YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

A M A Z U L U.
THE ZULUS,
THEIR
last jistorg, Utamters, Customs, anb language,

WITH OKSEKVATIONS ON

THE COUNTRY AND ITS PRODUCTIONS, CLIMATE, ETC.,
THE ZULU WAR, AND ZULULAND SINCE THE WAR.

BY
THOMAS B. JENKLNSON, B.A.,
S.P.G., NATAL, 1873-1879, LATE CANON OF MABITZBUBG.

Second Edition.

LONDON:
W. H. ALLEN & CO., 13 WATERLOO PLACE,
PALL MALL. S.W.

1884.
(All rights reserved.)

INTRODUCTION.

As Ketchwayo, late Chief-paramount of the Zulu
nation, is on his way to England, many will be
glad to have more information about him and his
case. I was bidding farewell to my friends in England
before leaving for Natal as Missionary of the
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, when
tidings came of the death of Panda, or Umpande,
supreme chief of Zululand, and father of Ketch
wayo. I sailed for Port Natal on 5th March 1873,
stayed in that country above six years, and landed
at Plymouth in July 1879, just as the news came
of the decisive battle of Ulundi, which completed
the overthrow of the Zulu army. I was in Natal
during the six months of the Zulu War.

IV INTRODUCTION.
As it was part of my duty to learn all about the
natives, and to study the language, manners, and
customs, and as I had access to the library of Dr.
Callaway (now Bishop of Kaffraria), it may be
supposed that I formed a fair acquaintance with
the Zulu question. I can well remember what we
felt about the Zulus and their chief, years before
the war broke out. Fully one year before it did
break out, I wrote to the S. P. Gr. in London,
anticipating the war, and imploring aid from home
in our defence, for that, sooner or later, the torrent
pent up in Zululand must burst forth. Twice
before it had burst upon Natal, carrying destruc
tion before it — once in Chaka's time, and again in
Dingaan's. Years before it broke out, I was in
Pietermaritzburg, and heard that the 1-1 3th Regi
ment P.A.L.I., under Colonel Montgomery, had
gone up the country towards the Transvaal. I at
once remarked, " I hope they won't come back
until they have taken over the Zulu country."
I met Dr. Sutherland in Maritzburg about the
same time, and he told me that news had come
from the agent in Zululand to the effect that young
Zulu was thirsting for blood, and, like blood-

INTRODUCTION. V
hounds in a leash, could scarcely be restrained.
In our neighbourhood (fifty miles south of Maritz-
burg) it was quite a common thing for the natives
to chaff the white men, and to threaten them with
Ketchwayo, saying that the day was coming when
"all the white men would be driven into the sea."
This sort of talk arose, not so much from the dis
affection of the Natal natives as from the know
ledge they had of what was brewing in the land
whence they had fled for refuge into Natal ; for it
is a most significant fact — which our rulers would
do well to consider — that ever since the time that
Captain Allen Gardiner visited Dingaan and ob
tained a sort of grant of Natal for the British in
1835, refugees, fleeing from cruel oppression, have
been constantly coming into Natal, and so under
British rule. A vote of the Zulus, if taken,
should include the Zulus in Natal.
My own opinions were recorded daily at the
time and in the country, surrounded as I was by
thousands of Zulus, and with no white man within
five miles. My son-in-law, daughter, and only son,
living in Zululand, have told the rest of the story.
It is now my deliberate conviction that the over-

VI INTRODUCTION.
throw of the Zulu power, though a terrible thing
at the time, was a blessing to the whole of the
Zulu nation (estimated at about 750,000 people)
dwelling in Zululand and Natal. What say others
competent to judge?
Dr. Emile Holub, a traveller and a foreigner,
living in the Cape Colony, and the author of a
work on South Africa, writes as follows : — " A
great mistake is made if any one of us thinks that
the danger in store is only for those living in Natal
and the Transvaal. We must look upon the
matter just as if we were insulted and attacked
ourselves. The Zulu crater throws its fire high
over the whole of South Africa ; the lava spreads
over all its countries, Zululand being the concen
tration of all the native dissatisfaction. All those
tribes who seek their welfare by overwhelming the
race of the whites, look with true desire towards
this volcano, sigh in thought and word, and secretly
send messengers into Cetywayo's laager. There
the last outburst of all the lowest savage vices
seeks its protection, finds its nursery, and hopes for
its salvation."
The following is taken from a letter by the Big- .

INTRODUCTION. Vll
garsberg Correspondent to the "Natal Mercury":
" It is a fact, known to all the border residents
both in Natal and the Transvaal, that the Zulus
have been preparing for war for the past three
years. The Zulus insulted British authority. The
administrator at the Blood river was openly in
sulted, and nearly shot. Envoys on a message to
the Zulu King were forced to witness a review of
the Zulu army, and were insulted and challenged.
At the sitting of the Commission at Rorke's Drift,
British officers and authority were again insulted,
and defiance hurled at them again and again. The
Zulus were determined to be avenged upon Natal for
sheltering refugees — both men, women and children.
When the missionaries and traders were forced to
leave Zululand towards the end of last year (1878),
they knew the Zulu nation was ready for war, and
that Natal was in danger of an invasion as great
as the Transvaal. Government officers, living on
the border, knew that war was inevitable."
But let us hear Ketchwayo himself at Cape
Town, in the account taken down from his lips by
Captain J. Ruscombe Poole, R.A., " who guar
antees that every part of the story was fairly told

Vlll INTRODUCTION.
him by Cetywayo himself." After giving his story
up to the time of his coronation by Mr. Shepstone,
he says: — "Cetywayo saw he was losing his au
thority (when his soldiers pleaded sickness), so he
sent out a regiment, and sent men down to the
different kraals, and all absentees were slain, Cety
wayo saying, ' You sick men are of no use to the
country, so I will save the doctors the trouble of
attending on you.' He also made an example of
the women. He had ordered a regiment or class
of women to marry the men of one of his regi
ments ; they complained to the King that there
were too few men. The King gave in to them, and
named another regiment ; but they made further
objections, and a large number of them refused to
marry. A regiment was called out, and sent to
punish the refractory women ; and a large number
were killed. Cetywayo said he ' was determined
to show his people who was the master.' The
young men in Zululand were getting very restless
and quarrelsome, being anxious to get a chance of
' washing ' their spears, i.e. bathing them in blood.
They were intent on having a war somewhere, and
proposed a raid into Swaziland solely for this pur-

INTRODUCTION. IX
pose (1877-78). Mr. Shepstone told Cetywayo
that he must not go to war with the Amaswazi
(Swazis), as they were allies to the British. Cety
wayo, being pressed by his men, applied to the
English to agree to his making war with the
Swazis, and called up his army ; but as the English
Government forbade it, he disbanded the army,
and sent them home. The nation was very hostile
to the Boers on account of the frequent frontier
disturbances, and there is no doubt but that a very
Httle fuel to the fire already smouldering would
have brought on a war between the Boers and
Zulus. Cetywayo himself was against a war,
although he threatened to fight the Boers; but
admits that, had not the Transvaal been annexed,
it was only a question of time how soon war would
have broken out between the Boers and Zulus.
The Zulus had no animosity against the English.
Cetywayo states that nothing would induce him to
disband his army. John Dunn had used every
persuasion to prevent Cetywayo going to war with
the English."— See the whole story as given in
" Macmillan's Magazine " for February 1880.
The remedy for the present distress in Zululand

2 INTRODUCTION.
is to give the British Resident full power, and to
appoint magistrates in every chieftain's district.
In short, to give them thorough British rule
through their own chiefs and our magistrates, as
in Natal. I should also advise that the Governor
of Zululand should have a personal acquaintance
with the people, their language, manners, and
customs, that he should reside in a central dis
trict, and should have a good large fort and a
strong garrison ; that he should avoid taxation, if
possible, and not allow alienation of land on any
pretence. Zululand for the Zulus.
¦ THOMAS B. JENKINSON.
SlDMOTJTH,
18th July, 1882.

CONTENTS.

PAGE
INTRODUCTION  iii
PAET I. — Desceiption op Natal. — Mannees and
Customs  1
PAET II. — Pebsonal Naeeative .... 54
PAET UT. — Histobical Notices op the Zttltj
Nation  94
PAET IV. — Ztjltjland aptee the Wae . . . 145
APPENDIX  203
NOTE  215

AMAZULU. PART I.

Desceiption of Natal. — Manners and
Customs.
I wish to review the past briefly, for the benefit
of my friends at home and others who have never
seen this part of the world, my object being to
present a truthful picture of what I have seen and
known myself. I do so in the hope that others,
younger, stronger, and better than I am, may be
induced to come and settle here as missionaries to
the heathen or as good colonists.
I shall first endeavour to convey an impression
of the appearance of the country and its climate,
and describe briefly the vegetable productions,
plants, trees, animals, and inhabitants as they have
come under my notice. 1

2 AMAZULU.
Natal is a very hilly country— mountainous,
indeed, on its western boundary, the Kahlamba or
Drakensberg, rising to the height of 10,000 feet
above the sea.
Recently I saw two very remarkable mountains,
called the pillars (Insika), whence the name
Ensikeni. The country there is called the forest-
country, from the fine forests which clothe the
mountain sides. In times of war these forests
become the places of refuge for the natives and
their cattle. For example, there is now living in
that neighbourhood an old man who, when a boy,
fled for refuge from the Unkomanzi (near Spring-
vale) to Ensikeni, about sixty miles, the Amazulu
following, and killing men, women, and children.
A few escaped in a fastness (inqaba) and came
back. Soon after their return home, they were
surrounded by cannibals from a remarkable hill in
sight of Springvale Church, and again driven
away. The coast along the Indian Ocean is almost
tropical, and produces the best sugar in large
quantities, besides some coffee, tea, pine-apples,
custard-apples, mangoes, bananas, oranges, lemons;!
and grapes.
Of course these are not indigenous, but are all

DESCRIPTION. 3
planted by^ the hand of the white man. The
indigenous fruits are very poor, the most common
being the Cape gooseberry and the amatungulu
plum, which grows abundantly near the coast.
The coast district is naturally very thickly
wooded, chiefly with low brushwood, though some
of the trees"are of fair size.
In places you might fancy yourself in an English
park, with Jits clumps of trees and green glades.
Natal is 'also a]well -watered country, although the
years 1876 and 1877-8 were very dry, and most of
the smaller streams were dried up. Some attribute
this drought to the great destruction of the trees
along the coast to make room for the sugar
plantations. If *this be the case, it is much to be
lamented, for there is no doubt that these planta
tions have caused a rise in the price of maize, and
have also introduced the use of rum of a very
pernicious quality amongst the natives and low-
class coolies and whites.
It is, however, a well- watered country, a land of
brooks of water, of fountains and depths that
spring out of valleys and hills.
The river valleys are in some places of enormous
depth and extent, and clothed with trees and
bush. ] *

4 AMAZULU.
The valley of the river Unkomazi is remarkable
for the grandeur of its scenery.
The view from the top of a mountainous height;
called Inkonya, about nine miles east of Springvale,
is certainly the grandest I have ever seen. You
look sheer down from the top of precipitous rocks
upon a wide- spreading and well- wooded valley of
great extent, and see the river winding like a
shining serpent far far beneath. Here and there,
dotted up and down, are the Kafir kraals, circular
huts, like hives, placed in a circle, with a well-
defined round cattle-kraal in the middle. The
height is so great that men and cattle can scarcely
be discerned below. All round from this hill the
view is magnificent, and the sea is discerned forty
miles off in the distance. The top of the splendid
hill is just like a gentleman's park at home. The
trees upon it are large enough for timber, but there
are but few of them. About the middle is a small
wood, and close by a pond formed by a spring of
delicious water issuing out of the rock. Hard by
is a precipitous descent into the valley. Here the
giant rocks seem to have parted asunder, wide
enough to admit of a very steep road or flight of
steps from top to bottom. The rocky walls are
about eighty feet high, and as perpendicular as a

DESCRIPTION. 5
castle wall. Just below the entrance a large tree
has fallen across the chasm.
The whole gorge is a most remarkable one, and
almost secluded and unused. It is cool and damp
and shady on the hottest day.
Grasses. — The whole country is most verdant.
Grass everywhere to the top of the highest hills ;
grass, too, of all sorts, from short sheep-turf up to
the giant tambootie, like rye-straw, largely used for
thatching. Ferns. — Beautiful ferns abound.
The maiden-hair fringes the banks of the rivers.
The plants that remind one of home are the red
clovers, buttercups, and peppermint, sorrel, and a
few others, such as the iris, both yellow and white,
and lobelia, both white and blue, and purple, which
grows wild abundantly, and the geranium, which
also grows wild. There are several plants like ours,
and some briars ; but not a single tree or bush or
shrub growing wild have I come across that even
resembled any of ours, except, perhaps, one that
looks something like box at a short distance off.
Jasmine grows wild abundantly.
Trees. — Mimosa thorns abound near Springvale
and in the valley of the Unkomazi. These indicate
a dry, warm climate. The river valleys are full of

6 AMAZULU.
trees of short stunted growth for the most part.
The most common are the mimosa, which makes
the best firewood, and whose bark is used for
tanning, and which yields a profusion of gum.
Aloes abound ; these lose their lower leaves, and
at a distance resemble the human figure. They
bear a splendid coral-coloured flower in the month
of June. One of unusual variety and size has
been planted in the garden at Springvale, and bears
a lovely pink flower of delicate hue and shape.
The country is quite bare of trees between the
Unkomanzi and the Umzimkulu. Beyond that
river is Griqualand, where forests clothe the
mountain sides, and where timber of good quality
is cut (vide p. 2).
Near Springvale there grows a wood resembling
red ivory, called umnini. Huge trees of cactus
and euphorbia abound in the valleys. As to planted
trees and fruits, there is scarcely one which we
have in England that will not and does not thrive
when planted.
In our garden we have apples, pears, peaches,
apricots, nectarines, mulberries, loquats, figs, and
custard-apples, besides oranges, lemons, medlars,
raspberries and strawberries. These keep up a fair
supply all the year round, which may well be

DESCRIPTION. 7
described as a perpetual summer compared with
England. Winter there is none, except some
times at night in the month of June — sharp hoar
frosts. Climate. — I can scarcely say, however, there is
no winter. The winter is marked by intense
drought, hoar frosts and cold winds at times, with
a scorching sun. The grass becomes dried up and
the smaller streams cease to flow and trees lose
their leaves. Medical men would do well to
observe that colds occur in the dry season, severe
influenza in severe drought and not in the wet
season, but this may be owing to the very sudden
and violent changes in the temperature. It is
anything but a temperate climate. Invalids would
do well to avoid the months of May, June, July,
August, and September here.
Insects. — Insect life is very abundant here.
Butterflies are very plentiful all the year round.
Some are very large and gaily coloured. Many of
the white and blue and orange tips remind one
of home, and the one called the painted lady is
exactly like ours.
Locusts and ants are very common.
Termites, or white ants, are very destructive to
buildings.

8 AMAZULU.
A winged ant swarms out of the ground about
once a year, after rain, and after flitting about for
a while, suddenly flings off its wings and creeps
about. This strange creature is greedily devoured
by all sorts of birds and poultry, and the little
black children eat them as greedily as the fowls.
Some large spiders weave almost silken webs —
yellow. Birds are very common ; swallows,
partridges, quails, crows and rooks, and king
fishers remind one of England ; but huge snake-
birds, turkey bustards, panws, storks, vultures,
besides numerous gaily-feathered ones, show a
foreign country. Poultry do well without much
care. Snakes, Reptiles. — Serpents, snakes, adders, and
vipers find this warm climate very congenial,
though bites from them are very rare.
At times we are killing them almost every day,
and sometimes two or three in one day.
Animals. — Wild animals are getting scarce here ;
but there are still leopards, panthers, and a few
wild dogs, and the daman or hyraoc capensis, called
rock coney rabbit (a rhinoceros in miniature), and
porcupines and antbears. Antelope and deer, too,
are getting scarce.
Fifty years ago they abounded. There were

DESCRIPTION. 9
elephants, lions, and the lion's prey — the eland.
Hunting is a favourite pastime with the natives ;
they drive the deer, forming long lines. Cattle
and sheep are numerous.
Herds of cattle form the chief wealth of the
natives. They form part of the hereditary estate,
and cannot be parted with readily. The calves
are taken into their houses or huts at night, like
children of the family.
Goats, too, are kept in large numbers.
On the high grounds the colonists thrive as
sheep- farmers. Sheep sell now for £1 each.
The sheep are small, like those of Wales and
Yorkshire. Horses are kept largely both by natives and
white men. I lately met a chief in Griqualand
attended by 200 mounted followers. Your ragged
servant often has horses and cattle at home.
Husbandry. — Agriculture is in a rude state
amongst the natives, who grow maize or Indian
corn and millet or Kafir corn, sweet cane, the
earliest green food, pumpkins, water-melons, un
derground beans, some sweet potatoes and herbs.
The women formerly did all the work with the
hoe ; now ploughs and waggons are common all over
Natal. Women and girls still do most of the hoeing

10 AMAZULU.
and harvesting, which latter is a very easy process,
as the weather is always dry and settled at harvest-
time, i.e. May, June, and July. The corn is sown
in September, October, and November, the wet
and warm season, though in 1878 no rain fell till
the end of October. Oats and barley grow fairly,
and even wheat on the high grounds towards the
mountains. The present price of land is from 4s. to £2 an
acre, but it is not readily obtained. When I left
the colony Crown lands were being let at ld. per-
acre for six months, in lots of 3,000 acres. In the
Transvaal lands of 6,000 acres in extent could be
bought at 6d., 9d., and Is. an acre. Price in Natal
from 4s. to £l per acre in the country.
The natives plough a piece of land in the open
plain or near the banks of streams, leave it un
enclosed, and sow the same ground year after year
until it is worn out, then they abandon it for
another piece. The only manuring the land
receives is from the cattle who overrun it after
harvest, and find much food in the amabele fields.
They are the gleaners. As long as the country
will bear this simple plan, the white man will not
be able to compete with the natives in growing*
Indian corn. Live fences are fatal to corn crops,

DESCRIPTION. 11
and irrigation alone will enable the colonist to
compete with the native ; but irrigation can only
be carried out in a few places. It is largely prac
tised at Doorne Vlakte, near Springvale on the river
Ixopo, where a white farmer grows about 1,500
sacks of maize yearly, and supplies sugar-planters
with 120 sacks of Indian meal monthly. He has
a corn-mill on the river driven by water.
The question of the tenure of landjis of such great
importance that I here 'insert a brief Jdescription of
the same as it exists in this part of the^world. In
their natural state the natives held their lands of
the chief, and rendered him service, both civil and
military, as in feudal tenure. Ownership of land
amongst the people does not seem to have existed,
only the temporary ownership of occupation.
White men living under a native chief obtained
the right of occupation, not ownership. So, when
Bishop Callaway went to settle in Pondoland, he
went direct to the chief, Umqikela, and got leave
to settle near the Umzimvubu (St. John's). For
this the chief would not expect any return in rent,
and would probably get all he could out of the
Bishop as his vassal. In Natal the natives occupy
ten large native locations apart from the whites ;
but now, the number having risen from 100,000 to

12 AMAZULU.
400,000, these locations are too small for them, so
they are found also squatting on Crown lands and
living: on the farms of white men, as well as on
Church lands and in the towns. Under farmers,
natives usually are bound to furnish labour at
usual rates of wages. They are held in a state of
semi-serfdom, except that they are free to leave.
On all lands they pay a tax of 14s. a hut to the
Crown. This tax was raised from 7s. to 14s. on
the abolition of the £5 marriage tax in 1876.
On many lands they pay rent.
The Land and Colonization Company hold much
laud and employ agents to collect rents. This last-
named tenure is most objectionable, and is the most
likely to cause disaffection. It does not seem fair
that a company should be allowed to occupy the
lands in this way. Government lays a non-occu
pation tax on such lands.
People. — White colonists are few and far
between. Our nearest neighbour lives four miles
off. There is but one white man's house between
Springvale and the Umzimkulu, 30 miles by waggon
road. There is but one between us and the coast
district, 37 miles the nearest way. There is no
house between Springvale and the ferry over the
Umkomanzi river, 12 miles. But the Zulu-Kafir

DESCRIPTION. 13
natives swarm ; they swarm in the valleys, they
swarm in the open country, they swarm every
where. Their huts and kraals are often so hidden
away that the country does not look thickly in
habited, but it is so, compared with that time
when Captain Allen Gardiuer, R.N., petitioned the
Governor of the Cape to constitute it a British
colony (1835), when, he says, " In consequence of
the desolating wars of Chaka the whole country is
unoccupied and uninhabited."
The natives are healthy, well formed, and well off.
At present they are very well off, owing to their
occupation of so much land. There are native
locations all over Natal. A glance at Mair's large
map will show how very much land is set apart for
the natives as native locations, so that they may be
kept distinct from the whites. Their frugality and
simplicity of manners keep them healthy. Their
food is maize porridge and pumpkins, milk, and
beer. I must now, however, go a little more into
details about the natives, as our mission is to them,
and to enter into the spirit of that it is necessary
to understand something more of them.
Races. — Of the races not European now living
in Natal, probably the greater number are Zulu-

14 AMAZULU.
Kafirs so called, but there is a great mixture of
clans and races. There are still a few bushmen
(abatwa), the wild men of South Africa. An
account of one little bush girl has been published
by the Society for the Promotion of Christian
Knowledge.^She was taught at Springvale and died
in England. The^Hottentots are found here but
rarely. The Griquas are half-breeds, partly Dutch
and partly,Hottentot.
Indian coolies, chiefly from Madras, are largely
employed in' the cultivation of the sugar-cane.
They take kindly to the country, and are settling
down there in large numbers.
At Capetown there are Malays, formerly slaves,
but now free ; they are the coachmen and cab-
drivers, fishermen, and workmen of Capetown.
They are a sober and industrious people, well
dressed, and well-to-do. Their weekly holiday is
Monday, when they go out into the country and
amuse themselves with dancing in the groves.
They are Mahometans. Dr. Arnold is our mis
sionary to them.
The Boers are descendants of the old Dutch
colonists, and many of them were French Hugue
nots who took refuge in Holland. They severed
the tie which bound them to Holland when they

DESCRIPTION. 15
broke away from the restraints of the old Dutch
Government at Capetown and went into the wilds
to seek homes in the Free State and Natal.
Cannibals. — Not very long ago. i.e. within the
memory of man, there were cannibals even in sight
of Springvale and in other parts of the country.
A very good account of them (Amazimu) is given
by a native and published in the " Traditions,"
&o. " The Amazimu forsook their fellow-men and
went to live in the mountains. For at first they
were men like ourselves. The country lay deso
late ; there was a great famine — men were in want.
They began to seize other men and to devour
them, and so were called Amazimu (gluttonous).
With them men became game. They no longer
tilled the soil, no longer had cattle, houses, or
sheep. They lived in dens and caves, and hunted
men" (vide p. 2).
The following is an account which (according
to Bishop Callaway) black men give of their origin
(it is translated from the Zulu) : —
"It is said the black men came out first from
the place whence all nations proceeded, but they
did not come out with many things, but only with
a few cattle and a little corn and spears and hoes,
and fire to cook their food, and potters' earth, and

16 AMAZULU.
wisdom which suffices to help ourselves when we
are hungry. We thought we were wise, and that
there was nothing which we did not know. But
now when white men have come with waggons,,
that made us wonder exceedingly.
" We saw that we black men came out without
a single thing. We came out naked; we left
everything behind, because we came out first. .$"
" But as for the white men, we saw that they
scraped out the last bit of wisdom. We came out
in a hurry ; but they waited for all things.
" Therefore, we honour them, saying, ' It is they
who came out possessed of all things from the
Great Spirit — possessed of all goodness. We came
out possessed with the folly of utter ignorance.'
" We are now children in comparison with
them. " As to their victory over us — they were vic
torious by sitting still and not by armies. We
were overcome by their works, and say, ' These
men who can do such things, we ought not to
contend with them; if their works conquer us,
they would also conquer us by weapons.'
"The great wisdom of the white men over
shadows all our little wisdom in which we used to
trust, which Unkulunkulu gave us."

