Returns home and
Marries — Stationed at Detroit and Sackett's Harbor — Sent to
California — to Oregon — Made Captain — Resigns his Commis
sion — Settles on a Farm near St. Louis — Sells Wood — Anec
dotes — Turns Collector — Poor Success — Joins his Father in the
Leather business — Breaking out of the War — West Point vin
dicated.
In accordance with the plan finally adopted, the
father applied to Mr. Morris, member of the Sen
ate from Ohio, to obtain the desired situation for
his son. But he was unable to assist him, as his
promise had already been given to another appli
cant ; but in stating the fact to Mr. Grant, he in
formed him that there was a vacancy in the con
gressional district of Mr. Hamer, and advised him
to apply to him. He did so, and Mr. Hamer at
once interested himself in the case, and on his ap
plication Ulysses received the appointment. Mr.

28 LIFE OF GRANT.
Grant had another son named Simpson, the
mother's family-name, and in some way Mr. Ha
mer got the idea that this was the middle name of
Ulysses ; hence in his application for the appoint
ment he gave the name of the applicant as Ulysses
S. Grant, and it was so entered on the books at
West Point. Ulysses tried several times to have
it changed, but at length gave it up, and he became
U S. Grant. Thus, by mere accident he acquired
those initials which, according to the conceit of
this or that person, have been made to stand for
so many- different things : Uncle Sam Grant,
United States Grant, Unconditional Surrender
Grant. It was a trying position for the awkward,
rough, Western youth of eighteen to be thrown
suddenly into the company of a hundred young
men, many of whom had received the advantages
of a good education and a wide intercourse with
the world. He saw at once that he must make up
for his deficiency by close application. Acquaint
ed only with the first rudiments of the difficult
mathematics he must become master of, ignorant
of French and drawing, he had to begin at the be
ginning. Taking patiently the fagging still per
mitted at West Point during the Freshman year,
to the disgrace of the institution, he applied him
self dihgently to the arduous work before him.
His aptitude for mathematics was now of great

AT WEST POINT. 29
service to him, and learning thoroughly what he
undertook, he made slow but steady progress, and
soon distanced many who with the same applica
tion and energy would have been far in advance of
him. At the close of the first year, after the examina
tion, the usual thinning process took place by
which many were thrown back to go over again
the studies they so little understood ; but young
Grant, notwithstanding the difficulties he had
labored under, took his place with the successful
ones in the next class. Passing through this year
in the same studious way, he was made in the
subsequent class of 1841 sergeant of battalion.
In the examination of this year more cadets
were thrown back, and the Western boy found
himself in a class dwindled down to nearly half
of its original number. The last year he was
promoted to the position of officer of cadets, and
finished his course successfully. Though not, like
the brilliant McPherson, graduating at the head
of his class, he stood No. twenty-one, which was
above the average.
His acquisitions were of a solid, substantial
character, but in no one thing did he evince any
peculiar excellence, except in horsemanship. He
was a bold and skillful rider, and showed here his
boyish fondness for horses and knowledge of their
character, which to this day distinguish him.

30 LIFE OF GRANT.
He could talk " horse " then as well as now when
badgered by politicians.
Only thirty of the original number that formed
the class with which young Grant began his ca
reer graduated with 'him. Some of those suc
cessful ones he afterwards served with under a
common flag, and still later met them as foes on
the battle-field.
Brevetted as second lieutenant of the Fourth
Infantry, he now joined his regiment at Jefferson
Barracks, in Missouri, empty yet of any actual
command. He had Httle to do beyond the rou
tine of daily duties, except now and then to ac
company an expedition along the frontiers, to
look after troublesome Indians.
In 1844 his regiment was ordered to the Red
River, in Louisiana. His life here was dull and
dreary to one ambitious of distinction.
But the rumors of hostilities between the
United States and Mexico, growing out of the
boundary line, roused every young officer into
new life. The right or wrong of a war troubled
them but little, "so that the road to distinction was
opened to them.
In 1845, when Gen. Taylor was sent to the
Rio Grande with an army of occupation, Grant's
regiment formed part of his force. In the mean
time he was transferred to the Seventh regiment.
but this change was so repugnant to him that he

HIS FIRST BATTLE. 31
applied to the government for permission to remain
with his old regiment. This request was granted,
and in 1846 we find him a full second lieutenant,
lying with his regiment at Matamoras. March
ing with Taylor to Point Isabel, he, on the return
of the little army to relieve the sore-pressed gar
rison of Fort Brown, took his first lesson in prac
tical war, at Palo Alto. In this, his first battle,
he acted with that settled coolness and prompt
ness which have always characterized him. The
shout of victory rolling over the field had hardly
died away before the sharp, decisive action of
Resaca de la Palma completed the discomfiture
of the Mexican army, and it fled over the river
in confusion. Then came the long, joyful shout
of welcome from the manned ramparts of Fort
Brown, as the liberated garrison saw their deliv
erers marching gayly forward to the sound of
triumphant music. *
The war had now fairly begun, and Taylor took
up his line of march for Monterey. In the des
perate fight for this place Grant's regiment bore
its appropriate part.
The young soldier had now received the full
baptism of fire necessary to his introduction into
the stern realities of his profession.
When Scott organized his force for the invasion
of Mexico, Grant's regiment was among the num
ber of those he withdrew from Taylor.

32 LIFE OF GRANT.
After the fall of Vera Cruz, the army started
for the Mexican capital, and Grant received the
appointment of quartermaster of his regiment,
and at the same time acted on the staff of his
general. The long and toilsome marches, the. bloody bat
tles, the splendid strategy of Scott, that make up
the history of the weeks, and months that followed,
were an important part of the training of Grant,
the results of which were to be seen in future years.
At the battle of Molino del Rey his gallant
bearing won for him promotion on the spot, as
first lieutenant, though Congress did not confirm
the appointment.
At the battle of Chapultepec, which followed in
a few days, he had an opportunity to especially dis
tinguish himself. Nearly half way up the slope to
the foot of the castle's walls, stood a strong field-
work, so flanked by ravines and chasms that its
capture was a most hazardous enterprise. But it
must be carried before the storming parties with
fascines and ladders could advance, and the batta
lion ordered to take it marched boldly forward,
under a fierce, withering fire. The ranks
were frightfully thinned and more or less dis
organized, especially when they got in close
musket- range of the redoubt, and success became
doubtful.- At this critical moment Grant rallied
a few men of his regiment, and with Captain

GALLANT CONDUCT. 33
Brookes, who did the same with that of the
Second Artillery, suddenly wheeled to the left,
and enveloping the enemy's right flank with
their rapid fire, rolled it back in confusion. Other
regiments now coming up to their support, the
Mexicans fled, and the redoubt was carried. This
flank movement was a brilliant conception in the
heat of the battle, and was carried out against
overwhelming numbers, and in the face of a dead
ly fire. It was mentioned in the various reports
of the officers, and among others by Col., subse
quently General Garland, who after describing it
says, "I must not omit to call attention to Lieut.
Grant, who acquitted himself most nobly upon
several occasions, under my observation." It
would be interesting to know the details of the
events in which he " acquitted himself most nobly."
But this much is on record, that in galloping
all steadily through storms of shot and shell to
deliver orders, and rallying a handful of men
right under the enemy's guns, and heading the des
perate charge, " he acquitted himself most nobly."
One of the occasions referred to by Garland, was
in the battle of Molino del Rey, which occurred a few
days before that of Chapultepec. The thrilling
scene was described to us by General Garland him
self. After the battery midway to the mills on the
top of the slope was carried by the desperate charge
of Major Wright, with a handful of men, the Mex-
2*

34 LIFE OF GRANT.
ican forces were divided, and the battle resolved it
self into two separate attacks. Garland commanded
one of the columns, which now, with Drum's bat
tery of only two pieces at its head, took up its
desperate march for the works on the top of the
hill. The advance was slow and toilsome, for that
slight battery had to contend against overwhelm
ing odds, and its progress gauged that of the col
umn. Covering the infantry, it had to make a path
for it to the walls of the mill. Garland watched
with the deepest anxiety the effect of its fire, for
should it be silenced he would be compelled to
march over the wreck of the guns, and push the
uncovered, naked head of his column up to the very
muzzles of the Mexican cannon, or retreat. He
did not mean that any contingency should force
him to the latter alternative, for when the mo
ment of decision arrived he had resolved to charge
with the bayonet, over barricades, guns, gunners,
and all. At length, weary with the slow and
deadly effort, he, while Drum, after a short and
rapid fire, was advancing his pieces, called a drum
mer and bade him place his drum on the ground
for a seat, on which he might rest for a moment.
The instant after he was seated, a grapeshot
struck the cap from his head, and grazed the skull
so closely as to carry away his wig. Had he been
standing erect it would have passed through his
body. -

A NOBLE EXAMPLE. 35
At length, under the overwhelming fire of the
enemy's batteries, every gunner attached to
Drum's pieces was killed or wounded. Garland
then called on the infantry to supply their places,
but not a man volunteered. They had one and all
toiled bravely forward to the spot where the bay
onet must decide the conflict, and they would not
throw aside their muskets at such a. critical mo
ment. But those guns must be served, for every
shot was worth a whole regiment of men in de
molishing the defences preparatory to the final as
sault. A few young men seeing the dilemma,
sprang forward, manned the pieces, and rolled
them forward through the iron hail till they were
within a hundred yards of the hostile batteries,
and there played on the foe with a rapidity and
power nothing could withstand. Each one of
those gallant youthful artillerists was a West
Point officer. Eight there in the blaze of the hos
tile guns they loaded and fired as coolly as though
on parade. Carried away by such a noble ex
ample of self-devotion, the soldiers charged with
a high and ringing cheer, and clearing every ob
stacle that opposed their progress, swept the de
fences with resistless power. No wonder Garland
could say of such oflicers, " they acquitted them
selves most nobly"
At the outset of the campaign Scott had called
the West Point officers about him, and told them

36 LIFE OF GRANT.
that he was entering on it " with a halter around
his neck," with " the end of it at Washington" and
said he, " I expect you, my young friends, to get
this halter off for me." Grant was one of the
brave officers who did get it off.
At. length, Grant had the proud satisfaction of
riding into the grand plaza of the Mexican capi
tal beside his commander, and seeing the stars
and stripes hoisted on its public buildings. That
young officer, standing proudly in the heart of the
conquered city, and the tanner's son with his pole
and hook fishing out hides from his father's vats,
present a striking contrast, and yet such, in some
form or other, our republican institutions furnish
every year, to the astonishment of the old world.
The siege, the toilsome march, the consummate
strategy exhibited in every important movement,
the bloody battles, furnished a school in which
young Grant was trained for a position of
which he then little dreamed. He was one of
those who in time of war, if death spares them,
rise rapidly in rank. But the proclamation of
peace soon ended his dreams of preferment, and
the army was scattered through the various posts
of our wide country.
Young Grant returned home, and in August
of 1848 married a Miss Dent, daughter of a mer
chant in St. Louis, Missouri.
His regiment being stationed at Detroit, he,

DREARY SERVICE. 37
after a short furlough, joined it . there, still hold
ing the position of quartermaster. It was after
wards transferred to Sackett's Harbor, on the
northern frontier of New York State. Subse
quently the regiment was ordered to California,
where, after its arrival, a portion was detached
for duty in Oregon, then almost as much out of
the country as our new possession of Alaska now
is. Nothing could be more dreary than life in
this remote region, far away from his family —
through summer and the long winter, day after
day, and month after month, the same monoto
nous round of duties. The morning reveille —
the drill — the evenmg tattoo — these constitute
the excitements of a soldier's life on one of our
frontier posts. No places of amusement, no so
cial circles in which to spend an hour, no libraries,
papers and letters coming only at long intervals,
combine to make an officer's life at one of them
dismal and lonely in the extreme. For two years
Captain Grant (for his rank had been confirmed),
was thus shut up in that then remote, thinly set
tled territory.
The Mexican war had promoted so many young
officers that there was no probability that Grant
would get beyond the rank of captain till his head
was gray. He had now served more than the
eight years required by the government to pay for
four years of education at West Point, and hence

38 LIFE OF GRANT.
felt at liberty to consult his own interest in future!
Other officers had resigned, and were already on
the fair road to wealth and competence, and there
was no reason why he should waste the best part
of his life in idleness. There seemed no prospect
of his services in the field ever being needed by
the government; besides, if they were he could vol
unteer them. In fact, there was every motive to
induce an active, enterprising young man to leave
the army at that time, and many, especially north
ern oflicers, did. Grant followed their example,
and, resigning his commission, returned home to try
his fortune in civil life. Taking a small farm near
his father-in-law, in the vicinity of St. Louis, he
settled down to the quiet life of a western farmer.
A person familiar with this part of his life says :
It is well known that when he resided in Missouri he
was very poor, and lived in a small, uncomfortable house,
cultivating a farm of a few acres. His chief income was
derived by hauling wood to the City of St. Louis. He
used to supply Hon. Henry T. Blow, of that city, with
his fuel. "Mr. Blow was elected to the Thirty-ninth
Congress, and on one occasion went with his wife to one
of Gen. Grant's popular receptions. Mrs. Blow won
dered if General Grant would recognize her as an old
friend or acquaintance, under the different circum
stances of their relative situations in life. "Well, Mrs.
Blow had not been long at the General's before he
came to her and said, " Mrs. Blow, I remember you
well. What great changes have taken place since we
last met ! " " Tes, General," said Mrs. B., " the war
is over." " I did not mean that," he replied ; " I mean
with myself. Do you recollect when I used to supply

A LEATHER-DEALER. 39
your husband with wood, and pile it myself, and meas
ure it too, and go to his office for my pay ? " " Oh, yes,
General, your face was familiar in those days." " Mrs.
Blow, those were happy days ; for I was doing the best
I could to support my family."
He afterwards endeavored to add to his income
by the collection of debts for others, though dunning
delinquent debtors proved neither a pleasant nor
a profitable business.
The ex-captain was not getting along very pros
perously in his new vocation, and his chances of
obtaining even a competence were very doubtful.
His father learning-the unfavorable condition of
affairs, wrote to him, proposing that he should
come on to Illinois and assist in the leather trade.
It promised to be far more lucrative than his pres
ent occupation, and he accepted the offer and re
moved to Galena. In 1859, over a modest store,
the sign of " Grant & Son, Leather Dealers,"
could be seen. It is said that he did not prove a
very active merchant. Handling sides of leather
was very different from handling a sword, and chaf
fering with customers came rather hard after being
so many years accustomed to command. Still the
business was in a flourishing condition, and to all
human appearance his occupation was fixed for
life. He expected to be leather-dealer, nothing
more, and his highest ambition could reach no
farther than moderate wealth.
Here the history of his life -might have ended

40 LIFE OF GRANT.
but for the civil war into which we were plunged.
Although like McClellan, and Sherman, and
Hooker, and Slocum, and others, he was out of
the service, no sooner did the country need his ex
perience and aid than his civil pursuits were cast
aside. It is to the everlasting honor of West Point,
and a complete refutation of the slanders uttered
against it, that though so many oflicers had resigned
their commissions, and a portion of them were on
the high road to wealth, every one, to a man,
abandoned at once his profession or business and
took up his long-neglected sword, and offered Ins
services to his country. From the counter, from
the law-office, from the engineer's room, and from
the school-room, they came swarming at her call.

ME BBEsn™ HPILAClE, ©F 6EK1. 8J „S, CHART,,
AT POINT PLEASANT 0. NEAR CINCINNATI.

CHAPTER III.
A BRIGADIER-GENERAL.
His Politics — Raises a Company and takes it to Springfield — He of
fers his services to the Government-s-His letter unanswered — ¦
Assists Governor Yates in organizing the troops — Made Colonel
of the 21st Regiment — Endeavors to get on McClellan's staff —
Serves in Missouri — Made Brigadier-General — Amusing Anec
dote of him — Makes Cairo his Headquarters — Occupies Padu
cah — Proclamation to the People — Correspondence with General
Polk — Battle of Belmont — His congratulatory Order — Letter
to his Father, giving an account of the Action — The Cairo Ex
pedition — Order respecting it — Retaliatory Order — Proposes to
Halleck to seize Port Henry — Rude treatment by the latter.
Though opposed to the election pf Mr. Lincoln,
because he believed that it would intensify the
hostility already existing between the North and
South, he took no active part in politics, content
ing himself simply with voting. Then, as now,
he thought little of party — his country was his
party, her welfare his only object, and hence he
watched with the deepest anxiety the gathering
elements of civil strife on every side.
The news of the fall of Fort Sumter — of the insult
to the flag he had so often battled under, aroused
all the slumbering fire of his nature, and he im
mediately organized a company of volunteers and
took it to Springfield, Illinois. He then wrote a

42 LIFE OF GRANT.
letter to the adjutantrgeneral, offering his services to
his country, but it was never even acknowledged.
With that modesty which always distinguished
him, he did not, like others, apply for a high rank,
but was willing to serve in any capacity the gov
ernment might select. But he was too obscure to
be wanted when so many eminent civilians offered
themselves as .commanders.
His name was in the meantime presented to
Governor Yates, by a friend, who spoke of his mil
itary education and his gallant record, acquired
during the Mexican war. The governor needing
some one to assist him in arranging the quota of
the State, that had been called out, commissioned
him as adjutant and set him to work.
A short -time after, the governor, receiving a re
quest, from the President to send on two names
for the position of brigadier-generaL proposed
to Grant to send his. The latter, however, "de
clined the offer, preferring, he said, to earn his
promotion. Having completed the work required
pf him to meet the first call on the State for troops,
he was in the middle of June commissioned a
colonel of the 21st Regiment, that its own colonel
could not manage. Below the medium height,
and shabby in appearance, the new colonel did not
make a favorable impression on the regiment, but
the men soon found they had a character to deal
with that would not admit of trifling. He was now,

HIS SERVICES NOT WANTED. 43
at last, in the army of the Union. He had offered
his services to the general government, but no
notice was taken of it. He had also tried to get
on the staff of McClellan, but failed. Hearing of
the latter's appointment as Major-General of Ohio
Volunteers, he modestly thought, as an old army
friend, he might offer him a position on his staff,
and went to Cincinnati to see him. He called on
him twice, but finding him not in either time, and
seeing a crowd of applicants around his head
quarters, he became discouraged, and returned
home. On what slight events a man's destiny
sometimes turns I Had Grant obtained an inter
view with McClellan, he doubtless would have re
ceived the coveted appointment, and shared that
commander's fortune and fate, and been lost to the
war. However, it will be seen that the whole credit
of putting Grant in the field belongs to Governor
Yates. -
Grant's regiment was first assigned to Pope's
department in Northern Missouri, where his duty
was to guard the Hannibal & St. Joseph Railroad.
Other regiments were in this region, and he be
came for a time acting brigadier-general. On .the
7th of August, 1861, he received his commission
as brigadier-general, for which he was indebted to
E. B. Washburn, a fellow-townsman, though
scarce an acquaintance, who ever after, as member

44 LIFE OF GRANT.
of Congress, stood nobly by him when all others
seemed ready to desert him. He was now sent
to Southern Missouri, which was threatened by
Jeff. Thompson. He marched to Ironton and
Marble Creek, fortifying and garrisoning the latter
places, and thence to Jefferson City, which was re
ported to be in danger.
The following incident, which occurred on this
long and tedious march, illustrates one phase of
Grant's character. It is said that he is as "distin
guished for his eccentric humor, as for his skill
and bravery." In this case there was a certain
grimness in the humor, for while it raised a laugh
on one side, on the other it cut like a sword, for
it administered a stern rebuke.
A member of his staff says :
"When Grant was a brigadier in Southeast
Missouri, he commanded an expedition against
the rebels under Jeff. Thompson in Northeast
Arkansas. The distance from the starting point
of the expedition to the supposed rendezvous of
the rebels was about one hundred and ten miles,
and the greater portion of the route lay through
a howling wilderness. The imaginary suffering
that our soldiers endured during the first two days
of their march was enormous. It was impossible
to steal or 'confiscate' uncultivated real estate,
and not a hog, or a chicken, or an ear of corn
was anywhere to be seen. On the third day,

A COSTLY PIE. 45
however, affairs looked more hopeful, for a few
small specks of ground, in a state of partial cul
tivation, were here and there visible. On that
day, Lieutenant Wickfield, of an Indiana cavalry
regiment, commanded the advance guard, consist
ing of eight mounted men. About noon he came
up to a small farmhouse, from the outward ap
pearance of which he judged that there might be
something fit to eat inside. He halted his com
pany, dismounted, and with two second lieuten
ants entered the dwelling. He knew that Grant's
incipient fame had already gone out through all
that country, and it occurred to him that by rep
resenting himself to be the general he might
obtain the best the house afforded. So, assuming
a very imperative demeanor, he accosted the in
mates of the house, and told them he must have
something for himself and staff to eat. They
desired to know who he was, and he told them
that he was Brigadier-General Grant. At the
sound of that name they all flew around with
alarming alacrity, and served up about all they
had in the house, taking great pains all the while
to make loud professions of loyalty. The lieu
tenants ate as much as they could of the not
over-sumptuous meal, but which was, neverthe
less, good for that country, and demanded what
was to pay. ' Nothing.' And they went on their
way rejoicing.

46 LIFE OF GRANT.
"In the meantime General Grant, who had
halted his army a few miles further back for a
brief resting spell, came in sight of, and was
rather favorably impressed with the appearance
of, this same house. Riding up to the fence in
front of the door, he desired to know if they
would cook him a meal.
" ' No,' said a female, in a gruff voice; ' General
Grant and his staff have just been here, and
eaten every thing in the house except one pump
kin pie.
" 'Humph,' murmured Grant ; ' what is your
name ? '
" ' Selvidge,' replied the woman.
" Casting a half dollar in at the door, he aske'd
if she would keep that- pie till he sent an officer
for it ; to which she replied that she would.
" That evening; after the camping ground had
been selected, the various regiments were notified
that there would be a grand parade at half-past
six, for orders. Officers would see that all their
men turned out, etc.
"In five minutes the camp was in a perfect up
roar, and filled with all sorts of rumors. Some
thought the enemy were upon them, it being so
unusual to have parades when on a march.
" At half-past six the*parade was formed, ten
columns deep and nearly a quarter of a mile in
length."

AN EXCITING ORDER. 47
After the usual routine of ceremonies, the
acting assistant adjutant-general read the follow
ing order : Hkadquaetkes, Aemt in the Field.
SPECIAL OEDEE NO.  .
Lieutenant "Wickfield, of the Indiana Cavalry, having
on this day eaten every thing in Mrs. Selvidge's house,
at the crossing of the Trenton and Pocahontas and
Black River and Cape Girardeau roads, except one
pumpkin-pie, Lieutenant "Wickfield is hereby ordered
to return with an escort of one hundred cavalry, and
eat that pie also. TJ. S. Geant,
Brigadier-General Commanding.
One can scarcely imagine the astonishment
which the promulgation of this order caused,
made as it was with all the seriousness of one
just preceding a battle, nor of the uproarious
merriment and laughter of the soldiers as the
true state of the case became known. Shout
after shout rolled over the field as the astounded
lieutenant ordered up his escort and trotted out
of camp. There was no evading the order. Back
along the road he had just travelled so wearily, he
made his way to the widow's house, and deliber
ately ordered out the solitary pie he had been so
kind as to leave for his general a little while before.
It was carried off as a grand joke, yet there
was a sting to it. It required no explana
tion. Each officer learned two things by it he
would not be apt soon to forget. First, not to

48 LIFE OF GRANT.
forage right in front of his commander without
any reference to his needs ; second, to be careful
how he assumed his character and authority any
where. The last was doubtless the chief lesson
Grant designed to inculcate. Reports and slan
ders of all kinds against a general who was com
pelled to march through a divided country were
rife enough, without having any act that a subor
dinate might commit charged to him. We ven
ture to say Lieutenant Wickfield has never eaten
a pie since, without thinking of that one which
required an escort of a hundred men to dispose .of.
The district of Southeastern Missouri was
placed under his 'command on the 1st of Septem
ber, by Fremont, who succeeded Pope, and in
cluded such portions on the borders of Kentucky
and Tennessee as he might deem best to occupy.
His headquarters were at Cairo, a most important
point strategetically, for here the four rivers, Mis
sissippi, Ohio, Cumberland, and Tennessee, unite.
The two first kept open his own communications,
and the two latter carried supplies to the enemy.
Grant early saw how vital the occupation and hold
ing of it was. Kentucky claimed to be neutral
territory, thereby forbidding the establishment of
any military post within her boundaries ; yet Co
lumbus and Hickman, both in the limits of the
State, and situated on the banks of the Mississip
pi, had been seized and held by the rebels, as well

OCCUPIES PADUCAH. 49
as the central position of Bowling Green. Grant
felt that it would not do to regard a neutrality
which allowed the enemy to seize all the import
ant points in the State ; and Paducah, at the
mouth of the Tennessee, commanding the naviga
tion -both of it and the Ohio, being a most im
portant place, he determined to seize it before it
fell into their hands. Delay was dangerous, and
if he waited until the vexed question of occupying
neutral territory was thoroughly discussed, it
might be too late. He did not even apply for per
mission to his immediate superior, Fremont, but
simply notified him that he was going to move at
once, unless he received a telegram to the contrary.
He did not delay a moment longer than neces
sary, but on the 6th of September despatched a
steamer loaded with troops to occupy it. To
make it as little offensive as possible, he issued
the following proclamation to the people, explana
tory of the motives that governed him:
Paduoah, Ky., September 6, 1861.
To the Citizens of Paducah :
I am come among you, not as an enemy, but as your
fellow-citizen. rTot to .maltreat you, nor annoy you,
-but to respect and enforce the.rights of all loyal citizens.
An enemy in rebellion against our common Govern
ment has taken possession of, and planted his guns upon
the soil of Kentucky, and fired upon you. Columbus
and Hickman are in his hands. He is moving upon
your city. I am here to defend you against this enemy,

50 LIFE OF GRANT.
to assist the authority aud sovereignty of your Govern
ment. I heme nothing to do with opinions, and shall
deal only with armed rebellion, and its aiders and abet
tors. You can pursue your usual avocations without
fear. The strong arm of the Government is here to pro
tect its friends and punish its enemies. "Whenever it is
manifest that you are able to defend yourselves, and
maintain the authority of the Government, and protect
the rights of loyal citizens, I shall withdraw the forces
under my command. TJ. S. Geant,
Brigadier-General Commanding.
The legislature of the State remonstrated against
the seizure of Paducah as an act of aggression^and
a correspondence followed between it and Grant,
in which the latter vindicated his course in a
courteous manner, and quietly held the post.
The next month he received a communication
from Gen. Polk, proposing an exchange of pris
oners — several having been taken in portions of
his department. To this he sent the following
short reply: Headquaetees Dkpt. Southeast Missouei,
Caiko, October 11, 1861.
General :
Yours of this date is just received. In regard to an
exchange of prisoners, as proposed, I can of my own
accordance make none. I recognize no " Southern
Confederacy " myself, but will communicate with higher
authorities for their views. Should I not be sustained,
I will find means of communicating with you.
Respectfully, your obedient servant,
TL S. Geant,
Brigadier-General Commanding.
To Major-General Polk, Columbus, Ky.

BELMONT. 51
During this month Col. Plummer obtained a
victory over Jeffi Thompson in Southeast Mis
souri, which brought out a highly complimentary
order from Grant.
Columbus, only a few miles below the mouth of
the Ohio, was the first of a series of defences
erected by the enemy along the Mississippi to pre
vent its navigation by our steamers, and the whole
country, especially the Northwest, were clamorous
for its capture. In the meantime, word having
been received that troops were about being moved
from this pomt to cooperate with Price in Mis
souri, Grant was ordered to make a demonstration
against Columbus to prevent it.
The enemy at this time had a large force under
Polk at Columbus, also a camp and garrison op
posite, at Belmont. Grant, finding his force too
small to attack the former place, determined to
break up the camp at the latter. In order not to
be overwhelmed by the garrison at Columbus, he
asked Gen. Smith, commanding at Paducah, to
make a demonstration against the former place,
which he did, by sending a small force, that was
not to advance nearer, however, than twelve or
fifteen miles. He also despatched another detach
ment on the Kentucky side, for the same purpose,
with directions not to advance nearer than Elli-
cott's Mills, twelve miles from Columbus.
The force under his own command was two

52 LIFE OF GRANT.
thousand eight hundred and fifty strong. These
were embarked in transports on the evening of the
6th of November, and moved down to the foot of
Island No. Ten, within eleven miles of Columbus,
where they stopped for the night, and tied up to the
Kentucky shore. At daylight next morning the
transports passed quietly down-stream till almost
within range of the rebel guns, when they were
quickly pushed to the Missouri shore, and the
troops landed. The gunboats Tyler and Lexing
ton accompanied them.
The cannon were hauled by hand up the steep
banks amid dropping shot and shell from the
rebel encampment, from which, as it occupied an
elevated position, Grant's movements could be dis
tinctly seen.
.The troops, after landing, passed through some
cornfields and halted, preparatory tp an advance.
Colonel Buford was ordered to make a detour to
the right, and come down on the rebel camp in
that direction. The main army then moved for
ward till it arrived within a mile and a half of the
abatis that the rebels had piled in their front.
This was composed of trees,. that for several hun
dred yards had been felled with their tops pointing
outward, and the limbs sharpened, so that a dense
breastwork of points confronted any force advanc
ing down the river. The gunboats in the mean
time were engaging the batteries at Columbus.

THE BATTLE. 53
As the columns advanced, the dropping fire of
the skirmishers showed that the enemy had been
met, and was determine! to dispute every inch of
ground to their encmm^mient. The Thirtieth and
Thirty-first having beer* sent forward to relieve
the skirmishers, a sp.rite^ action was commenced,
which lasted for half an hour, in which our ranks
were thrown into disorder. Colonels Foulke and
Logan, however, soon rallied them, and drove the
enemy .back for a quarter of a mile, where, being
reinforced, they attempted to turn McClernand's
left flank. Being defeated in this by a prompt
movement of Colonel Logan, and suddenly swept
by a fierce fire of artillery and musketry, they be
gan to show signs of wavering. Foulke ahd Lo
gan, sword in hand, shouted to their men, urging
them forward by stirring appeals, which were an
swered with cheers, and these raw troops stood up
like veterans to their work.
The officers, however, had to set the example of
exposure, for now, added to the fire in front, the
batteries at Columbus, which had ceased firing
at the gunboats, sent their huge projectiles crash
ing through the tree-tops overhead. Grant and
McClernand were both in the thickest of the fight,
exposing themselves like the commonest soldier.
The latter, while leading a gallant charge, received
a ball in his holster ; and the horse of Grant was
killed under him. While this struggle was going

54 LIFE OF GRANT.
on, a tremendous fire from the Twenty-seventh
broke over the woods, to the right and rear of the
rebel encampment. The^other regiments having
now worked their way int^61*^ through the brush
wood, the whole closed sternly up on three sides
of the abatis at once, afld sweeping rapidly for
ward, drove the enemy pell-mell through it. Fol
lowing close on their heels, our excited troops
dashed, through and over with a cheer. The sight
of the Twenty-seventh in the open space beyond
roused all their ardor, and they, too, soon stood
in the clear ground around the camp. The artil
lery opened on the tents, not three hundred yards
distant, and the rebels broke for the river and the
woods like a flock of frightened sheep.
The torch was then applied to the tents and bag
gage, and in a moment the spot was wrapt in flames
and smoke. The enraged enemy across the river at
Columbus now turned their batteries on the smok
ing camp, and soon shot and shell were hurtling
through the air on every side. Grant saw at once
that he could not stay here ; and to make matters
worse, he was informed that the rebels had thrown
a large force across the river, directly in his rear,
and between him and his transports.
Without showing the least surprise or anxiety,
he quietly said, " Well, if that is so, we must cut
our way out as we cut our way in." Soon after,
in reply to an expression of anxiety as to the re-

CONGRATULATORY ORDER. 55
suit, by an officer, he said, " We have whipped
them once, and can whip them again." Order
ing the artillery to the front, he gave the com
mand to advance, and his little army moved
straight on the astonished enemy, and reached
the transports waiting to receive them.
It was a spirited contest. The Seventh Iowa
especially fought gallantly, losing their lieutenant-
colonel and major, the colonel himself being
wounded.- Our total loss was about five hundred,
while that of the rebels was nearly a thousand — a
great disparity, especially when it is considered
that we were the attacking party, and the former
fought a part of the time behind defences. Two
guns were brought off, and two more spiked, and
some battle-flags captured, together with many
prisoners. Grant was delighted with the conduct
of his men, and issued the following congratula
tory order to his troops, the first he ever penned
after a battle :

Headqttaeteks District, S. O, Mo., )
Caieo, November 8, 1861. j
The General commanding this Military District re
turns his thanks to the troops under bis command at the
battle of Belmont on yesterday.
It has been his fortune to have been in all the battles
fought in Mexico by Generals Scott and Taylor, except
Buena Yista, and he never saw one moreHotly contested,
or where the troops behaved with more gallantry.
Such courage will insure victory wherever our flag

56 LIFE OF GRANT. f
may be borne and protected by such a class of men. To
the brave men. who fell, the sympathy of the country is
due, and will be manifested in a manner unmistakable.
TJ. S. Geant,
Brigadier-General Commanding.
Though this action was gallantly fought, it in
jured, rather than helped, the opening prospects of
Grant. It being generally thought that the object
of the expedition was to take Columbus, it was
regarded as a total failure, and so reported by the
rebels. Since the war he has written a full and com
plete report of the whole movement, -and request
ed it to be substituted for the one that he made at
the time. In this, which is given in the Appen
dix, he shows that he simply executed orders ; so
that whatever blame may attach to the expedition,
it does not rest on him.
More interesting, however, than this" report, is
the following private letter to his father, giving
an account of the battle, and showing his feelings
at its result. He says that he can assert " with
great gratification, that every man, without a single
exception, set an example to their comrades that
inspired a confidence that will always give victory
when there is the slightest possibility of gaining
one. I feel truly proud to command such men.
"From here we fought our way from tree tp
tree, through the woods to Belmont, about two

LETTER TO HIS FATHER. 57
and a half miles, the enemy contesting every foot of
ground. Here the enemy had strengthened their
position by felling the trees for two or three hun
dred yards, and sharpening their limbs, making a
sort of abatis. Our men charged through, mak
ing the victory complete, giving us possession of
their camp and garrison equipage, artillery, and
every thing else.
"We got a great many prisoners. The major
ity, however, succeeded in getting aboard their
steamers and pushing across the river. We
burned every thing possible, and started back,
having accomplished all that we went for, and
even more. Belmont is entirely covered by the
batteries from Columbus, and is worth nothing as
a military position — cannot be held without Co
lumbus. " The object, of the expedition was to prevent
the enemy' from sending. a force into Missouri to
cut off troops I had sent there for a special pur
pose, and to prevent re-enforcing Price.
" Besides being well fortified at Columbus, their
number far exceeded ours, and it would have been
folly to have attacked them. We found the Con
federates well armed, and brave. On our return,
stragglers, that had been left in our rear (now
front), fired into us, and more recrossed the river
and gave us battle for a full mile, and afterward
at the boats, when we were embarking.
s*

58 LIFE OF GRANT.
"There was no hasty retreating or running
away. Taking into account the object of the ex
pedition, the victory was complete. It has given
confidence in the officers and men of this command,
that will enable us to lead them in any future ac
tion without fear of the result. General McCler
nand (who, by the way, acted with great coolness
and courage throughout) and myself each had
our horses shot under us. Most of the field-offi
cers met with the same loss, besides one third of
them being themselves killed or wounded. As
near as can be ascertained, our loss was about two
hundred and fifty killed and wounded."
This battle took place on the 7th of November.
Four days after, General Halleck superseded Fre
mont in the Western Department, and Grant's
district was enlarged. He now began to assemble
troops at Paducah, preparatory to some general
movement of the forces under his command. It
was generally supposed its objective point was
Columbus, and great hopes were entertained that
this stronghold, whose occupation by the enemy
was a source of such constant irritation to the
West, would be captured.
The Cairo expedition, as it was called, com
menced in the very heart of winter, and three
grand columns, under Paine, McClernand, and C.
F. Smith, in all nineteen regiments of infantry,
six of cavalry, and seven batteries, moved off into

A NOBLE ORDER. 59
the interior. McClernand, with some five thou
sand men, made a march of seventy-five miles
over ice, and through snow and mud, while the
cavalry marched a hundred and forty, and came
back again, reporting that some new roads had
been discovered, foolish reports exploded, the in
habitants impressed with our military strength,
&c, and that apparently was all. The movement,
however, was in accordance with Halleek's order,
and the object of it was to prevent the enemy
from sending reinforcements to Buckner at Bowl
ing Green.
An order, designed to guide the conduct of
the troops in this expedition, reveals that even
balance of Grant's judgment and feelings under all
circumstances which forms one of the brightest
traits in his character. Swayed neither by false
logic nor carried away by passion, he sees the
right, and has the firmness to pursue it.
He says, "Disgrace having been brought upon
our brave fellows by the bad conduct of some of
their members, showing, on all occasions, when
passing through territory occupied by sympathiz
ers of the enemy, a total disregard of the rights of
citizens, and being guilty^ of the wanton destruc
tion of private property, the General Command
ing desires and intends to enforce a change in this
respect." * * * * *
"It is ordered that the severest punishment

60 LIFE OF GRANT.
be inflicted upon every soldier who is guilty of
taking or destroying private property, and any
commissioned officer guilty of like conduct, or of
countenancing it, shall be deprived of his sword,
and expelled from the army, not to be permitted
to return," &c.
It will stand recorded to his endurmg honor,
that, amid all the exasperation, public clamor,
and private temptations, that carried so many be
yond the limits and laws of civilized warfare, he
maintained a character above reproach. Many
of our officers were guilty of atrocious violations
of private property, whose conduct has thus far
escaped public condemnation ; but when the pres
ent chaotic state of affairs has wholly given place
to calm reflection and Christian feeling, they will
stand side by side in history with those epauletted
marauders that disgraced the English flag, both in
our first and second wars with England.
Grant's record in this respect is untarnished.
What he was at first, he continued to be to the
last, temperate in judgment, dispassionate in feel
ing, and forbearing in the hour of victory.
But while he could be thus forbearing, and
show himself superior to petty revenge and a
false public sentiment, he could be severe and re
lentless in the discharge of duty, no matter what
suffering it might cause, or charge of cruelty it
might provoke.

A SEVERE ORDER. 61
Hearing that his pickets were shot by the in
habitants who sympathized with the rebels, and
yet whose property he was protecting, he issued
the following order :
Headquarters, Cairo, January 11, 1862.
Brigadier- General Paine, Bird? a Point:
I understand that four of our pickets were shot this
morning. If this is so, and appearances indicate that
the assassins were citizens, not regularly organized in
the rebel army, the whole country should be cleared
out for six miles around, and word given that all citi
zens making their appearance within those limits are
liable to be shot.
To execute this, patrols should be sent out in all di
rections, and bring into camp, at Bird's Point, all citi
zens, together with their subsistence, and require them
to remain, under the penalty of death and destruction
of their property, until properly relieved.
Let no harm befall these people, if they quietly sub
mit ; hut bring them in and place them in camp below
the breastwork, and have them properly guarded.
The intention is not to make political prisoners of
these people, but to cut off a dangerous class of spies.
This applies to all classes and conditions, age and
sex. If, however, women and children prefer' other
protection than we can afford them, they may be allowed
to retire beyond the limits indicated — not to return un
til authorized. \
By order of TJ. S. Geant,
Brig.-Gen. Commanding.
There is the true Cromwellian ring in this order.
A Carlyle would say, here is no "rosewater sur
gery." Those who have mistaken his leniency for

62 LIFE OF GRANT.
mawkish sensibility, or any sympathy with those
who are warring against a common government,
may read this with much profit to themselves. It
is worth pondering upon. This man, so quiet
and moderate, and careful of the wants and rights
of peaceable citizens, can strike with the relentless
severity of a Nero when outraged justice and hu
manity require it. His heart, ever open to kind
ly feelings, delights to mitigate the horrors of war,
but it does not prevent his grasp from tightening
like steel on the throat of the guilty who abuse
his forbearance, and mock his authority.
Smith, one of the commanders of the Cairo Ex
pedition, reporting on his return that Fort Henry,
on- the Tennessee river, could be easily taken,
Grant immediately forwarded this information to
Halleck, and soon after asked permission in per
son to attack it. Halleck, however, treated the
proposition with contempt and positive rudeness,
which took Grant by surprise. It is difficult to
determine what motive prompted this treatment,
for the plan to capture this fort had been thor
oughly discussed the fall before, in Washington,
previous to the departure of Buell for the west.

CHAPTER IV.
FORTS HENRY AND DONELSON.
Importance of their Capture— Grant commands the land forces in
the Expedition against them — Fort Henry taken by Admiral
Foote — Grant's advance against Fort Donelson— Repulse of
Foote — Investment of the place — Description of its defences —
Desperate Assault of Pillow — The Battle— Arrival of Grant on
the Field — His sublime determination — Assault of the enemy's
works — Smith's Success — The Night-Consultation of the Rebel
Officers — Escape of Pillow and Floyd — Correspondence between
Grant and Buckner— The Surrender — Grant breakfasts with
the Rebel General — Result of the Victory— Enthusiasm of the
People — Congratulatory Order to the Troops — Fall of Nash
ville—Consternation and Flight of the People — Violence of the
Mob — Columbus Flanked.
It has been supposed that the movement against
Forts Henry and Donelson originated out West
— some giving Halleck, others Grant and Foote,
the credit of it ; but it had its origin much farther
back than the suggestions made by those com
manders. Notwithstanding Halleek's rude treatment of
Grant's proposition to seize Fort Henry, he soon
found that Government had determined to send
an expedition against both it and Fort Donelson,
the one on the Cumberland and the other on the
Tennessee river. Fort Columbus, deemed so im-

64 LIFE OF GRANT.
pregnable, was to be flanked by their capture, and
a way opened into Tennessee.
Fort Henry was the first object of attack — which
was to be a combined one of the naval and land
forces — Foote commanding the former and Grant
the latter.
A cordon of rebel posts extended at this time
across the country from Columbus, on the Missis
sippi, to Richmond, on the James river, and with
the line thoroughly broken at any one important
point, the loyal armies would be let loose to com
mence their southward march into the enemy's
territory. Thomas had partially done it at Mill
Spring, but at a point that, especially at mid- winter,
rendered an advance impossible. But with the Ten
nessee and Cumberland rivers- cleared, our gun
boats could move along with the land forces, car
rying all the supplies needed.
The grand movement was fixed for the fore
part of February ; and when, on the morning of
the 6th, Foote was unmooring from the bank
where the fleet had lain all night, several miles
below the fort, he told Grant that he must hurry
forward his columns, or he would not be up in time
to take part in the action, and secure the prison
ers. The latter smiled incredulously. But re
cent rains had made the cart-paths and roads so
heavy, that his progress was slow. As he toiled
forward, the heavy cannonading, as Foote ad-

FORT HENRY. 65
vanced to the attack, broke over the woods, and
rolled in deep vibrations down the shore, quick
ening his movements. Before, however, the fort
was reached, the firing ceased. Grant was per
plexed at the sudden termination of the contest ;
it did not seem possible that the fort had been taken
so soon ; it was far more probable that the gun
boats had fallen back disabled. He sent scouts
forward to ascertain the truth, which soon came
galloping back with the news that our flag was
flying above the fort. The unexpected tidings
rolled down the line, followed by long and
deafening cheers. Grant, with his staff, spur
red forward, and in half an hour rode into
the fort, which was immediately turned over to
him. Halleck, who never was anything but a martinet,
though conducting war, as he believed, on scientific
principles, now wrote to Grant to hold on and
-strengthen his position, and forwarded intrench
ing tools for that purpose. But tins, Grant had
no intention of doing. Fort Donelson, on the
Cumberland, some twelve miles distant, was the
key to Nashville, and he -at once determined to
advance against it. Having left a force in com
mand . at Fort Henry, to hold it, he, with some
fifteen thousand men, struck across the county,
while Foote, with six regiments aboard, went
round with his gunboats to attack it on the water

66 LIFE OF GRANT.
front. Floyd commanded the fort, with Pillow
and Buckner under him.
The rebel works here covered a series of hills,
some of them steep, and a hundred feet high,
while in front of them the trees had been felled
with the bushy tops pointing downward and out
ward, through which it seemed impossible that
troops could force their way." Gullies and ravines
also obstructed the advance ; two streams setting
back from the river protected either flank, while
batteries crowned every commanding height. All
these, however, were defences independent of the
fort itself, which was three-quarters of a mile back
of the first breastworks. It stood near the river,
commanding both it and the interior, and mount
ed, in all. sixty-five cannon, many of them of large
calibre. Twenty thousand men manned and held this
strong position.
Grant appeared before it on the 12th — having
driven in the rebel pickets — and began to move
his army to the right and left, towards the river,
to invest the place, and cut off all avenues of
escape to the garrison. This was slow work, and,
strange to say, Grant threw up no intrenchments
to protect his troops, or serve as rallying points
in case of a repulse — a neglect he would not, a
year after, have been guilty of.
Foote, with his fleet, having arrived below the

FORT DONELSON. 67
fort before Grant was ready to cooperate with
him, he advanced to the attack, hoping, with his
gunboats, to reduce it, as he had Fort Henry.
But his fleet, after a short, determined contest,
was driven off, badly crippled. Grant saw at
once that a delay was now inevitable. He there
upon determined to closely invest the place, and
wait till Foote could repair his losses, so as to coop
erate with the movements of the army. McCler
nand's division, composed of three brigades, was
sent to the south, closing in with his right on the
river, so as to bar all egress to the garrison in that
direction, while Gen. Smith held a corresponding
position below, his left resting likewise on the river.
Between these two divisions the army stretched
in a huge semi-circle round the works and the
fort. The rebel commanders, finding themselves thus
cooped up, saw at once that immediate action
must be taken, or they would be starved into a
surrender, and they resolved, by a desperate
assault all along Grant's line, to cut their way out
to\he south, towards Nashville. Saturday dawn
ed damp and chill, for the ground was covered
with snow, and the soldiers, roused from their
wintry couch, moved stiff and shivering to their
places in the ranks. Grant, in the meantime, had
repaired on board the flag-ship, to consult with
the gallant, disabled Foote, and ascertain when

68 LIFE OF GRANT.
he would be ready for a combined attack on the
place. At this critical juncture, the enemy moved out
of his works. The main force, estimated at seven
to twelve thousand strong, under Pillow, ad
vanced against McClernand's right wing. The
other columns moving agamst the centre, were
mere feints to distract- Grant's attention, and
prevent him from succouring McClernand. Her
alded by three commanding batteries, attended
by a regiment of cavalry, Pillow struck the right
with a force that threatened to sweep it from
the field. But the brave Illinoians stood man
fully up to their work, and the battle had hardly
commenced before it was at its height. The
country was wooded, and covered with underbrush,
and broken into hollows and ridges, rendering
a survey of the field impossible. Our lines ex
tended for two miles around the fort, and this
sudden uproar early in the morning, on our ex
treme right along the banks of the Cumberland,
called each division into line of battle. Wallace
was posted next to McClernand, on the top of a
high ridge, with forests sweeping off to the front
and rear.
When the deep and mingled roar of artillery
and musketry first broke over the woods, Wallace
thought McClernand had moved on the enemy's
works. But the latter was making, instead, des-

FORT DONELSON. 69
perate efforts to hold his own against the over
whelming numbers that, momentarily increasing,
pressed his lines, with a fierceness that threatened
his complete overthrow. Finding, at length, that
his troops were giving way, he, at eight o'clock,
sent off a staff-officer at full speed to Wallace, for
help. The latter had received orders from Grant
.to hold the position he occupied, in order to keep
the enemy from escaping in that direction, and
dared not move; and so hurried off the courier with
his despatch to headquarters. But Grant not
being there, the messenger kept on to the gunboats,
in search of him. McClernand, wondering that
no help came, and seeing his lines swinging back,
despite the heroic efforts of the commanders,
hastened off another messenger to Wallace, say
ing that his flank was turned, and his whole
division was wavering. Wallace could wait no
longer to hear from Grant, and immediately des
patched Colonel Croft, commandmg a brigade, to
his help. Wallace all this time sat on his horse,
anxiously waiting to hear from Grrant, and listen
ing to the steady crash to the right, that made
the wintry woods resound, when there burst into
view a crowd of fugitives, rushing up the hill on
which he stood. The next moment an officer
dashed on a headlong gallop up the road, shout
ing, " We are cut to pieces." Seeing his whole
line of the third brigade beginning to shake be-

70 LIFE OF GRANT.
fore this sudden irruption, he ordered its com
mander to move on by |he right flank, he himself
riding at its head to keep it steady. He had not
gone far before he met portions of regiments in
full retreat, yet without panic or confusion, calling
aloud for ammunition. He immediately formed
his line of battle, and sent off,, to the left for help.
The retiring regiments kept on to the rear, a
short, distance, and refilled their cartridge-boxes.
Scarcely was this new line of battle formed, when
the rebels, following up their advantage on the
right, swooped down, confident of victory, full
upon him. The shock was firmly met, and the
enemy brought to a pause. Hours had passed,
in the meantime, in which desperate fighting over
batteries ; repulses and advances of regiments
and brigades; shouts and yells, heard amid the
intervals of the uproar, sweeping like a thunder
storm through the leafless woods, out of which
burst clouds of smoke, as though a conflagration
was raging below; hurrying crowds in all the
openings, — combined to make up the terrific scene
that was displayed that wintry morning on the
banks of the Cumberland.
All this time, Grant, miles away and ignorant
of what was going on, was slowly riding back to
the army, having finished his consultation with
the Admiral.
Suddenly he saw an officer tearing down the

A BOLD RESOLVE. 71
road, on a wild gallop, towards him. Reining
up beside his surprised commander, the latter
delivered his despatch, and in a few words ex
plained the critical condition of affairs. Grant
immediately put spurs to his horse, but hadnot
gone far before he met General Smith, commanding
the left. " From a brief conversation with him, he
at once comprehended* the whole matter, and with
that sudden inspiration which belongs to true
genius, told him to get ready for a general assault
on the enemy's works in his front. He then gal
loped on to the vortex of the battle. As he
advanced, a sight met his gaze that would have ap
palled a less iron-willed, self-reliant man. Crowds
of fugitives covered the fields — even those forma
tions that stood firmest were dreadfully disordered
— ammunition was gone, the dead and wounded
lay thick around, and discouragement and confu
sion were on every side. He had not arrived a
moment too soon. Although explosions of artil
lery, and volleys of musketry, rising out of the
woods, showed that the conflict was still raging,
he saw that the force of the blow had been spent,
and the enemy was exhausted by the tremendous
effort he had put forth. He knew at once, he said,
that whichever now first attacked would win, and
he resolved to break into a'furious offensive. True,
his own losses had been heavy — the troops were
worn out with the long struggle, and the entire

.72 LIFE OF GRANT.
army in a disordered condition. But he found
the haversacks of the rebel prisoners that had been
captured in the fight packed with rations for three
days, and instantly saw through the plan of the
enemy. The bloody contest that had been waged
since early in the morning was not for victory, so
that the place might be held, but for escape. Said
he thoughtfully, " They mean to cut their way out ;
they have no idea of staying here to fight us."
Wheeling, he dashed the spurs into his horse and
galloped back to the left, and ordered Smith to
move at once on the rebel works..
It was a bold resolution, to give up in a moment
the gunboats, which had been the chief reliance —
abandon the plan of a combined movement, and
stake every thing on one bold throw. Napoleon
once said, " A battle often turns on a single
thought." It was so in this case. Grant knew
from the course the battle had taken all day, that
the enemy must be weakest at this point, and most
unprepared for an attack, and in order to keep
it from being reinforced, he directed McClernand
— exhausted and shattered as he was — to recover
his lost ground, piled with his own dead, and
assault the rebel works on the left front before
which he had been driven. Wallace commanded
the assaulting columns, composed of the two bri
gades of Colonels Smith and Croft. As the
brave regiments moved past him, he coldly told

.STORMING THE HEIGHTS. 73
them that desperate work was before them. In
stead of being discouraged by this, they sent up
loud cheers, and " Forward, forward," ran along
the ranks. " Forward, then ! " he shouted, in turn.
Through dense underbrush, over out-cropping
ledges of rock, across open stony places, up the
steep acclivity, swept by -desolating volleys, they
boldly charged, or climbed -like mountain- goats.
Now lying down to escape the murderous volleys,
then rising with a cheer, they pushed on till they
got within a hundred and fifty yards of the in
trenchments, when the order came to fall back.
In the mean time Smith was in motion. In
front of him was an entrenched hill, which com
manded the interior of the rebel works. If that
were reached, the garrison would be uncovered to
batteries planted on the top, and Smith resolved
to take it.
Sending a force around to the right; to make a
feint, he took three picked regiments — the 2d and
7th Iowa, and 5 7th Indiana— to compose the storm
ing column, and, riding at their head, ordered the
advance. As his eye glanced along that splendid
body of men, he felt they were equal to the bloody
task assigned them. The bayonet was to do the
work this time. Mounting the slope with leaning
forms, those brave troops entered the desolating
fire, that rolled like a lava-flood adown the height,
and pressed rapidly upward and onward. Their
4

74 LIFE OF GRANT.
gallant leader moved beside them, with his cap
lifted on his sword, as a banner to wave them on.
Grim and silent, with compressed lips and flash
ing eyes, they breasted the steep acclivity and the
blinding, fiery sleet, without faltering for one in
stant. They sternly closed the rent ranks as they
ascended, until at last the summit was gained.
Then the long line of gleaming barrels came to a
level together ; a simultaneous flash, a crashing
volley, a cheer, ringing high and clear from the
smoking top, a single bound, and they were over
and in the rebel works. The flag went up, and
with it a shout of victory that was the death-
knell of Fort Donelson. Hurrying up his
artillery and supports, Smith fixed himself
firmly in position, and awaited the morning
light to complete the work already more than
half done.
That wintry .night the troops on the extreme
right, ignorant of Smith's success, lay down with
their arms in their hands, on the blood-stained
snow, weary, and hungry, and cold, yet resolute,
and prepared for the. assault in the morning.
Smith's heroes also bivouacked on the frozen,
crimson ground they had so gallantly won, while
Grant, with his heart relieved of a heavy burden,
took refuge in a negro hut, to snatch a short re
pose, or ponder on the events of the coming morn
ing. He knew that he had been near defeat, but

THE FLAG OF TRUCE. 75
he now felt that victory was sure, and he longed
impatiently for the morning to dawn.
" At daylight, the roll of the drum and bugle
note called the ranks on the right from their frozen
bivouac, to prepare for the grand final assault.
Though cold and chill, they sternly closed up
their thinned ranks on the blood-stained snow,
while not a heart beat faint. No sublimer specta
cle was ever witnessed than those gallant men pre
sented, on that Sabbath morning, as they took
their position in front of the frowning works of the
enemy. Marching from Fort Henry without
tents or rations, except such as they could carry
in their haversacks — exposed for three days and
nights without shelter or fire, and twp out of the
three to the driving snow or piercing cold, and all
the time under fire ; yet they stood eagerly wait
ing the order to launch themselves on the foe.
Smith, down the river, was, at the same timqr
training his guns on the devoted garrison, and all
was ready for the final struggle. At that moment
Col. Lauman heard the clear note of a bugle, ris
ing from out the enemy's works, and turning his
eye thither, he saw a white flag waving above
them. A long, loud cheer went up at the sight,
which, taken up by regiment after regiment, as the
exciting news travelled along the line, at last
reached the troops of Wallace, on the extreme
right, just ready to move to the assault. In a

76 LIFE OF GRANT.
moment their caps were in the air, and amid long
and repeated cheers, the band struck up trium
phant airs, making the wintry Sabbath morning a
scene never to be forgotten.
During the night the rebel generals had held a
consultation over their desperate condition, in
which, after much sharp discussion, it was finally
decided that Floyd should hand over the com
mand to Pillow, and he to Buckner, who should
surrender the place, while the two former would at
tempt to make their escape. When this decision
was reported to the brigade and regimental offi
cers, some were astonished, while others stormed,
and cursed the renegade commanders. A rebel
officer thus describes the scene :
" One said, ' It is mean ! ' ' It is cowardly I '
' Floyd always was a rascal.'
" ' We are betrayed ! ' ' There is treachery ! '
said they.
" 'It is a mean trick for an officer to desert his
men. If my troops are to be surrendered, I shall
stick by them," said Major Brown.
" ' I denounce Pillow as a coward ; and if I ever
meet him, I'll shoot him as quick as I would a
dog,' said Major McLain, red with rage.
" There were two or three small steamboats at the
Dover landing. Floyd and Pillow went on board
of one of them, taking part of the Virginia bri
gade with them. This being seen by some of the

THE SURRENDER. 77
other troops they became furious and rushed on
board, crowding every part of the boat.
" ' Cut lopse ! ' shouted Floyd to the captain."
The ropes were cut, the boats swung into the
Stream, and the fugitives steered for Nashville.
Soon after the flag of truce was raised, an offi
cer appeared bearing the following communica
tion from General Buckner :

Headquaetees, Foet Donelson, February 16, 1862.
Sie : In consideration of all the circumstances gov
erning tbe present situation of affairs at this station, I
propose to the commanding officer of the Federal forces
the appointment of commissioners to agree upon terms
of capitulation of the forces and fort under my com
mand, and, in that view, suggest an armistice till
twelve o clock to-day.
I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
S. B. Bucknee, Brig.-Gen. C. S. A.
To Brigadier-General Geant, commanding United States forces
near Bort Donelson.
Grant did not want time to consider what an
swer to make. His blood was up, and he would
wait for no mere formalities or spend time in dis
cussing terms, and sent the following short per
emptory reply : Headquaeteks, Aemy in the Field, )
Camp neae Donelson, February 16, 1862. J
To Geneeal S. B. Bucknek, Confederate Army :
Tours of this date, proposing an armistice, and ap
pointment of commissioners to settle terms of capitula-

78 LIFE OF GRANT.
tion, is just received. N~o terms other than uncon
ditional and immediate surrender can be accepted. 1
propose to move immediately upon your works.
I am, respectfully, yoiu* obedient servant,
U. S. Geant,
Brig.-Gen. U. S. A. Commanding.
Buckner, chagrined, but helpless, saw there was
no alternative but submit or see the Union sol
diers rolling like the sea over his works, and so he
sent the following note :
Headqttaetees, Dovee, Tennessee, Feb. 16, 1862.
To Beigadiee-Genebal Geant :
Sie : The distribution of forces under my command^
incident to an unexpected change of commanders, and
¦ the overwhelming force under your command, compel
me, notwithstanding the brilliant success of the Con
federate army yesterday, to accept the ungenerous, and
un chivalrous terms which you propose.
I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
S. B. Bucknee,
Brigadier-General, C. S. A.
Grant, smiling significantly at this reflection
on his generosity and chivalry, mounted his
horse and rode at once to Buckner's headquarters.
The meeting was courteous and frank, for they had
been cadets together at West Point ; and Grant,
mindful of old times, told the latter that he did
not desire to dictate any terms, for the mere pur
pose of humiliating him, and that the officers
might retain their side-arms, and both they and

BREAKFASTS WITH BUCKNER. 79
the soldiers keep their personal baggage, but
every thing else must be surrendered. Buckner
then invited him to breakfast, and, over their
coffee, victor and vanquished discussed, good-
naturedly, the operations of the past few days.
In alluding to the inferior force of Grant, when
he first advanced across the country towards the
fort, the rebel general said if he had been in chief
command, the former never would have reached
it as easily as he did. Grant replied that, if he
had been, the army would have waited for re
inforcements; "but," he added, "I knew that
Pillow would not come out of his works and fight
me, and I told my staff so." He knew the stuff
that his former comrade was made of, and had
also some experience in Mexico of the military
ability of Pillow.
When, soon after, the prisoners were being put
on board 'steamers, to be carried north, Buckner
asked Grant to take a look at his brigade, which
had been drilled under his own eye. The latter
went, on board the steamer, and was soon the
centre of all eyes. 'Buckner then made his men' a
short speech, in which he praised Grant's kind
treatment of them, and bade them remember it,
if, hereafter, the fortune of war should throw any
of his soldiers into their power.
Sixty-five guns, over seventeen thousand small
arms, and fifteen thousand troops fell into Grant's

80 LIFE OF GRANT.
hands, as the result of this victory. The loss of
the enemy in killed and wounded could only be
conjectured, while his own was a little over two
thousand. Probably, it was nearly the same in
both armies.
Grant's army, though comparatively so weak
when he started across the country from Fort
Henry, had been heavily reinforced, so that, on
the day of battle, he had in the field twenty-seven
thousand men. He captured more guns than he
had in the siege, for he brought along but eight
light batteries, which were not at all suitable for
siege operations.
The victory was the most important one that
had yet been obtained by our troops, and it elec
trified the nation. As the exciting news travelled
over the land, bells were set ringing, and salvos
of artillery fired; and men thought the end of the
rebellion to be near at hand. Grant at once be
came a favorite of the people, and his emphatic
reply to Buckner, " I propose to move immediately
upon your works" was in every one's mouth. It
was uttered by some not only to show the charac
ter of Grant, and to swell his praise, but as a sar
casm upon military science. Even the Secretary
of War, in an absurd letter,' used it for this purr
pose, and for a while it seemed that no commander
could retain his position, if he did not throw to
the wind all rules of war, and, no matter what

CONGRATULATORY ORDER. 81
the condition of things might be, "move at once
upon the enemy's works," wherever found. With
Grant, it was no rash determination, based
on mere brute daring, but the dictate of true
military sagacity. Many afterwards imitated his
boldness, but, wanting his wisdom, made sad fail
ures, and sacrificed thousands of lives in vain.
The day after the battle, he issued the following
congratulatory order to his soldiers :

Headquaetees, Disteiot of West Tennessee, )
Foet Donelson, February 17, 1862. J
The General commanding takes great pleasure in
congratulating the troops of this command for the tri
umph over rebellion gained by their valor, on the 13th,
14th, and 15th instant.
For four successive nights, without shelter, during
the most inclement weather known in this latitude,
they faced, an enemy in large force, in a position chosen
by himself. Though strongly fortified by nature, all
the additional safeguards suggested by science were
added. Without a murmur this was borne, prepared
at all times to receive an attack, and with continuous.
skirmishing by day, resulting ultimately in forcing the
enemy to surrender without condition.
The victory achieved is not- only great in the effect
it will have in breaking down rebellion, but has secured
the greatest number of prisoners of war ever taken in
any battle on this continent.
Fort Donelson will hereafter be marked in capitals
on the map of our united country, and the men who
fought the battle will live in the memory of a grateful
people. By order, TJ. S. Geant,
Brig.-Gen. Commanding.
4.*

82 LIFE OF GRANT.
The fall of Fort Donelson opened Nashville
to our forces. When the disastrous news reached
the city, the quiet Sabbath morning was turned
into a scene of the wildest excitement. The last
news from the fort was a despatch from Pillow,
the day before, saying "The day is ours," and
hence all fears were quieted. Its surrender, there
fore, fell on the people, who were quietly assem
bling for church, like a thunderbolt at noon-day
from a cloudless sky. Faces turned pale with
affright, men dashed wildly on horseback through
the streets, which soon were thronged with ex
cited men and women. Every available vehicle
was at once seized ; and the terrified inhabitants,
flinging in the few articles they could conveniently
carry, hurried off southward, for in imagination
they already heard the tread of Grant's advancing
legions. The public stores were thrown open,
into which the rabble rushed for pillage ; and for
twenty-four hours a scene of terror and lawless
ness was witnessed that baffles description.
With the fall of Donelson, not- only fell Nash
ville and Bowling Green, but Columbus itself
became untenable, and was soon after evacuated.
Thus, without the aid of the fleet, Grant, by
one grand and terrible blow, had broken down
the whole line of the enemy's defence, from the
Mississippi to the Alleghany mountains, and
shoved it beyond the State of Kentucky.

CHAPTER V.
DISGRACE OF GRANT.^
Halleek's Neglect — His unjust and abusive Despatoh to Wash
ington — Failure of his Attempt to injure him with the Gov
ernment — Grant ordered to Fort Henry — Halleck accuses
him of Acting Unbecoming an Officer — Puts Smith in his Place
at the head of the Army of the Tennessee — Continues his Per
secutions — Noble Conduct of Grant — Denies the Charges made
against him — Asks to be relieved from Command till his Con
duct can be investigated — Sudden Change in Halleek's Treat
ment—Attempts to vindicate his Conduct— His Duplicity —
Unsuspected by Grant — General Morgan treated in a similar
manner— Magnanimity of Grant and Smith — Rumors of Grant's
Arrest. But, from some cause or other, Halleck refused
to acknowledge the merits of Grant in this bril
liant movement. His congratulatory order to
the troops was cold and restrained, giving Grant
no especial praise, while, at the same time, he
spoke of the necessity of discipline and good
order, in a way that implied censure. Whether
he was vexed that Grant had refused to stay and
fortify himself at Fort Henry, and, acting on his
own responsibility, had attacked and taken Fort
Donelson, and thus practically demonstrated his
superiority in the art of war ; or whether' angry

84 LIFE OF GRANT.
at being so suddenly eclipsed by a subordinate, it
is impossible to say.
At all events, he sent the following remarkable
telegram to Washington, which admits of no pal
liation : " Smith, by his coolness and bravery at
Fort Donelson, when the battle was agamst us,
turned the tide and carried the enemy's outworks.
Make him a majorrgeneral : you can't get abetter
one. Honor him for this victory, and the country
will applaud." Here a commander-in-chief urges
the promotion of a subordinate, who had only
gallantly carried out the orders of his superior,
to major-general, while the commander himself
was but a brigadier. It was a most wicked and
shameful thrust, but it failed of success, for the
Secretary of War recommended instead Grant to
that rank, and he was made a major-general, his
promotion to date from the day of the surrender
of the fort, and "the whole country'1'' did "ap
plaud " the act.
On the 27th of the month, Grant went to
Nashville to consult with General Buell, who had
arrived there with his army from Bowling Green,
on future operations. The very next morning he
returned, and immediately advised Halleck of it.
On the subsequent day he wrote again to Hal
leek's chief of staff, stating he had forwarded to
the former all information of his movements, the
condition of the enemy, and his own wants. On

UNJUST CENSURE. 85
the same day, Hatteck sent a despatch directing
him to move his army back to Fort Henry, pre
paratory to an advance up the Tennessee. Two
days after Grant received it, his columns were in
motion. But the day previous, without waiting
to hear from him, Halleck sent the following tele
gram to Washington, which, coming from any other
¦man than he, would be considered a curiosity in
its way. He says, " I have had. no communica
tion with General Grant for more than a week,.
He left his command without my authority, and
went to Nashville. His army seems to be as
much demoralized by the victory of Fort Donel
son, as was that of the Potomac by the defeat of
Bull Run. It is hard to censure a successful
general immediately after a victory, but he richly
deserves it. I can get no returns, no reports, no
information of any kind from him. Satisfied
with his victory, he sits down and enjoys it with
out any regard to the future. I am worn out
and tired by this neglect and inefficiency. C. F.
Smith is almost the only officer equal to the emer
gency." Viewed in its various bearings, in what a piti
ful light does this present Halleck. In the first
place, it is such a serious offence for Grant, after
opening Nashville, to run up and see what the
movements of the enemy are, and what next is to
be done, that the former must telegraph the fact

86 LIFE OF GRANT.
to Washington in a tone of Complaint. In the
second place, he declares that the victorious army
is as much demoralized as the army of the Poto
mac at Bull Run, when he has never seen it, and,
as he affirms, can get no report, no information
of any kind with regard to it. In the third place,
after charging Grant with being too active because
he went to Nashville to see if he could be of any
service, going even beyond the limits of his com
mand, he, in the next breath, accuses him of sit
ting down and " enjoying his victory," regardless
of the future. To cap the climax of this absurd,
petulant, false accusation, he, in his warm and
comfortable house in St. Louis, complains of being
" tired and worn out," while the man who has
been winning victories amid hail and snow, is
"sitting down" and enjoying himself.
But having thus poisoned the minds of those at
Washington, he obtained the requisite liberty to
strike, and the very next day after this secret stab,
he sent a despatch to Grant, ordering him to turn
over the command of the expedition planned for
the upper waters of the Tennessee to Smith, and
remain himself at Fort Henry.- Complaining
that Grant was sitting still, he now determined to
see that he should sit still, and see his brave troops,
whom he had led to victory, defile away from him
under another commander. But instead of utter
ing any complaint, Grant contented himself with

halleck's persecutions. 87
denying that he had ever disobeyed orders, and
adds, " In conclusion, I will say, that you may
rely on my carrying out your instructions in every
particular to the best of my ability." Calm and
serene under his disgrace, he is just as ready to
help his commander as though the latter were not
plotting his ruin. Without envy or mere per
sonal ambition, he congratulates Smith on his
promotion, and says that " he deserves it," and he
will give him all the aid in his power. Unselfish
and noble, he thinks only of his country's welfare.
Halleck, however, seems to be under some baleful
influence, and continues his persecutions with a
pertinacity that is inexplicable. Not content with
disgracing him and leaving him to do simply
garrison duty, he, two days after he had removed
him from command, sent another rebuke, reitera
ting his old charges.
Resting only a short time, he returns again to
his fault-finding, as if he thought the repetition of
his accusations would establish their truth. To
all of these, Grant replied in the same calm,
courteous spirit. In answer to the charge that
he failed to report the . number of troops under
his command, he, ih his quiet, straightforward,
truthful way, says, " You had a better chance of
knowing my strength whilst my command was
surrounding Fort Donelson, than I had. Troops
were reporting daily by your orders, and were

88 LIFE OF GRANT.
immediately assigned to brigades" This Was a
home thrust, though probably not intended for
one, but only as a vindication of himself. It
showed that the looseness was at headquarters, in
not keeping account of the troops sent forward.
Grant, at the first, when he found himself
falsely accused, asked to be relieved from duty,
and he now repeated the request, and after say
ing, " There is such a disposition to find fault
with me that I again ask to be relieved from duty
until I can be placed right in the estimation of
those high in authority."
The simple, unpretending, unsuspicious man
ner in which he -behaves during all this trying
period, when he was so unjustly assailed, and
finally placed in disgrace, brings out in bright re
lief some of the most attractive points in his char
acter. Unaccustomed to the tricks and cabals of
politicians — totally ignorant in himself of those
petty, low ambitions of which rivals are made —
apparently wholly unable to comprehend a char
acter which can cover up its duplicity with hypoc
risy, he has a simple, almost child-like faith in
truth that is marvellous. At first sight, it seems
that such an honest, unsuspecting object of perse
cution can stand no chance against unscrupulous
men who work in the dark. He was not, however,
to be laid aside— Providence had more and greater
work for him to do.

A SUDDEN CHANGE. 89
Halleck having, after the 3d of March, for
nearly a week kept up a continuous fire on Grant,
either directly or through Washington, suddenly
turned round, and told him that he could not be
relieved from command. He says, with an
effrontery that would have taken away the breath
from a less calm, immobile man than Grant,
" There is no good reason for it." No " teason "
for relieving a man from command until he can
vindicate himself, when he has persistently dis
obeyed orders — violated the laws of the service in
leaving his command without liberty — been guilty
of "marauding" — allowed his victorious army to
be more demoralized than a routed one, and amid
such chaos and amid all the great preparations go
ing on around him, sits quietly down and refuses
to do any thing ! No reason for relieving . him !
One would think, on the contrary, if all these
charges were true, there was quite reason' enough
for suspending, if not for cashiering him.
After he had shown himself so petulant, and
eager to prefer any and every charge against
Grant, without- stopping to investigate the truth
of them, one naturally inquires what could
have caused this sudden revolution in his con
duct. There had been no trial, . no investiga
tion, no new developments. Such a sudden
exhibition of criminal leniency right on the top
of such eager haste to condemn and disgrace,

90 LIFE OF GRANT.
deserves some explanation. Did the department
commander discover that Grant was too deeply
implanted in the favor of the Secretary of War
and the President, to be thus summarily disposed
of — or did he begin to fear that he had acted in
a way that would not stand the scrutiny of a
.court of inquiry, and the blow he had aimed
at an innocent head might have a disagreeable re
bound f Any other General would have refused
to be satisfied with this retraction, and insisted on
a court of inquiry, where his vindication might
be complete. But Grant, truthful himself, be
lieved in the sincerity of the statements of others,
and with that self abnegation which has made him
so conspicuous in this generation of self-seekers,
replied that he had thought, after the severe cen
sures heaped upon him, that he could not " serve
longer without a court of inquiry ; but your tele
gram of yesterday places such a different phase
upon my position, that I will again assume com
mand, and give every effort to the success of our
cause. Under the worst circumstances, I would
do the same." No matter how deep the disgrace
-they might unjustly inflict on him, he would
" give every effort to the success of the cause."
Evidently for the purpose of making Grant be
heve that he had acted under advices from Wash
ington, and not from his own suggestions and
from inclination, he sent him the following corre-

CURIOUS COINCIDENCE. 91
spondence, which on the face of it places Halleck
not only in a fair, curious coincidence, but • mag
nanimous light, The first is a letter from the
Adjutant-General, sent apparently without any
suggestion received from Halleck.
Headqtjaetees oe the Army,. Adjutant-Geneeal's Office.
Washington, March 10, 1867.
Maj.-Gen. H. W. Halleck, U. S. A., Commanding Dept. of the Mis
souri, St. Louis :
It has been reported that, soon after the battle of Fort
Donelson, Brigadier-General Grant left his command
without leave. By direction of the President, the Sec
retary of War directs you to ascertain, and report,
whether Gen. Grant left his command at any time with
out proper authority, and, if so, for how long ; whether
he has made to jou, proper reports and returns of his
forces ; whether he has committed any acts which were
unauthorized, or not in accordance with military subor
dination or propriety, and if so, what.
L. Thomas, Adjutant-General.
Notice here, that the " reports " to which he
alludes are, one and all, precisely the charges made
in Halleek's extraordinary letter, which we gave a
few pages back. The latter now- sees, evidently,
that he has gone too far, and returns the follow
ing answer, which he sends to Grant, to show that
he had no hand in these serious charges — that
what he did was from orders, which he had re
ceived from Washington, and that, instead of un
justly accusing him and persecuting him, he had
nobly stepped between him and the authorities at

92 LIFE OF GRANT.
Washington, and, unsolicited, had vindicated his
conduct and saved him from a court of inquiry :
Headquaktees Dept.. of the Missouki,
St. Louis, Mo., March 15, 1862.
Brig.-Gen. Thomas, Adjutant- General of the Army, Washington:
In accordance with your instructions of the 10th inst.,
I report that Gen. Grant and several officers of high
rank in his command, immediately, after the battle of
Fort Donelson, went to Nashville without my authority
or knowledge. I am satisfied, however, from investiga
tion, that Gen. Grant did this from good intentions, and
from a desire to subserve the public interests, riot be
ing advised of Gen. Buell's movements, and learning
that Gen. Buell had ordered Smith's division of bis
(Grant's) command to Nashville, he deemed it his fluty
to go there in person. During the absence of Gen.
Grant, and a part of his general officers, numerous
irregularities are said to have occurred at Fort Donel
son. These were in violation of the orders issued by
Gen. Grant before leaving, and probably, under the cir
cumstances, were unavoidable. Gen. Grant has made
the proper explanations, and has been • directed to re
sume his command in the field ; as he acted from a
praiseworthy although mistaken zeal for the pubhc ser
vice in going to Hashville, and leaving his command, I
respectfully recommend that no further notice be taken
of it. There never has been any want of military sub
ordination on the part of Gen. Grant, and his failure to
make returns of his forces has been explained as result
ing partly from the failure of Colonels of regiments to
report to him on their arrival, and partly from an inter
ruption of telegraphic communication. All these irregu
larities have now been remedied.
H. "W. Halleok, Major-General.
Grant, evidently, was completely deceived by
this correspondence, which Halleck transmitted to
him. Unsuspicious of double-dealing, and touched

A NOBLE MAN DECEIVED. 93
by the apparent magnanimous conduct of his su
perior, he replied : " I most fully appreciate your
justness, General, in the part you have taken, and
you may rely upon me to the utmost of my capacity
for .carrying out all your orders." He felt, as he
said in the same letter, that " he had not neglected
a single duty," but he was willing to let the past
go. We can only conjecture what would have
been his feehngs had Halleck sent with this cor
respondence, his own letter, dated March 3d (just
a week before) to the General-in-chief at Wash
ington. It is a shallow cunning that prompts to
such & course as this, and yet leaves the proof of
it oh record where it is certain, sooner or later, to
come to the light.
This treatment, however, is in perfect harmony
with that which General Morgan, who held Fort
Cumberland, received. Compelled to evacuate the
place because Halleck could not or would not
either reinforce him or furnish him supplies, he
carried his little army for two hundred miles
through a desert country, making one pf the most
memorable marches of the war. Although with
ten thousand men, the place had been held in
the face of starvation, and the assembling of
a hundred thousand troops around it, yet, as
its evacuation made the campaign for the occu
pation of Knoxville and East Tennessee a fail
ure, Halleck wished the blame to rest on other

94 LIFE OF GRANT.
shoulders than his own, and so ordered an inves
tigation of the matter, hoping to be able to place
it on Morgan's. But General Wright, whom he
had appointed to conduct it, made a report com
pletely exculpating Morgan. Yet with this report
before him, Halleck, in his annual report to Con
gress, intimates that the evacuation was unne
cessary, and adds that he has " ordered an inves
tigation." This coming to the noticeof General
Morgan, he was indignant, and immediately wrote
to Halleck, demanding a Court of Inquiry, or
Court Manual. The latter, in reply, said that he
had directed General Wright to make an investi
gation, and if "that was satisfactory," no further
steps would be necessary, and he would be "re
lieved from all blame." Morgan wrote at once to
Wright, on the subject, when he- learned to his
astonishment that the latter had made the inves
tigation, finished his report, and sent it in' the
October previous to the report of Halleck to Con
gress, in which he says he has " ordered an inves
tigation," and months previous to his letter to
Morgan, in which he reasserts the action he had
taken, as if the matter was still in abeyance, and
had not, on the contrary, been completed the fall
before. In what striking contrast to this does the con
duct of both Smith and Grant appear. When the
former was placed over Grant, the latter, instead

RUMOR OF HIS ARREST. 95
of indulging in unkind feelings, wrote to Smith a
congratulatory letter, expressing his pleasure at his
advancement, and saying, " Any thing you may
require, send back transports for, and if within my
power you shall have it." On the other hand,
Avhen Smith heard that Grant had been restored
to his old position, he writes a congratulatory let
ter in turn, expressing his pleasure that he once
more had his old command, from which, he says,
"he was so unceremoniously and unjustly strick
en down."
This whole matter has been wrapped in obscu
rity, and all kinds of reports concerning it obtained
circulation, and the truth has never been fully
known until brought to light by Col. Badeau. One
of these reports, which was generally credited, was
that Grant, soon after the capture of Fort Don
elson, was placed under arrest by orders from
Washington. Various reasons were given for this
summary action, and one was, that Grant was
intoxicated on board the flag-ship while the battle^
was raging.
We now, however, can trace the origin of this
generally believed strange report. Halleck, in
a letter to him, in which he endeavors to show
that he was innocent of the disgrace inflicted
on him, says, that he had received an order from
McClellan, to arrest him. The question naturally
arises, why was not that order, if issued, obeyed ?

96 LIFE OF GRANT.
But CoL Badeau says, that no such order is on
record or can be found in the War Department,
and further, that the Secretary of War never
heard that such an order was issued. As it never
was executed — has never seen the hght, and can
not be found in the place where it ought to be,
and no remembrance of such an important trans
action remains in the War Department, we must
be allowed to express a doubt if McClellan ever
gave such an order at all.
Ignorant of all this plotting and persecution,
the people were sounding Grant's praises the length
and breadth of the land, and the swelling tide of
public feehng was being felt in Washington, and
threatened to sweep away all this nicely balanced
machinery and curious network, that had been
woven in the dark. It was hazardous to attempt
to stem this popular current, and Halleck doubt
less felt so, when he concluded to abandon his per
secution of Grant, and outwardly, by restoring
him to his command, placed affairs on a friendly
footing.

CHAPTER VI.
SHILOH.
Position of the Army on the Tennessee — Located at Pittsburgh
Landing and Savannah — Reasons for it — Grant restored to his
command, and takes up his Headquarters at Savannah — Buell
ordered to join hinj with forty thousand men — Grant forbidden
to give battle— Concentration of the Enemy at Corinth — Threat
ening Demonstrations of the Enemy— Accident to Grant —
Fierce and unexpected onset of the Enemy — The Battle — Sur
render of Prentiss — Gallantry of Sherman — Arrival of Grant
on the Battle Pield — His orders to Nelson and Wallace to push.
forward to his aid — They fail to arrive — The Army driven back
to the River — Arrival of Buell — The Gunboats — Night — A
Storm — Buell's army got into position — Grant sleeps on the
field— The Second Day's Battle — Grant heads a charge — The
Victory — Correspondence with Beauregard — Causes of First
Day's Defeat — Defence of Grant — Outcry against him.
While Grant was in disgrace, Smith, whom
Halleck had put in his place, proceeded up the
Tennessee with the army to cut the great railroad
near it at Corinth ; but accomplishing nothing of
importance, returned to Pittsburgh Landing, on
the western bank of the river, and there disem
barked a part of his troops. The original and
proper plan was to land at Savannah, a few miles
lower down, on the opposite side of the river,
where the remaining portion of the army did en-
5

98 life of grant.
camp. The reason given for this change was, that
a rapid movement inland, in the desired direction,
could be more easily made from that bank than
from the other ; as the transportation of troops
across would necessarily consume a considerable
time. This advantage, however, would not weigh
against the peril of having the army divided by
the river. Probably the fact that the bluff on
which the landing was made was admirably fitted
for a defensive position, was another reason. Two
streams, one north and the other south of it,
flowed almost at right angles into the Tennessee,
thus rendering it an easy matter for Smith to pro
tect his flanks — in fact, from the flooded state of
the banks at this time, making an attack, except
in front, almost impossible. Even in this latter
direction nature had helped to defend this excel
lent position ; for Owl Creek ran along a portion
of it parallel to the Tennessee river, and emptied
nearly at right angles into Snake Creek, which
bounded the bluff on the north. But Corinth lay
right west, within striking distance, and common
prudence required that to make the- position se
cure, strong defences should be thrown, up. This,
however, was not done — a neglect the more singu
lar, since Corinth, the objective point of the
campaign, and the key to the whole railroad sys
tem connecting Tennessee and Mississippi, was
known to be occupied by the enemy in force.

CONCENTRATES his troops. 99
Halleck, as" we have stated, restored Grant on
the 13th of March to his command, and four days
after the latter took up his headquarters at Sa
vannah, about nine miles below Pittsburg Land
ing. Nearly half of the army was at the former
place, and Grant saw at once the peril of having
the two portions nine miles apart, and separated
besides by a broad and swollen river. Hence
within an hour after his arrival he ordered Smith
and McClernand, who commanded the force at
Savannah, to proceed at once to Pittsburg Land
ing. In the mean time, Halleck, hearing of the
concentration of rebel troops at Corinth, had di
rected Buejl, in Central Tennessee, to effect a
junction with Grant at Pittsburg Landing. His
army numbered nearly forty thousand, and the
distance from Columbia, his starting-point, to the
Tennessee river, was some ninety miles. But it
was early spring, and the streams being flooded
made it impossible to calculate with any accuracy
how much time it would take to make the march.
In the mean time, Halleck telegraphed Grant to
avoid battle unless it was forced upon him  in
short, to act solely on the defensive, until the arri
val of Buell. This was contrary to the judgment
of Grant, who thought a blow should be struck
at once, before the concentration of the enemy
could be effected.
For nearly three weeks the army lay idle here

100 LIFE OF GRANT.
while the hostile forces were rapidly accumula
ting. By the second of April, Johnston, their
commander, saw that he must strike before the
arrival of Buell, of whose approach he was made
aware by his scouts, if he wished to succeed, and
he began to feel our line with his skirmishers.
On the 4th, a heavy force appeared in our front,
and for a time a serious engagement seemed immi
nent. Several rebel prisoners were taken, who said
that the " Yankees would catch hell soon." Still,
this was thought to be an idle threat, and no
notice was taken of it. The next day, Grant rode
out to the front and investigated the matter.
Both he and Sherman came to the conclusion
that there was no appearance or probability of an
immediate battle. Grant did not return to the
landing until after dark. It was raining at the
time, and his horse slipping on a log, fell upon
him, which lamed him for - several days, and
caused him a good deal of suffering.
The demonstration of the enemy this day was
not confined to our forces at Pittsburg Landing.
Lewis Wallace, with Smith's division, 'five miles
farther down stream, reported a heavy force in
his direction. The truth was, the enemy was
making a reconnoissance with view to an attack.
The next day, a heavy column of cavalry pushed
boldly up to Sherman's front, yet still he did not
think any thing serious was intended, while Grant

THE ONSET. 101
felt stronger by the arrival of Nelson's division
of Buell's army at Savannah. He had been very
anxious for the arrival of these troops, and now
directed Nelson to take position at a point about
five miles from Savannah, and hold himself ready
to march at a moment's notice. He himself de
signed the next day to remove his own head
quarters to Pittsburg Landing — putting it off till
then at the' request of Buell, who had informed
him that he would arrive at Savannah that day.
The next morning, however, came the battle.
Johnston had learned by his reconnoissance that
our forces had thrown up no entrenchments, but
that the flanks were so well protected by streams
and ravines, that an attack could not be made
there. Hence he determined to move right down
in front, in one overwhelming charge. Sherman's
division was in advance, near the Shiloh- church.
On his left, but farther back, McClernand was
posted. Then came Prentiss, more up to Sher
man's line, while on the extreme -left was Stuart,
commanding a separate brigade of Sherman's di
vision and covering the crossing of Lick Creek.
Hurlbut was in reserve.
The constant skirmishing for the last few days
had put the officers on the alert, and though' it
was only just daybreak, the horses of many were
saddled while they sat down to breakfast. Every
thing seemed quiet, when suddenly, as a clap of

102 LIFE OF GRANT.
thunder, the onset came. Prentiss first caught
the fury of the bursting storm, which soon swept
along the entire front. Not cautiously, as if feel
ing their way, did the heavy columns come on,
but in dark masses, like fast, following waves,
broke over the camps. A scene of indescribable
confusion followed. From the very outset, the
battle on our part was without plan or cohesion,
while the rebel general held his army completely
in hand, and hurled it with skill, boldness, and
irresistible power, on any point he wished to
strike. Prentiss, in the centre, after striving in
vain to bear up against the flood, was surrounded
and compelled to surrender, with some three
thousand or more of his troops. Sherman and
McClernand fought with their accustomed brav
ery, but they could hold only a portion of their
troops to the deadly work. Stuart was cut off
from the main army, and compelled to fight his
own battle. Cavalry charged hither and thither
over the tumultuous field, riding down our disor
dered troops ; while our batteries were swept by
the hostile flood, and the broken, disjointed army
was borne steadily back toward the Tennessee.
Sherman, awake to the peril of the army, clung to
each position with the tenacity of death, and rode
amid the hail-storm of bullets as though he had
forgotten he had a life to lose. Horse after horse
sunk under him; he himself was struck again

THE BATTLE. 103
and again ; and yet he not only kept the field,
but blazed like a meteor over it. At noon of that
Sabbath day, he was dismounted. — his hand in a
sling,— and bleeding, giving directions to- his chief
of artillery, while it was one incessant crash and
roar all around him. Suddenly he saw, to the
right, his men giving way before a cloud of rebels.
"I was looking for that," he exclaimed. The
next moment the battery he had been placing in
position opened, sending death and destruction
into the close-packed ranks. The rebel com
mander, glancing at the battery, ordered the cav
alry to charge it. Seeing them coming down,
Sherman quickly ordered up two companies of
infantry, which, pouring in a deadly volley, sent
them to the right about with empty*saddles. The
onset was arrested, and our troops rallied with
renewed courage. Hurlbut moved up with his
reserves, and gave Sherman breathing space.
In the mean time, in the very heat of battle,
Grant came on a driving gallop to the front, and
at once complimented Sherman on the gallant
stand he had made. Sherman, in -reply, asked for
cartridges. " They are on the way," replied Grant.
Knowing from the rapid and incessant firing, that
he had heard ever since daybreak, that ammuni
tion must be giving out; he had ordered it forward
as he hurried to the front.
He and his staff at Savannah, were taking an

104 LIFE OF GRANT.
early breakfast, preparatory to riding out to meet
Buell, who was near at hand, when the first roar
of artillery arrested his attention. At first he
thought it was only a repetition of the skirmishing
that had been going on for several days. But as
the thunder swelled louder and louder, and peal
after peal shook the shores, he knew that a battle
was raging, and crying, " to horse," galloped down
to the landing. Before starting, however, he de
spatched a hasty note to Buell, telling him that
heavy firing up the river showed that the army
was attacked. To Nelson, he sent orders to move
his division up opposite Pittsburg Landing with
out delay. Pushing up the river himself in a
steamer, he stopped at Crump's landing just long
enough to tell Wallace, in person, to be ready to
march at a moment's notice.
As the boat touched the shore at Pittsburg
Landing, the din of battle was terrific, and already
fugitives were flying from the field. When he
reached the front and saw how terrific was the
onset, and that his army was wavering, he at once
sent an aid as fast as he could ride, to Crump's
landing, five miles distant, with orders to Wallace
to hurry his division forward to- the field. To Nel
son he wrote, " Hurry up your command as fast
as possible.- Push forward — boats will be in
readiness to transport you across." Having done
this he addressed himself to the task of keeping

ANXIOUS MOMENTS. 105
the heavy masses that surged so fiercely up against
his shaking line at bay, till those reinforcements
could arrive. The field was wooded, with patches
of cultivation between, so that it was impossible
for him to get any commanding view of it, and
manoeuvre the army as a whole. ' In fact, there
was no time for it. The rebel attack was so steady
and persistent, that each division simply attempted
to hold its ground. Grant, smoking his cigar with
imperturbable coolness, moved from point to point,
along the front, giving such directions as the emer
gency seemed to require. ¦
As the decimated army, maintaining a deter
mined though shattered front, still kept falling
back towards the river, Grant cast his eye anxiously
in the direction where the heads of Nelson's and
Wallace's columns should appear, but nothing met
his gaze but crowds of stragglers fleeing to the
rear. Wallace, at least, should have been there
long since, but strange to say, his division was
wandering about lost, though only five miles from
the field of battle, whose uproar loaded the Sab
bath air.
Though nearly half of his army had melted
away — either prisoners, killed, or straggling — the
other half still faced the foe, and met his fierce,
determined onsets as the rock meets the wave.
But this could not last long — he must have rein
forcements, or the brave heroes that refused to fly,
5*

106 LIFE OF GRANT.
but, with every backward step, dealt a staggering
blow, wpuld soon be overpowered; and hearing
that another of Buell's divisions had reached
Savannah, he sent a. staff officer, with desperate
speed, to him, with the order: "You will move
your command with the utmost despatch, to the
river at this point, where steamboats will be in
readiness to transport you to Pittsburg." But the
peril deepening every moment, he could not wait
his return, but sent off another officer with the
following still more urgent order : " Commanding
officer, advance forces, Buell's army, near Pitts
burg: The attack on my forces has been very
spirited from early this morning. The appearance
of fresh troops in the field. now, would have a
powerful effect, both by inspiring our men and
disheartening the enemy. If you will get upon
the field, leaving all your baggage on the east
bank of the river, it will be more to our advantage,
and possibly save the day to us. The rebel forces
are estimated at over one hundred thousand men.
My headquarters will be in the log building on
the top of the hill, where you will be furnished with
a staff officer to guide you to your place in the
field." Matters were getting desperate, and he
counted the moments when the forces, so pressingly
needed, would arrive. Still none came ; but about
the middle of the afternoon, Buell, accompanied
only by his staff, rode up the bluff. Reaching

A LAST EFFORT. 107
Savannah, and finding Grant gone, while inces
sant explosions of artillery shook the shore, he
knew a terrific battle was raging, and leaving the
division he was accompanying to follow on, hur
ried-forward alone. The sight that met his gaze
as he landed, astonished him. The banks were
black with fugitives, who crowded down to the
water's edge for safety. His first impression was
that Grant's army was gone beyond recovery unless
it could be placed across the river, and wait till
his own could come up, and he asked, "What
provisions have you made for a retreat1?" Grant
replied, " I don't despair of whipping them yet."
Buell now sent off officer after officer, to hurry up '
the tired columns. In the mean time, the battle
raged with increased ferocity; while still back
toward the river, yet still facing the foe, slowly re
tired the diminished columns. Although Johnson
had fallen, he was succeeded by Beauregard, who
saw that but one more success was necessary to
drive our army into the Tennessee — carry the ravine
that covered Sherman's left, and thus in fact the
landing itself. This done, and the battle would
be over. Grant, too, saw this, and put forth a last
desperate effort to prevent it. The gunboats Tyler
and Lexington could now join in the fight, and
their ponderous shells went screaming up this
ravine, bursting with the sound of thunder amid
the astonished enemy, and his frantic attempts to

108 LIFE OF GRANT.
clear the ravine were without avail. In the mean
time, Nelson's division had crossed and formed in
hne of battle, and poured in a volley. The enemy,
exhausted by the protracted struggle, and now
met by new foes, sullenly retired, while the shad
ows of evening stole over the landscape. Soon,
darkness wrapped the two armies, that sank to
rest on the torn and trampled field.
Grant now felt the heavy burden, that had in
creased with every revolving hour, lift from his
heart. It was evident that nothing more could be
done till morning ; and by that time he would
have forty thousand fresh troops in the field, while
his adversary could bring none. That mornmg,
he determined, should witness a terrible retribu
tion for the disaster of the day just ended.
Troops that had marched all day were now,
without -vm% crossed over, and every preparation
made to recommence the struggle at daylight.
Stretching far back in the gloom lay the battle
field, covered with the dead and dying, uncared-
for — alone with the night. To make it still more
appalling, a heavy storm arose, while ever and
anon the inky clouds were ribbed with blazing
shells that the gunboats sent at short intervals
within the enemy's lines. These, at length, set
the woods on fire, that, flashing up here and there,
cast a baleful hght on the murky landscape. The
rain fell in torrents, the only messenger of mercy

A GLOOMY NIGHT. 109
to the wounded, burning with thirst, that covered
the ensanguined field.
Grant, with his strong nature fully aroused,
could not think of rest, but amid the driving storm
passed from division to division, visiting each
commander in turn, and leaving specific orders for
the attack, which he had- determined should"com-
mence with the morning light. His directions
were, at daybreak to commence with a heavy
skirmish line, and then, leaving no reserve, ad
vance with the entire force and sweep the field.
At length all his arrangements were completed,
and near midnight he rode slowly back to the
landing, and dismounting, stretched himself on
the ground, and with his head resting on a stump,
composed' himself to sleep. The pitiless rain
beat on him, drenching him to the skin, but he
only thought of the coming victory. He sought
no shelter, but slept as his brave troops slept, un
covered to the storm.
The battle recommenced at daylight, and al
though wearied out with the struggle of the day
before, and outnumbered more than two to one,
the enemy fought bravely, and stubbornly con
tested every inch of ground. Reluctant to give
up the victory that had been almost within their
reach, they slowly, sullenly retired over the field
they had won. But the success on our side was
as steady as it had been on that of the other the

110 LIFE OF GRANT.
day before. Our camps were soon once more in
our possession, and the disciplined battalions
of Buell pushed the enemy back until he was at
last forced to retreat to Corinth, leaving Brecken
ridge, with his division, as a rear guard. Colonel
Badeau relates the following incident, which is
new. He says :
" Near the close of the day, Grant met the First
Ohio regiment marching towards the northern
part of the field, and immediately in front of a
position which it was important to take at that
particular juncture ; another regiment to the left
was fighting hard, but about to yield — had, in fact,
given way. Grant saw the emergency, and instantly
halted the passing force on the brow of a hill, the
enemy lying in a wood at its base ; he changed
the direction of the First Ohio, and himself or
dered it to charge, in support of the yielding bat
talion. The men recognized their leader, and
obeyed with enthusiasm, and Grant rode along
with thein in the line of battle, as much exposed
as any private in the ranks. The retreating
troops on the left took courage at this sight ; they
stopped their backward movement, closed up
their wavering ranks with cheers, and the two
regiments swept the enemy at. once from the cov
eted spot, thus capturing one of the last important
positions in the battle of Shiloh."
Grant, who never seems to know fatigue^ wished

RESULT OF THE BATTLE. ' 111
to press the retreating rebels still further, but his
own troops were too much exhausted, while
McCook and Crittenden, whom he appealed to, re
plied that their soldiers had marched all the day
before, and been on the move a great part of the
night, and now having fought all day were in no
condition to pursue, especially as the rain was fall
ing in torrents, making the fields very heavy;
and so he had reluctantly to abandon his purpose,
and turn his entire attention to the care of the
wounded, of which there were over eight thousand
of his own, besides those which the enemy had
left behind in their retreat. ' His total loss was
twelve thousand two hundred and seventeen.
That of the enemy nearly 11,000.
The next day Beauregard, under a flag of truce,
sent the following communication to Grant :
Headquabtees, Army of the Mississippi, >
' Monday, April 8, 1862. \
Srs : At the close of the conflict yesterday, my forces
being exhausted by the extraordinary length of time
during which they were engaged with yours on that
and the preceding day, and it being apparent that you
had received and were still receiving reinforcements, I
felt it my duty to withdraw my troops from the imme
diate scene of conflict.
Under these circumstances, in accordance with usages
of war, I shall transmit this under a flag of truce, to ask
permission to send a mounted party to the battle-field
of Shiloh, for the purpose of giving decent interment to
my dead.
Certain gentlemen wishing to avail themselves of this

112 LIFE OF GRANT.
to remove the remains of their sons and fiiends, I must
request for them the privilege of accompanying the
burial party ; and in this connection, I deem it proper
to say, I am only asking what I have extended to your
own countrymen, under similar circumstances.
General, respectfully, your obedient servant,
G. T. Beauregard,
General Commanding.
To Major-General U. S. Geant, commanding
United States forces near. Pittsburg, Tenn.
To this Grant replied as follows :
Headqttakteks, Aemt in the Field, )
Pittsbukg, April 9, 1862. >
General G. T. Beaueegaed, commanding
Confederate Army of the Mississippi,
Monterey, Tenn. :
General: Your despatch of yesterday inst received.
Owing to the warmth of the weather, 1 deemed it ad
visable to have all the dead of both parties buried im
mediately. Heavy details were made for this purpose,
and it is now accomplished. . There cannot therefore be
any necessity of admitting within our lines the parties
you desire to send on the grounds asked. I shall al
ways be glad to extend any courtesy consistent with
duty, especially so when dictated by humanity.
I am, General, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
U. S. Geant, Major-General.
Much has been written about this battle, and
of a very contradictory character. It will be read
ily seen by the above account, that Grant can in
no way be held responsible for the location of the
army on the east side of the river, for which he

BAD MANAGEMENT. 113
was so severely blamed. It is true, he became
responsible for its remaining in that dangerous
position, but it must be remembered that its re
moval would be an implied censure, both on his
friend Smith, whom he had superseded, (an old
soldier,' and his commandant at West Point,) and
also on his. superior, Halleck, who had made no
objection to -this disposition of the army. Under
these circumstances, we do not see how he could
well have done differently; besides, neither he
nor Sherman expected an attack before the
arrival of Buell. There was a grave error com
mitted by the commanders hi front, in not throw
ing up works, and constructing abatis from the
.trees, of which there was abundance on the spot.
Had this been done, the disasters of that day
would, in all human probability, have been
averted. It is useless to attempt to explain away
or excuse this neglect. The attempt to prove
that the battle" might have been renewed the next
day, with any prospect of success, but for the
arrival of Buell, is simply absurd; for, with a
fresh army of forty thousand men, we only re
gained the field, nothings more. All the great
military names, and all the military science in
the country, can never make such an assertion
an historic fact. Desaix did not save Napoleon
at Marengo, more than Buell did Grant at
Shiloh.

114 LIFE OF GRANT.
The outcry raised agamst Grant, for being, as
it was asserted, surprised and so severely beaten
the first day, was great. West, it was terrific.
Congressmen and Governors demanded his remo
val ; and it. seemed, for a time, as if he would be
swept away by the flood of denunciations. All
sorts of charges were preferred against him.
The more absurd they were, the more they
were believed.
Grant, however, had one friend in Mr. Wash
burn, the Member of Congress from Illinois,
who defended him in a noble speech.
Afterwards, when Grant had reached the pin
nacle of fame, his friends went just as far in the
other extreme, and asserted, and tried to prove
that, in the first place, it was a capital plan to
have the Tennessee river divide the forces ; equal
ly good tactics not to throw up breastworks. In
the third place, there was no surprise, although
officers were at breakfast when the onset came ;
and in the last place, that, although Buell's ar
rival was very opportune,, it was not of vital con
sequence. The effort to make a man just as perfect and
infallible in judgment, at the outset of his career,
as he was after years of actual experience, may
show kindly feelings, but not common sense.
Grant was not hke so many of the ignorant, con
ceited coxcombs who had charge of our troops, and

COMMON SENSE. 115
believed they possessed all needed military knowl
edge,, before they ever set a division "in the field.
Like all great men, he could rise to the circum
stances in which he was placed, but would not
pretend he never made a mistake.

CHAPTER VII.
CORINTH, IUKA, AND VICKSBURG.
Halleck takes Obief Command — Again disgraces Grant — Uncom
plaining Conduct of the latter — Abused by Correspondents of
tbe Press — His calm Reply to one — His quiet,- dignified
Behavior — Offers Halleck Good Advice — Insulted for it — His
Sharp Retort — Evacuation of Corinth — An Excellent Illus
tration of Halleek's Strategy — Halleck called to Washing
ton — Last Attempt to disgrace Grant — The latter makes
Corinth his Headquarters — Order respecting Fugitive Slaves
— Severe Order to the People pf Memphis — Receives a threat
ening Letter — Battle of luka — Of Corinth — Sends Sherman to
Attempt the Capture of Vicksburg — Causes of his Failure —
Plans his great Expedition against the Stronghold.
Halleck shared in the hostile feeling against
Grant, and though he did not remove him from
the head of his troops, he himself repaired to the
field and took chief command, and, in reorgani
zing the army, gave the latter a position which
was regarded by all the officers as one of disgrace.
He was nominally second in command ; but the
army was divided into three corps, commanded
by Thomas, Pope, and Buell, with the reserve
under McClernand, while Grant's Army of the
Tennessee was distributed between the right wing
and the reserve, thus actually placing him under
Thomas and McClernand. Though these com
manders were Grant's subordinates, yet Halleck

. NEWSPAPER CORRESPONDENTS. 117
ignored him in issuing his orders, and even
moved his troops without his knowledge. Nothing.
could be more painful than this position, yet he
bore it without a murmur, quietly doing his duty,
and leaving it for time, that "sets all things even,"
to vindicate him.
The camp was crowded with newspaper cor
respondents, who, having nothing else to do, criti
cised or praised the various commanders according
to their own inclinations. Grant came in for the
most unsparing abuse, yet he uttered no com
plaint, made no defence. Once, and once only,
he broke the uninterrupted silence which he
deemed determined to maintain. One of the cor
respondents had denounced him with most unjust
severity. The article came under Grant's eye,
and while smarting under its false, unscrupulous
aspersions of his character,, he met the writer.
Instead, however, of denouncing him as he de
served, _ he simply said, " Your paper is very
unjust to me, but time will make it all right. I
want to be judged only by my acts."
Says another correspondent, " When the army
began to creep forward, I messed at Grant's head
quarters with his chief of staff, and around the
evening camp-fires I saw much of the general.
He rarely uttered a word upon the political bear
ings of the war ; indeed, he said little upon any
subject. With his eternal cigar, and his head

118 LIFE OF GRANT.
thrown to one side, for hours he would silently sit
before the fire, or walk back and forth with eyes
upon the ground, or look at our whist-table, now
and then making a suggestion about the play, &c,
&c. At almost every general headquarters one
heard denunciations of rival commanders. Grant
was above this 'mischievous,, foul sin of chiding.'
I never heard him speak unkindly of a brother
officer." When Halleck had completed his preparations,
he began to advance toward Corinth. If Grant
had not used the spade and shovel enough, the
former now made up for it, and seemed deter
mined to dig his way into Corinth. If he had
staid away and left Grant in chief command, the
latter would have been in the place before 'he got
half way there. Grant never would have been six
weeks advancing fifteen miles, as Halleck was.
He, however, made no suggestion, offered no ad
vice, for he was not consulted. Once, and once
only, he broke his uniform silence, and that was
when the army finally got before the place. Being
at headquarters when the probability of the enemy
evacuating it was under consideration, his anxiety
overcame his long reticence, and he advised that
an assault should be made by our extreme right,
in front of which he said he beheved the enemy's
defences to be -weak ; and when they were carried,
to swing up the left and sweep the field. Hal-

HALLECK S VICTORY. 119
leek, in his pompous way, ridiculed the sugges
tion, and politely intimated that it would be time
for him to give his opinion when it was asked.
This was more than Grant could patiently endure,
and he replied so sharply and sarcastically, that
he expected to be called to account for it, but the
result so demonstrated the justice of his opinions,
that Halleck was quite willing to let it pass unno
ticed. At last, on the 30th of May, Halleck declared
that the enemy was about to attack, and drew up
his army of seventy thousand men, and planted his
batteries, to await the coming shock. But it never
came, and when the army finally advanced, nothing
but an empty town and wooden guns were found
to capture. Beauregard had not only got off with
his army, but with all his war material — in fact,
every thing he wanted to carry away. Blank
faces looked on each other as the tidings travelled
down the Hne, while a faint smile lighted up the
countenance of Grant, at this illustration of Hal
leek's grand strategy. He saw as clearly as any
one the importance of seizing great strategic
points, but he knew that the mere occupation of
points in such a vast and diversified country as
ours, would never end the war. Armies must be
taken, as well as places. He was too slow once
(at Fort Henry), but ever after he . captured men
as well as strategic points. With Fort Donelson,

120 LIFE OF GRANT.
Vicksburg, and Richmond, he took whole ar
mies. When the mighty host of Halleck entered the
deserted works of Corinth, Grant rode over to the
defences opposite our right to see if they were
as weak as he had imagined. Actual observation
proved the correctness of his judgment, and he
saw, with mortification, what a splendid victory
had in all probability been lost to the Union cause.
After a pursuit of the enemy, which proved
barren of results, Halleck broke up his army to
secure some more strategic points, and finally, in
July, was called to Washington, to take the place
of McClellan, where he only repeated over again
the blunders he had committed West. His last
act, before leaving, was to offer the command
of the Army of the Tennessee to Col. Al
len, a quartermaster, * who had the good sense
to decline it. It was a fittuig culmination to
his career West, that his last act should be an
attempt to further disgrace the only commander"
who had shed lustre on his administration, and
won victories, the honor of which he was not
averse to share.
Grant, however, retained his command, and
was directed to make Corinth his headquarters.
But he was unable to initiate any movements
against the enemy, for two divisions of his army
were taken from him and given to Buell, who was

A SEVERE ORDER. 121
endeavoring to advance to Chattanooga. His
chief occupation was to hold the railroad running
north from that place and Bolivar, to Columbus
— a kind of campaigning not at all suited to one
of his aggressive nature. He was more fitted to
open communications, than to protect those which
others had opened. He remained here, however,
two months, watching Van Dorn and Price, who
constantly hovered around him.
While here, he issued an order, directing that
fugitive slaves, coming within his lines, should be
employed in the quartermaster's, subsistence, and
engineer's departments — also, when by such em
ployment a soldier might be saved to the ranks of
the army — as teamsters, cooks, hospital attendants,
and nurses.
Memphis having fallen before our gunboats,
came also within his jurisdiction, and caused him
no little trouble. The inhabitantsr though con-
quered, continued their treasonable practices, and
kept up a constant communication and traffic with
the enemy South. Ascertaining this, and finding
that his leniency only provoked more daring acts
of hostility, he at length issued the following
severe order :
District of "West Tennessee, Office Peovost-Mai!Shal Gen'l, )
" " ' "2. \

s, Tenn., July 10, 1862.
The constant communication between the so-called
Confederate army and their friends and sympathizers in
the city of Memphis, despite the orders heretofore issued,
6

122 LIFE OF GRANT.
and the efforts to enforce them, induced the issuing of
the following order :
The families now residing in the city of Memphis of
the following persons, are required to move south be
yond the lines within five days of the date hereof :
First. All persons holding commissions in the so -called
Confederate army, or who have voluntarily enlistedin
said army, or who accompany and are connected with
the same.
Second. All persons holding office under or in the
employ of the so-called Confederate Government.
Third. All persons holding State, county, or munici
pal offices, who claim allegiance to said so-called Con
federate Government, and who have abandoned their
families and gone South.
Safe conduct will be given to the parties hereby
required to leave, upon application to the Provost-
Marshal of Memphis.
By command of Major-General Geant.
District of West Tennessee, Office of the Peovost- (
Maeshal Geneeal, Memphis, Tenn., July 11, 1862. J
In order that innocent, peaceable, and well-disposed
persons may not suffer for the bad conduct of the guilty
parties coming within the purview of Special Order No.
14, dated July 10, 1862, they can be relieved from the
operation of said order No. 14, by signing the following
parole, and producing to the Provost-Marshal General,
or the Provost-Marshal of Memphis, satisfactory guaran
tees that they will keep the pledge therein made :
PAEOLE.
" First. 1 have not, since the occupation of the city
of Memphis by the Federal army, given any aid to the
so-called Confederate army, nor given or sent any
information of the movements, strength, or position of
the Federal army to any one connected with said Con
federate army.

A THREATENING LETTER. 123
" Second. I will not, during the occupancy of Mem
phis by the Federal army, and my residing therein, op
pose or conspire against the civil or military authority
of the United States ; and I will not give aid, comfort,
or encouragement to the so-called Confederate army,
nor to any person cooperating therewith.
" All of which I state and pledge upon my sacred
honor." By command of Major-General Geant.
William S. Hillteb, Provost-Marshal General.
He also suspended the Avalanche paper for pub
lishing treasonable articles, and finally permitted
it to appear again, only on the condition of the
withdrawal of the editor who had written them.
His stern treatment of hostile citizen? awakened
the bitterest feeling against him, and he received
threats of vengeance, of which the following let
ter is a fair example: SiNATOKiA,.July 16, 1862.
IT. S. Geant :
Sie : We have seen your infamous and fiendish proc
lamation. It is characteristic of your infernal policy.
* * We had hoped that this war would be conducted
upon the principles recognized by civilized nations.
But you have seen fit to ignore all the rules of civilized
warfare, and resort to means which ought to and would
make half-civilized nations blush. If you attempt to
carry out your threat agamst the property of citizens,
we will make you rue the day you issued your dastardly
proclamation. If we can't act on the principle of lex
talionis, in regard to private property, we will visit
summary vengeance upon your men. xou call us gueril
las, which you know is false. We are recognized by
our Government ; and it was us who attacked your
wagons at Morning Sun. We have twenty-three men

124 LIFE OF GRANT.
of yours, and, as soon as you carry out your threat
against the citizens of the vicinity of Morning Sun, your
Hessians will pay for it. Tou shall conduct this war
upon proper principles. We intend to force you to do
it. If you intend to make this a war of extermination,
you will please inform us of it at the earliest conve
nience. We are ready, and more than willing, to raise
the " black flag." There are. two thousand partisans
who have sworn to retaliate. If you do not retract
your proclamation, you may expect to have scenes of
the most bloody character. We all remember the man
ner in which your vandal soldiers put to death Mr.
Owens, of Missouri. Henceforth our motto shall be,
Blood for blood, and blood for property. We intend,
by the help of God, to hang on the outskirts of your
rabble, like lightning around the edge of a cloud.
We don't intend this as a threat, but simply as a
warning of what we intend to do in case you pursue
your disgraceful and nefarious policy towards our citi
zens, as marked out in your letter of recent date.
Bespectfnlly,
Geo. R. Meeeitt.
Grant fortified Corinth, and erected works near
er the town, so that it could be held by a smaller
army than the one which occupied it under Beau
regard. The enemy in the meantime kept him con
stantly on the alert, and finally, in September,
Price suddenly pounced upon luka, only twenty
miles from his headquarters. Murphy, the com
mander, gave it up without striking a blow in its
defence. Added to this threatening movement,
Van Dorn was only four days' march from him
in the southwest. He at once determined to

BATTLE OF CORINTH. 125
crush Price before Van Dorn could form a junc
tion with him. Generals Ord and Rosecrans, with
eight or nine thousand troops each, were therefore
ordered to move by different routes on the place.
Rosecrans had a sharp fight with .the enemy, but
owing to delays and misunderstandings the two
forces did not act in conjunction, as Grant had
planned and directed, and Price got off with his
army. Grant now put Rosecrans in command of Cor
inth, making Jackson his own headquarters, as a
point more convenient to communicate with his
distributed command. This was on the 23d of
September. A few days after, he learned that
the rebel forces had effected a junction, and under
Van Dorn and Price, were moving on Corinth.
On the 3d of October they appeared before the
place, and though at first Rosecrans was driven
back to his works on the north side of Corinth, he
at last, with his army, of nineteen thousand, over
whelmed and shattered into fragments the rebel
forces, nearly forty thousand strong1 — thanks to.
the strong fortifications that Grant, with great
forecast, had previously thrown up there. His
department being thus relieved from immediate
danger, and reinforcements arriving in the latter
part of the month, he was anxious to take the of
fensive, and proposed to Halleck to attempt the
capture of Vicksburg. The gunboats above, had

126 LIFE OF GRANT.
opened the Mississippi river down to this place,
while Farragut's fleet had cleared it below. Be
tween Halleck, however, who seemed to have no
fixed opinion, and political management at Wash
ington, affairs did not move on smoothly, and for
a while seemed in an inextricable tangle. But
at length they assumed shape, and Sherman with
four picked divisions was ordered to embark on
board steamers, and planting himself suddenly
before Vicksburg carry it by assault, while Grant
moved inland, in the rear of it, to prevent reinforce
ments being thrown into the place. Sherman set
out on the 20th of December, landed his troops,
and moved to the assault. But in the meantime
the shameful surrender of- Holly Springs, eight
miles in Grant's rear, with its garrison and stores,
by which his only hne of communication with the
north was cut off, brought him to halt, and thus
enabled the enemy to reinforce Vicksburg to any
extent. Sherman, ignorant of this, hurled his brave
troops against the works ; but found instead of a
weak garrison a powerful army to oppose him.
Repulsed with heavy slaughter, he was compelled
to reembark his army. McClernand supersed
ed him, when the army and fleet moved against
Arkansas Post, on the Arkansas river, and took
it with its garrison, stores and arms.
The grand expedition against Vicksburg was

PREPARATIONS. 127
now planned, and Grant's department being en
larged so as to cover the Mississippi river to
this place, he concentrated his army, and gather
ed together his munitions of war,- preparatory to
the herculean task which he knew was before
him. He arrived at Young's Point on the 29th
of January, and assumed command in person.

CHAPTER VIII.
ABOVE VICKSBURG.
Situation of Vicksburg — DiiBculty of reaching it — Attempt to get
below it by a Canal — Sickliness of the Camp — Visit of one cf
the Sanitary Commission— Aided by Grant — His Solicitude for
the Comfort of the Soldiers — A Flood — Failure of the Canal — ¦
The Red River Route — Abandoned — Attempt on the east Side
of the River, by Moon Lake — Narrative of the Expedition sent
through it — Its Abandonment — A Fourth Attempt by Steele's
Bayou — Its Difficulties — Porter's Account of it — Its Abandon
ment.
Grant now had a well-appointed army of some
fifty thousand men under him, but the grand
difficulty was, to get them within striking distance
of Vicksburg. The Mississippi is a very crooked
stream, winding in and out, often, turning almost
directly back and flowing northerly in its course.
Just above Vicksburg it wheels short about to
the left, and runs north-ea,st for some five miles,
when it abruptly turns back and flows south-east.
This of course makes a long tongue of land, pro
jecting from the west side, corresponding in shape
with the bend of the stream. This projection is
low, compared with the high bluffs of Vicksburg,
so that batteries mounted on it would be perfectly
commanded by those occupying the high ground

the canal. 129
opposite. Hence,' the place was safe from any
attack that could be made from the west side of
the river.. It must be approached on the west side,
or not at all. Its height rendered it impregnable
to the gunboats, that could effectively reach only
the water batteries. It therefore was evident that
it could be assailed only by moving an army down
from the north, or up from the south, and thus get
in its rear. But north of Vicksburg, the high bluffs
run northeast for twelve miles, to the Yazoo River,
where they terminate in the commanding eminence
called Haines' Bluff. This whole elevated range
was strongly fortified. Haines' Bluff, if once
taken, would give a foothold from which an army
could work its way along the ridge to Vicksburg.
Hence, its seizure was the first thing thought of
and attempted, but Sherman's failure demonstra
ted that this must be given up. The only remain
ing course left, therefore^ was to try to get south of
the city, and move up behind it from that direction ;
but as guns- of the heaviest calibre commanded the
channel for miles, the army could not be carried in
transports past it. Hence, the first thing that
suggested itself in this dilemma, was to cut a
canal across this low tongue of land, wide and
deep enough to float steamers through.
The country here was flat and swampy, which
made it seem feasible. This had been" commenced
some time previously, but it was neither wide nor

130 LIFE OF GRANT.
deep enough to admit the water from the Mis
sissippi, and had been abandoned. To the open
ing and enlargement of it Grant's attention was
first directed, in accordance with orders from Hal
leck, who said that " the President attached much
importance" to it. Four thousand soldiers, be
sides negroes, were at once set to work. In the
mean time, the low, marshy ground on which the
troops were compelled to encamp, produced dis
ease, which swept off, or rendered unfit for duty,
a great number. They could not even bury their
dead in the neighborhood of their encampment.
The levee, a high embankment of the Mississippi,
that separated them from the stream, furnished
the only dry ground, and this was ridged, as far
as the eye could reach, with soldiers' graves — a
sad and gloomy spectacle to their comrades below,
who thus saw themselves hedged in by the dead.
Every thing, however, was done for the health and
comfort of the men that foresight and care could
accomplish. A lady,* sent by the Sanitary Com
mission, visited the camp and hospitals at Young's
Point, to see if any thing more could be done. She
obtained an interview with Grant, who spoke
freely of the sanitary condition of the army, and
said he had perfect confidence in its administra
tion, but added that he wanted every thing done
for the comfort of the men, that could be, and
* Mrs. A. H. Hoge, author of " The Boys in Blue."

CARE FOR THE SOLDIERS. 131
offered her every facility in his power to enable
her to carry out her benevolent designs. Look
ing at every thing in a practical, common-sense
hght, he did not care whether the good was
done through the regular military organiza
tions or not, so that the troops were made more
comfortable. She told him she would like some
cotton, to make "comfortables" for the soldiers,
to keep them warm in the damp, chilly atmosphere
to which they were exposed. He immediately
sat down and wrote an order for five bales. A
tug was placed at her disposal, and she was carried
wherever she wished to go. After finishing her
investigations, she returned to Grant to make her
report to him. Among other things, she said she
had discovered that incipient scurvy had com
menced in the hospitals at Young's Point, and
threatened, according to the reports of the sur
geons submitted to her, to become wide and
sweeping in its ravages, and that it could be
arrested only by a free supply of vegetables and
acids. Grant immediately gave an order for
the transportation of any needed amount of
vegetables from the North ; saying, quietly, that,
under the circumstances, "onions and potatoes
were indispensable to the taking of Vicksburg."
When about to leave, she said: "Well, Gen
eral, what of Vicksburg ? What shall I say when
I return ? " He paused a moment, in thought,

132 LIFE OF GRANT.
and then replied : " Madame, Vicksburg is ours,
and its garrison our prisoners. It is only a ques
tion of time. I want to take it with as little loss
of life as possible." This confident opinion was
not based on any strong faith in the success of the
canal, for he always doubted it. It was originally
constructed by Gen. Williams, in 1862, but when
the levee was cut, the water did not pour through
it. Grant had, therefore, a cut made farther up
the river, tapping the original canal, but starting
at a point where the current struck the bank more
strongly and directly. For two months the sol
diers toiled on to complete it, while the country
waited and grumbled. But just as success seemed
probable, and this branch cut had almost reached
the main canal, a sudden freshet carried away the
dam at the upper end, and the swollen waters rush
ing in with great violence, tore over and through
the banks, crushing down all barriers in its mad
flow, and turning the whole peninsula into a
marshy lake. Horses were swept away, and
drowned — soldiers scattered, pell mell, in every
direction, to save their fives — leaving all their tools
and machines to be borne away or submerged in
the flood, and thus the labor of weeks was totally
destroyed. In the mean time, the enemy, having
learned what was going on, planted batteries to en
filade the canal, so that this project, on the comple
tion of which so much hadbeen anticipated, had to

A NEW PLAN. 133
be abandoned. Grant had put so httle faith in the
success of this canal that, the very next day after
he assumed command in person, he gave orders
to have another one cut from the Mississippi to
Lake Providence, which lay only a mile from the
shore, and connecting by a series of bayous and
streams with the Red River, which last .stream
enters the Mississippi between Natchez and Port
Hudson. This was to enable him, in case the first
canal failed, to cooperate with Banks — an object
that the government had very much at heart.
McPherson was set to work on this, but after seve
ral weeks' labor, it also was abandoned. For a time,
it was supposed by some men of ardent imagina
tions, that hb was going to change the whole course
of the mighty Mississippi, clear to the Gulf of
Mexico, and thus leave New Orleans an inland town.
But its turbid current swept on in its old channel,
and Grant was at last compelled to abandon all
hope of getting below Vicksburg on the westxsi&e
of the rivfer. It shows how thoroughly he had
studied the subject, and estimated the difficulties
of the task, by his having several different routes
surveyed at the same time, so that if one failed
there should be no delay in trying another.
Besides the two plans which had now been tried
and abandoned, a third one, before they were
tested, had been matured. If he failed on the
west side, he determined to try the east side, and

134 LIFE OF GRANT.
for this purpose, had what was called the Yazoo
Pass surveyed by Lieut. -Col. Wilson.
A few miles below Helena, and about a mile
from the river, lies Moon Lake, once the bed of the
Mississippi. A narrow and crooked bayou for
merly led into this, through which light craft
sometimes reached the Yazoo — for Moon Lake
connects with the Coldwater river, which flows into
the Tallahatchie, which, in turn, effects a junction
with the Yallabusha — the two forming the Yazoo.
The distance by this route was some two hun
dred and fifty miles. The short cut, however,
from the Mississippi into Moon Lake, had been
closed up by the State, as, in times of freshets, the
water poured through it in such volume that it
overflowed the surrounding country.
The levee that shut it up was cut on the 2d
of February, and the water rushed through into
the lake,* cutting a channel in two days, wide
and deep enough to admit the largest steamers.
The rebels, however, who were on the watch for this
very movement, now began to barricade the tortuous
ehannel beyond, with trees and rafts, at every avail
able point. In one place, this tangled net-work
* The plan and main direction of this route may be understood
by referring to the map giving that of Steele's bayou. Both routes
would take the army into the Yazoo above Haines' Bluff. The
only difference was — this one begun up the Mississippi — struck
down farther east, and reached the Yazoo highermp than, the last
one undertaken.