DESCRIPTION. 17
Here I insert their account of the first mis
sionary, also a translation.
" On the arrival of the English in this land of
ours, the first who came was a missionary named
Uyegana (Van der Kemp). He taught the people,
but they did not understand what he said. He
used to sleep in the open air.
" He went up the country and met with two
men, a Dutchman and a Hottentot; they inter
preted ; we began to understand his words. Two
men of mark became believers; one remained at
home, the other united with Uyegana. He, Unsi-
kana, composed a hymn, called the Hymn of God.
His faith was wonderful. To this day that hymn
is a great treasure among the Amaxosa. Part of
the hymn runs thus : —
Thou art the Great God, who art in heaven,
Thou Shield of Truth,
Thou art the Creator of Life,
Who madest the heavens, the Stars and the Pleiades.
Thou art the Leader — the Mantle which covers us.
Thou art He whose hands and feet are with wounds, whose
blood was shed for us.
For this great price we call,
Por Thine own place we call."
I wish now to speak of the language of the
children of nature. 2

18 AMAZULU.
Language. — " The Zulu," says Bishop Calkway,
"is a highly-elaborated language, much more so
than the Hebrew, which in some respects it
resembles. " It is the language of a pastoral and agricultural
people ; of a people thinking gravely and cleverly
within a certain circle of thought ; of a people
among whom exist rights of property and of citizen
ship in a certain sense; a people among whom
peaceful pursuits were more acceptable than war
fare; an intensely superstitious people, who, being
unable to explain the phenomena of nature, referred
them to spiritual agencies, which, however, they
attempted to control by incantations and medi
cines."— Z. L. 1870.
The late Dr. Bleek, of Capetown, divided the
South African languages into two great branches—
the Hottentot or the Northern, and the Kafir or
Southern. He remarks, truly enough, though
curiously, that " among the Hottentots, as among
northern nations, milking of cows is woman's work,
whilst among the Kafirs a woman is not allowed
to touch cattle or enter the cattle-kraal."
Dr. Bleek calls the Kafir dialects "Alliterative
or Bantu." Two grammars of the language were
published in 1859 — one by the Bishop of Natal,

DESCRIPTION. 19
the other by the Rev. Lewis Grout, American
missionary. Bishop Colenso says the Zulu- Kafir is the dialect
of a small tribe which, under Chaka, acquired
supremacy over the natives along the south-east
coast of Africa. Natal is occupied by a very mixed
population of Kafirs ; some of them are sprung
form the aborigines, others have come in from all
quarters. Bishop Colenso has published also a dictionary
and translations of the Bible, Prayer-book, the
" Pilgrim's Progress," and other works.
Both Bishop Colenso and Bishop Callaway have
made themselves masters of the language, although
they did not begin the study of it until 1854,
rather late in life.
A list of Bishop Callaway's works is given in
my " Church Missions in Natal."
The following is a good example of the native
language : —
" Ba hambe ke, ba ye kuleyo 'nyanga e nukwe i leli
'buda." " They go to the doctor whom the diviner has
pointed out."
" Ba ya bafika ke kuleyo 'nyanga."
" They reach the doctor's." 2 *

20 AMAZULU.
" Ba ngene endhini."
" They go into the house."
" Ba ti, ' Sa ni bona.' "
" They say ' We still see you.' ' We salute you.' "
" Ba vume, be ti ' Yebo 'makosi.1 "
" They agree, saying ' Yes, sirs.' "
" Ba ii, ni vela pi na ? "
"Whence come ye?"
" Ba ti si vela kwiti."
" We come from our own folk."
" Ni hambela pi na?"
" Whither are you going ? "
" Si hambele kona lapa."
*' We have come to this place."
" Ini e ni i babele lapa na?"
" What business have you here ? "
" Ba ti, ' 0, 'makosi si ze enyangeni yokwelapa.
Si ya gulelwa. "
" 0, sirs, we are come to the doctor who treats
(of medicine). We are sick at home."
" Ba ti, 'Ikona ini po kwiti lapa na inyanga yokwe
lapa?'" " They reply, ' Is there any doctor of medicine
here ? '"
" Ba ti, 0 'makosi — si ye kuyona."
" We have come to him."

DESCRIPTION. 21
" Ba hleka endhlini."
" Those in the house laugh."
After some more conversation like this the
doctor is pointed out, and he says :
" What have you brought for me ? "
" Ni ze nanto ni na ? "
They say:
" 'Nkosi, ka si ze naluto."
" We have not come with anything."
"Si zoku ku kipa, into i sekaya-imbuzi."
" We (will give you) to take you out of your
house something which is at home — a goat."
He says:
"Is it possible that you come to take me away
with a goat? "
They say :
" 0 'mgane, u nga zikatazi ngokukuluma, nenkomo
i sekaya." " 0, dear sir, don't trouble yourself with talking,
there is a bullock at home."
And so on.
The strong point of the language is that the
verb by very slight changes is made to express so
much, as the branches of the Hebrew verb kal,
paal,pihel, hiphil, hithpael, e.g., —
uku bona, to see.

22 AMAZULU.
uku bonela, to see for, look to.
,, bonisa, make to see.
„ bonisisa, to see very clearly.
„ bonisana, to help each other to see.
bonana, one another.
zibona, oneself.
zibonela, to look to oneself.
ziboneka, to become visible.
These simple changes — ela, isa, ana, eka,~- may
be rung on almost any verb, so regular are they.
The passive is regular, and formed by u, a, or wa
(as bonwd) ; and passives are used more frequently
where we should use the active, as ku fiswe, "it
is longed for," i.e. "they long"; kuoa fiwa, "it
was died " ; ku ya fiwa, " it is time to die."
Another peculiarity of the alliterative dialects
is that the noun projects a portion of its prefix
upon every other word in the sentence that is
related to it, as umtwana wami omulde u file ; here
we have the letter u appearing three times.
Another peculiarity is the scarcity of adjectives
except for colours and dimensions. Another is the
very frequent use of the infinitive mood instead of
the noun, especially for abstract ideas — as ukulungat .
"to be straight" = righteousness ; ukupila, "to
live," for " life." This verb is also used in other

DESCRIPTION. 23
forms where we should use the noun — as Opili-
sayo abantu, " He who gives life to man." " We
owe life to ourselves alone," Si zipilela nje.
And so John vi. 33 ought to be translated
opilisayo abantu and not by the verb " give '
and the noun " life."
On the whole we may say, that although
European children and young people, under twenty
readily acquire the language if they mix with the
natives, it is very difficult to acquire as you grow
older, and a hard task indeed at forty. Language
generally rules the religion and moulds our
thoughts, keeping them in certain grooves. So
many object to their children learning Kafir, and
some think we ought to teach the natives English.
This is easier said than done. A teacher from
England ought, I think, to begin by trying to
teach English, as this at once places him above
his scholars, and he will thus learn their language
by the way.

Manners and Customs,
I now proceed to speak of the manners and
customs of the natives, and of their religious
system.

24 AMAZULU.
They used to practise circumcision universally,
but Chaka put a stop to the practice among the
Amazulu. Contact with the Arabs at some period
may have been the means of introducing this.
The Kafirs got their name from them. The
Mahometans call infidels Kafirs. They have
ceremonies for the coming of age both of boys and
girls. They have sacrifices on such occasions to
the shades of their ancestors — Amatongo. They
believe in transmigration of souls. People turn
into snakes at death.
They are polygamists, and the bridegroom pays
a dowry of cattle to the father of the bride, as in
old patriarchal times in Canaan and Ireland.
There are strong resemblances between the
.Kafirs of the present day and the ancient Irish
living under Brehon Law and the Patriarchal
System,* as is ably shown by D. Fitzgerald, Esq.,
Fraser' s Magazine. The hereditary chief is in
high repute amongst them. Almost divine honours
were paid to him. Chaka claimed sovereignty
above as well as on earth. His* father was thought
to have ascended on high. The great faith in
* Bishop Callaway notes the curious coincidence of
thought between the Amazulu and Irish regarding the
" good people."

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 25
Ulangalibalele's powers as rain-maker was due to
the fact that he, as a chief, had ability to contend
with the heavens.*
Chiefs summon their wives to the royal hut,
common men visit each house separately. If a
chief's daughter be seduced, the offender must pay
the whole dowry (as in Levitical Law), whether the
father give her in marriage or not.
The Jewish law does not obtain amongst them
in such cases. At the feast of first-fruits the
people bring of their fruits to the chief before they
taste themselves.
The people cultivate for the chief in the royal
gardens. He is their father, they his children.
He does not use his own hands for work, but allows
his nails to grow like eagle's claws. In time of
war he used to lead the army, though this practice
was given up because his life was too precious to
be risked. On a chief's accession he calls diviners
to come and consecrate him. He uses divination
himself. At his death he does not die alone. On
his funeral pile is' burnt an ox, and then some of

* Chaka ordered the rain doctors to be killed, because,
in assuming power to control • the weather, they were inter
fering with his royal prerogative. The doctors have medicines
for treating the heavens.

26 AMAZULU.
his chief attendants. Sometimes in Zululand a
great massacre celebrated the death of a royal
personage. Whilst living, the name of the last
enemy must not be breathed in his presence ;
after death his ashes were sprinkled on the water,
and his spirit (itongo) entered into an imamba, or
snake. The chief is sole lord of the soil, and, as such,
demands feudal service, both civil and military, of
his vassals.
The only chief who is recognised as one in
possession of land, having freehold tenure, is
Umnini, whose place used to be the country down
the coast below the Bluff at Port Natal.
Two sons of this man, educated at Zonnebloem,
are at Springvale and High Flats. Their father
paid me a visit. He told me that these days were
no better than Chaka's.
The Bishop of Capetown, June 9th, 1850, says :
" I have heard to-day that the Chief Umnini (of the
Amatuli) removed from his lands on the Bluff last
Friday. It was not without sorrow that he quitted
his birthplace, where he withstood the troops of
Chaka, who brought into subjection all the chiefs
except Umnini and one other."
War, Sfc. — It is supposed that these people have

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 27
lived in a state of warfare with each other from
time immemorial, being perpetually driven, and
so, like the Arabs, have adopted a semi-nomadic
life, and dwellings which could be forsaken at a
moment's warning with but little loss.* The
attack is usually made just before dawn. A
male captive in war is made a slave or bearer of
burdens to the captor, and often becomes a freed
man and one of the family. (Deut. xx. 11.)
Though not allowed to intermarry with his
captor's children, he becomes his heir in case of
the failure of his house.
The diviners are the appointed teachers of the
people, a relic of an ancient priesthood.
They point out offenders, discover criminals
(like our detectives), direct the sick to the doctor
of medicines, trace the causes of sickness, find out
the secret poisoners, witches, and wizards. They
are duly initiated, and have to take their degrees.
" He begins by being ill, which is caused by the
Amatongo ; he has many goats killed for him, and
* " This has been the fate of every African empire. A chief
of ability arises, subdues his neighbours, and founds a king
dom. His successor cannot retain it, and in a few years the
remembrance only of the empire remains. This normal state
of African society gives rise to frequent and desolating
wars." — Livingstone, " The Zambezi," ch. ix. p. 190.

28 AMAZULU.
he carries their gall-bladders in his hair." Once by
the road-side I came across a fine-looking woman,
almost copper-coloured, whose head-dress was a
mass of these bladders clustering up above her
head. She kept up an incessant talking, whilst a
young man sitting opposite to her kept exclaiming
" Izwa ! izwa ! " (" Hear ! hear ! ").
Some divine by familiar spirits ; if not really
possessed, they must have the power of ven
triloquism. But this would not account for their
extraordinary powers. The account given by the
late native Deacon Umpengula of the state of the
native mind on the subject of their ancestor
worship and degraded state, is very good. His
account, too, of James, a renegade Christian, who
became a diviner, is one of the most touching
of narratives. At Pengula's death, this James
made his appearance at Springvale, and professed
to point out the Umtakati who had caused the
death of the deacon. The victim was with diffi
culty rescued from being stoned and beaten to
death. The people quite believe in the power of their
doctors to lay spirits, hold converse with the
spiritual world — Amatongo — treat the heavens
against lightning, and to bring rain. They are the

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 29
medicine-men of South Africa. Some seem to
possess power over snakes like the snake-charmers
of India.
Ancestor-worship, shown in the form of sacri
ficing cattle and goats to the Amatongo to avert
evil, appears to be the chief form of the religion of
the Kafirs.
They have a superstitious dread of witchcraft
and charms and secret poisoning, which is no doubt
practised to a great extent, as they are great
herbalists and skilled in the knowledge of poisonous
plants. In the Zulu pharmacopoeia, as compiled by Dr.
Callaway, the native names of 290 medicines and
their uses are given. After copying out these my
own remarks on them were aS follows : —
They throw much light on the state of the
people, a people subject to the ill that flesh is heir
to, but especially to wounds inflicted in war by the
poisoned spear and javelin, to snake-bites, sores,
chest affections, coughs, colds and fevers, and
diarrhoea. Reference is made to the spirit world,
Amatongo, and to sorcerers and secret poisoners.
Poisons are commonly named.
Great dread of death shows itself.
For physic, herbs are chiefly used, and the bark

30 AMAZULU.
of trees, with their leaves, twigs, and roots. Also
parts of animals, birds, and reptiles.
Gross ignorance prevails, and a belief in charms,
and war and love potions ; great superstition, and
an absence of all reference to a divine providence,
and (as we should say) blasphemous pretensions
on the part of the heaven doctors in treating the
heavens for rain.
Here is no mere blank, but a system of divina
tion, sorcery, and a slavish subjection to the
doctors. " Are there any of the vanities of the Gentiles
that can cause rain." — Jer. xiv. 22.
They believe thoroughly in bad men and women
who go about causing sickness and death. They
believe that these abatakati go about at night,
accompanied by familiars, wild cats and leopards
and baboons, and lay poisons inthe paths for people
to step over, and on the thresholds, and in fields to
destroy the crops.
Sickness and death are attributed to the malice
and medical magic of these abatakati. Belief in
these matters still clings to the natives after
embracing Christianity. Among the outsiders it
holds almost absolute sway, although they may be
ashamed to own this to the white man.

MANNERS AXD CUSTOMS. 31
Living on Springvale estate is a heathen man
named Ungangati. One of his wives died, a
diviner was consulted, and another wife was pointed
out. She fled with her children to me. I sent for
the man. He persisted in denying that she had
been driven out. But she refused to go back,
and went far away to her own people, children
and all.
But this case dragged its slow length along for
months. Bishop Callaway has published an account of the
religious system of the Amazulu, containing " The
Tradition of Creation," "Ancestor Worship,"
" Divination," and there is to follow, the con
cluding part, " Medical Magic and Witchcraft."
This work, which followed his " Nursery Tales,"
is as valuable for its preservation of the language
as spoken by the Amazulu, as it is for the informa
tion given concerning their state of mind and heart.
Bishop Callaway's studies have led him to believe
that the Zulus are a degenerated people, fallen
from a higher state. He says, moreover, " We
cannot reach any people without knowing their
minds and mode of thought." What Sir George
Grey felt was necessary for the government of the
people of New Zealand the missionary will feel as

32 AMAZULU.
necessary for himself, viz. a knowledge of their
language and lore.*
The result of the researches of Bishop Callaway
prove that these people have traditions of a Creator,
but that he is "the unknown God" to them.
" Unkulunkulu is no longer known."
The words of St. Paul to the Ephesians and
Laodiceans are strictly applicable to them, " having
no hope and without God (aOeoi) in the world."
Now a superstitious dread of disembodied spirits
or of the souls of the departed entered into snakes
— with sacrifices to such — a belief in divination
and dealing with familiar spirits, and fears of witch
craft and poisoning ; these form the sum and
substance of their religious system.
Certain practices, such as circumcision, dowry
of virgins, fines for seduction, taking to wife a
brother's widow, and feast of first-fruits, seem to
indicate that at some remote period they had inter
course with the sons of Ishmael and Israel.

* " The African faith seems to be that there is one Maker
of heaven and earth ; that sin consists in offences against
their fellow men. Their idea of moral evil differs in no
respect from ours. The only new addition to it (since the
arrival of Europeans) is that it is wrong to have more wives
than one. Men are connected with the spirits of the
departed." — Livingstone.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 33
Their present state, however, and past history
seem to point to Ham as their progenitor.
This name Ham (warm and black in Heb.) is
still a common name amongst them.
I have also met with the proper name Toi, the
name of the King of Hamath the Great in North
Syria ; also a Hamitic name, to which also they
do not attach any meaning that I am aware of.
Amongst their traditions preserved by Bishop
Callaway is a distorted account of the dividing of the
waters of the Red Sea for people to pass through.
The pretensions of the rain doctors and heaven
doctors appear to us blasphemous. But they know
not what they do.
" Africa is the oldest continent. The country
looks as it did when it came from the hands of its
Maker. The huts have no ruins ; the only durable
monuments to be met with are mill-stones and
cairns." — " Lake Zambesi."
They have a very curious custom of raising
heaps of stones, each passer-by flinging his stone,
with a prayer to the shades of their ancestors to
grant them prosperity. Some think that this is a
relic of the custom of raising a heap of stones over
the dead, as was done over Achan and the King
of Ai (Joshua vii.-viii.), and also over Absalom. 3

34 AMAZULU.
The law of inheritance in polygamic houses is
given by the late native deacon Umpengula in an
appendix to the nursery tales. Bishop Callaway
considers it identical with the law which prevailed
at the time of the patriarch Jacob. In other
respects they are behind the social status of the
patriarchs, besides being of an inferior race ; rapid
improvement, therefore, is hardly to be looked for
from them.
A translation of Umpengula' s summary of the
Zulu law on this subject is here appended: —
The Heritage in Polygamic Households. — The
account of the side of a polygamic house which is
called the side of the house of the boy who is the
little chief* of his father.
The women who are taken to wife by the cattle
of the eldest son's house,f become the heritage of
* The little chief of his father, that is, the heir-at-law, —
the next chief or head after the father. He is also called
inkosi, " chief." To avoid confusion I generally translate
such terms by heir, or eldest son.
f It is important for the understanding of this matter to
note the distinction made between the kwabo-mkulu, which I
have translated " the eldest son's house," and kwdbo impela
(or, as expressed lower down, kwabo-mfana), which I have
translated " the eldest son's house in particular." The eldest
son born to the chief wife or inkosikazi has two inheritances
— the one hereditary, derived from his father, and father's
father backwards. This is the inheritance kwabo-mkulu, and
must descend from him, as it came to him by the law of

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 35
the eldest son ; all of them are his heritage, to
gether with those who are taken to wife by cattle
of his house in particular, which are the offspring
of a cow, which his mother gave him, which her
father or grandfather gave her;* women taken to

inheritance, that is, of primogeniture. The other is derived
from his mother — a cow or more given her by her father,
or by a friend, or obtained by labour, becomes a new source
of property, and is kept distinct in its appropriation from
the paternal heritage. The difference is similar to that
between entailed and personal property. But the entailed
property of the native is invested in wives, girls, and cattle,
and is necessarily as fluctuating as any other moveable pro
perty. The property of the eldest son's house (ifa lakwabo-
mkulu) is the hereditary estate. Note, too, the expression
Abafazi bakwabo-leyo 'nkomo, " The wives of the house of
that cow."
* A new estate is commenced by gifts to the mother — by
her labour — by girls whom she may have after giving one
over to the chief house — or by gifts to the eldest son, or by
'his labour and by the labour of other children, till they are
married. If any such property is taken by the father to
pay the dowry of a new wife, that wife belongs to' the house
to which the property belonged.
Some such custom, as regards marriage, as this here re
presented as in force among the natives must have existed
among the people of Asia in the time of Jacob ; and the
account here given is calculated to throw much light on
the history of his life and that of his children. By recalling
that familiar history, and looking at it from a new point of
view, we shall also be helped to understand better the state
of the native law in such matters. It would appear that
Leah was the inkosikazi or chief wife, and Rachel the
second chief wife or hill. Eachel gives Jacob her maid
Billah, that she might have children by her, that is, the
house of Billah is a secondary house under Eachel, who is
3 *

36 AMAZULU.
wife by these cattle belong to the house whence
that cow came, the son's house.* And even if the
village at length become great through the wives
of those cows,f the whole village is that boy's. If
all the children of the several houses die, he is the
heir of all their property; there is no one who can
set up against him a claim, on the ground of its
belonging to his side of the village, that is, on the
ground that the women were taken to wife by
cattle belonging to his house. They are not
persons of another family ; J they are subject to
him. But as to a woman whom his father takes to
wife by a cow which does not belong to the here
ditary estate, but is his own personal property,

the chieftainess of the secondary great house, and the chil
dren born to Jacob in that house are Rachel's. Then Leah
follows Rachel's example, and gives Jacob Zilpah, and Zil-
pah's house is a secondary house under Leah, who is the
indhlu-nkulu or chief house. Reuben is the "little chief
of his father," and Joseph the " iponsakubusa." His posi
tion, not only as the favourite of his father, but as the chief
of the secondary great house, explains his dreams of supe
riority, and the jealousy of his half-brothers of the house
of Leah.
* That is, the house of the eldest son — the house of which
his mother is the chief.
t That is, the wives who have been paid for by those cows.
J Lit. They are not at a distance from him, but are so
near to him that if the heir die, he becomes heir.

MANNERS AND COSTOMS. 37
which is not regarded by the chief wife [as belong
ing to her], and which she cannot claim. [When
the husband comes home with such a cow, J he
says to the chief wife, " This cow, daughter of
So-and-so, is not a cow of your house, for I took
nothing from your house, nor from the hereditary
estate; it is. my cow on which no one can have a
-claim ; I shall marry with it my wife, who will not
be a wife belonging to your house, but is my wife
only, — my village; for you are a wife whom I
took by my father's cattle."
The husband gains such a cow in this way, —
he cultivates a garden by himself, and the resulting
produce is not mixed with the produce of the chief
house, but is kept by itself, and he buys a cow
with it. Such, then, is the distinction between
that cow [and the cattle of the hereditary estate].
Or he may cultivate tobacco ; he does not say the
tobacco-field is the chief wife's, but he says, " It is
my field," and he does not call the field by the
•chief wife's house, for a chief wife can put in a
claim if a thing is called hers, when it has been
taken away again. The husband acts thus that no
claim may be made to such a thing.
When that cow, then, has increased, and he has
taken another wife by it, it is known that that wife

38 AMAZULU.
does not belong to the chief wife's house, nor to.
the hereditary estate of the husband;* for nothing
has been derived from either for the purchase of
the cow. If the offspring of that cow are not all
taken for the dowry of the wife, those which
remain are the property of her house, and she is
called a hill.f
* The reader must bear in mind that in a large household
there may be distinguished the following houses which have
especial claims : —
1. Indhlu yakwdbo-mkulu, or yakwdbo-kandoda. The here
ditary estate.
2. Indhlu yakwabo-ndodana enkulu. The house of the
chief wife. The eldest son is heir of the property derived
from both these. And the father cannot marry a wife by
cattle belonging to either of these without placing the new
wife under the chief wife, and whose house, i.e. heir, has a
claim upon the house of the secondary wife, which claim is.
settled by the first-born female child becoming the property
of the chief house.
3. Indhlu yakwabo, the house of a secondary or tertiary,
Ac, wife.
4. The husband has his private or personal property, with
which he can do as he pleases. This is the heritage of the
eldest son, if unappropriated at the father's death.
5. Indhlu yakwabo-ponsakubusa. The secondary great
house (indhlu-nkulu yobubili), which is constituted by the
husband taking a secondary chief wife by his own private
property. This house has no right to inherit the property
of the great house but as the result of death carrying off
all the heirs of the great house. Neither can the heir of
the great house put in any claim to the heritage of this
house, so long as any male child belonging to it survives.
f An Intaba, or hill, not a ridge to which we give the-
name of a hill, but a hill which stands out alone, without

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 39
Further, her son is called iponsakubusa,* that
is, he is not chief; but in the village of his
mother's house when it has become great he is the
only head there, and is in no way interfered with.
When cattle remain after paying the dowry, the
father may give his chief wife a cow that it may
be the property of her house, if he does not wish
that they should belong to the house of that chief
wife which is a hill. If he wish, he can give the
cattle to her, saying, " Here are the cattle of your
house." She can make a claim on them if the
husband marry a wife and does not place her
under herself; she can make a great claim, say
ing, " Why is my village devoured ? " She says

any connection with other hills. She is so called because
she stands out alone — the commencement of a new house,
owing nothing to the forefathers of the husband (indhlu
yakwabo-mkulu), nor to the house of the chief wife.
* Iponsa-'kubusa, the-almost-a-chief. For he is not chief
as regards his father's house ; the eldest son of the chief
wife is chief and heir of that, but he is chief and heir in
the secondary great house. The place of the chief, in a
kraal or in a hut, is on the right-hand side of the doorway.
If the eldest son of the great house and the iponsakubusa
are both at the same time in the hut, the eldest son sits
near the doorway on the right — that is, the chief place — the
iponsakubusa on the left of the doorway. But if neither the
eldest son nor the father is there, the iponsakubusa sits in
the chief place above all the other children, both of the
great house and of his own. The iponsakubusa also sends
the insonyama to the chief house.

40 AMAZULU.
thus because the husband says, " The wife I am
now about to take does not belong to your house;
she is my wife only." So that chief wife* starts
saying, " If you thus take your wife who has no
connection with me, what will become of my chil
dren's cattle ? Take of your own cattle, that what
you are doing may be right." The disputed right
arises in such circumstances as these.
Further, if the cattle with which the wife who is a
hill is taken are few, and the husband comes short,
and does not make up the requisite number with the
cattle which belong to himself, but takes some from
those of the chief house, the heir of the chief house
will put in a claim, and will not agree with the son
who is called the iponsakubusa, but will say, " No,
he too is a part of my house, for there are the cattle
of my house too among the cattle by which his
mother was taken to wife." If the father wishes
that that child which is the iponsakubusa should
not return to the great house, he may pay back
the cattle which he took by others, that the ap
pointment of the father of that child may not be
futile and come to an end.