A DIFFICULT ENTERPRISE. 135
of logs and trees extended over a mile in solid mass.
Many of the -trees were of gigantic size — weigh
ing twenty tons or more, which, according to Col.
Badeau's account, " had to be hauled out entire
upon the shore by strong cables, while a few of
the most buoyant were cut in pieces and fastened
along the banks." To add to the difficulties, the
rapid rise of the water, from the crevasse at the en
trance, submerged the entire country, except along
a very narrow strip of land near the shore. The
men, in parties of about five hundred, were thus
obliged to work in the water, as well as during
almost incessant rains. The barriers, however,
being removed, and a heavy growth of overhang
ing timber cut away, the distance from Moon Lake
to the Coldwater was finally cleared. But, while
Grant's forces were thus diligently engaged in
opening one end of the pass, the enemy had gain
ed time to securely fortify below.
On the 15th of February, however, a way was
open to the Tallahatchie, and Brigadier-General
Ross, with forty-five hundred men, was ordered
into the pass. He embarked on twenty-two hght
transports, preceded by two iron-clad gunboats,
and a mosquito fleet, as the light- armored craft
suitable for this navigation was called. Lieuten
ant-Commander Watson Smith commanded the
naval force. The difficulty of procuring light
transports delayed Ross over a week, but the com-

136 LIFE OF GRANT.
bined fleet entered the pass on the 24th of Feb
ruary, and reached the Coldwater, twenty-five
miles from the Mississippi, on the 2d of March.
The Coldwater is over a hundred feet wide, and
runs through a dense wilderness, for nearly all its
course. The Tallahatchie is a stream of similar
nature, and, from its width and depth, no longer
susceptible of obstruction by the enemy. Thirty
miles below the mouth of the Coldwater, the Tal
lahatchie affords free navigation for boats two
hundred and fifty feet long. When once the ex
pedition reached these rivers, a great part of its
difficulties would, it was hoped, be past. The
naval commander moved cautiously, running but
little faster than the current by daylight, and ty
ing his boats to the shore after nightfall, so that
the expedition did not reach the lower Tallahatchie.
till the 10th of March. This long passage of two
hundred and fifty miles, through an almost un
broken forest, was made without the loss of a man.
The country being overflowed, the river- banks
could not be approached in any force by guerillas
or sharpshooters.
Wilson now reported the practicability of the
route as a line of important military operations,
and Grant determined to prosecute his entire
campaign, if possible, in this direction. The idea
was to reach the Yazoo river, above Haines' bluff,
with the whole army ; the distance from Milli-

UNLOOKED-FOR OBSTRUCTIONS. 137
ken's Bend would have been nearly nine hundred
miles. At first, only a single- division of troops,
under Brigadier-General Quimby, Avas sent to the
support of Ross ; but, shortly afterwards, McPher
son, with his whole corps, and an additional divis
ion from Hurlbut's command (at Memphis), was
ordered into the pass, whenever suitable trans
portation could be procured. Great difficulty,
however, was found in obtaining light-draught
steamers fit for the navigation of these narrow and
devious streams ; and the reenforcements were,
in consequence, delayed at Helena.
Near where the waters of the Tallahatchie meet
those of the Yallabusha, the small town of Green
wood is built ; a little way above this point, the
former stream sweeps to the east for eight or ten
miles, and then doubles at the confluence ; while
the Yazoo, which is formed by the junction, flows
back again to within five hundred yards of the
Tallahatchie. At the narrowest part of the neck
of land thus created, the rebels had hastily con
structed, of earth and Cotton bales, a line of para
pet running irregularly across from the Talla
hatchie to the north bank of the Yazoo. This
work they called fort " Pemberton." This fort
commanded all the approaches to the Yazoo and
the Yazoo itself, while it was built on ground so
low that in front of it the land was covered with
water for a great distance, thus making a land at-

138 LIFE OF GRANT.
tack impossible. Resort was therefore had to the
iron-clads, that had worked their difficult way to
this point. An attack was made by them, at long
range, on the 11th of March, without any effect,
and it was repeated two days after, with the same
result, while one vessel was crippled by the guns
of the fort, and some thirty men killed and wound
ed. It was plain that some new mode of attack
must be devised. The fort was on such low
ground- that a rise of two or three feet in the river,
it was thought, would drown out the garrison,
and it was resolved to try to effect it. For this
purpose, the levee of the Mississippi was cut
eighteen miles above Helena— three hundred miles
away — in the "hope that the water pouring through
the country would eventually seek the Coldwater
as an avenue of escape, and produce the needed
rise of water. The only result, however, was the
wide-spread inundation of the-pountry, making it
a vast lake and marsh. This route was plainly
impracticable, while to make matters worse, the
enemy began to hurry troops across the country
by a shorter route, to hem in the boats and troops
from behind. In this dilemma, for the double
purpose of making a diversion in favor of Ross,
the commander, and of reaching the same point
aimed at (the Yazoo above Haines' Bluff), an
other expedition up Steele's Bayou was started.
This left the Yazoo below Haines' Bluff, and pass-

A LAST ATTEMPT. 139
ing through Steele's Bayou into Black Bayou,
thence to Deer Creek — through Rolling Fork,
across to the Sunflower, and adown this to the
Yazoo again. This strange and tortuous route is
clearly shoAvn in the accompanying map. The
expedition was under the command of Admiral
Porter, to be supported by Sherman, who by
a short cut across the country was to reach a
point on the Rolling Fork about the same time
that he did.
Such inland navigation was never before at
tempted by War vessels. The expedition consisted
of four gunboats, four mortar-boats, and four tugs.
For thirty miles the little fleet passed up Steele's
Bayou, then a mere ditch, to Black Bayou, in
which, for four miles, the trees had to be torn out
or pushed over by the iron-clads, or the branches
cut away, when Porter at last reached Deer Creek.
It took twenty-four hours to make these four
miles. Some idea of the difficulties of the route
may be obtained, when it is remembered that,
with the utmost exertion of the crews, the vessels
for twenty-four consecutive hours averaged a speed
of only about fifty rods an hour. Up this stream
to Rolling Fork it was thirty-two miles. To the
same point by land, it was twelve miles, over
which Sherman marched, in order to cooperate
with him. The channel was narrow and filled
with small willows, which so retarded the progress

140 LIFE OF GRANT.
of the boats that, with his utmost exertions, Por
ter could average only about a half a mile an hour.
At length he got within seven miles of the Roll
ing Fork, from whence there would be water
enough to the Yazoo.
The inhabitants were filled with amazement to
see a war fleet sailing through the heart of a
country where a vessel of any kind had never be
fore been seen, while the negroes flocked in crowds
to the shore to gaze on the unwonted spectacle.
But as soon as the Confederate official in that
section was informed of the expedition, he gave
the alarm, and ordered the torch to be applied to
all the cotton along the shore, and Porter was
hghted on his strange course by a continuous con
flagration. Negroes were also set to work cutting down
trees to arrest his progress, until troops and guns
eould be brought up. Porter, made aware of the
movement, pushed on the tug Thistle, with a how
itzer on board, which reached the first tree before
it was cut down. The tug then kept on, to keep
the way open, but the enemy at length succeeded
in getting one large tree across the creek, and thus
for a time stopped all further progress. Being
now safe from our guns, the negroes, under the
orders of their masters, continued to chop down
trees, until it was thought that Porter could make
no further advance. He, however, by working

HARD NAVIGATION. 141
night and day, chopping and sawing them in two,
or hauling them one side, at length cleared the
channel, and pushed on until he got within three
miles of the RoUing Fork. Here he saw smoke
rising over the tree-tops in the direction of the
Yazoo, and learned that the enemy was landing
troops to dispute his passage. He immediately
sent Lieutenant Murphy, with two boat howitzers
and three hundred men, to hold Rolling Fork
until he could reach it with his 'boats.
"After working all night," says Porter, " and
clearing out the obstructions, which were terrible,
we succeeded in getting within eight hundred yards
of the end of this troublesome creek ; had only
two or three large trees to remove, and one appar
ently short and easy lane of willows to work
through. The men being much worn out, we
rested at sunset.
" In the morning we commenced with renewed
vigor to work ahead through the willows, but our
passage was very slow ; the lithe trees defied our
utmost efforts to get by them, and we had to go
to work and pull them up separately, or cut them
off under water, which was a most tedious job.
" In the mean time, the enemy had collected ,and
landed about eight hundred men, and seven pieces
of artillery (from 20 to 30-pounders), which were
firing on our field-pieces from time to time, the
latter not having range enough to reach them.

142 LIFE OF GRANT.
" I was also informed that the enemy were cut
ting down trees in our rear, to prevent communi
cation by water, and also prevent our escape ; this
looked unpleasant. I knew that five thousand
had embarked at Haines' Bluff for this place,
immediately they heard we were attempting to
go through that way, and, as our troops had not
come up, I considered it unwise to risk the least
thing ; at all events, never to let my communi
cation be closed behind me. I was somewhat
strengthened in my determination to advance no
further until reinforced by land forces, when the
enemy, at sunset, opened on us a cross-fire with
six or seven rifled guns, planted somewhere off in
the woods, where 'we could see nothing but the
smoke. It did not take us long to dislodge them,
though, a large part of the crew being on shore at
the time, we could not fire over them, or until
they got on board. I saw at once the difficulties
we had to encounter, with a constant fire on our
working parties, and no prospect at present of the
troops getting along. I had received a letter from
General Sherman, informing me of the difficulties
in getting forward his men ; he doing his utmost,
I knew, to expedite matters.
" The news of the felling trees in our rear was
brought in frequently by negroes, who were press
ed into the service for cutting them, and I hesi
tated no longer about what to do. We dropped

porter's account. 143
down again, unshipped our rudders, and let the
vessels rebound from tree to tree. As we left, the
enemy took possession of the Indian mound, and
in the morning opened fire on the Carondelet, Lieu
tenant Murphy, and Cincinnati, Lieutenant Bache.
These two ships soon silenced the batteries, and
we were no longer annoyed.
" The sharpshooters hung about us, firing from
behind trees and rifle-pits, but with due precau
tion we had very few hurt — only five wounded by
rifle-balls — and they were hit by being imprudent.
" On the 21st, we fell in with Colonel Smith,
commanding Eighth Missouri, and other parts of
regiments. We were quite pleased to see him, as
I never knew before how much the comfort and
safety of iron-clads, situated as we were, depended
on soldiers. I had already sent out behind a
force of three hundred men, to stop the feUing of
trees in our rear, which Colonel Smith now took
charge of.
"The enemy had already felled over forty heavy
trees, which Lieutenant-Commander Owen, in the
Louisville, working night and day, cleared away
almost fast enough to permit us to meet with no
delay. "Colonel Smith's force was not large enough to
justify my making another effort to get through ;
he had no artillery, and would frequently have to
leave the vessels in following the roads.

144 LIFE OF GRANT.
" On the 22d, we came to a bend in the river,
where the enemy supposed they had blockaded us
completely, having cut a number of trees altogeth
er, and so intertwined that it seemed impossible to
move them. The Louisville was at work at them,
pulling them up, when we discovered about three
thousand rebels attempting to pass the edge of the
woods to our rear, while the negroes reported artil
lery coming up on our quarters.
" We were all ready for them, and, when the artil
lery opened on us, we opened such a fire on them,
that they scarcely waited to hitch up their horses.
At the same time, the rebel soldiers fell in -with
Colonel Smith's troops, and after a sharp skirmish
fled before the fire of our soldiers. After this we
were troubled no more."
Although Porter now. met Sherman's advancing
forces, he saw it would be folly to attempt to re
trace his steps, and so the expedition, after having
sailed over a hundred and forty miles, right through
plantations and forests, at length found itself once
more at the starting-point, and the last attempt
to get around Vicksburgh from the north was
abandoned, and Grant at once ordered the concen
tration of all his forces at Milliken's Bend.

CHAPTER IX.
RUNNING THE BATTERIES.
Grant resolves to run the Batteries with his Fleet; — Opposed by his
Officers — Boldness of the Resolution — Desperate Character of
his Plan — Attempt to remove him — Cooperation with Banks —
The Army marches below Vicksburgh — Running the Batteries —
A thrilling Spectacle — Success — Grand Gulf attacked — Re
pulse — Its Batteries run — Landing at Bruinsburgh — Energy
and Activity of Grant — Superintends every thing — Strikes In
land — Battle of Port Gibson — Grant assumes Command — The
Victory — Grand Gulf Evacuated— Entered by Grant.
Instead of being discouraged at these repeated
failures, occupying such a long time, until the pub
lic patience was well-nigh exhausted, Grant seemed
to feel relieved thatthese unsatisfactory experiments
were at last over, for he would now be justified in
taking the short bold course, so much more congenial
to his tastes, and in harmony with his character.
The winter and spring freshets had somewhat sub
sided, so that the peninsula opposite Vicksburg
might be made passable to troops, and he resolved
to march his army across it-to a point below, whUe
Porter run the batteries with his iron-clads and
steamers. Farragut had passed the batteries at
Port Hudson, with some of his vessels, so that
7

146 LIFE OF GRANT.
Grant was able to communicate with him respect
ing Banks, from whom he found he could expect
no support. He was aware that the Government
wished him to effect a junction with that officer
before Port Hudson, if the latter did not join him,
and it is believed by many that he resolved to do
so. Except the feeble attempt to open the Red
River route, we, however, see no evidence that he
ever wished to put himself under the control of
that political General. Besides, he knew that
Port Hudson was only an appendage to Vicks
burg, and to combine all their forces agamst a
mere outwork was unwise. He knew that if
Vicksburg was captured, Port Hudson would
faU without fighting ; but the overthrow of the lat
ter place would have no effect on the former, except
to sweU the forces that could be brought against
it. But by the time this was accomplished, the
enemy also would have concentrated forces to op
pose them, so that the relative strength of the two
would remain nearly the same. Grant, therefore,
with his clear perception, saw that Vicksburg
was the point where the blow should be struck,
and determined, if events justified it," to plant it
there. StiU, the objections to his contemplated
movement were grave, and the difficulties formida
ble, and the responsibihty and risk frightful. He
knew the country was filled with clamor against
him. Some of his best friends had deserted him.

A BOLD RESOLUTION. 147
Governors and members of Congress visited his
camp, and went away with dismal stories of his
inefficiency ; and everywhere it was said, that he
had only obstinacy in the presence of difficulties,
without the genius to overcome them. Confidence
in him was being lost, and now he proposed to
take a step full of peril, not only to himself, but
to the army. He was not going to risk a battle
to save his reputation, but to put it and the fate
of fifty thousand men on a single throw' — for with
the army once below Vicksburg, defeat was
destruction. He would have no base to fall back
upon, no line of retreat left open. Victories sud
den, rapid, constant, and overwhelming, he must
have, or he was lost. Resting, as he was, under a
cloud, it required a character of amazing strength,
under these circumstances, to venture on such a
bold and hazardous course. He might well hesi
tate, even though some of his\ ablest officers ap
proved it. But when, as they did, one and all,
oppose It, not hesitatingly and doubtfully, but de
cidedly and emphaticaUy, it seems marvellous that
he did not waver.
Sherman, his best and warmest friend, and ablest
general, wrote a letter to him urging him not to
venture on such a move. McPherson, equaUy
sagacious and beloved, with others, condemned it.
Government did not expect it — no one was near
by to sustain him in a course fraught with such fear-

148 LIFE OF GRANT.
ful consequences. Nothing excites our admiration
more for this strong, sUent man, than to see him
thus stand all alone-«-enemies without, and friends
within, standing aloof — whUe he gazes thought
fully, sternly, down the fearful abyss into which he
has determined to cast himself and his fifty thou
sand men.
To what a sublime height must he have reached,
to be so completely above all surrounding influ
ences of every kind ! How clear and penetrating
the glance that could see light beyond the dark
ness that bounded the vision of all others,
even the most clear-sighted. Self-poised, self-sus
tained, equal in himself alone to the great crisis
he had reached, he rises before us- like some
grand column, resting firm on its foundation by
mere weight alone. " Call a councU of officers be
fore deciding on so hazardous a step;" said the
sagacious, true-hearted Sherman—but he wanted
no council — his determination was unalterably
taken, and* nothing but positive orders from Gov
ernment could change it, and no one knows how
near those orders came to be issued. The Presi
dent was beset with men, high in position, warn
ing and beseeching him to remove Grant. One,
who had been a firm friend of the latter, waited on
Mr. Lincoln, and after reminding him of his past
friendship for Grant, said that he must now aban
don him. He evidently was not equal to the po-

TRIED A LITTLE LONGER. 149
sition that he occupied, and the good of the coun
try required that he should be sacrificed. The
President heard him through, and then, pausing
thoughtfuUy a moment, replied: "I rather hke
the man. J think Til try him a little longer.'1''
What momentous results hung on that little sen
tence! If it had been, "I'U try him no longer,"
who can calculate the delay, discouragements, and
loss of life that would have followed. Grant,
however, determined that if " a little longer" time
was given him, he would be beyond the reach of
orders from any source, untU his fate was sealed.
These might foUow him as fast as snow-flakes seek
the earth, yet they would not overtake the tramp
of his victorious battalions, if he were successful —
and if not, they would never find him. He took
no precautions against false accusations should he
fail — left behind ho defence to save his reputation.
SUent, calm, and resolute, he gave all his atten
tion to the mighty task before him. It is true,
his most intimate biographer states, that Grant
did not determine at first on the bold course
that he afterwards took — that his object in getting
below Vicksburg was to cooperate with Banks, at
Port Hudson, and help reduce it, when both
armies could move against Vicksburg. But we
see no evidence of this in his movements, and are
inclined to think the statement is made simply be
cause such was the drift of Grant's orders, and

150 LIFE OF GRANT.
such the wish of Halleck and the President. In
the first place, Banks was the senior of Grant, and
hence, in that case, would have assumed supreme
command, leaving the latter only a subordinate,
and, though he would never put his mere personal
ambition against the public service, he knew
enough of Banks' military education and career,
not to place much confidence in his abUity to
carry out such an expedition^ In this his best
officers sympathized with him. Besides, more than
a month previous, he had said that he had discover
ed a good wagon-road across the peninsula, from
Milliken's Bend to New Carthage, when the .water
was low,* and added, " My expectation is for some
of the naval fleet to run the batteries of Vicks
burg, whUst the army moves through by this new
route. Once there, I will move to Warrenton or
Grand Gulf, probably the latter. From either of
these points, there are good roads to Jackson and
the Black River bridge, without crossing Black
River. I wiU keep'my army together, and see to
it that I am not cut off from my supplies, or beat
in any other way than a fair fight."
But what had he to do with Black River or
Jackson, lying nearly fifty miles directly east of
Vicksburg, and nearly three times that distance
northeast from the point at which he proposed to
land ? To march back inland, fighting as he did
for a week or more, was certainly an extraordi-

HIS GREAT PLAN UNCHANGED. 151
nary way to reach Banks, at Port Hudson, nearly
two hundred miles below. More than this, there
was no change of circumstances whatever, after he
had passed Vicksburg, to induce him to change
his plan, if that was to cooperate with Banks.
On the contrary, the changes that did occur were
aU of a character to make him carry it out ; for he
was compelled to go below the point where he had
calculated he could cross the Mississippi. He did
not anticipate the necessity of going below Grand
Gulf. The point where he eventually planted his
army on the east shore, was so low down as to
increase the hazard of the enterprise against Vicks
burg, and took him just so far towards Banks.
In proportion as he increased the distance he
would have to march to get in the rear of Vicks
burg, in that same proportion did he give the
enemy time to concentrate his forces against him.
Hence, it is difficult to see what " circumstances "
induced Grant to change his plan, if that plan was
to send a corps to Port Hudson. It is true that
Grant had hoped to open an inland communica
tion, by bayous, through which transports could
pass, and so his route for supplies be kept open.
But, by the time he had got one vessel through,
low water made further navigation impracticable
and he had to resort to roads and bridges. But
all this took place before he started, and not after
he was below Vicksburg. More than this, all his

152 LIFE OF GRANT.
efforts on the east shore had not been merely to get
below the place, but behind it, and there he evi
dently determined to plant his army.
When Grant had his entire army weU in* hand,
and had gathered from up the river all the yawls
and boats he needed, he began his great decisive
movement. Porter's gunboats had shown that
they could pass the batteries with comparative
impunity, and the former resolved kr try the ex
periment of getting transports past also, whUe he
marched his army inland down the river to meet
them. It was resolved to test this matter at night,
and the plan adopted was, to have the iron-clads
move down and engage the batteries, whUe the
transports, under cover of the smoke and darkness,
should slip quietly by, near the western shore. It
was a desperate enterprise, to which men could
not legitimately be ordered, and volunteers were
therefore called for. So many offered, that the
necessary number had finally to be drawn by lot.
Grant resolved to try the experiment first with
three transports.
A little before midnight, the gunboats moved
from their moorings and dropped sUently down
the river, foUowed by the transports. Seven iron
clads engaged the batteries, while the river steam
ers, towing the barges, attempted to run the gaunt
let of their fire for fifteen mUes. It was a night
of intense anxiety to Grant; for if this plan

RUNNING THE BATTERIES. 153
failed, even his fertile resources could see no way
of getting in the rear of Vicksburg. An hour
had not elapsed after the boats disappeared in the
darkness, before the thunder of artiUery shook the
shore, foUowed soon after by the flame of a confla
gration, kindled by the rebels, to light up the bo
som -of the Mississippi. Under its blaze* the poor
transports lay revealed as distinctly as though the
noon-day sun was shining, while the men on board
in turn could see the soldiers hurrying through the
streets of Vicksburg,.and working the guns. They
at once became an exposed target to the heavy bat
teries, the sheUs of which cut the ropes and rods
supporting the chimneys of the boats, burst in the
pilot-houses, and among the machinery, and fill
ed the air on every side with their flying frag
ments. Yet the little fleet steamed rapidly on,
hugging the opposite shore, hoping under its
shadow and the covering smoke to escape destruc- 9
tion. Grant stood on a transport located just
above the bend, and watched the movement with
the deepest anxiety. He was within range of the
rebel batteries, and shot and shell fell all around
him. . Yet he never moved, but kept his eyes on
the bosom of the stream, now hght as day, where
his barges moved, mere dark specks on the wa
ter. "Every transport was struck, and two- were
drawn into the eddy, and ran over a part of the

154 LIFE OF GRANT.
distance in front of Vicksburg no less than three
times. The Forest Queen was disabled by a
round shot, and drifted down opposite the lower
picket stations, where the gunboat Tuscumbia
took her in tow, and landed her just above the cre
vasse at New Carthage. The Henry Clay also be
came disabled, and was in a sinking condition soon
after coming within range of the upper batteries ;
she had in tow a barge with soldiers on board,
which was cast loose, and floated down the stream.
Not long afterwards the boat itself took fire, from
the explosion of a shell, and burned to the wa
ter's edge, drifting along with the current, a flam
ing mass. General Sherman was in a small boat,
watching the bombardment, and picked up the
phot as he floated from the wreck. The crew
pushed off in yawls to the Louisiana side, where
they landed, and hid " themselves behind an old
levee, during the cannonade. After it had ceased,
they made their way back through the submerged
swamps, to camp."
" The light streamed up from the blazing hull of
the Henry Clay, and threw into strong rehef
against the shadows of night the. other transports,
and the gunboats at their fiery work. The cur
rents were strong, and dangerous eddies delayed
the vessels ; the lights glaring in every direction,
and the smoke enveloping the squadron, confused
the pUots ; the bulwarks, even of the iron-clads,
/

PAST THE BATTERIES. 155
were crushed ; and the uproar of artiUery, reecho-
in o- from the hills, was incessant. One of the
heaviest guns of the enemy was seen to burst it
the streets of Vicksburg, and the whole popula
tion was awake tod out of doors, watching the
scene on which its destinies depended. For two
hours and forty minutes the fleets were under
fire. But at last the transports and the gunboats
had all got out of range, the blazing beacons on
the hills and streams burned low, the array of
batteries belching flame and noise from the em
battled bluffs had ceased their utterances, and
silence and darkness resumed their sway over the
beleaguered city, and the swamps and rivers that
encircle Vicksburg." *
The next night Grant sent down six more
steamers towing twelve coal barges, of which all
but one steamer, and half the barges, got through,
though most were more or less damaged.
In the mean time, McClernand, by order of
Grant, had taken his corps, which had the honor
to form the advance, and marched across the
peninsula, driving the enemy out of Richmond, -
that lay in his- route, while the pioneer corps,
under Captain Patterson, made a bridge two
hundred feet long, of the logs taken from the
adjacent houses. The columns marched over, but
the difficulties of the route had but just com-
*Col. Badean.

156 LIFE OF GRANT.
menced. " Old roads had to be repaired, new
ones made, boats constructed for the transporta
tion of men and supplies, twenty miles of levee
sleeplessly guarded day and night, and every pos
sible precaution taken to prevent the rising flood
from breaking through the levee and engulfing us."
The rebel cavalry were also hovering around, but,
being at last driven across Bayou Vidal, McCler
nand, on the 4th of April, embarked in a skiff,
and, accompanied by Osterhaus and his staff,
roAved down to within half a mile of Carthage, on
the Mississippi river. Fired upon by. the enemy,
the skiff was brought to a halt, but not until it
was ascertained that the levee had been cut, and
the water, in three currents, was pouring through,
flooding aU the country. Capturing a flat-boat,
McClernand mounted it with two howitzers, and
embarking a party, sent it down to drive the enemy
out of Carthage, which they succeeded in doing.
In this march, McClernand constructed nearly
two thousand feet of bridging out of material
created, for the most part, on the occasion — com
pleting, in three days and nights, the great mili
tary road across the Peninsula, from the Missis
sippi river to a point forty miles below Vicks
burg. Grant's orders to him were to occupy Grand
Gulf, expecting that the troops would, be em
barked at Carthage, and taken down in trans-

ATTACK ON GRAND GULF. 157
ports to that point. But this being found im
practicable, the only course left open was for the
troops to keep on down the river, nearly fifty
mUes, to Hard Times, building bridges and con
structing roads as they marched. This place at
length was reached, Avhere the transports were
awaiting them to carry them across to Grand
Gulf, the spot selected by Grant for landing.
But here, again, the rebels had anticipated him,
and formidable batteries frowned from the place.
The 17th Corps, under McPherson, had foUow
ed close on the heels of McClernand, and Grant,
after consulting with Admiral Porter, resolved to
make an attempt to carry the works by assault.
The plan was, for Porter to move up and silence
the batteries, when the troops, which were on
transports, would land and finish the Avork. On
the morning of the 29th of April, the Admiral
steamed boldly up with his six iron-clads, and for
five hours and a half poured in shot and shell — at
times running his vessels almost up to the muz
zles of the hostile guns. But the works were too
elevated to be easily reached from the water, and
although he could with his terrible fire drive the
men from the guns, he was unable to dismount a
single piece. Grant stood on a transport a little
distance off, and watched the battle. Porter at
length withdrew, having lost seventy-nine in killed
and wounded.

158 LIFE OF GRANT.
Grant then signalled to him to be taken on
board the flagship. It was now afternoon, and as
time was every thing, he directed the Admiral, with
his battered fleet, and carrying the wounded, to
run the batteries with the transports that very
night, while he disembarked the troops at Hard
Times, and commenced his march below. He in
the mean time directed the eastern shore to be ex
amined, with a view of ascertaining the locality'
and state of the roads leading from Grand Gulf
back into the interior. The whole country seemed
flooded, and he expected to float down the river
until he could find high solid ground ; but being
informed by a negro, that a good dry road led
from the shore at Bruinsburg directly back to the
bluffs, which were tAvo mUes distant, he landed
there. In the mean time, he directed Sherman, who
had not yet left MUliken's Bend, to make a demon
stration against Vicksburg, in order to keep Pem
berton, the .commander there, from sending rein
forcements to Grand Gulf, while he attacked it.
This Sherman did ; but on the 1st of May, he re
ceived orders from Grant, to push on with all pos
sible speed to join him. The latter also directed a
battery to be planted at Perkins' landing, and an
improvised gunboat stationed there to protect his.
supplies gathered at that point. He at the same
time ordered two more tugs, with two barges car
rying provisions, to run the batteries at Vicksburg.

THOROUGHLY AROUSED. 159
" Do this," he said, " with aU expedition, in forty-
eight hours from receipt of orders, if possible. This
is of immense importance. Should the crews de
cline running through, caU on the commanding
officer for volunteers, and discharge the crews."
At the sametime that he was" setting every thing in
motion above him, he was marshalling his columns
for an immediate advance up the river. He
directed the chief commissary of the Thirteenth
Corps, stiU in advance, to issue three days' rations,
which were to last five, and not detain the officers
drawing them to give vouchers for them, as was
customary. Every hour was priceless, and not a
moment's delay could be aUowed. His strong
nature, seemingly so sluggish, now exhibited its
inherent strength ; and his mind, usuaUy slow in
its operations, worked with the rapidity of light
ning. He seemed omnipresent, and to embrace
the minutest details in his swift, searching survey
of his position. Nothing was left to subordinates
but to execute his orders, which flew from one to
another incessantly. No mistake must be made,
and to avoid one he superintended every thing
himself, and kept in the advance where he could
do it.
He had not transports enough, and gunboats
were used as such, to hurry the arriving troops
over the*river. Tents and wagons he ordered to
be left behind tiU every man was across. His

160 LIFE OF GRANT.
own horse shared the common fate. Subordinates
caught the, spirit of their chief, and every thing
moved as if the fate of the army rested on the
next hour. Hence, the shore at Bruinsburg, was
a scene of intense activity aU day, for it was six
mUes from the point • where the troops were em
barked, so that many trips had to be made with
his scant transportation, to get them over; but in
twenty-four hours all of McClernand's corps and
one division of McPherson's were landed, and by
sunset, the bluffs, two miles distant, were reached.
Grant knew the moment he . struck inland, the
enemy would penetrate his design, and so that
very afternoon McClernand's corps was started
off towards Port Gibson, lying to the southeast
of Grand Gulf, the occupation of which would
uncover the latter place'. He did not even wait
for the army-wagons to be brought across the
river, but with three day's rations moved off at
once. Grand Gulf, which he designed to make
his base of supphes, must be taken before the
enemy at Vicksburg, informed of his intentions,
could reinforce the place. He saw that it must be
swift marching, quick fighting, sudden and con
stant victories, or the storm would gather so
heavUy about him that his advance would.be
stopped. Hence he ordered as little baggage to
be taken as possible, and set the example of re
trenchment himself. Washburne, member of

SCANT BAGGAGE. 161
Congress from Illinois, his ever fast friend, accom
panied the expedition, and says that Grant took
with him " neither a horse, nor an orderly, nor a
camp-chest, nor an overcoat, nor a blanket, nor
even a clean shirt. His entire baggage for six
days was a tooth-brush. He fared like the com
monest soldier in his command, partaking of his
rations and sleeping upon the ground, with no
covering but the canopy of heaven." This shows
not only how terribly in earnest Grant at this
point was, but also how thoroughly he compre
hended the perU of his situation.
McClernand's corps started at three o'clock
in the afternoon, and kept up its march till two
o'clock in the morning, when it was suddenly
brought to a halt by a battery in. its path. At
daybreak this was reconnoitred.
The rebel commander at Grand Gulf, informed
of Grant's movements, . had marched promptly
out with eleven thousand men, and taken a strong
position along some deep ravines, flanked by heavy
woods and canebrakes. McClernand, however,
deployed his men the best way he could, and ad
vanced to the attack. The first thunder of artil
lery roused Grant, who was still at the landing,
eight miles off, to the perU of a repulse, and
ordering McPherson to push on as fast as possi
ble, borrowed a horse (for his own was not yet
across), and with only his staff accompanying him,

162 LIFE OF GRANT.
galloped to the battle-field. The moment he
arrived, he assumed command, and pressed the
rebel position with relentless severity. In a few
hours McPherson's columns appeared on the field,
when Grant ordered him at once to move a bri
gade to the help of Osterhaus, on the left, who
could make no headway against the enemy. Grant
accompanied this brigade in person, and directed
it to charge across a ravine on the rebel flank,
while Osterhaus should assault in front. It was
done with a cheer, and Grant, with a smile; saw
the hostile ranks give way, and after a short strug
gle to bear up against the shock, turn in swift
retreat. Position after position was now carried,
untU the whole rebel army was driven back. The
victorious troops followed untU darkness shut out
every thing from view, when a halt was ordered,
at a point only two miles from Port Gibson. Di
recting that no camp-fires should be lighted, except
in the rear, or in deep gullies, and that the artil
lery be placed so as to command the surrounding
country, Grant ordered McClernand to attack the
enemy at daybreak. He then sat down and wrote
his despatch to Washington by moonlight.
His loss in killed and wounded in this battle
Avas a little over eight hundred ; that of the ene
my somewhat less, as he was protected by his
position. Grant, however, took six hundred and
fifty prisoners, and six guns. Bowen, the rebel

OCCUPIES GRAND GULF. 163
general, did not wait for daybreak, but decamped
in the night across the Bayou Pierre, destroying
the bridge behind him. McClernand was at once
set to work to rebuild it, which took all day. The
next, the third, Grant pushed on the forces under
McPherson, who crowded the enemy back, driving
them through WUlow Springs, a distance of fifteen
miles from Port Gibson, and over the Big Black
River in such haste, that they had not time to de
stroy the bridge.
These successes compeUed the evacuation of
Grand Gulf, and on the same day Grant, faking
one of Logan's brigades, and an escort of cavalry,
left WUlow Springs for that place. He found
Porter in possession of it. He had now for three
days been almost constantly in the saddle, not
having had his clothes off during that time, but
snatching his repose when and where he could.
Going aboard one of the gunboats, he borrowed a
change of linen, and then sat down and wrote
despatches till midnight.

CHAPTER X.
THE GREAT MARCH.
A Perilous Resolve — Cuts loose from his Base — Untiring Activity
— Urgent Orders — Sherman's Arrival — His Astonishment —
Grant Marches for Jackson — Address to Ms Troops — His little
Son accompanies him — Despatch to Halleck — McPherson de
feats Johnston — Jackson evacuated — Grant's Son the first to
enter it — Sherman left to destroy Public Property — The Army
marches back toward Vicksburg — Johnston outmarched — Bat
tle of Champion's Hill — Grant with hi3 Boy under Fire —
"The Hill of Death "—Battle of Black River— Before Vicks
burg — Sherman's Opinion of the Campaign — Results of it —
Its Resemblance to Napoleon's Italian Campaign.
It is stated that, up to this time, Grant had not
abandoned the design of establishing himself at
Grand Gulf,- and sending a corps to the aid of
Banks. Be that as it may, aU his movements
looked in a different direction. A letter which he
here received from Banks, stating that he would
not be at Port Hudson for a week to come, left
no room for further hesitation, if it ever existed.
But instead of pushing directly for Vicksburg,
Grant having learned that a large army was gath
ering in the interior to reinforce it, which would
make the garrison outnumber his army, he deter
mined to throw himself between the two, and
prevent the junction. At the same time, he wished

A DARING RESOLUTION. 165
to seize Jackson, fifty miles in rear of Vicksburg,
and situated at the junction of the railroads by
which the garrison was supplied. It was a bold,
perilous movement. He might not prevent the
junction of the two armies, when he would be too
feeble to offer battle, whUe to keep open his com
munication with Grand Gulf, his depot of supplies
fifty miles distant would require half of his army
In this dilemma, he took the daring resolution of
cutting loose from his base altogether, and with
only three days' rations in the haversacks of the
soldiers, swing his army at once into .the interior,
trusting to the resources of the country to furnish
the balance of the supplies. He knew that this
step was looked upon with alarm by his best offi
cers. Not that they feared for themselves, for
more loyal, fearless, and gallant subordinates
never gathered around a great leader ; but they
feared faUure and ruin to the army, and damage
to the common cause. They therefore respectfuUy
urged him not to attempt it ; but he stood, firm,
though he stood alone. He knew, moreover, that
if his purpose was known to the "Government, he
would be promptly ordered to face about, StUl,
he did not waver a moment. This quiet faith in
himself invests him with a grandeur greater even
than his victories.
Without parade, quietly, yet with a resolution
fixed as the granite hills, he, at midnight on the

166

LIFE OF GRANT.

3d of May, mounted his horse, " turned his back
on the Mississippi River," and started for the ad-
"vance. The die was cast ; it was now victory or
annihUation, glory or disgrace, life or death, with
him and his noble army. He knew all this, as
he rode on through the deep night, but he felt no
misgivings, no regrets. Thoughtful and solemn,
as befitting so momentous a decision, he was never
theless borne up by a serene confidence in the cor
rectness of his judgment". Paralyzed by no fore
bodings, his mental faculties, instead of being
depressed by the Aveight of responsibility he had
taken on himself, were roused into tenfold activity.
No orders could reach him now, until it was too
late to obey them. Unfettered and free, he was
in just the position for which nature designed
him, and he went to work with an energy and
power that astonish us. The army must be got
in hand as quickly as untiring efforts, and work
by night and day, could do it; and then he meant
his motto should be that of Danton's, " Audace,
audace, toujours audace." His' staff was now
aUowed scarcely a moment's rest, and his orders
flew from point to point with bewUdering rapid
ity. Sherman was hurried forward with urgent
appeals. Hurlbut, at Memphis, was directed to
send on a division at once ; another was ordered
from MUliken's Bend, with directions to march
by brigades. At the same time, the road across

URGENT ORDERS. 167
the peninsula Avas ordered to be shortened, so that
the trains could be pushed forward more rapidly.
He also sent a despatch to the commissary at
Grand Gulf to issue three days' rations, which
must be made to last five, " if not seven, days,"
without waiting to go through the prescribed
forms. A staff-officer was hurried thither with a
carte blanche to use Grant's name in any way ne
cessary to rush on the supplies, while the hard-
worked commissary was overwhelmed with the
questions, " How many teams have been loaded
with rations and sent forward ? Hoav many wag
ons have you ferried over the river 1 How many
are still to bring over ? What teams have gone
back for rations ? " and so on. He heard the
sound of the mustering hosts, whose junction
must be prevented at all hazards, and every hour
was pregnant with destiny to him. At the same
time, he directed McClernand to sweep the sur
rounding country for forage, and McPherson to
push his reconnoissance up to the outposts of Vicks
burg, in order to make the commander there be
lieve that he designed to move directly on the place.
As soon as Sherman's columns got within sup
porting distance, McPherson and McClernand
Avere pushed forward. Sherman, when he reach
ed Hankinson's Ferry, was amazed at the evidence
of hurry on every side. The trains and escorting
troops were in confusion, each team hurrying for-

168 LIFE OF GRANT.
ward without stopping to consider the order of its
going. Ignorant of Grant's determination to swing
loose from his base, he wrote to him, describing the
chaos he had found on the road, and begging him
to stop tiU he could get things arranged more sys
tematically ; for, said he, "this road wUl be jam
med, as sure as life, if you attempt to supply fifty
thousand men by one single road." To this com
munication he received the foUowing reply, which
must have startled him beyond expression : " I do
not calculate upon the possibility of supplying the
army with full rations from Grand Gulf. I know
it will be impossible without constructing addi
tional roads. What I do expect, however, is to
get up what rations of hard-bread^ coffee, and salt
we can, and make the country furnish the balance.
We started from Bruinsburg with an average of
about two days' rations, and I received no more
from our own supphes for some days ; abundance
was found in the mean time. Some corn-meal,
bacon, and vegetables were found, and an abun
dance of beef and mutton. A delay Avould give the
enemy time to reinforce and fortify. If Blair
was up now, I believe we could be in Vicksburg
in seven days. The command here has an aver
age of about three days'1 rations, which could be
made to last that time. You are in a country
where the troops have already lived off the people
for some days, and may find provisions more

A NOBLE ADDRESS. 169
scarce; but, as we get upon new soil, they are
more abundant, particularly in corn and cattle.
Bring Blair's two brigades up as soon as pos
sible. .,...."
The movements of the several corps and divis
ions cannot be described with any satisfaction to the
general reader. Grant had not proceeded far from
Hankinson's Ferry, before he learned that Pem
berton was concentrating his troops at Edwards'
Station, some twenty-five miles out of Vicksburg,
towards which the latter supposed our columns
were moving. This caused a change in the order
and direction of the march, for Grant was deter
mined to get into Jackson, destroy the stores
there, and defeat Johnston, who was hastening
towards it, before the latter could effect a junction
with Pemberton. _ Aware of . the short rations,
heavy marching, and constant fighting awaiting
his army, Grant, before leaving Hankinson's
Ferry, issued the following stirring address to his
troops, which has the ring of some of Napoleon's
famous proclamations :
Headqttabteks Army oe the Tennessee, in the Field, }
Hankinson's Feeet, May 7. \
Soldiers of the Army of Tennessee :
Once more I thank you for adding another victory to
the long list of those previously Avon hy your valor and
endurance. The triumph gained over the enemy near
Port Gibson, on the first, was one of the most impor
tant of the" Avar. The capture of five cannon, and more
8

170 LIFE OF GRANT.
than one thousand prisoners, the possession of Grand
Gulf, and a firm foothold on the highlands between the
Big Black and Bayou Pierre, from whence we threaten
the whole line of the enemy, are among the fruits of this
brilliant achievement. The march from Milliken's
Bend to the point opposite Grand Gulf, was made in
stormy weather, over the worst of roads. Bridges and
ferries had to be constructed. Moving by night as well
as by day, with labor incessant, and extraordinary pri
vations, endured hy men and officers, such as have been
rarely paralleled m any campaign, not a murmur or
complaint has been uttered. A few days continuance
of tne same zeal and constancy, will secure to this army
crowning victories over the rebellion.
More difficulties and privations are before us ; let us
endure them manfully. Other battles are to be fought ;
let us fight them bravely. A grateful country will re
joice at our success, and history will record it with im
mortal honor. U. S. Geant,
Brig.-Gen. Commanding.
He set an example of the privations and endur
ance which he required of his troops. Satisfied
with his hard bread and coffee, sleeping on the
porch of some house along the road, or wherever
he found time to take a little repose, he showed
himself impervious to fatigue, and indifferent to
ordinary comforts. A little son, only thirteen
years of age, accompanied him in this trying,
strange campaign, and, though hardly-big enough
to sit a horse, was seen gaUoping alongside of his
father. Taking the hard fare of the day without
murmuring, he slept in his strong arms by night.
The stern leader, carrying the fate of- the army

A SIGNIFICANT DESPATCH. 171
on his heart, conld yet find time to enjoy the prat
tle of his boy, and the two moved on amid the
crowding columns, and into the confused noise of
battle, a strange contrast, yet a touching picture,
which often brought the tears to the soldiers' eyes.
To McPherson was assigned the duty of push
ing forward and seizing Jackson, while the main
army was held back to watch Pemberton. The
former pushed on in the direction marked out by
Grant, who, day by day, changed the detaUs of
his main plan according as the movements of the
enemy made it necessary. Arriving at Cayuga,
he, on the 11th of May, wrote to HaUeck, stating
his position and purpose, and closed with the fol
lowing significant sentence : " As I shaU communi
cate with Grand Gulf no more, unless it becomes ne
cessary to send a train with a heavy escort, you mat
NOT HEAR FROM ME AGAIN FOR SEVERAL DAYS."
He certainly did not wish to hear from him, for
he knew the General-in-Chief well, and feared an
order to abandon at once his daring movement,
which he had no intention of doing. It was weU
for the country that communication was cut off; for
that very day a despatch was flashing along the
wires ordering him to return and cooperate with
Banks. When it finally reached Grant he was re
turning, though not to Grand Gulf, but to Vicks
burg, over the shattered battalions of Pemberton.
McPherson moved forward, and on the 12th

172

LIFE OF GRANT.

came upon the enemy, numbering five thousand,
posted in a strong position, within two miles of
Raymond. Sweeping these from his path, in a
short, sharp battle, he kept on towards Jackson —
marching on the 14th twelve miles through a
blinding, pitUess storm. At ten o'clock he drew
up his drenched army before the formidable breast
works of the enemy, who were not only strongly
protected, but also out-numbered him heavUy.
The storm now broke, and the spring sun shorfe
forth in all its splendor, making the rain-drops on
the trees and meadows shine like jewels. Awak
ened by the freshness and beauty, the birds came
out and filled the air with their gay carols, a rain
bow spanned the heavens, and all combined to
make it a scene of transcendent loveliness. Amid
this peaceful splendor, McPherson drew up .his
fifteen thousand bayonets, and riding along the
glittering line on his splendid black charger,
aroused the enthusiasm of his men by a stirring
appeal. As soon as the artUlery had got into posi
tion and thoroughly searched the hostile Avorks, he
ordered a charge. At first, slowly and with
measured steps, as though on a dress parade,
Croker's whole line moved over the field, closing
up, calmly, the ugly rents made by the rebel artil
lery, and kept sternly on without returning a shot
tUl within thirty yards of the works, when a sud
den flash leaped from the ranks, followed by a

ENTERS JACKSON. 173
cheer that shook the field; and then, with one
bound, they scaled the ramparts and poured like
a resistless flood through the hostUe camp, scatter
ing every thing from their path, and chasing the
flying foe into Jackson.
Grant had by this movement completely deceiv
ed Pemberton, who all this time lay at Edwards'
Station aAvaiting an attack from him.
Not knowing what force Johnston might have
been able to concentrate at Jackson, and its pos
session being of vital importance to him, Grant
had directed Sherman to follow McPherson, to
aid him if necessary ; and his presence at the criti
cal moment on the flank of the enemy hastened
his flight.
McPherson, now moving forward, came, at
length, in sight of the rebel intrenchments and
rifle-pits in front of Jackson. These extended as
far as the eye could reach, and presented a formi
dable appearance. Grant, in the mean time, had
joined Sherman, and seeing how strong and ex
tensive the works were, directed him to send a
force to the extreme right, to see if a flank move
ment could not be made in -that direction. After
waiting some time to hear the result of this move
ment, and becoming impatient at the delay, he, ac
companied only by his staff and httle boy, rode
over to see about it. He found that the enemy
had evacuated the place, and the road leading into

174 LIFE OF GRANT.
it was clear. He immediately pushed forward,
when his son clapped spurs to his horse, and
dashing ahead, galloped alone into the capital of
the State, the first into it. Grant smiled at his
enthusiam, and followed him leisurely.
He was now at the goal of his march westward,
in which he had shattered Johnston's army though
he had not captured it, as he hoped to do. On the
contrary it had escaped to the north, evidently with
the intention of coming down on the railroad west
of him, and joining Pemberton. This he must
prevent at aU hazards, and calling his corps com
manders around him in the State Hall that after
noon, he gave them their instructions. Sherman's
duty was to occupy the town and works, and de
stroy the railroad track, stores, and property that
could aid the enemy.
The night before, Johnston had sent a despatch,
by three different messengers, to Pemberton, re
questing him to hasten up, and attack Grant's
rear so that he might be kept at bay until the
troops that were being hurried forward could have
time to come up. One of these despatches was
sent by a man who Avas in Jackson as a Union
spy, whither he had traveUed from Memphis.
He took it straight to McPherson, who sent it
and the bearer to Grant. The latter, therefore,
became fully aware of the enemy's plans, and
could act with certainty and promptness. Mo

OUTWITS THE ENEMY. 175
Pherson, in consequence, was sent that afternoon
back towards Bolton, distant some twenty miles —
the nearest place that Johnston could strike the rail
road in his march to join Pemberton. To Mc
Clernand, who Avas far in the rear, he also sent a
despatch directing him to march in the same direc
tion. His orders were urgent. General Blair, at
Auburn, was also ordered to move towards the same
point, and the tired columns were soon sweeping
over the broken country towards a common cen
tre. The rains had made the roads heavy, and
the troops were weary, but they marched cheer
fully off.
Pemberton was still at Edwards' Station, where
he had called a council of war to decide whether
he should obey Johnston's order to move on
Grant's rear. At this very time, the latter was
being driven from Jackson. Completely deceived
by the celerity of his adversary's movements, Pem
berton finally determined to act on his own judg
ment, and by a briUiant movement cut Grant's
communication with Grand Gulf. He did not
know that Grant had done this for himself long
ago, and would be, on that very afternoon and night,
bearing down upon him with his victorious col
umns. He, however, soon discovered his mistake,
and reversing his march moved back to Edwards'
Station, towards which Grant's army was advanc
ing along three different roads. McClernand was

176 LIFE OF GRANT.
ordered to push Blair's and A P. Smith's divis
ions along by the southern road — Carr's and Os
terhaus' by the middle road, while Hovey kept
along the northern one, which runs direct from
Bolton to it.
Smith's advance first came upon the enemy's
skirmishers, when firing commenced. Pemberton
kept retiring, until by the fierce manner in which
he was pressed he found, to his astonishment, that
Grant's army Avas in his front He then formed
his line of battle, with his left resting on Cham
pion HU1, the highest ground in sight. The slopes
of this hill were heavily wooded, and seamed with
ravines, Avhich made it difficult for troops to ad
vance up them in any order. The top was cleared
of all trees and underbrush, thus furnishing a
fine position for the enemy's artillery, which,
planted there, swept the entire country around.
Pemberton's line of battle extended for four
mUes, running southward from this cfest — his
centre being on the middle road from Raymond.
Hovey's division came up on the Bolton road in
front of the hiU. Lqgan, with two brigades, was
to the right of the road, and farther advanced.
Grant labored under great disadvantage in be
ing ignorant of the country, while the enemy was
thoroughly acquainted with every foot of it. Nor
was this all ; the former could not spare time to
make thorough reconnoissances nor gradual ap-

spies. 177
proaches. Swung out as his army was into the
open country, it must keep moving tUl its base was
secured. Besides, delay would give time for
the rebel reinforcements to arrive, and combine
agamst him. He must, therefore, not only fight
the enemy on unknoAvn ground, but fight him as
soon as found. Hence he resolved to wait here
only long enough to get a part of his army up, and
the rest in supporting distance, before he moved
on the enemy's position.
That night two men employed on the railroad
came into his lines, and reported Pemberton's for
ces to be twenty thousand strong. Grant was
waked up at daybreak to receive these messengers.
He immediately sent back to Sherman, who was
finishing the work of destruction at Jackson, to
hurry forward to his support, as the entire force
of the enemy was immediately in front, and a
battle might be brought on at any moment. The
despatch was urgent, and in one hour after Sher
man received it, the columns of his advance
division were- in motion. At half past six, a de
spatch was received from McPherson, asking Grant
to come to the front immediately. The latter gal
loped off at once, and on his way found the road
blocked with teams, so that the troops could not
pass. These he ordered to be drawn up one side
immediately, so as to to give room for the marching
columns. Reaching Hovey, he found him drawn up
8*

178 LIFE OF GRANT.
in order of battle, but he would not let him com
mence the attack untU he could hear from McCler
nand, moving up on the southern road. Officer after
officer was sent with headlong speed to the latter,
with orders to press on with all haste. "Close up
your forces expeditiously as possible," he said.
The firing which had been kept up betAveen
Hovey's and the enemy's skirmishers all the
morning, increased in fierceness, until by eleven
o'clock the battle was fairly opened. The bald
top of the hUl crowned with the hostUe batteries,
was eAddently the key to the whole position of the
enemy, and hence the great struggle centred here.
McPherson posted two batteries in an advanta
geous position, and opened a terrible fire upon
it. Under cover of it Hovey pushed boldly for
ward in the face of a murderous fire of musketry,
and began to mount the tangled slope. Inch by
inch, the irregular line pressed upward, until at
last the height was won, and several guns and
prisoners feU into his hands. But the enemy ral
lied behind a deep cut in the road, which had been
sunk in the ridge, whUe Pemberton, informed of
the repulse at this vital point, hurried forward
reinforcements that now came pouring along the
crest with loud yeUs. These charging with the
re-formed troops on Hovey, bore him back, after a
gaUant attempt on his part to hold his ground.
Grant all this time stood on an eminence that was

UNDER FIRE WITH HIS SON. 179
in range of the enemy's guns, with his little son by
his side, watching the varying fortunes of the fight
with the intensest interest, and wondering at the
unaccountable detention of McClernand. The balls
whistled around them, but he thought only of the
struggle, on the issue of which his fate depended.
B: McClernand's four divisions would only come
up, victory would be certain ; and he therefore
again despatched an officer urging him forward.
But this commander was kept back by a small
force, the size of Avhich he could not ascertain in
the thickly- wooded country through which he had
to move. But the heavy roar of artillery, and
crash of musketry in front, would have told him
on a moment's reflection, that the decisive battle
was being fought there, and that the force that
hovered around his advance, could only be a thin
curtain of troops, whose sole object was to keep
him away from the spot where the great struggle
was going on. Grant's anxiety was ¦ becoming
painful, when he, saw a brigade of Crocker's, march
ing rapidly on the field. He immediately sent it
in to the aid of Hovey, who could hardly hold his
own. Thus strengthened, this gallant officer was
able to maintain his ground. The enemy, how
ever, pressed heavUy upon him, and the fifteen
thousand men under McClernand were sorely
needed. Again forced to retire, Hovey sent back
for help. But Grant expected every moment to

180 LIFE OF GRANT.
hear the roar of McClernand's guns to the south,
and delayed, for he had no troops to spare. At
this critical moment, it seemed that the enemy
would win and hold the height. Seeing the dan
ger, Grant at last ordered two more of Crocker's
brigades into the gap between Logan and Hovey,
which had been made by the movement of the
former farther to the right; whUe McPherson,
with such troops as he could gather, was directed
to sweep round to the rebel rear.. McPherson
moved off at the double quick, while Crocker's
brigades charged with a cheer, roUing back the
hostUe line. But fresh reinforcements kept pour
ing in from that portion of the rebel line on which
McClernand should have been pressing, and the
danger of defeat was imminent, when a brigade of
Logan's, marching at the double quick, charged
across a ravine in flank and up the hill, carrying
an important position and capturing seven guns.
In the mean time McPherson had worked so far
around to the enemy's rear, that, fearing their re
treat would be cut off, they broke and fled, and
the battle of Champion HU1 was won. Pursuit
was kept up tiU after dark, when the tired troops
were halted.
Grant conducted this battle in person, and
fought it with only fifteen thousand men. It is
easy to see, therefore, what the result would have
been, had the other fifteen thousand under Mc
Clernand came up in time, as he expected.

HILL OF DEATH. 181
Grant's loss in this desperate battle was nearly
one sixth of all the force engaged — that of the
enemy was about three thousand killed and
wounded, and three thousand prisoners. But
what was of still more consequence, one whole
division, composing Pemberton's right, was cut
off from the main army by Grant's pursuit, and
never joined it again — thus materially lessening the
garrison at Vicksburg.
The hilL for the possession of which this san
guinary struggle had taken place, presented a
frightful appearance. Nearly five thousand men
had fallen on the narrow spot, and pools of blood
stood in the trampled and muddy road, -while
mangled corpses strewed the summit and sides.
Dead and dying horses, and broken artillery car
riages, and abandoned arms, helped to sweU the
horrors ef the scene. Friend and foe were heaped
together in one "red burial blent." It was a
ghastly spectacle, even to the soldiers, and they
named it the " Hill of Death.1"
Grant, with his staff, pushed on with the pursu
ing column, and actuaUy got ahead of it in the dark
ness, and had to retrace his steps tUl he reached it.
A house stood near the camp, which Pember
ton had used for a field hospital during the day,
and was now hteraUy crowded with the dead and
dying. No tents or wagons had yet come up, and
Grant, with his boy by his side,- stretched himself

182 LIFE OF GRANT.
on the porch, and endeavored to snatch a little re
pose amid the groans of the sufferers, who lay
bleeding and dying within. That night he re
ceived Halleek's despatch of the 11th of May,
ordering him to return and cooperate with Banks ;
but the campaign that seemed so daring had been
won. " The subordinate was indeed retracing his
steps, but with victorious banners ; no danger now
of rebuke; no more countermands, no more
recalls." Grant had moved so rapidly that John
ston was now hopelessly cut off from Pemberton.
On the very day of the battle, the rebel com
mander was resting his troops, after performing
the prodigious march, the day before, often mUes.
While he was thus halting, Sherman was pressing
forward at the urgent order of Grant, and after
mid-day made twenty miles.
Starting' a column in pursuit the next morn
ing, before it was fairly light, Grant came up in
about six mUes with the enemy, strongly posted
on both sides of the Big Black river.. On the side
nearest him they were encircled by a bayou, with
its extremities touching the river above and below
their position, whUe on the opposite side arose a
bluff black with batteries. McClernand had
scarcely opened with his artiUery, when the gal
lant Osterhaus was wounded. In the mean time,
Gen. Lawler had crept around to the right, and
then charged over the open ground to the bayou.

A STRUGGLE FOR LIFE. 183
Finding a spot wide enough for four men to pass
abreast, where the brushwood had not been pUed
up, the men, flinging their blankets and haver
sacks on the ground, plunged into the water, and
struggling across amid the raining buUets, suddenly
appeared in the enemy's rear. Panic-stricken at
this unexpected apparition, the. rebels, abandon
ing their guns, fled for the bridge. The troops on
the farther side of the river, seeing the fugitives
rushing for the crossing, seized with the same
panic, set fire to the bridge and fled in wUd terror
inland. Not half of their comrades had succeeded
in crossing, when the bridge was wrapt in flames,
effectuaUy barring all passage. A part had at
the outset refused to fly, and surrendered where
they stood. The remaining part, now finding
themselves cut off, whUe the pursuers were close
behind, plunged into the stream, with the bullets
raining around them. Officers and men were
mingled in the wUd struggle for Ufe, many of
whom sank to. rise no more. Eighteen cannon
and over seventeen hundred prisoners fell into
Grant's hands in this short conflict.
Pemberton now retreated behind his works at
Vicksburg. Only one pontoon train had as yet reached
Grant, and this he had previously given to Sher
man, to enable him to cross the Black River
farther up, so as to flank, if necessary, the enemy

184 ' LIFE OF GRANT.
in his position on the river. He desired earnestly
to follow up the demorahzed enemy, and enter his
works in full pursuit ; but, the bridges being de
stroyed, and this, his only pontoon train, being
Avith Sherman on the right, he was compeUed to
halt tUl means of crossing could be provided.
Sherman was directed, after crossing, to foUow
the enemy into the city, if he found it practicable
to do so — if not to halt, and place his troops so as
to open communication with him the moment he
was over the river, when the army, in three col
umns, would advance at once on the stronghold
of the enemy.
The engineers immediately went to work to ex
temporize floating bridges of such materials as
they could lay their hands on. Timber left from
the burnt bridge, cotton-gins, and farm-houses in
the region, were used for the purpose — one being
constructed entirely of cotton bales, fastened to
gether and planked over. Across these shakmg
structures the troops hurried, and the onward
march commenced.
Sherman started at daybreak on the 18th, and
by half-past nine was between Vicksburg and
Haines' Bluff, on the Yazoo, thus cutting it, and
aU the forts on that river, from the former place,
and causing their hasty evacuation by the. gar
risons, that were compelled to leave their heavy
guns behind them.

A SUCCESSFUL CAMPAIGN. 185
Grant was Avith Sherman Avhen his column
struck the Walnut hUls. As they rode together
up the farthest height, where it looks down on
the Yazoo river, and stood upon the very bluff
from which Sherman had been repulsed six
months before, the two soldiers gazed for a mo
ment on the long-wished-for goal of the campaign,
— the high, dry ground on the north of Vicks
burg, and the base for their supphes. Sherman
at last turned abruptly round, and exclaimed to
Grant : " ' Until this moment, I never thought
your expedition a success. I never could see the
end clearly, until now. But this is a campaign ;
this is a success, if we never take the town.' The
other, as usual, smoked his .cigar, and made no
reply. The enthusiastic subordinate had seen the
dangers of this venturesome campaign so vividly,
.that his vision was dimmed for beholding success,
until it lay revealed on the banks of the Yazoo ;
but then, with the magnanimity of a noble nature,
he rejoiced in the victories whose laurels he could
not claim." *
McPherson commanding the centre, and Mc
Clernand the left, had moved simultaneously,
and hy the 19th of May, the three army corps
were in position, extending from the Mississippi
below, to the Yazoo above Vicksburg, thus com
pletely investing the place.
* Col. Badeau.

186 LIFE OF GRANT.
After long months of toUing and waiting —
after repeated faUures, till the enemy laughed in
derision at Grant's futile obstinacy, he had at last,
by one of the most briUiant military movements
on record, succeeded in flinging his strong arms
around the Gibraltar of the Mississippi. From the
perseverance he had shown from the outset, from
the tireless energy Avith Avhich he had Avorked
undeviatingly toAvards that single point ; from the
tremendous blows he had dealt the foe, as he bore
swiftly down upon it, he had astonished his own
army, and paralyzed that of his adversary.
With his base of supphes now firmly estabhshed
at Chickasaw landing, at the foot of those fatal
bluffs, Grant at once began the siege of Vicksburg.
It was just twenty days since the campaign be
gan. In that time, Grant had marched more
than two hundred miles, beaten two armies in five
several battles, captured twenty-seven heavy can
non and sixty-one pieces of field artiUery, taken
six thousand five hundred prisoners, and kUled
and wounded at least six thousand rebels more.
He had forced the evacuation of Grand Gulf,
seized the capital of the State, destroyed the rail
roads at Jackson for a distance of more than
thirty miles, and invested the principal rebel
stronghold on the Mississippi river. Separating
forces twice as numerous as his own, he had beat
en first, at Port Gibson, a portion of Pemberton's

REVIEW OF. CAMPAIGN. 187
army ; then, at Raymond and Jackson, the
troops under Johnston's immediate command ;
and again, at Champion HU1 and £he Big Black
river, the whole force that Pemberton dared take
outside the works at Vicksburg. Starting with
out teams, and Avith an average of two days' ra
tions in haversacks, he had picked up wagons in
the country, and subsisted principally on forage
and rations that he found on the road. Only five
days' rations had been issued in twenty days, yet
neither suffering nor complaint was witnessed in
the command. His losses were six hundred and
ninety-eight killed, three thousand four hundred
and seven wounded, and two hundred and thirty
missing — in aU, four thousand three hundred and
thirty-five. This is the brief, graphic summing up
of this extraordinary campaign, by his military
biographer. As we remarked in a former work, this cam
paign, in its general features, resembled the
•famous Italian one of the young Napoleon.
There was the same grand design to cut up the
enemy in detail, before he could concentrate his
overwhelming forces — the same rapidity of move
ment and cheerful endurance of privations by the
troops, the same terrible blows falling fast and
rapid as successive thunderbolts from heaven,
rending and paralyzing the foe. And as from the
high ridge he looked down on the frowning works,

188 LIFE OF GRANT.
with his gaUant army resting at their base, he
could address his soldiers in almost the language
of that incomparable leader. " Soldiers, in a fort
night you have gained six victories^ taken twenty-
one pairs of colors, fifty-five pieces of cannon,
several fortresses, and conquered the richest part
of Piedmont ; you have made fifteen thousand
prisoners, and killed or wounded more than ten
thousand men. Destitute of every thing, you
have supplied all your wants, * * * * the per
verse men who laughed at your distress, and re
joiced in thought at the triumph of your enemies,
are confounded and trembling."

CHAPTER XI.
ASSAULT OF VICKSBURG.
Description of tbe Enemy's Works — First Assault — Bombardment
of the City by Porter — Second Assault — Terrific Scene — Hero-
Ism of the Troops — Gallant Deed of Joseph Griffith — The Chi
cago Battery — Mistake of McClernand — Grant deceived by it,
and orders the Assault renewed — Its Failure — Our Loss —
Grant's Reasons for making the Assault — Grant resolves on a
regular siege — Pemberton asks for a Suspension of Hostilities
— Burial of the dead.
Vicksburg stands on a bluff that rises between
two and three hundred feet above the Mississippi,
the sides inland sloping and seamed into deep
ravines and guUies.
On the south side, the country was not so
broken, and here the artificial defences were
stronger. Sheltered behind such formidable in
trenchments, on which were mounted two hun
dred cannon, and behind which were massed
thirty thousand men, Pemberton felt himself se
cure, unless he was starved out.
But, notwithstanding the formidable aspect of
these works,. Grant, the very day after he had
completed the investment of the place, attempted
to carry them by general assault along the rebel
line. At 2 o'clock in the afternoon of the 19th,"

190 LIFE OF GRANT.
three voUies of artUlery from aU the guns which
he had been able to get into position,. was the sig
nal to advance. The army surged up against the.
strong defences, only to be forced back at all points.
Grant now determined to give his overtasked
army rest for a few days, while he perfected his
communications with his supplies, and got his
guns into position. In the mean time, he request
ed Porter to open a bombardment of the city with
his mortar fleet, so as to distract the enemy's at
tention from him. He did so, and the huge sheUs
fell with such destructive force in the streets, that
the inhabitants fled to the cellars to hide them
selves. Every thing being finaUy completed, Grant de
termined, on the 2 2d, to make another and more
determined attempt to carry the works by storm.
Having given explicit instructions to the corps
commanders, he sent word to Admiral Porter, on
the 21st, that he should assault the city at ten
o'clock the next day, and requested him to throw
shells from his mortars into it during the night,
and the next morning open with aU his gunboats
upon it, and keep up the firing till half-past ten.
Porter opened the drama with his mortars, and
all night long the murky heavens were crossed
and recrossed with the tracks of the blazing shells,
that kept dropping with a continuous thunder-
sound into the devoted city. At three o'clock in

THE ASSAULT. 191
the morning, Grant opened with all his batteries,
and Porter with aU his guns, and from river and
shore thunder answered thunder in prolonged and
deafening peals, till the earth shook Avith the re
verberations, and the heavens Avere blotted out by
the sulphurous clouds that rolled upward above
the terror-stricken town. As the day dawned,
the sharpshooters picked off nearly every rebel
gunner that dared to show his head, so that but
feeble response was made to the cannonading, that
made every thing tremble. Hoping, by throwing
his army in a simultaneous charge on the long
line of the rebel works, he could make a lodg
ment at some point, Grant had all the corps com
manders set their watches by his own timepiece,
so that the onset might be hke the breaking of
one mighty wave. He himself took a command
ing position near the centre, where he could watch
the progress of the columns. At the precise mo
ment fixed upon, the bugles sounded, and the
storming parties started forward on a run.
It is impossible to convey any definite idea of
this terrific assault, covering as it did so large a
space. For miles the storming columns dashed
on the hostile works, through a desolating fire of
grape and canister, and pressing up the slope,
attempted to carry them. But a double rank of
soldiers lay behind each ridge of earth, and mowed
them down Avith incessant volhes of musketry.

192 LIFE OF GRANT.
This, together with the tangled brushwood, and
deep and tortuous ravines, rapidly broke up the
formations, so that even brigades moved forward
only in detachments, and hence the onset lost aU
its weight. If an outer- work was carried, it was
found to be commanded by an interior one, that
rendered its occupation impossible. Deeds of
unparaUed bravery were performed, flags here
and there were planted on the counterscarps, and
men that could not make headway against the
fiery sleet, lay down in the ditches, where hand-
grenades were roUed down upon them. In one
instance, a part of the Twenty-second Iowa suc
ceeded in crossing the ditch and parapet of a rebel
outwork; but, not receiving the support of the
rest of the column, could not push farther, nor
drive the enemy from the main work immediately
in rear. A hand-to-hand fight here ensued, last
ing several minutes; hand-grenades also were
thrown by the rebels in rear, while the national
troops stUl commanded the outer parapet. Every
man in the party but one, was shot down. Ser
geant Joseph Griffith, of the Twenty-second Iowa,
fell at the same time with his comrades, stunned,
but not seriously hurt. On his recovery, he found
a rebel lieutenant and sixteen men lying in the
outwork, stUl unwounded, though exposed to the
fire of both friend and foe. He rose, and bade
them follow him out of the place, too hot for any

PERSONAL GALLANTRY. 193
man to stay in and live. The rebels obeyed, and
caUing to the troops outside to cease their firing,
Griffith brought his prisoners over the parapet,
under a storm of rebel shot that killed four of
those so willing to surrender.
He was not yet twenty years old, and Grant
promoted him to a first-lieutenancy the next day,
for his gallantry. Afterward, he was sent to
West Point, "where he was known as ' Grant's
cadet.' "
In another part of the field, General A. J.
Smith was ordered by McClernand to get two
guns up to the very ditch of one of the rebel
works, and he called on five or six batteries suc
cessively, but the captains all protested that it
was impossible to drag guns by hand down one
slope, and up7 another, under fire. Smith, how
ever, exclaimed, " I know a battery that will go
to h — 1, if you order it there ! " So he sent for
Capt. White, of the Chicago Mercantile Battery,
and told him what he wanted. White replied,
" Yes, sir, I wUl take my guns there." And his
men actually dragged the pieces over the rough
ground, by hand, carrying the ammunition in
their haversacks. One gun was stuck on the way,
but the other was hauled up so near the rebel
works, that it was difficult to elevate it sufficiently
to be of use ; finally, hoAvever, White succeeded
in firing into the embrasure, dismounting a gun.
9

194 LIFE OF GRANT.
The gun was then dragged off doAvn the ravine,
and, after nightfaU, hauled away; but the am
munition being heavy, was left on the field.
But the gallantry of individuals, the desperate
determination of storming parties, and the heavy
onset of devoted columns, were all of no avail,
and hour after hour wore on in the fruitless strug
gle. The dead and wounded spotted the crimson
slopes, or crowded the ditches into which they
had pushed, only to fall. The sun was hot, and
the wounded that lay bleeding under its burning
rays, panted and cried for water. By noon it
was evident that the attempt was a failure, and
Grant was about to order the withdrawal of all
the troops, when he received a despatch from Mc
Clernand, stating that he had gained the enemy's
works, and, if he could receive reinforcements,
and a vigorous push be made along the whole
line at the same time, the place could be carried.
Grant doubted it, and rode over to Sherman with
the despatch. Soon another came to the same
purport, and they kept coming, tiU by three
o'clock Grant had received four, and he therefore
reluctantly gave orders for the assault to be re
newed. It was made, but the only result was to
sweU the number of the dead and wounded. Mc
Clernand was mistaken, as Grant thought he was,
for he was confident, from his commanding posi-

REASONS OF FAILURE. 195
tion, that he could have discovered any such suc
cess as the former assured him was achieved.
Three thousand men were killed or wounded
in this desperate but fruitless assault. The pro
priety of it has been much doubted. The place
was not like a walled town, in the defences of
which breaches had been made ; or where, on the
open ground, men could be massed in solid col
umns, and by mere weight and reckless sacrifice
of life, make their way — but miles of irregular
earthworks stretched across the country, that
could in no place be approached by a large body
of troops well massed together. So that, although
thirty thousand men advanced at the same mo
ment, there was no real, heavy onset any where.
It was desultory fighting along the whole extend
ed line; besides, the works Avere intact. The
tremendous but short cannonading of the morn
ing, had made no impression on them, while an
army of thirty thousand men, instead of a small
garrison, defended them.
Gen. Grant gave several reasons for making
this assault, the chief of which were, that Johnston
Avas being daUy reinforced, and in a few days
would be able to faU on his rear ; that the posses
sion of Vicksburg would have enabled him to
turn upon him and drive him from the State ;
that its immediate capture would have prevented
the necessity of caUing for large reinforcements,

196 LIFE OF GRANT.
that were needed elsewhere ; and, finaUy, that the
troops were impatient to possess Vicksburg, and
would not have worked in the trenches with: the
same zeal, not believing -it necessary, as they did
after their faUure to carry the works by storm.
There was great force in all, or nearly all, these
reasons, provided there was a fair chance of suc
cess — indeed, probable success was reason enough
of itself, without any other. But the fact that
after the most determined gallantry and devotion
on the part of officers and men, not the least im
pression was made on the formidable works, and
that amid all the chances to which every battle is
liable, there came not one gleam of encourage
ment from first to last, shows that a victory was
scarcely possible. There is, however, one reason
which Grant does not give, which, we think, had
great weight with him —that the government and
people would not have been satisfied without his
making the attempt. The spade had fallen into
contempt ever since the seige of Yorktown, and
after the successful assault of Fort Donelson, Avas
doomed, apparently, to perpetual disgrace, and
nothing would satisfy the country but " to move
immediately on the enemy's works." Besides, he
knew what clamors were raised against him for his
slow progress above Vicksburg, and how nearly
he came being removed from command for it. His
fate had turned on the President's saying, "I

A SIEGE INEVITABLE. 197
think I'll try him a little longer." Four months
had already passed, and hoAV could he expect the
public patience to hold out, perhaps two months
more, unless it was demonstrated practicaUy that
it must. In a country like ours, where popular
feeling has to be so much consulted by the gov
ernment, and where politics meddles so disas
trously in all Avar movements, it is often necessary
to make even useless sacrifices, to prevent mis
chief. Grant was aware of this, and the fact
doubtless had much to do with his attempt to
carry Vicksburg by storm. The failure settled
the question, and the people, though restive, were
compeUed to submit again to the old story, week
after week, "nothing new from Vicksburg."
Having settled down to the unpleasant conclu
sion that the stronghold could be taken only by
the slow process of a regular seige, Grant set
about it at once, with all the vigor and determi
nation of one who meant to push it to the speed
iest conclusion. Sherman on the right, McPher
son in the centre, and McClernand on the south,
vied with each other in pushing forward saps, and
covered- ways, etc., towards the rebel works. But
first, however, the dead had to be removed, that
in the broiling sun lay festering where they had
fallen. These, with the decaying carcasses of ani
mals th-at had been driven out of Vicksburg for
want of forage, and shot by our soldiers, filled the

198 LIFE OF GRANT.
air with an insufferable stench, which threatened
to breed a pestilence in the crowded city. Pem
berton therefore asked for a suspension of hostili
ties till these could be removed. This was grant
ed, and for several hours, officers and men of the
hostile armies met, on the most friendly terms,
outside of the trenches.

CHAPTER XII.
THE SIEGE.
Perilois Position of the Army — Want of competent Engineers —
Labor of Grant — Silence of the Enemy — Wooden Mortars —
Progress of the Siege — Famine in the City — Distress of the In
habitants^ — They hide in Caves — Explosion of a Mine — Despe
rate Fighting— The "Death Hole"— Day fixed for the 'final
Assault — Pemberton sees his Condition to be hopeless.
Grant noAv perfected his means of support, and
sent North for reinforcements. He still Avas be
tween two armies, and knew the moment that
Johnston could assemble a force sufficiently large,
he would attempt to raise the siege. Hence he
was compelled to erect works in his rear, similar
to those which-the enemy had constructed in front.
Detachments, in the mean time, were sent out to
destroy railroads and bridges back of him, as far
east as they could well penetrate, while Porter
was requested to land marines and sailors to hold
Haines' Bluff until troops could be got on ; for
Grant had no doubt that the first attempt of
the enemy would be to take this commanding posi
tion. It was also additionally fortified, so that at
length a comparatively small ^garrison could hold
it against a large force.
Grant, in the position he now occupied between

200 LIFE OF GRANT.
two armies, had to be argus-eyed, and show a
sleepless vigilance. In the meantime, the be
siegers labored under many embarrassments. The
army was not supplied with siege guns, nor any of
the appliances for conducting siege operations.
Besides, there were but a few skilful engineer offi
cers in the army. Being mostly volunteers, they
were totaUy ignorant of the mode of procedure in
approaching elaborate fortifications. Many of the
materials used, also, had to be extemporized on
the spot. All this increased sevenfold the labors
of Grant, for it made it necessary for him to super
intend every thing. Details which ordinarily are
left solely to subordinate oflicers, he was compell
ed to attend to in person.
But still the work went on, and approaches and
covered ways, parallels, saps, and mines, and
trenches, were pushed forward on every .side. In
the meantime, guns were planted, and parapets
hned with sharpshooters, to keep down the rebel
fire, Avhich otherAvise would impede the workmen.
Slowly but steadily the army dug its way up
the slope — the total length of aU the trenches
reaching, in the end, the enormous distance of
twelve miles. The enemy made but feeble at
tempts to obstruct the progress of the work, part
ly for want of ammunition, and partly because
the moment a gunner showed his head above the
parapets it became a target for a dozen rifles.

^fte» oF mmts m^ l

STEADY PROGRESS. 201
This comparative quiet on the part of the besieged
greatly facilitated operations. There being "no
mortars for throwing sheUs over the hostile para
pets, wooden ones were constructed out of hollow
logs, firmly bound with iron hoops, which did
good service.
By the last of June, Grant had two hundred
and twenty guns in position, but amid them aU
there was but one battery of heavy pieces, that
oh the right — which had been landed from the
gunboats, and was officered by the navy. The
rebels countermined at some points, though with
out energy or skUl ; but for the most part they
lay silent behind their works. This apathy was,
doubtless, partly owing to the belief that before
Grant's operations could be completed, Johnston
would be thundering in his rear, compelling him
to abandon them. An occasional sally was made,
but none of those desperate rushes which so often
in a single night destroy the labor of days ; and
Grant kept creeping steadily nearer, preparatory
to his final spring. The most important advances
were made along the graveyard and Jackson
roads by trenches, and through the ravines by
covered ways. Protected by these, Grant was able
to plant two entire divisions within two hundred
yards of the rebel works. (He had begun his ap
proaches at the distance of about six hundred
yards.)

202 LIFE OF GRANT.
In the meantime, food getting scarce in Vicks
burg, the garrison was put on short rations, and
Pemberton sent word to Johnston of his con
dition, saying that he could not hold out much
longer. The anaconda, in the popular phraseology
of the day, was tightening his folds day by day,
around the doomed city. Flour at last got to be
a thousand doUars a barrel, Confederate money ;
meal a hundred and fifty doUars a bushel, rum a
hundred dollars a gaUon ; while mule-meat was
sold at a doUar a pound. The half-starved
inhabitants, in order to escape the shells and
missUes of destruction that were constantly hurled
from Grant's batteries into the town, took refuge
in caves and holes which they had dug in the
earth. Gaunt famine stalked along the deserted
streets, and haggard faces glared out of holes in the
ground, whUe gaping walls and tottering chim
neys leaning over the wide-spread ruin, added
increased mournfulness to the scene. The name
less dread, the sleepless terror that brooded over
the spot, were enhanced by the almost unbroken
sUence that rested on the ramparts. Scarcely a
gun responded to the ceaseless thunder of Grant's
batteries, and to the beholder, this strange silence
seemed like the stillness of despair.
It was plain that this state of things could not
endure much longer, and mutinous murmurings
among the troops were kept from breaking forth

EXPLOSION OF A MINE. 203
into open rebeUion, only by the declaration to-day,
that Johnston's army was marching to their relief,
and to-morrow by the promise that rafts and boats
should be made out of the timber of the houses,
on which they would be floated over to the west
ern bank, and thus escape the pains of surrender.
A few days before the long-deferred crisis came,
a mine was exploded under one of the enemy's
works. The heads of the saps had reached the
hostile hnes at several points, and at one on
the Jackson road, the mine was" carried in for
thirty-five feet, when three branch mines were run
out, so as to make the explosion more extensive
in its effects. Five hundred pounds of powder
were placed in each of the branch mines, and
seven hundred in the centre one, making in all
a ton of powder.
The 25th of June was the day fixed for explod
ing it, and although the enemy had countermined,
he had effected nothing, and at the appointed
time it was fired. " The fuse train being ignited, it
went fizzing and popping through the zigzag line of
trenches, until for a moment it vanished. Its dis
appearance was quickly succeeded by the explo
sion, and the mine was sprung. So terrible aspec-
tacle is seldom witnessed. Dust, dirt, smoke,
gabions, stockades, timber, gun-carriages, logs — in
fact, every thing connected with the fort — rose hun
dreds of feet into the air, as if vomited forth from a

204 LIFE OF GRANT.
volcano ;" while the surrounding country shook as
if in the grasp of an earthquake. A few rebel
soldiers were seen to rise bodily into the air, two
of whom came down alive within our lines. But
most of the troops had been withdrawn, apparent
ly in expectation of the explosion.
At the moment it took place, to add greater
terror to the scene, the artUlery opened all along
the lines.
The crater made was large enough to hold two
regiments, and a column of troops which had
stood in readiness to take advantage of the explo
sion, leaped at once into it, and a fierce, desperate
hand to hand struggle took place in the opening.
The enemy, hoAvever, soon retired to an interior
line, higher up the slope, and which looked down
on our daring troops below. They at once began
to hurl down hand-grenades, and roll down
lighted boxes of ammunition, which burst with ter
rible effect among the crowded ranks. McPher
son's men threw hand-grenades back, but being
compeUed to cast them up hUl, they labored at
fatal disadvantage. They, however, fought and
feU where they stood, aU the afternoon. When
darkness wrapped the wUd ruin, detachments
from Leggett's brigade relieved each other in
holding the crater, and the gloom was incessantly
streaked with the fuses of the grenades or voUeys of
musketry. So deadly was the effect pf the mis-

THE DEATH-HOLE. 205
sUes of the rebels, pitched from their elevated posi
tion, that the soldiers called the crater "the
death-hole." But although death held high carnival in that
smoking chasm, all that horrible night our troops
grimly held it, and at morning began a covered
way, from which other mines could be run.
Grant, the moment he found the troops in pos
session of the crater, determined to hold it at all
hazards, and gave his orders to that effect along
the lines. To Ord he wrote :
" McPherson occupies the crater made by the
explosion. He will have guns in battery there by
morning. He has been hard at work running
rifle-pits right, and thinks he will hold all gained.
Keep Smith's division sleeping under arms to
night, ready for an emergency. Their services
may be .required, particularly about daylight.
There should be the greatest vigilance along the
whole line."
Another mine was sprung on the 1st ilay of
July, opening another huge abyss under a rebel
work. From this time our mines were run in every
direction, to open up a path over the demolished
works, for the assaulting columns. They at
length brought our troops so near the hostile lines,
that the workmen on opposite sides could con
verse. Grant was now so Avell up, that he knew

206 ¦ LIFE OF GRANT.
but a httle more demolition of the obstacles before
him was needed to make a determined assault
successful. He was the more eager to hasten
the decisive moment, for he had intercepted des
patches from Johnston, informing Pemberton that
he was on the way to reheve him — whUe there
were indications that General Taylor, in Louisi
ana, designed to move up on the west shore of
the river. He determined, therefore, to make the
final assault on the 6th of July.
Pemberton saw with alarm the coining storm.
The despatches of Johnston could not reach him,
whUe he beheld the relentless line of Grant con
tracting closer and closer around him with each
revolving day. The gunboats were thundering
against him from the river, new batteries were
springing iip in his very face, mines were being
loaded beneath his feet, the garrison was starving
and dying from miasma and exhaustion, the hos
pitals were crowded with the suffering, men
and women in utter despair and want clamoring
for rehef, and a terrible assault close at hand, — how
then could he hold out longer ? No troops ever
fought more gaUantly or suffered more, patiently
than those had done which he commanded. Why
then should he, from mere pride, expose them,
weakened and worn out as they were, to aU the
terrors of an assault. Even if it should be re
pelled, it would bring no relief to him. The only

THE FINAL HOUR. " 207
result would be more mines, increased starva
tion and death, and then another assault. Grant's
sap-rollers were already crowning the heights
he had deemed impregnable, and the final hour
could not be long delayed.

CHAPTER XIIL
THE SURRENDER.
Propositions of Pemberton— Interview between him and Grant-
Impressive Scene — Haughty Bearing of the former — Terms
Agreed upon — The Rebel Soldiers Staok their Arms — Interview
between Grant and Pemberton — Rudeness of the Latter and his
Officers — Grant enters the City iu Triumph — Interview between
him and Porter— The Soldiers Celebrate the Fourth of
July — Pemberton's Reasons for Surrendering on the Fourth —
Grant's Despatch to the Government — Parole and Departure
of the Prisoners — Rebuke of Halleck — Correspondence with
Banks — The President's Letter — Sherman sent back to Fight
Johnston — Summing up of the Campaign.
In this desperate condition, Pemberton was
compelled, bitter as it was, to confess that the
place must be surrendered. As if he wished to
shut out the full extent of the disaster, from which
there was no escape, he, on the 1st of July, sub
mitted the foUowing paper to his four division
generals, Stevenson, Forney, Smith, and Bowen :
" Unless the siege of Vicksburg is raised, or sup
phes are thrown in, it wUl become necessary, very
shortly, to evacuate the place. I see no prospect
of the former, and there are many great, if not in
superable, obstacles in the way of the latter. You
are, therefore, requested to inform me, with as lit-

SURRENDER PROPOSED. 209
tie delay as possible, as to the condition of your
troops, and their ability to make the marches and
undergo the fatigue necessary to accomplish a
successful evacuation."
All .agreed that an attempt at evacuation was
useless, while two unhesitatingly advised a sur
render. Pemberton, therefore, on the 3d of
July, addressed the following note to Grant :
" I have the honor to propose to you an armis
tice of — hours, with a view to arranging terms
for the capitulation of Vicksburg. To this end, if
agreeable to you, I wiU appoint three commis
sioners, to meet a hke number to be named by
yourself, at such place and hour as you may find
convenient. I make this proposition to save the
further effusion of blood, which must otherwise
be shed to a frightful extent, feeling myself fully
able to maintain my position for a yet indefinite
period. This communication will be handed you,
under a flag of truce, by Major-General John S.
Bowen." About ten o'clock he hoisted a flag of truce, and
sent BoAven, with one of his staff, to Grant with
the proposition. The bearer expressed a desire for
an interview with Gen. Grant, but the latter
wished to see no subordinate officer, and refused
to meet him. Bowen then said, that he thought
it Would be well for the two commanding generals
to have an intervieAV. To this Grant consented,

210 LIFE OF GRANT.
saying that, if Pemberton so desired, he Avould
meet him at three o'clock in the afternoon, mid
way between the hnes in front of McPherson's po
sition. At the same time he sent the following
answer to his note : " Your note of this date is
just received, proposing an armistice of several
hour^ for the purpose of arranging terms of capit
ulation, through commissioners to be appointed,
etc. The effusion of blood you propose stopping
by this course, can be ended at any time you may
choose, by an unconditional surrender of the city
and garrison. Men who have shown so much
endurance and courage as those now in Vicksburg,
wiU always chaUenge the respect of an adversary,
and, I can assure you, will be treated with aU the
respect due them as prisoners of war. I do not
favor the proposition of appointing commissioners
to arrange terms of capitulation, because I have
no other terms than those indicated above."
At three o'clock one gun was fired, and imme
diately answered by one from the enemy, the sig
nal agreed upon, if Pemberton desired the inter
view. In a few minutes the latter rode out of his
works, accompanied by Gen. Bowen and CoL
Montgomery, while Grant, in the other direction,
rode through his trenches, toward a grassy slope
that had not been trod by either army. The un
wonted spectacle created the most intense excite
ment in both armies, and the frowning works on

THE INTERVIEW. 211
either side became black with troops, gazing intent
ly off on the space where the two commanders were
slowly approaching each other. The clouds set
tled low and dark above the landscape, as if sym
bolical of the fate that hung over Vicksburg.
Just before meeting they dismounted, and ad
vancing on foot, shook hands, addressing each
other courteously. Pemberton then inquired of
Grant what terms of capitulation would be allow
ed him. The latter replied, those that he had
stated in his letter of the morning. At this, Pem
berton drew himself up haughtily, and replied:
" If this were all, the conference might terminate,
and hostilities be resumed immediately." "Very
well," coolly replied Grant, and turned away.
The interview seemed ended ; when General
Bowen, with less pride and more judgment than
his commander, proposed that two officers from
each party should withdraw and talk over the mat
ter. Grant said that he had no objection ; and the
two generals, leaving them to consult, walked up
and down in open vieAv, conversing, Grant, as
usual, serenely smoking his cigar.
The day was sultry, and the interview took place
under a large solitary oak-tree, that stood in the
open space. In a short time Grant and Pember
ton returned to this tree, to hear the result of the
deliberations. The proposition of General BoAven
was, that the garrison should march out of Vicks-

212 LIFE OF GRANT.
burg with their muskets and field-guns, leaving
the heavy artillery behind them. This, Grant at
once rejected. The two now entered into a lengthy
discussion, in which Pemberton pressed hard for
terms that would break, somewhat, the humilia
tion of his downfaU. Grant, personally, felt no
disinclination to this, for, devoid of all mere pride
of conquest, and averse, from kindness of heart, to
the infliction of needless pain, he Avould naturally
prefer to spare the feelings of a humbled foe. But
his duty forbade it. No agreement could be had
on such a proposition, and, after an hour's dura
tion, the interview closed, and each returned to
his hnes with the understanding that Grant, after
further consideration, should, by ten o'clock, send
his ultimatum.
The latter had no doubt what this should be.
Still, wiUing.to yield any thing that he could with
propriety, he called a council of his oflicers and
submitted the question to them. They almost
unanimously agreed on terms, but Grant would
not accept them, and he concluded to act, as he
had done in all his campaigns and battles thus far,
on his own judgment. He therefore sent the fol
lowing letter :
Headquaetebs, Department op Tennessee, )
Nbae Vioksbueg, July 3, 1863. J
Lieutenant-General J. C. Pembeeton, commanding Con
federate forces, Yicksburg, Miss. :
General : In conformity with the agreement of this

THE SURRENDER. 213
afternoon, I will submit the following proposition forth6
surrender of the city of Vicksburg, public stores, &c.
On your accepting the terms proposed, I will march in
one division, as a guard, and take possession at eight
o'clock to-morrow morning. As soon as paroles can be
made out and signed by the officers and men, you will
be allowed to march out of our lines, the officers taking
with them their regimental clothing, and staff, field, and
cavalry officers one horse each. The rank and file will
be alloAved all their clothing, but no other property.
If these conditions are accepted, any amount of ra
tions you may deem necessary can be taken from the
stores you now have, and also the necessary cooking
utensils for preparing them ; thirty wagons, also, count
ing two two-horse or mule teams as one. Tou will be
allowed to transport such articles as cannot be carried
along. The same conditions will he allowed to all sick
and wounded officers and privates, as fast as they be
come able to travel. The paroles for these latter must
be signed, however, whilst oflicers are present, authorized
to sign the roll of prisoners.
I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient ser
vant, U. S. Geant, Major-General.
On the reception of this, Pemberton called a
council of war, and submitted it to them. All -but
one advised him to accept the conditions offered.
He concluded to do so, and late at night sent
the following answer : "I have the honor to ac
knowledge the receipt of your communiQation of
this date, proposing terms of capitulation for this
garrison and post. In the main, your terms are
accepted ; but in justice both to the honor and
spirit of my troops, manifested in the defence of
Vicksburg, I have to submit the following amend-

214 LIFE OF GRANT.
ments, which, if acceded to by you, wiU perfect the
agreement! between us. At ten o'clock A. m., to-
morroAv, I propose to evacuate the works in and
around Vicksburg, and to surrender the city and
garrison under my command, by marching out
with my colors and arms, stacking them in front
of my present lines, after which you wiU take pos
session. Officers to retain their side-arms and
personal property, and the rights and property of
citizens to be respected. "-
This reached Grant at midnight, and he imme
diately replied:
" I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your
communication of 3d July. The amendment proposed
by you cannot be acceded to in fuU. It will be neces
sary to furnish every officer and man with a parole signed
by himself, which, with the completion of the roll of
prisoners, will necessarily take some time. Again, I can
make no stipulations with regard to the treatment of
citizens and their private property.. While I do not
propose to cause them any undue annoyance or loss, I
cannot consent to leave myself under any restraint by
stipulations. The property which officers will be allowed
to take Avith them will be as stated in my proposition
of last evening : that is, officers will be allowed their
private baggage and side-arms, and mounted officers one
horse each. If you mean by your proposition for each
brigade to march to the front of the lines now occupied
by.it, and stack arms at ten o'clock a. m., and then re
turn to the inside and remain as prisoners until properly
paroled, I wiU make no objections to it. Should no
modification be made of your acceptance of my terms
by nine o'clock a. m., I shaU regard them as having
been rejected, and act accordingly. Should these terms

• CLOSING SCENES. 215
be. accepted, Avhite flags shall be displayed along your
lines, to prevent such of my troops as may not have
been notified, from firing on your men.
T am, General, very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
U. S. Geant, Major-General U. S. A.
By a singular coincidence, the next morning
was the Fourth of July, our great anniversary day,
and at ten o'clock the garrison marched out by
regiments, and stacked their arms on the grassy
slope in front of the works they had defended so
long and gallantly, hanging their colors upon the
centre. With that downcast look always so sad
in a brave soldier's face, they laid off their knap
sacks, belts, cartridge-boxes and cap-pouches, and
thus shorn of their arms and accoutrements, and
leaving their colors behind them, slowly wheeled
back into their works. Not a word had been
spoken, save the •few words of command ne
cessary from the officers in charge, and these
were uttered in a low, subdued tone, as one speaks
at a funeral. The spectacle would have been
mournful if the humbled foe had been an invader ;
but-it was doubly so when it was remembered that
they were citizens of a common country, brethren
of the same family, and the very soil on which they
stacked their arms was their own birthright.
The painful ceremony lasted over an hour, and
when it was over, the rebel and Federal officers
mounted in haste and swept away towards the city.

216 LIFE OF GRANT.
Thirty-one thousand six hundred men, on this
eventful morning, surrendered themselves prisoners
of war, of whom fifteen were generals.
Pemberton,' at this time, was at Forney's head
quarters," a stone house, built on the outskirts of
the city, with wide verandahs, and almost hid
among the tropical trees. Seated in a damask
cushioned rocking-chair, he sat with his head bent
as if lost in sad reflections, while pride and mor
tification seemed struggling for the mastery in his
swarthy face. Tall, with black eyes and hair, and
a full flowing beard, he Vas a conspicuous object
on the verandah, which was fflled with officers.
It was a hot day, and the doors and windows
were all open to let in a little air, through which
also stole the triumphant strains of the distant
regimental bands. Grant with his staff trotted
leisurely towards this house, ^.nd dismounting,
stepped on to the piazza, and advanced towards
the rebel general. All looked up as he entered,
and could scarce restrain their surprise, when in
stead of a tall and commanding form, clad in the
rich uniform befitting so grand an occasion, they
saw before them a man of small stature, thick
set, and round shouldered, dressed in a plain suit
of blue flannel, and with nothing to distinguish
his rank but two stars on his shoulders. Pember
ton received his salutations coldly, and had not
the civility to rise and offer him a chair. His

RUDE TREATMENT. 217
officers were aU seated on the piazza, but accept
ing their commander's conduct as the rule of
politeness, not one of them offered Grant a seat.
Not even the swords at their side, which he in
his generosity aUowed them to retain, could
prompt them to common civUity. Among those
officers it is hard to believe that there was not
many who were ashamed of this want of courtesy,
and persisted in it only because the suUen de
meanor and discourteous tone of their chief made
them feel that any other course would be displeas
ing to him.
Thus for five minutes the conqueror stood con
versing with his prisoner seated in his richly-
cushioned rocking-chair. This shameful spectacle
was at length more than the gentlemanly feelings
of one of-the officers present could endure, and he
rose and offered Grant a seat. The latter, hoAvever,
occupied it but a feAV minutes, when feeling very
thirsty from his hot and dusty ride, he asked for
a drink of water. Not one offered to get it or
ordered a servant to do so ; instead, he was cav
alierly told that he would find some inside of the
house. Passing within, he groped around, and
at last came across a negro, who brought him a
glass. Grant then returned to the piazza, and
finding his seat had been taken in his absence,
again stood and conversed for nearly a half an
hour with his rude captive. Notwithstanding his
10

218 LIFE OF GRANT.
incivility, Pemberton did not hesitate t6 request
Grant to supply his troops with rations, to which
the latter assented, and inquired how many were
needed. " Thirty-two thousand," was the reply,
which was a surprise to Grant, who had all the
while labored under the impression that the garri
son did not reach much over half that number.
In the meantime, Logan's division, to which
had been assigned the honor of first entering the
city, because it had pushed its approaches nearest
to the rebel Avorks, came marching along, the bands
playing exulting strains. Grant bidding his surly
host good morning,' mounted his horse, and put
ting himself at the head of the division, marched
into the city, while the pallid inhabitants stole out
of their caves to gaze on the strange spectacle.
The tattered banners that had been berne over
many a fierce battle-field, stooped and rose proud
ly along the streets, and at last were carried in
triumph to the top of the Court House, where
their appearance Avas greeted with cheers. Grant
then passed on doAvn to the wharf to visit Ad
miral Porter, and exchange congratulatious with
him on their joint victory. The gallant Admiral
in his flag-ship, foUowed by the whole fleet,
covered Avith flags, and the guns firing a feu de
joie that made the Avelkin ring, passed down until
he came in front of the town, when he rounded
to and swept up to tlie levee. As Grant and his

INTERVIEW WITH PORTER. 219
officers stepped on board, from ship and shore
went up thundering hurrahs — -flags dipped in
graceful salutations to the hero, while the heavy
guns' roared out their wild acclaim.
The meeting between him and the Admiral Avas
of the most cordial kind, and never did Porter's
deck witness a gayer or more gladsome sight
than it presented at that moment, crowded with
the gaUant officers of the army and navy, ming
ling their Avarm congratulations. After months
of unexampled toil agamst adverse fate, and
from many a fierce fight, in which they had
been together, it was glorious at last to see the
national colors flying from those lofty bluffs.
The interview was long and pleasant, but just
before dark Grant again returned to the shore, and
mounting his horse, rode back to his old camp in
the field,, while the soldiers made the nightly
heavens above Vicksburg red with fire-works, in
commemoration of the Fourth of July. It had
been a glorious Fourth to the national troops, and
it was thought strange that Pemberton should
have aUowed the capitulation to take place on a
day that would make the victors-feel their triumph
so much more keenly. In his report he gives the
foUowing reason for it :
"If it should be asked why the 4th of July
was selected as the day for surrender ? the answer
is obvious. I believed that upon that day I

220 LIFE OF GRANT.
should obtain better terms. Well aware of the
vanity of our foes, I knew they would attach vast
importance to the entrance, on the 4th of July,
into the stronghold of the great river, and that, to
gratify their national vanity, they would yield
then what could not be extorted from them at any
other time."
This evinced a considerable shrewdness on his
part, and no doubt most of the officers would have
granted easier terms on this day than any other.
That night Grant sat down in his quiet quar
ters, and whUe the distant heavens were bright
with rockets, wrote the following despatch to the
Government :
"The enemy surrendered this mornmg. The
only terms aUowed is their parole as prisoners of
war. This I regard as a great advantage to us,
at this moment. It saves, probably, several days
in the capture, and leaves troops and transports
ready for immediate service." That is all he has
to say respecting one of the greatest victories of
modern times, not only in the number of prisoners
taken, the amount of war material captured, but
in the importance of the position obtained, with
reference to the final issue of the contest. Noth
ing could be more unpretending and commonplace.
Caesar, after a great victory, could say, in drama
tic conciseness, " Veni, vidi, vici "^Commodore
Perry, in similar circumstances, in laconic but

SIMPLICITY AND SHREWDNESS COMBINED. 221
triumphant language, " We have met the enemy,
and they are ours," whUe Grant announces a vic
tory greater than either with apparently as little
feeling or excitement as he would the fact that he
had made for the government a tolerably fair pur
chase of a drove of army-mules. This simplicity
never deserts him. Like his imperturbable seren
ity, it remains the same under all circumstances.
The rank and file of the rebel army exhibited
no such feelings as disgraced their commander,
but mingled, in the most familiar manner, with
the Union ^soldiers, and could be seen walking arm
in arm along the streets, chatting familiarly as old
acquaintances. Seven hundred of the prisoners refused to be
paroled, preferring to remain as prisoners. Even
if the relentless conscription respected their parole,
they had no desire to serve again, after exchange,
in the rebel army. Pemberton requested Grant to
compel them to accept their parole ; but the latter
declined to interfere in the matter. He then re
quested that a portion of his troops be aUowed to
take arms with them in order to prevent the rest
from deserting on the road. This Grant also de
clined to do, as not coming within the line of his
duty. He did not care to give the chief reason
that actuated him in refusing this request, viz :
that he wished the very thing that Pemberton de
sired to prevent.

222 LIFE OF GRANT.
It took a few days to complete the paroles, but
every thing being at length arranged, on Saturday
forenoon, the 11th, the weaponless army, bereft
of aU its standards, took up its mournful inarch.
Long lines of national infantry extended along
each side of the road for some distance beyond the
intrenchments, as guards ; and. between these, with
bowed heads, the sUent columns slowly defiled.
Many had fought from a sense of duty under the
standards they now left behind ; from the- eyes of
these the tears fell hot and fast ; others turned to
take a last look at the works behind which they
had battled so long and well, and suffered so ter
ribly, while others, sullen and desponding, march
ed doggedly on. Their brave conquerors, forget
ting their triumph in the feeling of pity for their
gallant but misguided countrymen, exhibited none
of the victors' pride, and uttered no word of taunt or
boast. In dead silence they let them pass, till the
last column disappeared around- the winding road,
and then wheeled, and marched back to their
quarters. The first response that Grant received from
Washington, after this great Adctory, was a rebuke
from Halleck for having paroled the prisoners,
and ordering him peremptorily not to carry out
his agreement, if it had not been already done — ¦
fearing, he said, that the enemy would not regard
the parole as binding. It is true, he afterwards

A STRONG LETTER. 223
complimented him highly for his briUiant strategy,
but that did not lessen the painful effect of this
first rebuke. The people, however, had nothing
but plaudits for him. Hoisting of flags, firing of
cannon, and deafening shouts, foUowed the tidings
of his great victory the length and breadth of the
land, and his name dwelt on every tongue. The
victory of Gettysburg, at the same time, swelled
the national enthusiasm to the highest pitch; and
the shout that rose from the valley of the Missis
sippi met that which swelled up the Atlantic
slope, till the Alleghanies shook with the glad
acclaim. -
Four days after, Port Hudson fell, thus opening
the Mississippi its entire length. This result
Grant had anticipated, when he refused again and
again Banks' urgent request to send him troops.
Once, in reply to a request for ten thousand men,
he wrote with an earnestness not usual with him,
unless deeply roused. He said : " Our situation
is, for the first time during the entire Western
campaign, what it should be. We have, after
great labor and extraordinary risk, secured a po
sition which should not be jeopardized by any de
tachments Avhatever. * * I have ample means
to defend my present position, and effect the re
duction of Vicksburg within twenty days, if the
relation of affairs which now obtains remains un
changed. But, detach ten thousand men from

224 LIFE OF GRANT.
my command, and I cannot answer for the result.
* * * I need not describe the severity of the
labor to which my command must necessarily be
subjected, in an operation of such magnitude as
that in which I am now engaged. Weakened by
the detachment of ten thousand men, or even
half that number, with the circumstances entirely
changed, I should be crippled beyond redemp
tion." He had not spent months to get just where he
wanted to be, to risk success by weakening his
forces. He knew well that Port Hudson would
faU of itself the moment that Vicksburg surren
dered. Banks' sacrifice of life before the former
place was as useless as the manner of doing it was
unwise. Grant was aware that Banks' request
was in accordance with the President's wishes,
and this fact made him feel the, more deeply, but
he resolved that nothing but a peremptory order
from headquarters should make him relax for a
moment the iron grasp he had got on Vicksburg.
After its surrender, he received the following
letter from the President, acknowledging his mis
take: Executive Mansion, Washington, July 13, 1863.
To Major-General Geant :
My Dear Geneeax : I do not remember that you and
I ever met personally. I write this now as a grateful
acknowledgment for the almost inestimable service you
have done the country. I wish to say a word further.

A CANDID LETTER. 225
When you first reached the vicinity of Vicksburg, I
thought you should do Avhat you -finally did — march the
troops across the neck, run .the batteries with the trans
ports, and thus go below ; and I never had any faith,
except a general hope that you knew better than I, that
the Yazoo Pass expedition, and the like, could succeed.
When you got below and took Port Gibson, Grand
Gulf, and the vicinity, I thought you should go down
the river and join General Banks ; and when you turned
northward east of the Big Black, I feared it was a mis
take. I now wish to make a personal acknowledgment
that you were right and I was wrong.
Tours, very truly, A. Lincoln.
Nothing shows the tireless activity of Grant, and
the terrible relentlessness with which he clung to
and pushed his foe, more than his action on the night
preceding the surrender of Vicksburg. Foresee
ing clearly that its capitulation was inevitable, he
directed Sherman to march back to Jackson and
give Johnston battle, and drive him from the Mis
sissippi Central RaUroad. He was not a man to
sit down for a moment and enjoy Adctories already
won, when others were to be achieved. It was
hard for troops that had struggled and waited so
long for the overthrow of the stronghold, not to
be allowed to witness its downfaU, and share in
the triumph. But the order was peremptory, and
the tired troops started off, foUowed, soon as the
capitulation was signed, by Ord and Steele ; and
marched back under a hot July sun for fifty miles,
over a parched and pestilential country — with no
10*

226 LIFE OF GRANT.
water but such as could be gathered from swamps,
to quench their thirst.
Rebuilding the bridges they had previously de
stroyed, the army pushed on to Jackson, where
Johnston lay strongly entrenched. Holding him
here, in the expectation that he would be- assault
ed, Sherman sent out expeditions in every direc
tion, destroying railroads and rolling-stock- and
fixtures, while at the same time he gradually
extended his lines around the place, tiU both ex
tremities touched Pearl River. Johnston, now
thoroughly alarmed for his safety, decamped in
the night, and fled into the interior, destroying
the railroad running east behind him, as he re
treated. Sherman then slowly marched back,
having lost about a thousand men in the expedi
tion. This finished the campaign of Vicksburg, the
total result of which footed up in losses to Grant
of kiUed and wounded and missing, eight thou
sand eight hundred and seventy-three ; to the
enemy, of fifty*six thousand, besides the vast de
struction of material of war and public property,
and the capture of cannon.

CHAPTER XIV.
Employment of Negro Troops — Grant's Views respecting it —
Threatens to retaliate if they are abused when captured — Op
posed to opening Trade with the South — Proposes an Ex
pedition against Mobile — His Application rejected — Protects
his Soldiers against the Extortion of Steamboat Captains — Wife
visits him — Her enthusiastic Reception in St. Louis — Public
Dinner at Memphis — Thrown- from his Horse at New Orleans
and laid up — Long Confinement — Ordered to reinforce Rose
crans — Leaves Vicksburg — Placed over all the Troops in the
Mississippi Valley — Interview with the Secretary of War.
Grant's known anti-abolition principles, as dis
tinguished from that party which, in former years,
waged perpetual war on the South, and his
democratic tendencies, so far as he had any politics
previous to the rebellion, caused many to imagine
that he would be entirely opposed to the employ
ment of negroes as soldiers — a measure recently
determined on by the. Government. But they
were mistaken. Not merely as a subordinate
was he willing to obey the behests of his Govern
ment, but as a wise commander, he saw that
they, could be employed with great benefit to the
country — especiaUy in garrisoning places on the
Mississippi, and thus releasing white troops to be
used in the field. Hence, only a week after the

228 LIFE OF GRANT.
surrender of Vicksburg, he told the Adjutant-
General of the army, that he was " anxious to get
as many of those negro regiments as possible,"
which had been ordered by the Government. -He
said, " I am particularly anxious to organize a
regiment of heavy artillerists from the negroes, to
garrison this place, and shall do so as soon as possi
ble." The President had written to him person
ally on the subject, for he had sanguine expecta
tions respecting the great results of such a
measure — thinking, in fact, that it alone would
destroy the Confederacy. He said, "It is a re
source; which, if vigorously applied hoav, will soon
close this contest." Grant did not share these ex
travagant expectations. He never was carried
away by any mere theory. He viewed every thing
by the light of common sense ; and although at the
outset of the war, like thousand of others Avho
had never studied carefully the history of civil
revolutions, he thought that a few battles would
end it, he had long since abandoned that idea.
He well knew that many fierce conflicts and a long
struggle, were before the country. Neither did he
believe, like the dreamers at Washington, that
emancipation or the employment of negroes
would do it. He looked upon these all only as so
many measures to help forward an end which
could be reached only by hard fighting and deci
sive victories in the field. The raising of a hun-

NEGRO TROOPS. 229
dred negro regiments, was to him simply a hun
dred thousand soldiers added to the army, nothing
more nor less. The Southern commanders were
inclined at first not to recognize negroes as soldiers,
especially those who were runaway slaves, as under
their laws they were required to turn them over to
their former masters.
Grant did not trouble himself about the logic
of the question— a man wearing the uniform of a
United States soldier, and fighting under its flag,
was entitled to receive the treatment due an Ameri
can soldier. Hearing that this had not been
granted to some prisoners captured at MUliken's
Bend, but on the contrary, that they had been bru
tally hung, he wrote to General Taylor (son of Gene
ral Taylor, the former President), within whose com
mand the crime was committed, and after reciting
the circumstances, said : "I feel no inclination to
retahate for the offence of irresponsible persons,
but if it is the policy of any general intrusted
with the command of troops, to show no quarter,
or to punish with death prisoners taken in battle,
I wUl accept the issue. It may be, you purpose
a different line of policy towards black troops, and
officers commanding them, to that practised to
wards white troops. If so, I can assure you that
these colored troops are regularly mustered into
the service of the United States. The Govern
ment, and all the officers under the Government.

230 LIFE OF GRANT.
are bound to give the same protection to those
troops, that they do to any other troops." No
pompous declamation here — no windy threats,
which so many delighted to indulge in, for the sake
of the pleasant sound they would make when re
ported in the newspapers ; but a quiet, calm utter
ance of his duty, and a settled determination to
perform it. He would hang a rebel general, with
the same serenity that he smoked his cigar, in the
discharge of that. General Taylor rephed, that
he would punish all acts of inhumanity, or that
Avere unbecoming a soldier ; but that his Govern
ment required its officers to turn over aU captured
negroes to the civil authority, to be dealt with
according to law.
The closing of the Mississippi had been a severe
blow to the Western States,- whose commerce had
formerly been extensive with the South ; hence,
soon as it was opened, they anxiously desired to
open trade with that portion which had sur
rendered to our arms. This Avas natural — else,
they said, why expend so much time and treasure,
and men, if it is to remain practically as much
closed to us as ever. Chase, the Secretary of the
Treasury, being himself a Western man, felt the
pressure of Western opinion, and urged that trade,
under certain restrictions, should be aUowed within
districts occupied by our mihtary forces. This,
Grant respectfuUy but steadily opposed. Though

NO TRADE WITH THE SOUTH. 231
he said he held himself in readiness to obey any
order he should receive, he remonstrated against
the course, as certain to inflict serious injury on
the Union cause. He declared it would be impos
sible, if trade were once allowed, to prevent the
rebels from being, supplied with every thing they
wanted. He had seen hoAV the thing worked in
Kentucky, and he told the Government plainly, ¦
that it could not adopt any general rule in regard
to trade under which " all sorts of dishonest men
would not engage in it, taking any oath or obliga
tion necessary to secure the privUege." Smuggling,
he said, would be carried on in spite of the greatest
vigUance, which would give the South, practically,
the advantage of open commerce. His wise,
sagacious counsels, however, were not followed,
and his predictions proved true, Avhile the per
petual annoyances to Avhich it subjected him, were
almost past endurance. Jews, and unscrupulous
speculators of every kind, blockaded his headquar
ters, often ruffling that serene temper which noth
ing else seemed able to disturb. Anecdotes are
told of the summary manner in which he some
times dealt with these pestilent feUows, suggestive
of any thing but military formality.
Although, immediately after the fall of Vicks
burg, Grant sent off troops to Banks, and other
wise weakened his army, still he did not propose
to remain idle: A large force could be assembled

232 LIFE OF GRANT.
in a short time, and he thought if a sudden, vigor
ous blow were struck at Mobile, it could be taken.
This would open the whole southern tier of States
to our arms, and Grant proposed an expedition
against it to Halleck. Meeting with a rebuff, he
returned to it again in a few days, declaring that
if permission were given him, he felt certam of
¦success. -Admiral Porter was of the same opinion ;
but no solicitations could move Halleck. He
wanted "to clear out western Louisiana," &c, and
the result of his grand scheme was, that instead
of the capture of MobUe, we had the Red- River
expedition under Banks, after cotton, which ended
so disgracefully, and which come so near destroy
ing our fleet . on the Mississippi. HaUeck was
always inclined to squander our forces in expedi
tions which, even if successful, were barren of re
sults that bore directly on the issue of the struggle.
Grant always believed in striking vital points first,
knowing that if the heart was once reached, the
extremities would die of themselves ; while Hal
leck wished to reach the citadel of hfe by slow
approaches. Lincoln coincided with the General-in-Chief, re
specting the Mobile expedition, and wrote to Grant
so, and he was therefore compelled reluctantly to
give it up, and remain idle at Vicksburg.
Many officers and soldiers, some of them on
aecount of sickness and wounds, and others, whose .

HIS CARE OF THE SOLDIERS. 233
absence from duty was necessary, obtained short
furloughs, and repaired North. Grant, ever mind
ful of the welfare of his men, issued an order
forbidding the steamboats that cleared from Vicks
burg for Cairo, from charging the soldiers more
than five dollars, and the officers more than seven,
for their passage. Regardless of this order, the
steamer Hope had taken on board a large number
of both — the captain charging them from ten to
twenty-five dollars apiece. Grant, hearing of it,
immediately despatched an officer, accompanied
by a guard, with the order to the captain to refund
at once aU the money received by him as fare,
over five dollars to enlisted men, and seven doUars
to officers, or submit tp imprisonment for disobe
dience, and have his boat confiscated. The aston
ished captain looked first at the order and then at
the guard which had been sent down to enforce
it, and sullenly paid back the money which he had
received in excess of the fare as fixed by Grant.
This care of them by their commander, spread
like wild-fire among the soldiers, and they made
the shore ring With their hurrahs. On being
informed of the various impositions practised on
furloughed soldiers and officers, by steamboat men,
he became very indignant, and said, " I will teach
them, if they need the lesson, that the men who
have perilled their lives to open the Mississippi

234 LIFE OF GRANT.
.river for their benefit, cannot be imposed upon
with impunity."
Grant has none of that electric fire, that mag
netic sympathy, such as distinguished Napoleon,
and made the meanest soldier proud to die for him.
There is nothing dramatic about him. He holds
the affections of his troops by a different bond^-
by an attachment that springs from profound re
spect for his abUity, forecast, and readiness to
share all their toUs, privations and danger, and a
parental care for their welfare.
In the short rest to which he was now doomed
by the mistaken policy at Washington, his wife
had time to visit him. . For weary months, not
only he, but his little son, not yet old enough to
do without his mother's good-night kiss, had been
either sleeping in pestilential marshes, or riding
amid the storm of battle, and her heart yearned
to see them, and the moment that victory gave
her free access to them, she hastened to their em
brace. Reaching St. Louis on her Avay down, her
person was recognized, and immediately the hotel
at which she stopped was thronged by the excited
populace. Bands of music struck up triumphant
airs, the multitude shouted the name of Grant,
and so great was their enthusiasm, that they re
fused to leave until she presented herself on the
balcony. Leaning on the arm of Brigadier-Gen
eral Strong, she stood a moment before the sea of

A PUBLIC DINNER. 235
upturned faces, and. was received with the Avildest
demonstrations of delight. General Strong re
turned thanks in her behalf, in a brief speech.
In the mean time, Halleck had ordered Grant
to send the Thirteenth Corps, under Ord, to Gen
eral Banks, at New Orleans, and otherwise assist
him in his plan of operations against Texas.
In the latter part of this month, he visited Mem
phis to look after affairs in that portion of his de
partment, when the eitizens asked him to accept the
honors of a public dinner. In complying with
their request, after thanking them for the honor
done him personally, he said :
I thank you, too, in the name of the noble army I
have the honor to command. It is composed of men
whose loyalty is proved by their deeds of heroism and
their willing sacrifices of hfe and health. They will
rejoice with me that the miserable adherents of the re
bellion, whom their bayonets have driven from this fair
land, are being replaced by men who acknowledge hu
man hberty as the only true foundation of human gov
ernment. May your efforts to restore your city to the
cause of the Union be as successful as have been theirs
to reclaim it from the despotic rule of the leaders of
the rebellion. I have the honor to be, gentlemen, your
very obedient servant, U. S. Geant.
When the grand event of the evenmg, the toast
to himself, was given, the company were taken
quite aback by his declining to make any response
— delegating to one of his staff the duty of re
turning his thanks. He then made the excuse,

236 LIFE OF GRANT.
which has since become a standing one, that he
was not accustomed to public speaking. In this,
he differs from any other distinguished military
man of the country that we knoAv of.
The next day, he started for New Orleans, to" see
General Banks, who was on the eve of his depart
ure for Texas, in order to learn his plans, and
ascertain if he could be of any assistance to him.
While there, a grand military review took place in
his honor, at Carrollton. " What a magnificent
spectacle ! What cheers rent the air, when the his
toric colors of the old Thirteenth Corps dipped
to the hero of Vicksburg as he passed along the
lines, followed by a brilliant cortege of captains and
staff officers, who had great difficulty in keeping
up with the general, as he dashed along at a full
gaUop on a magnificent charger borrowed from
Banks." Taking his place under an oak, he re
viewed the troops, and it was noticed that, as they
passed, he lifted his hat with a deeper reverence
to the veteran Thirteenth Corps, bearing the flags
that had waved in the storm of every battle from
Donelson to Vicksburg. But, before the splen
did pageant was over, an accident occurred, that
marred the enjoyment of the day, and came near
inflicting an irreparable loss on the country.
Though no man possesses a firmer seat in the
saddle than Grant, and there is not, probably, a
more accomplished horseman in the whole country,

A SERIOUS ACCIDENT. 237
yet by a sudden, unaccountable movement in the
animal he bestrode, he was unhorsed in a twink
ling, and dashed with great violence to the ground.
So heavy was the fall, and severe the injuries he
received, that he never rose from the bed to which
he was carried, for twenty days, and during aU
that time was unable to change his position. He
could only lie on his back, and in this state was
eventually carried on board of a boat and trans
ported to Vicksburg. He remained here confined
to his bed until the 25th of September, when he
was able to hobble about on crutches. Fortu
nately, this long incapacity for the field occurred
in the most favorable time for the country, as he
had nothing to do except hold his own in his de
partment, and give orders of minor importance.
Banks was carrying out his Texas expedition,
Rosecrans, with wavering fortune, was closing up
his military career around Chattanooga, while
Burnside of the Ohio department, Avas holding his
own at KnoxviUe. But about the middle of Sep
tember, Halleck, who had heard that Bragg,
from whose hands Rosecrans had just wrested
Chattanooga, was being heavily reinforced, tele
graphed to Grant to send aU his' available force to
that place. The despatch, however, was delayed
on the road, so that it did not reach Grant untU
the 23d of the month. He was still in bed at
Vicksburg, but immediately sent orders to Sher-

238 LIFE OF GRANT.
man to start one of his divisions for Chattanooga
as speedily as possible. He also s'topped a divis
ion of McPherson, which was sailing south to
reinforce Steele, and directed it to return at once
to Memphis, where Hurlbut Avas in command,
whUe the latter was ordered to send it, with two
divisions of his own and "what other troops he
could spare, to the same point. Grant bent his
whole energies to carry out the wishes of Govern
ment, and placed all of his army, except Avhat
was necessary for garrison duty, at the disposal of
Rosecrans. The effort, however, came too late —
the battle of Chickamauga had been fought a few
days before, and Rosecrans, defeated with heavy
loss, was shut up in Chattanooga, and in great
peril of total destruction.
Events were hurrying Grant forward to the
high command he was destined to reach, faster
than the Government proposed. On the last of
the month, Halleck, now fully alive, to the peril
ous state of things in the Cumberland department,
telegraphed to Grant, that as soon as he was able,
he wished him to go to NashvUle, and take charge
of the movement of troops, that Rosecrans was in
such pressing need of. The day before, hoAvever,
Grant had telegraphed : "I am now ready for the
field, or any duty I may be caUed to perform."
He was ready for the field, "or any duty" that
his country might require of him, though he Avas

A MONUMENT TO HIM. 239
just out of bed, and with difficulty could get
about on his crutches. To men of less iron will
or energy, this bodUy condition would have seem
ed any thing but readiness for the battle-field.
Two or three days after, he received a- despatch
requesting him if possible to come to Cairo, the
nearest point with which telegraphic communica
tion could be kept up. He immediately started
off, and bade, as it turned out, good-bye forever to
Vicksburg and the army of the Tennessee — the
chUd of his own raising, the sharer of his adverse
fortunes and his glory, and which had become en
deared to him by common toils, and dangers, and
sufferings, and triumphs. But no defeats or victo
ries to come could ever obliterate the memories that
clustered around that place, the capture of Avhich
was the culmination of one of the most brilliant
campaigns recorded in military annals. And on
the spot where stood the oak under which his in
terview with Pemberton took place, and which
soon disappeared, root and branch, as relics, of the
great event, a monument was reared, on which is
inscribed, " To the Memory of the Surrender of
Vicksburg by Lieutenant-General J. G. Pember
ton to Major-General U. S. Grant, U. S. A,, on
the 3d of July, 1863." . -
As soon as Grant reached Cairo, he advised
HaUeck of his arrival, who in reply telegraphed
him to proceed at once to Louisville with his staff,

240 LIFE OF GRANT.
where he would meet an officer from the War
Department, " with orders and instructions." The
same day he started by railroad, and at Indian
apolis met the Secretary of War himself, with an
order which consohdated the three departments
of Ohio, Cumberland, and his own into one, to
be caUed the MUitary Division of the Mississippi,
and placed him at the head of it, Avith fuU power
to plan his campaigns without interference from
any one. The Government was at last waking
up to the fact that had been demonstrated so often
that nothing but madness ignored it, that a cabi
net or any representation of the civU government
could not conduct campaigns in the field. Mis
take after mistake had been made, disaster after
disaster reached, the blame of which fell on the
commanders, but which impartial history will put
on men in civil authority in Washington, who
undertook to manage that about which they did
not understand the first principles.

CHAPTER XV.
CHATTANOOGA.
Grant's Despatch to Thomas—Puts him in the place of Rosecrans
— Starts for Chattanooga — Has to 'he carried over rough
places — Gloomy Entrance into Chattanooga — Positions of the
two Armies — Opening up the Channel for Supplies — Hazen's
Expedition — Seizure of Lookout'Valley by Hooker — Burnside
threatened at Knoxville — Sherman hurried forward — Grant
resolves to attack the Enemy — Postponement — His Anxiety for
Burnside — Despatches to him — His great Anxiety.
The Government in placing Grant in supreme
command of all the forces west of the Alleghanies,
gave him the choice of keeping Rosecrans in
command of the Army of the Cumberland, or
of putting Thomas in his place. He unhesitat
ingly chose the latter. Orders were at once sent
on to Chattanooga, announcing his assumption of
the command of the new mihtary division, and
placing Thomas over the Army of the Cumber
land. Alarmed at the rumors that Rosecrans was
about to evacuate Chattanooga, he sent with the
same orders the following one to Thomas : " Hold
Chattanooga at all hazards; I wiU be there as
soon as possible." The quick response from this
incomparable soldier, was, " I will hold the tenon
11

242 LIFE OF GRANT.
till we starve." That was enough. Grant knew
that now no power on earth could remove "the
rock of Chickamauga," till he should arrive there.
The man who, with his division alone, single-
handed, could hour after hour hold at bay the
whole rebel host, and save the Army of the Cum
berland from annihilation, could be trusted to
keep what human power could retain.
The next day after sending those orders, Grant
took the railroad for Chattanooga. Reaching
Nashville, he telegraphed orders to Burnside, at
KnoxviUe, to fortify important points at once ; to
Admiral Porter at Cairo, to get a gunboat to
Sherman on the Tennessee, who was pushing his
way across the country ; and to Chattanooga to
Thomas respecting work to be done without de
lay. From Nashrille, he Avith his staff took
horses and struck across the country. Grant was
still confined to his crutches, but he could ride
on horseback, and the party moved off rapidly
as the roads would permit. These, however, were
in a horrible condition. Poor in the best season,
now at the close of the fall they had been made
almost impassable, in some parts, by the heavy
rains and army wagons. Across swollen torrents
that came roaring down the mountain sides —
struggling over deep gullies and skirting over
hanging precipices — the party made its difficult
way along the wreck-bestrewed road. To one in

A GLOOMY PROSPECT. 243
Grant's helpless condition the difficulties and ob
stacles that met them at almost every step, were
peculiarly annoying, for at some points it was
impossible to ride with any degree of safety, and
the entire party were compelled to dismount and
lead their animals carefully over them. Grant,
of course, could not use his crutches in these
places, and his escort had to carry him across in
their arms.
On the last day before reaching Chattanooga,
a cold rain set in, drenching him and his escort, to
the skin. Just as the dark November night
closed over the dreary desolate landscape, made
stUl more gloomy and dispiriting by. the chilling
rain that fell without intermission, Grant, wet,
cold, tired, hungry, and bespattered with mud,
rode into the beleaguered place. Passing through
the gloomy streets to Thomas' headquarters, he
was helped from the saddle, and limped wearily
under the welcome shelter of a roof. *
Never before did a general assume command
under more depressing circumstances.
No welcoming shouts of the soldiers, no cheer
ful congratulations of the oflicers, met him, but
instead, gloomy silence and despondent utterances
on every side. Starvation had dried up the cur
rents of life in the troops, while from every height
the confident enemy looked down upon them,
waiting for famine to do the work of- the sword.

244 LIFE OF GRANT.
That was not a pleasant night to Grant ; but
after conversing with Thomas till a late hour, he
sought the rest he so much needed. Roused by
the morning gun, the jprospect as he looked out
upon the dreary landscape did not tend to remove
the sad impressions of the night before, for rebel
fortifications overlooking the place, met his eye
whichever way it turned.
After breakfast he mounted and rode out with
Thomas and the chief engineer, W. F. Smith, to
take a view of the situation. The first object
was to open up communication with his supphes,
so that the army could be fed.
Bragg held the river between Chattanooga and
Bridgeport, — the terminus of the railroad from
Nashville, — so that Rosecrans was compelled to
bring supplies by land, over the Cumberland
Mountains, a distance of sixty miles. The roads
had became almost impassable, by the faU rains,
and the horses had given out, so that the few
teams that arrived often came in half empty, for
it was impossible to haul them fuUy loaded over
the frightful mountain roads ; until at last the
troops were put on quarter rations, and at the
time of Grant's arrival had only provisions
enough to carry them through one battle. The
opening of a channel, therefore, for supphes to
reach him, became the first necessity. ' This was
easily done, if the river to Bridgeport, several

OPENING COMMUNICATIONS. 245
miles below, could be cleared of the enemy. The
arrival of the Eleventh and Twelfth corps from the
Army of the Potomac, just before Grant's ap
pointment to the chief command, had enabled
Rosecrans to mature a. plan for accomplishing
this, which the former approved of, and imme
diately proceeded to carry out.
The Tennessee River, which, as it approaches
Chattanooga, is running southwest, when just
below, turns abruptly to the south for a long dis
tance, and then turns back and flows directly to
the north, Avhen it once more resumes its old course.
This great bend incloses a peninsula, called Moc
casin Point, from its resemblance to a moccasin,
and was held by our troops ; but the opposite bank
by the rebels, as far down as Kelly's Ferry.
Brown's Ferry was between this and Chattanooga ;
and the great object was to dislodge the enemy so
that the road to both-these ferries would be under
Grant's control. The communication would then
be open to Bridgeport, from which a raUroad ran
to Nashville. The operations at Kelly's Ferry
were entrusted to Hooker, who had halted his
corps at Bridgeport ; and those at Brown's to
Chief Engineer Smith. The latter selected
Hazen's brigade for the hazardous enterprise as
signed to him.
The south shore of the river was so thoroughly
defended, that any attempt to throw a force

246 LIFE OF GRANT.
across by pontoon bridges was impracticable. It
was therefore determined to float fifty pontoon
boats, with twenty-five men and one officer in
each, making in aU twelve hundred and fifty men,
down the stream by night, and effect a landing on
the bank, and hold it till a force of. some four
thousand men, concealed on the opposite shore,
could be ferried over. The force would then be
sufficiently strong to maintain itself tUl a pontoon
bridge could be laid, over which reinforcements to
any required amount could be sent.
On the morning of the 26th, Hazen went down
the north shore to a point opposite where the
landing was to be effected, and critically examined
the locality. To the left of the ferry-house were
two hills, which it was necessary he should occupy,
on which there was a rebel picket post, and also
one in the hollow betAveen them. Having finished
his examination, he arranged his plan of opera
tions, attending to every thing personally, as the
enterprise was to be a hazardous one. Each boat
load of twenty-five men was to carry two axes,
making in aU a hundred; and, as soon as the
crest of those hiUs at the ferry was reached, skir
mishers were to be thrown out, and the hundred
axes at once set to work feUing trees to make an
abattis. He also selected points on the north
bank of the river, where, at the proper time, sig
nal fires were to be kindled, to guide him in effect-

HAZARDOUS ENTERPRISE. 24-7
ing a landing. The fifty boats, made of " rough
boards roughly nailed together," were divided into
four distinct commands, over which tried and dis
tinguished officers were placed, who, after being
fully instructed in the duties they were expected
to perform, were taken down opposite the ferry ;
and the points of landing, and the position of the
enemy, etc., all pointed out to them. These in
turn, just before night, called together the leaders
of the separate squads, and instructed them in
the parts they were expected to take, and how
each was to act in the confusion that must, to a
greater or less extent, exist in the gloom and dark
ness of night, when an attack was to be momen
tarily expected.
Every thing at last being arranged, the troops
were sent to their tents to get an early sleep. At
midnight they Avere awakened and marched to the
landing, and stowed away in the boats. All at
length being loaded, at three o'clock the silent
little fleet pushed off into the stream, and catch
ing the current, drifted downward in the gloom.
It was necessary that the utmost silence should
be preserved ; for, if the enemy got wind of the
movement in time, it would be frustrated. Ha
zen, therefore, with great gratification, saw that
the force of the current alone, without the use of
oars, would take him to the desired point of land
ing in time, and consequently passed the order

248 LIFE OF GRANT.
that oars should be dispensed with — -and the boats
without a sound floated rapidly down the river.
After going three mUes, they came under the guns
of the rebel pickets ; but, by keeping in the deep
shadow of the opposite shore, and maintaining a
profound sUence, they Avere not discovered, and
the hostile sentinels slumbered on unconscious of
danger, Avhilst this first step in the overthrow of the
rebel army was being taken. There was no moon,
and the waters rippling by gave no token of what
was going on out on the dark bosom of the stream.
,The boats passed undiscovered, not only down to
opposite the place of landing, but the advance
ones had actually taken to their oars and crossed
over, and were within ten feet of the shore before
any alarm was given. Seeing several black masses
rapidly approaching the shore, the picket on duty
hailed, and receiving no answer, fired a voUey and
sent back the alarm. Hazen, now that secrecy
was at an end, shouted out his orders, and the
boats*were impeUed by the strong oarsmen swiftly
to the shore. So rapid was the debarkation, and
so perfectly did each party perform its separate
duties, even in the pitchy darkness, that the signal
fires were scarcely lighted on the opposite bank,
before the entire command was drawn up in line
of battle. The advance was made with equal ra
pidity and exactness, so that Hazen was in posi
tion, his skirmish hne out, and the axes ringing

FIRST SUCCESS. 249
in the woods, before the reinforcement of the ene
my — only a little way over the hill — could arrive
to drive him back. A stubborn fight commenced ;
but the boats had no sooner disgorged their loads,
than they were rowed swiftly across the river to
take on board the rest of the brigade that stood
Avaiting, and which quickly crossing, drove the
enemy back. A thousand rebel infantry, with
three pieces of artUlery and a force of cavalry,
were stationed here, which was sufficiently strong
to have prevented any landing, had the enemy
been prepared for it. By noon a pontoon bridge
spanned the Tennessee at this point, over which
artiUery and troops were soon thundering.
Hooker crossed ¦'his force at Bridgeport, and
marched up the opposite shore. Passing swiftly
through a gorge in the Raccoon Mountain, he de
scended into Lookout Valley, and on the morning
of the 28th, Howard leading the advance, went
into camp within a mile of Brown's Ferry. Geary,
commanding the other portion of the troops, went
into camp about three miles farther down the riv
er. Bragg, as soon as he was informed of these
movements, penetrated their object, and saw, if
they .were not arrested, the siege of Chattanooga
would be practicaUy raised. He therefore hur
ried forward Longstreet, who suddenly, at one
o'clock at night, fell on Geary, and the battle of
Wauhatchie began. Howard, aroused by the
ll* .