* That is, the chief wife of the other side — the hill. She
has the same right over cattle formally given to her by her
husband as the chief wife has.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 41
And that child also has his side of the villao-e.
which has been derived from the cattle, of that
house ; and if there are no cattle of that house, if
the father has cattle of his own, upon which no
claim whatever can be made, he can enlarge that
village by continually taking a wife, and declaring
her to belong to that side, until it becomes a vil
lage ; all those wives are the heritage of that
side. If the iponsakubusa live, and the chief house
come to an end, yet if there remain but one little
boy of the last little house, the iponsakubusa can
not inherit the property of the chief house, whilst
there still remains a son of the side belonging to
the chief house. But if there does not survive
even one boy, the iponsakubusa inherits the whole,
and has no fear, but is a chief in every respect,
since the real chief is dead.
Such, then, is the condition of polygamy. And
such is the position of a husband in his house.
And the cattle of a man's father and his own
cattle are distinct; the son says his father's cattle
are his own when the father is dead ; but he too
has his own which are distinct from those of his
father, which his father gave him whilst living.
For it is the custom for fathers continually to

42 AMAZULU.
give cattle to their sons ; not many, but one ; but
that one increases. When it has increased, the son
may marry two wives at the same time ; one he
takes to wife by the cattle of his father, if he is
still living; the other is the wife of his own
cattle. There, then, are the two sides.
The children which are born from those two
wives have not power throughout the whole vil
lage. The child of the father's cattle* claims
superiority, saying, "I too in our village am a
great man, for mother was not taken with the
cattle of our common grandfather." But the son,
whose mother was taken with the cattle of the
hereditary estate, is the one that has authority in
the village of the grandfather, if the grandfather
has not another son who is chief; if the chief of
the grandfather is the father of that son it is he
who is head ofthe whole village.
But he whose mother was taken by the cattle
of the father, does not remain in the village of the
hereditary estate ; he leaves, and has his own
village by himself. And although he is inferior
to him whose mother was taken by the cattle of
the chief house, until he dies, yet then he takes
* That is, the iponsakubusa.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 43
the chief place, if there is no one remaining
belonging to the chief house.
If the chief house takes a wife with cattle be
longing to it which comes next in order after
itself; when that wife has a female child, she does
not say the child belongs to her house ; she knows
it belongs to the chief house, and the cattle with
which her dowry was paid is thus restored. And
when she is married, the son of the chief house
can take a wife with the cattle which have come as
her dowry; and if he places her in the kraal as
though she had been purchased by the cattle of
the house of the girl by whose dowry she has been
taken to wife, according to his own pleasure, he
does not thus because he is afraid of a lawsuit,
but because the village is his own. For example,
Uzita married the mother of Ubabazeleni ; she was
the chief wife; she gave birth to Ubabazeleni,
Uzita's chief son ; after that cattle belonging to
Ubabazeleni's house took to wife the mother of
Unsukuzonke ; Unsukuzonke was Ubabazeleni's
brother, that if Ubabazeleni should die, and his
offspring should die also, there might be no dis
pute among Uzita's children, but it be known that
Unsukuzonke would enter on the inheritance, and
would enter on it with reason, it being his pro-

44 AMAZULU.
perty. After Unsukuzonke his mother had a girl ;
she grew up, and married Umathlanya. Uzita
said, " The child is Ubabazeleni's." Unsukuzonke
objected, saying, " Shall a child of our house be
eaten by another whilst I am living, I who was
born of the same mother as she?" Uzita there
fore wondered very much at Unsukuzonke, and
said to him, " If you try to eat the cattle of that
child you will commit an offence, for your mother
was taken to wife by the cattle of Ubabazeleni's
house ; this child belongs to his house ; those that
are born after belong to you." Unsukuzonke re
fused, and said, "Rather than that a child of our
house should be eaten whilst I am alive, it is
proper that I pay back those cattle, and I eat for
myself." Uzita would not agree, but said, " If
you take out* those cattle of your own accord, you
will take yourself out of the chief-place ; you shall
no longer come next in order after Ubabazeleni ;
I will no longer know to what place you belong ; f
you shall be a mere man without a name in this
* That is, from your own herd, to pay back the dowry of
your mother to Ubabazeleni. There is a play on the word
hvpa, " take out," which it appears best to preserve in the
translation. t That is, I will not acknowledge you as having any
position amongst us.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 45
village. You have now taken yourself out for ever.
I no longer know you for my part."
So Unsukuzonke refused, until at length he
ended by taking out the cattle; and so he was
taken out from holding the position second to
Ubabazeleni. And Unsilane was placed in the
position of Unsukuzonke, until Ubabazeleni's son
should grow up, and then he would give place to
him and return to the position of a brother, and
be the brother of the head of the house. But
when Ubabazeleni died, Umatongo, who was next
after Unsukuzonke, forgot that long ago his
brother took himself out of the headship, and
wished to enter on the government of the village ;
but the men reminded him, saying, " You, Uma
tongo, have no longer any position here ; there is
Unsilane, who will assume the headship of the
village." So he yielded.
So, then, all the children of a particular house,
which are born after the first girl, belong to that
house. The children from whose house a girl has
departed, will not follow her [to become the pro
perty of the great house] ; the chief house is satis
fied with that girl. But the children are still the
heritage of the chief house if all the heirs of that
house die. But if they are still living, the chief

46 AMAZULU.
house can touch nothing belonging to them ; they
are under the chief house, because their mother
belongs to the polygamic establishment of the chief
house, because she was taken to wife by its cattle.
It is not said, since the cattle [with which the
mother was taken to wife] have now returned to
the chief house [by the first girl], they are no
longer under the chief house ; they are under it
still, for if the chief house come to an end, it is
they who will enter upon the whole heritage. The
heritage is taken in the order of the houses as
regards the times of marriage. The heritage is
not allowed to pass by any house, so as to be given
to one who does not belong to the polygamic esta
blishment of the chief house, until all are dead who
follow the chief house in order ; at last the last
male child which belongs to the great house enters
on it. When all are dead who can properly enter
on the heritage, it is taken by those who are of
kin ; * the heritage is taken by the house which
used to participate! with the great house when

* Umdeni, those who are of kin — -those belonging to the
polygamic establishment of the great house, in the order in
which the several wives have been taken in marriage.
f All the houses under any particular house, whether the
great house, or the secondary great house, participate in the
meat of all cattle slain by any one house.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 47
cattle were slaughtered. Such, then, is the mode
of inheriting. The heritage falls to all the houses
in order of their inheritances.* If all are dead to
whom the inheritance belongs, the iponsakubusa
takes it, for he takes it with good reason — it is now
his ; no one will call him in question, for the whole
house has come to an end ; and he takes possession
with reason, because his father and the father of
those of the chief house were one ; he is not far
removed from his father's estate ; when the chief
house comes to an end, the whole belongs to him.
Further, as regards the ejection of the first wife
from the chief place, she is ejected for two reasons
for which it is proper that she should be ejected.
She is ejected for adultery; if she has been guilty
of adultery before she has had a child, it is said
that it is not proper that her house should stand
at the head of the village. If she has had a boy,
she is removed from the house at the head of the
village, to the gate, or to the side of the kraal ;
and another wife is sought who is a virgin, and not
one of those who were under her who has been

* That is, if the chief house fails of heirs, the heritage
falls to the second house ; if that too fails, it falls to the
third, and so on. If all the heirs of the great house fail,
the next heir is the iponsakubusa.

48 AMAZDLU.
ejected; and so she who is a virgin is taken to
wife ; and she who has been guilty of adultery is
told, " Since you have destroyed your great name,
the daughter of So-and-so will be taken to wife
and fill your place, and become the mother of So-
and-so," that is, the heir, the son who is separated
from the mother on account of her offence, and
placed with the new wife. If, then, she fills well
that office, it is she who is the chief wife indeed;
it is she who is the mother of the youth who has
been taken away from his mother. And the chil
dren of the new wife are not chief; they come in
order after the young chief who has been intro
duced into her house ; the first child of this wife
comes next in order after the young chief; and
the property of his house is taken from his
mother's house, and is taken to the chief house ;
it follows the boy to the place where he goes;
there is left behind in the old house* only such
little things as are necessary for his nother's exist
ence. So they settle down as regards that matter, it
being now known that she was ejected for ever,
and that the new wife is established as chief. If
* The old house — the house of the displaced chief wife.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 49
she is a good woman and treats the boy with the
greatest care, he forgets his real mother, and habi
tually goes to the new mother, no longer using
himself to the real mother, but now using himself
to the house of the new chief wife.
And she is ejected if she does not know stran
gers : for among black men the head house is that
to which strangers from all parts go, and are
treated well there ; for the treatment of strangers
is an obligation resting on the chief wife of the
village. When we say to treat them, we mean to
give them food, and to give it without weariness ;
not to know them is that she should grudge them
food, denying that she has any, and, if there is any,
concealing it, and eating it secretly unknown to
them ; scolding them, and turning them out of her
house in anger. Among us such a wife goes out ;
she is not fit to bear the village ; it is proper that
she go lower and take her position at the entrance ;
and another take her place, who is able to fill it
aright. Such, then, is the ejection of a wife from
the chief place. Such, then, is her expulsion.

In daily life these people are singularly frugal
and simple in their habits.
The men go naked except a kilt back and front.
4

50 AMAZULU.
They have no clothing, and know of none. In
parts of Pondoland and elsewhere they go even
without the kilt.
Even the head is always bare, and even shaven
all exposed to the sun.
Sometimes the hair is allowed to grow, and is
worked up into shapes like mitres, cones, or horns
to the height of six or nine inches.
The men, on attaining a certain rank, wear the
head-ring, which is made of the leaves of a plant
carefully bound and bent into a ring and sewn to
the hair. It is kept polished, and in shape reminds
one of the old forage caps ; though in Griqualand,
among the Amabaca, it is as small as a curtain-
ring, and is seen perched up on the top of a cone
of stiff hair. It is a sign of manhood and subjection
to the chief.
The women wear a topknot of red clay, but often
their hair hangs round their heads, covering their
foreheads like a red mop.
The dress of the women is a rude skin petti
coat, the upper part of the body being quite
naked. The custom of smearing the body with red clay
and grease prevails.
Both sexes are very fond of ornaments, neck-

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 51
laces, bracelets, armlets, and anklets, and feathers
stuck in their hair. Charms of teeth and claws are
much worn. In full dress the men always carry
shields of ox-hide and weapons. Their weapons are
spears and javelins, and knob-sticks ; they have no
bows and arrows, though the bushmen have.
In agriculture the hoe is almost their only
implement. They make rude pottery, and weave mats and
baskets of excellent quality.
They produce fire by friction, whirling one stick
into another.
It is almost needless to say that they can be
quite independent of the white man and his wares.
To put this their primitive state in the negative
form, we might say, they have no shops such as we
have, no markets, no soap, coal, salt, or matches,
no candles, no clothing, no hats or shoes, no drugs,
no tea, coffee, sugar, bread or butter, no fruits
except wild ones, and rarely any meat.
We think we live simply, but when we come to
live amongst them we find our artificial wants
and luxuries are great and many. We should
think ourselves badly off without such things.
They are very well off without them, and have
much less sickness than we have. 4 *

52 AMAZULU.
Their dwellings are round wattled huts, thatched
all over, like bee-hives. They creep into these, the
man going to the right and woman to the left.
The hearth is in the middle, and the smoke goes
out through the door and thatch.
In a large kraal there are eight or ten of the
huts, and in the middle of them is the almost
sacred enclosure of the cattle kraal, where the
cattle are penned at night, and where sacrifices and
feasts of flesh meat take place. Underneath the
cattle kraal are pits for storing grain, with a small
secret aperture covered with a stone.
There are also wattled huts for the Indian corn
and pumpkins, and sometimes a threshing floor for
the millet amabele, fenced in neatly with thorns,
and containing piles of Kafir corn for beer, whilst
on the ground may be seen" at times underground
beans drying in the sunshine. The women grind
the corn, as in the East, between two stones,
kneeling at their work. They make porridge
twice a day usually ; though when Kafir beer is
made, this serves for meat and drink. It is like
sour gruel, very thick. Their principal food
besides is amasi,* curded milk, and pumpkins,
* Strangers refuse Amasi coming from another kraal.

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 53
beans,* with a few vegetables, and honey. Flesh
meat they seldom get ; when they do, they and
their friends will finish an ox at a sitting.
They are much given to snuff -taking at all
times, and grow tobacco for the purpose.
Some indulge in smoking wild hemp in a cow's
horn. In times of famine they take to roots and bulbs.
* Beans — both kidney beans and underground beans.

54 AMAZULU.

PART II.

Personal Narrative.
I sailed from Southampton on the 5th March
1873, with my wife and three children. We
reached Madeira in one week, and crossed the line
the week following. On Lady-day we touched at
St. Helena ; the island is bold and rocky, of volcanic
formation, the rocks being reddish and purple.
The inhabitants, besides the whites, are a mixed
race of blacks, speaking English. The British
exchanged Java for this island with the Dutch.
American whalers touch here, though many ships
now go through the Suez Canal, and so the St.
Helena people go to the Cape and Natal for service.
On the 2nd April we came to anchor, or in dock,
at Capetown, where we were kindly met by Mrs.
Espin and taken to the Kafir College, Zonnebloen,

personal narrative. 55
where we stayed four days. Mr. Espin took me to
see the Diocesan College under Canon Ogilvie.
Preached at Papendorp twice for Espin. On the
9 th we sailed for Natal, touched at Mossel Bay and
Port Elizabeth and East London, and reached Port
Natal on the 19th of April, just six weeks after
leaving England. I took Archdeacon Robinson's
duty at Durban for two Sundays, and then went on
to Maritzburg and Springvale.
Dr. Callaway kindly entertained us for some
time, until we took possession of his old house,
which we occupied during his absence in England.
There were two native deacons at Springvale, and
Mr. Broadbent, a Catechist, besides a teacher for
the girls' school. I taught the first class in the
boys' school during the bishop's sojourn in England,
whence he returned in October 1874. Umpengula,
native deacon, died in January 1874, and Heber,
suspected of causing his death, was assaulted and
stoned. For three months after these sad events a
deep gloom settled upon Springvale, and unusual
mortality prevailed the year following. Miss
Hayward arrived on the 10th February 1874, and
Humfrey Davis in March.
In May I paid my first visit to Clydesdale, the
place I had selected as the most suitable for myself

56 amazulu.
on being accepted by the S. P. G. My duties
during Bishop Callaway's absence consisted
chiefly in taking all the English services daily, and
on Sundays at Springvale; going over to High-
flats for duty every fourth Sunday ; teaching in the
day school in the morning, and copying out Zulu
manuscripts for reading the New Testament lessons
in church, and reducing to alphabetical order
a dictionary-appendix (Zulu). I also had the
management of the parish, and had to teach my
only son daily.
On the 28th June 1875, Bishop Callaway took
his departure for Kaffraria, and the next day the
remaining deacon and catechist left also — for good,
and I was left alone. Eight days after I preached
for the first time in the native language. Soon
after this I paid my first visit to the Umzinto,
Canon Barker being ill, and rode with my son
along the coast to Durban and Maritzburg, and
home. At the end of March the Bishop of St.
John's returned to Springvale.
2nd April, Charles Johnson agreed to come as
schoolmaster, and the Bishop took his final
departure three days after.
At this time Sir Garnet Wolseley arrived as
administrator (vice Sir B. Pine).

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 57
We have to thank him for the abolition of the
£5 marriage-tax on the natives.
H. Davis was ordained on Trinity Sunday.
I now succeeded Bishop Callaway as Chief Mis
sionary of Springvale, and was installed as Canon
of Maritzburg, preaching at night in the cathedral.
Miss Hayward was very ill at this time.
In August, James G. Chater arrived to fill the
post of schoolmaster, Johnson going to Highflats.
In October, Broadbent arrived from Ensikeni,
and we gave him an offertory of £3 10s. for his
church. In November I visited the Ixopo with the
Bishop of Maritzburg, where a meeting was held
and committee for building a school appointed.
On Advent Sunday bishop confirmed at Springvale
and baptised thirty natives.
This year we bought church plate for Highflats
with money raised at Highflats and Springvale.
1876. — In January this year 1 went to the pro
vincial synod at Capetown, as delegate, and on the
7th March returned to Springvale, bringing with
me two sons of Umnini,* educated at Zonnebloen.

* " Umnini is the only chief in Natal who survived Chaka's
conquest, and is in possession of freehold land."

58 AMAZULU.
Again I was hospitably entertained at the college
by Mr. Peters.
During my visit I paid a visit to an inland town,
Stellenbosch, a quaint old Dutch town, with fine
old tree avenues, some 200 years old. Here is
a ladies' college and a boys' school or college — a
Dutch academe.
April \st. — The Marriage Tax abolished this
day. 5th. — Canon Moore died.
For six weeks after my return I was unwell.
June 7th. — The Bishop of St. John's arrived
and made over to me the Springvale Church
Building Fund— £244.
On Trinity Sunday, in company with Bishop
Callaway, I visited Richmond and Byrne, when
the Bishop preached to natives in Zulu.
June 13th. — Henry Callaway, D.D., M.D., Bishop
of St. John's, made over his property (3,000 acres)
at Springvale and Highflats to the church, and my
rent ceased.
August 10th. — Rev. W. Baugh died at Richmond.
Began to form a library for Springvale.
I published a statement called " Church Missions
in Natal," a report with a review of the history of
missions in that colony.

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 59
The village regulations passed, consisting of a
preamble and ten heads of rules concerning
1, tenure ; 2, the council ; 3, feasts ; 4, money
matters ; 5, trespass ; 6, cattle ; 7, trees ; 8,
grass burning; 9, river conservance ; 10, duties
of bailiff.1877. — This year opened with intense heat and
great drought, the river becoming stagnant.
January IMh. — Engaged natives as quarrymen,
and began to lay in a stock of timber for building
the church.
On 26th February, after a fortnight's illness,
died, Augusta Caroline Hayward, teacher of the
girls, and organist — deeply lamented.
In April, the teacher of the boys, J. G. Chater,
began to complain of illness, and went to Maritz
burg to consult the doctor, who told him he must
leave South Africa.
This month the Bishop of Maritzburg returned
from England, and Miss Fox, from Warminster,
arrived at Springvale.
In June and July I went several times to
Richmond and Byrne, vice Archdeacon Fearne,
disabled. It was in July, too, that I began to feel dis
heartened and discouraged in my work.

60 AMAZULU.
About the same time Bishop Callaway finished
printing his translation of the Gospel according to
the Four Evangelists, printed at Highflats by J.
A. Blair.
In September, Chater was again absent in Pieter-
maritzburg. Most intense heat prevailed, and one
day five snakes were killed by my son during the
dinner hour; one shot in a tree. Thermometer
100° in tent ; sun like fire. I was attacked with
ophthalmia for the second time. The first time /
was blind for twelve days ; this time not at all
blind, but quite unable to bear looking even at
pictures for a moment.
Synod was held 30th October, when I read my
report as Secretary for Missions.
Part of this was published in the " Mission Field "
for April 1878.
October 15th. — Began to build the church.
21st. — Broadbent and William the deacon
favoured us ; one preached morning, the other
afternoon. The next day Broadbent' s horse and. my saddle
were stolen, but I recovered both in Richmond,
riding seven hours in the rain. The thief tried
to steal another horse, but was overtaken by the
owner, who thus recovered both.

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 61
In November I paid a visit of some days to the
Ixopo, and got the magistrate to appoint us a
native village constable ; visited the white people,
and held service on the Sunday.
In December Mrs. Jenkinson became very ill
indeed. 1878. — At the beginning of this year I became
very unwell and downcast.
A curious phenomenon occurred 7th January.
A bright star appeared near the moon at noonday,
the sun shining brightly. Omen. — The natives
from this foretold the coming war with the
Amazulu. Intense heat and drought prevailed at
this time.
January the 25th was the hottest ; thermometer
105° on E. side under thatch on the verandah
from 12 noon till 4 p.m., when it fell two degrees
only. February 3rd. — My diary says : " The daily con
gregations have never been so good as now since
I came, making allowance for the sixty people who
have left. I should say that the congregation has
largely increased, especially by young men and
outsiders." They come to pray for rain chiefly.
March 2nd. — Bishop Callaway arrived in his
carriage drawn by two horses and six mules, and

62 AMAZULU.
preached on the Sunday, besides conversing in the
most cordial manner with the natives on Sunday
and Monday, when 1 accompanied him to High-
flats. Here we were detained two days by the
rain. My horse falling sick, the bishop kindly
took me up into his carriage, and we drove on to
Clydesdale, where we were kindly entertained by
Mr. Button ; F. A. Broadbent, of Ensikeni, was also
there. On the Saturday I attended a large meeting
of chiefs and headmen, who were addressed hy
D. Strachan, the magistrate, who speaks the
language better than any one Englishman. An
outrage had been committed at Kokstad, and the
Griquas were known to be disaffected. Strachan's
aim was to conciliate Usidoi, chief of the Inhlan-
gwini, who, however, did not attend the meeting.
Usidoi was an outlaw from Natal. Next day,
at Bishop Callaway's request, I preached the
Ordination Sermon on the occasion of the ordina
tion of Mr. Tonkin. The school chapel was quite
full, and the Bishop addressed the Griquas by an
interpreter in Dutch.
Next day the Bishop, accompanied by myself and
Mr. Broadbent, went on to Ensikeni, about eight
hours' journey on horseback, to the north-west.

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 63
We met Usidoi, the chief, coming to see the
magistrate. The Bishop halted at a kraal where
a white man kept a store in a Kafir hut. Breakfast
was set out on a low box, with a newspaper for
a table-cloth, and other boxes for seats, the
accommodation, however, being unusually good.
The Bishop said, " I knew we should have a good
breakfast, Mr. Smith, when I heard it was you."
The carriage could proceed no further. The
mystery was how it could have come so far with
out breaking. One hill was almost precipitous
and too steep both up and down for anyone on
horseback even. We all proceeded on horseback
through a splendid country ; the prominent moun
tain peaks of the Insika,* 6,000 feet, being clearly
visible all the way. On arriving at Ensikeni, I was
greatly surprised with the beauty of the mountain
and forest scenery, but felt so much the loneliness
of the place for Broadbent, that I spoke to the
Bishop about it. I found no less than thirty-eight
old Springvale people here, about seven of whom
were confirmed together with six Basutos and
others.

* Insika; — Zulu for " pillars " ; peaks bearing up, as it were,
the canopy of heaven.

64 AMAZULU.
Broadbent accompanied us back to the half-way
kraal, and then we parted — alas! never to meet
again in this world, I fear, as we were wont
to do.
Two things struck me very much in Bishop
Callaway's treatment of the natives throughout
this visit — the ease with which he conversed with
them, and his deep compassion for their state ; and
yet when speaking to the candidates he used
notes and manuscript.
War broke out. Broadbent was reading for
his priest's ordination. He became anxious for
his people and his place ; lost sleep and appetite ;
and then, after making arrangements for their
safety, he quite broke down.
Poor fellow! On Easter Eve (I cannot write
without emotion), after twelve hours' waggon-
journey, night and day, accompanied by Humfrey
Davis, he was carried into Springvale rectory by
myself and others, and caused us the greatest
alarm and anxiety until Monday, when Davis again
took him by waggon into hospital at Pietermaritz-
burg. To me this is the most painful event I have ever
had to record. Poor Broadbent was our friend and
brother for nearly two years at Springvale, and his

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 65
new mission in Griqualand among the Amabaca,
Griquas, and Basuto people of three different
tongues, was the most promising I have ever seen.
Broadbent had been engaged incessantly in
mission-work for eight years, and was ordained
deacon by the Bishops of St. John's two or three
years since.
He was quite an enthusiast and true evangelist
(rare qualities), thoroughly unselfish and self-
denying. A little before he broke down, J. G. Chater left
Springvale on account of his failing health, and
entered the new diocese instead of returning to
England. He has been taking duty at Ensikeni
since Mr. Broadbent left.
Peace was soon restored in Griqualand. Captain
Blythe, D. Strachan, and Stafford attacked the
rebels in their stronghold, utterly routed them,
killing Smit Pommer, the Hottentot ringleader,
and taking many prisoners, and returned to
Kokstad in triumph. A terrible fate awaited poor
Stafford and seven others. The powder magazine
exploded and killed them.
Mr. Stafford was clerk to the magistrate, and
had been successful in preventing Usidoi from
joining the rebels. 5

66 AMAZULU.
I met this Usidoi with' a following of 150 well-
dressed mounted men on my way to Ensikeni. My
friend Broadbent reined up and conversed with
him in a friendly way for some time. Most of the
men recognised Broadbent, and greeted him.
April 25th. — The Bishop of Maritzburg arrived
in his carriage, and I accompanied him to Highflats,
where we found the school in good order under the
Rev. H. Davis, assisted by Louiska Umnini of Zonne
bloen, and one of my old scholars as pupil teacher.
Mr. Blair, too, had been rendering good service, and
Miss Beck, recently arrived from England. There
were twenty natives confirmed.
After returning to Springvale we had seven
guests to stay the night, and as many horses in the
stable ; and the next day I accompanied the Bishop
on his visit to St. Elmo, a , little school founded by
Dr. Sutherland, some seven miles off. A native
wedding feast was going on at Springvale, and the
Bishop met the wedding procession. On this occa
sion the ox chosen for the feast, being rather wild,
was shot by my son.
On the 5th of May the Bishop held a confirmation
at Springvale, when eleven natives were confirmed
and partook of the Holy Communion. The Bishop
addressed the candidates through Mr. Johnson as

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 67
interpreter. This Mr. Johnson, who began mis
sion work under me at Springvale and Highflats,
had carried on a very successful work at St.
Faith's, Durban, for the past year ; but being
unable to stand the climate of Durban, he has
resigned and has just gone towards the mountains
north-west beyond Estcourt, to undertake the
mission of St. Augustine's to the Basutos under
the chief Hlubi. His place at Durban has been
taken by Mr. Blair of Springvale.
Our land lies far away from the main road, and
is flanked on the east by a large native location of
8,000 acres, a district of about six miles long and
three or four miles wide in the broadest part ; it
is, therefore, a most favourable situation for a mis
sion to the natives, who, on the whole, are very
friendly and well behaved, though fast tied and
bound with the chain of their own superstitious
and social condition. They often dispute with each
other in a way most wearisome to me, but fur
nishing apparently mental exercise to themselves.
Take, for example, a case which occurred last
week : —
On Friday (14th June) Corry came to me in the
vestry after morning prayers at 7.30, and stated
that the man who had bought his horse for £10
5 *

68 AMAZULU.
had paid only £5 5s., and for the rest was offering
lung-sick cattle.
" He that is first in his own cause seemeth just,"
&c, " but his neighbour cometh ' and searcheth
him." — Prov. xviii. 17.
Presently the man Joannes, of Highflats, came
in, and his friend, and then it came out that these
two men had arrived the night before and that
Corry had forcibly seized the horse.
I told him to restore it and try to agree about
another ox, and as he would not listen to reason I
wrote out a statement in duplicate and gave each
a copy to take to the magistrate.
But lo! in the afternoon my man comes back
humbled and convinced, gives Joannes his horse,
and accepts the ox.
Take another case which happened this week at
an outside kraal (at which, however, we have
seven Christians, all baptised within the last three
years). On Tuesday, the 18th of June, I was told that
Ungangati, Tambuza, and Utshingwayo, three
heads of kraals, all polygamists, wearing the head-
ring (the token of subjection to the chief), wished
to see me. I went to them, and they told me in
their own tongue, with much gesture and action

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 69
(they speak while squatting), that Utshingwayo's
two huts were burnt down the night before, with
all his corn and clothing. I told them I was
very sorry and would come and see the place. I
went the next morning. The village constable
being at the early service I summoned him to
accompany me, and he was all ready with his horse
saddled by the time I returned from my walk
with my two little girls. We rode to the spot
and found the embers and thatch still smouldering.
It appeared that about ten o'clock the night before,
Utshingwayo had retired to rest with his chief
wife and several children, and four goats in the hut
(the natives take calves and kids inside their huts
at night), when suddenly the hut burst out into a
flame, being set on fire from without. On rushing
out, he saw his second wife just entering her separate
hut. He had but just time to rescue his family
and live stock before his own hut was burnt with
all his goods, sleeping-mats, blankets, and clothing.
Then the fire spread to the next hut, which was
the wattled barn for his new crop of Indian corn ;
thence to another and the second wife's hut and
her store of corn. Next morning heaps of ashes
and earthenware jars and pots burnt red with the
fire, with half-burnt cobs of maize, were all that

70 AMAZULU.
was to be seen of the little kraal. These were all
heathen people ; and the second wife, who ran away
the next mornmg, is the suspected culprit. It was
wonderful to see the calm, philosophical, and sensible
view that the man took of his sad case. On this
circumstantial evidence the whole of the people
condemned the woman, and in their native state
would probably have knocked her on the head
without mercy.
20th. — This morning the man has gone in search
of his runaway wife and to the store for blankets.
As to the general condition of the mission,
although I am not in a mood to take a very hopeful
view of things just now, I cannot fail to see pro
gress, and that not here only, but in other parts of
the colony and in the new diocese.
Mrs. Jenkinson has been very successful in her
surgical and medical practice, which she can
describe better than I can, also in teaching married
women, in which she is very ably assisted by Miss
Fox, who takes very kindly to the work, and is, so
far, happy and well.
She has lately held a small night-school. My
daughter's school of girls and little children has
been very successful.
We have now three who can play the harmo-

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 71
nium in church and school — my wife and daughter
and Miss Fox.
All our Christians wear clothing, both men,
women, and children. The suggestion made by
the Dean of Manchester at the Oxford Congress,
about dress, is impracticable chiefly because we do
not dress them, except partially, through the Ladies'
Association. They ought to be informed, perhaps,
that the best dress both for men and boys is the
striped blue tunic skirt with short sleeves, in two
or three sizes. This makes a complete and be
coming dress, if of good cut and made to reach to
the knees. But the Dean's kind suggestion is also
impracticable, because it is the storekeepers who
furnish the clothing, and they take the cheapest,
they can procure at home, just what happens to
be going at the time. Of course a blanket is the
simplest and best, only they often leave them at
home and go naked.
All our Christians give up polygamy of course.
They live in fair cottages, which they make them
selves of wattles. They come to church daily very
regularly, but are seldom in time.
As I am now hoping to welcome another fellow-
worker out from home very soon, nine months
having elapsed since I wrote, I will say that sound

72 AMAZULU.
men ought to be sent— men of good temper and
common sense, not excitable or timid, not depen
dent upon society or amusement (of which we
have little) ; men of great patience and perseverance,
both in acquiring the language and in dealing with
the natives. The one great principle which ought
to rule a missionary's conduct and conversation,
and which ought never to be lost sight of or aban
doned, either in theory or in practice, is this,
" Be not overcome of evil, but overcome evil with
good." And this I take to be the very essence
of the Gospel which brings " Glory to God in the
highest, peace on earth, and goodwill towards
men." The field for missionary enterprise is almost
boundless here, but the discouragements are very
great, and these arise chiefly from our own coun
trymen. Men coming out, then, should be forewarned.
After hearing of so much sickness amongst the'
clergy (there have been four wardens at Bishop's
College since I have been here, and three men at
Durban), I need not say that some find the heat
very trying at times.
It is very important that men should be able to
turn their hands to anything, and yet they should

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 73
not do more in this way than is good for their
daily exercise or recreation ; they should not lower
themselves in the eyes of the natives. It is well
that young men should take an interest in farming
and gardening, and in some branch of natural
history. What we really want in this country is good
practical Christians, who will be jealous for God's
holy law, and not lower its standard whilst
they hold forth the word of life, the glorious
Gospel of the blessed God — men who will neither
spoil these children of nature, nor rule them
harshly ; men who will have the courage to sacri
fice the individual for the good of the community,
and to cut off the mortifying member to keep the
body sound.
Before leaving England a missionary ought to
resolve to give up all for Christ's sake, and be
willing to lay down his life for the brethren,
and then, after that, he need not fear. " Love
casteth out fear."
Give me the priest these graces shall possess —
Of an ambassador the just address,
A father's tenderness, a shepherd's care, ,
A leader's courage, which the cross can bear,
A ruler's awe, a watchman's wakeful eye,
A pilot's skill, the helm in storms to ply,

74 AMAZULU.
A fisher's patience and a labourer's toil,
A guide's dexterity to disembroil,
A prophet's inspiration from above,
A teacher's knowledge and a Saviour's love. Bp. Ken.
Much is required in a thorough missionary.
One other matter is that we must take good heed
to hold our own. Quod tuum tene, Kpara 6 ex«s,
"Be not overcome of evil," for " Evil communica
tions Corrupt." " ^Oeipova-iv rj6r)."
One of the most sensible remarks on this subject
was made by a Swiss missionary, Ernest Creux, in
the Transvaal. He says, " How blind they are who
will not allow the Kafirs to be educated. They do
not see that, if they do not educate the blacks, the
blacks will educate them. Do they not teach our
children all their vice, their cunning and super
stitions, and their impure customs? No one at
home would believe how much their countrymen
suffer here by associating with the natives. I
will merely mention cases which have come under
my own observation. Beginning with those early
settlers who were corrupted by intercourse with
the heathen, down to the latest comer from the
mother country, all seem to suffer more or less
from contact with heathenism, exemplifying the
wisdom of that saying of Menander, as quoted by

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 75
St. Paul, and read in our ears at every burial service
— ' Evil communications corrupt good manners,'
' <f>6eipovo-Lv rjOrj xpr)o-6of*.i\ia.L Ka/cai,' Many white men
take heathen wives. One man, the brother and
son of a Wesleyan missionary, a white man, deserted
his wife and children, and ran away with a native
girl ; two white men, of good education and
connexion, ran away with two native Christian
girls, promismg them marriage, and then after a
month or two cast them off; one white lady ran
away with a black man.
But besides these notorious cases, it is very
painful to find the white people generally suffering,
often unconsciously, from loss of the society of their
fellow-countrymen, and constant intercourse with
the natives. White children frequently speak the
Zulu-Kafir before they speak English. Even my
own children used to hold their play-prattle in the
native tongue, until I took away their black nurse,
and put a stop to their going to the natives' houses.
Even the missionaries do not always escape
this danger. No wonder, then, that young
colonists, disappointed with the country, and de
prived of home influence and comforts, yield to
the enervating effect of the climate and to the
temptations which beset their path."

76

AMAZULU.

The "Natal Government Gazette," 25th June,
1878, gives the code of native law as at present
administered. This law hinges upon a few leading principles,
viz. the subjection of the female sex to the male,
and the children to their father ; primogeniture ;
the incapacity of women ; polygamy, and adoption.
There are sixty-four clauses. No. 25 runs as fol
lows. " The following diagram represents a kraal,
and the position in it ofthe great wife and the rest : —

Ztfb IvanAAlQ
a^y fo
ctA-

0\SuA>(7rdinan
0/ 7wiM?e*f

Gate,.

On the 13th of December 1878, the Zulu award
and ultimatum was published, to be agreed to
within thirty days. All that we can do is to hope
and pray that it may please the Ruler of Princes to
move the heart of the Zulu tyrant to agree to the
terms proposed, and so avert a most terrible war.
Our soldiers and volunteers are all on the border
ready to invade the Zulu country. If they do, I

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 77
fear the slaughter will be most terrible. Men of
good family and position in the colony have left
their homes and professions to go to the front.
The Dean sends one son.
Large numbers of young men have joined the
native contingent as officers. Our natives are
being drilled, armed and clad as soldiers. I met
about 500 of the raw material with their weapons,
and about twenty-five of them on horseback. As
they marched along they chanted a low monotonous
chant, which was very affecting. I only saw one
whom I knew, and I gave him a hearty grasp of
the hand as I passed.
I had up all the men (of Springvale), and read
to them the award and letter to Ketchwayo.
"Friday" gave the people the sense. He was very
grave ; he told me afterwards that he had ten
brothers in Zululand, all in the army. Most of
our people are Zulus.
January 12th. — Our troops invaded the country
of the Amazulu in three columns. Special prayer
for peace and protection put forth by the Bishop.
All along I have strongly approved of our great
warlike preparations. Quite as strongly, however,
have I deprecated the invasion of the Zulu country,
because we all knew that it laid us open to a

78 AMAZULU.
counter-invasion threatened by Ketchwayo, and we
were not prepared for it at all.
21th. — A most alarming telegram arrived to
report that two large bodies of Zulus, having got to
the rear of the invading armies, were trying to cross
the Tugela, to sweep through Natal by order of the
King. 25th-. — Very anxious about the news, knowing
the horrible mode of Zulu warfare ; lay awake,
picturing the horrors of such a murderous and
lustful raid, and determined, if possible, to place
my loved ones on board ship.
2§ih. — Another alarming message from the ma
gistrate, mentioning the Ixopo as the rallying place
and laager. Most deeply depressed that now for
the first time we were in danger, and that when
our troops were so numerous, and . the Governor
and General both here. I was never afraid before ;
I should not be so now, if our troops were defending
us here in Natal.
2 7 th.— Most terrible news. Two colonels ofthe
British army, a number of officers, and 600 of the
l-24th, volunteers, and mounted police killed.
Colonel Durnford's column cut to pieces (500
natives killed), and baggage- waggons taken; the
General being within a short distance, but arriving

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 79
too late to help his comrades, or to punish the
Amazulu who made off with their booty. Passed
a sleepless night.
2Sth. — Told the people the sad news after
mornmg prayer, as I have done all along. It
prevents idle rumours. Wept bitter tears over
those brave men who stood their ground and fell
nobly, doing their duty, with vain regrets mingling
with my sorrowing tears, that the General should
ever have parted company with them, and thus
exposed them to this murderous onslaught. Oh!
what a terrible loss ! Oh ! how fearful the conse
quences that may ensue if the God of Battles do
not take compassion on us, and turn the tide in our
favour, after so signal a defeat. One hundred
waggons with their oxen and military stores, and
1,000 Martini-Henri rifles, are said to have fallen
into the enemy's hands.
The arrival of the General in Pietermaritzburg
to consult with Sir Bartle Frere, marks the
importance of the crisis. May it please our gracious
Father to protect those that are left, viz. the brave
Colonel Pearson's column, and the other column of
Colonel Wood's ; for we all fear lest the fierce and
savage Amazulu, flushed with victory, and thirsting
for blood, may concentrate upon these columns a

80 AMAZULU.
still more overwhelming force. God has visited our
colony with a terrible chastisement.
When I was in Pietermaritzburg, I saw the
Carbiniers muster to escort Sir Bartle Frere, and a
gay and smart body of young gentlemen they were.
Archdeacon Barker's only son is with them.
They all fondly imagined they were volunteers
for Natal only, and for defence ; but, alas ! owing
to the supineness and indifference of home authori
ties, the General has been compelled to take our
only slender defence bodies, notably the mounted
police (a fine body), to invade an enemy's country,
and such an enemy.
Our policy has been to keep guns and powder
from our own loyal natives, and to allow villains
to fill Zululand with these murderous weapons.
What a mercy we were not invaded by the
Amazulu while trusting to a handful of men. Our
great distress and anxiety arise chiefly from two
sources : — 1st. That we are the invaders ; 2nd.
That it is a war with fierce, ruthless, sensual, and
cruel savages, who outnumber us from ten to five
to one, according as they are massed. Our great
hope is, that the God of Battles will not suffer the
heathen to prevail, though He has seen fit to
chasten us severely.

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 81
To me it is quite clear that the General was too
far away from his camp ; that the defenders of the
camp were much too scattered and unprotected by
any such temporary defence as the Dutch would
certainly have adopted. But both these circum
stances, viz. the distance of the General from his
tent (where was flying the Union Jack), and tbe
reckless bravery of Colonel Durnford in going out
to meet the foe, only prove that neither of these
men could possibly have really understood the
desperate bravery of the Amazulu warriors, as they
pour forth their thousands headlong on the foe,
sworn to conquer or to die.
Nor can it be possible for any man, in a few short
months, to master all that is required, either in a
statesman or a soldier, to grapple with the great
difficulties which are involved in a conflict with the
most powerful nation ever known in South Africa !
February 6th, 1879. — A most tertific thunder
storm. The young people never remember such
a storm. One native girl said she thought it was
the last day, and that the Lord had come.
South Africa has reached its crisis, and its old
temporizing policy has gone for ever. But oh,
how sad it is to think that so great a sacrifice as
that at Isandhlwana was needed to rouse the
6

82 AMAZULU.
authorities to a sense of the imminent danger of
our position. Our chastisement has been sharp,
sudden, and severe. Now let us hope that the
doom of the Zulu dynasty is sealed.
Ketchwayo has been fomenting^ spirit of revolt
throughout South Africa. Let us hope that his
accursed system of military despotism and enforced
celibacy (entailing nameless horrors) is now tottering
to its fall, to make way for justice and peace.
Ketchwayo is said to have built a new kraal, and
named it " Mayezekanye," i.e. " Let him come,
then," daring the foe to invade him — defying the
enemy. I hope he will wait till he does come, and
not invade us.
February 9th. — Took the usual services, and
preached in Zulu to the natives on the war.
Ketchwavo was the wolf about to come down on
the fold ; our brave men stopped him, and laid
down their lives for us.
10th. — Glorious is the country now but for the
curse of war. It is midsummer, verging on
autumn ; grapes and peaches are ripe, and we have
vegetables in abundance ; cool weather for the
season, and rain in plenty. God grant that our
troops in the country of the Amazulu may not be
fever-stricken, for it is the season for fever there.

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 83
11th. — The Connaught Rangers arrived from
King Williamstown, thank God. Our letters have
not arrived, to the great disappointment of the
whole neighbourhood, as we are still very anxious
about the war. Schools, &c. going on as usual.
Natives rather excited. Post-office messenger
arrived at 4.15 p.m., having walked forty miles or
so to rectify the mistake. He arrived only at mid
night the day before. I praised him very much,
and gave him three shillings.
March 2nd. — Only just well enough to take the
service. The heat was burning. One of the
native women fainted.
3rd. — Our natives are now being called out to
serve in the war. One of them danced with
delight at the idea. I gave this gallant warrior a
shirt for the occasion, as he was a naked outsider.
I have been able thus to cover all the outsiders
who have come to me. One of them had the
honesty to come in his shirt and report himself as
not being wanted at the front. Our people at
home might taken pattern from the honesty of
these poor heathens. A special messenger arrived
from the Captain of the Ixopo Rifles, asking me if
I would sell my horses. Next day he came him
self with six well-dressed native servants. He
6 *

84 AMAZULU.
bought one of the horses, and immediately left for
the front, where he has taken the command of 500
mounted natives, who bring their own horses and
who are clothed and armed with guns by Govern
ment, and receive 2s. 6d. a-day. The Captain,
who leaves behind some 10,000 sheep and as many
acres of land, and some 500 head of fine cattle, is
accompanied by his brother-in-law, who leaves a
young wife and two little ones, and flocks and
herds. This will show how eager the colonists are
to retrieve the losses of Isandhlwana.
March 1th. — My son shot a splendid bird —
the bustard. It measured full six feet from tip to
tip of its wings, and stood nearly four feet high,
It is a game bird of the size of a large turkey, and
has the flavour of the grouse. The Dutch call it
the pauw (pavo), and the natives iseme.
We have now flowering in the garden near the
house a splendid plant of the South American aloe
or agave species ; the leaves are seven feet long,
spiked, and straight as a dart ; the flowering stem
has shot up like a giant asparagus from thirty to
forty feet high. Lateral branches from this stem
are covered with snowdrop-looking flowers, of
which there are some 200 on each branch, and some
3,000 or more on the plant. It shoots up thus

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 85
suddenly once in a lifetime, like the mast of a
ship, and then, after seeding with olive-like seed
pods, it heels over top-heavy, or rather overcrowded
with sail, with the first strong wind, uprooting
itself and giving place to its offspring, the scions at
its roots. We have never seen any plant so
magnificent. This is the second that has flowered this year,
and we have never seen them flower before. Of
the common American aloe we have myriads, and
use them for fences round the gardens, fields,
and churchyard, but this plant has not flowered
since we came six years ago.
March 16th. — This evening our neighbour, M.
was brought here by the natives to be doctored and
nursed. Poor fellow ! A few weeks ago he went
to the coast to try to raise an Indian contingent,
and in returning narrowly escaped being drowned
in the flooded Nonoti, being dragged under by the
fording chain. The other day he went to fish in
the river Umtungwane, and was in the act of
flinging a dynamite cartridge into the water when it
exploded and shattered the thumb and two fingers
and palm of his right hand. We were afraid of
tetanus, and sent forty miles south and fifty miles
north for surgeons, but none would come. Captain

86 AMAZULU.
Trevor rode this eighty miles between 12 noon and
6 next day. No doctor arriving, Mrs. Jenkinson
has done the surgical work and dressing night and
day for a week. Reinforcements are now arriving
daily, and it will be strange indeed if the Amazulu
be not conquered soon. Their subjugation has
cost us dear. Another convoy has been surprised
and cut up at the river Intombi, near Luneburg.
A Basuto chief Moirosi has been rebelling also,
and a force has been sent to prevent him joining
Ketchwayo. Uham, or Ham, the brother of
Ketchwayo, a large territorial chief, has surrendered.
This, I hope, will divide the nation. Mr. C.
Johnson, missionary to Hlubi, and his Basuto, gave
me, at my request, a description of the battle of
Isandhlwana from a Basuto point of view. The
Abesutu mounted men under the Natal chief
Hlubi were all present in the action under
Colonel Durnford. They say they went out to
meet the foe, and that the colonel sent for a com
pany of soldiers to come out too ; that when this
company had fired off all their cartridges, they were
sent back and another company called out. Mean
while the Amazulu came swarming over the hills
like bees. Firing at them was of little avail ; it
was like firing at the blades of grass. The Basuto

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 87
and other cavalry exhausted their ammunition far
away from the camp, which was by this time in
full possession of the enemy. Colonel Durnford
fell; George Shepstone, captain of the mounted
natives of Natal (son of Sir T. Shepstone) went to
the rescue, and he fell too. Then the Basuto,
being well mounted, fled from the field, and
escaped with the loss of seventy horses and only
one man. The Basuto attribute their escape to
the prayers of their missionary and people at St.
Augustine's. There were two brothers Tarboton,
in the Carbiniers ; one was killed, the other fled
and crossed the Buffalo in company with Barker,
son of the Archdeacon ; neither of them could
swim, but their horses carried them across.
I afterwards received a letter from Archdeacon
Barker on this subject. He wrote saying, " My
son, Walwyn, is quite safe, and was one of seven
who escaped from the battle. He was pursued for
twelve miles. Zulus supposed to be friendly turned
against him in the drift (Rorke's drift or ford)
which he had to swim. His description of the
battle is heartrending. Our Father must have
been his shield and protector. Yerily the whole
land mourneth ; but let us not cast blame, rather
let us acknowledge that God has permitted it for a

88 AMAZULU.
wise purpose — to show us, perhaps, that the battle
is the Lord's. We have, perhaps, been too self-
confident, and, as success invariably attends our
arms, have been lifted up, and therefore needed
this reverse." There can be no doubt that the
power of the Amazulu was as much under-rated at
first as it is over-rated now. A decisive battle will
be fought, probably in a few days, between the
Tugela river and Etchowe. It is quite possible
the day may go against us. Two heathen men
came asking for news. I gave them an account of
the war, and showed them a globe to explain to
them how great the world was, and how wide was
the sway of our Queen. I finished by telling them
how great the Creator must be, and how we should
pray for peace. I feel bound to tell all such in
quirers that the invasion of the country of the
Amazulu was no concern of mine, and that I am
greatly distressed by it, though I am quite aware
that a strong force was necessary to guard the colony.
Our natives have a strong feeling that Somseu is
at the bottom of this war. They connect it with
Sir T. Shepstone's annexation ofthe Transvaal and
the war with Sekukuni. Ketchwayo was doubtless
furious at being outwitted by the crafty Somseu,
as he is now mad with rage and vexation at being

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 89
bearded in his den. The Zulu Lion has inflicted a
deadly wound in his turn ; God grant that he may
now be turned away from us, and that the British
Lion may gain a decisive victory over him and
break his power for ever. This war was more for
the Transvaal than for us here in Natal. Many
natives come for war news ; they seem to be loyal.
One poor fellow came at dawn this morning for a
shirt, saying he had been called to fight.
I subjoin a summary of this horrid war from my
point of view.
It was remarked that in the Queen's Speech
South Africa was not even named, although Sir
Bartle Frere was here in Natal, and the Com
mander-in-Chief, and a terrible war was imminent.
Our synod took place in December 1878, and just
after this appeared the Zulu award and ultimatum.
On arriving at Springvale I called together all the
men (Zulus chiefly) and read them this award.
It took two hours to read and explain in the Zulu
tongue. Two matters struck me in this ultimatum.
First, the quiet assumption of superiority and the
request that Ketchwayo would disband his army.
The Zulu king refused, of course, and then our
troops invaded Zululand, crossing the river Tugela
on the 12th of January 1879. I was greatly

90 AMAZULU.
troubled at this and spoke against it at the time,
my argument being that if Ketchwayo had really
wished to invade Natal he might easily have done
so time after time. However, all is over now.
The die was cast and our own utterly defenceless
state was laid bare to the remorseless fury of the
savage Zulu. The army crossed in four columns
— Colonel Wood's from the north-west, Colonel
Glyn's from Rorke's drift, Colonel Durnford's
attached to Colonel Glyn's was central, and Colonel
Pearson's was near the sea, sixty miles north of Port
Natal. I myself trembled for the result. On the
24th came the terrible news that Colonel Durn
ford's column had been cut up, and that the
Zulus, having killed 1,000 men, were about to
sweep through Natal. A terrible panic ensued
throughout the colony. A desperate stand was
made by Lieutenants Chard and Bromhead, and
the Zulu force was driven back with the loss of
some hundreds. A month has passed away since
that fatal day, and still we feel that it is of God's
mercy that we are not consumed. I quite believe
that nothing happens by chance, and that our defeat
was simply a chastisement, for what I will not pre
tend to say. Our invasion of Zululand was at least
premature. It was a cruel thing to lay us open

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 91
suddenly to an invasion of ruthless barbarians,
without giving us time to remove our helpless
women and children. It is a marvel to me how
graciously our Father has shielded us. The battle
is the Lord's. In the enemy's country a Zulu force
of twenty to one cut us off almost to a man. In
this country the same force flushed with victory, yet
thirty to one, was thoroughly beaten with a loss of
500 Zulus to ten British soldiers. Is not the hand
of God in all this ? Are there not lessons for us
here ? We are now gaining strength and preparing
for the worst. By the middle of March active
military preparations are to be resumed. Wood is
harassing the foe continually. Glyn waiting and
defending the border. Pearson entrenched at
Etchowe (an old Norwegian missionary station
thirty-five miles from the border).
March 2s5ih. — The war which has engaged so
much of our attention and absorbed our thoughts
so much of late, began to turn in our favour, but
not before we had suffered another defeat. Colonel
Wood's cavalry surrounded on the Hlobane Mount
by the Zulu army, and ninety-one white men killed,
which victory emboldened the Zulus to attack Colonel
Wood's camp, where, after four hours' hard fighting,
they were repulsed and driven away with great loss.

92 AMAZULU.
April 2nd. — Complete victory by Lord Chelms
ford at Ginginhlovu, and relief of Colonel Pearson
at Etchowe. As I had told my people that the
next battle, and that a decisive one, would be
fought between the Tugela and Etchowe, they
naturally regarded this victory as a very great one
for us. Who, however, could have foreseen and
foretold that the Zulus would have brought 20,000
to bear upon Colonel Wood, and only 21,000 upon
a much stronger force, viz. the rehef column?
Our people show their sympathy with us entirely.
They seem very hard, however, and do not mourn
for the killed on both sides as we do.
On my return from a long ride of 200 miles I
took to visit St. Augustine's Mission, near the
Kahlamba mountains, I had the opportunity of
seeing the Gatling-gun battery at Howick, and
passed the Army Hospital Corps. The -whole road
from Weston to Pietermaritzburg was thick with
waggons making for the front. They were without
number, but in one place my eye rested on ten, in
another twelve, in another sixteen. The Dragoons
were at Estcourt on Sunday the 4th of May.
On the 14th of June I left Springvale in a
waggon, and travelled via Umzinto and the Um-
komazi to Durban. Port Natal 120 miles.

PERSONAL NARRATIVE. 93
On the 21st or 22nd we reached Durban, and
the following day embarked for Algoa bay on
board the "Melrose." In a few days we were
transferred to the splendid ship the " Conway
Castle," and on the 22nd of July 1879 we landed
at Plymouth, by the mercy of God.
The day after, we read in the papers the news
of the battle of Ulundi, which was decisive, and
which was the end of the Zulu war.

94 AMAZULU.

PART III,

Historical Notices oe the Zulu Nation.
The following notices of the Zulus from original
sources will be found instructive at this time.*
Mr. Charles Johnson, missionary of the S.P.G.
to the Hlubi Chief of a Basuto tribe, placed over
that part of Zululand in which Isandhlwana is
situated, writes as follows :
" I have found out a most curious fact. When
Senzangakona ( Chaka' s father) was chief of the
Zulus (they being then but a small tribe), a Basuto
tribe occupied the district, commencing at the
Nquto range of mountains, or rather at the head
of the Nquto range stretching all down past Isan
dhlwana to the Buffalo river. In fact, they took in
* See also"Macmillan's Magazine" for Feb. 1880, "Ketch-
wayo's Story of the Zulu Nation and War."