250 LIFE OF GRANT.
heavy firing, immediately started back to his help,
but was stopped on his way by a rebel force post
ed on a range of hUls, which announced its pres
ence by a sheet of fire from its crest. Though
the slope was heavily wooded, and the ground
entirely unknown to officers and men, he boldly
charged up them in the darkness, sweeping them
like a storm.
Geary, after three hours of desperate fighting,
repelled the attack of Longstreet. The mule-
teams, frightened at the nightly cannonade, broke
from the teamsters, and dashing towards the ene
my with their harness and chain-traces rattling
in the night, completed the discomfiture ; for
the astonished rebels mistook them for a charge
of cavalry, and fled precipitately. Lookout Val
ley was now Hooker's, and the river open to
Bridgeport, so that only nine mUes of land trans
portation over good roads remained — the rest of
the way the supplies being brought in boats ex
temporized by the soldiers.
The road was now clear to NashvUle, and Grant
could calmly survey his position, and mature his
plans. Missionary Ridge and Lookout Mountain abut
on the Tennessee River, the former above and the
latter below Chattanooga, and run inland south,
converging towards each other, in the form ,of the
letter V. At the apex rises the Chattanooga

CHATTANOOGA. 251
Creek, and flows, a noisy stream, into the Tennes
see. The space between is the Chattanooga Val
ley. Here, on the river,- and on and among a
cluster of knobs or hills, is Chattanooga town. It
lies nearer Lookout than it does to Missionary
Ridge, and from the top of the former, shells could
be thrown into the place. The problem before
Grant was simple enough in statement, but
whether, under the obstacles that interposed, it
could be satisfactorUy solved, was another matter.
The enemy must be driven from those threatening
heights, that, frowning with cannon, looked down
on his camp. This was clear ; and it Avas equally
plain that it could be done in only one of tAvo
ways — by a flank movement, like that of Rose
crans when he drove Bragg out of Chattanooga,
or by moving straight " on the enemy's works,"
and overcome all opposition by sheer hard fight
ing. The former course, under the circumstances,
was impracticable, and Grant saw plainly that
nothing was left but the latter. But before this
could be attempted, Sherman, who the month pre
vious had started Avith his force from Memphis,
four hundred miles distant, must arrive. Halleck
had ordered him to repair the raUroad as he ad
vanced, in order that he might bring, up his sup
phes. Grant now directed him to drop every
thing, and push on as rapidly as possible."
This was Avhat Sherman wanted to do. The

252 LIFE OF GRANT.
moment he had heard of Grant's new appoint
ment, hewrote him a letter expressing his delight,
and now, with increased ardor and confidence,
urged on his weary columns. Grant knew that
the enemy would not give up Chattanooga with
out a desperate struggle, for they fully appreci
ated the importance of its possession to them.
They said: "Food and raiment are our needs.
We must have them. Kentucky and Middle
Tennessee can only supply them. Better give up
the seacoast, better give up the . Southwest, ay,
better to give up Richmond without a struggle,
than lose the golden field, whose grain and wool
are our sole hope."
Bragg, the moment he saw that he had lost his
hold on the NashvUle road, determined to compen
sate for it by driving Burnside out of KnoxviUe,
nearly a hundred mUes away. Grant, made aware
of this movement, became exceedingly anxious for
the arrival of Sherman, through whom alone he
could checkmate it, and he sent another messen
ger to him to take: his four divisions and hurry on
to Bridgeport. In the meantime he informed
Burnside of the danger that threatened him, and
gave him specific instructions how to act. But it
becoming evident that Longstreet would be upon
him before Sherman could arrive, he ordered
Thomas to attack the enemy on Missionary Ridge,
hoping by this course to bring Longstreet back

URGENT HASTE. _ 253
He issued his order on the 7th, saying: "The
movement should not be delayed later than till
to-morrow morning." Knowing the deficiency of
horses in the camp, he directed him, if necessary,
to take mules from the wagons, and even dismount
the officers and press their horses into the service
of the artillery. He also telegraphed Burnside
of the intended movement to save him. No
doubt the case was urgent, and the danger immi
nent, but subsequent events proved that had the
attack then been made, it would have been repelled,
and might have been the beginning of greater dis
asters. Thomas, who had been on the ground
longer, and Avhose anxiety was tempered with
more caution, saw this, and declared that it was
impossible for him to move until the arrival of
Sherman." Destined to be the strongest prop
to every commander he served under, he now
saved Grant from committing a hasty act. The
latter had entire confidence in the commander of
the Army of the Cumberland, and recalled the
order, leaving Burnside to oppose, as he best
could, the force" marching against him. He was
disappointed, and thought if Thomas had moved
as directed, it would have had the effect to re
call Longstreet. Perhaps so; but other results
of more importance might have followed. His
orders were for Thomas to make the attack at the
very point where Sherman shortly after made his.

254 LIFE OF GRANT.
That Missionary Ridge could not have been car
ried without Sherman's troops, is evident from
the desperate nature of the struggle by which it
was finaUy won. Longstreet's fifteen thousand
men recalled and occupying the point where Sher-
men afterwards made a lodgment unopposed,
would, to say the least, have had a serious effect
on the final result. It is doubtful if Grant would
have given this order but for the anxiety of the
Government for Burnside, and the pressing na
ture of the despatches from both Halleck and
the President, to see to it that he was not destroy
ed. He may have felt, under this pressure, that
it was his duty to make an attempt, even if it
failed: But to say, in the light of after events,
that the designed movement Avould have been
wise, -and, in the end, successful, is asserting what
facts do not sustain.
Grant's command covered a large territory.
Two armies besides the one under his immediate
control, demanded his most watchful care, while
the opening and guarding of railroads, and bring
ing up of supplies, were matters of instant and
pressing necessity. The anxiety for Burnside,
stimulated as it was by constant telegrams from
Washington, was the crowning source of all his
other anxieties. The critical state of this com
mander, at KnoxvUle, whose defeat would lose us
East Tennessee, again made him wish to give wings

ANXIETY FOR BURNSIDE. 255
to Sherman's army. His active mind ran over the
whole line of his long route, and suggested every
possible expedient that might prevent delays, and
expedite his march. To Burnside, despatch after
despatch was sent, sometimes giving specific direc
tions concerning the steps to take in case certain
movements were made by Longstreet. One strain,
however, ran through them all. " Don't retreat."
" Hold on at all hazards," was the burden of his
telegrams, " and I will soon make a movement here
that wiU relieve you." One day his language would
be : " Hold on to KnoxvUle," another, " If Long-
street moves his whole force across the Little
Tennessee, cut his^ pontoons on the stream, even
if it sacrifices half of the cavalry of the Ohio
army."

CHAPTER XVI.
BATTLE OF MISSIONARY RIDGE.
Bridges carried away — Anxiety and Restlessness of Grant — Recon-
noisances and advance of Thomas — Sherman makes a lodg
ment on Missionary Ridge — Hooker carries Lookout Mountain-
Battle above the clouds — A thrilling spectacle — Night before
the Battle — Sherman's attack — Hooker's delay — Grant's anxie
ty — Assault of tbe Mountain — Heroism of the Troops — Grant
and Thomas — The victory— The pursuit— Hooker attacks by
moonlight — Grant's despatch to Halleck — Sherman sent to re
lieve Burnside — Review of the Campaign and Battle— Letter
from the President.
On the 15th of November, Sherman, leaving
his army toiling forward, reached Chattanooga.
The next day, he and Grant, and Thomas, rode
out to examine the ground to be occupied by his
army in the great move now close at hand. Urged
by Grant to hurry up his columns, Sherman re
turned at once to Bridgeport, rowing the boat
himself a part of the Avay.
The moment a portion of his troops arrived,
though worn out with their long march, and many
of them barefoot, Grant determined not to wait
for the remainder, but to attack at once, and
issued his orders to that effect to Thomas, at the
same time sketching the general plan of operations.
But it was impossible for Sherman to get his

HIS RESTLESSNESS. 257
tropps in position in time for the battle, Avhich
Grant had ordered to commence at daylight, Sat
urday morning. Pushed to the limits of human
endurance, they were toiling over the miry roads,
or a frail bridge of boats at Brown's Ferry, and
could move no faster. Sherman told Grant so,
and the latter reluctantly, the second time, coun
termanded his order. His usually quiet nature
was roused info painful excitement by these re
peated delays, and the imminent, peril they caused
to Burnside, until he could no longer preserve his
habitual repose, but broke forth. " I have never
felt such restlessness as I have at the fixed and
immovable condition of ihe Army of the Oumber-
land." It was no common anxiety that could
wring such an expression from him.
When he found that it was impossible for Sher
man to be up by the time he had appointed, he
fixed the next Sunday morning for the attack.
But a heavy rain-storm set in, deluging the roads ;
while the bridge at Brown's Ferry broke down,
so that, though Sherman worked night and day,
he could not be ready even by Sunday morning.
Chafing under these protracted disappointments,
Grant then fixed Monday morning for the attack,
and so advised Thomas. But as if to try his pa
tience to the utmost, the rains so swelled the river,
that ^the frail bridges over the Tennessee were
swept entirely away, and every thing brought to

258 LD7E OF GRANT.
a complete stand still. Once more he was com
pelled to inform Thomas, that farther delay was
ine\dtable. On the night of the 2 2d, a deserter from Bragg's
army came in and reported that the rebel general
was about to evacuate his works. A day or two
before, Grant had received»a note from Bragg ad
vising him to remove non-combatants from Chat
tanooga, as he was about to open upon it with
his cannon. He, however, paid no attention to
it, and now concluded it was intended to mis
lead him, while a safe retreat was effected. He
therefore directed Thomas the next day to make
a reconnoisance in force, and feel the enemy's lines,
to see if it were so. The battalions were deploy
ed in the bright sunlight, in full view of the
enemy, who thought it was a parade. They were,
however, soon undeceived — for the imposing
columns moved rapidly forward, and though can
non and musketry opened upon them, never
paused until the advanced hne of the enemy was
carried and held. By this unexpected movement,
Grant planted himself a mile nearer Missionary
Ridge, and occupied Orchard Knob, a valuable
position, with the loss of only a little over a hun
dred men.
At last Sherman's army, with the exception of
one division, was up, and Grant determined to
strike without a moment's delay. His general

A FOOTHOLD SECURED. 259
plan was to have Sherman with the army of the
Tennessee throw itself across the river opposite
Missionary Ridge, make a lodgment there, and
then assaU Bragg's right wing, posted . on that
extremity of the mountain. Hooker, while Sher
man Avas getting into position, was to carry Look
out Mountain, the other extremity, and be ready
to press forward "the next day and cut off the rebel
retreat, or operate, on his left and rear, whUe
Thomas, with his twenty thousand men, at a given
signal' was to charge straight up the rocky heights
and carry them by storm.
It was of the first importance that Bragg should
be kept ignorant of Sherman's movement until
he had effected a crossing, and Grant, therefore,
manoeuvred his troops in a manner to make him
think an attack was meditated against his left,
and so drew his attention in that direction. In
the meantime, Sherman's columns, concealed by
hiUs near the shore, passed up the river tUl they
reached Chickamauga Creek, above Chattanooga.
In anticipation of this movement, one hundred
and sixteen pontoons had been concealed in a
stream near by, which, after dark, Avere floated
down into the Tennessee, ftdTof soldiers-; and by
dawn the next day eight thousand men were on
the other shore, and had thrown up a rifle trench
as a ttte du pont. A bridge thirteen hundred feet
long was immediately begun, and by one o'clock

260 LIFE OF. GRANT.
was shaking to the tread of the hurrying columns.
A drizzling rain was falling at the time^ which,
with the low clouds wrapping the heights, conceal
ed the movement.
By three okdock, Bragg, to his astonishment,
found an army hanging along the sides of Mis
sionary Ridge, on his extreme right. A feeble at
tempt was made to repel the advance, but the
artUlery, dragged up the steep ascent, scattered
the enemy, and night found Sherman securely
planted. While Sherman was thus securing a lodgment
on the rebel right, Hooker Avas carrying Lookout
Mountain on his left. " The ascent of the moun
tain is steep and thickly wooded ; beetling crags
peer out all over its sides from the masses of heavy
fbUage, and, at the summit, a lofty palisaded crest
rises perpendicularly, as many as sixty or eighty
feet. On the northern slope, about midway be
tween the summit and the Tennessee, a plateau of
open and arable land belts the mountain. There,
a continuous line of earthworks had been thrown
up ; while redoubts, redans, and rifle-pits were
scattered lower down the acclivity, to repel as
saults from the direction of the river. On each
flank were epaulements, walls of stone, and abatis ;
and, in the valley itself, at the foot of the moun
tain, long lines of earthworks, of stiU greater ex
tent. The entire force, for the defence of the

BATTLE ABOVE THE CLOUDS. 261
mountain, consisted of six brigades, or about seven
thousand men."
In the same drizzling rain and fog that had
partially concealed Sherman's movement, Hooker
began his march. As he looked up the rugged
slopes, he saw that no common task had been as
signed him, but it was in just such emergencies
that his great qualities exhibited themselves.
That cloud-capped summit must be won, and
the first step taken toward Victory. The bugles
sounded "forward," and the columns took up
their line of march for the base, and 'heedless. of
Jhe iron-storm that beat from above upon them,
reached it and began to climb like mountain goats
the steep ascent. Sometimes stopped for a mo
ment, but never driven back, they kept unwaver
ingly on tiU they entered the low hanging clouds,
which suddenly wrapped them from sight. Grant
and Thomas, and others down in Chattanooga,
gazed anxiously toward the hidden summit, and
listened with beating hearts to the crashing voUies
and deep roar of artillery that came out of the
mysterious bosom of the clouds. Lookout, for
the time, seemed famed Olympus on which Ju
piter was thundering, or the gods contending in
celestial fury. Nought could be seen, and though
the heavy explosions of artUlery remained station
ary, the voUies of musketry, seemed to creep
nearer and nearer to the summit At this mo-

262 LIFE OF. GRANT.
ment of intense excitement, the fog suddenly
lifted, letting down the light of heaven upon the
mountain top, and revealing as by magic to the
gazing thousands below, a scene of sublime and
thrilling interest. There, amid the rocky ledges,
in front of the rebel works, stood our gaUant
troops, their banners mere specks against the sky.
The battle was raging furiously, for this was the
last foothold of the enemy — driven from the sum
mit, the mountain was Hooker's. The Avhole army
in Chattanooga were witnesses of this strange
fight among the clouds, and when at length they
saw the enemy driven out of his works, and our,
banners Wave above them, they broke forth into
a shout that rent the heavens, and long, loud ac
clamations surged backward and forward through
the valley. But the fighting did not cease till
after dark, and the rebel signal-light could be seen
waving from the lofty summit to Bragg on Mis
sionary Ridge, while jets of flame pierced the
gloom, and the muffled voUies fell faintly on the
ear below.
But the height was won ; and Hooker at once
opened communication with Chattanooga.
Everything had worked to Grant's satisfaction,
and he only waited for the morning light to hurl
his sixty thousand men on the rugged heights in
his front. During the night it cleared off, and a
sharp autumnal frost rendered the air of that high

MORNING OF THE BATTLE. 263
region still clearer, and gave a darker blue to the
deep vault of heaven. The soldiers crowned the
hills with camp-fires, revealing to the enemy their
position, as well as showing to their friends in
Chattanooga the important points that had been
gained. At midnight a staff officer of Grant
reached Sherman with directions to attack at day
break, saying t that Thomas would also attack
"early in the day." Sherman turned in for a
short nap, -but before daylight he was in the sad
dle, and riding the whole length of his lines, ex
amined well his position and that of the enemy.
By the dim light he saw, to his surprise, that a
vaUey or gorge lay between him and the next hUl,
which was very steep, and that the farther point
was held by the enemy with a breastwork of logs
and earth in front. A still higher hill command
ed this with a plunging fire, which was also
crowded with the foe. He could not see the bot
torn of the gorge below, and was not able to com
plete his preparations so as to attack by daylight,
as he had been ordered. General Corse was to
lead the advance, and before he had fuUy mar
shalled his forces, the sun arose in dazzling bright
ness over the eastern heights, and flooded the scene
with beauty. His beams were sent back from
tens of thousands of bayonet points, and flashing
athwart long rows of cannon, while the increasing
hght brought out in a grand panoramic picture,

264 LIFE OF GRANT.
Chattanooga resting quietly below in its amphi
theatre of hiUs. Banners waved along the heights,
and rose over Grant's encampment in the distance,
and all was bright and beautiful. Here and there
a bugle-call and drum-beat gave increased mterest
to the scene. But its beauty was soon to change
— those summits, noAv baptized in golden hght,
were to be wrapped in smoke and heave to volca
nic fires, and strong columns stagger bleeding
along their sides.
Sherman at length being ready, Corse's bugles
sounded the "forward," and the assaulting regi
ments moved steadUy down the hUl, across the
intervening vaUey, and up the "opposing slope.
Morgan L. Smith on the left of the ridge, and
Colonel Loomis abreast of the Tunnel, drew a
portion of the enemy's fire away from the assault
ing column, which haAdng closed in a death-grap
ple with the foe, now advanced its banners, and
now receded, but never yielding the position it
had at first gained. Grant could see the struggle
from his position at Chattanooga, and at one time
observing two brigades give way in disorder,
thought Sherman was repulsed ; but it was not
so. Corse, Loomis, and Smith, stuck to the ene
my with a tenacity that gave him not a moment's
rest. Sherman's position not only threatened the
rebel right flank, but his rear and stores at Chick
amauga station ; hence the persistency of his at

SHERMAN IMPATIENT. 265
tack alarmed Bragg, and he steadUy accumulated
forces against him that rendered an advance on
Sherman's part impossible. Hour after hour the
contest raged with terrible ferocity, and the flam
ing cloud-wrapped heights appeared to the lookers-
on at Chattanooga like a volcano in full, fierce
action. Grant had told Sherman that Thomas
would attack early in the day, but the former
watched in vain for the movement. The gallant
Corse had been borne wounded from the field, and
Grant, fearing that Sherman was being too heavily-
pressed, sent over to his help Baird's division;
but Sherman sent it back, saying he had aU the
troops that he wanted. Thus, he fought the battle
alone all the forenoon, and still the banners droop
ed lazUy along their staffs in front of Chattanooga.
He began to grow impatient. In the bright clear
air he -could look down from his position on the
" amphitheatre' of , Chattanooga," but could dis
cern no signs of the promised movement. Now
and then a solitary cannon-shot alone told that
the army there was alive; but beyond, toward
Lookout, Avhere Hooker was trying to advance,
the heavy reverberations of artUlery, and dull
sound of musketry, showed that he was pushing
the- enemy. Thus matters stood at three o'clock,
when, said Sherman, ." I saw column after column
of .the enemy streaming toward me, gun after gun
pouring its concentric shot on us from every hill
12

266 LIFE OF GRANT.
and spur that gave a view of any part of the
ground held by us." The attack of Thomas,
which was to be " early in the day," was unac
countably delayed, and what could it aU mean,
was the anxious enquiry he put to himself. One
thing was plain — his exhausted columns could not
long stand this accumulation of numbers and con
centration of artillery. Grant, too, Avas anxious.
The appearance of Hooker's column, moving north
along the ridge on the other flank of the enemy,
was to be the signal of assault on the centre ; but
hour after hour passed by and no advancing ban
ners were seen. The latter had been detained in
budding a bridge across Chattanooga Creek.
At length, he could wait no longer, and hearing
that Hooker was weU adyanced, and seeing the
centre weakened, to overthrow Sherman, he or
dered the assault to be made. Sherman," whose
glass was scarcely for a moment turned from the
centre, now saw with rehef a "white line of
musketry fire in front of Orchard Knob, extend
ing further right and left and on." "We could
hear," he says, " only a faint echo of sound ; but
enough was seen to satisfy me that General Thom
as was moving on the centre."
He was moving, but it was now nearly four
o'clock in the short autumnal afternoon, and
Grant had waited and waited with painful sus
pense, for Hooker's advance. What was to be

THE GRAND ASSAULT. 267
done must be done quickly ; and, as now, from
his elevated knoll, he saw the hostile columns
moving swiftly along the ridge toward Sherman,
showing that Bragg was weakening his centre to
strengthen his right, he knew that the decisive
hour had come. The rebel general Avas repeating
the mistake committed by the allies at Austerlitz
— making a flank movement in presence of the
enemy, and, like Napoleon, Grant at once took
advantage of it, and gave the order to advance.
The signal was six cannon shots, fired at inter
vals of two seconds each. With regular beat, one,
two, three sounded, till, as the last deep reverbera
tion roUed away over the heights, there was a sud
den resurrection, as from the boAvels of the earth,
of that apparently deadline. Four divisions of the
Army of the Cumberland composed it. A mile
and a half of country lay before them to the rifle-
pits at the base of Missionary Ridge. First, a
belt of open timber, and then a smooth plain, then
the rifle-pits at the base of the Ridge — finally, the
rocky hiU, four hundred feet high to mount, every
inch of it swept by. artillery and musketry. Pass
ing through the woods, they burst on a double-
quick into the open plain. The tempest that now
broke upon their heads was terrible. " The enemy's
fire burst out of the rifle-pits from base to summit
of Mission Ridge ; five rebel batteries of Parrots
and Napoleons opened along the crest. Grape

268 LIFE OF GRANT.
and canister, and shot and shell, sowed the ground
with rugged iron, and garnished it with the wound
ed and the dead. But steady and strong our
columns moved on."
Over their heads, from every commanding fort
and lull, our batteries rained a horrible tempest
of iron on the rebel works. Under this awful
canopy, the glittering lines breasted on a run the
fiery sleet that smote them in front, each eye fixed
unwaveringly on the rifle-pits at the foot of the
Ridge. The sun was now hanging just above the
western horizon, pouring its flood of light upon
their backs, and shining full in the enemy's faces.
As the unclouded rays fell on those twice ten
thousand bayonetpoints, sweeping in one glitter
ing wave across the plain, the dazzling sheen of
hght was so terrible, that the rebels in the rifle-
pits fled before it in affright, or fell prostrate in
the trenches, and let it roll in flashing splendor
over them, without firing a shot.
The orders were, that when the . rifle-pits were
carried, the line should be halted and re-formed
for an advance up the heights. But, as the men
bounded into them with a shout, they forgot all
orders. Their blood was now up, and sending
their loud hurrah above the deafening thunder
peals that shook mountain and plain, they began
to scale the rocky slope. The fire that opened on
them was appalling. It was no longer round shot

A TERRIFIC SCENE. 269
and shell, but canister, grape, and musketry.
Missionary Ridge Avas a volcano, "a thousand
torrents of fire poured over its brink, and rushed
together to its base. But the hne moves on and
up. They cannot dash up that rugged acclivity.
They dash out a little way, and then slacken ;
they creep up, hand over hand, loading and firing,
and wavering and halting, from the first line of
works to the second; they burst into a charge
with a cheer, and go over it. Sheets of flame
baptize them ; plunging shot tear away comrades
on left and right; it is no longer shoulder to
shoulder; it is God for us aU! Under tree-
trunks, among rocks, stumbling over the dead,
struggling with the living, facing the steady fire
of eight thousand infantry poured down upon
their heads as if it were the old historic curse from
heaven, they wrestle with the Ridge. Ten, fifteen,
twenty minutes go by, like a reluctant century.
The batteries roll like a drum. Between the
second and last hnes of rebel works is the torrid
zone of the battle. The hill sways up like a wall
before them, at an angle of forty-five degrees, but
our brave mountaineers are clambering steadily
on — up — upward still ! "
It was thrilling, maddening to see those Avaver-
ing banners fluttering alternately high up the
steep acclivity, amid flame and smoke. Noav one
and now another would sink to the ground along

270 LIFE OF GRANT.
the steep, as the bearers were shot doAvn, but the
next moment they would gleam aloft again, as gal
lant comrades seized them, and carried them far
ther up the slope. The ranks melted rapidly away,
but the survivors kept on. Grant gazed, appa
rently unmoved, at the sight, yet with his whole
soul in the struggle. Even the impassable Thomas,
as he saw the slow and difficult progress, exclaimed
to Grant : " I fear, General, they will never reach
the top." The latter merely replied : " Give 'em
time, General, give 'em time." At last the crimson,
glittering tide reached the crest, and just as the sun
was sinking below the western horizon, flooding
the heights with his departing rays, it roUed over
them, and Grant knew they were won. Then
there went up a shout, like the far-off murmur of
the sea, and as the muffled sound reached the ear
of Grant, his compressed lips wreathed Avith a
smUe, and the burden lifted from his heart.
"But the scene on the narrow plateau can
never be painted. As the blue-coats surged over
its edge, cheer on cheer rang like bells through
the valley of the Chickamauga, Men flung them
selves exhausted upon the ground. They laughed
and wept, shook hands, and embraced ; turned
round, and did all four over again. It was as
wUd as a carnival. Granger was received with a
shout. 'Soldiers,' he said, 'you ought to be
courtmartiaUed, every man of you ! I ordered

A MOONLIGHT SCENE. 271
you to take the rifle-pits, and you scaled the
mountain!' But it Avas not Mars' horrid front
exactly, with which he said it, for his cheeks were
wet with tears as' honest as the blood that redden
ed aU the route. Wooduttered words that rang
like ' Napoleon's ;' and Sheridan, the rowels at his
horse's flanks, was ready for a dash down the
Ridge with a ' view halloo,' for a fox-hunt."
Bragg and his staff-officers attempted to rally
the troops, and form a second line of battle, in
vain, and the disordered host fled in affright.
Sheridan, from the Ridge, saw the disorganized
columns and confused wagon trains, surging
through the vaUey below, and pushed fiercely on.
A mile in the rear, the road wound along a high
hiU on which Bragg had planted batteries, defend
ed by a strong force of infantry, to check the pur
suit. These now poured a rapid fire into Sheri
dan's division, but it kept steadUy on, and reaching
the base, a part began to climb the mountain in
front, Avhile Sheridan sent two regiments to flank
it on both sides at once. It Avas now dark, and
just as one of these regiments came over the crest
of the hUl, the moon rose behind it, and the col
umn, with bayonets and banners, was drawn in
black, bold relief against the glittering orb.
Hooker, too, was in fuU pursuit ; while Grant,
the moment the Ridge was carried, put spurs to his
horse and rode to the top, to direct the move-

272 LIFE OF GRANT.
ments, cheered by the excited soldiers Avherever
he moved. He kept on for a mile- or two, but
night checked further pursuit, except by Sheridan,
that nothing seemed able to stop — and though con
fused by the darkness and^ignorant of the roads,
he kept on for seven miles, carrying consternation
into the fugitive ranks.
But the bugle sounding recall along and be
neath that blood-stained Ridge, arrested the army,
and under the bright moon it went into bivouac
with cheers, that, taken up by division after di
vision, made that autumnal evening jubilant with
glad echoes.
Six thousand prisoners and forty cannon, were
the trophies of the victory.
At seven o'clock that night, Grant sat doAvn
and wrote the folloAving modest despatch to Hal
leck : — Chattanooga, November 25, 1863 — 7. 15, p. m.
Major-General H. ~W. Halleck, General-in-Chief :
Although the battle lasted from early dawn till dark
this evening, I beheve I am not premature in an
nouncing a complete victory over Bragg.
Lookout Mountain top, all the rifle-pits in Chatta
nooga Valley, and Missionary Ridge entire, have been
carried, and are now held by us. I have no idea of
finding Bragg here to-morrow. U. S. Grant, Major-General.
From this despatch one would never dream
that he had carried every strong position of the

THE PURSUIT. 273
enemy, who was now in full flight, miles away ;
kiUed, wounded, or captured nearly a fifth of
Bragg's entire force, and taken forty pieces of
artUlery. Next morning,, the pursuit was recommenced,
Grant riding with the advanced columns.
Sherman, from his position, also moved forward,
and, as he reached the depot of the enemy, found
it a- scene of desolation. " Corn-meal and corn,
in huge burning -piles, broken wagons, abandoned
caissons and guns, burned carriages, pieces ' of
pontoons, and aU manner of things, burning. and
broken," attested the ravages of war. Along the
road, strewed with the wrecks of the fight, he
pressed on till night, when, just as he emerged
from a miry swamp, he came upon the enemy's
rear-guard. A sharp contest followed, but the
night closed in so dark that he could not move
forward. Here, in the gloom, Grant joined him.
The next morning he continued the pursuit ; but
finding the roads fiUed. with all the troops "they
could accommodate," he halted and turned to the
east, to break up the communications between
Bragg and Longstreet, now before KnoxviUe.
Hooker also kept on all day, after the fleeing
enemy; and Grant would have pressed the pur
suit as long as he could have fed his men, but for
his anxiety to relieve Burnside. He therefore
ordered it to cease, and at once "directed Granger.
12*

274 LIFE OF GRANT.
and soon after Sherman, to march for Knoxville
and raise the siege. To the latter, this was as
signing a terrible task. It was hard to ask his
troops, after a inarch of four hundred miles, and
a fierce battle, and days of pursuit, now to-make
a forced march of eighty-four miles, in winter,
over a broken country. " Seven days before,"
says he, " we had left our camp on the other side
of the Tennessee, with two days' rations, without
a change of clothing, stripped for the fight, with
but a single blanket or coat per man— from my
self to the private. Of course, we then had no
provisions, save what we gathered by the road,
and were ill supplied for such a march. But we
learned that twelve thousand of our fellow-soldiers
were beleaguered in the mountains of KnoxvUle,
eighty-four mUes distant ; that they needed relief,
and must have it in three days* This Avas enough,
and it had to be done," and he at once put his
army in motion.
Longstreet heard of his approach, and hastily
raising the siege, retreated eastward.
The campaign was now ended, and Grant could
take a quiet survey of his position. With sixty
thousand men, he had driven forty-five thousand
from positions that the enemy supposed half of
that number could hold forever ; relieved all East
Tennessee ; and firmly established a base for fur
ther operations into the interior.

DRAMATIC SCENERY. 275
Although the campaign had closed with a thun
der-clap, on a narrow strip of mountain, it had em
braced a wide field in its progress. It took in the
Army of the Ohio, nearly ninety mUes distant,
in KnoxAulle ; the Army of the Tennessee, hun
dreds of mUes away, toiling through a hostile
country ; as well as Chattanooga itself. Every
thing centered around the single person of Grant,
who, at the latter place, was the moving power
of the whole.
Having at length gathered the scattered, isolat
ed elements into his single hand, he hurled them
in one mighty blow on the enemy, crushing him
into fragments. His plan of battle was simple,
and carried out like an order for a parade. Right
in the presence of the enemy, who could look
down on all his movements from his high perch,
he laid all his plans, and executed them with the
precision of one who is master of fate. And
never before was a battle fought in which there
were more dramatic scenery and action combined.
Mountain heights crowned with the enemy, look
ing down on quiet camps below ; troops righting
above the clouds ; Grant, the central figure of the
great panorama, standing on. a low hill, with
three armies thundering and shouting above and
around him ; the descending sun, flooding all in its
departing splendor, are only so many shifting
scenes in the mighty drama.

276 HFE OF GRANT.
This brilliant campaign, so glorious in its re
sults, lifted Grant to the highest summit of mili
tary renown, and stamped him one of the greatest
generals of his time. The President, overjoyed
at the result, sent the foUoAving telegram to him :
Washington, December 8.
Major-General Grant :
Understanding that your lodgment at Chattanooga
and Knoxville is now secure, I wish to tender you, and
all under your command, my more than- thanks— my
profoundest gratitude, for the skill, courage, and perse
verance AA'ith which you aud they, OA'er so great diffi
culties, have effected that important object. God bless
you all ! A. Lincoln.

CHAPTER XVII.
Grant again proposes to capture Mobile — His Views Opposed —
His Congratulatory Order to his Troops — Congress Orders a
Medal struck for him — He wishes to carry on a Winter Cam
paign, but is unable — -Sends Sherman on a raid into Mississippi —
A Public Dinner given him in Louisville — His Political views —
Made Lieutenant-General, and ordered to Washington — Inter
esting Correspondence between him and Sherman — His Re
ception at Washington — His Commission presented him by the
President — Grandeur of his Position — Hurries up Banks-
Maturing of Plans.
Grant now again proposed to the Government
a movement against MobUe, promising to capture
or secure its investment by the last of January ;
but his request was refused.
Soon after, he issued the following congratula
tory order to the Army :
Headquaeters, Military Division oe the Mississippi,. )
In the Field, Chattanooga, Tenn., t
December" 10, 1863. )
The General Commanding takes this, opportunity of
returning his sincere thanks and congratulations to the
brave armies of the Cumberland, the Ohio, the Ten
nessee, and their comrades from the Potomac, for the
recent splendid and decisive successes achieved over the
enemy. In a short time, you have recovered from him
the control of the Tennessee Eiver, from Bridgeport to
Knoxville. Tou dislodged him from his great strong
hold upon Lookout Mountain, drove him from Chatta-

278 LIFE OF GRANT.
nooga Valley, wrested from his determined grasp the
possession of Missionary Eidge, repeUed with heavy
loss to him his repeated assaults upon Knoxville, forcing
him to raise the siege there, driving him at all points,
utterly routed and discomfited, beyond the limits of
the State. By your noble heroism and determined
courage, you have most effectuany defeated the plans of
the enemy for regaining possession of the States of Ken
tucky and Tennessee. You have secured positions from
which no rebellious power can drive or dislodge you.
For all this, the General Commanding thanks you collec
tively and individually. The loyal people of the United
States thank and bless you. Their hopes and prayers
for your success against this unholy rebeUion are with
you dafly. Their faith in you Avill not he in vain.
Their hopes will not be blasted. Their prayers to Al
mighty God wiU be answered. You wfll yet go to other
fields of strife ; and with the invincible bravery and
unflinching loyalty to justice and right which have
characterized you in the past, you will prove that no
enemy can withstand you, and that no defences, how
ever formidable, can check your onward march.
By order, Major-General Ut S. Grant.
About Christmas he visited KnoxvUle, to look
after matters there in person. In the mean time,
he had planned the great raid into Mississippi,
known as the Meridian raid. About the middle
of January, he returned to Nashville, where he
had established his headquarters.
Congress, in the mean time, passed a vote of
thanks, and ordered a medal to be struck in com
memoration of the great services he had rendered
the country.
Notwithstanding Grant desired greatly to car-

MERIDIAN RAID. 279
ry on a winter campaign, circumstances rendered
it impossible. Thomas, at Chattanooga, could not
push on through the mountains towards Atlanta,
while the impossibility of supplying the army at
Knoxville, in the field, if properly reinforced, com-
peUed him to give up his first purpose to move
against Longstreet, who still lingered in East
Tennessee. Besides, the term for which a large
part of the volunteers had enlisted expired this
winter, and, in order to induce them to re-enlist,
a furlough of sixty days was given them. Hence,
no general movement could be set on foot, and
Grant contented himself with sending Sherman
on his raid into Mississippi, to be supported by a
large body of cavalry, starting about the same
time from Corinth. The object he had in Adew
may be seen from his orders to Sherman, as in
dicated in the following letter to HaUeck :
"I shall direct Sherman, therefore, to move out
to Meridian, with his spare force, the cavalry
going from Corinth ; and destroy the roads east
and south of there so effectually, that the enemy
wiU not attempt to rebuild them during the re
bellion. He will then return, unless opportunity
of going into MobUe with the force he has, ap
pears perfectly plain. Owing to the large number
of veterans furloughed, I will not be able to do
more at Chattanooga than to threaten an ad
vance, and try to detain the force now in Thomas'

280 LIFE OF GRANT.
front. Sherman 'will be instructed, whilst left
with these large discretionary powers, to take no
extra hazard of losing his army, or of getting it
crippled too much for efficient service in the
spring." Sherman started on the 3d of February, and
pushed as far as Meridian, sending consternation
through the South, that was filled with aU kinds
of conjecture as to the object and end of his march.
The cavalry force destined to accompany him, how
ever, was driven back by the enemy, which embar
rassed his movements and shortened his march, so
that, after destroying the railroad depots on each
side of Meridian for a long distance, he returned.
In the latter part of January, hearing that his
eldest son was lying dangerously iU at St. Louis,
Grant obtained permission to visit him. His ar
rival caused great excitement, and a public dinner
was tendered him, in a long, flattering letter.
Finding that his son had passed the crisis of his
disease, and was pronounced out of danger, he ac
cepted the invitation. As the toast to him, the
honored guest, was given, the band struck up
" Hail to the Chief," and at the close of the strain,
the building rocked to the loud hurrahs of the
guests. To aU this demonstration, Grant simply
returned his thanks. Afterwards, when the crowd
blocked the streets and asked for him in deafen
ing clamor, he reluctantly appeared on the

POLITICAL VIEWS. 281
balcony of the hotel. His appearance was greet
ed with the AvUdest uproar, and deafening calls for
a speech. But he only said, "Gentlemen, I thank
you for this honor. I cannot make a speech. It
is something I have never done, and never intend
to do, and I beg you will excuse me." But the
surging multitude was determined not to be put
off so. It did not believe that a man Avho could
so coolly face that mighty throng, blandly smoking
his cigar the while, could not make a speech if.
he was inclined to, and the shout, " A speech, a
speech, a speech! " rose like thunder from the
streets beloAv. A gentleman beside him said,
General, ¦ tell them you can fight for them, but
cannot talk to them. " Some one else must say
that for me," was the quiet reply. But the
clamor swelling, he was forced to open his mouth,
and said in sharp, decided tones, "Gentlemen,
making speeches is not my business, I never did
it in my life — never will ; I thank you, however,
for your attendance here," and retired, much to the
disappointment of the crowd, for, to an American,
a crowd without-a speech is a failure. To one who,
at this time, asked him of his political views, he
said : " These are not the times for parties. In
deed, in this crisis there can be but two parties —
those for the country, those for its foes. I belong
to the party of the Union. Those who are the
most earnest in carrying on the war and putting

282 LIFE OF GRANT.
down the Rebellion, have my support. As a
soldier, I obey the laws and execute the orders
of aU my superiors. I expect every man under
me to do the same."
A bUl which had been introduced into Con
gress by Mr. Washburne, to revive the grade of
LieutenantGeneral, Avith a view of conferring it
on Grant, passed in the latter part of February.
The nomination of the officer to hold this high
position, never before occupied but by two men,
Washington and Scott, belonging to the Presi
dent, he,- in accordance with his own inclinations,
as Avell as the clearly expressed wish of the people,
sent to the Senate the name of Grant. He
was promptly confirmed. The President at once
sent for him to come on to Washington, and he
started on the 4th of March, for the capital. The
very day he received the inteUigence of the high
command to which he had been nominated, he
wrote the following letter to Sherman, which,
with the ansAver, exhibits both these great com
manders in a most attractive light. He says :
Dear Sherman, — The bill reviving the grade of Lieu-
tenantgeneral in the Army has become a law, and my
name has been sent to the Senate for the place. I now
receive orders to report to Washington immediately,
in person, which indicates a confirmation, or a likeli
hood of confirmation. I start in the morning to comply
with the order.
Whilst I have been eminently successful in this war,
in at least gaining the confidence of the pubhc, no one

A noblj; LETTER. 283
feels more than I, how much of this success is due U
the energy, skill, and the harmonious putting forth of
that energy and skill, of those whom it has been my
good fortune to have occupying subordinate position's
under me.
There are many officers to whom these remarks are
applicable to a greater or less degree, proportionate to
their ability as soldiers ; but what I want, is to express
my thanks to you and McPherson, as the men to whom,
above aU others, I feel indebted for whatever I have had
of success.
How far your advice and assistance have been of help
to me you know. How far your execution of whatever
has been given you to do, entitles you to the reward I
am receiving, you cannot know as Avell as I. I feel all
the gratitude this letter- would express, giving it the
most flattering construction. .
The word you, I use in the plural, intending it for
McPherson also. I should write" to him, and will some
day, but, starting in the morning, I do not knoAv that I
will find time just now.
Your friend, U. S. Grant, Major- General.
The simple, manly sincerity of this letter — the
utter absence of all vanity and egotism — the abne
gation of all claims to distinction from his own
merits, the generous acknowledgment of the claims
and services of others, and the warm, noble, friend
ship it expresses, reveal,- as no eulogy could do,
the truthfulness, modesty and real grandeur of his
character. Sherman replied as follows :
Dear General : I have your more than kind and
characteristic letter of the 4th instant. I will send a
copy to General McPherson at once. You do yourself
injustice, and us too much honor in assigning to us too

284 LIFE OF GRANT.
large a share of the merits which have led to your high
advancement. I know you approve the friendship I
have ever professed to you, and will permit me to con
tinue, as heretofore, to manifest it on ah proper occasions.
You are now Washington's legitimate successor, and
occupy a position of almost dangerous elevation ; but,
if you can continue, as heretofore, to be yourself, sim
ple, honest, and unpretending, you will enjoy through
life the respect and love of friends, and the homage of
millions of human beings, that wili award you a large
share in securing to them and their descendants a
government of law and stability.
I repeat, you do General McPherson and myself
.too much honor. At Belmont, you manifested your
traits — neither of us being near. At Donelson, also,
you illustrated your whole character. I was not near,
and General McPherson in too subordinate a capacity
to influence you.
Until you had won Donelson, I confess I was al
most cowed by the terrible array of anarchical elements
that presented themselves at every point ; but that ad
mitted a ray of hght I have followed since. I believe
you are as brave, patriotic, and just, as the great pro
totype Washington — as unselfish, kind-hearted, and
honest as a man should be — but the chief characteristic
is the simple faith in success you have always manifest
ed, which I can liken to nothing else than' the faith a
Christian has in the -Saviour.
This faith gave you victory at Shiloh and Vicks
burg. Also, when you have completed your best prep
arations, you go into battle without hesitation, as at
Chattanooga — no doubts — no reserves ; and I teU you,
it was this that made us act with confidence. I knew,
wherever I was, that you thought of me, and if I got
in a tight place you would help me out, if alive. ,
My only point of doubt was, in your knowledge of
grand strategy, and of books of science and history,
but, I confess, your common-sense seems to have sup
plied all these.

ANNOYING ATTENTION. 285
Now, as to the future. Don't stay in Washington,
Come West: take to yourself the whple Mississippi
Valley. Let us make it dead sure— and I tell you,
the Atlantic slopes and Pacific shores will follow its
destiny, as sure as the limbs of a tree five or die with
the main trunk. We have done much, but still much
remains. Time, and time's influences, are with us. We
could almost afford to sit still, and let these influences
work. Here lies the seat of the coming empire ; and from
the West, when our task is done, we will make short
work of Charleston and Eichmond, and the impover
ished coast of the Atlantic. Your sincere friend,
W. T. Sherman.,
There is a Spartan simplicity, combined with
the chivalry of knightly days, in this correspon
dence. Amid the stern realities of war, the ac
clamations of the people, and the applause of the
great, 'what a pleasant side-picture this private
interchange of feehngs between these two great
commanders makes. Neither the hardening sights
of the battle-field, nor rank, nor emoluments, can
change the inborn nobleness of these two hearts ;
no pride on the one hand, no envy on the other.
The love of these two heroes is grander than their
heroism. Grant's arrival at Washington was the signal
for the wildest demonstrations of enthusiasm, and
at the President's levee,_ he was lifted on a sofa so
that all might see him. These exhibitions an
noyed him, and he said, "I hope to get away

28*6

LIFE OF GRANT.

from Washington, for I am tired of this show
business." The next day, March 9th, he was summoned to
a meeting of the Cabinet. Taking his little son
with him, who had ridden boldly by his side all
through the Vicksburg campaign, he entered the
room, and was introduced by the President to the
various members, who then said :
" General Grant : The nation's approbation
of what you have already done, and its reliance
on you for what remains to do in. the existing
great struggle, is now presented with this com
mission, constituting you Lieutenant-General of
the Army of the United States.
" With this high honor devolves on you a cor
responding responsibility. As the country herein
trusts you, so, under God, it Avill sustain you.
" I scarcely need add, that, with what I here
speak for the country, goes my own hearty perv
sonal concurrence."
Grant read from a paper the following reply :
" Mr. President : I accept this commission
with gratitude for the high honor conferred. With
the aid of the noble armies Avho have fought on
so many battle-fields for our common country, it
Avill be my earnest endeavor not . to disappoint
your expectations. I feel the fuU weight of the
responsibility now devolving on me. I know
that, if it is properly met, it will be due to these

lieutenant-general. 287
armies ; and, above all, to the favor of that Prov
idence which leads both nations and men."
Never seeking advancement, he made no effort
to have his command increased ; yet, with a quiet
confidence that results" from' consciousness of
strength, he takes the increased responsibihty
which is forced upon him, without the least hesi
tation. He neither presents claims, nor offers
excuses; neither seeks power, nor shrinks from
accepting it.
A greater contrast can hardly be -imagined,
than the condition he now presented to that of a
few years ago. Then an unknoAvn ex-captain, he
hesitatingly sought an interview with McClellan,
hoping that he might be taken on his- staff ; to
day, supreme commander of nearly a miUion of
men. From complete obscurity, he, in a few short
years, had vaulted to one of the most exalted re
sponsible positions ever occupied by man. Under
no other but a republican government could such
a marvellous transition have occurred.. Still, he
had not sprung at once by a mere stroke of for
tune into that position. Although sq. short a
period had elapsed since he began his career, he
had fought his way up to it. Commanding the
limited department of Tennessee, his victories had
caused *an enlargement of the territory under his
control. The wonderful campaign of Vicksburg
gave him the whole Mississippi Valley as his thea-

288 life of grant.
tre of action, and placed three armies under his
control. The victory of Chattanooga lifted him
still higher, and now half a dozen mighty ar
mies were subject to his sway. As he, from this
exalted position, cast his eyes around him, what
a spectacle met his gaze. Never before had one
commander surveyed so vast a field of operations,
and looked over such a mighty array, subject to
his single control. From the Potomac to the Rio
Grande, for five thousand miles, arose the smoke
of camp-fires, and stood embattled hosts awaiting
his bidding. To aid him in the gigantic task be
fore him, six hundred vessels of war lined the
rivers and darkened the coast for twenty-five hun
dred miles, while four thousand cannon lay ready
to open at his command.
The height of power to which he had so sud
denly attained, would have made a less strong head
dizzy. It, however, produced no change in him.
Volunteering no promises, indulging in no vain
glory, he quietly surveys the vast field before him
— rspeaking confidently, but only in subordination
to the Being who lifts up and pulls down as He
pleases. The work to be done was plain enough. These
various and widely-scattered armies must be wield
ed like a single engine, and brought to bear with
their united force on the central, vital portion of
the Confederacy, and crush it to atoms.

preparations. 289
The people breathed freer as they saw their
favorite commander clothed with this more than
regal power. The blunders of the Cabinet, the
petty, partisan interference of Congress, which,
more than the incapacity of' the generals, had
caused eArery thing to go amiss, and heaped defeat
on the top of defeat, were now done with. . A
military man, with the power to grasp, and the
energy to carry out a great plan, and embrace the
field of operations, was at last at the head of
the national forces, and it Avas plain that the day
of " quid nuncs" at Washington was over. The
mighty power of the North, which had been hurled
hither and thither, with such blind energy, was to
be held calmly . in hand, and made to move like
the steady, resistless tide of the ocean, on the
audacious Confederacy, which had for so many
years hfted. itself on the fragments of the Union.
Under him was a group of lieutenants Avorthy
of their great leader. Sherman, Thomas, Hooker,
Howard, Hancock, Sedgwick, Slocum, and others,
had no peers in ability and military science.
As it. was fit, Sherman was placed over the
Mississippi division, which Grant's elevation had
vacated. While the latter was maturing his plans, he
quietly began to gather the materials necessary to
carry them out. Railways groaned under the
weight of soldiers returning to their regiments,
13

290 LIFE OF GRANT.
the rivers were black with transports bearing
ordnance and supphes, and the entire North
trembled under the mighty preparations going
forward. One of Grant's first acts after his appointment
as LieutenantGeneral, was to hurry to some con
clusion the iU-starred expedition of Banks, already
started for the Red River. This was none of his
work, but the result of the combined brUliant
strategy of Halleck and Stanton. Hence, he,
only a few days after he had come into power,
sent a despatch to Banks to advance at once to
the point he was aiming to reach — Shreveport —
but " if he found that the taking of it would occupy
from ten to fifteen days — more time than General
Sherman had given to his troops to be absent from
their command, he would send them back at the
time specified by General Sherman, even if it led
to the abandonment of the main object of the
Red River expedition, for this force was necessary
to movements east of the Mississippi ; that, should
his expedition prove successful, he would hold
Shreveport and the Red River, with such force
as he might deem necessary, and return the bal
ance of his troops to the neighborhood of New
Orleans, commencing no move for the further
acquisition of territory, unless it was to make
that then held by him more easily held ; that it
might be a part of the Spring campaign to move

INSTRUCTIONS TO BANKS. 291
against Mobile; that it certainly would be, if
troops enough could be obtained to make it with
out embarrassing other movements — that New
Orleans, would be the point of departure for such
an expedition." Finally, he directed him to move
as quickly as possible. He wanted the blunder
consummated speedily, that it might not entangle
and embarrass him in the great movements he con
templated. Halleek's system of operations, which
was to kUl the monster by cutting off his taU and
claws, and so work up to the vital part, was over
forever; and the coming contest was to be a death-
grapple — a last interlocking between the colossal
power of the North and the desperate South, from
which only one should arise.

CHAPTER XVHI.
The way to a stable Peace — Grant on the Erroneous Manner in
which the War had been carried on — The right Plan of Action —
View of the Condition — Forces in the Field — Sketch of Grant's
Plan of Campaign — Instructions to Sherman — Instructions to
Butler — To- Meade — Army of the Potomac — Its Route .decided
upon — Movement delayed by muddy Roads — Strange Confi
dence of the South — Not shared by Lee, who orders a day
of Humiliation and Prayer — His Preparations — Numerical
Strength of the two Armies.
As stated in a former chapter, Grant had no
faith in the various theories propounded for
bringing the rebeUion to a close. Troubled with
no visionary schemes, he with his strong common-
sense, took a practical view of the war, and said
that he "was firm in the conviction that no peace
could be had that would be stable and conducive
to the happiness of the people both North and
South until the mUitary power of the rebeUion
was entirely broken," i. e., the only road to peace
lay over prostrate armies.
This fact being estabhshed in his mind, the
next step was to decide in what way the war
should be carried on. First, he said that active
and continuous operations of aU the troops
that could be brought into the field, regard-

PRACTICAL VIEWS. 293
less of season and weather, were indispensable;
for though our numerical strength was far supe
rior to that of the enemy, yet we had such a vast
territory to garrison as we advanced, and such
long lines of communication — the greater our
success the longer — to protect, that it cut down
sadly the actual number of troops that could be
brought into the field. But this was not all, he
said ; "the armies in the East and West acted in
dependently and without concert, like a balky team,
no two ever pulling together, enabling the enemy
to use to great advantage his interior hnes of
communication for transporting troops from east
to west, reinforcing the army most vigorously
pressed ; and to furlough large numbers during
seasons of inactivity on our part, to go to their
homes and do the Avork of providing for the sup
port of their armies." This shifting men from east
to west, and vice versa, as pressed in turn by our
armies, and then, during our intervals of rest, while
raising new levies, sending home the soldiers to
cultivate the neglected fields, although requiring
great activity, effected the same purpose as in
crease of numbers, so that Grant said " it was a
question Avhether our numerical strength and re
sources were not more than balanced by these
disadvantages and the enemy's superior posi
tion." Such being his views as he surveyed the vast

294 LIFE OF GRANT.
field of operations, it was a matter of course that he
should at the outset endeavor " to bring the great
est number of troops practicable against the armed
force of the enemy, and prevent him from using the
same force at different seasons against first one
and then another of our armies, and the possibil
ity of repose for refitting and producing necessary
supplies for carrying on resistance." In other
words, his plan was to confront all the armies of
the enemy with superior ones at the same time,
compelling each to stand and fight alone. More
over, never to leave his presence winter or sum
mer, so that his conscriptions that exhausted the
country should keep it exhausted. Jh the second
place, with our greater power, " to hammer contin
uously against the armed force of the enemy and
his resources, untU by mere attrition of the lesser
with the larger body, the former should be worn
out." It is plain to see that with such a mind govern
ing the campaign there would be fighting — fierce,
incessant, deadly, tiU one or the other army was
destroyed. With these clear, simple, and comprehensive
views and plans, there remained only one more
thing to settle — the time and manner of bringing
the armies into the field.
Although almost aU of Arkansas, Louisana,
and Texas was in the possession of the enemy,

HIS PLAN. 295
with probably eighty thousand rebel troops scat
tered through them, yet the Mississippi and Ar
kansas rivers were so strongly garrisoned that but
little trouble Avas to be feared from them, unless
expeditions were sent into the interior. East of
the Mississippi we held down to the . State of
Georgia, and enough of that near Chattanooga to
protect East Tennessee. Detached forces also were
scattered along the Atlantic coast. We had, be
sides, three large armies in the field — that-of Banks
up the Red River ; of Sherman at Chattanooga ;
and Meade in Virginia. The proper plan, there
fore, in accordance with Grant's general views,
would have been to move these three armies on
three vital points simultaneously, and which were
clearly indicated by the position of affairs to be
Richmond, Atlanta, and MobUe. Charleston had
been abandoned, as a probable base of operations,
but Mobile, with its river piercing inland north,
might be taken, and furnish a better one. Es
pecially if Atlanta was reached — the converging
point of the railroads traversing the Southern tier
of States — the occupation of these two places would
ensure the overthrow of this entire portion of the
Southern confederacy. But it soon became evident
that the army of Banks could not be used against
Mobile fbr some time yet, and it was therefore
left out of the main plan, and Atlanta and Rich
mond became the two great objective points of

296 LIFE OF GRANT,
the campaign, and the two armies of Lee and
Johnston — one on the Rapidan, and the other at
Dalton, were to be assailed with all the strength
and determination in his power. It is true there
were "guerilla bands to be guarded against, and a
large cavalry force in Mississippi, and troops in
the Shenandoah Valley to be looked after. But
these were of minor consequence, and Grant re
solved- that the main rebel armies should be
pressed so vigorously that their leaders would find
it necessary to caU in these detached roving bodies
instead of augmenting their force.
His confidence in Sherman made it unnecessary
to give him any but general directions. He was
to push on to Atlanta, break up Johnston's army,
and advance as far into the interior as he could.
They had talked over the campaign together, and
its main features were perfectly understood by the
latter. One thing was of vital importance, that
neither rebel army should be allowed to join the
other, and thus give to one a sudden preponder
ance which might prove fatal to the Union army on
which this concentrated force might fall. Grant,
therefore, in his last written instructions to Sher-.
man impressed this upon him, teUing'him that if
Johnston showed any signs of joining Lee, to fol
low him up at all hazards, and hang like a sleuth-
hound on his track, while he promised that
nothing short of impossibility should prevent him

HIS FINAL DIRECTIONS. 297
from holding Lee so firmly that he could not suc
cor Johnston. To Meade, the immediate com
mander of the army of the Potomac, his directions
were, " wherever Lee goes, go after him."
In operating against Lee and Richmond, Grant
found it impossible to concentrate all the forces
he. designed to use. He could not join Butler
at Fortress Monroe, because he would thus un
cover Washington ; neither could he allow Butler
to join him, for that would uncover the depart
ment of the latter ; and he therefore determined on
a double movement toward a common centre.
Butler, with his force swelled to some thirty thou
sand men, was to move against Richmond from
the south, while the army of the Potomac fell upon
Lee along the Rapidan. Grant's directions to
him were, the moment he received notice to start,
to take City Point at once, and intrench himself
there. Richmond, he was told to remember, was
his objective point, and that he must hold close to
the south bank of James River as he advanced.
When the rebel army should be driven into the
intrenchments of the capital, then their two armies
could unite and become a unit. If Butler could
swing around Richmond to the south far enough
to have his left wing touch the James River to the
west, Grant said he would form a junction there.
This would completely cut Lee off from his sup
plies, and coop him up in his capital. If he could
13*

298 LIFE OF GRANT.
capture Richmond, from which he knew Lee had
been compeUed to draw a great part of the garri
son, to do- so — at all events plant himself as far up
the south bank of the James as he could. The
minor details he left to himself. It wUl be seen
by these instructions that Grant laid great stress
on the success of Butler's movements ; and whether
from want of confidence in the latter's ability or
from anxiety to impress on him his duty, he says,
" I visited him at Fort Monroe, and in conversa
tion, pointed out the apparent importance of getting
possession of Petersburg, and destroying railroad
communications as far south as possible. Believ
ing, however, in the practicabUity of capturing
Richmond, unless it was reinforced, I made that
the objective point of his operations. If the Army
of the Potomac was to move simultaneously with
him, Lee could not detach from his army with
safety, and the enemy did not have troops else
where to bring to the defence of the city in time -
to meet a rapid movement from the north of
James River."
With regard to the movements of the Army of
the Potomac, he said, two plans presented them
selves: — one to cross the Rapidan below Lee,
moving by his right flank ; the other moving by
his left. Each presented advantages over the
other with corresponding objections. By crossing
above, Lee would be cut off from all chance of

THE ARMY WEATHER-BOUND. 299
ignoring Richmond or going north on a raid. But,
he said, " if we took this route, all we did would
have to be done while the rations we started with
held out; besides, it separated us from Butler, so'
that he could not be directed how to cooperate. If
we took the other route, Brandy Station could be
used as a base of supplies until another was secured
on the York or James rivers." Of these, hoAvever, it
was decided to take the lower route. This being
the case, it was necessary to guard the Shenan
doah VaUey, which by this movement would be
left uncovered, and the borders of Maryland and
Pennsylvania exposed to invasion. To prevent
this, General Sigel was placed here with a strong
force under his command. This was the outline
of the great overland campaign, on the success or
faflure of which was to depend the establishment
or overthrow of the Southern Confederacy.
Grant had determined to move with the open
ing of spring, but it passed away, and the army
remained quiet. The public Avondered, and the
spell which had so often held motionless the Army
of the Potomac seemed unbroken. The old ex
cuse, that it was stuck in the mud, did not satisfy
the people. Such was, nevertheless, the fact. The
impassable roads of Virginia, in the rainy season,
are no myth. This excuse had been often ridi
culed, yet it was still a valid one, and, though Grant
kneAv the public was impatient, he knew also that

300 LIFE OF GRANT.
he might as well attempt to move that mighty
army, with all its artUlery trains, and material of
war, through a mortar-bed, as along those clay
roads, until they were dried up. The people won
dered, but there was 'at last nothing left them but
patience. As, however, the weather brightened,
and^the ground became hardened, Grant gave the"^
signal, Avhich was waited for from the Tennessee
to the James rivers, and three armies arose as
one man and moved forward.
More than a quarter of a miUion of men com
posed this force, to oppose which the rebel gov
ernment could not bring into the field half that
number. Yet, singular as it may seem, the same
belief was as prevalent South, that the coming
campaign would end in their triumph, as in the
North, that its close Avould Avitness their over
throw. It was natural, from the vastness of the
preparations on our side, that we should feel con
fident of success ; but no such increase of force
furnished ground for hope in the South. In fact,
Lee's army, their chief reliance, was not much
more than half as large as it was when he invaded
Pennsylvania, while Grant's was nearly double to
that of Meade's, which opposed it.
Lee, however, did not share in these fond an
ticipations. He knew how mighty was the force
he was about to meet, which uncounted thousands
stood ready to back, whUe he could look nowhere

STRENGTH OF THE ARMIES. 301
for reinforcements to his diminished army. . As
a last resort, he looked to heaven fbr aid, and
issued a general order directing that "a day of
humUiation, fasting, and prayer" be observed
throughout the army , Public services were held
by the chaplains in the various regiments, and
great solemnity and deep feeling were exhibited.
In the meantime he strengthened his position by
intrenching his lines, and digging rifle-pits at the
fords of the Rapidan, -and left nothing undone
which could aid him to meet the terrible shock he
so well kneAV awaited him.
Apparently the odds were fearfully against him,
for the Army of the Potomac, with the ninth
corps under Burnside to support it, made a
movable column of about 140,000 men, whUe
Lee had, all told, but little over 54,000. With
such numerical superiority, Grant was confident
of success if he could get Lee from behind his
works, and force him into a field fight. But, if
he was always to be the attacking party and fight
the enemy in his intrenchments, he needed 60,000
more men to be on an equality with his adversary.