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 95
the whole of what is called Sihhayo's district and a
good deal more. Their chief was Seka, half-cousin
to Sekukulu (spelt Sekukuni). Senzangakona was
succeeded by Chaka, and Seka (the Basuto chief)
by Weza. Chaka attacked Weza, and overcame
him — " ate him up." He could not destroy all his
people, but managed to drive them north-west, or
nearly due west, into a country known as the
boundary between the Orange Free State and the
Transvaal. There they multiplied fast, and were
joined by other Basuto from the neighbouring
tribes, until they became very powerful. But a
civil war broke out ; at the same time they were
attacked by Korannas, helped by some Dutch
settlers. By this they were broken up and
separated; their troubles were many and great.
One portion took refuge in Natal under Umbunda
(Hlubi's father), and so it happens that Hlubi and
his people are simply returning to the homes of
their fathers. ' Amanxiwa ya kwabo.' They take
pride in pointing out a few piled-up stones, and
saying 'our fathers' homesteads.' "
Lewis Grout, American missionary, 1859, says:
" We find the Amazulu a small tribe living on the
Umfolosi and neighbouring rivers, between the
28th and 29th degrees south latitude, and between

96 AMAZULU.
the 31st degree east longitude and the Indian
Ocean. " They are reported to have come down at some
former period from a more inland region on the
west and north-west.
" The line of Zulu chiefs is Umpande, who
succeeded his brother Dingane, who succeeded his
brother Chaka, son of Usenzangakona, son of
Jama, son of Umakeba, who was the son of
Upunga. " Chaka was born about the year 1787. His
father was rich in wives and children, having some
twenty-five or thirty of the former, and no one
knows how many of the latter.
" Between him and one of his wives, Umnandi
(the Sweet One), the mother of Chaka, there arose
some cause of bitterness. In consequence of this
difference between husband and wife, the mother
took the boy Chaka and fled, first to the Amakwabe,
and then to the Amatetwa, whose chief at. that
time was Udingiswayo.
" The Amatetwa, reported to have come down
along the coast from the north-east at a former
period, were now a powerful tribe, living neighbours
to the Amazulu.
" Udingiswayo gave Chaka and his mother to the

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 97
care of Ungomana, an Induna, or chief councillor
of his tribe."
Theal, " History of South Africa " :— " At this
time the Zulu tribe was small and tributary to the
Amatetwa. Udingiswayo, in his younger days,
had fled to the Cape Colony, and remained there
long enough to learn the art of training men to
war, the organization of an army. On the death of
his father, Jobe, he returned home and was made
chief. He formed his men into regiments and
made war upon his neighbours.
" The Zulu refugee became a private soldier
in one of Udingiswayo' s regiments, from which
position he raised himself to a situation of
command. " When Senzengakona died, Chaka was nomi
nated to the chieftainship of the Amazulu.
" On the death of Udingiswayo, the united army
of the Amatetwa and Amazulu raised Chaka to
supreme power."
Grout goes on to say : "At the' head of a tribe
whose very name (from izulu, heaven) is equivalent
to the celestials, now increased in numbers,
strength, and courage, by a voluntary alliance with
another powerful tribe ; himself an ambitious man,
of royal blood, in the prime of life, already adored
7

98 AMAZULU.
as of more than human origin, panting for forays,
victory, and plunder, Chaka sallied forth in person
at the head of his warriors, soon conquered the
tribe against which his aid had been asked, and
added them to his own tribe. Pursuing this policy,
he conquered one tribe after another, located them
here and there among his own people, taking care
so to distribute, guard, and govern them as to hold
them in the most complete awe and subordination
to himself. It this way he seems to have gone on
five or six years without much interruption, in
creasing the number of his subjects and tributaries,
the strength of his army, and the extent of his
dominions, so that in 1822 his conquering power
was felt from the Umzimvubu, or St. John's, on the
south-west, to Inhambane on the north-east, and
from the sea-coast inland, across at least half the
continent of Africa."
Theal (chap, xxxix.), 1877, says : " Sixty years
ago the country between the Limpopo and the Vaal
was inhabited by Bechuana ; only a chain of
mountains lay between them and the countries
ravaged by Chaka. Over that chain came Umsi-
likazi with an army of Zulu warriors. He had
been one of Chaka's generals, but he had offended
him and was compelled to flee for his [life. The

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 99
Bechuana looked with dismay upon the athletic
forms of the Matabele, as they called the invaders.
The clans fled in terror ; those that attempted to
resist were exterminated. The land was depopu
lated. Then the Boers crossed the Vaal. Umsilikazi
stood at bay and put forth all his strength in vain ;
he ~ was driven far beyond the Limpopo to a tract
of country near the Zambesi."
Moffat (chap, xxx.) says: " In 1829 two traders
journeyed into the interior for the purpose of
shooting elephants. Hearing that a tribe possessing
much cattle lived at some distance eastward, they
proceeded thither, and were received in a friendly
manner by Moselekatse, the king of that division
of Zulus called Abaka, or Matabele. He is called
Uselekas, or Umsiligas, by the Zulus. When a
youth his father was chief of an independent tribe.
He took refuge under the sceptre of Chaka.
Moselekatse was placed at the head of a marauding
expedition, which made dreadful havoc among the
northern tribes ; but instead of giving up the whole
of the spoils, he made a reserve for himself. This
reaching the ears of Chaka, he resolved to annihilate
so daring an aggressor.
" Moselekatse escaped, and rushed onward to the
north. Commandoes of Chaka had made frightful
7 *

100 AMAZULU.
havoc among the Bakones; but these were as
nothing compared with the final overthrow of these
tribes by the arms of Moselekatse. His destruc
tive career, dire as it was, must have been only
a faint transcript of the terror, desolation, ' and
death which extended to the utmost limits of
Chaka' s arms. The Matabele were not satisfied
with simply capturing cattle, nothing less than the
entire subjugation or destruction of the vanquished
could quench their thirst for power. When they
conquered a town, the terrified inhabitants were
driven in mass to the outskirts, when the parents
and all the married women were slaughtered on the
spot. " I had scarcely a hope that the Gospel would be
successful among the Matabele until there should
be a revolution in the government of a monarch
who demanded that homage which pertains to God
alone." "Though but a follower in the footsteps of
Chaka, the career of Moselekatse formed an in
terminable catalogue of crimes. Those who
resisted, and would not stoop to be his dogs, he
butchered. He trained the captured youth in his
own tactics, so that the majority of his army were
foreigners, but his chiefs and nobles gloried in the

. HISTORICAL NOTICES. 101
descent from the Zulu dynasty. He had carried
his arms far into the tropics, where, however, he
had more than once met with his • equal, and on one
occasion, of 600 warriors only a handful returned,
to be sacrificed merely because they had not con
quered or fallen with their companions.
" He dipped his sword in blood and wrote his
name on lands and cities desolate.
" When I recommended a system which would
secure not only safety but plenty to his people
without the unnatural one of keeping up a force
of many thousands of unmarried warriors, he tried
to convince me that his people were happy.
" The happiness of the king and his subjects
appeared to be derived from their success in
war." Mr. Isaacs, 1825, quoted by Bishop Colenso,
says: "The imperial residence had now changed
its name to Umbulalo, ' place of slaughter,' from
the fact of the king Chaka having recently ordered
one of his regiments with their wives and families
to be massacred."
On another occasion Mr. Isaacs witnessed the
execution of 170 boys and girls.
- "During the greater part of Chaka's reign,
which lasted twenty-five years, the district of Natal

102 AMAZULU.
was utterly devastated and depopulated by the
continual inroads of this inhuman tyrant."
Mr. Fynn, quoted by Bishop Colenso, gives the
following account of the proceedings (which he
witnessed) on the death of Chaka's mother : —
" As soon as the death was announced the
women and the men who were present tore from
their persons every description of ornament.
Chaka now appeared before the hut in which the
body lay. For about twenty minutes he stood in a
silent mournful attitude. After two or three deep
sighs, he broke out into fanatic yells. This signal
was enough. The chiefs and people, to the num
ber of about 1 5,000, commenced the most dismal
and horrible lamentations. Through the whole
night this continued, none daring to take rest, or
to refresh themselves with water. . . . The morn
ing dawned, and before noon the number had
increased to 60,000. The cries became inde
scribably horrible. Hundreds were lying faint
from fatigue, while the carcases of forty oxen lay
in a heap, which had been slaughtered as an
offering to the guardian spirits of the tribe. At
noon the whole force formed a circle with Chaka
in their centre, and sang the war song; at the close
Chaka ordered some men to be executed on the

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 103
spot, and the cries became more violent. No fur
ther orders were needed. The multitude com
menced a general massacre. Towards the afternoon
I calculated that 7,000 people had fallen in this
frightful massacre. Amidst this scene I stood
unharmed, and felt as if the whole universe was
coming to an end. The sun again set, and Chaka
now put an end to this general massacre. The
cries continued till 10 o'clock the following morn
ing, when the chief became somewhat pacified,
and his subjects were permitted to take some
refreshment. On the second day Chaka's mother
was buried, and ten of the best-looking girls of
the kraal were buried alive with her. I was told
this ; I was not allowed to be present. Twelve
thousand men were formed into a regiment to
guard the grave. About 15,000 head of cattle
were set apart for their use, as offerings to the
spirits of the departed queen and her ill-fated
attendants. " Hitherto the proceedings had been local.
Gomani, Chaka's principal chief, proposed that no
cultivation should be allowed during the following
year; no milk should be used, it should be all
poured on the earth; and all women, who should
be found with child during the year should^ with

104 AMAZULU.
their husbands, be put to death. At the close of
this speech regiments of soldiers were dispersed
through the country, who massacred everyone
they could find that had not been present at the
general wailing.
" At the end of the year Chaka left the kraal
where his mother died, and came with his whole
nation and cattle to Tuguza on the Umvoti river
(Natal), where he was subsequently assassinated.
I started to pay him a visit, and met him on his
march a few miles south of the Tugela. He told
me that another lamentation was then to take
place. I begged him to grant me one request.
He smiled, and asked what it could possibly be?
I entreated him not to allow on this occasion any
of his people to be put to death. He at once
called for Gomani, and laughing ' that I should
plead for the life of dogs,' gave orders to him to
see that -none were put to death. He now ad
vanced with his chiefs in their full war-dress.
Presently Tukuza came in sight. Upon this he
began to cry and sob. The whole population
took up, as before, the frantic cry of their chief;
with the general yelling was mingled the bellow
ing of 100,000 oxen.
" The next morning the purification took place.

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 105
Each regiment presented itself before Chaka, and
each individual holding the gall-bladder of a
slaughtered calf in his hand, sprinkled the gall
over him.
"After this Gomani made another speech.
" The tribe had now lamented for a year the
death of her who had now become a spirit, and
who would continue to watch over Chaka's wel
fare ; but there were nations of men, who because
they had not yet been conquered, supposed that
they never should be. War should be made
against them, and the cattle taken should be the
tears shed upon the grave of the Great Mother of
earth and corn." — " Ten Weeks in Natal," p. 224.
From " A Narrative of a Journey to the Zoolu
Country in South Africa," by Captain Allen F.
Gardiner, R.N., undertaken in 1835: —
" The object of my journey was to open a way
whereby the ministers of the Gospel might find
access to the Zoolu nation."
The ancestors of Dingane were Jama, Senzanga-
kona, Chaka. The Umtetwa under Dingiswayo
(with which Chaka was brought up) were at that
period a people far more powerful than the
Zoolus. Chaka usually headed his army, but at the

106 AMAZULU.
period of his death they were engaged on a dis
tant expedition against Sotchangan, ruling a
country north-west of Delagoa bay.
In 1829 two of his brothers, Dingane and Um-
hlangana, conspired against his life, assisted by
Satain a principal domestic (inceku, house
steward). He received an assegai wound in his
back. He arose and fell. His last words were,
" What have I done to you, children of my
father?" Although Dingane was present, it is
not believed that he took an active part.
Captain Gardiner at first failed to gain leave
for the missionaries to come and teach the people,
the Izinduna, Umhlela, and Tambuza, being op
posed to it. This, their opposition, he attributes
to a prophecy of Jacob's, the interpreter to Lieu
tenant Fanwell, who told Chaka that a white
teacher would come amongst them, that shortly
after he would be joined by one or two more white
men, and in course of time an army would enter
his country which would subject his government,
and eventually the white people would rule in his
stead. Dingane put to death Goujuana, his own brother,
while Captain Gardiner was there. " When a
chief falls," says he, " by the hand of the execu-

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 107
tioner all his property is confiscated, and every
individual who is connected with him is put to
death. An induna, who lived in a hut adjoining
mine, was ordered on this revolting duty, and from
his lips on his return the following account is
given: The property of Goujuana was in the
neighbourhood of the Tugela, and thither he was
sent with thirty men to destroy the entire popula
tion often villages (kraals). On reaching the first
of these devoted places he entered with one man
only, to avoid suspicion ; in the course of the
evening one or two more dropped in, until the
whole had arrived. He then informed the prin
cipal men that he had a message to deliver from
the king. While offering them snuff and appa
rently on the most friendly terms, each of the
induna' s party rose and stabbed his fellow with
an assegai; the houses were instantly fired, and
the women and children butchered The same
horrors were perpetrated at each of the remaining
villages. It is truly lamentable to reflect on the
numbers of cold-blooded murders which are thus
systematically occurring in these habitations of
cruelty." He mentions an unsuccessful raid into the terri
tories of Umselikazi, of whom he says, " This

108 AMAZULU.
chieftain is of Zulu origin, his people are the same,
but during the reign of Chaka a separation was
made. " During the reign of Chaka no soldier was per
mitted to marry until he had distinguished himself
in war" ; there is no limit, however, to the number
of their concubines. The example of Chaka and
Dingane has tended to uphold this baneful system.
" Neither Chaka nor Dingane ever allowed that
they had any children. On one occasion an infant
was presented to Chaka ; the ' hyena man ' in
stantly seized his own child and with one blow
deprived it of life. This horrid deed was only
surpassed by the immediate murder of the agonized
mother." Captain Gardiner, on a second visit, obtained
the consent of Dingane to send missionaries. The
Church Missionary Society, to whom application
for succour was made, accepted the two stations of
Berea (Durban) and Culoola (Zululand) as well as
the management of the Zulu Mission in future."
Port Natal, 23rd June 1835. — " In consequence
of the exterminating wars ' of Chaka, late King of
the Zoolus, and other causes, the whole country
included between the Umzimkoolu and Tugela
rivers is now unoccupied by its original possessors,

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 109
and, with very few exceptions, is totally unin
habited. Numbers of natives (about 3,000) have
entered this settlement for protection.
" The natives at Port Natal are, almost to a
man, refugees from the Zoolu nation, goaded by a
rigorous government to desert for protection to our
settlement." " In August 1837 the Rev. F. Owen, with his
wife and sister, landed at Port Natal, as the first
missionaries of the Church of England to the Zulu
Kafirs. In company with Captain Gardiner, Mr.
Owen paid his first visit to Dingane, and preached
a sermon before him on the leading truths of
revelation, 6th August 1837." — " Missionary
Register." The following are extracts from the journal of
the Rev. Francis Owen taken from the " Missionary
Register," September 1838 : —
"August 5th, 1837. — Commenced my journey
yesterday into the interior of the Zoolah country,
for the purpose of visiting the Chief Dingane.
Meeting with Mr. Grote, an American missionary,
I was by him directed to the lovely spot which
Captain Gardiner has fixed upon for his dwelling,
near the mouth of the Umtomgafa. On the south
bank of the Tugela were several villages, lately

110 AMAZULU.
peopled by a tribe of Zoolahs called Amapiesi, or
Hyena people, who shortly before our arrival fled to
Port Natal, having suspected Dingane of some
design upon them.
" August 16th, 1837. — On the other side of the
Tugela a beautifully wooded country was now ex
changed for naked hills. We passed Clomanthleen
Nyanu; this being the first Zoolah town I had seen,
I felt much interested. In the midst ofthe town is
a large vacant area, surrounded by a fence ; on the
outside of this fence, which is circular, the huts are
disposed in rows ; an outer fence incloses the whole
town. A segment of the circular town, at that
part of it which is opposite to the principal entrance,
is cut off by a fence ; and in this segment, which is
called the isigorthlo, are several huts, appropriated
to distinguished personages : only the military
towns, or barracks, have these isigorthlos. A
regiment is stationed at each town, under several
indunas. The huts at this town were nearly all
empty, the regiment being engaged in the war with
Umselekaz. "August 17th. — Rode forward to Congella, passing
Intonella, a large military town on the road'.
Congella is the second capital of the Zoolah nation,
where the King spends the great part of the year.

HISTORICAL NOTICES. Ill
Dingane having assigned this place to Captain
Gardiner for a mission station, we walked about to
look for a site, which was found about two miles
from the town.
" August 18th and 19th. — On leaving Congella, the
road descends into the vale of the Umthlatoosi ;
after crossing which stream, it ascends some high
mountains which form a magnificent sight from
Congella. The King being now at Nobamba, his
birthplace, we proceeded toward that town. The
whole country thereabout is very populous, large
towns being seen in every direction. On our
arrival, Dingane sent for us ; he was seated inside
his isigorthlo ; he began by asking Captain Gardiner
many questions. . . .
" August 20th, Lord's day. — Sent to request the
King to give me permission to preach publicly to
his people. This was granted.
"August 21st. — Dingane sent for us early this
mornmg. He asked me why I was in such a hurry
to teach his people ? I said that life was short.
He asked how that could be, as, according to me,
we were all to wake again. He sent forth his
servants, who, with loud voices, called all the men
of the town together. When they were all seated,
to the number of 300, he told me that I might

112 AMAZULU.
now preach the same words to them which I had
spoken yesterday, and begged me to go forward
and stand in the midst of them. Dingane was not
attentive. He made sport with a blind man, whom
he bade go and look for something. The poor
fellow stumbled about, ran against me, and fell
over my auditory. I felt grieved. . . .
"August 28th. — Arrived at Berea (Durban). The
distance from Port Natal to Unkunkinglove is about
150 miles.
" September 10th, Lord's day. — I was much pleased
at the readinsss of the natives to be taught the
Word of God.
" September 14th. — Leave Berea for Unkunking
love the capital.
"September 18th. — Arrived at Umtomgata (Ton-
gaat ? ) on a visit to our friends, Captain and Mrs.
Gardiner, at Ambanati. Captain Gardiner had set
off to the Zoolah country, Dingane having sent for
him on the occasion of the return of his army from
Umsilikazi's country, where they had gone for the
sake of plunder. Umsilikazi's father was con
quered by one of the Zoolah kings, and afterwards
became an independent and powerful chief. His
country lies to the north-west of the Zulus. Um-
silikazi had been vanquished and fled for his life.

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 113

<( i

23rd. — Proceeded onward to the Tugela. The
inhabitants of the villages freely brought us milk,
having been directed by the King to show this
hospitality to strangers. The distance of the Tugela
from Natal is about sixty miles.
" September 25th. — Crossed the river and arrived
at Nginani (' I am with you ' ), a settlement of the
American missionaries established a twelvemonth.
"September 30th. — Across the river Umlalasi, the
face of the country changes ; it reminds me now of
the peak ; heat excessive, thermometer at blood-
heat. " October 8th, Lord's day. — Observed a dense
mass of people advancing down the slope from the
town (Ukayakanina). The men came foremost, the
women remained behind. My interpreter and I
sat down on chairs between the men and the women.
I gave them a short account of the Creation, the
Covenant of Life. On mentioning the name of our
Blessed Lord, the induna repeated it several times,
asking me if this was God, &c.
" October 10th, 1837. — Arrived atUnkunkinglove.
Dingaan sent word that we were to come to the
isigorthlo. He seemed mightily pleased. He
peeped into my waggon, and spying Mrs. and Miss
Owen, begged them to come out. Next he called
8

114 AMAZULU.
for my interpreter, wife and children, and surveyed
them with minute attention and silent pleasure.
" October 1 1 th. — Dingaen sent for me. Three men
were sitting on the ground before him. These, he
told me, were his three head indunas, Umthlella,
Tambooza, and Mavuti, who had commanded the
army which had gone out against Umsilikazi.
Tambooza told me to sit down. As the conversation
began about Umsilikazi, I asked Dingaen whether
many of his people had been killed in the war?
He said, not more than ten ; but this I could not
believe, as the number of huts, mats, &c. which had
been burned indicated many more.
" October 12th. — Dingaen sent for me to see his
female servants, at least 500, ornamented with
beads, who were summoned forth to sing. . . .
when the King's women, ninety in number, ad
vanced, richly attired with beads and brass rings.
These ladies being too unwieldy, sat as they sang.
They seemed to be worked up to a frenzy. Dingaen
then said he would show me some of Umsilikazi's
oxen. I said I hoped he would not retaliate on his
enemy any more. I asked him where the Zoolu
nation originally came from ? He said they had
always lived here. I asked him the name of the
first king? He said Uzulu, and that he had begun

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 115
to conquer the tribes hereabout, and that the grave
I saw was that of his son.
" Octoberl3th, 1837. — Dingaen sent the boys early
this morning, but the man who brought them had
directions to bring me and the children to Unkun-
kinglove, as the King wished to see how I taught
them. " October 23rd. — Dingaen sent for me to open a
parcel. There was Captain Gardiner's narrative
of his journey to this country in it. I began to
be frightened lest Dingaen should open the book
and see his own hkeness. He asked to see the
great book. He took the book and examined all
the pictures, which highly amused him.
" October 26th, 1837. — I read a letter to Dingaen,
which he had received from the Dutch Boors, who
have lately left the colony (Cape Colony), ex
pressing their desire for peace, and a good under
standing with the Zoolu nation ; to effect which, it
was their wish to have, by means of their chief head,
a personal interview with Dingaen, who would at
the same time also arrange with Dingaen, the place
of their future residence, which is to be in some
part of the uninhabited country adjoining the Zulu
territories. The letter was dated from Port Natal,
and signed by the chief of the Boors. Their party
8 *

116 AMAZULU.
were dispersed in various parts of the country.
The letter also stated the cause of their rupture
with Umsilikazi, Dingaen's great foe, who, by
means of the. Boors and Zulus, is now said to be
utterly vanquished.
" October 27th. — Dingaen sent for me to read the
letter to Umhlela. Showed him the Encyclopedia.
" 28$. — Dingaen sent to-day for English garments
to clothe his people with. The children continue
to attend regularly once or twice a day.
" 31st. — Dingaen sentfor me soon after 5 a.m. with
directions to bring pen, ink, and paper. He told
me the way in which the witches went to work.
He said they went out in the dead of the night,
carrying a cat, that they sent this cat into the
house of the person whom they meant to bewitch.
The cat brought out a bit of hair, or something
else, which the witch deposited under the floor of
her house, and that in consequence the object of
her malice in due time fell sick. There were five
animals thus used : the cat, the wolf, the panther,
the jackal, and the owl. I said I hoped that now
missionaries had come there would be an end of
witchcraft. He said, ' Why they will not be afraid
of you; they are not even afraid of the smellers-
out ' (izinyanya zokubula) diviners.

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 117
"November 3rd, 1837. — Dingaen sent for me to
write a letter to Captain Gardiner, to request him
to come and advise with the King respecting the
territory to be assigned to the Boors. The letter
being written, Dingaen began more than ever to
admire the art of writing; and asked, as he had
done a thousand times, whether he should ever be
able to learn it. He then began to read.
"November 4th. — Intense cold prevented the
children from assembling. The King sent for me
to read another letter which he had received from
the Dutch. It was written in Dutch, a language
I do not understand. But I observed that the
Dutch would be here the day after to-morrow.
Dingaen's hut was very warm ; his house does great
honour to native architecture. It is very spacious,
lofty, and exquisitely neat ; the floor is as bright as
polished marble ; a fireplace very tastily devised,
and the roof formed of sticks (rods), closely com
pacted together. It is supported by twenty- one
posts which are covered with beads of various
colours. " November 5th, 1837, Lord's dag. — Dingaen sent
early to say that, as it was so cold, they would not
be able to attend divine service. In the afternoon
the Dutch arrived. Dingaen sent for me to come

118 AMAZULU.
and see them. I went. The Dutch expressed
their disappointment that they did not arrive in
time for service. The deputation consisted of four
persons. When I got home I saw Dingaen making
an exhibition of his cattle. The herd consists of
white-back oxen only, but it was without number.
"November 6th, 1837. — Dingane afforded amuse
ment to the Dutch by collecting a large body of
men to dance. The Governor, Mr. Retief, dined
with us. Dingane told him that pleasure must
take precedence of business. The indunas, he
said, had been asking the King to go once more
against Umsilikazi, to bring his head. We were
much pleased with the frank and open manner of
our guest.
" November 7th. — Dingane sent for me to witness
the festivities in honour of the Dutch. One whole
regiment of young men who have not a ring on
their head were summoned to exhibit their skill in
military exercises. The first act was a representa
tion of the manner in which the Zulus commence
a battle. The regiment divided into companies,
each soldier having a stick in each hand, or the
horn or the bone of some beast, for very few had
their shields and no one his spear, with a sort of
double quick march, and performed various evolu-

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 119
tions, exciting themselves to the supposed combat
by some note of their voice, and by raising their
sticks in the air. On a sudden they gave a whistle,
and forming into one large company, they rushed
furiously as if to a charge down the open area of
the town, whistling as they ran. Some who had
shields, leaping aloft and kicking their shields, cried
out, ' We are as hard as stones ; nothing shall hurt
us ! ' Presently the military divided into two
parts, when they made a tremendous rush, as if
engaging each other in close conflict. The Zulus
do not throw their spears as other tribes do, but
come to close quarters. After this they formed a
large semicircle, in which they stood very thick and
deep, their numbers being beyond count, and began
to sing and dance. When the review was over
another party began to assemble.
"November 20th. — Commenced turning Psalm
xix. into Zulu.
" 26ih, Lord's Day. — The most painful day
since the commencement of the mission. The
King sent a message saying that he was much dis
pleased ; he expected the missionaries to instruct
him in what he most wanted to know — allud
ing to fire-arms. Therefore, I might come and
preach, but for the last time. When we arrived

120 AMAZULU.
(Dr. Wilson accompanied me), Dingane was sitting,
as usual, outside the fence of his isigorthlo, the men
of the town sitting at some distance ready to begin
their breakfast, consisting of bowls of native beer.
Instead of giving thanks to the Father of all
mercies, these men praise the King for this bounty,
shaking their fingers in the air and making a
hissing sound, and shouting ' Bayete ! Our
Father ! ' Dingane said the white people were not
one with him. I would not lend him a bullet-
mould ; he was offended. I began to preach
by telling them that there was a great Chief
above the sky ; we are all sinners before Him ;
our souls must be washed. Now contradiction
began, which lasted two hours. The indunas
and the King were the chief objectors. The
subject was treated with scorn. ' Away ! it is all
a lie ! ' I persisted. They asked how Jesus Christ
was killed. Dingane then asked if it was God that
died. After a great deal more combat, they told
me that I need not speak to them any more about
the Resurrection, for they would not believe it, and
to " say no more about the dead, leave them where
they are ; go to the sick and keep them from
dying," &c. Dingane at length told me that the
sun was hot, and that I must tell him when I had

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 121
done. I said I had only one question to ask:
' Did they not believe that the spirits of their
ancestors survived their bodies ?' He said, 'All
they believed about them was this, that when a.
person was sick the doctor was consulted, who
sometimes said that the spirit of the sick man's
father had caused the sickness, and advised the sick
man to appease the father's spirit with a bullock,
and after this he sometimes got better."
"November 27 th. — Dingane sent for me to read a
letter he had received from Captain Gardiner.
" 28th-30th. — Arrival at the American Missionary
Station on the banks of the Umhlatoosi.
" December 7th. — Dingane sent early for me to
read some letters from Retief. In allusion to the
ruin of the chief Umsilikazi, Retief observed that
his punishment was brought upon him by the
righteous judgment of God."
" December 14th. — Dingane sent for me to write
to Captain Gardiner.
" Messengers arrived from Gardiner to inform us
of some secret machinations of Dingane in which
the safety of ourselves and all the white people was
concerned. " December 19th. — The Umkunkinglove regiment
is collecting to celebrate the feast of the first-fruits.

122 AMAZULU.
"December 29th, 1837, to January 1st, 1838. —
Executions. Victims to barbarous severity.
" January 2nd. — Letter informed Dingane that
the Boors had sent another commander against
Umsilikazi, had slain 500 of his people, and captured
3,000 head of cattle. It informed him that they were
going to retake Dingane's cattle from the Basuto.
" February 2nd. — Dingane sent for me to write a
letter to Retief, who, with a party of Boors, is now
on his way to the Zoolu capital. He said he was
content because he had got his cattle again. He
requested the chief of the Boors would send to all
his people and order them to come up to the
capital with him, but without their horses. He
promised to gather all his army, to sing and dance
in the presence of the Dutch, who, he desired, would
also dance.
" February 3rd. — Large parties of Zoolus, in their
war dress, entered the town. The Boors entered
the town on horseback, with their guns, about sixty.
The Boors showed Dingane the way in which they
danced on horseback by making a sham charge at
one another, making the air resound with their
guns. This was something which the Zulu chief
had never witnessed. In their turn the Zulus
exhibited their agility in dancing.

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 123
" About noon I paid a visit to Retief. The answer
which he gave to Dingane, when he demanded the
guns and horses, was, to show the messenger his
grey hairs, and bid him tell his master that he was
not dealing with a child.
" February 4th, Lord's Day. — With the sun,
singing and dancing commenced.
" February 6th. — A dreadful day in the annals of .
the mission ; I shudder to give an account of it.
" Dingane sent to tell me not to be frightened, as
he was going to kill the Boors. The reason assigned
was that they were going to kill him. . . My
attention was directed to the blood-stained hill
where executions take place, ' There, they are
killing the Boors.' I turned my eyes, and beheld
an immense multitude on the hill ; about nine or
ten Zulus to each Boor were dragging their help
less unarmed victim to the fatal spot. Mrs. and
Miss Owen were not more thunderstruck than
myself. Many of the Boors had children with
them, some under eleven years of age ; these were
all butchered. The number slain must have been
nearer a hundred than sixty. Thermometer 101°.
" February 8th. — Troops of warriors have been
seen going to-day to join the army which has gone
out against the Boors.

124 AMAZULU.
"\9th. — The angel of death has been lately crying
with a loud voice to all the fowls that fly in the
midst of heaven, ' Come and gather yourselves
together ! ' Numerous birds of prey flying over the
hill whitened with the bones of men. The King
sent for my°interpreter soon after his arrival, and
gave him a plausible account of the late unhappy
affair. He said that if he had not despatched the
Boors, they would have fired at him and his people
before they left ; and that when their guns were
examined they were all found loaded with ball.
The perfidious tyrant gave the following account of
the manner in which they had been seized. He
invited them all into the cattle-fold to take leave of
him ; his people were then ordered to dance, and
forming themselves, as usual, into a half-moon, they
came nearer and nearer to the Boors, till he gave
the command to lay hold of the unsuspecting
victims of his jealousy. Having duly reflected on
our present situation, I determined to inform
Dingane of my intentions. As war is inevitable
we are not secure in this place. We see a storm
coming. I took a present of red cloth to the chief,
with which he was much pleased. I then said I
was going (to leave) on account of the troubles that
were coming. He told me to tell him what was in

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 125
my heart. ' Was I leaving,' he asked ' on account
of the Boors ? ' I said, ' That that was my
reason, for I feared there would be war.' He
asked, ' What war ? ' I said, ' Between his
nation and the Amabunu ' (Dutch). He was
grave ; he said he would wish me a pleasant
journey. I told him I hoped to return. I fancy
he anticipated my departure after his sad and
wicked conduct.
" February 10th. — The Chief sent for me to tell
me the words I was to speak at Port Natal. On
my arrival he called several of his great indunas
about him, and began to acquaint them with my
determination of leaving, saying he did not know
the reason, whether it was that I was fretting for
the Boors, or for some other cause. His manner
became more vehement. He referred to our native
servants. We praised God, he said, but reviled
him. He despatched messengers for the servants.
They returned with the two girls and the boy.
One of the girls said that we called him (Dingane),
an evil doer, a murderer, and a rogue, &c.
" The King then said to his indunas, ' You hear
what they say.' "
Extracts from a letter of the Rev. F. Owen,
Port Natal :—

126 AMAZULU.
Port Natal, March 16th. — After the massacre. —
*' Dingane immediately sent out a large army to
attack the camp (of the Boors). The account
brought by a Natal resident who was with the Dutch
when this attack was made, states that 250 of the
Boors, including women and children, were slain.
They were surprised at break of day on 16th
February. The rest, rallying, defended themselves ;
and the Zulus, flying, were pursued with dreadful
slaughter, at least 500 men killed. You can con
ceive our feelings when we were first informed of the
massacre of the Boors, and when we saw the army
go out to attack the camp. I could no longer stay
with the despot, but the same week took my leave of
him. I was charged with condemning his conduct
in killing the Dutch."
Bishop Colenso, in his "Historical Sketch," p. xx.,
says, " Immediately after this horrible massacre
ten regiments of the King's soldiers had been sent
forth to attack the emigrant farmers. The Zulu
forces fell upon the party of Retief encamped near
Weenen (weeping) ; men, women, and children
were butchered. The alarm spread; the farmers
were able to form laagers. The Zulus were re
pelled by well-directed firing from these laagers,
but they pressed on till at last they were driven

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 127
back. The scenes left behind were horrible beyond
description. " Two desperate efforts were made to avenge
upon the Zulu king the death of Retief and his
party. A Dutch commando of 300 fighting men,
under Pieter Uys, marched up into his country
and boldly attacked his forces, but were obliged to
retire, leaving their leader dead. A still more
terrible disaster befel another expedition from Port
Natal. Almost every European was killed and
multitudes of natives, while the furious troops of
Dingaan now ranged freely over the country and
had their fill of carnage.
" The emigrants were more successful after
wards. Dingaan's army was routed, and his
capital, Umkunginghlovu, taken and destroyed;
and at length, in 1840, they supported his brother
Panda in rebellion against him. Dingaan was
utterly routed and perished among a neighbouring
tribe (Amaswazi) with whom he took refuge."
In 1856 a desperate battle was fought between
Panda's sons Ketchwayo and Umbulazi, rivals.
Umbulazi was defeated with great slaughter. In
1872 Ketchwayo succeeded Panda.
Livingstone, in his " Missionary Travels in South
Africa," sayst: " From 1845 to 1849 I attached

128 AMAZULU.
myself to a tribe called Bakuena, the chief of
which, Sechele, was then living at a place called
Shoknane. . . . One of the difficulties with which
the mission had to contend was the vicinity of the
Boers of the Cashan mountains, or ' Magaliesberg '
(Transvaal). These Boers are not to be con
founded with the Cape colonists, who are sober and
industrious. Those who have fled from English
law, and have been joined by every variety of bad
character, are of a very different stamp. Many of
them felt aggrieved by the emancipation of their
Hottentot slaves, and determined to remove to
distant localities, where they could erect them
selves into a republic, and pursue without moles
tation the ' proper treatment of the blacks,' viz.
compulsory unpaid labour. One section of this
class of persons penetrated the interior as far as
the Cashan mountains, whence a Zulu chief, named
Mosilikatze, had been expelled by Dingaan. They
came with the prestige of white men and deli
verers; but the Bechuana, who had just escaped
the hard sway of the Caffres, soon found ' that
Mosilikatze was cruel to his enemies and kind to
those he conquered, but the Boers destroyed their
enemies and made slaves of their friends.' . . .
I have myself seen Boers come to a village and,

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 129
according to their custom, demand twenty or
thirty women to weed their gardens. These poor
creatures accordingly proceeded to the scene of
unrequited toil, carrying their own food on their
heads, their children on their backs, and instru
ments of labour on their shoulders. 'We make
the people work for us,' said the Boers, ' in con
sideration of allowing them to live in our country.'
. . . The demand for domestic servants must be
met by forays on tribes which have good supplies
of cattle. ... It is difficult to conceive that men
. . . should set out after caressing their wives and
children, and proceed to shoot down men and
women whose affections are as warm as their own.
They trace their descent from some, of the best
men (Huguenots and Dutch) the world ever saw.
In their own estimation they are the chosen
people of God, and all the coloured race are ' black
property ' or ' creatures ' — heathen given to ' them
for their inheritance. Living in the midst of a
much more numerous native population, and at
fountains removed many miles from each other,
the Boers feel themselves insecure, and when they
receive reports against any tribe from some dis
satisfied black, the direst vengeance appears to
them a simple measure of self-defence. However

130 AMAZULU.
bloody the massacre, no qualms of conscience
ensue. . . . The Bakwains had the spectacle of
various tribes enslaved before their eyes. . . .
During the period of eight years no winter passed
without some of the tribes being plundered of both
cattle and children by the Boers. Friendly tribes
are forced to accompany a party of mounted Boers,
and are ranged in front to form ' a shield.' The
Boers then coolly fire over their heads till the
devoted people flee and leave cattle, wives, and
children to the captors. This was done in nine
cases during my residence in the interior, and on
no occasion was one drop of Boer blood shed.
Letters were repeatedly sent by them to Sechele,
ordering him to surrender himself as their vassal.
He replied, ' I was made an independent chief and
placed here by God and not by you. I was never
conquered by Mosilikatze, as those tribes whom
you rule over, and the English are my friends.*
. . . The Boers, 400 in number, were sent by the
late Mr. Pretorius to attack the Bakwains in 1852,
and, besides slaughtering a number of adults, car
ried off 200 of our school-children into slavery.
The people under Sechele defended themselves,
and having killed a number of the enemy, the first
ever slain by Bechuana, I had the credit of having

HISTORICAL NOTICES. 131
taught' them to destroy Boers! My house was
plundered in revenge ; English gentlemen, who
had left stores in the keepmg of the natives, were
robbed of everything ; the books of a good library,
my solace in our solitude, were torn to pieces ; my
stock of medicines was smashed, and all our furni
ture and clothing were carried off and sold."

Some Account of the Boers op South
Africa.
The Cape of Good Hope was discovered by the
Portuguese, 1486; the EngUsh followed, 1601-20;
the Dutch came in 1652, and in 1658 imported
slaves from Angola and Guinea. Hottentots and
bushmen were the aborigines, and these were
brought into subjection.
In 1686 French Huguenots to the number of 97
families joined the Dutch. They imparted to them
their earnest religious feelings. They soon lost
their language, but their French names remain;
Joubert, Boer leader, is one of these ; Beck,
Duplessis, Durant, Malan, Marais, Rousseau, and
De Villiers are others. Some had been of high
rank in France, others were vine-dressers; they
9 *

132 AMAZULU-
planted vineyards and made wine at the Cape, at
the Paarl, Stellenbosch, and Constantia.
In 1737 George Schmidt, missionary to the Hot
tentots, arrived. He found these people sunk in
poverty and in a state of servitude, robbed of their
lands and cattle. The slaves, Malays, many of
them were beginning to give trouble. Hottentots
and bushmen, hunted down by commandos, were
compelled to take service ; these commandos were
bodies of armed men, who attacked the native
kraals, killing adults and taking the children as
"apprentices." The servitude of the natives was
not like that of the imported slaves About 1780
the Dutch first came into collision with another
race — the Kafirs. In 1795 the Cape Colony was
seized by the British, and finally conquered in
1806. In 1808 Moravian missions began, and in
1816 Wesleyan, in South Africa.
Up to the year 1828 the position of the Hot
tentots had been wretched in the extreme. Now,
in 1829, they gained the rights of freedom and rose
rapidly in the social scale. A Kafir war took place
in 1835. Emancipation of the slaves. There were
34,000 slaves in the colony in 1820 — Malagasy,
Malays, and half-breeds. In 1833 passed the
Emancipation Bill, and in 1838 all the Cape slaves

historical notices. 133
were set free. Now the Dutch, dissatisfied with
the elevation of the Hottentots, the restoration of
ceded territory to the Kafirs, and the emancipation
of the slaves, began to leave the colony in large
numbers; they left to escape from English law.
By the year 1837, 1,000 waggons had arrived in
Natal, which had been granted by Dingaan to Wil
liam IV., through Captain Allen Gardiner, in 1836.
Retief and his 70 companions were basely murdered
by Dingaan in 1838, in sight of Rev. H. Owen,
missionary of the Church Missionary Society in
Zululand. This was followed by the invasion of
Natal by the Zulus, who put to death some 300 of
the Dutch (men, women, and children) in Weemer.
The Dutch Boers sided with Panda, divided the
nation, and deposed Dingaan. The British took
possession of Natal in 1843.
The Rev. W. C. Holden, author of the " History
of Natal," says: —
" Early in the year 1840 I arrived in Colesberg
(near the Orange river) with my family. The
great event of the time was the emigration of the
Dutch farmers beyond the Orange river. This
self-expatriation arose mostly from their slaves
having been taken away from them. ... In
1841 I went to Platberg and saw for myself how

] 34 amazulu.
things were. The Dutch were mere squatters ;
everyone seemed to do what was right in his own
eyes." To have a good gun and know how to use it,
was regarded as one of the great acquisitions of
that time.
" A good waggon constituted the house and
home of many of these wanderers in pastures new,
where they might dwell without being under the
control of the British Government.
" As time rolled on, the Dutch farmers continued
to cross the Orange river. They had no regular
government and were not subject to law, conse
quently violence and crime increased ; matters
grew worse, until it became necessary for the
British to step in, which was done by Sir Harry
Smith annexing the country to the Cape colony
and establishing a government over it. This was
resented by the farmers. The battle of Boom-
plaats was fought, in which an easy victory over
them was achieved, and they submitted to Britisli
rule. Major Warder was appointed commissioner.
Magistrates were established, the country being
designated the Orange River Sovereignty. This
mode of government was being worked until
Sir George Cathcart, in an unfortunate moment,

historical notices. 135
resolved to humble Moshesh, Basuto chief. In
attempting to do this he was defeated, and, un
happily, advised her Majesty's Government to
abandon the sovereignty. To carry out this Sir
G. Clerk was sent out, who, despite the most
urgent opposition on the part of the British
colonists and many of the Dutch, effected a suicidal
transfer of the country from the English to the
Dutch. The Orange Free State and the Trans
vaal republics were formed, and for many years
poor and feeble governments were carried on, until
the discovery of the Diamond Fields."
The Bishop of Capetown visited the Orange
River State in 1850. From his journal I take the
following : —
" 1850, April 30th.— Left Colesberg for Bloem-
fontein. The first house in the sovereignty belongs
to an English farmer. May 1st. — The country
throughout consists of large plains, bounded by
low mountains or rocky koppies (little hills).
There is abundance of game — the gnu, bless bok,
and spring bok. There are also a great many
cranes, and some fine eagles. We stayed at Mr.
Wright's farm at Boomplaats, and I surveyed the
field of Sir Harry' Smith's late battle with the
Boers. The rebels were posted behind some strong

136 AMAZULU.
koppies, but retreated speedily from one to the
other, until their retreat became a rout. I visited
the graves of our brave officers and soldiers, who
are buried in a walled enclosure in Mr. Wright's
garden. I read our office for the burial of the
dead over their remains. In the capital and only
village in the sovereignty the population is nearly
exclusively English  7th. — Started for
Thaba Nchu. The Vaal river is now the boundary
which separates the sovereignty from the Boers,
who refuse to recognise British authority. These
men have formed themselves into a Republic
(South African), and have their ' Raad ' (council).
The exact constitution, however, of their govern
ment they have not yet fixed, though they have
had many meetings. I understand they are about
10,000 in number. Their feelings are very bitter
against the English Government. Some regard
that Government as Antichrist, some the Queen in
person. They took Dr. Frayer, of Bloemfontein,
prisoner, for presuming to cross the Vaal River
while hunting, having no permission to enter their
territory. It appears quite clear, I think, that they
have among them a modified form of slavery. . . .
There is a party of them who think they are on
their way to Jerusalem, and that they are not very

historical notices. 137
far distant from it. They are deceived by the
apparent nearness of Egypt in the maps of their
old Bibles. There are systems of a growing
fanaticism amongst these poor people. The Dutch
Boer, wherever he may be, under whatever circum
stances, never casts off his respect for religion.
There is nothing sceptical in his mind. His religion,
however, is traditionary. It exercises no great
influence over him. He is very superstitious.- —
Note 1. The following is from ' The Friend of the
Sovereignty ' : — ' We are informed that Potgieter
has destroyed the chiefs, but has killed many of the
people, taking captive about 300 of their children,
who are declared to have been sold as slaves to the
Portuguese at Delagoa Bay. Pretorius disapproved
of the conduct of Potgieter. . . . 800 of them
are opposed to any law or government whatever,
and only a few of the latest trekkers have a friendly
feeling towards the English Government, and these
dare not express their views. The total number
capable of bearing arms within the Republic is
3,600.' "—Journal, 1850.
On the 17th January 1852, the British Govern
ment recognised the independence of the Transvaal.
The treaty contained nine clauses. The fourth
prohibited slavery. The Cape Argus of the 12th

138 AMAZULU.
December 1876, remarks: — "Through the whole
course of this Republic's existence it has acted
in contravention of the Sand River Treaty."
(See "History of the Zulu War," by Frances
E. Colenso, page 117.) " Slavery has been one
of the institutions of the country. It has been
at the root of most of its wars." (See article
by Lord Blachford in " The Nineteenth Century
Review," August 1879, p. 265.) Dr. Livingstone
was residing among the Bakuena, under the chief
Sechele, when the Boers attacked them and took
1,200 prisoners, mostly children. Dr. Livingstone's
house was pillaged and all his property carried
away or destroyed. (See his Missionary researches
and travels.) In 1853 died Pretorius the great
Boer leader.
The Bapedi, under Sekwati and his son Seku-
kuni, came into collision with the Boers. Potgieter
arrived in their country in 1848, and professed to
buy the land for 100 head of cattle. (See " History
of the Zulu War," p. 114.) The war between the
Boers and Bapedi arose out of similar encroachments
on the part of the Boers, which led to their border
disputes with the Zulus. The Boers gradually
deprived the natives of their land thus : They first
rented land from the chiefs, then built upon it.

historical notices. 139
'Finally, they professed to have bought the land for
the sum already paid as rent, announced themselves
the owners of it, and were shortly levying taxes on
the very men whom they had dispossessed. In this
way Sekukuni was declared by the Boers to have
ceded to them hundreds of square miles for 100
head of cattle. In 1876 the Volksraad declared
war agamst Sekukuni. A stronghold was attacked,
but the Boers were seized with a panic and fled.
The stragglers reached Pretoria, completely de
moralised, and their allies, the Amaswazi, enraged
at the cowardly conduct of the Boers, threatened
to sack the town. From this time the Transvaal
Boers were regarded as weak and cowardly. They
hired mercenaries under Von Schlickman to carry
on the war. For a time the Republic seemed to be
at the mercy of the Bapedi. Sekukuni claimed a
large tract of country occupied by Boers for thirty
years. The Treasuiy was empty, and the burghers
said they could not pay the war-tax. The burden of
the public debt pressed heavily upon the people. The
peace of all the colonies was imperilled. . . Then
came the annexation. (See History of the South
African Republic, in the " Compendium of South
African History," by G. M'C. Theal Lovedale, 1877.)
Before the annexation a commission (composed of

140 AMAZULU.
Captain Clarke, R.A., and Mr. Osborne) was sent
by Sir Theo. Shepstone to inquire into a treaty
pressed by the Boers upon Sekukuni, and rejected
by him. To these gentlemen " Sekukuni stated
that the English were great and he was little
(Blue Book, c. 1776), that he wanted them to
save him from the Boers, who hunted him to and
fro, and shot his people down like wild game. He
had lost 2,000 men by the war, ten brothers, and
four sons. He could not trust the Boers." We
now turn to the other chief pretext for the annexa
tion, viz. the disturbed condition ofthe Zulu border.
"Ketchwayo himself says I have never given or
sold any land to the Boers of the Transvaal."
(" The Zulu War," p. 150).
One of the officers who fell at Lang's Nek was
Captain J. Ruscombe Poole, R.A. He published
an account ofthe Zulu nation and the war as taken
down from the lips of the captive Ketchwayo.
This throws great light on the subject of the
Boers. " Macmillan's Magazine " for February 1880,
had the following : —
" The Boers had now appeared on the field at
Natal. Pieter Retief and his party went to (1838)
Dingaan. The Boers tried to outwit Dingaan.

historical notices. 141
The end of it was, Retief and his party were
murdered. After Retief's death Dingaan invaded
Natal, and killed a great many of the Boers.
About a year after this (1839), the Boers invaded
Zululand, and were defeated. The Zulus again
invaded Natal. After this the Boers again invaded
Zululand, and built a laager on the Blood River,
and then raided from it, harassing the country.
Panda fled from Dingaan, and threw in his lot with
the Boers. Ketchwayo accompanied his father.
The Boers in January 1840, invaded Zululand again
with Panda and his army. Dingaan was defeated,
and Panda became King, but was obliged to make
a treaty with the Boers, by which he gave up
Natal. The English, under Smith, came and
defeated the Boers. The Dutch then trekked over
the Drachensberg, and asked Panda to give them
leave to live in the country adjoining Utrecht ; this
Panda allowed, and the country where Utrecht now
stands he gave nominally to a Boer (one of the
Landtmans ?) who was to be the outside or border
Boer. Panda was very glad to see the English
take Natal from the Boers ; he did not trust them.
The English soon began to increase and occupy the
whole of Natal. Trade increased, and blankets were
in reach of all. Panda died in October 1872.

142 amazulu.
Towards the end of his reign the Boers encroached
a good deal, both east and north, building and
settling down on the Zulu side of Utrecht, in the
Luneburg district, where they went for wood.
They were often reminded that they were on Zulu
soil. The Boers at one time endeavoured to buy
the Utrecht district ; they sent 200 head of cattle
to Panda for this purpose, but he refused to sell the
land. He accepted 100 head as tribute for the
Boer living at Utrecht. After this the Boers kept
on encroaching, and treated the border Zulus with
much harshness. Panda was averse to war, and
would not press his rights. After Panda's death
the same sort of trouble continued. Then the
Boers had a quarrel with Umbelini; he was a
Swazi, settled in Zululand. When Mr. Shepstone
came to Ketchwayo's coronation, Ketchwayo spoke
to him about the encroachments of the Boers.
Mr. Shepstone said he would make inquiries, and
sent two Natal chiefs and a white man to see and
report on the disputed territory. The white man
told Ketchwayo that the Boers were in the wrong,
and that they would tell Mr. Shepstone so. After
the annexation of the Transvaal, Mr. Shepstone met
the Zulus at Conference Hill to hear the boundary
dispute. Every Zulu chief of any note came. Only

historical notices. 143
a few Boers were present. Mr. Shepstone said:
' If I were called upon to point out what I consider
to be a fair boundary, I should say the Blood River
and the Old Hunting Road.' The Zulu chiefs
would not agree to this, and went away much
dissatisfied. The nation was very hostile towards
the Boers on account of the frequent frontier
disturbances, and there is no doubt that a very little
fuel to the fire already smouldering would have
brought on a war between the Boers and Zulus.
Ketchwayo himself was against a war, although he
threatened to fight the Boers, but admits that had
not the Transvaal been annexed, it was only a
question of time how soon war would have broken
out between the Boers and Zulus. The Zulus had
no animosity against the English. Ketchwayo
(Cetywayo) asked Mr. Shepstone to place a magis
trate on the Transvaal border to settle border
disputes. Ketchwayo was not satisfied with the
decision of the commission on the Transvaal
boundary." I have now quoted enough for my purpose. As
one who has lived in the country, and whose
offspring have settled there, I may be allowed to
say that, together with my fellow-countrymen in
South Africa, I cannot but regard the present peace

144 AMAZULU.
as hollow. In concluding such a peace, the interests
of the British colonists and loyal Boers have been
ignored. Moreover, as far as we can foresee, it
will cause the natives to rise against Boer rule,
besides causing rivalry between the Dutch and the
British. If we ignore right of conquest, and wish
to restore independence to the people, then surely
the natives of the country have the first claim upon
us, and not the Boers, whose right to the Transvaal
is very doubtful indeed ; for we conquered the
natives, not they. To make the best of the present
state of things I would divide the country, assigning
one portion to the Boers, one to the natives under
British protection, and another, viz. the Utrecht
district, to the British. This district is Cisvaal,
not Transvaal.