CHAPTER XIX.
THE OVERLAND MARCH.
The March begun — The Rapidan crossed — Lee's Plank turned —
He determines to attack Grant in the Wilderness — A sagacious
Move — First Day's Battle of the Wilderness — Arrival of Long-
street and Burnside — Swift Marching — Second Day's Battle —
Third Day — Headquarters — Grant attempts to move around
Lee's Left to Spottsylvania — The Night-March — The Enemy
arrive first — Grand Assault of the Enemy's Works — Gallant
Charge of Hancock — A Lull — A third Attempt to get between
Lee and Richmond — It Fails — Last Effort to reach Richmond
from the North — Battle of Cold Harbor — Change of Base to
the James River — Attempt to capture Petersburg.
Lee's army stretched for many miles along the
Rapidan river, and held all the -crossings in such
force that, as before stated, Grant, encamped at
Culpepper, determined to swing his army off to
the left, and cross it on the enemy's right flank,
and thus compel Lee to come out of his works, or
be cut off from Richmond. On the morning of
the 4th of May the mighty host was set in motion,
and along every road, and across open 'fields,
spreading over a vast extent of country, the succes
sive divisions swept forward. Sheridan, with the
cavalry, and an enormous train, composed of four
thousand wagons, moved in advance, and reach
ing one of the fords, hurried across, meeting with

THE RAPIDAN CROSSED/ 303
but httle opposition. Column foUowing column
in seeming endless succession, pressed after him
and .gained the opposite bank. The army crossed
at two fords, Ely's and Germania, some five or six
miles apart. It was divided into three corps —
the Second, commanded by Hancock, the Fifth,
by Warren, and the Sixth, by Sedgwick. Han
cock, in front, crossed at Ely's ford, followed by
Warren, while Sedgwick crossed at Germania,
forming the right. By night it was all over,
having marched twelve miles.
Thus the first great step was successfully taken.
Crossing a river at different points, with such an
immense train, in the presence of a skiUful enemy,
was a hazardous movement ; and the fact that it
had been accomphshed without loss, relieved Grant
from great anxiety ; for though he had been com
pelled to force a passage where an immense wil
derness stretched away from the shore, yet a bat
tle had not been forced on him while in marching
order, or struggling across the river. Still, he had
not outwitted his wary adversary. He had no
idea of having a battle thrown upon him in this
frightful wUderness, and therefore issued his
orders for the march next morning which he
expected would take him beyond it, towards
GordonsviUe, where he would be between the
rebel army and Richmond. A few hours would
have sufficed to do this. But Lee, who did

304 LIFE 01 GRANT.
not know whether Grant would cross above or-
below him, kept a corps of observation in both
directions, AvhUe he held his army like a hound
in the leash. The moment he found that Grant
had left his front and effected a passage of the
stream below him, he put his army in motion
for the purpose of attacking him while entangled
in the wUderness. This was a bold, sagacious
movement, and came very near being successful.
Instead of faUing back when he saw his flank
turned, he resolved to break into a sudden
and furious offensive. As Bonaparte, when he
found himself outnumbered, two to one, by the
Austrians, suddenly planted his little, army on
two causeways in the marshes of Areola, where
numbers gave but little advantage, and every thing
depended on the comparative strength of the
heads of columns, so Lee resolved to bring on the
battle in this wilderness, crossed only by few
roads, in which the heaviest shocks must necessa
rily occur, and shut Grant's vast army up in the
dense woods, where massive columns had little
weight — the cavalry be totally useless, and his
preponderance of artUlery of no avail. From
Orange Court House, the centre of Lee's position,
two parallel roads, a little distance apart, cross
this dreary waste, which cut Grant's hne of
march at right angles. Down these Lee deter
mined to hurl his columns, and strike the army in

LEE PLANS AN ATTACK ON GRANT. 305
flank while struggling through the thick chappa-
ral. He knew this" desolate tract well, and how to '
avail himself of the advantages it gave him, while
to Grant it Avas an unknown wilderness.
Lee, in carrying out his plan, hurried off HiU
and Ewell, one by the turnpike and the other by
the plank road, and at the same time sent a dis
patch to Longstreet, twenty-five "miles distant at
Gordonsville, to move up and strike the heads of
our columns with his corps, while the former
generals fell on them in flank. He was made
aware of Grant's movements and designs so early
that the two corps he sent off down these roads
encamped in the wilderness the same night that
Grant did, and Avere ready to fall upon him at
daylight in the morning.
Johnson's division, forming the advance of
Ewell's corps, was stationed where the road down
Avhich it had come, intersected that along which
the Fifth Corps, under Warren, was advancing
early next day with its lines extending on either
side into the forest.
Two pieces of artillery went thundering along
the road in advance, and coming within range of
Johnson, unlimbe'red, and poured in a rapid fire.
The infantry pressed on, receiving, as they ad
vanced, a terrible volley without the least sign
of wavering, till they got within close range,
when with a clang a whole forest of weapons

306 LIFE OF GRANT.
came to a level, and a sheet of fire swept
through the green forest. Before it the hostile
line gave way fbr a brief space ; but reinforce
ments coming up, the troops rallied and charged
with such fury that they carried every thing
before them, and captured, the two guns. Press
ing up their advantage, they drove our advance
back for a mile. In the meantime Sedgwick,
with the Sixth Corps, came sweeping through
the forest on the left, and a sanguinary struggle
took place in his front, and for mUes the woods
*¦ echoed with the roar of musketry. Artillery was
almost entirely useless, except along the narrow
roads, and the strange spectacle of mighty armies
contending in a tangled forest, where no regular
formations could be maintained, or strategic move
ment made, was witnessed. Grant hurried up his
divisions fast as he could amid the trees and
stunted pine bushes ; and with Meade rode on to
the Old Wilderness tavern. Up to this time he
did not believe that he had Lee's army in front,
but thought it a smaU force sent out to deceive him
whUe the main army effected its retreat. It did
not occur to him that the Confederate commander,
when he found his defensive line turned, would,
instead of falhng back to a secure position, boldly
cut loose and SAving his entire army down upon
him and offer battle. But as he stood by the
solitary building, he soon discovered, by the steadi-

FIRST DAY'S BATTLE. 307
ly increasing uproar, that the enemy was upon
him, and there in that gloomy Wilderness he must
grapple* with him as he best could. He therefore
at once recalled the order of march, and -prepared
for battle. Hancock at this crisis was ten miles
distant, down the river, and swift riders were im
mediately despatched to him to close up quickly as
possible. In the meantime the battle deepened,
and at length, when Hancock arrived, it swelled
into its grandest proportions. He and Warren
however were, in fact, separate armies, fighting
separate armies, and aU day long had but little
connection with each other. Grant at the Old
WUderness tavern listened to the uproar, receiv
ing ever and anon reports from his army, which
was so shut up in the forest that no portion of it
could be seen. No wind was stirring, and the
smoke settled amid the foliage, while from out
the bosom of the dense woods arose cries and yells
and shouts and roUing volleys, in wUd and horrid
discord. " Back in a ceaseless flow from the line
that marks this fierce struggle the wounded and
maimed are borne on blankets and litters, telling
by their numbers the deadly work going on in
advance." All day long this mad strife went on, and when
night closed over the forest and ended it, Grant
found himself near the very spot from which in
the morning he had started. His advance divis-

308 LIFE OF GRANT.
ions had been driven back, his loss had been
heavy, and nothing gained. "The woods of the
Wilderness have not the ordinary features of a
forest. The region rests on a belt of mineral
rocks, and for above a hundred years extensive
mining has been carried on. To feed the mines,
the timber of the country for many miles around
had been cut doAvn, and in the place there had
arisen a dense undergrowth of low-limbed and
scraggy pines, stiff and bristling chinkapins,
scrub oaks, and hazel. It is a region of gloom
and the shadow of death. Manoeuvering here
was out of the question, and only Indian tactics
told. The troops could only receive direction by
a point of the compass; for not only were the lines
of battle entirely hidden from the sight of the
commander, but no officer could see ten files on
each side of him. Artillery was wholly ruled out
of use, the massive concentration of three hun
dred guns stood silent. . . Cavalry was stiU more
useless. But in that horrid thicket -there lurked
two hundred thousand men, and through it lurid
fires played ; and though no array of battle could
be seen, there came out of it the crackle and roU
of musketry, like the noisy boiling of some hell-
caldron, that told the dread story of death. Such
was the battle of the Wilderness." * Still Grant
had no thought of retreating ; on the contrary,
* Swinton's Army of the Potomac.

ARRIVAL OF LONGSTREET. 309
he issued orders to have the attack renewed at
sunrise next morning.
In the meantime Longstreet was pressing on
through the darkness, and his advance reached
the battle-field just as Grant moved again to the
attack. It was not yet fully. deployed into line
when the onset came. With such fury was it
made, and so desperately did Grant push the at
tack at this point, that Longstreet was born swift
ly back, till his disordered ranks almost reached
the spot where Lee stood.
Longstreet knew Avhat fearful results depended
on his checking our victorious troops, and put
forth superhuman efforts to stem the flood, but
was soon borne bleeding from the field. Lee, now
thoroughly alarmed as he saw our line sweeping
resistlessly down upon his imperUled right, rode
himself at the head of a brigade of Texans, and
ordered them to follow, intending to lead the
charge in person. But instead of shouts at his
gallant devotion, there arose one loud remon
strance against the act, and he had to retire, whUe
the whole division, animated by his example,
drove so furiously on our advancing columns that
they were forced back, losing the ground they
had so nobly won.
To meet just such a possible exigency as this,
Grant, the very afternoon on which he crossed
the Rapidan, sent back to Burnside — who, with

310 LIFE OI GRANjT.
the Ninth Corps, was stUl at the crossing of the
Rappahannock River and Alexandria Railroad,
guarding the raUroad back to Bull Run — to hurry
forward. The latter immediately put his army in
motion, and, though in his march two rivers had
to be crossed and more than thirty miles of bro
ken country traversed, he at this opportune mo
ment led his tired columns on to the field. He
had wasted no time, and, as Grant said, "Con
sidering that a large proportion, probably two
thirds, of his command was composed of raw
troops, unaccustomed to marches and carrying
the accoutrements of a soldier, this was a remark
able march." It was remarkable, and must have
been even wonderful to draw such a compliment
from Grant, who had thoroughly tested the march
ing powers and endurance of troops.
Thus reinforced, both armies continued the
work of slaughter, and all day the battle roared
for seven mUes through that forest. " There, in
the depths of those ravines, under the shadows of
those trees, entangled in that brushwood, is no
pomp of war, no fluttering of banners in an un
hindered breeze, no sohd tramp of marching bat
talions, no splendid strategy of the field Napoleon
loved to fight on. There a Saturnalia, gloomy,
hideous, desperate, rages confined. The metaUic,
hoUow crack of musketry is like the clanking of
great chains about the damned — that suUen yell of

SECOND DAY'S BATTLE. 311
the enemy, a fiendish protest of defiance. How the
hours lag! How each minute is freighted with a
burden that the days would have groaned to bear
in other times. Still the sad, shuddering proces
sion, emerging out of the smoke, and tumult, and
passion, and passing on ; stUl the appealing eyes,
clenched hands, and quivering limbs of human crea
tures, worse than helpless, whose fighting is over."
Thus wore on this terrible day — the opposing lines
swaying backward and forward amid the forest;
as noAV one and now the other advanced or was
forced back. Since the first great success in the
morning, there had been no crisis in the battle — it
was simply a long, tiresome slaughter, and when
night came, the two armies occupied nearly the
same ground they had in the morning. Lee's
flank was not yet turned, and to all appearances
Grant was checkmated here at the outset. It
was evident that this kind of fighting could not
last much longer, for there is a limit to human
endurance. For two days, now, the troops had
been constantly under arms, and most of the time
fighting, many having hardly tasted food the
whole time.
Thus far Lee had not remained behind his
works,, but acted steadily on the offensive whenever
he could ; but now, crippled and exhausted, he
took refuge in them. Grant, on reconnoitering
early the next morning, ascertained this, and feel-

312 ' LIFE OF GRANT.
ing that it would be asking too much of his jaded
troops to require them to carry these intrench
ments by storm, resolved, by a sudden march to
the left, to get "around Lee at Spottsylvania. But
httle fighting occurred during the day, for the
troops on both sides were completely worn out.
In fact, Grant found the soldiers too exhausted to
make the contemplated march, and gave them tiU
night to rest ; and for miles and mUes the forest
was black with prostrate sleeping forms. Even
Grant, with all his endurance, was glad of a httle
repose, and throwing himself down on the ground,
was soon wrapped in slumber. An eye-witness
thus draws a picture of headquarters this after
noon: "The lieutenantgeneral here, at the foot
of a tree, one leg of his trowsers slipped above his
boots, his hands limp, his coat in confusion, his
SAvord equipments sprawhng on the ground ; not
even the weight of sleep erasing that persistent
expression of the lip which held a constant prom
ise of something to be done. And there, at the
foot of another tree, is General Meade — a mUitary
hat, with the rim turned down about his ears, tap
ping a scabbard with his fingers, and gazing ab
stractedly into the depths of the earth through
eye-glasses that should become historic. General
Humphreys, chief of staff — a spectacled, iron-gray,
middle-aged officer, of a pleasant smile and man
ner, who wears his trowsers below, after the

HEADQUARTERS. 313
manner of leggins, and is in all things indepen
dent ahd serene, paces yonder to and fro. That
rather thick-set officer, with closely-trimmed whis
kers, and the kindest of eyes, who never betrays a
harsh impatience to any comer, is AdjutantGen-
eral WiUiams. General Hunt, chief of artUlery,
a hearty-faced, frank-handed man, whose black
hair, and whiskers have the least touch of time,
lounges at the foot of another tree, holding lazy
converse with one or two members of his staff.
General Ingalls, chief quartermaster of the army,
than whom no more imperturbable, efficient, or
courteous presence is here, plays idly and smU-
ingly with a riding-whip, tossing a telling word or
two hither and thither. Staff officers and order
lies and horses thickly strew the grove."
But that night, after the moon was down, Grant
began his march, Warren leading the advance.
" The fires burned brightly, and at a distance, up
on the wooded hUlsides, looked like the lights of
a city. Standing upon an eminence, at the junc
tion of Germania, ChanceUorsville, and Orange
Court House roads, along which the tramp of
soldiers and the rumble of wagon trains made a
smothered din, one could almost imagine himself
peering down through the darkness oh the streets
of a metropolis in peace. Back in the forest,
from the hospitals, from the trees, from the road
side, the wounded were being gathered in ambu-
14

314 LIFE OF GRANT.
lances for the long nightjourney. That part of
the army not on the move was slumbering by
fires, waiting for the signal." Lee, who watched
his adversary with sleepless vigilance, knew of 'this
movement within an hour after it commenced, and
at once hurried off troops by a shorter route,
which, by rapid marching — at one time going on
the double-quick for two mUes — reached Spott
sylvania first. Although Warren pushed the
enemy before him, and succeeded in carrying the
first line of breastworks, yet he was finaUy compel
led to retire with the loss of fifteen hundred men.
The next day Sheridan started on his raid to
break up Lee's communications with Richmond.
This, and the two following days, Grant spent in
" manoeuvring and fighting, without any decisive
results." On the 12th, he made a grand assault
on the enemy's hnes, and a most terrific conflict
followed. Our wearied men fought as though
fresh from their encampments. Bayonet charges
occurred in various parts of the line, and the roar
of artillery, and crash of musketry, and shouts of
infuriated men, conspired to make a scene of ter
ror inconceivable, indescribable. The carnage was
awful ; not less than eight or ten thousand men
faUing on our side alone. Hancock's assault on
Lee's right centre was a brilliant one, and,
though crowned with great success, gave no, per
manent advantage. His attacking columns were

AN ASSAULT. 315
formed before it was full daylight, and just in the
gray of the dawn moved swiftly, and without
firing a shot, straight on the ramparts, at whose
base stretched a deep, wide ditch. The enemy,
never dreaming of such a bold movement saw,
before they Avere aware of it, the soldiers pouring
like an inundation over the works. Rolled back
by the sudden and terrific onset, they retreated,
fighting, for a mile. Made aware of the frightful
disaster that had overtaken them, the rebel gene
rals hurried up supports, and reforming the lines,
advanced with the determination to retake the im
portant position. Five times did Lee hurl his
army upon it, and as often was driven back. The
battle raged here all day with terrific fury, and
the ground was literally heaped with the dead.
So determined were the onsets, and so close the
death-grapple, that the rebel colors and our own
would at times be. planted on the opposite sides of
the same works, "the men fighting across the
parapet." Hancock captured, in this brilliant assault, an
entire division, four thousand strong, and thirty
guns. But Grant saw clearly that the strong position
of Lee could not be carried by assault, and he
found himself again foUed. He had left a dead
and wounded army behind him, and had neither
got a decisive battle out of Lee, nor compelled

316 LIFE OF GRANT.
him to retreat. Instead, however, of being dis
heartened, his purpose was more fixed than ever,
and he telegraphed back to Washington, " I shall
fight it out on this line if it takes all summer,"
and asked for reinforcements. They were sent,
as of old, with trembling expostulations not to
leave Washington exposed ; but its safety rested
not on its garrisons, but on Grant's strong right
arm. WhUe these were coming up, Grant changed
his base of supphes to Fredericksburg, Two
weeks were consumed in this Avay, and then he
resolved to make another effort to get around
Lee. Moving off in a simicircle, he aimed for the
North Anna river, which, if he could reach first,
would place him between Lee and Richmond. In
order to conceal this movement, the corps on his ex
treme right moved back, and marched down behind
the main army. When weU under way, the one
next to it broke off in the same .way — so that the
right wing became the left, and vice versa. But
again Lee, who was keenly on the lookout, de
tected the movement soon enough, and by swift
marching, and having a shorter distance to travel,
reached that point first ; and Grant, finding his
position still stronger than the one at Spottsylva
nia, made no determined effort to take it. Han
cock gained some success; and Warren had a
short, fierce battle with the enemy, in which
Grant said, "I never heard more rapid or mass-

SKIRMISHING. 317
ive firing, either of artUlery or musketry." The
rebel attack was repulsed, but no important ad
vantage was secured ; and Grant determined to
make one more attempt to swing around Lee and
compel him to fight outside of his works, and on
the night of the 26th moved by way of Hanover-
tpwn. But when, on the 28th, the army reached
the place — which was only fifteen mUes from
Richmond — he found Lee's army drawn up in
line of battle and intrenched, ready to receive
him. Marching and skirmishing and partial bat
ties now occupied several days ; when Grant, hav
ing completed his arrangements, fixed the 3d of
June for a heavy assault along the whole line.
The Eighteenth Corps had in the meantime joined
him from Butler's army, which was so "corked
up" at Bermuda Hundred as to be of no practical
use. The Union line, at this time, extended
from Bethesda Church to Cold Harbor, a distance
of eight miles. At a given signal it advanced in
splendid order, and Grant hoped by one mighty
effort to drive Lee across the Chickahominy,
and force him into the intrenchments of Rich
mond. But the rebel host lay behind strong
works that could not be carried, although the
troops struggled for five dreadful hours at their
very base. Completely exposed, they were mowed
doAvn Avith terrible slaughter ; while the enemy,
sheltered behind his breastworks, suffered but

318 LIFE OF GRANT.
little. The next morning Grant rode along the
front to ascertain from the various commanders
the actual state of things in their vicinity. He
returned, absorbed in thought, for he knew it
would be useless to repeat the attack. All that
matchless valor and skUl could do had been done,
and thirteen thousand men had fallen in the long
and hopeless struggle ; while the enemy, sheltered
behind his works, had lost hardly more than as
many hundred. Never had a commander or
subordinates made more superhuman endeavors,
never had the world witnessed such determina
tion and endurance in troops, yet nothing had
been gained except in the destruction of life.
Grant saw that his last effort had been made for
victory in the field, and he must settle down to a
long siege, or change his base.
He now proposed to Lee, that while there was
no actual fighting, each party might, on notifica
tion to the other, succor its wounded and bury its
dead. Lee replied that he preferred it should be
done through a flag of truce, to which Grant gave
his assent.
Finding that Richmond could not be reached1
over the enemy in this direction, he determined,
hj a sudden movement, to fling his army over the
James River, and seize Petersburg, which Butler
had faUed to take, laying the blame of defeat on
Gilmore.

CROSSES THE JAMES. 319
This, however, was a delicate operation, for the
opposing lines were so close that it was hardly to
be expected that he could move off, unobserved,
such an immense army, without exposing himself
to a sudden attack. But concentrating his lines,
and throwing up strong works to protect his
flanks, he, on Sunday night, the 12th of June,
quietly and swiftly changed front, and marched
away from the Chickahominy. Smith's corps
moved off to the White House and embarked on
transports, whUe the rest of the army struck
across the country' to the James River, fifty miles
away. Passing below the White Oak Swamp,
stirring recoUections were brought to the army of
the Potomac, which two years before fought their
way on almost the same line to the point toward
which they were now pressing.
Grant broke up his camp and sent off all his
immense trains on the 12 th. Two days after, on
the 14th, Hancock was crossing the James, by
ferry, at Wilcox Landing, and the Sixth Corps,
by ferry and a pontoon bridge, a little lower
down. This march of fifty-five miles was made without
molestation; and 'the manner in Avhich it was
planned and carried out shows the marvellous
skill of Grant ih handling a large army. He ex
pected to take Petersburg by this sudden move
ment, and thus advance his lines nearer to Rich-

320 LIFE OF GRANT/
mond on the south side. The attack was at first
successful, and the outer works captured, and the
report flew over the land that it had faUen. It
ought to have faUen days before, and would if
Grant had been on the spot to have controUed
Butler, Gilmore, and Smith, in person. But the
faUure of these officers had caused .the enemy to
strengthen the fortifications and reinforce the gar
rison.

CHAPTER XX.
REVIEW OF THE CAMPAIGN.
The Overland and Peninsula Routes considered — Reasons against
the Former — " Continuous Hammering" — Grant charged with
having Contempt for all Manoeuvres — The Charge disproved —
Distinguished for his Skilful Manoeuvres — Compared to Napo
leon — Not to blame for the Slaughter in the Wilderness, or the
Error at Cold Harbor — Gloomy Retrospect — Failure of Siegel
and Butler to do their Part — Reason of the great Disparity in
the Losses of the two Armies.
A correct idea of the motives that influenced
Grant to the course he adopted — and the causes
that led to the failure of his plan in its most im
portant features— and the results he actually ac
complished, can be obtained only by a careful
review of the campaign from its inception to its
close. It had lasted forty-three days, and he now
found himself on the spot that McCleUan occu
pied when the Army of the Potomac was recalled
to Washington.
The friends of the latter pointed to this fact, and
inquired, why, if the army was to occupy the
Peninsula at last, it was not transported there at
the outset — as it could have been without the
loss of a man — instead of reaching it, after a
14*

322 LIFE OF GRANT.
long struggle, and the sacrifice of sixty thousand
men? It seems never to have occurred to these critics
to inquire, what Lee would have been doing whUe
this great transfer of the army was being effected.
It is assumed that he would have hastened back
to the defence of his capital. But this is merely
conjecture : for nothing is more e-vident than that
he could have defended Richmond better by
marching again into Maryland, or on Washington ;
for before the heads of his columns were weU
over the Potomac, Grant's army would have been
recaUed. But suppose Lee had not made this
bold move, and taken instead his army to Rich
mond, where he did eventually plant it, he could
have spared enough troops to threaten Washing
ton, and break up Grant's army ; for even after
his terrible losses in the battles of the WUderness,
and at Spottsylvania and other places, he was
stUl able to despatch an army twelve thousand
strong into the VaUey of the Shenandoah, which
gathered its harvests, and then crossing into Mary
land and Pennsylvania, burned Chambersburg,
cut the raUroad north of Baltimore, and advanced
to the very gates of . the National capitaL It
spread consternation on every .side ; and although
the Nineteenth Corps opportunely arrived from
New Orleans, it was not considered strong enough,
with all the forces that could be raised in the

THE ROUTES CONSIDERED. 323
vicinity, to cope with the rebels, and the veteran
Sixth Corps had to be detached from the army
of the Potomac, and sent to protect Washington
and the neighboring loyal country.
Now suppose that Lee had the twenty thou
sand men that lay in hospitals, or strewing the
battle-fields on the line of his retreat, to add to
the twelve thousand he actually sent to the valley
of the Shenandoah, swelling the force to thirty or
forty thousand men : who does not see that the
siege of Richmond must have been raised, and
the whole campaign gone over again ? It required
but the simplest arithmetical calculation to de
termine, if twelve thousand men demanded the
presence of two additional corps in front of Wash
ington, hoAV many corps would thirty or forty
thousand men have required. Those dead and
wounded of Lee's army that cost us so heavily,
were, in the crisis of affairs, absolutely indispen
sable to the defence of Richmond. Lee could not
replace them.
But it has been suggested that Grant should
have divided his army, and left part to cover
Washington^ and transported the other half to
the Peninsula. We do not See how this relieves
the difficulty ; for in case Grant thus divided his
forces, Lee would have divided his also, and left
twenty-five thousand men in -front -of Washing
ton, which, if the two corps sent to defeat Early

324 LIFE OF GRANT.
with twelve thousand furnishes the correct ratio
of force required, four corps would have been
necessary to oppose them. On this supposition,
had there been no overland campaign, and hence
Lee lost no troops, he would have had within five
thousand as many men to defend Richmond as
he did haye, whUe Grant would have been weaker
by half his entire army. In the light of subse
quent events, it is not difficult to see what added
embarrassments, protracted delays, if not defeat,
would have resulted from this diminution of his
force in front of Richmond. As it was, he had
quite few enough troops for the task required of
him. Hence it is clear, whatever course Lee
might have taken, the result to Grant would have
been the same had he planted a part, or the whole
of his army, oh the Peninsula, without first weak
ening his adversary. It would have been mad
ness to have assailed him in his strong works
along the Rapidan. A flank movement, there
fore, was the only course left him ; and the Battle
of the Wilderness, fearful as it was, became in
evitable, and he now had to fight his way to
Richmond, or retreat. No one would approve of
the latter course — how then could he have done
otherwise than he did ? Will any one assert that
the army could have been handled with more
consummate skUl, or fought with more splendid
heroism? He was not to blame for the strong

MANOEUVRING. • 325
works that hedged his path on every side. The
terrific battles and failures of the last three years
had caused them to be constructed by the enemy ;
and when Grant took command, he had got to
fight Lee with all these disadvantages against him,
or not fight at aU. It was this state of things that
made him say he meant to win success by "contin
uous hammering." The phrase has been repeated
to prove that Grant possessed no strategy, and re
lied solely on brute force. To. give stUl greater
emphasis to the accusation, he is adduced as evi
dence against himself. It is said that soon after
he took command of the Army of the Potomac,
General Meade was one day speaking to him
of certain manoeuvres that might be executed,
when the former interrupted him with u I never
manoeuvre." Now Ave do not Avish to question the authority
for this statement, but simply say that it was in
tended either as a rebuke to mere " martinetism,"
if we may coin the word — or in other words, an
expression of impatience at the laying down of
some abstract rules as found in the books, and
which had no pertinency in the present condition
of things ; or he did not believe what he said and
stated what his, acts disproved. Hence, the infer
ence deduced from the utterance of the expression
is totaUy false.
There are two distinct kinds of man ceuvres — one

326 LIFE OF GRANT.
on the battle-field itself, the whole of which the
commanding general from a height or tower of ob
servation embraces in a glance, and over which he
moves his troops as one moves pieces on a chess
board. Now if Grant's remark applied to this
kind of manoeuvres, he notonly told the truth, but
showed his good judgment — that strong common
sense which enabled him to make on the spot, if
he had never seen them, all the good rules appli
cable to that particular case, and reject those
growing out of a warfare waged on entirely differ
ent conditions than the one he was conducting.
He had this distinctive quality of greatness, that
he could use rules without letting rules use him.
Napoleon, in those great battles fought on the ex
tended, open, and often unfenced plains of Europe,
Avas accustomed from some elevated position to
SAveep the entire field with his glass, and handle
his army like a single machine. But not a
battle of any proportions had been fought in our
country on such an open plain, and probably never
will be, unless it takes place on one of our west
ern prairies. Our armies met in woods and ra
vines and thickets, where the commander could see
only a smaU portion of the army at any one time,
and much had to be left to the discretion of the.
corps and division commanders. To speak of
grand manoeuvres, such as are described in the-
mihtary works of Europe, as possible on the fields .

MANOEUVRING. 327
of our conflict, is absurd ;. and if Grant said he
" never manoeuvred" in reference to such martial
displays, we repeat it, he showed his good sense, and
deserves praise instead of censure for it. There
was no such manoeuvring at Antietam, Freder
icksburg, Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, Shiloh,
Stone River, or Missionary Ridge. It was all
square, stand-up, hard fighting — massive onsets
and shocks — and Grant doubtless meant to say it
had got to be so to the bitter end.
The other class of. manoeuvres applies to those
movements made to get into right position pre
vious to battle ; skiUful marches by which the
enemy is deceived and attacked in an unexpected
quarter, or different portions of his army cut up
in detail before they can concentrate. These man
oeuvres, if successful, indicate the highest order of
military genius,- and Grant plainly had.no refer
ence to these in the remark quoted above, for
he had won. his greatest fame and success by
them. It was a battle of manoeuvres from
the day he passed the batteries of Vicksburg,
for a whole month, till he invested the place.
With three armies opposed to him, he so manoeu
vred that they were never able to form a junction
and overwhelm him, but, beating them in detail,
separated them totaUy. In fact, so brilliant were
these manoeuvres, and so rapidly executed, that
but for the failure of McClernand to perform the

328 LIFE OF GRANT.
part assigned him at Champion's HiU, Vicksburg
would have been reached and invested without a
single serious battle. The first campaign of Na
poleon in Italy, and that which shut up Mack at
Ulm and compeUed his capitulation, are con
sidered models for the mUitary student ; yet that
of Grant in rear of Vicksburg is equal to either
of them in boldness of conception and skill and
success in execution, and must, when the nature
of the country is taken into consideration, be re
garded as superior to them.
It is, therefore, as we said, absurd to attempt to
prove that Grant did not approve of manoeuvring.
He thoroughly understood his situation, and in
our opinion, and which we think the facts and
reasons as presented above sustain, executed the
only manoeuvre that promised success. His critics
confess that there were but three movements open
to him — the one he made, a simUar one around
Lee's left, and last the transportation of his army
or a part of it to the Peninsula. That by the left
would have required just as much fighting as the
one he took, whUe subsequent events have shown
that the transportation of the army to the Penin
sula would have been an error. The most terrible
slaughter that occurred in his entire march was at
the battle of the Wilderness, where it Avas a con
test of mere brute force, but that was not brought
on by him, but Lee, and on purpose to prevent

ERROR AT COLD HARBOR. 329
manoeuvring. Grant he?e acted on the de
fensive ; and when one points to the piles of
dead which strewed that gloomy forest, and speaks
of butchery, let him remember that the gladiato
rial conflict which wrought that destruction was
the work of the rebel commander.
Grant's desperate assault on the strong works
at Spottsylvania was necessary, unless he aban
doned his plan altogether of getting between Lee
and Richmond, and is sustained by the soundest
military maxims. The only other fearful slaughter
which made his enemies at home and abroad stig
matize him as a butcher, was at Cold Harbor — and
if.he made any mistake in this campaign it was here.
The battle was decided in the first ten minutes,
and the long struggle that succeeded was un
doubtedly a useless waste of life. Grant may
have carried his proverbial obstinacy of character
too far here, but it Avas his last hope. He must
do this or give up the plan of reaching Richmond
from the north, and it was natural that his last
effort should be pushed even beyond the limits
of good judgment. The attack proved a total
failure, and the frightful disparity in the loss
of life shows that it should never have been
made. It is true this campaign of fifty-three days
summed up sadly. As Grant looked back on the
frightful road he had traveUed, he could not

330 LIFE OF GRANT.
1
behold any one success of great importance.
On the contrary, his plans had aU miscarried
— he had not accomphshed what he proposed
to do. More than this, the two generals who
were to cooperate with him had worse than
failed in the task assigned them. Siegel, in the
VaUey of Shenandoah, not only effected nothing,
but was terribly defeated and put to rout, whUe
Butler on the James River had succeeded only in
"corking himself up" at Bermuda Hundreds.
Different results would doubtless have been reach
ed had more competent generals been in their
places. But pohtical considerations in Washing
ton, outside of Grant, put them in the responsible
positions they held. EspeciaUy, if an energetic,
able commander had been in Butler's place, Grant
would have been saved the sad retrospect, and
the discouraging future he now contemplated.
Had Sheridan been at the head of the army on
the James, he would long before either have been
in. Richmond, ot pressing it so terribly that Lee
would have been compeUed to retreat precipitate
ly to save it, Avith Grant thundering in his
rear, and sure of a speedy victory. But some in
sane pohtical necessity kept Butler in command
against Grant's wishes, and he faded utterly to
do his part in carrying out his commander's plans,
and hence at the very outset rendered their execu
tion impossible.

GLOOMY RETROSPECT. 331
The disparity of loss in this campaign is men
tioned as a proof of Lee's superior generalship,
but the inference is false. Grant was acting on
the offensive, and had to attack the enemy where
he found him. Lee kept behind his works except
in the battle of the Wilderness, and the ratio of
loss between assaUants and defenders, where the
latter are protected by strong works, has always
been considered as about four to one. It is true
that the record of our loss in this campaign is a
frightful one. In the battle of the Wilderness
and up to Spottsylvania, the aggregate in dead,
wounded, and missing, was, . . . 29,410
Spottsylvania  10,381
North Anna  1,607
Cold Harbor  13,153
Total  54,551
But this leaves out the losses of the Ninth
Corps, except in the last battle. It was not fr>r-
mally incorporated into the Army of the Potomac
until after the battle of Spottsylvania, and hence
not included in the report of General Meade.
If its losses were half as heavy as that of the other
corps, the number would swell to the fearful
amount of sixty thousand, of whom three thou
sand were officers, many of them the flower of the
Army of the Potomac. The Confederate loss, as

332 LIFE OF GRANT.
stated by southern officers and writers, was only
18,000. It may have been a little more, but
probably did not reach 20,000. The nature of
the conflict made this disproportion inevitable —
the enemy fighting behind works, except in the
Wilderness. Here the disparity was owing to
a different cause. Several reasons have been
given for it, but in our estimation, the chief
one has been overlooked. Separate reports on
this battle have never been rendered, but we
can approximate very near the truth. Our
loss may be put at about 20,000, while that
of Lee, according to the reports of the rebel
surgeons, was only seven thousand. Yet here
they did not fight behind breastworks, but out
in the woods, like our own men. The inquiry
then naturally arises, How came the loss to be so
unequal ? Some have said that it was owing to
the superiority of the Southern troops in the In
dian style of fighting that characterized that bat
tie, and to the dull gray color of their uniforms,
which made them less conspicuous objects amid
the foliage than our troops, with their light blue
uniforms. There is doubtless some force in these
reasons, especiaUy the latter one, but we believe
the chief one, although at first it seems paradoxi
cal, is to be found in our .superiority of numbers.
It must be remembered that the advantage which
numbers give in battle is two-fold — first, the

DISPARITY IN LOSSES, 333
weight they impart to a charge or onset. The
concentration of masses on a given point puts an
inferior army at a great disadvantage. Second,
numbers aUow the extension of lines till they
overlap, and hence outflank the enemy. But
in the Wilderness Grant totally lost both these ad
vantages. The wood prevented both the concen
tration of masses on any portion of the rebel lines
and any movement to overreach and lap it.
Hence Grant's numbers on this battle-field, which
Avas not of his choosing, only furnished a larger
mark to fire at. ArtUlery being out of the ques
tion, and the foliage so thick as to render objects
at a little distance invisible, the troops, in order
to fight at all, had to be in close proximity,
actuaUy face to face. But under these circum
stances, only about the same number on both
sides could fire Avith any effect among the trees.
Hence the firing was, in fact, nearly equal, while
the enemy had twice as many men to fire at as
we. The tens of thousands that thronged the
forest on our side, and could only act as supports,
furnished a mark so large that almost every rebel
bullet — being fired at so close a range — that
escaped a tree, would strike a soldier. Lee knew
this would be so, and chose this strange battle
field for the sole purpose of putting the armies on
an equality.
There could be no order of battle in this Wil-

334 LIFE OF GRANT.
derness, and it was simply Uke shooting birds in
the field, with the advantage on the rebel side of
shooting into a large flock instead of a small one,
and of course with the same cartridges doing
double execution.

CHAPTER XXI.
THE SIEGE.
Disheartening aspect of affairs — Importance of Petersburg — Hun
ter succeeds Siegel — Wilson's raid — Movement north of the
James River — Explosion of a Mine — Defeat of Hunter — Inva
sion of Early — Despondency — Grant's letter to Washburn —
Appoints Sheridan Commander of all the Forces around Wash
ington and in the Middle Department — Checks Sheridan —
Finally, bids him " Go in 1 " — Effect of Sheridan's Victories —
Grant attempts to get around Lee's left — Hancock attacked —
Winter operations — Almost a frightful disaster — Atlanta reach
ed — Grant's grief at the death of McPherson — His Letter to the
Grandmother — Permits Sherman to cut loose from Atlanta —
"His views upon it — Is anxious to have Thomas attack Hood —
Correspondence— Fort Fisher— Butler's disobedience — Capture
of the place — Directs Sherman to come to him by sea — Coun
termands the order — Schofield ordered East — Stoneman's raid
— Expedition against Mobile— Directions to Thomas — Concen
tric movements — Sheridan's raid — Correspondence with Lin
coln — Interview with him and Sherman — Resolves to move.
As Grant, from before Petersburg, surveyed
his position, the prospect, was gloomy enough.
On every side rose strong works — not a single
line of them, but successive ones. He was sorely
disappointed in not taking Petersburg, and cen
sured those to whom he had given charge of the
undertaking. We have not gone into the details

336 LIFE OF GRANT.
of the various efforts to capture it, nor of the one
made by Grant after his arrival before it. There has
been much recrimination among the officers com
manding the expeditions, and contradiction and
confusion in the reports respecting the faUure
even of the last assault.
The place was over twenty miles from Rich
mond, and its chief importance lay in the fact
that its possession Avould give Grant nearly all
the lines by which Lee's army was supplied. Pe
tersburg, therefore, was, to aU intents, Richmond
itself. Of course it was of the first importance,
now that a regular siege was determined upon, to
cut off these sources of supply, which could be
done only either by extending his lines around
the place to the south, or sending off separate
forces to do it.
Grant had previously put Hunter in Siegel's
place, with directions to break up a branch rail
road,- runnmg through Staunton, by which quan
tities of supphes were forwarded in that direction,
whUe Wilson, with a heaA-y force of cavalry, was
sent to cut the railroads south. The latter suc
ceeded in breaking up a portion of them, so that
it took the enemy some time to put them in work
ing order again.
Grant, in the meantime, by the various plans
he set on foot, kept Lee constantly on the alert,
for his blows fell now on one side and now. on the

HUNTER RETREATS. 337
other, and often in a most unexpected time and
place. He moved a heavy force north of the
James River, to cut the railroad " from near Rich
mond to the Anna' River," and some severe fight
ing took place ; for -Lee, made aware of the move
ment, sent a large force to check it. Anticipat
ing this, Grant ordered a mine, that had been dug in
front of the Ninth Corps, to be sprung, and the ex
plosion to be followed by a vigorous assault of the
enemy's lines at that point. It came near being a
success, and Grant thought that, with a little more
promptness in advancing, Petersburg might have
been captured. But now a new cause of anxiety
arose. Hunter, who had marched triumphantly up
the Shenandoah Valley tiU he lay siege to Lynch
burg, was finally, from Avant of ammunition, com
pelled to retreat. If he had moved as Grant an
ticipated, this would not have happened. Forced
to return by the circuitous way of Kanawha, he ne
cessarily left the Shenandoah Valleytinprotected,
and Early, sweeping down through it, crossed the
Potomac into Maryland, and threatened Baltimore
and Washington. Despatch after despatch, show
ing the wUdest alarm, was now sent to Grant
from the Capital, and the President was besought
to recall the army from Richmond. But he stub
bornly refused to do so, saying that he had im
plicit confidence in General Grant, and should
leave, him to take his- own course to avert the
15

338 LIFE OF GRANT.
threatened danger. The latter immediately de
spatched the Sixth Corps to Washington, which
with the Nineteenth Corps, just arrived from New
Orleans, proved sufficient to drive the enemy back.
As soon as Grant found that Early was retreating,
he ordered the troops back to Petersburg for the
purpose of making an attack on Lee while weaken
ed by the absence of this force. But before the
Sixth Corps left Washington, he was informed
that Early was returning down the Valley, and he
countermanded the order, and directed it to return
to Harper's Ferry.
This unpropitious state of affairs, of course,
caused a great deal of anxiety throughout the
country, and Grant Avas overwhelmed with visits
from Members of Congress, and other distinguish
ed men, and with letters, all wishing to know his
feelings, and what the prospects were of success.
The following letter to his friend, Mr. Washburne,
clearly sets forth his views at this time of general
despondency, and reveals that calm courage and
confidence which never forsook him :
" Headquaeteks Aemies oe the U. S., |
City Point, Va., Aug. 16, 1864. {
" Dear Sib : I state to all citizens who visit me, that
all we want now, to ensure an early restoration of the
Union, is a determined unity of sentiment North.
" The rebels have now in their ranks their last man.
The little boys and old men are guarding prisoners,
guarding raUroad bridges, and forming a good part of

LETTER TO WASHBURNE. 339
their garrisons or intrenched positions. A man lost by
them cannot be replaced. They have robbed the cradle
and the grave equally to get their present force. Be
sides what they Jose in frequent skirmishes and battles,
they are now losing from desertions and other causeB, at
least one regiment per day. "With this drain upon them,
the end is not far distant, if we will only be true to our
selves. Their only hope now is in a divided North.
This might give them reinforcements from Tennessee,
Kentucky, Maryland, and Missouri, while it would
weaken us. With the draft quietly enforced, the enemy
would become despondent, and would make but little
resistance. " I have no doubt but the enemy are exceedingly anx
ious to hold out until after the Presidential election.
They have many hopes from its effects. They hope a
counter-revolution. They hope the election of the
Peace candidate, in fact, like Micawber, they hope for
something to ' turn up.? Our peace friends, if they
expect peace from separation, are much mistaken. It
would be but the beginning of war, with thousands of
Northern men joining the South, because of our disgrace
in allowing separation. To 'have peace on any terms,'
the South would demand the restoration of their slaves
already freed ; they would demand indemnity for losses
sustained, and they would demand a treaty which would
make the North slave-hunters for the South; they
would demand pay for, or the restoration of, every slave
escaped to the North."
In the meantime, the telegraph wires between
him and Washington being often down, frequently
causing a whole day to elapse before his despatches
could be received by the Secretary of War, he de
termined to have all the forces in West Virginia,
Washington, Susquehanna, and the Middle De
partment placed under one officer, capable of man-

340 LIFE OF GRANT.
aging affairs without particular and constant di
rections from him, and on his recommendation, it
was done. He then ordered Sheridan to report
to Halleck, for the purpose of being on hand
when he should be appointed to this important
command. He himself left City Point and visit
ed Hunter, then encamped on the Monocacy, and
after seeing for himself the condition of things,
directed him to concentrate aU his forces near
Harper's Ferry. He no sooner saw the troops in
motion, than he telegraphed to Sheridan to come
on by the morning train, and put himself at the
head of the army.
On the 6th of August, after a conversation
with him in regard to the situation and future
mUitary operations, he returned to City Point,
feeling that the day of blunders in the Shenandoah
Valley was over. Knowing, however, how fatal
to his operations around Richmond a defeat here
would be, he would not permit Sheridan to bring
on, as he Avished, a decisive battle with Early.
But Sheridan was impatient, and confident also
of success, and Grant, feeling that it was impor
tant to relieve Maryland and Pennsylvania from
the constant danger of invasion, and at the same
time obtain full control of the Baltimore & Ohio
Railroad, and Chesapeake Canal, at last deter
mined to accede to his wishes. But, knowing
that Lee's- object in manoeuvring in the Shenan-

SHERIDAN DEFEATS EARLY. 341
doah VaUey was to draw his army away from
Richmond, and hence that it was of vital import
ance that no risk of defeat should be taken, he con
cluded not to telegraph the permission to Sheri
dan to bring on a battle, but go on himself and
take a minute survey of the position of the two
armies. He left City Point in the middle of Sep
tember, and met Sheridan at Charlestown. The
latter was very positive and decided in his views,
and Grant said, " he pointed out so distinctly how
each army lay : what he would do the moment he
Avas authorized to move, and expressed such confi
dence of success, that I saw that but two words of
instructions Avere necessary : ' Go in! ' I asked him
if he could get out his teams and supplies in time
to make an attack on the ensuing Tuesday morn
ing. His reply was, that he could, before day
light Monday morning. He was off promptly to
time, and I may add, that the result was such
that I have never since deemed it necessary to
visit General Sheridan before giving him orders."
The latter soon sent Early " whirling through
Winchester." His decisive victory put an entirely
different face on matters about Richmond, for in
stead of Grant being called upon for reinforcements
for the Shenandoah Valley, Lee was ; and troops
that he had designed to operate in the region of
Culpepper and Alexandria, had to be forwarded
to Early. Thus strengthened, the latter again.

342 LIFE OF GRANT.
moved down the Valley, and though beaten again,
finaUy, on the 19th of October, fell on our army
before daylight, while Sheridan was absent, and
swept its camps like a whirlwind. The timely ar
rival of Sheridan, however, restored the battle, and
the enemy, beaten and routed, was driven from
the VaUey forever. This overwhelming victory
sealed the fate of Richmond. If Early had con
quered, more troops than Grant could spare would
have had to be sent away from the siege, but now
he gathered the reinforcements to himself.
He now determined, if possible, to sAveep around
Lee's right flank, and get possession of the South
Side Railroad, running into Richmond. So, on
the 27th of October, he despatched the Second
Corps under Warren, and two divisions of the
Fifth Corps, with a force of cavalry in adArance,
to force Hatcher's Run, lying beyond the extrem
ity of his line, on the left. The movement Avas
successful, and the advance got Avithin six miles
of the railroad, but Grant, finding that he had
been anticipated by Lee, who had erected strong
works in his front to bar his further progress, di
rected the troops to return. He waited until it
was reported that the two Corps had formed a
junction, when, feeling no further anxiety, he re
turned to his headquarters. But the report was
not true — the gap was not closed, and the watch
ful enemy dashed into it, and a bloody combat

ALMOST A DISASTER. 343
followed. Hancock repulsed him, though Avith
heavy loss.
Butler, at the same time, was directed to move
against the enemy on the north side of the James
River, but no important results were secured.
"From this time forward," says Grant, "the
operations in front of Petersburg and Richmond,
untU the spring campaign of 1865, were confined
to the defence and extension of our lines, and to
offensive movements for cripphng the fines of com
munication, and to prevent his detaching any
considerable force to send South." By mid
winter his lines reached Hatcher's Run, while the
Weldon Railroad was destroyed for many miles.
But during this winter, so comparatively quiet,
an event occurred which came very near ending
in a disaster that would have been almost irrepa
rable. Grant makes no mention of it in his
report, because it actually affected only the navy,
while the naval report takes but little notice of it,
because, so far as the navy was concerned, but
little harm was done.
Lee, finding, that he must abandon all hope of
drawing Grant away by operating near Washing
ton, conceived the daring plan of cutting off his
communications, and thus starving the army into a
retreat. • The absence of our war-vessels operating
in front of Fort Fisher, furnished an opportunity
to do this which seemed to the enemy almost provi-

314 LIFE OF GRANT.
dential. On the 24th of January, three iron
clads and three wooden vessels, with a flotUla of
torpedo-boats, came down the James River, intend
ing to run the batteries, take City Point, and thus
cut off the base of supphes for the whole army,
and divide the forces north and south of the
James. A large rebel force was massed north of
the river, to make an overwhelming assault on the
army there, as soon as City Point was reached.
A high tower, erected at the latter place for ob
servation by Grant, was to be set on fire as a sig
nal of success, and at the same time, of attack.
The vessels came boldly down in the darkness, and
it was soon eAddent that we had nothing on shore
or in the river that could stop their progress, and
consternation seized our army along the banks.
The Onondaga, on guard, retreated down the river
without attempting a defence. By good fortune,
or rather through an over-ruling Providence, the
iron-clads ran aground, and were stopped midway
in their triumphant career. The country did not
know what a narroAV escape Grant and his army
had, but the Government did. A. committee of
investigation was appointed, and the universal tes
timony Avas, that if these vessels had not gone
aground, the siege of Richmond would have been
raised, to say nothing of the disasters that might
have befaUen the army. City Point once oc
cupied by the rebels, not a pound of food could

DEATH OF MCPHERSON. 345
have reached our troops. Grant alone testified
that he did not think the disaster would have been
irreparable, and he, only on the single ground that
he had provisions enough on hand to last, with
great economy, two weeks, and by the end of that
time he thought the Government would have been
able to re-open his communications. On the prob
able success of outside efforts alone, he testified,
he relied for salvation. What fearful issues hung
on the simple question, whether those three iron
clads could clear the shoals.
But Grant would not have been accountable
for the misfortune, had it occurred. The navy
alone would have been compelled to bear the
blame; But though Grant's plans had partially faUed
in his direct operations against Richmond, they
had been crowned with complete success in other
portions of the extended field. Sherman had,
during the summer, pushed his triumphant way
to Atlanta. Grant's delight at his success was
marred, however, by a sad event — the death of
his dearest friend, McPherson, who fell in one of
the battles before the place. When the sad news
reached him his strong nature gave way, and
bursting into tears, he exclaimed, " The country
has lost one of its best soldiers, and Thave lost my
best friend."
McPherson's grandmother, aged eighty-seven
15*

346 LIFE OF GRANT.
years, hearing that Grant, when told of his death,
retired to his tent and wept, wrote him a letter.
To this the latter sent the foUowing tender, touch
ing response : Headqtjabtees Armies op tee U. S., )
Citt Point, Va., Aug. 10, 1864. j
Mrs. Lydia Slocum:
My Deae Madam : Your very welcome letter of the
3d instant has reached me. I am glad to know that
the relatives of the lamented Major-General McPher
son are aware of the more than friendship existing be
tween him and myself. A nation grieves at the loss of
one so dear to our nation's cause. It is a selfish grief,
because the nation had more to expect from him than
from almost -any one hving. I join in this selfish grief,
and add the grief of personal love for the departed.
He formed, for some time, one of my mihtary family.
I knew him well; to know him was to love. It may
be some consolation to you, his aged grandmother, to
know that every officer and every soldier who served
under your grandson felt the highest reverence for his
patriotism, his zeal, his great, almost unequaUed
ability, his amiability, and all the manly virtues that
can adorn a commander. Tour bereavement is great,
but cannot exceed mine.
Tours truly, U. S. Geant.
Sherman, having captured Atlanta, wrote to
Grant asking permission to let Hood alone, and
march across the country to Savannah. Grant,
in reply, asked him if it did not look as if
"Hood was going to attempt the invasion of Mid
dle Tennessee, using the Mobile and Ohio, Mem
phis and Charleston roads, to supply his base on
the Tennessee river, about Florence or Decatur.

ORDERS TO SHERMAN. 347
If he does this, he ought to be met and prevented
from getting north of the Tennessee river. If
you were to cut loose I do not believe you would
meet Hood's army, but would be bushwhacked by
aU the old men, little boys, and such railroad
guards as are still left at home. Hood would
probably strike for Nashville, thinking that by
going north he could inflict greater damage upon
us than we could upon the rebels by going south.
If there is any way of getting at Hood's army I
would prefer that, but I must trust to your OAvn
judgment." With that prescience which distin
guishes the great commander, he here traces out
the exact course that Hood afterwards took.
But Sherman still urged that he might be per
mitted to strike across the country, saying, " Hood
may turn into Kentucky and Tennessee, but I be
lieve he wiU be forced to follow me." Grant's
forecast was the truest, and his plan unquestionably
the safest and best if any other commander than
Thomas had been left to take care of Hood. He,
hoAvever, finally gave his consent in the folloAving
despatch: "Your despatch of - to-day received.
If you are satisfied the trip to the sea-coast can
be made holding the line of the Tennessee river
firmly, you may make it, destroying aU the raU-
roads south of Dalton or Chattanooga as you
think best."
It was his original design to have Sherman

348 LIFE OF GRANT.
push through to the sea-coast, and thus cut the
Confederacy in tAvo ; but his plan was to have
him hold Atlanta, and get through by garrisons
stationed all along the railroad — Atlanta being
the base — but not destroy it and cut loose entirely,
as he did.
When Hood finaUy started north, Grant said
he was going to his certain doom ; and that if he
were directing his movements, he would not alter
them. When the rebel army finally appeared before
NashviUe, in the latter part of December, Grant
became very anxious to have Thomas attack him
at once.
But though the latter was to aU appearance
ready to take the field, he was sadly deficient in
cavalry. He wished not only to defeat Hood,
but to have the means of pursuing him when
beaten. Grant finally telegraphed him that he
wished him to move at once upon the enemy, and
he replied that he was not ready. Grant sent
back word that he had more confidence in him
than any other man, and to take his own time ;
stiU, he would like to know the reasons of his de
lay. But Thomas, determined that in no Avay
should these reasons leak out on the road, did
not give them. .
Grant, fearing that Hood would leave Nash-
vUle and cross the Cumberland into Kentucky,

CAPTURE OF FORT FISHER. 349
felt so impatient at Thomas' delay, that he left
City Point and started west, to superintend mat
ters in person. He neA7er could stay away from
any point, whether in battle or out of it, when
the danger was pressing. But when he reached
Washington, he met the despatch of Thomas an
nouncing his victory. "I was delighted," he
says; "aU fears and apprehensions were dispelled."
He, however, still thinks that it would have been
better, had Thomas attacked Hood before he had
time to fortify ; but says in his frank, generous
way, " his final defeat of Hood was so complete,
that it will be accepted as a vindication of that dis
tinguished officer's judgment." This victory, and
Sherman's triumphant entrance into Savannah,
lighted up the winter to Grant at City Point, and
made him see clearly the approaching end of the
struggle. The capture of Fort Fisher was another bright
gleam above the horizon. In the first expedition
against this stronghold, Grant, in furnishing the
land forces, designated Weitzel to command them ;
but they being taken from Butler's army, he, of
course, sent his instructions through the latter
officer. These did "not order an assault, but said,
the first object is to close to the enemy the port
of Wilmington, which as yet had not been done."
But Butler never gave these instructions to
Weitzel at all ; and the latter told Grant he was

350 LIFE OF GRANT.
not aware of their existence until he saw them in
Butler's official report of the failure of the expe
dition. Butler quietly pocketed them, and cooUy took
command himself. Grant says, " I had no idea
of General Butler's accompanying the expedition
until the evening before it got off from Bermuda
Hundred; and then did not dream but that
General Weitzel had received all the instructions,
and would be in command." He thought, he
said, "that he was going to witness the effect of
the explosion, of the powder boat." Grant's in
dignation was aroused at this bold contempt of
his orders and breach of military discipline that
deserved a court martial, and soon after put Ord
in his place.
Porter, who Avould not retire from before the
fort, after Butler withdrew the army, wrote to
Grant that it could be taken ; and so the latter
sent another force, under General Terry as com
mander. This expedition succeeded, and Wil
mington soon after fell.
Sherman having reached Savannah, Grant
sent a despatch to him, in which he gave direc
tions " that after establishing a base on the sea-
coast, with necessary garrisons to include all his
artiUery and cavalry, to come by water to City
Point with the balance of his command." But
finding it difficult to get ocean transportation, and

HOOD DEFEATED.

351

seeing that it would take two months to bring the
army on, he changed his mind and thought Sher
man might, perhaps, better operate from where
he was. But in the meantime he received a letter
from him sketching his daring plan of marching
up by land, and forming a junction with him be
fore Richmond. His confidence that he could do
so pleased Grant, and he immediately sent back
a. despatch directing him to carry out his own
plan; The total rout of Hood in Tennessee removed
all danger from the enemy in that, quarter, and
released the troops under Thomas so that they
could be used elsewhere, and Grant now ordered
Schofield, with the Twenty-third Corps, number
ing twenty-one thousand men, east, for the pur
pose of making an advance inland — either from
Wilmington or Newbern, toward Goldsboro', to
cooperate with Sherman's movements. Helping
to reduce the former place, Schofield was direc
ted to make it his base of operations, while an
other column pushed inland from Newbern. In
addition to this, Grant directed Thomas to send
Gen. Stoneman with a large cavalry force across
the mountains into South Carolina, to destroy
railroads and material of war, and at the same
time release our prisoners at Salisbury, N. C.
But Sherman's rapid march north caused a change
in this plan, and Stoneman was directed to oper-

352 LIFE OF GRANT.
ate against the railroad toward Lynchburg. This
concentric movement of various forces shows the
comprehensiveness of Grant's mind, and the re
morseless energy and determination with which
he pushed his adversary. The heavens were
gathering blacker than midnight above Lee, and
it thundered all around the horizon.
While thus concentrating his own forces, Grant,
in order to prevent the enemy from doing the same
by bringing up reinforcements from the extreme
South, ordered Canby, Avho had relieved Banks,
to organize an expedition against Mobile. "This,"
Grant wrote to Thomas, " will attract all the at
tention of the enemy, and leave an advance from
your stand-point easy. I think it advisable, there
fore," he said, " that you prepare as much of a cav
alry force as you can spare, and hold it in readi
ness to go South." He designed to have this
force push deep into Alabama, destroying the
rebel communications, and dispersing and cap
turing detached bodies of the enemy.
The armies East and West under his hand had
not proved a balky team, but had pulled steadily
together, and were now, at a rapid pace, nearing
the goal.
From this brief sketch of the various plans of
Grant and the movements he set on foot during
this winter, how like a single machine our vast
and scattered forces appear in his grasp ! Sepa-

THE END APPROACHING. 353
rated by' thousands of miles — lofty mountains and
broad rivers intervening, — yet all like so many
wheels obeying a central force till one could al
most count the days when the if on walls would
close forever around Confederacy.
Success now did not depend on any great pitch
ed battle, though it might be hastened by one.
It was secure, whether that was fought or not.
There was a mathematical certainty about it that
must have been appalling to Lee. Grant's move
ments were like the finger on the dial-plate of a
clock, moving round with a uniform,, steady mo
tion, until the given hour is reached, when the re
lentless hammer will strike.
In order to assist Sherman, Avho was compara
tively Aveak in cavalry, Grant, while these various
movements were being set on foot, directed Sheri
dan, who also was footloose in the Shenandoah
Valley, to push on to Lynchburg, and after destroy
ing the railroad and canal, endeavor by heading
the streams to reach Sherman toiling up from
Savannah. Sheridan, with tAventy thousand cavalry, started
on the 27th of February, and pushed on to Lynch
burg; but the enemy burning the bridges over
the James River, he could not get across, and so,
after destroying every thing within his reach,
moved down the north bank of the stream toward
Richmond— causing the wildest consternation in

354 LIFE OF GRANT.
the capital. Columns were at once hurried off
to meet this new danger, but Sheridan sweeping
swiftly across the country reached the White
House in safety. After resting here awhile, he
crossed the James River and joined Grant.
Every thing now was moving but the Army of
the Potomac — Sherman was at Goldsboro', Canby
thundering at the gates of MobUe, whUe two cav
alry expeditions were afoot, one pushing into
Alabama, and the other towards Lynchburg.
Grant saAV that the time to strike, at last had
come. In the meantime the President visited
him at headquarters. Not expecting to do so, he
sometime previous wrote him the following en
couraging letter :
" Lieutenant- General Grant :
" Not expecting to see you before the spring cam
paign opens, I wish to express, in this way, my entire
satisfaction with what you have done up to this time,
so far as I understand it. The particulars of your plans I
neither know nor seek to know. Tou are vigilant and
self-reliant ; and, pleased with this, I wish not to ob
trude any restraints or constraints upon you. While
I am very anxious that any great disaster or capture of
our men in great numbers shaU be avoided, I know
that these points are less likely to escape your attention
than they would he mine. If there be any thing want
ing which is within my power to give, do not fail to
let me know it. And now, with a brave army and a
just cause, may God sustain you.
" Tours, very truly, A. Lincoln."

LETTER TO THE - PRESIDENT. 355-
Touched with this mark of confidence, Grant
returned the following frank, characteristic reply :
" The President : #
" Tour very kind letter of yesterday is just received.
The confidence you express for the future, and satisfac
tion for the past, in my military administration, is ac
knowledged with pride. It shall he my earnest endeavor
that you and the country shaU not be disappointed. From
my first entrance into the volunteer service of the coun
try to the present day, I have never had cause of com
plaint, have never expressed or implied a complaint
against the Administration, or the Secretary of War,
for throwing any embarrassment in the way of my vig
orously prosecuting what appeared to he my duty. In
deed, since the promotion which placed me in command
of all the armies, and in view of the great responsibili
ty and importance of success, I have been astonished
at the readiness with which every thing asked for has
been yielded, without even an explanation being asked.
" Should my success he less than I desire and ex
pect, the least I can say is, the fault is not with you.
" Yery truly, your obedient servant,
" " TJ, S. Geant, Lieut-General."

l5 -

Sherman also came up from Goldsboro', to con
sult Avith him about his plans. The latter told
him the army was about to move around Lee's
right — to turn Petersburg, and assist Sheridan,
who would be sent with a strong force of cavalry
to destroy the South Side and Danville railroads,
and thus cut off Lee's supplies. He therefore di
rected him to march north toAvards Dinwiddie
Court House, to cooperate with this movement.
The latter hurried back, while Grant issued his

356 LIFE OF GRANT.
orders for his army to move.* He had, as he says,
" spent days of anxiety lest each morning should
bring the report that the enemy had retreated the
night before." His various movements had been
organized at such vast distances, thus giving pre
monitions of their character so long beforehand,
that he felt that a skilful commander Uke Lee,
would not remain to be cooped up in Richmond
and starved to death, but retreat in time to effect a
junction with Johnston operating against Sher
man. If he succeeded in this, a new campaign
would have to be organized, and hence new de
lays become inevitable.
There has never been given a satisfactory expla
nation for Lee's strange conduct in madly clinging
to Richmond until escape was impossible. Doubt
less one great reason was, consciousness of his
inability to hold his army together the moment
it was put on the march from the abandoned
capital. * Vide Appendix.

GRANT

*£ HOMt

-'O-J

^<ic'"

C'^JU :as-yix7/ .5 ^'^

CHAPTER XXIII.
the Last great movement.
Attack of Lee— Sheridan's Orders— Tne Movement Begun — Sheri
dan's Orders revoked — Grant changes his Plan and resolves
" to Finish the Joh" — Battle of Five Forks— Storming of the
Works — The Victory — Evacuation of Richmond ordered —
Davis receives the News in Church-^-Incredulity of the People —
Scene in the Capital — Terrific Scene in the Streets — Blowing-
up of the Rebel Iron-clads — Burning of the Bridges and Ware
houses — The City takes fire— <\ maddened Populace — Weitzel
and Ewell — Their Regimental Bands — The Morning — Entering
the City — The Conflagration continues — The Capitol-square at
Night.
Grant's order to Meade for the great final
movement was dated March 24th. By a singular
coincidence, the very next day Lee assumed the
offensive, and made a bold dash on Grant's lines
South of the Appomattox River, and directly in
front of the Ninth Corps, and actually broke
through, carrying Fort Steadman, and turned its
guns upon our troops. But the force on either
flank held its ground, while the rebel soldiers
could not be induced to leave the breastworks to
charge again our broken lines. Reserves being
brought up, they were driven out, and their own
intrenched picket-line seized and held, though Lee
made desperate efforts to retake it.

358 LIFE OF GRANT.
This bold attack of Lee was the last expiring
blow of a dying man, and must have been made
with the desperate feehng of a gambler when he
stakes his last doUar ; for the three or four thousand
men he lost here he could illy spare. Four days
after, Sheridan moved off to execute the task assign
ed him, while the Fifth and Sixth Corps followed
after. That night he was at Dinwiddie Court
House, with the infantry weU up, and Grant saw
himself in a favorable position " to end the mat
ter," as he said, and he wrote to Sheridan that
" he felt like it," and therefore to abandon his raid
on the railroads for the present, and, instead of
cutting loose from the army, as he had directed
him to do, to cooperate with it, and push on
around the enemy to his rear. For two days it
now rained incessantly, turning roads and fields
into a quagmire, and making it weU-nigh impos
sible to move any thing on wheels. The next
day, however, Sheridan advanced to the neighbor
hood of Five Forks, where he found the enemy in
force, AvhUe everywhere along the new line occu
pied by the infantry, the same state of things
existed. Grant seeing this, and knowing that if
he had been correctly informed of the strength of
Lee's army, he could not man properly his extend
ed lines, reaching from Richmond to his present ex
treme right — he determined therefore to push
his own line no farther to the left, but detach

the assault. 359
one corps with Sheridan to turn the rebel flank,
whUe he moved boldly to the assault in front,
and " end the matter."
More or less fighting now occurred, to get in
proper position ; but on the 1st of April Sheridan,
Avith the aid of Warren, captured the position at
Five Forks, with aU the artiUery and five or six
thousand prisoners. The remainder of the force,
instead of faUing back on the main army, turned
AvestAvard, and, panic-stricken and demoralized,
fled in every direction. Thus, at one fell blow,
Lee saw his right wing "violently wrenched from
his centre." He was aroused as by a thunder
clap at . the fatal news. Grant received Sheri
dan's despatch that evening, and knowing what a
terrible blow it was to Lee, feared he would
retreat in the night-time, and faUing on Sheridan
as he did so, overwhelm him. He therefore in
stantly started off Miles' division to reinforce him,
while he ordered all the guns in position to open
on the works in front, and keep Up the bombard
ment till four o'clock in the morning, at which
time. the assault was ordered.
At the appointed hour, the attacking col
umns moved gaUantly forward, and Wright and
Ord carried eArery thing before them on their side.
Parke broke the main line in his front, but could
not carry the inner one, while Gibbon got posses
sion of two strong works. But inner works were

360 LIFE OF GRANT.
stiU held, where the enemy raUied — and amid
shouts and yeUs, and roar of cannon, and voUies
of musketry, a terrible conflict Avent on, especially
around Fort Gregg, until Sheridan, swooping
down from the left, and a force sent by Meade
from the front of Petersburg, closed in in that
direction, shut down hke the door of fate on
the diminished garrisons, when they broke and
fled in confusion. Evacuation of Richmond.
These successes around Petersburg settled the
fate of Richmond, and Lee sent a despatch to the
War Department to have every thing in readiness
to evacuate it. It is a curious fact that the in
habitants Avere totaUy ignorant of the terrible
struggle which had been going on for the last
three days between the two armies. The latest
news from the front was that Lee, in a night
attack, had defeated Grant with heayy loss — hence
they were whoUy unprepared for the appalling
tidings that awaited them. "John M. Daniel,
editor of the Richmond Examiner, died that day,
under the delusion that such a victory had been
won, and John Mitchell, who wrote his obituary
in the papers, expressed the regret that the great
Virginian had passed away just as a decisive vic
tory was hkely to give the turning-point to the
success of the Southern Confederacy."

EVACUATION OF RICHMOND. 361
Davis Avas at church, when a messenger entered
the aisle, and walking rapidly up to the pew in
which he sat, handed him a slip of paper con
taining Lee's despatch. Outwardly it seemed a
slight event, but it struck deep as a buUet and as
deadly, into the heart of the rebel president.
Though with a strong effort he mastered his emo
tions, his cheek blanehed at the terrible tidings ;
for he knew it to be the handwriting on the waU.
The services had hardly closed, when it was
evident from the faces of the few people seen in the
quiet streets, that ominous tidings were in the air.
The church-bells pealed their Sabbath tones as
usual — the breath of spring stole softly in from
the distant fields, and all was peaceful as the
day of rest should be. Still, a strange sense
of coming e-vil began to be felt; for rumors
were afloat of some dire impending calam
ity. At length these began to assume shape, and
white .lips whispered in incredulous, astonished
ears, that the city was to be given up to the
enemy. Some smiled in unbelief, some laughed
outright, at the absurd report ; while even to the
believing it seemed hardly possible,- as they heard
the beUs sweetly chiming, and saw women and
children wending their way in tranquU security
to church, that conquering battalions were about
to shout along those streets. But officers gal
loping through them, and the din of preparation
16

362 LIFE OF GRANT.
going on in various quarters, soon dispeUed aU
doubt; and then disorder and tumult swelled
along every avenue. The change from the deep
repose of Sabbath to the wUd alarm and up
roar that followed, was appalling. Crowds, heav
ing in fierce agitation, poured along the streets —
army wagons, loaded with boxes and trunks,
drove furiously towards the DanvUle Depot ; pale
women and ragged chUdren streamed after, going
they knew not whither ; excited men filled the air
with blasphemies, while the more desperate surged
up around the commissary depots, awaiting the
signal for pUlage. There was no order — no_ at
tempt on the part of any one to enforce it. Says
one of their own writers : " The only convocation,
the only scene of councU that marked the fall of
Richmond, took place in a dingy room in a corner
of the upper story of the Capitol Building. In
this obscure chamber assembled the city councU
'of Richmond, to consult on the emergency, and
to take measures to secure what of order Avas pos
sible in the scenes about to ensue. It appeared
to represent aU that was left of deliberation in the
Confederate capital. It was a painful contrast to
look upon this scene, to traverse the noAV almost
sUent Capitol House, so often vocal Avith oratory
and crowded with the busy scenes of legislation ;
to hear the echo of the footstep, and at last to
climb to the dismal show of councilmen in the

EVACUATION OF RICHMOND. 363
remote room, where a half dozen sat at a rude
table, and not so many vacant idlers hstened to
their proceedings. At the head of the board sat
an illiterate grocer, of the name of Saunders, who
Avas making his last exhibition of Southern spirit;
and twenty-four hours thereafter was subscribing
himself to some Yery petty Federal officer, ' most
respectfully your most obedient servant.' Here
and there, hurrying up with the latest news from
the War Department, was Mayor Mayo— excited,
incoherent — chewing tobacco defiantly ; but yet
fuU of pluck, having the mettle of the true Vir
ginia gentleman, stern and watchful to the last, in
fidelity to the city that his ancestors had assisted
in founding, and exhibiting, no matter in what com
ical aspects, a courage that no man ever doubted."
Such is the picture of the official proceedings
that dignified the downfall of the haughty rebel cap
ital. Humihating as it is, it stands out in bright
relief as contrasted with the scene that took place
outside of the budding. There the strong hand
of mUitary power Avas at last withdrawn — the
breathless fear of unsparing despotism gone — the
last restraint even of common humanity removed,
and wild terror held high carnival in the doomed
capital, over whose dwellings arose a fearful and
confused murminv-the prelude of the coming
storm. The excitement and tumult growing
fiercer as evening drew on, the mayor attempted

364 LIFE OF GRANT
to restore order by caUing out two regiments of
militia and establishing patrols, and destroying
aU the liquor in the stores and warehouses ; but
militia and patrols, as soon as darkness closed
over the city, became SAvaUowed up in the mad
dened throng that surged unchecked through the
streets. The gutters ran with liquor, and drunken,
frenzied men reeled, with hideous blasphemies on
their lips, along the side-walks that were loaded
with broken glass and the contents of pUlaged
stores. Wild cries of distress mingled with the
horrid oaths that made night hideous, and the
city became a scene of horror and terror inde
scribable. But as if this were not enough, General
EweU, commanding Lee's rear-guard north of the
James, blew up the iron-clad vessels in the river ;
and before the earthquake shock had hardly
passed away, the three bridges that spanned the
stream were ablaze, ribbing the darkness with
their long lines of flame. The next moment, four
huge tobacco Avarehouses were wrapped in fire,
shooting murky clouds of smoke and fiery sparks
into the heavens. The neighboring houses caught
fire; and the conflagration passing aU control,
raged unchecked along the streets, and roared hke
the ocean over the abandoned city. As the light
feU on the terror-stricken or ferocious faces of the
yelling crowd, it seemed as if the infernal depths
had vomited up its inhabitants.

ENTRANCE OF THE FEDERALS. 365
But while this frightful scene was going on in
the city, outside, the air was filled with strains of
music. Weitzel, who commanded our forces on
the north side of the James, in front of whom was
Ewell's rear-guard, had been directed by Grant to
make as great a demonstration as possible. He,
therefore, as night closed in, set all his regimental
bands playing. Ewell ordered his own to re
spond ; . and hour after hour the melodious strains
echoed through the night, presenting a strange
contrast to the savage yells and tumult within.
But at midnight the music suddenly ceased, and
EweU quietly withdrew ; while Weitzel gazed in
astonishment and doubt on the lurid heavens
above the Capital.
When morning broke he found that the enemy
in his front was gone, and he immediately sent
forward a body of horse to reconnoitre.
The sun was a little over an hour high when
these troopers, forty in number, appeared in Main
street. Suddenly the cry of " Yankees ! " " The
Yankees are come ! " swept in wild clamor up the
street, the upper end of which was choked with a
crowd of men, women, and children — some with
carts, others rolling along barrels, or staggering
under the weight of plunder.
As the shout of "Yankees" smote their ears,
those rushed away in terror,, cursing and tramp
ling on each other in savage fury.' The troops

366 LIFE OF GRANT.
walked their horses tiU they reached the corner
of Eleventh Street, when they broke into a trot
for the Pubhc Square, and riding straight up to
the Capitol planted their guidons on its top, where
they fluttered proudly in the breeze. A feAV
hours later, the heads of Weitzel's columns ap
peared in the streets. Says a lady who witnessed
the entrance: "Stretching from the Exchange
Hotel to the slope of Church HU1, down the hUl,
through the valley, up the ascent to the hotel,- was
the array, Avith its unbroken line of blue, fringed
with bright bayonets. Strains of martial music,
flushed countenances, waving SAVords, betokened
the victorious army. As the line turned at the
Exchange Hotel into the upper street, the move
ment Avas the signal for a wUd burst of cheers
from each regiment. Shouts from a few negroes
were the only response. Through throngs of sul
len spectators, along the line of fire, in the midst
of the horrors of a conflagration increased by the
explosion of sheUs- left by the retreating army,
through curtains of smoke, through the vast aerial
auditorium- convulsed with the commotion of
frightful sounds, moved the gay procession of
the grand army, with horse, music, and bright
banners, and wild cheers. A regiment of negro
cavalry swept by the hotel. As they turned the
streetcorner they dreAv their sabres with sav
age shouts, and the blood mounted even in

CONFLAGRATION. 367
my Avoman's heart with quick throbs of de
fiance." Meanwhile the conflagration raged with un
checked fury. -The entire business part of the
city was on fire — stores, warehouses, manufacto
ries, mUls, depots, and bridges, covering acres of
ground, were in flames, while the continuous
thunder of exploding shells added ten-fold to the
horrors of the scene. All during the forenoon,
flame and" smoke and showers of blazing sparks
filled the air, spreading still further the destruc
tion until every bank, every auction store, every
insurance ofiice, nearly every commission house,
and most of the fashionable stores, were a heap
of smouldering ruins. The atmosphere was so
choking that " men, women and children crowded
into the square of the capital for a breath of pure
air ; and one traversed the green slopes blinded
by cinders and struggling for breath. Already
pUes of furniture had been collected there, dragged
from the ruins of burning houses, and in uncouth
arrangements made with broken tables and
bureaus, were huddled women and children with
no other resting-place in. Heaven's great hoUow-
ness." Deep apathetic sUence visited the city at
night after the fire had burned itself out, and
clouds of black smoke like a Juneral paU hung
over the smouldering ruins.

CHAPTER XXIII.
THE RETREAT AND SURRENDER.
The Pursuit — Swift Marching — Sheridan's Victory over Ewell —
Lee cut off from Burkesville — Endeavors to reach Lynchburg —
Grant's Letter to Sherman — Lee leaves the Highway, and takes
to the Thickets — Headed off by Sheridan — Grant addresses a
Note to Lee asking him to surrender — The Reply — Correspon
dence — Lee resolves to cut his way throngh Sheridan's Cav
alry — The Attempt abandoned — Lee seeks an Interview with
Grant — Description of the Meeting — The Surrender of the Army
agreed upon — The Surrender — Grant visits Washington — The
President tells him a Dream — Is sent down to receive the Sur
render of Johnston — The Army starts for Home — Grand Review
in the Capital.
While this terrific scene was being enacted
in the' rebel capital, the fugitive president was
fleeing for his life, and the disorganized army of
Lee was crowding along the highways and fields
to escape the remorseless pursuit of Grant.
Leaving to others the glory of entering the rebel
capital, the latter was in .the saddle guiding and
urging on his victorious columns.
Lee's great, object now was to get to DanvUle,
from whence he could easily effect a junction with
Johnston, near Raleigh. On the other hand,
Grant's great object was to cut him off from that

THE RACE. 369
point, and Sheridan was pushed on toward Burkes
ville, the junction of the railroads, while the Second
and Sixth Corps were sent on to his support.
The race between Lee's and Grant's armies was
a desperate one ; the former marched swiftly along
the north bank of the Appomattox, and the latter
the south, both heading for Burke's Station, fifty-
three miles from Petersburg, where the South-
side and Danville Railroads intersect. If Grant
reached it first, Lee's chances of escape were weU
nigh hopeless, and he knew it. But the former
had the inside track. From the Rapidan to- Rich
mond, a year before, Lee had it. Matters were
reversed now, and Grant was not the general to
let this advantage be lost; so the two armies
strained forward, Sheridan all the whUe harassing
the rebel -flank. Lee's army marched for life, ours
for victory. Our army, by putting forth hercu
lean efforts, and marching as wearied men never
marched before, reached it first, and Lee was cut
off from Danville by that route. On Thursday
afternoon, with the assistance of the Fifth and
Sixth Corps, Sheridan completely cut off and cap
tured EweU's entire column of nine thousand men,
seven general officers, fifteen field-pieces of artil
lery, twenty-nine battle-flags, and six miles of
wagon-trains. After reaching BurkesvUle, General Meade,
with the greater portion of the Army of the Po
le*

370 LIFE OF GRANT.
tomac, took up the pursuit on the north side of
the railroad ; whUe Sheridan's cavalry and Ord's
Twenty-fourth Corps moved rapidly along the
south side, Sheridan being constantly on Lee's
flanks, frequently compelling him to halt and
form Une of battle, and as often engaging him,
cutting off detachments, picking up stragglers,
capturing cannon without number, and demor
alizing the enemy at every stand. On Friday,
at Farmville, sixteen miles west of BurkesviUe, a
considerable engagement occurred, in which the
Second Corps participated largely and suffered
some loss. Lee, however, was compeUed to con
tinue his retreat At High Bridge, over the Ap
pomattox, he again crossed to the north side of
the river, and two of our regiments, the Fifty-
fourth Pennsylvania and One Hundred and Twen
ty-third Ohio, which were sent there to hold the
Jbridge, were captured by a strong rebel cavalry
force. The raUroad bridge at this point, a very
high and long structure, was burned by the
enemy. "Lee now headed directly for Lynch
burg, in the hope of reaching a point where he
could move around the front of our left wing, and
escape toAvard DanvUle by a road which runs dh-
rectly south from a point about twenty miles east
of Lynchburg. But his rear and flanks were so
sorely pressed that he was compeUed to skirmish
nearly every step, and to destroy or abandon an

THE PURSUIT. 371
immense amount of property, while Sheridan was
rapidly shooting ahead of Trim."
Grant having received a despatch from the
latter requesting his presence, mounted and hur
ried to the front. On the 5th, he had written to
Sherman, saying: "Sheridan is up with Lee, and
•reports all that is left — horse, foot, and dragoons —
at twenty thousand men, much demoralized. We
hope to reduce this number one-half. I shall
push on to BurkesvUle ; and if a stand is made at
DanvUle, will, in a very few days, go there. If
you can do so, push on from where you are, and
let us see if we cannot finish the job with Lee's
and Johnston's armies."
He had said at the outset, when he started from
Culpepper Court House, near the Rapidan, that
he meant to follow Lee wherever he went ; and
he was no av doing it,, and would do it, if- it took
him to the Gulf of Mexico.
All next day the pursuit was kept up, and the
fighting continued ; whUe, like a hunted stag, Avith
the. cry of the eager pack drawing nearer and
nearer every moment, Lee strained forward with
the mere wreck of his army. But the foe was
everywhere — the country on every side swarmed
with Grant's troops ; and on the 7th the sore-
pressed, disheartened army turned off the main
roads, and toUed through dense thickets of oak and
pine, that were here and there crossed only by a

372 LIFE OF GRANT.
wood road or path. It marched this day Avithout
much molestation, except now and then it was
startled by Sheridan's bugles, as his bold troopers
dashed on the meagre trains. The next day it
struck a main road and marched rapidly tiU dark,
when it quietly went into camp. No foe was in
sight — the air no longer echoed with Sheridan's*
bugles, and to all appearance the way was clear
to Lynchburg. During the night the general offi
cers held a consultation on the condition of affairs,
and the proper movements to be made in the
morning. But before they had come to any con
clusion, the boom of Sheridan's cannon in front
startled them like a sudden thunder-peal ; for it
told them that the road to Lynchburg was blocked
up by the enemy. Ord was to the south, so that
they were cut off in that direction ; whUe Meade
was thundering in the rear. It was plain there
was no Avay of escape, unless they could cut a
road through Sheridan's cavalry.
In the mean time Grant, who kneAv that Lee
Avould soon be enclosed in his net, had two days
before addressed him the following note :
Apeil 1, 1865.
General R. E. Lee, Commandmg C. 8. A.
General : The result of the last Aveek must convince
yon of the hopelessness of further resistance on the part
of the Army of Northern Virginia in this struggle. I
feel that it is so, and regard it as my duty to shift from
myself the responsibihty of any further effusion of blood,

grant's proposition. 373
by asking of you the surrender of that portion of the
Confederate States Army, known as the Army of North-.
ern Virginia. Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
TJ. S. Geant,
Lieutenant-General, Commanding Armies of the United States.
To this Lee sent the following answer :
Apeil 7, 1865.
General : I have received your note of this date.
Though not entirely of the opinion you express, of
the hopelessness of further resistance on the part of the
Army of Northern Virginia, I reciprocate your desire
to avoid useless effusion of blood, and therefore, before
considering your proposition, ask the terms you will
offer, on condition of its surrender. K. E. Lee, General.
To Lieutenant-General TJ. S. Geant, commanding Armies of the
United States.
Whether he believed there was any hope of
escape, or whether he spoke of still resisting in
order to get better terms, it is impossible to say.
He may not have been aware that Sheridan was
at that moment sweeping around his front, cutting
off his escape to Lynchburg; for the day he sent
this note was the one on which his army was
marching through the thickets without much mo
lestation, except from some detachments of cav
alry that caused but little alarm. The next day,
however, he had a clearer, more correct idea of
his condition ; for the thunder . of Sheridan's
guns in front told him, in language too plain to

374 LIFE OF GRANT.
be misunderstood, that his case was hopeless.
His army had dAvindled dovm to less than ten
thousand men, bearing arms — though there were
nearly double that number Avho had throAvn away
their muskets, and become mere stragglers, scat
tered through the woods — and it was eAudent that
those which stUl kept in the ranks must disband
and scatter also, or surrender.
The foUowing was Grant's reply : Apeil 8, 1865.
To General R. E. Lee, Commanding C. S. A.
General : Tour note of last evening, in reply to
mine of same date, asking the conditions on which I
will accept the surrender of the Army of Northern Vir
ginia, is just received.
In reply, I would say that, peacebeing my first desire,
there is but one condition that I insist upon, viz. :
That the men surrendered shall be disqualified for
taking up arms against the Government of the United
States until properly exchanged.
I will meet you, or designate officers to meet any
officers you may name, for the same purpose, at any
point agreeable to you, for the purpose of arranging
definitely the terms upon which the surrender of the •
Army- of Northern Virginia will be received.
Very respectfully, Your obedient servant,
U. S. Grant,
Lieutenant-General, Commanding Armies of the United States.
Lee's response was hardly as "frank" as he
pretends, unless he refers to the mere form of sur
render, or to his own personal surrender, for the
"emergency" he speaks of, had certainly arisen.

THE CORRESPONDENCE. 375
The very haste with Avhich he answers Grant's
note, and his anxiety to know what terms he will
offer, shows that he feels it has. He says :
Apeil 8, 1865.
General : I received, at a late hour, your note of
to-day, in answer to mine of yesterday.
I did not intend to propose the surrender of the Army
of Northern Virginia, but to ask the terms of your prop
osition. To be frank, I do not think the emergency
has arisen to call for the surrender.
But as the restoration of peace should be the sole ob
ject of all, I desire to know whether your proposals
would tend to that end.
I cannot, therefore, meet you with a view to surren
der the Army of Northern Virginia ; but as far as your
proposition may affect the Confederate States forces un
der my command, and tend to the restoration of peace,
I should be pleased to meet you at 10 a. m. to-morroAV,
on the old stage-road to Eichmond, between the picket-
lines of the two armies.
Very respectfully,
Tour obedient servant,
E. E. Lee, General C. S. A.
Grant, perfectly certain that Lee could not now
escape, was unwiUing that another brave soldier
should be sacrificed through false pride or foolish
obstinacy, and determined to lose no chance of
bringing the matter to a peaceful termination, and
hence replied :
, t, ~ ^ - • „ * Apeil 9, 1865.
General. R. E. Lee, Commanding C. 8. A.
General : Tour note of yesterday is received. As I
have no authority to treat on the subject of peace, the
meeting proposed for 10 a.m. to-day could lead to no

376 LIFE OF GRANT.
good. I wiU state, however, General, that / am equal
ly anxious for peace with yourself ; and the whole
North entertain the same feeling. The terms upon
which peace can be had are well understood. By the
South laying down their arms, they will hasten that
most desirable event, save thousands of human lives, and
hundreds of millions of property not yet destroyed.
Sincerely hoping that all our difficulties may be set
tled without the loss of another life, I subscribe myself,
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
U. S. Grant,
Lientenant-General United States Army.
The very day on which this Avas sent, Lee had
resolved to make a last attempt to cut his way
through Sheridan's force. Gordon, to whom this
perUous task was assigned, marched off with his
thinned, disheartened division to execute it, when
to his surprise he found that heavy masses of
infantry supported the cavalry. Seeing at once
that the attempt would only expose his men to
butchery, he abandoned it, and sent, a despatch
to Lee announcing the fact. The latter in the
mean time had ridden to the rear in hope of meet
ing Grant, but failing to do so, addressed him the
following note : Sunday, April 9, 1865.
General : I received your note of this morning, on
the picket-line, whither I had come to meet you, and
ascertain definitely what terms were embraced in your
proposition of yesterday with reference to the surrender
of this army.
I now request an interview in accordance with the

FLAG OF TRUCE. 377
offer contained in your letter of yesterday for that pur
pose, very respectfully, Your obedient servant,
E. E. Lee, General.
To Lieutenant-General Grant, Commanding United States Armies.
Grant, as soon as he received it, sent the foUow
ing letters, which came just in time for a flag of
truce to be raised in front of Gordon's troops, and
prevent a charge of Sheridan's cavahy, which was
already drawn up and waiting the sound of the
bugle to dash down. Sunday, April 9, 1865.
General R. E. Lee, Commanding G. 8. A.
Your note of this date is but this moment, 11 50
a. m., received.
In consequence of my having passed from the Eich
mond and Lynchburg road to the Farmville and Lynch
burg road, I am at this writing about four iniles west
of Walter's church, and will push forward to the front
for the purpose of meeting you.
Notice sent to me, on this road, where you wish the
interview to take place, will meet me.
Very respectfully,
Your obedient servant,
TJ. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General.

Appomattox Couet House, April 9, 1865.
General R. E. Lee, Commanding C. S. A.
In accordance with the substance of my letters to
you of the 8th inst., I propose to receive the surrender
of the Army of Northern Virginia on the following
terms, to wit :
Eolls of ah the officers and men to be made in du-

378 LIFE OF GRANT.
plicate, one copy to be given to an officer designated by
me, the other to be retained by such officers as you
may designate.
The officers to give their individual paroles not to
take arms against the Government of the United States
until properly exchanged, and each company or regi
mental commander sign a hke parole for the men' of
their commands.
The arms, artillery, and public property to be park
ed and stacked and turned over to the officers appointed
by me to receive them.
This will not embrace the side-arms of the officers,
nor their private horses or baggage.
This done, each officer and man will be allowed to
retu/rn to their homes, not to be disturbed by United
States authority so long as they observe their parole
and the laws in force where they reside.
Very respectfully,
U. S. Grant, Lieutenant-General.
These terms were at once accepted, in the fol
lowing short, direct reply :
Headquaetees, Aemy oe Noetheen Vieginia, )
April 9, 1865. \
Lieutenant-General U. 8. Grant, Commanding U. S. A.
General : I have received your letter of this date,
containing the terms of surrender of the Army of
Northern Virginia, as proposed by you. As they are
substantially the same as those expressed in your
letter of the 8th inst., they are accepted. I will pro
ceed to designate the proper officers to carry the stipu
lations into effect. Very respectfully, Your obedient servant,
E. E. Lee, General.
Grant immediately rode forward to meet Lee.

THE INTERVIEW 379
The latter, at this time, was resting under an ap
ple-tree, with a single member of his staff beside
him, when Col. Babcock, of Grant's staff, rode up
and said, that if Gen. Lee remained where he was
Gen. Grant would soon meet him, as he was
coming along that road. Lee immediately di
rected Col. Marshall, his aid, to find a suitable
place in which to receive Grant. The Colonel
nailed the first inhabitant he saw, a Mr. McLean,
and was directed by him to a vacant house near
by, which was partly in ruins. He refused to re
ceive the Union commander in such a dilapidated
buUding, when McLean offered his.own residence, a
farm-house a little way off. Here, in a plainly
furnished sitting-room, Lee received Grant, who
was accompanied by several staff officers and gener
als. The meeting was frank, courteous, and without
ceremony. Lee Avore his sword, which Grant ob
serving, said, "I must apologize, General, for not
wearing my sword — it had gone off with my bag
gage when I received your note." Lee bowed,
and at once entered on the business that had
brought them together,- and asked Grant to state
in writing, if he preferred it, the terms on which
he would receive the surrender of the Army of
Northern Virginia. Grantimmediately sat down
by a table, and with a common lead-pencU wrote
the foUowing note :

380 LIFE OF GRANT.
Appomattox Couet House, April 9th, 1865.
General R. E. Lee, Commanding C. 8. A. :
In accordance with the substance of my letter to
you of the 8th inst., I propose to receive the surrender
of the Army of Northern Virginia on the following
terms, to wit :
Eolls of all the officers and men to be made in du
plicate, one copy to be given to an officer designated by
me, the other to be retained by such officers as you may
designate. The officers to give their individual parole not to
take arms against the Government of the United States
until properly exchanged ; and each company or regi
mental commander to sign a like parole for the men of
their commands.
The arms, artillery, and public property to be park
ed and stacked and turned over to the officers appoint
ed by me to receive them. • This will not embrace the
side-arms of the officers, nor their private horses or
baggage. This done, each man will he allowed to
return to their homes, not to be disturbed by the United
States authority, so long as they observe their parole
and the laws in force where they may reside.
Very respectfully, TJ. S. Grant, Lieut.-Gen.
He handed this to Lee, who read it carefully,
and then asked the construction to be put on
" private horses," as most of the cavalrymen
owned their horses. Grant replied, that they
must be turned over to the Government. Lee
acknowledged that it Avas just, when Grant
said that he would instruct his officers to let
those men who owned their horses retain them,
as they would need them to till their farms. The

THE SURRENDER. 381
conqueror, in the very moment of his highest tri
umph, by a single sentence brings up a quiet
picture of peace, and already begins to prepare
for turning the "sword into a ploughshare."
While this document was being copied, which
took some time, as there was but one inkstand in
the house, Grant and Lee conversed familiarly,
each inquiring about old army friends. In casu
ally alluding to the business before them, Lee said
that he had two or three thousand Federal priso
ners on hand, and he was afraid he had not
rations to - supply them. Sheridan, who was
present, immediately replied : "I have rations for
twenty-five thousand men."
When Grant's paper Avas copied, Lee directed
Col. Marshall to write a reply, the substance of
which he gave him. The -latter began with, " I
have the honor to reply to your communication
of, &c." , Lee scratched all this out, and wrote
simply and soldier-like : " General, I have receiv
ed your letter of this date, containing the terms
of surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia as
proposed by you. As they are substantiaUy the
same as those expressed in your letter of the 8th
inst, they are accepted. I will proceed to desig
nate the proper .officers to carry the stipulations
into effect."
Thus ended the intervieAV of that memorable
Sabbath — Palm Sunday — between those two

382 LIFE OF GRANT
great actors in the frightful drama that had
just closed. On the one side was the Virginia
gentleman, with the courtly bearing of the old
school, and standing over six feet high — head and
shoulders above all around him. On the other,
the Western representative man — short, thick-set,
and broad-shouldered, self-possessed and natural as
in his own camp. There was no theatrical display
or language from beginning to end. Simple, un
assuming, straightforward and manly, they both
Avent through the eventful interview, so painful to
one, in a manner that became them. The change
that comes over Grant in the moment of victory is
very- marked. WhUe pressing towards it, he is
relentless as fate, and blow follows blow with un-
paraUeled fierceness. But when it is achieved all
the warrior suddenly disappears, and you see only
a kind-hearted, simple, unassuming man, more
intent on sparing the feehngs of his conquered foes
than occupied with his own triumphs. The inter
view being over, Lee mounted his horse and rode
thoughtfuUy back to his headquarters. The deed
was irrevocably done — the Confederacy, which
had put forth such superhuman efforts for the last
few years, was dead forever — the mighty structure
lay in ruins, and the land was strewed Avith its
wreck. Grant, as he rode away, felt that his work was
also done — but it was a work of accomplishment,

THE PRESIDENT'S DREAM. 383
not of destruction — of glory enduring, not of dis
grace and sorrow.
Three days after, the Army of Northern Virginia
had its last parade, and marched by divisions
to a spot near the Court House, and there silently
stacked their arms, took off their accoutrements,
and piled together their flags; About 26,000
men, more than half unarmed, all that were left of
Lee's great army, then turned toAvards their ruined,
wasted homes. Grant, with that true magnanim
ity and delicacy that have always characterized
him, Avas not present at the final surrender.
Prompted by the same spirit, he never made a
formal entry into the hostile capital, as other con-
querers Avould have done. Avoiding all pomp
and show, he was content with having finished
the Avork assigned him. Never did a warrior in
the height of triumph Avear honors so meekly.
Grant noAv hastened to Washington, and on the
14th, the day on which the President was assassi
nated, attended a cabinet meeting. During a
pause in the discussions, the President turned to
him and asked if he had heard from Gen. Sher
man. Grant replied that he had not, but expect
ed every hour to hear that Johnston had surren
dered to him. "Well," said Mr. Lincoln, "you
Avill hear' very soon now." "Why do you think
so ? " asked Grant. " Because," said he, " I had
a dream last night, and ever since the war began

384 LIFE OF GRANT.
I have invariably had the same dream before any
important military event occurred. I dreamed
that I saw a ship sailing very rapidly, and I am
sure it portends some important national event."
The very next day, Johnston, having learned
the fate of Lee, proposed an armistice to Sher
man, offering, on certain conditions, to surrender.
The Government disapproving of both, sent Grant
down to take control of matters, who, offering
substantiaUy the same terms granted to Lee, the
army was surrendered. During this very week
Mobile feU, and now almost as rapidly as messa
ges could be transmitted the rebel forces in every
section of the country laid down their arms.
The army, its great work being done, now took
its joyful, triumphant march for home. But be
fore those brave troops melted away into the com
mon mass of citizens again, it was determined
that they should once more pass in review before
their great leaders, in the capital of the country.
It was a noble spectacle, as with the President,
and cabinet, and foreign ministers around him,
Grant looked down on those bronzed veterans
who had moved at his bidding, and been the in
struments to execute his will, as he pressed the
hosts of rebellion back, and rescued the Republic
from destruction. For two days the mighty army
marched past him, and his eye kindled as the old
banners that had waved amid the storm of Don-

THE GRAND REVIEW. 385
elson, ShUoh, and Vicksburg, and Missionary
Ridge, dipped proudly to him. Great and touch
ing memories clustered around them, for they
marked the steps of the wondrous path he had
trod for the last four years. Soldiers and officers
had become endeared to him by a common toil,
a common danger, and a mutual triumph. They
had never faUed him in the hour of deadly peril.
Brave hearts were they aU, who had stood shoul
der to shoulder with him on many a hardrfought
field. On every drooping banner his eye rested
with pride, for not one had been disgraced — on
the contrary, they were covered all over with
noble inscriptions, the mere mention of which,
was a history of their gaUant deeds. Although
the air was tremulous with triumphant music, and
shouts to the chief rocked the heavens, yet amid
aU this adulation and excitement, a sad and
mournful feeling filled his heart, as the swiftly-
marching columns disappeared in the distance,
for they were parting forever. But over all,
swelled- emotions of joy,.that the Union was saved
— the country rescued from ruin, and a happy,
united people would ere long forget the past, in
the enjoymentof peace and prosperity.
17'

CHAPTER XXV.
Grant since the "War — Keeps clear of Politics — His freedom from
animosity to the South — His calm and dispassionate judgment
— Interferes in behalf of Lee — Opposed to the distinctions made
in the Amnesty Proclamation between Officers of different
Rank— Also to that based on Property — Opposed to Military
Government — Intercedes for Rebels asking for Pardon — The
Presidential Tour — His Reception at the Sanitary Fair in Chi
cago — A thrilling spectacle — Welcome at Galena — Prefers
Work to Show — Sent South to examine into its Condition —
Remonstrates against the Removal of Sheridan — Appointed
Secretary of War ad interim — Discharges the Duties of the
Office with signal Ability — His Reticence on Political Questions
— His Platform of Principles.
The life of Grant since the war, furnishes but
little exciting, though important material for the
biographer. Unobtrusive in peace as he was
modest in war, he Jias avoided mixing in the po
htical contests of the day, steadily refusing to give
the sanction of his great name to any mere party
measure. He has shown the same weU-balanced charac
ter amid the fierce and warring passions of men
that he did in the strife and tumult of battle.
He shared with President Lincoln in that freedom
from bitter animosity to the South, for the untold
evils it had brought on the country, which sway
ed the feelings, and controUed the actions of so

HIS JUSTICE. 387
many, in and out of power. Not that he felt less
the fearful crime that had been committed, or was
less shocked at its results, but that he was too
great and noble to live in the foul atmosphere of
revenge and hate, and was too far-seeing a states
man, and too pure a patriot, not to deprecate con
tinued animosity and wider separation. He felt
that if South and North Avere ever again to form
a Union, a union in reality and not in name, by
gones must be by-gones, so far as the common
safety and justice Avould permit. Had President
Lincoln lived, there is no doubt but- that they
would have moved in perfect harmony and accord
in the work of reconstruction. But the tragical
death of the President turned the kind feelings of
too many in the North into gall and wormwood ;
for in their grief and passion they forgot to be
just, and the act of one madman was construed
as the act of the entire South. Grant, though no
one was more shocked and grieved than he,.
showed that superiority to surrounding influ
ences that made him always so calm and self-
poised in the heat of conflict — even when every
thing was tossing in wreck and ruin around him.
In this respect he is one of the most remarkable
men in history. Though possessing a kind heart,
"the contagion of sympathy, or passion, like the
panic of officers and men in battle, never warps his
clear judgment or prevents his seeing the right.

388 LIFE OF GRANT
When under the influence of the excited state
of feeling arising out of the horrible tragedy, an
indictment of treason was found agamst Lee, hke a
true soldier, who wiU no sooner aUow his honor than
his sword to be tarnished, he promptly interposed,
saying, that it was contrary to the express stipula
tions of the surrender at Appomattox Court-House,
Avhich declared that none of those who had laid
down their arms Avere to be molested so long as
their conduct was peaceable and orderly. So when
the President consulted him on his amnesty proc
lamation, Grant was entirely opposed to that pro
vision which excluded from its benefits all officers
from a brigadier-general up. He said that those,
of whatever grade, who had belonged to the regu
lar army, and hence been educated by the General
Government, should be excluded ; but he could see
neither the propriety nor justice of excluding a vol
unteer, who by his bravery and talents had risen
to the rank of general and yet pardoning one
who, though he tried, faUed to get higher than a
major or coloneL Every man of common sense
wUl acknowledge that he was right. He was also
opposed to the property distinction, by which all
persons worth over twenty thousand doUars were
deprived of the benefits of the amnesty. It could
not but seem strange, that, of two neighbors Hving
side by side, and who had been equaUy active in
the rebeUion, one worth but fifteen thousand dol-

OPPOSED TO MILITARY GOVERNMENT. 389
lars should be pardoned, and the other, because
he happened to possess five thousand more, should
not be. But it seemed proper that there should be
a limit- somewhere, and as the same objection
would hold good wherever it was placed, he after
wards changed his mind, and approved of it.
The President consulted him much respecting the
proper course to pursue towards the rebel States,
but he steadUy refused to be mixed up in civil
matters — he simply urged, and urged strenuously,
that some kind of government should be adopted
at once. As a military commander, it would
have been natural for him to suppose that mUita
ry rule would be better until the chaotic state of
affairs should partially cease. But like Washing
ton, he believes that almost any government is bet
ter than a military despotism — that even great dis
orders are preferable to it. His views on this point
show him to be more of a statesman than those
who have exercised the civil power.
The well-knoAVn magnanimity of his character
caused many prominent rebels, especially officers
excluded by the amnesty proclamation, to apply
to him to obtain their pardon ; and when the ease
seemed a proper one for- the Executive clemency,
he never refused.
As this fact came out on his examination before-
the impeachment committee of Congress, many
at first thought he had been guilty of too great

390 LIFE OF GRANT.
leniency ; but as each case was investigated, the
simple statement of facts was all the defence
necessary. He had not made a single mistake
that even his opponents could use; while the
spirit he exhibited, caused many of his enemies
at the South to change their feelings toward him.
The uniform correctness of his judgment under
aU circumstances, is one of the most remarkable
traits in his character.
The reception he met with, as he moved from
point to point in the country, showed the un
bounded love felt for him by all classes. At New
York, tens of thousands crowded the City Hall
to shake hands with him; while he stood amid
the rush and crowd, quietly smoking his cigar,
just as he had been accustomed to do under the
blaze of batteries and amid the tossing ranks of
war. At Boston2 determined efforts were made
to get a speech out of him, but in vain. The
same reticence and unobtrusive manner character
ized him throughout the Presidential tour across
the country, at the time of the inauguration of
the monument to Douglas in Illinois. He lived
and moved in a political atmosphere, and it
seemed impossible that a man could talk at all,
unless he expressed his opinion on politics; but
not a word escaped him. Once, some persons
tried . to entrap him, when the sudden Avaking-up
of the lion taught them that impassibility was

RECEPTION AT CHICAGO. 391
not always stolidity! He was a much greater
personage than the President ; and the immense
crowds that gathered on the way to welcome the
distinguished party, gave their, longest, loudest
cheers to Grant.
But perhaps the most imposing, if not the most
enthusiastic reception he ever received, was at -the
last Sanitary Fair, held in Chicago. The expecta
tion of seeing him and Sherman, and other distin
guished officers, had brought an immense crowd to
gether ; so that "Union Hall" was packed with ten
thousand people, when, heralded by a salute of a
hundred cannon, and escorted" by General Hooker,
the honorary president of the fair, and other dis
tinguished men, he entered the door-way. The
moment he appeared, a choir selected for the pur
pose, struck up "The Red, White, and Blue."
But the pealing melody had hardly commenced
when it Avas drowned, lost, in the enthusiastic,
wUd hurrahs that shook the building — cheer fol
lowing cheer, hke successive biUows ; whUe long
lines of waving handkerchiefs and bright eyes,
gleamed above the dark mass, like sunlight on the
waves. As the tumult subsided, Grant stepped
forward, but before he could open his lips the
building again shook with the thunders of ap
plause. He gazed calmly on the excited, mighty
multitude, and as soon as there came a lulbin the
storm, said : " Ladies and gentlemen, as I never

392 LIFE OF GRANT.
make a speech myself, I wUl ask Governor Yates
to return the thanks I should faU to express."
Governor Yates then came forward, and closed a
short, exciting address with, " and, feUow-citizens,
I am here to-day to say that the proudest reflec
tion that thrUls the heart of this brave soldier and
General, is, that we have gloriously triumphed.
That our nation is preserved, that our govern
ment has been maintained, and that we have our
free institutions for us and our posterity forever."
The citizens of Galena, his place of residence
before the war, received him under triumphal
arches. During the war, a person on one occasion re
marked to him that his name had been mentioned
in connection with the presidency. He laugh
ingly rephed, that if he ever run for an office, he
hoped it would be for mayor of Galena, so that
he might have a sidewalk buUt from his house
to the railroad depot. This the citizens had
buUt; and now over one of the green arches were
the words, " General, the sidewalk is buUt."
Everywhere the same enthusiastic welcome at
tested how deeply he had implanted himself in
the affections of the people.
Though grateful for these spontaneous, unstint
ed expressions of love and respect, yet aU pub
hc ovations wearied him, and he was glad to get
back to his legitimate work — reducing the army,

SECRETARY OF WAR. 393
and distributing the various portions of it as the
public exigencies required.
Such conflicting reports were circulated respect
ing the condition of the South, that the President
sent him to inquire into it. He did so, and his
report showed that superiority to outside influ
ences, and calm, dispassionate, just judgment that
has ever distinguished him from other men.
True to the man who had so nobly stood by
him during the war, when the President removed
Sheridan from command in New Orleans, he
remonstrated against it.
He had shown himself a great general, and he
was at length to exhibit those rare executive and
administrative faculties which are not always com
bined with military ability.
Last year, 1867, the President removed Mr.
Stanton, Secretary of War, and put Grant as Sec
retary ad interim in his. place.
Though Stanton, Avhen-he confined . himself to
the special, appropriate duties of his department,
was generally conceded to be one of the ablest
Secretaries of War we ever had, yet Grant, though
a novice, and hurried without previous prepara
tion into, the place, excelled him in every partic
ular. Although as General-in-Chief he had all the
departments under his charge, some of which,
especially the Southern, caused him much anxiety
and trouble, yet the administration" of the office
IV*

394 LIFE OF GRANT.
was complete and perfect. Nor was this all — he
immediately entered on the work of retrenchment.
One would think, burdened as he was Avith the
two-fold duties of the office and those belonging
to him as General, and knowing, too, that his
occupation of it was only transient, that he would
have been quite content to have kept things going
on in their old channels. But instead of this, his
first act was to seize the pruning-knife, and not
rashly, but wisely, he cut down the expenses of
the department millions of dollars.
His report at the opening of Congress, gives a
clear, compact statement of the mUitary situation,
unburdened with theories and recommendations
of his OAvn. Stating facts so that Congress could
act inteUigently, was better than any mere per
sonal opinion. Though wishing to reduce the
expenses of the Government as much as pos
sible, he would not even recommend the discon
tinuance of the Freedmen's Bureau. Although
the expenditure had been over $3,000,000, yet he
says: "No recommendation is made at the
present time respecting the continuance or discon
tinuance of this Bureau. During the session of
Congress, facts may develop themselves requiring
special legislation in the premises, when the
necessary recommendations may be made."
In this single sentence, one can see the rea
son for his strange reticence on . political ques-

HIS RETICENCE. 395
tions. " Facts may develop themselves," is the key to
this silence that has offended so many. Senator
Wade once said that he tried to get his political
views, but when he talked politics Grant talked
horse. The leaders of both parties for a long, whUe
denounced or sneered at this want of an opinion, or
fear of expressing it, as they termed it. No man,
they said, was fit to be President who had not
fixed, decided opinions. In ordinary times one
naturally has fixed opinions on matters that divide
parties, but in the chaotic state of the South no
man could tell what new phase it would present,
requiring consequently a corresponding change in
measures. Grant, however, was unmoved either by
expostulations, entreaties, or threats. _ He never in
war laid down a campaign in aU its details; certain
outlines were fixed, but he changed his plans and
marches and battles as circumstances changed ; and
he wants to be left free to act correspondingly in
civU matters. He has not sought the nomination
for the Presidency — has not even said he would
accept it if tendered him He has said distinctly
that he did not wish to be President, and in that
he shows his wisdom ; for that high office is not
only beset with untold annoyanceSj but is of
short duration, while the position he holds as
LieutenantGeneral is far more desirable in itself,
and lasts for a lifetime. He has said more
over, if he should accept the office, . it would

396 LIFE OF GRANT.
be from the same motive that prompted him
to accept command in the army — to serve his
country. The position, high or low, is of second
ary consequence — he must see first how he can
be of benefit to the country in occupying it.
And we believe that, if any political party at
tempts to hamper him with platforms of mere
measures that wiU prevent his acting as he
shaU deem the pubhc interest requires, he wiU
refuse to be President. If a few leaders expect
him to be a mere machine, the wires of which
they puU, they have grievously misunderstood
his character. His main views he never con
ceals. His platform is broad as his char
acter. The .restoration of the Union to peace
and prosperity is its foundation. How pitiful
do mere factions appear when contrasted with
this single-hearted, lofty patriotism. To the care
ful reader of history, no truth is plainer than that
factions can never bring the country out of its pre
sent chaotic, perilous condition. If the people
cannot rise to the high level that Gen. Grant
occupies, and from which he wiU not be forced by
threats or flatteries, then we must add our name
to the long, sad roll of. Governments that have
faUen before contending factions.
We are not speaking of Gen. Grant politically,
but historicaUy — defending him from the attacks
that have been made on him. As. a man, whether

his course right. 397
President or not, we assert that his course is right,
his example noble, and one that ought to be fol
lowed. The people of a country may have their preju
dices or passions played upon by unscrupulous
political leaders, tUl their judgments are warped,
and misguided action foUows. But the hour of
disenthralment will surely come, and the true, un
selfish patriot will receive the eulogies of those
who traduced him. The laurels he deserved in life,
sometimes, alas, faU only on his grave, or the
grave of the republic ; yet, Time, in the end, vin
dicates the right.

CHAPTER XXVI.
Grant's Freedom from Party prejudice — Vacates the War Office —
Correspondence with the President — Statements of the Mem
bers of the Cabinet — Contradictory Statements — Explanation
of the discrepancy — His course approved — Refuses to sanction
Hancock's order at New Orleans — His Character — His Courage
— Power of Concentration — Tenacity — Knowledge of Detail —
On the Picket Line — Anecdote of him — Skill in handling Large
Armies — Lincoln's estimate of his Character— McPherson's.
Amid the bitter feeling of party that has char
acterized Congress and distracted the country for
the last three years, it seemed impossible that
Grant could draw up a report of the condition
and wants of the South, or afterwards act as Sec
retary of War, without ha\dng abuse from one side
or the other heaped upon him. But so free Avas
he from all mere party bias himself, so sincere and
apparent his desire for truth, and so simple and
straightforAvard his whole conduct, that even party
rancor was compelled to silence. This fact alone
is the highest encomium on his integrity and
abUity that can be pronounced.
But that such a prominent figure as he, could
forever remain in that vortex of passion and party
hate — Washington — where plots and counterplots,
and threats, and flatteries, and cunning, and false-

VACATES HIS OFFICE. 399
hood have full scope, without in some way being
drawn into it, was impossible. Filling the office
of Secretary of War with marked ability and in
tegrity, it turned out that he was not put there
for those qualities, but to take the cross-fire of the
President and Senate, or, in other words, be a
rock on which both should hammer while settling
their personal quarrel.
But when the Senate, on its assembling, refused
to sanction the removal of Stanton, Grant quietly
vacated the office. This was the signal of a storm.
It was stated that Grant had agreed not to give
up the office, but compel Stanton to resort to legal
measures to get it, and' thus compel the Tenure of
Ofiice bill to be taken to the Supreme Court,
where its constitutionality could be decided. The
papers teemed with rumors and assertions affect
ing, as Grant said, "his personal honor," and a
correspondence ensued between him and the Pres
ident, in. which they stand diametrically opposite
in regard to certain facts that took place in a Cab
inet meeting where the question of Stanton's rein
statement by the Senate was discussed.*
The entire correspondence is too long to be in
serted' here. The folloAwngj however, is substan
tially the version of the affair as given by Grant :
" When the question came up as to what course
should be pursued in case the Senate did not con
cur in the suspension of Stanton, Grant replied

400 LIFE OF GRANT.
that he thought Mr. Stanton would have to ap
peal to the courts to reinstate him ; adding, how
ever, that should he change his views on this
point he would inform the President. Subse
quently^ after closely examining the terms of the
Tenure of Office bUl, he came to the conclusion
that he could not, without violating the law, re
fuse to vacate the office of Secretary of War the
moment Mr. Stanton was reinstated by the Sen
ate, even though the President should, which he
did not do, order him to remain. He therefore
notified the President of the decision to which he
had come on this point. The President urged in
reply that, as Mr. Stanton had been suspended,
and Gen. Grant appointed under authority grant
ed by the Constitution, and not under any Act of
Congress, Grant could not be- governed by the
Act. Grant rejoined that the law, whether con
stitutional or not, was binding upon him until set
aside by the proper tribunal. So matters stood
for some days, untU Mr. Stanton, with whom
Gen. Grant had held.no communication, reassum-
ed the duties of his office, when Grant, who no
longer considered himself to be Secretary of War,
was requested by the President to attend a Cab
inet meeting on the 14th of January."
At this meeting the President on his part affirms
that Grant acknowledged "that he had agreed
either toehold on to the post until the courts

THE CONFLICT WITH THE PRESIDENT. 401
otherwise decided, or to resign before the Senate
had taken action;" that after the promise was
given, he agreed to another conference, but did
not attend; that the members of the Cabinet
coincided with him in his views, &c.
Grant, in reply, denies the correctness of this
statement of the matter in toto. Astonished at
the explicit charges ¦ of the President, he adds :
" You know that we parted on Saturday, the 11th
ult., without any promise on .my part, either ex
press or implied, that I would hold on to the
office of Secretary of War ad interim against the
action of the Senate ; or, declining to do so my
self, would surrender it to you before such action
was had ; or that I would see you at any fixed
time on the subject." After going on to say that
v for him to have pursued any other course than the
one he did, would have been in violation of law,
and subjected him to fine and perhaps imprison
ment, he concludes: "When my honor as a sol
dier and integrity as a man have been sol violently
assailed, pardon* me for saying that I can but
regard this Avhole matter, from beginning to end,
as an attempt to involve me in the resistance of
law, for which you hesitated to assume the
responsibility, and thus to destroy my charac
ter before the country. I am, in a measure, con
firmed in this conclusion by your recent orders
directing me to disobey orders from the Sec-

402 LIFE OF GRANT.
retary of War, my superior and your subor
dinate." To meet this direct denial of Grant, the Pres
ident then gave the versions of the several members
of the Cabinet with regard to this arrangement
between Grant and himself. Welles, McCulloch,
and Randall, say that in all " important particu
lars, the President's statement accords with their
recollection of the conversation." Mr. Browning
gives a more lengthy statement, and says dis
tinctly, that the last interview closed with the
understanding between Grant and the President,
that no definite conclusion had been reached ; but
that they would have another conference, which,
however, never did take place. He also makes
the foUowing remarkable admission: "I did not
understand General Grant as denying nor as ad
mitting these statements [of the President as to
what had previously passed between them] in the
form and full extent to which the President made
them. His admission was rather indirect and
circumstantial, though I did not "understand it to
be an evasive one." Mr. Seward states, that at this
meeting Grant remarked, by way of explanation
for his not attending the proposed conference : "I
was engaged on Sunday, the 12th, Avith General
Sherman, and also on Monday, in regard to the
War Department matter, with a hope, though he
did not say with an effort, to procure an amicable

THE EXPLANATION. 403
settlement of the affair of Mr. Stanton ; and he
still hoped that it would be brought about."
Enough of this is given to show the points at
issue between the President and Grant, and the
character of* the testimony by which the former
sustains his statements. This testimony, it seems,
is contradictory. Mr. Browning, though more cir
cumstantial and detailed than the others, does not
corroborate' the President in his strong, explicit
assertions respecting the promise made by Grant.
This one fact, it seems to us, furnishes the key to the
solution of the whole discrepancy. It exhibits, it
seems to us, a blind partisan spirit rather than a
calm judgment^ or proper respect, for either party
to assert, as so many of the adherents of each do,
that one or the other is guilty of a direct falsehood.
It is evident, from the want of emphatic direct testi
mony, such as a court of law would demand (the
whole being a sort of " general recollection""), as
weU as from the fact that they "recollect" on
some vital points differently, and different from
the President, that the whole matter was nothing
more than a general understanding on both sides.
Whether Johnson hesitated to press an explicit
agreement, lest- Grant's suspicions should be
aroused and he refuse point blank to take any
part in the transaction at all, or the latter dechned
to bring the matter to the same definite conclu
sion from disinclination to come in direct conflict

404 LIFE OF GRANT.
with his commander-in-chief, is of little conse
quence. Let the causes be what they may, the
fact is evident from the testimony and the cor
respondence, that while the " understanding " on
either side might have been this or that, there
was no actual agreement entered into. Now
any impartial man who is at aU acquainted with
human nature, knows how easily two parties, each
looking at things from his own stand-point, can
come to diametricaUy opposite conclusions re
specting how much the other was compromised
in a general conversation. Any" business man
understands this. But if great disappointment
succeeds on one side, this general understanding
always becomes downright assertion.
The President Avas bitterly disappointed, and
hence felt keenly, and, regretting that he had not
acted more promptly and definitely, naturally
concluded that Grant had deceived him.
But, independent of all this, every just man
must admit, without argument, that one single
act, utterly at variance with the whole life and
character of a man, can never stand against
him without the strongest and most positive
and impregnable testimony. Now, if there is
one thing that distinguishes Grant above all other
men, it is that he is incapable of low cunning,
underhand plotting, hypocrisy, and deceit. He
has never been charged with or even suspected of

JUSTIFIED. 405
these; and to say that such loose testimony as that
furnished by the Cabinet makes him such a char
acter in this solitary case, is neither just nor hon
orable. Besides, there is a single fact that seems to
be entirely overlooked, which completely disproves
the charge. All agree that he endeavored to get
Sherman to help him prevaU on Stanton to resign,
and thus relieve the President and the country of
the shameful, humiliating affair. This does not look
like low conspiracy against the President, but the
act of a friend of aU, and of the country. Judging
Stanton by himself, he thought there was little
doubt that as soon as he had won the victory over
the President, his own delicacy and regard for the
peace of the country would prompt him to resign.
That he was mistaken, does not affect the purity of
his motives. The act surely shows that he was not
guilty of hypocrisy, but wanted to adjust the mat
ter peaceably and to the satisfaction of all parties.
At all events he did right. He would have been
untrue to himself had he allowed the President
to make a cat's-paw of him — -involve him in law
suits, and subject him perhaps to imprisonment,
and doubtless to odious legislation. His duty
was to keep aloof from such strifes as were here
intended to be forced upon him.
Another cause of complaint against Grant has
been, that he refused to sustain Hancock, whom
the President put over the military department

406 LIFE OF GRANT.
of Louisiana, in place of Sheridan. That Han
cock is an upright man, and too elevated in sen
timent and principle to let partisanship affect his
action, no one who knows him wUl doubt It is
equaUy plain that his action which Grant refused
to approve, Avas intended to serve the public wel
fare; but it nevertheless Avas the exercise of
mihtary OArer the civil authority, which Grant
always condemned, unless there was absolute
necessity in the case. Moreover, Hancock him
self had taken this ground when he assumed com
mand of the department, and been extoUed by the
enemies of Grant for it. Yet these very persons,
who had declaimed loudest against the mUitary
despotism exercised over the South, complained
of Grant for refusing to sanction it. The whole
matter is comprised in the foUowing statement of
Grant, and at the same time reveals the spirit
that animated him. He says : " The office of Re
corder of the City of New Orleans is elective by
the people ; but in case of a vacancy it is made
the duty by law of the Boards of Aldermen and
Assistant Aldermen, in joint meeting, to elect
viva voce a person to fiU the vacancy. The office
of Recorder of the Second District of "New Or
leans was, by the Supreme Court of Louisiana,
adjudged vacant ; and the City of New Orleans
was ordered to be notified to proceed according to
law to elect a Recorder for said district, which

HIS LETTER TO HANCOCK. 407
judgment was made final January 20, 1868. In
pursuance of this order of the Court, the Board
of Aldermen and Assistant Aldermen met in joint
session on the 4th of February, 1868, to elect a
Recorder for said Second District. At this ses
sion was read a communication written by Capt.
Chandlee, Assistant Secretary of Civil Affairs,
and purporting to be by your direction, inviting
attention to the first and second sections of the
Supplementary Reconstruction Act of Congress,
passed. July 19, 1867, and to paragraph two,
Special Order No. 7, from Headquarters Fifth
Military District, dated March 28, 1867. . At the
date of this communication, namely, January 25,
1868, and before any action of either branch of
the CouncU had been had relative to the election
therein referred to, you were absent from the City
of New Orleans, in the State of Texas. This
communication did not in terms forbid the elec
tion ; neither did the sections of the Act to which
it referred, except as it might be inferred from the
second section, wherein the District Commander
is empowered, under certain restrictions, to fiU
vacancies occasioned by- death, resignation, or
otherwise. Section nine of this Act, as well as
the original Reconstruction Act of March 2, 1867,
recognizes the right of the State and municipal
authorities to appoint and elect officers under cer
tain restrictions and limitations ; but the exercise

408 LIFE OF GRANT.
of this right is subject to the authority of the Dis
trict Commander. Subsequent to the issuing of
Special Order No. 7, referred to, and during the
administration of Gens. Sheridan and Mower, the
City Council of New Orleans did in some cases
fill vacancies in corporation offices under the pro
visions of section 24 of the city charter of New
Orleans in the same manner as is provided for
filling the vacancy in the office of Recorder, and
after you assumed command the office of City At
torney was filled under the same authority and in
the same manner. No exception was taken in
any case by any of the District Commanders to
such action. On assuming command of the dis
trict, you announced in General Order No. 40, of
November 29, 1867, that it was your purpose to
preserve peace and. quiet in your command, and
that as a means to this great end you regarded
the maintenance of the civil authorities in the
faithful execution of the laws as the most efficient
under existing circumstances ; also, that when the
civU authorities are ready and willing to perform
their duties the mUitary power should cease to
lead, and the civU administration resume its
natural and rightful dominion. Under this state
ment of facts the City Council of New Orleans
might reasonably have presumed it to be their
right and duty, especiaUy under the order of the
Court, and your Order No. 40, to fiU the vacancy

RIGHT VIEWS. 409
in the office of Recorder, as it appears they did
from your report of this case, dated February 15,
1868. The same facts, too, in connection with
the printed report of their proceedings, embraced
in your report of February 15, preclude the pre
sumption of any intended contempt of the military
authority by the members of the City CouncU/
Although in very many cases it would eAddently
be for the best for a one-man power to step in and
prevent the Avrong contemplated by officers who
had been elected by the people; yet Grant be
lieves that in a republican government there is
but one course to pursue — let fhe people remedy
their own wrongs by removing those, who have
abused their confidence. Indeed this is the only
course that can be pursued in a republic — any
other is despotism.
In the work now completed Ave have foUoAved
General Grant from his early boyhood — when, the
son of a poor tanner, he commenced life in the
West — to the present time, when he stands at the
head of our armies, and is the most prominent
candidate mentioned in connection with the Pres
idency. That life which has embraced so many
and various scenes and fortunes, is singularly
blameless, and should it pass on into the vortex
of partisan hate and be subjected to the trying
tests of a heated pohtical contest, will stUl remain
untarnished. 18

410 LIFE OF GRANT.
HIS CHARACTER.
We think that the main points of his character
are clearly revealed by his own acts.
His courage is undoubted, though it is not of
that fiery, chivalric kind which dazzles the pubhc
eye. He is not borne up in action by the enthu
siasm and pride of the warrior ; but apparently
unconscious of danger, makes battle a business,
which is to be performed with a clear head and
steady nerves. His coolness in deadly peril is
wonderful. What we once said of Marshal Ney
apphes forcibly to him. " In battle he could hter
aUy shut up his mind to the one object he had in
view. The overthrow of the enemy absorbed
every thought within him, and he had none to
give to danger or death. Where he placed his
mind he held it, and not all the uproar and con
fusion of battle could divert it. He would not
aUoAV himself to see any thing else than the one
object in view, and hence was almost as insen
sible to the dangers around him as a deaf and
dumb and blind man would be. He himself once
expressed the true secret of his calmness, when,
after one of those exhibitions of composure amid
the most horrid carnage, an officer asked him if
he never felt fear, he replied : ' I never had time.'
This was another way of saying, that fear and
danger had nothing to do with the object before

RESEMBLES NEY. ill
him, and, therefore, he would not suffer his mind
to rest on them for a single moment." This won
derful power of concentrating all his faculties on
a given point, is strikingly characteristic of Grant.
In tenacity of wUl, also, he is like Ney, who would
not be beaten; and in the last extremity raUied
hke a dying man for a final bloAV, and then plant
ed it where the clearest practical wisdom indi
cated. Like Ney, too, he is naturally of a slug
gish, Indolent nature, which requires great crises
to thoroughly arouse.
We cannot better express our views of this last
pecuharity of Grant, than by repeating what we
once before said of him. There are some men in
this world possessing immense mental power, who
yet, from mere inertness, pass through life with
poor success. Lighter natures outstrip them in
the race for wealth or position, and the strength
they really possess is never known, because it has
never been called out. It never is called out by
ordinary events. They were made for great emer
gencies, and if these do not arise, they seem almost
made in vain ; at least these extraordinary powers
appear to be given them in vain. Grant is one
of theses He is like a great wheel, on which mere
riUs of water may drop forever without moving
it, or if they succeed in disturbing its equUibrium,
only make it accomplish a partial revolution. It
needs an immense body of water to make.it roll,

412 LIFE OF GRANT.'
and then it revolves with a power and majesty
that awes the beholder. No slight obstructions
then can arrest its mighty sweep. Acquiring mo
mentum with each revolution, it crushes to atoms
every thing thrust before it to check its motion.
One would naturally think that such a charac
ter would pay but little attention to mere detaU,
contenting itself Avith general instructions and
movements. But this is not so with Grant.
When once" awaked to action, his whole being is
alive, and he wants to be omnipresent. Thus, in the
campaign of Vicksburg, he was constantly perform
ing the duties of subordinates, fearing that unless
he personally superintended every thing his plans
would miscarry. Nothing escaped his memory,
or inspection. Hence, he was often on the picket
line all alone, endeavoring to ascertain, from per
sonal inspection, more of the enemy's position and
plans than he could obtain from the reports of his
oflicers. On one of these occasions he came near
falling into the hands of the enemy. It was at
Chattanooga, whUe he was preparing for the bat
tie of Missionary Ridge. Wishing to get a nearer
view of the enemy, he often rode out on the picket
line, and once happened to be on the eastern bank
of Chatf&@5oga creek, when a party of rebel sol
diers were drawing water on the other side. They
wore blue coats ; and, thinking^they were his own
men, Grant asked them to whose command they

AN ANECDOTE. 413
belonged. They answered, " Longstreet's corps ; "
whereupon Grant called out: "What are you
doing in those coats, then ? " The .rebels replied :
" Oh ! aU our corps wear blue." This was a fact,
which Grant had forgotten. The rebels then
scrambled up on their OAvn side of the stream,
little thinking that they had been talking with the
commander of the national army.
Another striking peculiarity of Grant is his cor
rectness of judgment under adverse circumstances
and conflicting views. Sherman once told him that
he thought he would fail in " grand strategy,"
but he found that his strong common sense sup-
phed the place of the study of this science. This is
but another way of saying that Grant's judgment
is so correct that he seldom fails to do the right
thing under whatever new circumstances he may
be placed. His confidence in this judgment is
wonderful — not the confidence of self-conceit, but
of conscious power. He never hesitated to assume
any responsibility. In his final campaign against
Vicksburg he acted against the advice of every
officer whom he consulted, and against the known
views of the General-in-chief and the President.
Not only, was it conceived by himself alone, but in
carrying it to its successful termination he never
called a councU of war.
The victories he has won are evidence to the
whole world of his great ability as a mUitary

414 LIFE OE GRANT.
leader ; but he has also shown a remarkable poAver
in one respect that has hardly been commented
upon — the power of handling large armies. Na
poleon declared that not more that one or two gen
erals beside himself in aU Europe, could manoeuvre
a hundred thousand men on the field of battle.
Grant did more than this ; and the manner in
which he handled the Army of the Potomac on
the route from the Rapidan to Richmond, was
more astonishing than the winning of a great bat
tie. The way he swung it from Spottsylvania
to the North Anna, without having his flank
crushed in, and from thence to the Pamunkey,
and, last of alL from the Chickahominy, for fifty
miles, across the James, to Petersburg, right
from under the nose of the enemy, and yet never
be attacked, shows a capacity in wielding enormous
forces possessed by few men in the world.
In this change of base to James River, in the
presence of the enemy, he exhibited the skUl of
a great commander as much as in any battle he
ever fought
Napoleon says a change of base is " the ablest
manoeuvre taught by mUitary art." This proof of
Grant's great ability is one that cannot be appre
ciated by those who never made military move
ments a study. Hence President Lincoln, in
summing up Grant's character, entirely overlooked
the power of combination — the mental breadth,

A WRONG ESTIMATE. 415
comprehensiveness and administrative poAver
which he possessed, and put foremost that which
was really a subordinate quality. He says : " the
great thing about Grant, I take it, is his perfect
coolness and persistency of purpose. I judge he
is not easily excited — which is a great element in
an officer, and he has the grit of a bull-dog ! Once
let him get his teeth in, and nothing can shake him
off." Now it is unquestionably true of Grant
that he possesses the characteristics here mention
ed. But these alone can never make a great gen
eral. Obstinacy without the ability to plan and
control, faUs as often as it succeeds. So coolness
and self-possession will not avail unless connected
with mental activity and the power to take in,
comprehend, and mould the tossing, conflicting
elements around him. Thought often wins bat
tles more than the sword.
In this connection it is pleasant to give the
Adews of an intimate, beloved friend, now no
more — McPherson. A noble man himself — uni
versally beloved and esteemed fbr his private, as for
his public qualities, those views possess rare value :
" Lieutenant-General U. S. Grant I regard as
one of the most remarkable men of our country.
Without aspiring to be a genius, or possessing
those characteristics which impress one forcibly at
first sight, his sterling good. sense, calm judgment,
and persistency of purpose, more than compensate

416 LIFE OF GRANT.
for those dashing, brilhant qualities which are apt
to captivate at a first glance. To know and ap
preciate Gen. Grant fully, one ought to be a
member of his mUitary famUy.
" Though possessing a remarkable reticence as
far as mUitary operations are concerned, he is frank'
and affable, converses weU, and has a peculiarly
retentive memory. When not oppressed Avith the
cares of his position, he is very fond of talking,
' teUing anecdotes, &c.
" His purity of character is unimpeachable, and
his patriotism of the most exalted kind. He is
generous to a fault, humane and true, and a-stead-
fast friend to those whom he deems worthy of his
confidence, and can always be, rehed upon in case
of emergency."
What McPherson says of his patriotism and
purity of character, knowing him as long and
intimately as he did, should alone outAveigh all
the charges that party hate or personal passion
may bring against him.
We are told that " he that ruleth his spirit is
greater than he that taketh a city." Gen. Grant
has shown that he can do this. Taking cities is
not an uncommon exploit ; but this thorough con
trol of one's self, under the fnost unfavorable cir
cumstances, is little short of a miracle. He has
not been betrayed into a foolish word or act, or in
dulged in an angry expression, or exhibited a re-

WEARS HIS HONORS MEEKLY. 417
vengeful spirit towards his enemies. He has
never sought promotion, indulged in no recrimi
nations under slanderous charges, nor used his
power to humble an enemy. Though so far above
the people in position, he feels as one of them,
.and wears his honors as but few of our poor fallen
race can wear them. It is these qualities that,
though so undemonstrative himself, make him
universally beloved.
Time will increase, instead of diminish that
affection, and, side by side with Washington, his
great services and great patriotism will remain
hke two marble columns to commemorate his
fame.* * Eight pages are here added to make up for the omission in
paging the engravings. 18*

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APPENDIX.