145

PART IV.

Zululand aeter the War.
Basuto Occupation of Zululand. — When Zen-
zangakona (Tshaka's father) was chief of the Zulus
(they being at that time but a small tribe), a Basuto
tribe occupied this district from the head of the
Nquto range of mountains, stretching all down
past Isandhlwana to the Buffalo (Umzinyati) river.
They took inthe whole of what was called Sihhayo's
district and a great deal more. Their chief was
Seka. Zenzangakona was succeeded by Tshaka
(Chaka), and Seka, the Basuto, by Weza. Tshaka
made war with Weza and overcame him. He
could not destroy all his people, but drove them
westward into the country lying between the Free
State and the Transvaal. There they multiplied
fast, and were joined by other Basuto from the
10

146 AMAZULU.
neighbourhood, until they became very powerful.
But a civil war broke out, and at the same time
they were attacked by Korannas, helped by some
Dutch settlers. By this they were broken up and
separated into three different portions. Their
troubles were many and great. One portion took
refuge in Natal under Umbunda, Hlubi' s father,
and so it happened that Hlubi and his people
are simply returning to the homes of the fathers
(amanxiwa, a kwabo).
They take a quiet sort of pride in pointing out
to me a few piled-up stones, plainly denoting that a
kraal has been there in ages past, and saying, " Our
fathers' homesteads."*
Ketchwayo's challenge (question) to the Dutch
of the Transvaal, during the late disputed boundary
question, was " Kombani amanxiwa akini," " Point
out the old sites of your people." These, as you
know, are the great proof in their eyes of the
ownership of land.
It seems strange that the Imperial Government,
without knowing it, should be the means of bringing
these people back to the homes of "their fathers.

* Euined stone kraals ; a proof of old Basuto occupation
of Zululand. Zulus do not build stone kraals ; Basuto do.

ZULULAND- AFTER THE WAR. 147
Placing Hlubi here was the best thing done during
the settlement of the Zulu chieftain question. Of
course I cannot tell whether Sir Garnet Wolseley
grasped the likely consequence of placing a man
like Hlubi over this district, which is the key to
Zululand, but nothing could have been better both
for themselves and the people of Natal. The Zulus
themselves will be great gainers by Hlubi being
placed over them. Their late chief, Usihhayo, was
really no chief, but only a man placed in authority
by the Zulu king. He was not even a Zulu native.
Shortly after -the Isandhlwana disaster, he was
eaten up by Umnyamana, because so many women
had been to the king crying and saying that their
children and husbands were all dead, and asking
him why he had begun (qala) to fight against the
whites, asking also that Usihhayo and his people
should be eaten up.
So Umnyamana was sent with an impi against
them. They killed a great many of the people
and took away everything they could get. Now,
instead of depriving Usihhayo's people of their
lands and homes, we have done everything we
could to resettle them. Hlubi takes the place of
Usihhayo ; that is the only change. The district
is a very large one, so that a few more people
10 *

148 AMAZULU.
among them do not hurt the first inhabitants,
especially as when the whole of Hlubi's people have
come here they will not make up the number lost
during the war. They have lost more than in any
part of Zululand. They are really destitute. All
their crops, too, have failed this year, and as they
have no cattle to buy food with, I do not know
what they will do. Hlubi strives hard to make
them like him. Since he has been in Zululand he
has inquired why Umnyamana took their cattle
away, and as he has found out that the cattle were
never given up to the King but were kept by
Umnyamana, Hlubi, by the authority of the British
Resident, is making him disgorge everything he
took from Usihhayo's people and return them to
their lawful owners.
This has won greatly on the hearts of the people.
Hlubi is bringing about 500 of his own people, who
are settling down and mixing with the Zulus. They
are greatly superior to the Zulus, and are an im
proving tribe. They have just reached that stage
of knowledge when they are able to grasp the full
meaning of "education" and the benefits to be
derived therefrom. I heard Hlubi telling his
council (Ibandhla), composed of the head Zulus of
this district assembled at his house, that Zululand

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 149
in the late war was "Ignorance" and England
"¦ Knowledge," and that had they listened and
attended to the " teachers " sent to teach them
they would never have had to cry over the graves
of so many of their best men One of the greatest
obstacles to the advancement of the Zulus is the
debased condition of their ivomen. It was bad
enough in Natal ; it is worse here. They are,
indeed, beasts of burden. Now Hlubi's people, the
Basuto, treat their women in a very different
manner. In many cases they are more advanced
than the men. They have none of the outdoor
work to do; the men do that. They are better
treated than the women of the English peasantry.
Again, although many of them are polygamists,
Hlubi is trying his best to check it, not so much
because he thinks it wrong, but on the principle
that a nation of polygamists can never rise to be
very great. The Basuto are all eager to learn, and
that all their children should be taught. Now 500
people, such as I have described, settling down in
a district like this, and mixing with the Zulus on
terms of equality, must have a good effect. I can
see a change already, in that the kraals all round
are looking about for ploughs, so that their women
may be released from the hard task of tilling the

150 AMAZULU.
soil. They are also beginning to pick up pieces of
apparel, from seeing the Basuto women coming to
service dressed.
That it is a good thing for the people of Natal
that Hlubi has been placed here is very plain. He
and his people have proved themselves good and
loyal subjects of England's Queen, always ready
to obey the call of the English chief, no matter
what the work may be. They have got such a
thorough trust and confidence in the English, and
such an admiration of the greatness of the British
nation, that their one great wish is to learn to be
more like them. They are always talking about
England's greatness, and how that greatness is all
gained by learning, and how she is always wishing
to teach other nations, and what a great advantage
it is to the black races in Natal, as it will be here
in Zululand, to have the English for friends.
And when we come to think that Hlubi and his
people are looked up to and very much respected
by all the native chefs of Zululand, one cannot but
acknowledge that it would have been hard to have
found a better man than Hlubi as head of this
important district. He has a good deal of straight
forward common sense that commands the respect
of both whites and blacks. He and some of his

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 151
men came to meet me as soon as I crossed the
river Buffalo, and soon after we took a rough
survey of his district, and came to the conclusion
that three other schools at least would be necessary
besides the one at Isandhlwana, as he wanted all
his people to learn. He promised to help in putting
up school-buildings, and said that all the people in
the neighbourhood of each school would be very glad
to come to learn. We then took note of the best
sites for the buildings ; and he asked me to do my
best to get the Bishop to send others to help as soon
as possible, for " he wished all his people to become
Christians, and that, although he was still very
ignorant, he had been taught so far by the Church,
and he wished all his people to be taught by the
same." He ended by saying that if the Church had
refused to teach his people, he should have been
glad for others to come and teach them ; but until the
Church had told him that she was unable to do so,
he did not think he should be doing right to allow
others to come. I feel more and more every day
what a great and solemn responsibility rests upon
the Church.
Description of Isandhlwana. — I must describe
what Isandhlwana is like. The place chosen for
the house, &c. is a few hundred yards to the left of

152 AMAZULU.
Isandhlwana. But the church will be on the very
site of the camp of the 24th Regiment. There are
now three huts and three tents. One large tent
we have for meals ; it is full of stores. We are to
turn out of this directly and leave it for a service
tent. The other large one is just finished. Now
for the huts. One is a regular native hut for all
the boys working ; of these there are a large
number, besides those always on the spot. Mr.
Johnson calls up any number he wishes to do any
special work. Hlubi has told them all that they
must help, and well they do it, so that often we
have quite a little army of Zulus working away.
The other two huts are the usual round ones,
thatched down to the ground. There is a little
kitchen-garden and a cattle-kraal at some distance.
At the back of us are hills, which keep us nicely
sheltered ; in front are beautiful hills, and chief of
these is Isandhlwana rock itself, a very remarkable
hill. It is not very large, but steep; the top is
more like a stone ruin than a natural pile. On one
side are rocks piled up near the top, and on this
side the ascent is more gradual, but still with
grand-looking rocks. There a is flat piece of grass
near the top and another on the top. Trees are
scattered about all over ; many are grown in

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 153
amongst the stones, which seem to form a wall as
it were. There is a large cave upon it, some day
to be explored. The hill stands alone, apart from
any other hill, and when the setting sun is behind
it, or a thunder-cloud, it looks magnificent. It is
but a few hundred yards from our place.
The battle began on the hills behind us. We
have found several skeletons, which we have buried.
On the place where the numbers fell under the
ledge where the camp was, the grass is yards high,
and rank beyond what one could believe without
seeing it. All traces are effectually concealed by
it, unless you look close. Even then you see little
in the way of bones, for they are mostly well
buried, except a few stray ones. On the side of
the tents, the ground is still strewn with nails,
screws, and cartridges (from which the Zulus
extracted the powder and shot), and any number
of tent-pegs, and those little wooden links for
holding the ropes. All things of this sort which
we require we get from the field. Standing on the
battle-field and looking round, one realises, as one
never could before, how it all happened on that
awful day; and when one sees the distances they
skirmished from the camp, one wonders how they
could have been so foolish as to wander away and

154 AMAZULU.
scatter themselves in that way. The strangest
thing at first is to be living with the very Zulus
that fought there, and to see them as peaceful and
quiet as possible, and coming in numbers to work
and worship, and talking over that fight even with
the Natal natives (two of whom came with us to
drive the waggon), and to see them coming to
Charles as their umfundisi (teacher), and inkosi
(chief). All this seemed very strange at first.
One old man amuses me very much. He was one
of those who fought on that day, and here he is
dressed fully, even to a hat and collar, and coming
every day trying to do all he can. The day after
we caine, we were trying to make our hut nice.
Our Mabuka was very anxious to do all he could,
and if he saw me carrying anything, he said, " Why
do you not tell me to take that ? Give me a great
deal to do. What chief is afraid of his people who
want to work hard for him?" Then he would
seize on things and try to put them tidy, and
anticipate anything I wanted by watching hard.
I have seen little of the Basuto yet ; they are
busy getting their houses built, and their things
from Estcourt. Hlubi came one day ; he is a fine-
looking man. A few others have been at different
times.

ZULULAND AFTER TBE WAR. 155
Visit ofthe Ea-Empress of France. — To-morrow
we expect the Empress may pay us a visit. She is
now within a mile or so from this. General Wood,
who is with her, passed through this place yester
day, attended by some Basuto. They asked for
some milk, and Charles sent two of our boys down
to their camp with some. The boys returned,
saying they had been set down to eat meat with
knives and forks, and they ate and ate till they
could eat no longer. The Empress sent up an
officer to thank Charles in her name, and that of her
suite, for the milk, &c. He brought the Due de
Bassano's compliments, and said the Empress hoped
to call the next day. Charles sent her some opera-
glasses, found on the field ; for we heard that they
found hardly anything. In return he received a letter
from Sir Evelyn Wood, thanking him in her name.
There was a large congregation to-day, the largest
we have ever had. Oh ! when you can, please
collect for us any amount of clothes for the natives.
Any sort of clothes, any size, shape, or colour ; we
are not in the least particular up here in the wilds.
We shall want a great many when we get all three
places going. The natives here, having never had
anything of the sort before, wear anything. The
clothing ought to be made of good strong stuff.

156 AMAZULU.
Dearth and .Famine.— Thank you for the medi
cine you say you have sent out ; I can't tell you
how acceptable your box will be, for it will enable
me to do so much more for these poor people ; I use
the word poor advisedly. There is great scarcity
of food around us now. In fact it is a famine.
Many of the people have literally nothing to eat but
roots or boiled stalks of maize. The troops de
stroyed all the food. If it is bad now, what will it
be before the next year's crops, especially if the
season is late. This year the crops are nothing, for
they were sown too late? Maize is £2 a sack, and
hard to get.
June 20th, 1880. — As they have no cattle to buy
food with, 1 really don't know what they will do.
I do what little I can. Indeed, I have done for
them more than I ought ; I have gone beyond my
means. The whole neighbourhood comes for food.
I have been keeping four kraals for more than a
month past, and as they have really nothing where
with to buy clothing, you can quite understand
how very acceptable any covering will be to half-
starved children, to say nothing of the older
people. I have got thirteen boys working for me. They
are all bound to me, with their own and with their

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 157
father's consent, for two or five years. They will
in time, I hope, become Christians. Give our
thanks to those who are sending us clothing, &c.
We have made a good many additions to our
establishment since I last wrote. There are three
new huts nearly finished. One is a very large one,
and is to be used for divine service, and for a
schoolroom. It is some distance from the rest,
towards the hill. The others are of ordinary size :
one is for Mr. Samuelson, son of the missionary,
whom we may expect soon, and the other is for
visitors. We have moved the harmonium into the
dining-tent for service, which we have in English
every morning and evening, and on Sunday evening.
The native service is in the afternoon.
Mr. Ransom's things have just come, and with
them a bell which Mr. Alington brought out.
Mr. Ransom has just come from Utrecht, bringing
the bell with him. It has been set up outside the
large new hut. There is a nice spring of water a
little way off, and the water has been brought to
our doors.
The natives bring us a great number of things
found on the battle-field ; they must have an
immense quantity hidden away. They tell us that
if it had not been for the plunder on the field, the

158 AMAZULU.
whole army would have come on after the fight;
but their leaders could not get them on. They say
it is clever strategy on our part to take so many
things about with the army to engage the enemy's
attention. A man brought a pair of opera-glasses
yesterday ; a variety of things is brought. The
commonest are pickaxes ; they have brought so
many of these, that we laugh and say we shall take
a contract for a road through Zululand.
August 12th, 1880. — We are having a stone
building put up for a school chapel. The church
on the site of the camp will not be begun for some
time to come. Our present church-hut is wonder
fully nice.
You will have heard of the appointment of
Archdeacon McKenzie as Bishop of Zululand. It
seems a long time to wait for him to come out.
He will hardly be here before Christmas. Well!
when he does come, may he make a thorough good
missionary bishop.
Charles is now reading three or four hours a day
with Mr. Ransom, and Charles is giving him in
return (with Mr. Paton and Mr. May ) lessons in
Zulu. Last Sunday I began to take our boys for a short
Sunday-school. I am to give them an hour every

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 159
Sunday morning. Last Sunday I had only time to
explain a picture to them. I was astonished to
find how much they remembered of what they had
heard in church, evidently showing that they paid
great attention. One of them some time ago said
he should like to become a Christian. He went to
ask his father's consent, and obtained it.
Many of them are getting on very well with their
reading and writing at the evening school. We
have just had a new little hut put up for a vestry
close to the church.
It has been cold the last few days. We see the
snow lying on the tops of the hills not far off. It
has been actually snowing here.
We have just got three waggon-loads of poles
and wattles to Hlubi's own place, to make a begin
ning there. He is extremely anxious for this, as
only the men can come here to service. It is about
twelve miles off. There is to be a church-hut, and
another put up at once, and then Charles will ride
over every alternate Sunday and give them services.
They have eleven children there ready to be
baptised. There is another place at which Charles is
anxious to make a commencement as soon as
possible. This is at Susa's. He is a petty chief

160 AMAZULU.
in this district, and Hlubi has allowed a good many
of the Edendale native Christians to come and
settle at his place. He lives about twelve miles
away. He it was that turned out his men (fifty in
number) to cut poles, &c, and carry them here to
build huts for us to live in.
The House at Rorke's Drift. — Mr. Krapt is
busy building a house, &c. for the restoration of
the mission at Rorke's Drift, under the far-sighted
Otto Witt, who has come back with grand plans
and ideas.
We are having two sitting-room huts put up
now. One is a little one just for Charles and
myself, almost touching our hut, which is at present
both bed-room and sitting-room. The other is on
the site of the large old tent, which has been taken
down as it is wanted at Hlubi's for Mr. Norris and
some of the boys, who are going to put up the huts.
This is for everyone, and is very large indeed.
Both are to have chimneys — is not that grand ?
They are to be made of bricks, which have just
been manufactured for the purpose. The chimney
of the big hut is already built; it looks very
peculiar standing by itself. We are beginning to
get the breaking-up weather which comes before
summer. We had a heavy fall of rain the other

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 161
evening, and our huts are not waterproof. Our
hut was like a sieve ; there was hardly a dry spot.
We had to tie up an umbrella to the head of the
bed, which looked ridiculous.
On Saturday we went over to bury bones
on Isandhlwana, taking boys with us to dig a
pit, into which bones could be thrown from time
to time. There are many bones still lying
about, and even those which are supposed to
be buried are only half-hidden. Charles has
promised to bury all that may be left now, to
save more burying-parties coming. A gentleman
who had a brother killed here, has been staying
with us. He does not seem in the least affected
by coming to the spot where his brother met his
sad fate.
We are now enjoying potatoes, peas, cabbages,
and lettuces from our garden, which is flourishing
in consequence of being regularly watered every
morning, which our delightful supply of water
allows us to have done. Another garden is being
made out of another old cattle-kraal a short way
off. These old cattle-kraals come in very useful.
When the walls have been repaired, there is a
fence all ready for use, which is very necessary
with so many cattle about. We hear our new
11

162 AMAZULU.
Bishop intends bringing out a large party, and
coming straight to Isandhlwana.
September 13th, 1880.— Your letter enclosing
£20 came this morning. Thank you so very much
for it. It will, indeed, be useful. Just after it came
Charles had to start off to Hlubi's to set a little
boy's arm, very badly broken by a kick from a horse.
By the same post came the news that our case
had been despatched to Maritzburg. Fancy only
hearing now ! I hope we may be able to get it ere
lona:. Poor Archdeacon Fearne has had his house
burnt down, being able to save nothing. Alderley
was blown down, and the Trevors left homeless on
the very same day. They had a narrow escape.
On Sunday morning Charles went to take a service
at a place a short distance off, where Hlubi has
allowed a great many of the Edendale Christians to
come and settle. It is about an hour's ride from
this, so Charles was back in time to take the native
service here. He had such a nice service. He
sent word the day before that he was coming ; so
they had prepared to receive him. They had put
up a large awning, under which were a table and
chair for him, and ranged in a great pile on the
opposite side of the table were a large number of
Bibles and Prayer Books in a variety of dialects,

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 163
chiefly Xosa (Kafir), as they used that version first.
They gave Charles a prayer-book to use, which
they said was Wesleyan. There seemed hardly
any difference between it and ours. There was a
large and attentive congregation. They were all
nicely dressed (i.e. the Edendale people), the
women and children in clean print dresses. After
service they regaled him with tea and bread. He
says the bread was excellent, made by one of the
women. They sang very well ; one girl took the
lead. They are very anxious to have someone
settled at their place to teach them. They promise
to build him his house and school-room.
Hearing these accounts of outlying places will
give you an idea of the immense amount of work
in this district, and Charles alone to do it. There
was a very good congregation here, too, on Sunday
afternoon. Our little church was closely packed.
They are beginning to sing quite nicely now (at
least our own boys are) the hymns they have been
taught to sing in the evening. They still under
stand but imperfectly when they ought to some in.
Last Sunday they all took to repeating the prayers
in a low voice after Charles. My Sunday-school
class is very nice ; for besides these boys, others
come in and learn, four or five women and girls,
11 *

164 AMAZULU.
and an occasional man or two. They are very
attentive and remember fairly what they have been
told, on being questioned. They appreciate pictures
now. You know at first they are utterly meaning
less to them. They look at them without a notion
that they are intended to represent anything, and
it takes some time before , their eyes become
sufficiently educated up to them to understand
them. I always found this at Springvale, even
with fresh children.
November 9th, 1880. — A most curious incident
happened the other day.
An elderly native living near the Blood river, who
has a widespread fame as an " Umtakati " (wizard),
and who, as a rain doctor, has gotten to himself
herds of cattle and fifteen wives, wishes to. turn
over a new leaf and become a Christian. His plan
is to put away all his wives but one, build them
huts, and let them go and live as " Onina wabat-
wana " (mothers of children). He will divide his
wealth among these, and then go and live with one
wife after he has been baptised. I was surprised.
He was a very noted character in Zululand in
Ketchwayo's time. I shall have more to write
about this man. You will understand the state of
excitement we were in when our box arrived. We

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 165
shall never be able to thank you enough for it. It
came opportunely. As Margaret has just begun
her Day and Sunday School, a great many children
of both sexes have come. The poor little things
come as naked as they were born. You should
have seen their delight when they were clothed. To
be thus taken care of is such a new and unheard-of
idea to them, that they hardly know what to
make of it. Children in Zululand are very little
cared for. I wonder if those kind hearts that set
industrious fingers to work making clothing for
these little naked people, ever realise the joy they
give. Those working parties have far more to do
with mission-work among the heathen than is ever
dreamt of. What few tools I had I had sent over to
the builders, so you can understand with what joy
I pounced upon Graham's box of nails, gimlets, &c.
The medicines are very well chosen indeed.
Margaret's children looked very well at service —
twenty-nine cleanly-dressed children — the envy of
the neighbourhood. The famine is raging worse
and worse. Since the waggon came from Maritz
burg with maize, there has been a crowd of
natives begging. I have already spent more than
my year's stipend in buying maize.
Everyone has been for a hunt to-day, whites

] 66 AMAZULU.
and blacks. They started soon after 5 a.m. and
came back this afternoon, having killed only four
bucks and no birds. Charles shot three out of the
four. They went to get game for Christmas Day,
when there will be so many people here.
On New Year's Day a tall, very dark clergy
man appeared on horseback. Everyone thought it
was the Bishop, but Mr. Ransom came up and
recognised him as a friend of his, a Mr. Swinny,
whom he had last seen in Capetown, as chaplain to
the Bishop. Mr. Swinny explained that our Bishop
would be here that day week, and that he himself
belonged to his party, having volunteered for the
work as the Bishop passed through Capetown.
Sure enough, on that day week two riders were
discerned coming from an unusual quarter. We
exclaimed " There is our Bishop ! " and rushed to
meet him. Mr. Shildrick was with him, having
come as his guide. He was tired and travel-
stained, but the more we saw of him the more we
liked him. He seems just the man for the work.
He is tall and dark, and not much over forty. He
stayed from Saturday till Tuesday. He is going
to fetch up all his party to St. Andrew's at once,
because there is a good house there, and then he
will come to Isandhlwana. This is just what we

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 167
have been hoping he would do. Ever since we
found that the Basuto were not going to live here
we have hoped that we should be settled at Hlubi's
own place. Charles will now be able to give his
attention to the one place now the Bishop has come.
I think it is so splendid how Charles has managed
to keep this district for the Church, and to
establish all these centres, in spite of many diffi
culties, and is now able to hand over to the Bishop
such a good beginning, and to think he has done
it all and got over the first hard work.
The Bishop' s first visit to Hlubi. — On Sunday the
Bishop rode over to Hlubi's with Charles and
Mr. Ransom. His coming had been long and
eagerly looked forward to. A large number ot
people was assembled. The Bishop baptised twenty
children, all of them, either scholars of Charles's
when he was at Estcourt, Natal (Hlubi's old place),
or else their brothers and sisters. They had been
ready for some time, but Charles thought it would
be nice for the Bishop to find so many little ones
ready to be received into the Church. Indeed, the
Bishop was exceedingly pleased. At tea-time, when
he was back again, he said, " Oh ! it was wonder
ful." It was a marvellous thing to see the Chief
and his headmen, and so many of his tribe and

168 AMAZULU.
people, all gathered together to present their little
ones to Christ. Two of the children were Hlubi's
own. On Monday, Charles wished to take the
Bishop over to the little settlement of Christians at
Hlanhlakazi, but they had not time to go.
On Tuesday the Bishop left with Mr. Shildrick ;
Charles and Mr. Swinny seeing them on their way,
and coming home in the evening. You remember
Mr. Shildrick coming to Springvale to be ordained
by Bishop Callaway, and what a hero he made of
John Dunn. I was amused to hear him still stand
up for him as warmly as ever.
On Monday last Mr. Ransom left us for England.
He hopes to come out again.
The Boers in the Transvaal. — You will have
heard of the rising of the Boers in the Transvaal.
They have been alarming the people here a great
deal. First they began by trying to buy horses
from the Basuto, coming by twos and threes ; then
they threatened to come and take all their horses,
and went on to order Hlubi to quit that part of his
territory which they claimed as their own. They
first asked the Basuto if they were on their side, or
on that of the English ; and when they said the
English, they said they would come and turn them
out. Hlubi has had most of the men of his district

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 169
at his kraal, to be ready if any Boers did come.
Numbers of men have been here on their way to
and from his kraal, armed with such assegais, &c.
as they could get ; and Hlubi has been continually
sending over messengers to tell Charles of some
new threat, and to ask his advice, or for letters to
take on to the British Resident to acquaint him
with the doings of the Boers. Hlubi said, if he
could only get some ammunition and more guns,
he would not care for the Boers if they did come ;
and he got permission from the Resident to force
them to leave if they came and made themselves
obnoxious, or to take them prisoners.
A party of Boers came into the country and went
round to the kraals, trying to make the Zulus rise,
promising to bring back Ketchwayo if they would
join them. They could not make much impression
on them ; their hands are too full with their war
against the English for them to do much mischief
here, however they may threaten. Yet they may
raise a spirit of discontent, if they are allowed td
go round talking nonsense to the Zulus. So
Charles, thinking it right that the Government
should be informed, wrote a letter for Hlubi. The
answer returned was to the effect that Mr. Osborne
had been written to on the subject, that he knew

170 AMAZULU.
Hlubi's" loyalty, and would not suffer him or his
people to be molested, and then ending, rather
grandly, by saying that there were large bodies, of
troops coming, and that the rebellion would soon
be quelled. The women and children over at
Hlubi's got . so much alarmed, that they would not
sleep at home, but went up into the rocks and caves
for the night.
We* steamed into the Bay of Funchal, and dropped
anchor soon after 7 this morning. After break
fast I went ashore, coming back about 4 p.m., after
a pleasant day. The island is very beautiful, but
the town of Funchal is very comical; all the streets
are steep and narrow, paved with small black stones
set close together. The houses are flush with the
street, without any footpath ; they are all white or
yellow, shaded by shutters or Venetian blinds. The
bazaars could not boast of any wmdows ; you enter
through wide doors, and the goods are displayed
round the room. Over the doors are odd signs,
some in French or Portuguese, and some in English.
The streets were guarded by slouching-looking
police, half-soldiers, who march about in companies
of twenty strong. In the middle of the town is the
* Prom my son's letters, on his going out again. — T. B. J.