Headquarters Armies of the United States, )
Washington, June 26«A, 1865. \
Son. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War:
Sib : I have the honor to transmit herewith a full
and complete return of the battle of Belmont, Missouri,
fought Nov. 7, 1861rAvhich I would respectfully ask to
fiaVe substituted in the place of my report of that action
of date Nov. 19, 1861, made to Gen. S. "Williams, As
sistant Adjutant-General to the General-in-Chief.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
0". S. Geant, Lieutenant-General.
Eeferred to the Adjutant-General for pubhcation
with the accompany report.
E. M. Stanton, Secretary of "War.
June 27, 1865. Headquarters District Southeast Missouri, )
Cairo, III., November 17th, 1861. \
General: The following order was received from
Headquarters Western Department :
St. Louis, Mv. 1, 1861.
Gen. Grant, Commanding at Cairo :
You are hereby directed to hold your whole com
mand ready to march at an hour's notice, until further
orders ; and yon will take particular care to be amply
supplied with transportation and ammunition. You

428 APPENDIX.
are also directed to make demonstrations with your
troops along both sides of the river toward Charleston,
Norfolk, and BlandviUe, and to keep your columns con
stantly moving hack and against these places, without,
however, attacking the enemy^
Very respectfully, &c,
Chatincey. McKeever,
Assistant Adjutant-General.
At the same time I was notified that similar instruc
tions had been sent to Brig.-Gen. C. F. Smith, com
manding Paducah, Ky., and was directed to communi-.
cate with him freely as to my movements, that his might
be cooperative.
On*' the 2d of the same month, and before it was pos
sible for any considerable preparation to have been
made for the execution of this order, the following tele
graphic despatch was received :
St. Louis, November 2, 1861.
To Brig.-Gen. Grant:
Jeff. Thompson is at Indian Ford of the St. Francis
Eiver, twenty-five miles below Greenville, with about
three thousand men. Col. Carlin has started with force
from Pilot Knob. Send a force from Cape Girardeau
and Bird's Point to assist Carlin in driving Thompson
into Arkansas. By order of Maj.-Gen. Feemont.
C. McKeeves, Assistant Adjutant-General.
The forces I determined to send from Bird's Point
were immediately designated, and Col. P. J. Oglesby,
Eighth Illinois Volunteers, assigned to the command,
under the following detailed instructions :
Headquarters District Southeast Missouri, )
Cairo, November 3d, 1861. J
Col. R. J. Oglesby, Commanding, &c, Bird's Point, Mo. :
You will take command of an expedition consisting
of your regiment, four companies of the Eleventh Illi-

APPENDIX. 429
nois, all of the Eighteenth and Twenty-ninth, three
companies of cavalry from Bird's Point (to be selected
and notified by yourself), and a section of Schwartz's
Battery, artillery, and proceed to Commerce, Missouri.
From Commerce you will strike for Sikeston — Mr.
"Cropper acting as guide. From there go in pursuit of
a rebel force understood to be three thousand strong,
under Jeff. Thompson, noAV at Indian Ford, on the St.
Francis- River.
An expedition has already left Ironton, Mo., to attack
this force. Should they learn that they have left that
place, it will not be necessary for you to go there, but
pnrsue-the enemy in any direction he may go ; always
being cautious not to fall in with an unlooked-for foe
too strong for the. command under yoQ.
" The object of the expedition is to destroy this force,
and the manner of doing it is left largely at your dis
cretion ; believing it better not to trammel you with
instructions. Transportation, will be furnished you for fourteen
days' rations and four or five days' forage. All you
may require outside of this must be furnished by the
country through which you pass. In taking supplies
you will be careful to select a proper officer to press
them, and require a receipt to be given, and the articles
pressed to be accounted for in the same manner as if
purchased. You are particularly enjoined to allow no foraging
by your men. It is demoralizing in the extreme, and
is apt to make open enemies where they would not
otherwise exist. U. S. Geaot, Brigadier-General.
Col. J. B. Plummer, Eleventh Missouri Volunteers,
commanding at Cape Girardeau, was directed to send
one regiment in the direction of Bloomfieid with a view
to attracting the attention of the enemy.
The forces under Col. Oglesby were all got off on the
evening of the 3d.

430 APPENDIX.
On the 5th, a telegram was received from headquar
ters, St. Louis, stating that the enemy was reinforcing
Price's army, from Columbus, by way of White Eiver,
and directing that the demonstration that had been or
dered against Columbus be immediately made. Orders
were accordingly at once given to the troops under my
command that remained at Cairo, Bird's Point, and
Fort Holt. A letter was also sent to Brig.-Gen. C. F.
Smith, commanding at Paducah, requesting him to
make a demonstration at the same time against Co
lumbus. To more effectually attain the object of the demon
stration against the enemy at Belmont and Columbus, I
determined on the morning of the 6th, to temporarily
change the direction of Col. Oglesby's column towards
New Madrid, and also to send a smaU force under Col.
"W. H. L. "Wallace, 11th Illinois Volunteers, to Charles
ton, Mo., to ultimately join Col. Oglesby. In accord
ance with this determination, I addressed Col. Oglesby
the following communication : Cairo, Nov. 6, 1861.
Col. R. J. Oglesby, Commanding Expedition :
On receipt of this, turn your column toward New
Madrid." When you arrive at the nearest point to Co
lumbus from Avhich there is a road to that place, com
municate with me at Belmont.
TJ. S. Geant, Brigadier-General.
Which was sent to Col. "Wallace with the following
letter : Cairo, Nov. 6, 1861.
Col. W. E. L. Wallace, Bird's Point, Mo. : ¦
Herewith I send you an order to Col. Oglesby to
change the direction of his column towards New Madrid,
halting to communicate with me at Belmont from the
nearest point on his road.
I desire you to get up the Charleston expedition
ordered for to-morrow, to start to-night, taking two

* APPENDIX. 431
days' rations with them. You will accompany them tc
Charleston, and get Col. Oglesby's instructions to him
by a messenger, if practicable, and when he is near
enough you may join him. For this purpose you may
substitute the remainder of your regiment in plac.e of an
equal amount from Cofc Marsh's. The two days' rations
carried by your men in haversacks wiU enable you to
join Col. Oglesby's command, and there you will find
rations enough for several days more should they be
necessary. You may take a limited number of tents,
and at Charleston press wagons to carry them to the
main column. There you will find sufficient transpor
tation to release the pressed wagons.
U. S. Geant, Brigadier-General.
On the evening of the 6th I left this place on steam
ers, with McClernand's brigade, consisting of the 27th
Eegiment Illinois Volunteers, Col. N. B. Buford ;
30th Eegiment Illinois Volunteers, Col. Philip B.
Foulke ; 31st Eegiment Illinois Volunteers, Col. John
A. Logan ; Dollins' Company Independent IUinois Cav
alry, Capt. J. J. Dollins ; Delano's Company Adams
County Illinois Cavalry, Lieut. J. E. Cathn. Dough
erty's brigade, consisting of the 22d Eegiment Illinois
Volunteers, Lieut.-Clpl. H. E. Hart ; 7th Eegiment Iowa^
Volunteers, Col. J." G. Lanman; amounting to 3,114
men of all arms, to make the demonstration against
Columbus. I proceeded down the river to a point nine
miles below here, where we lay until next morning, on
the Kentucky shore, which served to distract the enemy
and lead him to suppose that he was to be attacked in
his strongly fortified position at Columbus.
About two o'clock on the morning of the 7th, I re
ceived information from Col. W. H. L. Wallace at
Charleston (sent by a messenger ou board steamer W.
S. B.\ that he had learned from a reliable Union man
that the enemy had been crossing from Columbus to
Belmont the day before, for the purpose of following
after and cutting off the forces under Col. Oglesby.

432 APPENDIX. *
Such a move on his part seemed to me more than prob
able, and gave at once a twofold importance to my
demonstration against the enemy, namely : the preven
tion of reenforcements to Gen. JPrice, and the cutting
off of the two columns that I had sent, in pursuance o?
directions, from this place and Gape Girardeau in pur
suit of Jeff Thompson. This information determined
me to attack vigorously his forces at Belmont ; knowing
that, should we be repulsed, we could reembark without
difficulty under the protection of the gunboats. The
following order was given :
On Board Steamer Belle Memphis, )
Nov. 7, 1861—2 o'clock a. m. \
Special Oedee : — The troops composing the present
expedition from this place will move promptly at six
o'clock this morning. The gunboats will take the ad
vance, and be foUowed by the 1st brigade, under com
mand of Brig.-Gen. John A. McClernand, composed of
aU the troops from Cairo and Fort Holt. The 2d Bri
gade, comprising the remamder of the troops of the
expedition, commanded by Col. John Dotigherty, wiU
follow. The entire force wiU debark at the lowest
point on the Missouri shore where a landing can be
effected in security from the rebel batteries. The point
of debarkation will be designated by Capt. "Walke, com
manding naval forces. By order of TJ. S. Geant, Brig.-Gen.
John A. Rawlins,' A. A. G.

j>

Promptly at the hour designated we proceeded
down the river to a point just out of range of the rebel
batteries at Columbus, and debarked on the Missouri
shore. From here the troops were marched, with
skirmishers weU in advance, by flank for about one mUe
towards Belmont, and there formed in hne of battle.
One battalion had been left as a reserve near the trans
ports. Two companies from each regiment were thrown

«

APPENDIX. 433
forward as skirmishers, to ascertain the position of the
enemy, and about nine o'clock met and engaged him.
The balance of my force, with the exception of the re
serve, was promptly Thrown forward, and drove the
enemy foot by foot, and from tree to tree, back to his
encampment on the river bank, a distance of over two
niles. Here he had strengthened his position by felling
he timber for several hundred yards around his camp,
making a sort of abatis. Our men charged through
this, di'iving the enemy under cover of the bank, and
many of them into their transports in quick time, leav
ing us in possession of every thing not exceedingly port
able. Belmont is situated on low ground, and every foot is
commanded by the guns on the opposite shore, and, of
course, could not be held for a single hour after the
enemy became aware of the withdrawal of his troops.
Having no wagons with me, I could move but little of
the captured property, consequently gave orders for the
destruction of every thing that could not he removed',
and an immediate return to our transports. Tents,
blankets, &c, were set on fire and destroyed, and our
return march commenced, taking his artillery and a
large number of captured horses and prisoners with us-
Three pieces of artiBiry being drawn by hand, and one
hy an inefficient team, were spiked and left on the road ;•
two were brought to this place.
"We had but fairly got under way when the enemy,
having received reinforcements, rallied under cover of
the river bank and the woods on the point of land in
the bend of the river above us, and made his appear
ance between us and our transports, evidently with a
design of cutting off our return to them.
Our troops were not in the least discouraged, but
charged the enemy and again defeated him. We then,
with the exception of the Twenty-seventh Illinois, Col
onel N. B. Buford commanding, reached our transports
and embarked without further molestation. While
waiting for the arrival of this regiment and to get some

434 APPENDIX.
of our wounded from a field hospital near by, the enemy,
having crossed fresh troops from Columbus, again made
his appearance on the river bank and commenced firing
upon our transports. The fire was returned by our men
from the decks of the steamers, and also by the gun
boats, with terrible effect, compeUing him to retire in"
the direction of Belmont. In the meantime Colone^
Buford, although he had received orders 4o return with
the main force, took the Charleston road from Belmont
and came in on the road leading to Bird's Point, where
we had formed the line of battle in the morning. At
this point, to avoid the shells from the gunboats that
were beginning to faU among his men, he took a blind
path direct to the river, and followed a wood road up
its bank, and thereby avoided meeting the enemy, who
were retiring by the main road. On his appearance on
the river bank a steamer was dropped down and took
his command on board, without his having participated
or lost a man in the enemy's attempt to cut us offfrom
our transports.
Notwithstanding the crowded state of our trans
ports, the only loss we sustaiued from the enemy's fire
upon them, was three men wounded, one of whom be
longed to one of the boats.
Our loss in kiUed on the field was eighty-five, three
hundred and one wounded, (many of them, however,
slightly,) and ninety-nine missing. Of the wounded
one hundred and twenty-five fell into the hands of the
enemy. Nearly all the missing were from the Seventh
Iowa regiment, which suffered more severely than any
other. All the troops behaved with great gallantry,
which Avas in a degree attributable to the coolness and
presence of mind of their officers, particularly the Colo
nels commanding:
General McClernand was in the midst of danger
throughout the engagement, and displayed both cool
ness and judgment. His horse was three times shot
under him.
Colonel Dougherty, of the twenty-second Illinois
volunteers, commanding the Second Brigade, by his

APPENDIX. 485
coolness and bravery, entitles himself to be named
among the most competent of officers for command
of troops in battle. * * * *
In pursuance of my request, General Smith, com
manding at Paducah, sent on the 7th instant a force to
"Mayfield, Kentucky, and another in the direction of
Columbus, with order§. not to approach hearer, how
ever, than tAvelve or fifteen miles of that place. I also
sent a small force on the Kentucky side tOAvard Colum
bus, under Colonel John Cook, 7th Illinois Volunteers,
with orders not to go beyond Elliott's Mills, distant
some twelve miles from Columbus. These forces, hav
ing marched to> the points designated in their orders,
returned without having met serious resistance.
On the evening of the 7th, information of the result
of the engagement at Belmont was sent to Colonel
Oglesby, commanding expedition against Jeff. Thomp
son, and order, to return to Bird's Point by way of
Charleston, Missouri. Before these reached him, how
ever, he had learned that Jeff. Thompson had left the
place where he was reported to be when the expedition
started (he having gone toward New Madrid or Arkan
sas), and had determined to return. The same infor
mation was sent to the commanding officer at Cape
Girardeau, with directions for the troops to be brought
back that had gone out from that place.
From all the information I have been able to obtain
since the engagement, the enemy's loss hi killed and
wounded was much greater than ours. We captured
one hundred and seventy-five prisoners, all his artillery
and transportation, and destroyed his entire camp and
garrison equipage. Independent of the injuries inflict
ed upon him, and the prevention of his reinforcing
Price, or sending a force to cut off the expeditions
against Jeff. Thompson, the confidence inspired in our
troops by the engagement will be of incalculable bene
fit to us in the future. Very respectfully, your obe
dient servant, TJ. S. Geantj Brig.-General.
Brigadier-General Seth Williams, Assistant Adjutant- General,
Washington, 3. G.

436 APPENDIX.
General Sherman's letter to Grant previous to
entering on the campaign below Vicksburg, in
which he tries to dissuade him from undertaking
it, and of which we spoke in the body of the work,
Col. Badeau says, was never preserved, and he was
therefore indebted for a copy of it to General Sher
man himself. It is probably the paper that the
former is said to have handed back to him
after the fall of Vicksburg. It shoAvs what kind
of opposition Grant had to encounter in venturing
on that extraordinary campaign, and how fearful
the responsibility he dared to assume.
geneeal sheeman to colonel eawllns.
Headquarters Fifteenth Aemy Corps, )
Camp near Vicksburg, April 8, 1863. )
Col. J. A. Rawlins, A. A. G. to General Grant:
Sie : I would most respectfully suggest, for reasons
which I Avill not name, that General Grant call on his
corps commanders for their opinions, concise and posi
tive, on the best general plan of campaign. Unless
this be done, there are men who will, in any result fall
ing below the popular standard, claim that their advice
was unheeded, and that fatal consequences resulted
therefrom. My own opinions are :
1. That the Army of the Tennessee is far in advance
of the other grand armies.
2. That a corps from Missouri should forthwith be
moved from St. Louis to the vicinity of Little Eock,
Arkansas, supplies coUected whfie the river is full, and
land communication with Memphis opened via Des
Ark on the White, and Madison on the St. Francis
rivers. .
3. That as much of Yazoo Pass, Coldwater, and
TaUahatchie rivers as can be gained and fortified be

APPENDIX. 437
held, and the main army be transported thither by land
and water ; that the road back to Memphis be secured
and reopened; and as soon as the waters subside,
Grenada be attacked, and the swamp road across to
Helena be patrolled by cavalry.
4. That the line of the Yallabusha be the base from
which to operate against the points where the Missis
sippi Central crosses Big Black above Canton, and
lastly where the Vicksburg and Jackson Eailroad
crosses the same river.
The capture of Vicksburg would result.
5. That a force be left in this vicinity, not to exceed
ten thousand men, with only enough steamboats to
float and transport them to any direct point. This force
to be held always near enough to act with the gunboats,
when the main army is known to be near Vicksburg,
Haines' Bluff, or Yazoo City.
6. I do doubt the capacity of Willow bayou (which I
estimate to be fifty miles long and very tortuous) for a
military channel, capable of supporting an army large
enough to operate against Jackson, Mississippi, or Black
river bridge ; and such a channel will be very valuable
to a force coming from the west, Avhich we must expect.
Yet this canal will be most useful as the way to convey
coals and supplies to a fleet that should navigate^the
reach between Vicksburg and Red river.
7. The chief reason for operating solely by water, was
the season of the year and high water in Tallahatchie
and Yallabusha. The spring is now here, and soon
these springs will be no serious obstacle, save the am*
buscades of the forest, and whatever Avorhs the enemy
may have erected at or near Grenada. North Missis
sippi is too valuable to allow them to hold and make
crops. I make these suggestions, with the request that Gen
eral Grant simply read them, and give them, as I know
he will, a share of his thoughts. I would prefer he
should not answer them, but merely give them as much
or as little weight as they deserve.

438 APPENDIX.
General Grant's order for the guidance of the army
when below Vicksburg : —
Headquarters Department oe the Tennessee, }
Milllken's Bend, La., April 20, 1863. f
Special Order No. 110.

VIH. The foUowing orders are pubhshed for the in
formation and guidance of the " Army in the Field,"
in its present movement to obtain a foothold on the east
bank of the Mississippi river, from which Vicksburg
can be approached by practicable roads.
1. The Thirteenth Army Corps, Major General John
A. McClernand commanding, wiU constitute the right
wing. 2. The Fifteenth Army Corps, Major General W. T.
Sherman commanding, wiU constitute the left wing.
3. The Seventeenth Army Corps, Major General
James B. McPherson commanding, will constitute the
centre. i. The order of march to New Carthage will be from
right to left.
5. Eeserves will be formed by divisions from each
army corps, or ah entire army corps will be held as a
reserve, as necessity may require. When the reserve
is formed by divisions, each division avUI remain under
the immediate command of its respective corps com
mander, unless speciaUy required for a particular
emergency. 6. Troops will be required to bivouac till proper fa
cilities can be afforded for the transportation of camp
equipage. 7. In the present movement one tent wUl be aU'owed
to each company for the protection of rations from
rain ; one wall tent for each regimental headquarters,
one wall tent for each brigade headquarters, and one
waU tent fbr each division headquarters. Corps com
manders having the books and blanks of their respect-

APPENDIX. 439
ive commands to provide for, are authorized to take
such tents as are absolutely necessary, but not to exceed
the number allowed by General Orders No. 166, A. G.
O. Series of 1862.
8. All the teams of the three army corps, under the
immediate charge of the quartermasters bearing them
on their returns, will constitute the train for carrying
supplies and ordnance, and the authorized camp equi
page of" the army.
9. As fast as the Thirteenth Army Corps advances, .
the Seventeenth Army Corps will take its place ; and
it, in turn, will be followed in like manner by the Fif
teenth Army Corps.
10. Two regiments from each army corps*will be de
tailed by corps commanders, to guard the lines from
Eichmond to New Carthage.
11. General hospitals wfil be estabhshed, by the med
ical director, between Duckport and MiUiken's bend.
AU sick and disabled soldiers will be left in these hos
pitals. Surgeons in charge of hospitals will report
convalescents, as fast as they become fit for duty. Each
corps commander will detail an intelligent and good
drill officer, to remain behind to take charge of the con
valescents of their respective corps ; officers so detailed
Avill organize the men under their charge into squads
and companies, without regard to the regiments they
belong to ; and in the absence of convalescent commis
sioned officers to command them, will appoint non
commissioned. officers or privates. The force so organ
ized will constitute the guard of the line from Duckport
to Milliken's bend. They will furnish ali the guards
and details required for general hospitals, and with the
contrabands that may be about the camps^ will furnish
all the details for loading and unloading boats.
The movement of troops from MilTiken's. bend tq
New Carthage will be so conducted as to allow the
transportation of ten days' supply pf rations, and one-
half the, allowance of ordnance required by previous
orders.

440 APPENDIX.
12. Commanders are authorized and enjoined to
collect all the beef cattle, corn, and other necessary sup
plies on the line of march ; but wanton destruction of
property, taking of articles useless for military pur
poses, insulting citizens, going into and searching
houses without proper orders from division command
ers, are positively prohibited. AU such irregularities
must be summarily punished.
13. Brigadier-General J. C. Sullivan is appointed to
the command of all the forces detailed-for the protec
tion of the line from here to New Carthage. His par
ticular attention is called to General Orders No. 69,
from Adjutant General's office, Washington, of date
March 20, *L863. By order of
Major-General TJ. S. Geant.
John A. Rollins, Assistant Adjutant General.
Grant has been more bitterly assailed by Gen
eral McClernand, a former friend and brother officer,
than by any other man — -his hostility growing out of
his removal from the command of his corps before
Vicksburg. It is but just to the former, therefore, that
the public should know the reasons of that removal.
These are fully shown in the following order and cor
respondence : —
CONGEATULATOEY OEDEE OF GEN. McOLEENAND.
Headquaetep.s Thirteenth Army Corps, )
Battlefield in rear of Vioksbueg, May 30, 1863. j
General Orders, No. 72.
Comeades : As your commander, I- am proud to con-
gatulate you upon your constancy, valor, and successes.
istory affords no more brilliant examples of soldierly
qualities. Your victories have followed in such rapid
succession, that their echoes have not yet reached the
country. They wiU challenge its grateful and enthu
siastic applause. Yourselves striking out a new path,

APPENDIX. 441
your comrades of the Army of the Tennessee followed,
and a way was thus opened for them to redeem previous
disappointments. Your march through Louisiana, from
Milliken's Bend to New Carthage and Perkins's planta
tion, on the Mississippi river, is one of the most remark
able on record. Bayous and miry roads, threatened
with momentary inundation, obstructed your progress.
AU these were overcome by unceasing labor and unflag
ging energy. The two thousand feet of bridging which
was hastily improvised out of materials created on the
spot, and over which you passed, must long be remem
bered as a marvel. Descending the Mississippi still
lower, you were the first to cross the river at Bruin's
Landing, and to plant our colors in the state of Missis
sippi below Warrenton. Eesuming the advance the
same day, you pushed on until you came up to the ene
my near Port Gibson, only restrained by the darkness
of night. You hastened to attack him on the morning
of the 1st of May, and, by vigorously pressing him at
all points, drove him from his position, taking a large
number of prisoners and small-arms, and five pieces of
cannon. General Logan's division came up in time to
gallantly share in consummating the most valuable
victory won since the capture of Fort Donelson.
Taking the lead on the morning of the 2d, you were
the first to enter Port Gibson, and hasten the retreat of
the enemy from the vicinity of that place. During the
ensuing night, as a consequence of the victory at Port
Gibson, the enemy spiked his guns at Grand GuU", and
evacuated that place, retiring upon Vicksburg and Ed
wards' Station. The fall of Grand Gulf was solely the
result of the victory achieved by the land forces at Port
Gibson. The armament and public stores captured
there are but the just trophies of ftat victory.
Hastening to bridge the south branch of Bayou Pierre,
at Port Gibson, you crossed on the morning of the 3d,
and pushed on to WUIoav Springs, Big Sandy, and the
main crossing of Fourteen-mile creek, four miles from
Edwards' Station. A detachment of the enemy was
19

442 APPENDIX.
immediately driven away from the missing, and yon
advanced, passed over, and rested during the night of
the 12th within three miles of the enemy in large force
at that station.
On the morning of the 12th, the objective point of
the army's movement having been changed from Ed
wards' Station to Jackson, in pursuance of an order
from the commander of the department, you moved on
the north side of Fourteen-mile creek towards Eay-
mond. This delicate and hazardous movement was executed
by a portion of your numbers under cover of Hovey's
division, which made a feint of attack, in line of battle,
upon Edwards' Station. Too late to harm you, the
enemy attacked the rear of that division, but was
promptly and decisively repulsed.
Eesting near Eaymond that night, on the morning of
the 14th, you entered that place — one division moving
on to Mississippi Springs, near Jackson, in support of
General Sherman, another to Clinton, in support of
General McPherson — a third remaining at Eaymond,
and a fourth at Old Auburn, to bring up the army-
trains. On the 15th, you again led the advance towards
Edwards' Station, which once more became the objective
point. Expelling the enemy's pickets from Bolton the
same day, you seized and held that important position.
On the 16th, you led the advance in three columns
upon three roads, against Edwards' Station ; meeting
the enemy on the way in strong force, you heavUy en
gaged him near Champion HiUs, and, after a sanguinary
and obstinate battle, with the assistance of General
McPherson's corps, beat and routed him, taking many
prisoners and small-arms, and several pieces of cannon.
Continuing to lead the advance, you rapidly pursued
the enemy to Edwards' Station, capturing that place, a
large quantity of public stores, and many prisoners.
Night only stopped you.
At day-dawn, on the 17th, you resumed the advance,
and early coming upon the enemy strongly intrenched

APPENDIX. 443
in elaborate works, both before and behind Big Black
Eiver, immediately opened with artillery upon him, fol
lowed by a daring and heroic charge at the point of the
bayonet, which put him to rout, leaving eighteen pieces
of cannon and more than a thousand prisoners in your
hands. By an early hour on the morning of the 18th, you
had constructed a bridge across the Big Black, and had
commenced the advance upon Vicksburg.
On the 19th, 20th, and 21st, you continued to recon
noitre and skirmish untU you had gained a near ap
proach to the enemy's works.
On the 22d, in pursuance of the order of the com
mander of the department, you assaulted the enemy's
defences in front, at 10 o'clock a. m.3 and within thirty
minutes had made a lodgment, and planted your colors
upon two of his bastions. This partial success caUed
into exercise the highest heroism, and was only gained
by a bloody and protracted struggle. Yet it was gained,
and was the first and largest success achieved anywhere
along the whole line of our army.
For nearly eight hours, under a scorching sun and
destructive fire, you firmly held your footing, and only
withdrew when the enemy had largely massed their
forces and concentrated their attack upon you.
How and why the general assault failed, it would be
useless now to explain. The Thirteenth Army Corps,
acknowledging the good intention of all, would scorn
indulgence in weak regrets and idle criminations. Ac
cording justice to all, It would only defend itself. If,.
whUe the enemy was massing to crush it, assistance was
asked for, by a diversion at other points, or by reen-
forcement, it only asked what in one case General
Grant had specifically and peremptorily ordered, name
ly, simultaneous and persistent attack all along our
lines until the enemy's outer works should be carried ;
and what, in the other, by massing a strong force in
time upon a weakened point, would have probably in
sured success.

444 APPENDIX.
Comrades, you have done much, yet something more
remains to be done. The enemy's odious defences stUl
block your access to Vicksburg. Treason still rules
that rebellious city, and closes the Mississippi Eiver
against rightful use by the millions -who inhabit its
sources and the great Northwest. Shall not our flag
float over Vicksburg ? Shall not the great Father of
Waters be opened to lawful commerce ? Methinks the
emphatic response of one and all of you is, " It shaU be
so ? " Then let us rise to the level of a crowning trial !
Let our common sufferings and glories, while uniting us
as a band of brothers, rouse us to new and surpassing
efforts! Let us resolve upon success, God helping us !
I join Avith you, comrades, in your sympathy for the
Avounded and sorrow for the dead. May we not trust
— nay, is it not so — that History will associate the
martyrs of this sacred struggle for laAv and order, liberty
and justice, with the honored martyrs of Monmouth and
Bunker Hill !
John A. MoCleenand,
Major-General commanding.
GENEEAL SHEEMAN TO COLONEL EAWLLNS.
Headquarters Fifteenth Army Corps, )
Camp on Walnut Hills, June 17, 1863. j
Lieutenant- Colonel J. A. Rawlins,
A. A. General Department of the Tennessee :
Sib : On my return last evening from an inspection
of the new works at Snyder's Bluff, General Blair, who
commands the second division of my corps, called my
attention to the enclosed publication in the Memphis
Evening Bulletin of June 13th instant, entitled " Con
gratulatory Order of General McClernand," with a re
quest that I should notice it, lest the statements of facts,
and inference contained therein, might receive credence
from an excited public.
It certainly gives me no pleasure or satisfaction to
notice such a catalogue of nonsense, such an effusion of

APPENDIX. 445
vainglory and hypocrisy; nor can I believe General
McClernand ever published such an order officially to
his corps. I know too well that the brave and intelli
gent soldiers and officers who compose that corps wiU
not be humbugged by such stuff.
If the order be a genuine production, and not a for
gery, it is manifestly addressed, not to an army, bnt to
a constituency in Illinois, far distant from the scene of
the events attempted to be described, who might inno
cently be induced to think General McClernand the
sagacious leader and bold hero he so complacently paints
himself. But it is barely possible the order is a genuine one,
and was actually read to the regiments of the Thirteenth
army corps, in which case a copy must have been sent
to your office for the information of the commanding
general. I beg to call his attention to the requirements
of General Order No. 151, of 1862, which actually for
bids the publication of all official letters and reports,
and requires the name of the writer to be laid before
the President of the United States for dismissal.
The document under question is not technically a
letter or report, and, though styled an order, is not an
order. It orders nothing, but is in the nature of an
address to soldiers, manifestly designed for publication
for ulterior political purposes. It perverts the truth,
to the ends of flattery and self-glorification, and contains
many untruths, among which is one of monstrous false
hood. ,
It substantially accuses General McPherson and my
self with disobeying the orders of General Grant, in not
assaulting on the 19th and 22d of May, and allowing,
on the latter day, the enemy to mass his forces against
the Thirteenth army corps alone. General McPherson
is fully able to answer for himself; and for the Fifteenth
army corps I answer, that on the 19th and 22d of May,
it attacked fiiriously at three distinct points the enemy's
works, at the very hour and minute fixed in General
Grant's written orders ; that, on both days, we planted

446 APPENDIX.
our colors on the exterior slope and kept them there till
nightfaU; that from the first hour of the investment of
Vicksburg until now, my corps has been far in advance
of General McClernand ; that the general-in-chief, by
personal inspection, knows this truth ; that tens of thou
sands of hving witnesses beheld and participated in the
attack ; that General Grant visited me during both as
saults, and saw for himseK, and is far better qualified
to judge whether his orders were obeyed than General
McClernand, who was near three miles off; that Gen
eral McClernand never saAV my lines; that he then
knew, and still knows nothing about them, and that
from his position he had no means of knowing Avhat
occurred on this front.
Not only were the assaults made at the time and
place, and in the manner prescribed in General Grant's
Avritten orders, but about three p. ir., five hours after
the assault on the 22d began, when my storming-party
lay against the exterior slope of the bastion in my front,
and Blair's whole division was deployed close up to the
parapet, ready to spring to the assault, and aU my field-
artiUery were in good position for the work, General
Grant shewed me a note from General McClernand,
that moment handed him by an orderly, to the effect
that " he had carried three of the enemy's forts, and
that the flag of the Union waved over the stronghold
of Vicksburg," asking that the enemy should be pressed
at aU points, lest he should concentrate on him. Not
dreaming that a major-general would at such a critical
moment make a mere buncombe communication, I
ordered instantly GUes A. Smith and Mower's brigades
to renew the assault, under cover of Blair's division, and
the artiUery deployed as before described, and sent an
aide to General Steele, about a mUe to my right, to con
vey the same mischievous message, whereby we lost
needlessly many of our best officers and men.
I would never have revealed so unwelcome a truth
had General McClernand, in his process of self-flattery,
confined himself to facts in the reach of his own obser

APPENDIX. 447
vation, and not gone out of his way to charge others
for results which he seems not to comprehend.
In cases of repulse and failure, congratulatory ad
dresses by subordinate commanders are not common,
and are only resorted to by weak and vain men to shift
the burden of responsibility from their own to the
shoulders of others.
I never make a practice of speaking or writing of
others, but, during our assault of the 19th, several of
my brigade commanders were under the impression
that McClernand's corps did not even attempt an as
sault. In the congratulatory order I remark great silence
on that subject. Merely to satisfy inquiring parties, I
should hke to know if McClernand's corps did "or did
not assault at two p. m. of May 19th, as ordered. I
don't believe it did, and I think General McClernand
responsible. With these remarks I leave the matter where it prop
erly belongs, in the hands of the commanding general,
who knows his plans and orders, sees with an eye single
to success and his country's honor, and not from the
narrow and contracted circle of a subordinate com
mander, who exaggerates the importance of the events
that fall under his immediate notice, and is filled with
an itching desire for " fame not earned."
With great respect,
Your obediant servant,
W. T. Sheeman,
Major-General commanding.
geneeal mcpheeson to geneeal geant.
Headquarters Seventeenth Army Corps,
Department of the Tennessee,
Near Vicksburg, Miss., June 18, 1863.
Major-General Grant,
commanding Department of the Tennessee :
Geneeal : My attention has just been called to an
article published in the Missouri Democrat of the 10th

448 APPENDIX.
instant, purporting to be a congratulatory order from
Major-General John A. McClernand to his command.
The whole tenor of the order is so ungenerous, and
the insinuations and criminations against the other
corps of your army are so manifestly at variance with
the facts, that a sense of duty to my command, as well
as the verbal protest of every one of my division and
brigade commanders against allowing such an order to
go forth to the public unanswered, require that I should
call your attention to it.
After a careful perusal of the order, I cannot help
arriving at the conclusion that it Avas written more to
influence public sentiment at the North, and impress
the public mind with the magnificent strategy, superior
tactics, and brilliant deeds of the major-general com
manding the Thirteenth army corps, than to congratu
late his troops upon their well-merited successes.
There is a vaingloriousness about the order, an in
genious attempt to Avrite himself down the hero, the
master-mind, giving life and direction to military oper
ations in this quarter, inconsistent with the high-toned
principle of the soldier sanspeur et sans reproche.
Though " born a warrior," as he himself stated, he
has evidently forgotten one of the most essential quali
ties, viz., that elevated, refined sense of honor, which,
while guarding his own rights with jealous care, at all
times renders justice to others.
It little becomes Major-General McClernand to com
plain of want of cooperation on the part of other corps,
in the assault on the enemy's works on the 22d ultimo,
when twelve hundred and eighteen men of my com
mand were placed hors du combat in their resolute and
daring attempt to carry the positions assigned to them,
and fully one-third of these, from General Quimby's
division, with the gallant and accomplished Colonel
Boomer at their head, fell in front of his own lines,
where they were left, after being sent two miles to sup
port him, to sustain the whole brunt of the battle, from
five p. m. until after dark, his own men being recalled.

APPENDIX. 449
If General McClernand's assaulting columns were
not immediately supported when they moved against
the enemy's intrenchments, and few of the men suc
ceeded in getting in, it most assuredly was his own
fault, and not the fault of any other corps commander.
Each corps commander had the positions assigned to
him which he was to attempt to carry, and it remained
with him to dispose his troops in such a way as to sup
port promptly and efficiently any column which suc
ceeded in getting in.
The attack was ordered by the Major-general com
manding the department to be simultaneous at all the
points selected ; and precisely at the hour, the columns
moved, some of them taking a httle longer than others
to reach the enemy's works, on account of the natural
and artificial obstacles to be overcome, but the differ
ence in time was not great enough to .allow of any
changing or massing of the enemy from one part of the
line to the other.
The assault failed, not, in my opinion, from any want
of cooperation or braArery on the part of our troops, but
from the strength of the works, the difficulty of getting
close up to them under cover, and the determined char
acter of the assailed.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
James B. McPheeson, Major-General.

beagg s eepoet of battle of chattanooga.
Headquarters, Army of the Tennessee, )
Dalton, Ga, November 30, 1863. J
Sle : On Monday, the 23d, the enemy advanced in
heavy force, and drove in our picket line in front of
Missionary Eidge, but made no further effort. On
Tuesday morning early, they threw over the river a
heavy force opposite the north end of the Eidge, and
just below the mouth of the Chickamauga, at the same
time displaying a heavy force in our immediate front.
19*

450 APPENDIX.
After visiting the right and making dispositions there
for the new development in that direction, I returned
towards the left, to find a heavy cannonading going on
from the enemy's batteries on our forces occupying the
slope of Lookout Mountain, between the crest and the
river. A very heavy force soon advanced to the as
sault, and was met by one brigade only — Walthall's,
which made a desperate resistance, but was finaUy com
pelled to yield ground — Avhy this command was not
sustained is yet unexplained. The commander on that
part of the field, Major-General Stevenson, had six
brigades at his disposal. Upon his urgent appeal, an
other brigade was despatched in the afternoon to his
support, though it appeared his own forces had not
been brought into action, and I proceeded to the scene.
Arriving just before sunset, I found we had lost all
the advantages of the position. Orders were immedi
ately given for the ground to be disputed until we
could withdraw our forces across Chattanooga creek,
and the movement was commenced. This having been
successfully accomplished, our whole forces were con
centrated on the Eidge, and extended to the right to
meet the movement in that direction.
On Wednesday, the 25th, I again visited the extreme
right, now under Lieutenant-General Hardee, and
threatened by a heavy force, whilst columns could be
seen marching in that direction. A very heavy force
in line of battle confronted our left and centre.
On my return to this point, about eleven a. m., the
enemy's forces Avere being moved in heavy masses from
Lookout, and beyond to our front, whilst those in front
extended to our right. They formed their lines, with
great deliberation, just beyond the range of our guns,
and in plain view of our position.
Though greatly outnumbered, such was the strength
of our position, that no doubt was entertained of our
ability to hold it, and every disposition was made for
that purpose.
During this time they had made several attempts on

APPENDIX.

451

our extreme right, and had been handsomely repulsed
with very heavy loss, by Major-General Cleburne's
command, under the immediate direction of Lieutenant
General Hardee.
By the road, cross (sic) the ridge at Eossville, far to
our left, a route was open to our rear. Major-General
Breckinridge, commanding on the left, had occupied
this with two regiments, and a battery. It being re
ported to me that a force of the enemy had moved iri
that direction, the general was ordered to have it recon
noitred, and to make every disposition necessary to
secure his flank, which he proceeded to do.
About three and a half p. m., the immense force in
the front of our left and centre advanced in three lines,
preceded by heavy skirmishers. Our batteries opened
with fine effect, and much confusion was produced,
before they reached musket range.
In a short time the war of musketry became very
heavy, and it was soon apparent that the enemy had
been repulsed in my immediate front.
Whilst riding along the crest, congratulating the
troops', inteUigence reached me that our line av as broken
on my right, and the enemy had crowned the ridge.
Assistance Avas promptly despatched to that point un
der Brigadier-General Bate, who had so successfully
maintained the ground in my front, and I proceeded
to the rear of the broken Une to rally our retiring troops
and return them to the crest to drive the enemy back.
General Bate found the disaster so great that his small
force could not repair it.
About this time I learned that our extreme left had
also given way, and that my position was almost sur
rounded. Bate was immediately directed to form a
second line in the rear, where by the efforts of my staff,
a nucleus of stragglers had been formed upon which to
rally. Lieutenant-General Hardee, leaving Major-General
Gleburne in command on the extreme right, moved
towards the left, when he heard the heavy firing in that

452 APPENDIX.
direction. He reached the right of Anderson's division
just in time to find it had nearly all fallen back, com
mencing on its left where the enemy had first crowned
the ridge. By a prompt and judicious movement, he
threw a portion of Cheatham's division directly across
the ridge, facing the enemy, who was now moving a
strong force immediately on his left flank. By a
decided stand here the enemy was entirely checked, and
that portion of our force to the right remained intact.
All to the left, however, except a portion of Bate's
division was entirely routed, and in rapid flight — nearly
all the artiUery having been shamefuUy abandoned by
its infantry support.
Every effort which could be made by myself and staff,
and by many other mounted officers, availed but little.
A panic, which I had never before witnessed, seemed
to have seized upon officers and men, and each seemed
to be struggling for his personal safety, regardless of his
duty or his character.
In this distressing and alarming state of affairs, Gen
eral Bate was ordered to hold his position, covering the
road for the retreat of Breckinridge's command ; and
orders were immediately sent to Generals Hardee and
Breckinridge to retire their forces upon the depot at
Chickamauga. Fortunately, it was noAV near nightfall, and the
country and roads in our rear were fully known to us,
but equaUy unknown to the enemy.
The routed left made its way back in great disorder,
effectually covered, however, by Bate's small command,
which had a sharp conflict with the enemy's advance,
driving it back. After night, aU being quiet, Bate
retired in good order — the enemy attempting no pursuit.
Lieutenant-General Hardee's command, under his
judicious management, retired in good order and un
molested. As soon as all troops had crossed, the bridges over
the Chickamauga were destroyed to impede the enemy,
though the stream was fordable at several places.

Appendix. 453
No satisfactory excuse can possibly be given for the
shameful conduct of our troops on the left, in allowing
their line to be penetrated. The position was one
which ought to have been held by a line of skirmishers
against any assaulting column ; and wherever resistance
Avas made, the enemy fled in disorder after suffering
heavy loss. Those who reached the ridge, did so in a
condition of exhaustion from the great physical exertion
in climbing, which rendered them powerless ; and the
slightest effort would have destroyed them.
Having' secured much of our artillery, they soon
availed themselves of our panic, and turning our guns
upon us, enfiladed the lines both right and left, render
ing them entirely untenable.
Had all parts of the line been maintained with equal
gallantry and persistence, no enemy could ever have
dislodged us; and but one possible reason presents
itself to my mind, in explanation of this bad conduct
in veteran troops, who had never before failed in any
duty assigned them, however difficult and hazardous.
They had, for two days, confronted the enemy, mar
shalling his immense forces in plain view, and exhibiting
to their sight such a superiority in numbers, as may
have intimidated weak minds and untried soldiers.
But our veterans had so often encountered similar
hosts, when the strength of position was against us, and
with perfect success, that not a doubt crossed my mind.
As yet I am not fully informed as to the commands
which first fled, and brought this great disaster and dis
grace upon our arms. Investigation will bring out the
truth, however, and full justice shall be done to the
good and the bad.
After arriving at Chickamauga, and informing myself
of the full condition of affairs, it was decided to put the
army in motion for a point further removed from a
poAverful and victorious army, that we might have some
little time to replenish and recuperate for another
struggle. The enemy made pursuit as far as Einggold,
but was so handsomely checked by Major-General
Cleburne and Brigadier-General Gist, in command of

454 appendix.
their respective divisions, that he gave us but httle
annoyance. Lieutenant-General Hardee, as usual, is entitled to
my warmest thanks and high commendation for his
gallant and judicious conduct during the whole of the
trying scenes through which we passed.
Major-General Cleburne, whose command defeated
the enemy in every assault on the 25th, and who even
tually charged and routed him on that day, capturing
several stands of colors and several huadred prisoners,
and who afterwards brought up our rear with great
success, again charging and routing the pursuing column
at Einggold, on the 27th, is commended to the special
notice of the government.
Brigadier-Generals Gist and Bate, commanding divi
sions, Cumming, WalthaU, and Polk, commanding
brigades, were distinguished for coolness, gallantry, and
successful conduct, throughout the engagements, and in
the rear-guard on the retreat.
To my staff, personal and general, my thanks are
specially due for their gallant and zealous efforts, under
fire, to rally the broken troops and restore order ; and
for their laborious services in conducting successfully
the many and arduous duties of the retreat.
Our losses are not yet ascertained ; but in kiUed and
wounded, it is known to have been very small. In
prisoners and stragglers, I fear it is much larger.
The chief of artillery reports the loss of forty pieces.
I am, sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant,
Beaxton Beagg, General commanding.
General S. Cooper,
Adjutant-General C. 8. A„ Richmond.
General Grant's order respecting the last great move
of the Army which ended in the surrender of Lee.
City Point, Va., March 29, 1865.
Geneeal : — On the 29th instant, the armies operating
against Eichmond will be moved by our left for the

APPENDIX. 455
double purpose of turning the enemy out of his present
position around Petersburg, and to ensure the success
of the cavalry under General Sheridan, who Avill start
at the same time, in his efforts to reach and destroy the
South Side Eailroads.
Two corps of the Army of the Potomac will be moved
at first in two columns taking the two roads crossing
Hatcher's run nearest where the present line held by us
strikes that stream, both running towards Dinwiddie
Court House.
The cavalry under General Sheridan joined by the
division under General Davies, wUl move at the same
time, by .the Weldon road and the Jerusalem plank
road, turning west from the latter before crossing the
Nottoway, and west with the whole column before
reaching Stony Creek. General Sheridan will then
move independently, under other instructions Avhich will
be given him. AU dismounted cavalry belonging to the
Army of the Potomac, and the dismounted cavalry
from the Middle Military Division not required for
guarding property belonging to their arm of the service
will report to Brigadier-General Benham, to be added
to the defences of City Point. Major-General Parke
will be left in command of all the army left for holding
the lines about Petersburg and City Point, subject of
course to orders from the commander of the Army of
the Potomac. The Ninth Army Corps will be left
intact to hold the present hne of Avorks so long as the
whole line was occupied by us is held. If, however,
the troops to the left of the Ninth Corps are withdrawn,
then the left of the corps may be thrown back so as to
occupy the position held by the army prior to the
capture of the Weldon road. All troops to the left of
the Ninth Corps will be held in readiness to move at
the shortest notice by such route as may be designated
when the order is given. General Ord will detach three
divisions, two white and one colored, or so much of them
as he can and hold his present hnes, and march for the
present left of the Army of the Potomac. In the

456 APPENDIX.
absence of further orders or until further order is given,
the white divisions wiU follow the left column of the
Army of the Potomac, and the colored divisions the
right column. During the movement, Major-General
Weitzel wiU be left in command of aU the forces re
maining behind of the Army of the James.
The movement of troops from the Army of the
James will commence on the night of the 27th instant.
General Ord avUI leave behind the minimum number of
cavalry necessary for picket duty in the absence of the
main army. A cavalry expedition from General Ord's
command will also be started from Suffolk, to leave there
on Saturday, the 1st of April, under Colonel Sumner,
for the purpose of cutting the railroad about Hicksford.
This, if accomplished, will have to be a surprise, and
therefore from three to five hundred men wiU be suffi
cient. They should, however, be supported by all the
infantry that can be spared from Norfolk and Ports
mouth as far out as to Avhere the cavalry crosses the
Blackwater. The crossing should probably be at Unitee.
Should Colonel Sumner succeed in reaching the Weldon
road he wiU be instructed to do all the damage possible
to the triangle of roads between Hicksford, Weldon and
Gaston. The raUroad bridge at Weldon being fitted
up for the passage of carriages, it might be practicable
to destroy any accumulation of supphes the enemy may
have collected south of the Eoanoke. All the troops
wiU move with four days' rations in haversacks and
eight in wagons. To avoid as much hauling as possi
ble, and to give the Army of the James the same num
ber of days supply with the Army of the Potomac,
General Ord will direct his commissary and quarter
master to have sufficient supphes dehvered at the termi
nus of the road to fill up in passing. Sixty rounds oi
ammunition will be taken in wagons and as much grain
as the transportation on hand wiU carry after taking
the specified amount of other supplies. The densely-
wooded country in which the army have to operate
making tho use of much artillery impracticable, the

APPENDIX. 457
amount taken with the army wiU be reduced to six or
eight guns to each division, at the option of the army
commanders. AU necessary preparations for carrying these direc
tions into operation may be commenced at once. The
reserves of the Ninth Corps should be massed as much
as possible. Whilst I would not now order an uncon
ditional attack on the enemy's line by them, they should
be ready and make the attack if the enemy weakens his
line in their front, without waiting for orders.
In case they carry the line, then the whole of the
Ninth Corps could follow up so as to join or cooperate
Avith the balance of the army. To prepare for this, the
Ninth Corps will have rations issued to them same
as the balance of the army. General Weitzel will keep
vigilant watch upon his front, and if found at all practi
cable to break througji at any poirit, he wiU do so. A
success north of the James should be fo 'owed up with
great promptness. An attack will not be feasible un
less it is found that the enemy has detached largely.
In that case it may be regarded as evident that the
enemy are relying on their local reserves principally
for the defence of Eichmond. Preparations may be
made for abandoning all the line north of the James,
except inclosed works — only to be abandoned, however,
after a break is made in the lines of the enemy.
By these instructions a large part of the armies ope
rating against Eichmond is left behind. The enemy
knowing this may, as an only chance, strip their lines
to the merest skeleton, in the hope of advantage not
being taken of it, whilst they hurl every thing against
the moving column and return. It cannot be impressed
too strongly upon commanders of troops left in the
trenches, not to allow this to occur without taking ad
vantage of it. The very fact of the enemy coming out
to attack, if he does so, might be regarded as almost
conclusive evidence of such a weakening of his lines, I
Avould have it particularly enjoined on corps command
ers, that in case of an attack from the enemy, those not

458 APPENDIX.
attacked are not to wait for orders from the command
ing officer of the army to which they belong, but that
they wUl move promptly and notify the commander of
their action. I would also enjoin the same action on the
part of division commanders when other parts of their
corps are not engaged. In like manner I would urge
the importance of following up a repulse of the enemy.
U. S. Geant, Lieutenant-General.
Major- Generals Meade, Ord, and Sheridan.

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With Numerous Full Page Steel Engravings, from designs by DARLEY
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"THE FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY."
WASHING-TON IRVING having devoted nearly thirty years of his life In
carefully selecting and arranging this book, has produced one of the most at
tractive, comprehensive and reliable historical works of modern times, and
given to the world a monument of his masterly ability, which will live as long
as the name and fame of WASHINGTON shall endure. No writer could
more fully assume the responsible task, or produce a more honest and truthful
record of the immortal Washington and his co-Patriots, in whom are ex
hibited the sternest virtues, and the purest patriotism. The National Grandeur,
and character of the theme ; the exalted position of the author as the leading
spirit of American Literature are guarantees of its merits and superiority over
all other similar works. Mr. Ieving, as a Historical Biographer, stands far in
advance of every writer of his age, as is proven by the exquisite style, unrivaled
grace, and beauty of diction, which has given his works the highest rank
among the literary productions of this, or any other country.
The Publishers announce with pleasure, that they have completed an arrange
ment, by which, for the first time this master piece of American Literature, can
be offered to the reading public, at a price which places it within the reach of all.
Who has not desired to possess this great work? and how many have been pre
vented by the high prices charged for the former five- volume edition ? This
edition contains all the five volumes before published ; and is printed in a neat
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edition, and at its present low price, it should now find a place at the fire-side
of every family. The price of the five-volume edition is $12 50 and §20.
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OB, 9
Hekoes of the Rank and File,

COMPRISING

Incidents and Reminiscences from the Camp, Battle-Field and Hospital,
with Narratives of the Sacrifice, Sufferings and Triumphs

Mrs. A. H. HOQE,
ASSOCIATE MANAQIB OP THE NORTE- WESTERN BRANCH OF THE tj. B. SANITARY COMMISSION, CHICAOO
WITH AN
$ttftadtuttott foil Mams p. M&$, §. g.

Able writers have described the campaigns which resulted in the overthrow of the Rebellion,
nnd the lives of the Generals and officers who planned the manoeuvres of our armies have been written, but,
as yet poor justice has been done to the Soldiers who made the reputation of these generals, and who
fought the battles and gained the victories for which the leaders have received nearly all the credit. In
this volume — which its talented author, Mrs. A. H. HOGE, has appropriately and happily called " The
Boxs in Blue ; or, Heroes op the Bane and File,"— this oversight is partially remedied ; partially, we
say, for language can never do full justice to the gallantry, tbe heroism, and the undaunted bravery of
the Private Soldiers. As a leading spirit of the North-Western Sanitary Commission, as a faithful nurse
in the camp, in the hospital, and in the field, Mrs. Hoqe, witnessed nearly all the important operations of
our armies in the South-West, first under Grant and afterwards under Sherman. In this volume she
takes us directly among the "Boys in Blue," and tells us in simple, earnest, hut glowing and eloquent
language, of the sacrifices and suffering through which they passed to win their grand triumphs.
The story Mrs. Hoge narrates is one of the most thrilling interest. She confines herself to inci
dents which passed under her own observation, and these Bhe weaves together with wonderful skill and
effect. The private soldier who survived the war will find his own experiences reproduced in this deeply
interesting volume ; and the thousands who mourn a son, brother or father as among the vietims of rebel
hate will equally welcome the work, not only as a souvenir of the struggle so full of tender memories for
them, but as a record, which, by commemorating the services of the " Boys in Blue," worthily supple
ments the more ambitious histories which the war has produced.
Numerous Steel and Wood Engravings— all executed in the highest style of the art— illustrate the
Incidents which Mrs. Hoqe so graphically describes, and makes the volume artistically one of the most
attractive of its class.

The work is sold by Agents, and will be comprised in one handsome volume of
nearly Five Hundred Octavo Pages, with numerous Illustrations from
original designs by Nast, Momberger and others,
AND DELIVERED TO SUBSCRIBERS IN
Heat anu Substantial Binding, Extra English Cloth, - - $3 00
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Disabled Boldiers, Soldiers' Widows, and Energetic Men and Women are Wanted In every
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E. B. TREAT & CO., Publishers, 654 Broadway, New York.

GET THE LATEST AND THE BEST — THE OFFICIAL AND AUTHORISED SOUTHEBiJ
HISTOET OF THE WAR ; NOW BEADY FOE DELIVEET.

A NEW AND ENLARCED EDITION.

BT
EDWARD A. POLLARD,

o:f ¦viaRG-insri.A..

Comprising a fall and authentic account of tne rise and progress
of the late Southern Confederacy — the Campaigns, Battles
Incidents and Adventures of the most gigantic
Straggle of the World's History.
Complete in one Large Royal Octavo Volume of nearly 800 Pages.
WITII A NEW AND COMPLETE MAP OF THE MILITARY OPERATIONS.
(Size 19x26 Inches.)

OP DISTINGUISHED CONFEDERATE LEADERS
AS FOLLOWS :
Jefferson Davis, Robert E. Lee, Joe E. Johnston,
A. H. Stephens, "Stonewall " Jackson, Braxton Bragg,
J. P. Benjamin, P. G. T. Beauregard, Kirby Smith,
Henry A. Wise, R. S. Ewell, N.B.Forrest,
J. C. Breckenridge, A. P. Hill, Leonidas Polk,
Wm. L. Yancy, J. Longstreet, J. B. Hood,
J. M. Mason, A. S. Johnston, W. J. Hardee,
John Slidell, J. E. B. Stuart, John Morgan.
The Publishers take pleasure in announcing that they have secured the talents of this
distinguished Author and Historian, in preparing a work worthy of the theme and the
occasion. The history of the vanquished has too often fallen to the pen of the victor, and to insure
justice to the Southern cause, the pen must be taken by some Southern man who is willing
to devote his time and talents to the vindication of his countrymen, in a history which shall
challenge the criticism of the intelligent, and invite the attention of all honest inquirers.
Such a work will be of peculiar interest to the candid and intelligent public of the North,
and is of the utmost importance to the people of the Southern States.
Mr. Pollard, of all writers in the South, is doubtless the best qualified to prepare a com
plete and Standard History of the War, and to commit to the present and future generations,
a faithful and worthy record of their great struggle, and of a cause lost, save in honor.
Having been employed during the entire period of the war as editor of a Richmond news
paper, and thus trained to the best sources of information, and by special research has
collected a quantity of historical material pertaining to the secret history of the war, which
no one else in the country has, or can now obtain.
He comes to the work with the encouragement and authority of Generals R. E. Lee,
J. E. Johnston, Beauregard, " Dick " Taylor, Fitzhugh Lee, Ex-Gov. Wise, and other
distinguished Confederate Leaders.
THE WOR"K IS SOLD ONLY BY AGENTS. SUBSCRIPTION PRICES ARE :
In Substantial Cloth Binding, (gilt back,) $ j.oo
In Plain Leather, Library Style, (sheep,) - - 6.00
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E. B. TREAT & CO, Publisher, 654 Broadway, New York.

wit m\ 'iM JilkilSS

iwwnwtti vame and Romantic Interest.

WEARING OF THE GRAY,
Comprising Personal Portraits, Sketches, Scenes, Adventures and Incidents of
the late War, With Thrilling Narativos of the Daring Deeds, Dashing Charg
es, Toilsome Marches, Willing Sacrifices snd Patient Sufferings of
" THE BOYS IN GRAY,"
Interspersed with Stirring Incidents of life in Camp and Hospital, and many Im
portant Events hallowed by associations with the Gallant Dead.
BY
jozkhxt estencookb,
formerly of Gen. STTJAET'S STAFF, and Author of " SURRY OF EAGLE'S NEST, '
" LIFE OF STONEWALL JACKSON", &c, &e.

" The blessed and ever-g!orious dead are not here to defend their memories
from the taint of the reproach of rebellion and treason.
" Alas ! I am alive and here, and bound at every hazard to declare that these
men were no rebels and no traitors — that they were pure patriots, loyal citizens,
well-tried and true soldiers ; brave, honest, devoted men, who proved their faith in
their principles by the deaths which canonized them immortal heroes and mar
tyrs." HENRY. A. WISE.
The design of this work is to present a graphic and picturesque view of some
of the most striking scenes and personages of the late war in the South — adven
tures of the writer, narratives of Bcouts, elaborate personal portraits of Stuart,
Hampton, -A-slxby, M!oslt>y, and other Confederate celebrities,
with anecdotes and details concerning them, for the truth of which the author
vouches. His position on the staff of Gen. Stuart gave him an opportunity of
Boeing and knowing personally the men of whom he writes ; of witnessing some
of the most striking scenes of the war — and of these he speaks as an eye-witness
and participant, and not as one compiling facta from books.

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(t corresponds with the description in every particulw.
E. B. TREAT & CO., Publishers, 654 Broadway, New York.

ECHOES FROM

THIE SOTTTIK;
COMPEISIJTG
THE MOST IMPORTANT SPEECHES AND PUBLIC ACTS
EMANATING FEOM THE SOUTH DURING
THEIR LATE STEUGGLE.

FROM OFFICIAL SOURCES.— 1 Vol. 12mo.
CONTENTS:
Speech of Hon. A. H. Stephens, delivered in the ICall of the House of Representatives
of Georgia, November 14, 1860.
Declaration of Causes which induced the Secession of South Carolina.
Ordinance of Secession of South Carolina.
" " Louisiana.
11 ** Alabama.
*" ** Arkansas.
" " North Carolina.
" " Virginia.
" " Texas.
" " Mississippi.
" " Florida & Georgia.
Speech of Jefferson Davis on Leaving the United States Senate.
African Slavery, the Corner-Stone of the Southern Confederacy. A Speech
by Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, Vice-President of the Confederate States of Amenta,
delivered at the Athenaeum, Savannah, March 22, 1661.
Eobert Tof^nbs' Address to the People of Georgia. Telegraphed from Washing.
ton, December 23, 1860.
The Constitution of the Confederate States of America.
Members of the Confederate Cabinet and Congress.
Inaugural Address of Jefferson Davis.
Speech of President Davis, at Kichmond, June 1, 1861.
Speech of Ex-Governor Henry A. Wise.
Proclamation hy Jefferson Davis, Granting Letters of Marque.
Speech of Hon. A. H. Stephens, at Atlanta, Ga., April 30, 1861.
Speech of J. M. Mason, at Eichmond, Va., June 3, 1861.
Sam Houston's Speech, at Independence, Texas, May 10.
Speech of Howell Cobb, at Atlanta, Ga., May 22, 1861.
General E. E. Lee's Address to his Troops.
Speech of Hon. A. H. Stephens, at Bichmond, Va., April 22, 1861;
The Last Manifesto of the Confederate Congress.
The Last Proclamation of President Davis.
Generals of the Confederate Army.
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