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 171
cathedral, an ugly, white-washed building, with a
curious tower. The chief place of resort is a sort
of central promenade entirely shaded by trees ; in
the centre was a stand for the band. It was summer
weather, the flowers were lovely and in full bloom.
Many of these I had never seen before, such as a
creeper of magenta-coloured flower covering the
walls and trellis-work with a mass of bloom;
another of orange colour was. very brilliant. I saw
the eucalyptus, peach, loquat, and some beautiful
palms, and other tropical plants. This part of the
island is rather bare of trees. It is the wet season
here, and everything is fresh and green, except the
vines and other deciduous trees. On the hills are
tanks for irrigation during drought. The moun
tain torrents are now full, their channels lie through
picturesque gorges. The rocks are of volcanic
origin, very dark. I went up a hill at the back of
the town, from which there was a splendid view,
both on to the mountains and over the bay to the
open sea. Six large steamers lay at anchor in the
bay, and many sailing-ships. There seem to be no
carts or carriages on the island. People go about
in the queerest little ox-sledges, which consist of a
car containing two seats, covered with an awning
and curtains. This is slung on to two sledge-

172 AMAZULU.
runners by springs, a pole is fastened in front, and
the whole is drawn along at a smart pace by two
little oxen. Goods are conveyed on a thick plank
or beam of hard wood, turned up before like the
sole of a shoe. Cultivation is on the garden plan.
Fruit is the principal thing grown. The vines are
trained over trellis-work, but the principal vine
yards are not in this part of the island. Sugar-cane
is grown in patches. They begin to cut the cane
in February.
The day after leaving Madeira we visited " The
Canaries." We did not pass between Teneriffe
and Gomera, as we did in the " Conway Castle,"
but between Gomera and Palma, which took us
further from the peak, but gave us a good view.
We sighted Cape de Verde on the 2nd, and arrived
safe at Capetown. Everything was parched and
dried up at Capetown. The mountain had no sign
of green upon it.
Feb. 18th, 1881. — Came into Algoa Bay on Thurs
day, and to-day we reached East London. After
leaving we coasted along very near the shore, which
looked fresh and green after the burnt-up appear
ance of Capetown. The coast consisted chiefly of
low hills covered with grass and bush, with here
and there a ridge of rock running out into the sea.

ZULULAND AFTER TBE WAR. 173
We arrived off the bluff at Port Natal early on
Saturday morning, and went straight over the bar
as we did in 1873. Came on to Maritzburg, and
called on the Bishop. This place is full of troops.
Took postcart for Greytown, forty-five miles. I
could get no horse, and so pushed on afoot ; got a
lift in a waggon, and then on to Mooi River, 20 miles.
The country is like the valley of the Umkomazi.
Met two natives who had escaped from waggons
looted by the Boers, near Newcastle. They burned
such waggons as they did not want, and took the
rest with all the oxen, pitching away the loads.
They let the white men who were with them go
free. They described the Boers as being in great
numbers from boys to old men, as having plenty of
horses, but as short of provisions, and living on
meat. At Mooi river I saw two white men, also
escaped, who confirmed this.
I left Mooi river and walked to the Tugela. The
country is very fine. I rested at the river till
sundown, and then started again and reached
Umsinga before 10 p.m., twenty-seven miles. Left
Umsinga at nine next day, and went as far as
Helpmakaar, thirteen miles. The rain was heavy,
and so I stayed the night. Left at 7 a.m. next day,
and walked to Rorke's Drift, where I was kindly

174 AMAZULU.
entertained by Mr. Otto Witt. Here is a queer
part of my story. By taking a short cut, I missed
Margaret (my sister) and Charles, who were on
their way to Umsinga in a waggon. On reaching
the drift, I heard they had passed. I had seen the
waggon without knowing it. Failing to get a horse
to overtake them, I went up to Mr. May's store.
I found May and Paton settled in two tents.
Mr. May knew me at once. I stayed the night
there. Next day to Hlubi's, two miles on, where
new huts are being built of stone. I borrowed a
horse and rode over to Isandhlwana. I found there
Mr. Swinny ; he is getting on wonderfully with the
language. I explored the battle-field, which still
retains many traces of that fatal day. There are
three cairns of loose stones erected besides the iron
cross and private monuments. The ground is
strewn with cartridge-cases, bits of tent, chips of
waggons, and pieces of iron.
On Monday I took the one horse, which Charles
had left here, and set off in pursuit, and arrived at
the Gordon Memorial Mission the same evening.
News of the battle of Amajuba, an awful affair.
The head of this mission is Dr. Dalzell, a good
doctor of medicine. Margaret has come hither to
be under him. I arrived here on Monday (yester-

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 175
day), and found (my sister) Margaret in front of
the house. Charles was out, and I introduced
myself to Margaret on the verandah. She was not
expecting me, and took me for a stranger. She
said I had changed a great deal.
Graham has arrived safe and sound, and looking
very well, but so much altered that I did not know
him in the least. On Monday Charles had gone to
the post, hoping to find a letter from Graham.
I was, meantime, surprised by a young man walking
into the verandah, where I was lying down reading.
and enjoying figs and peaches. I got up and made
him a polite bow, expecting him to say who he
was. To my surprise he came right up and said
"Margaret," and then I knew it must be Graham;
but it was a long time before I really knew him
again, though he produced his credentials. His
outward appearance and voice has quite changed.
Yet Charles knew him instantly.
Mr. Stewart, of this mission (Free Church of
Scotland), has been going about in Zululand for
some time, with a spring- cart and a tent, teaching.
He came to Isandhlwana on his way out, and
hearing that we wanted a carriage, kindly offered
us the use of his cart. About half-way to the
drift the axle-tree broke. Mr. Stewart was much

176 AMAZULU.
distressed that we should have broken down ; he is
such a good fellow. Under his care, and with one
wheel locked, the cart went on to the drift with me
in it. The blacksmith of the drift could do nothing,
so they lifted the cart (with its wheels off) bodily
on to the waggon, and secured it there, and so we
came on safely to Umsinga.
I have been absent four weeks with the waggon.
The Tugela river was so full that we had to go
round by Newcastle. We came up with eight
waggons belonging to Hlubi and his Basuto, and
we kept company with them as far as Estcourt.
Whilst they were with us we had to double span a
great many times. I give a few specimen days.
March 23rd. — About noon, by the efforts of
two spans of picked oxen, both the waggons were
got out. We inspanned about 2 p.m. and trekked
till 5, making detours to avoid bogs and marshes
which were across the road. One waggon stuck
fast, but was hauled out in a minute or two.
March 30th. — After waiting a whole day at Lady-
smith we found Klip river full and a number of
waggons waiting to cross. One waggon made the
attempt with four span of oxen (fifty-six), but they
were forced to swim, and were carried down by the
stream and nearly drowned. Ladysmith is a pretty

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 177
httle town, but lying low, close to the river. There
is a camp here of the 58th Regiment, which
suffered so heavily at Amajuba mount.
31st. — It took the whole day to cross the river.
There was the greatest excitement at the drift.
An immense number of waggons were waiting on
the other side to cross. Every other waggon stuck
fast on coming down to the brink, when the yelling
and cracking were tremendous. Now and then a
waggon from our side forced its way. Two
waggons stuck fast hopelessly, and one was smashed
to pieces by collision and stopped the way for some
time. To add to the confusion, there were spans
of oxen continually crossing and recrossing, and a
drove of eighty horses had to be swum across and
two herds of cattle. Some goats also made the
attempt, but gave it up. I wonder they do not
make a bridge here. Over the Tugela there is a
grand bridge. Whilst we were waiting, several
ambulance waggons came down from the front with
wounded soldiers. Many of them were on foot
with their arms in slings. There are hospital tents
at convenient distances along the road, where the
ambulances stay the night. I talked with some of
the soldiers ; one of them gave me an account of that
terrible affair at Amajuba mount. He was at the
12

178 AMAZULU.
top of the hill with three companies of the 58th,
which suffered most. He said that the Boer loss
was much under-rated. He said that if the Boers
had been disciplined they might have killed or taken
prisoners all the force on the hill, but they stopped
to plunder, and so those got down who did escape.
April 6th. — Met a detachment of the 97th
Highlanders marching to the front. Crossed Mooi
river by the bridge. Met a detachment of Hussars
from India on their way to the front. Conversed
with one of the officers, who said they had lost
many horses, which were Australian, and that they
had now come from one of the nicest stations in
India. It took us twenty days to reach Maritz
burg. Three weeks going down and only six days
coming back.
May 1st. — I write to tell you of our safe
arrival at our new home, and of the christening of
the baby which took place to-day.
I returned from Maritzburg on Easter-day. I
will try to describe our new home at Hlubi's place.
It is on the side of a hill which slopes very gently
below the house and rises behind it very steep and
rocky. There is a large flat space where the house
stands, and the soil is good all round. A httle
stream rises higher up, and has been brought right

ZULULAND • AFTER THE WAR. 179
through the place. The view is splendid. In
front we look right over a gently sloping plain to
the Blood river, with ranges of hills beyond it.
Further on to the left is the Buffalo river, Um-
zinyati, with the remarkable hill by Rorke's Drift,
and the two gum-trees (eucalyptus), which form the
most conspicuous mark of the old fort. Hlubi's own
place is to the right of us, less than a mile distant,
and divided from us by a ridge which runs out
from the hill behind. The buildings consist of one
large round stone hut, and a large square one built
of reeds and plastered inside and out, with an iron
roof. It is used as a kitchen and dining-room.
There is also another still larger stone hut, not quite
finished. They are built of two kinds of stone, a
sort of blue granite, which is in awkward round
boulders, red outside (iron stained), and a soft
coarse-grained grey sandstone, both very abundant
close to, the whole hill at the back being piled
with them, the sandstone in huge masses, and the
granite in boulders. There is also a good stone
hut well away at the back for the native boys.
The country is bare and treeless, with nothing
near the house but a few castor-oil trees. The
only planted trees are fifty young peaches and
apricots, doing very well. 12 *

180 AMAZULU.
Baby was baptised under a gum-tree at Hlubi's
house. In the shade was placed a table with a
white cloth on it and a basin. The chief stood at
the foot of the tree, and a ring of people all stood
round and looked on with great interest, men on
one side and women on the other. The baptismal
service was partly in Zulu and partly Sesutu.
Afterwards we were all invited into Hlubi's
house. May 18th. — I like the life here very well, and
have no lack of work of all sorts. I like this place
better than the old station at Isandhlwana. The
stone huts are far better. We are erecting a large
tent for a school-church. It is put up over a
wooden frame. It is a canvas house. Bricks are
being made for a small house ; this is troublesome
work. The garden is an old cattle-kraal. Sand
and stones are being hauled on a sledge. Doors
and windows for huts, shelves, tables, &c. have all
to be made. All this is in addition to ordinary
duties, such as buying maize, killing beef, &c.
Charles has a dozen boys working for him, most of
them are engaged for a term of years.
May 24th. — Describes the same place and events
more in detail, e.g. the sermon was interpreted into
the language of the Basuto, viz. Sesutu.

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 181
May 31st. — About the Boer peace. We live
within six miles of the Transvaal border, and see
the hills of Utrecht every day. I am very sorry
that we gave back the country to the Boers, and
disgusted that we should do so after being beaten.
If it was right to give them back the Transvaal, it
ought to have been done before we had thrown
away the blood of so many brave men. If it was
not right, we are in the ignominious position of
having done this for fear of being beaten. The
Zulus and Basuto here do not regard us as having
been vanquished, for that, in their eyes, would
involve the whole army driven back and Natal
overrun and pillaged, whereas they see the troops
even further advanced. They think that both sides
are tired of the war and wish to come to an agree
ment. The Transvaal natives, however, say that
if the Enghsh give up the country they will fight
for it themselves. Some of them have already
taken up arms against the Dutch. The Boers are
getting insolent. They even demand this part of
Zululand. Before I came Hlubi called up and
armed his men, both Basuto and Zulus, and
patrolled the river for several days, as a report had
come that the Boers were coming to seize their
horses. Several Zulu tribes came to the British

182 AMAZULU.
Resident and asked leave to make a raid across the
Blood river to seize the Boer's cattle.
I like the Basuto; they are very civil.
Hlubi makes a first-rate chief, and is anxious to
improve his people. He is trying to check
polygamy. A man living with one wife and in a
proper house is exempt from the hut-tax of 14s.
Our average congregation is sixty, most of
them Basuto men.
The ferry-boat from Rorke's Drift has been
brought here for repairs before it is launched at a
new drift (ford) higher up. We shall soon have
also a " Silo " (barn) stone cistern for storing
maize. Anecdote. — The other day I went down to
Rorke's Drift to fetch up some poles and beams. A
boy went with me. A sledge with oxen was to
follow. On reaching the river I undressed in order
to swim across. I then found that Tshwapana could
not swim, so I sent him round by the drift, where
he could wade across. I made a bundle of my
clothes and gave them to the lad to take across. I
then plunged in and swam across the river,
scrambling into an old punt on the other side, and
sat there waiting for my clothes. After waiting
nearly an hour, I began to grow impatient and to

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 183
find myself in an awkward fix, and to think that I
might have to lie concealed till night and then creep
under cover of darkness to the store, rather a chilly
proceeding on a frosty night. Just then the sledge
and oxen appeared on the other bank with three
boys. I made signs to them to follow my example
and swim across, leaving a small boy with the
oxen. This they did, being good swimmers. I
then sent one of them to look for Tshwapana and
my clothes. They found him calmly seated on the
other side, afraid to come across. He succeeded in
bringing him over, when I hailed my clothes with
delight. Having put them on, I secured the timber
from the fort, punted it across, and so into the
sledge and home.
Another day I went over to Isandhlwana to see
about the harvesting of some maize which Charles
had left there, to count some sheep and goats, and
to dig up some potatoes. I took my gun with me for
the first time since I came up here. I started long
before daybreak, and struck across the country. I
saw only two bucks too far off. The sun rose just
after I got over the Bashee river and reached the
foot of the great red cliffs, where the first battle
was fought with Sihhayo's men after the mvasion
of Zululand.

184 AMAZULU.
I had hoped to come across some guinea-fowl,
which are very plentiful in such valleys as that of
the Bashee, but they are generally seen in large flocks
of a hundred or so. I stayed the night at St.
Vincent's, Isandhlwana. The party there consists
of Mr. Swinny, Mr. Colborn, and Miss Barton,
and two Germans and a Swede, who have gone
there to build the house and memorial church.
It seemed so queer when I was there to see
old familiar objects such as the basin, in which I
washed my hands, which used to be in your
dressing-room at Springvale (bought at Mottram
1856, T. B. J.), and, which I can remember far
back. Even the bell on the table was the little
bronze one (1856) we had at Parkstone, Poole.
They have left such things to help on the new
people who are settling there.
June 3rd. — It has been very cold with high
south wind, like an English east wind. Fowls do
well, and would multiply fast but for the wild cats.
As many as seventeen chickens were taken in one
night. We poisoned a large wild cat with a nicely
marked skin and claws like a young tiger. An
eagle was attracted by its body, which I shot. It
was a fine bird with immense stretch from tip
to tip.

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 185
April 11th. — Zulu Famine Fund. — It was with
sincere gratitude that I received the news that you
had started a subscription for me. I could not do
very much when thousands were in want of food,
but I did manage to give some maize to everyone
who came asking for food.
When maize failed I killed cattle and gave
them meat. I never turned away one person
who came crying " hunger." Not reckoning trans
port (which is very heavy, T. B. J.), it cost me about
£45, not reckoning the cost of the native boys and
girls apprenticed to me for periods varying from
three to five years (of whom I have now got
twenty-four), although the famine added to the
expense of their keep.
I am glad to say that the famine is a thing of
the past now. Not many adults died of starvation.
The Zulus are very good herbalists, and can keep
off actual starvation for a long time with roots and
bulbs, grasses and herbs ; but from living thus so
long they suffered from disease. Only those living
among them could see the damage this famine has
done. The Zulus will never forget it. They will
date events from it.
June 16th. — We went to visit the grave of the
Prince Imperial, or rather his monument erected

186 AMAZULU.
on the spot where he was killed, about twenty-five
miles off. We arrived at sunset. We off-saddled
and went to examine the cross. It is much hidden,
being at the bottom of a shallow donga. There is
a small enclosure of rough stone, in the centre of
which is a white stone cross on a low pedestal,
bearing an English inscription simply recording
his death on that spot, and saying that it was placed
there by Queen Victoria. In front is a heap of
stones ; a few trees are planted in the enclosure,
some of which are doing well, including some roses
and ivy. At the other end are the graves of the
two troopers who fell with the Prince. It was
quite dark when we left to go home ; we stumbled
on a kraal and got a man to show us the waggon-
road. We reached home at ten minutes past one
a.m. The next day I developed the measles.
On Saturday two officers of the 7th Hussars
arrived from Newcastle. They stayed over Sunday,
and after visiting the battle-field and the Prince's
grave, came back here for Tuesday night.
July 26th. — Mr. Arthur Shepstone came from
Hlubi's. After breakfast we went with him to the
battle-field in order to identify the grave of his
brother George, who fell there. Our party con
sisted of Charles and Mr. S. Hlubi, myself and

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 187
Solomon, who was at the battle. While we were
approaching Hlubi gave us graphic descriptions of
the great battle, pointing out where the Basuto
were engaged. After a little search we found the
grave. After this we rode over the field; the grass
had just been burnt off, leaving the ground bare ;
many bones have become exposed again by the
rains. I found, by way of relic, a pair of scissors.
We off-saddled at St. Vincent's, and Miss Barton
gave us afternoon tea. We reached home at sunset.
The school is getting on ; a great number of boys
and girls and a few young men attend. The Chief
comes himself sometimes, and his wife regularly.
He can read and write his own tongue, but is
anxious to learn English. He writes from dicta
tion. Several of his people are at the same lesson.
We have also a night school. I teach in the
evening. Hlubi is giving £50 towards the church. There
have been forty-five baptisms here this year.
August 1881. — The Bishop has turned up at last,
three weeks late. He has been visiting all the
stations in Zululand and Swaziland as far as the
Bomba mountains, thence to Delagoa Bay on foot.
He has been absent six weeks, and has travelled
700 miles on horseback.

188 AMAZULU.
On Sunday a large congregation assembled.
There were fifteen baptisms, five adults, including
the Chief's wife. She is a very nice woman,
refined and lady-like. Four men and two women
were confirmed.
August 13th. — Hlubi called a big hunt in
honour of two officers. We first went to the top
of a rocky hill, Sihhayo's stronghold. The Zulu
beaters were in the valley. I had only one chance
shot and missed. The beaters, 200 in number,
saluted their Chief in the usual warlike manner,
dancing and charging at him and then stopping
and beating their shields. Twelve bucks and two
or three hares were killed. I rode home with
Hlubi and his men, racing on our way home. I
was more lucky the day before yesterday, when I
killed ten of those large rock-pigeons with one
shot. 28th. — We have had a snow-storm here, with
cold high winds and showers of sleet. I was out
on horseback all day looking for cattle which had
run before the storm.
August-September. — St. Augustine's, Isandhlwana.
— Almost all the Basuto are anxious to learn.
Some of the boys come to school on horseback, as
they live so far away. Many of those who live too

ZDLULAND AFTER THE WAR. 189
far off have sent their children here ; many more
would do the same if we could take them in.
Sesuto, the language of the Basuto is quite dis
tinct from the Zulu, although the construction is
similar, and many words are alike. The French
were the first to reduce Sesuto to writing, so that
it is spelt in the French fashion, which makes
the difference between the two languages appear
greater. We have had a good many visitors lately, chiefly
officers coming to see Rorke's Drift and the battle
field. I went to a sale at De Waar store (Dill's) the
other day. The buyers were almost all Boers, who
are the principal inhabitants of the Biggarsberg,
about fifteen miles off.
When Sir E. Wood had done with the Trans
vaal he came into Zululand, and held a meeting of
chiefs at Ihlazatshe (the British Resident's place,
fifteen miles hence). All came except Oham, who
knocked up on the road. The old fellow is in such
a state from fat and fuddling, that when his people
succeeded in getting him fairly mounted on a horse
they had to halt every few miles for him to get off
and have a sleep.
Hlubi went with a large following of mounted

190 AMAZULU.
men. The meeting took place on the Monday and
Tuesday following the snowstorm. White magis
trates are to be appointed and a hut-tax levied of
10s. a hut.
A few suggestions were submitted to the chiefs,
who retired and consulted. On their return they
agreed to most of the clauses, but rejected some,
such as forbidding spirits in their districts. Oham
is terribly fond of gin. They refused to support
a staff of border police.
October 5th. — This part of Zululand is in a very
unsettled state. There has been fighting in Oham's
district (to the north).
October 9th. — The people around Mr. Weber's
were all coming together that day and arming
themselves to go to fight against Oham. Parties of
men kept passing whilst I was there, in war-dress
with shields and assagais. The place of meeting
was a kraal within sight.
I proceeded on my journey, went over a very
steep hill at the back of the station, and descended
into a valley or plain, on the opposite side of
which was the conspicuous and famous hill of
Hlobane. It is long and flat- topped, very square
and smooth in its general outline, but rugged
enough in detail, as our men found to their cost

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 191
during the battle.* We also saw at a distance
the famous battle-field of Kambula. We stayed
the night at a kraal under Zunguin's hill, where
they gave me a hut to myself.
10th. — Started early and passed all day through
a desolated country. Nearly every kraal was
deserted and not a sign of man was to be seen over
many miles of country. These kraals belonged to
the Abaqulusi, who were supposed to be under
Oham; but they rebelled, and he sent an impi
agamst them. A battle was fought on the banks
of the Bivana river. The Abaqulusi were defeated
and had to flee the country with their women,
children, and cattle.
This happened a week ago. I crossed the river
Bivana, and off-saddled at a kraal belonging to the
big man of the district, Gedhlezi, where I was
entertained as usual with amasi (milk curdled). I
went on towards the Pongola river. Here the
country became gradually dotted over with Boer's
houses. 1 heard that there was a missionary on
the other side of the Pongola, for whose house I
made. As I crossed, I found that I was coming
into a country occupied by the Boers. It is a strip,
* Here fell Colonel Wetherly, Piet TJys, &c.

192 AMAZULU.
partly Transvaal and partly a country over-run by
the Dutch, which intervenes between Zululand and
Swaziland, N. I rode up to the missionary's
house, and asked for a night's lodging. He seemed
to be a German, and looked much surprised to see
me. He called his wife to interpret. She came
and said they were very sorry, but they dared not
put me up even for the night, for war had broken
out again between the Dutch and English, and that
no Englishman would be allowed in the country.
She advised me to turn back into Zululand at once.
Her arguments were seconded by those of a Boer,
who said that I should be turned back by force.
I declined the offer of a cup of coffee, and turning
my horse's head, rode slowly back and recrossed
the river, much to the wonder of Inkuna. We
stayed the night at a kraal of the Amaswazi near
the river.
11 th. — Started early and rode straight back to
Gedhlezi's kraal, hoping to discover a road in
Swaziland by crossing the river lower down ; but I
could not hear of any such road, and so turned
towards home.
Soon after crossing the river Bivana, your poor
old horse, "Dean," knocked up, and I was forced
to leave him. After going three miles we came to

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 193
a kraal where there was an old couple, who had
been left behind, on the flight of the Abaqulusi
(ukulinda umuzi), to take care of the kraal. The
old man was too feeble to be moved. The old
woman would have pleased you ; she was the nicest
old Kafir woman I have ever come across. She
seemed quite pleased to see us, and gave us some
maize to cook (as she could not fetch Water for
herself), and a hut to sleep in. We fed on boiled
maize, and lay down to sleep.
12th. — When we found the old horse he was
feeding quietly. Inkuna led him gently all that
day. We reached the kraal of Inkosana that night,
and slept there. He was one of Ketchwayo's chief
indunas, and went with him to the Cape ; he has
come back to see his people, but is going to return
to the Cape. He showed me photos of Ketchwayo
and his induna, and also of Captain Pool. Whilst
I was there, some of the Abaqulusi, who were
staying the night at a kraal on their way to
Mr. Osborne's (the British Resident) at Inhlazatshe,
were giving a description of the recent battle with
Oham, in which they had taken part. They said
that four white men were with Oham's impi
(army); they also described some horrible barbarities
which had been committed by the victors after the
13

194 AMAZULU.
battle. I failed to obtain any cattle ; all had some
excuse for not selling.
13th. — At mid-day we halted at the chief kraal
of Seketwayo (one of the thirteen chiefs), whose
district adjoins Hlubi's. I found the chief a fat,
uncomfortable-looking old man, with no voice ; he
was sitting in his hut, surrounded by his indunas
(headmen). He was anxious to hear all the news.
He gave me the drink of utshwala (beer) out of
his own kamba (bowl), which ordinary politeness
enjoined to a distinguished visitor. I stayed two
or three hours, and then went on.
Towards evening the old horse knocked up. We
stayed the night at a kraal, where the people treated
us very well, though the Umninimuzana was only
an Umfokazana.
There is a great difference in the way they treat
one. Of course, when you ask for anything, they
invariably say that you have come at a time of
famine, when they have positively nothing to eat.
This is always the native way of speaking; but,
after that, they seem to try all they can to make
you comfortable, and bring you all the delicacies
they have. Others only give because they think
they must.
14th. — Found the old horse quite dead. I took

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 195
him over 200 miles in that week. This is the
fourth horse they have lost. One of the natives
was struck by lightning yesterday, and killed on
the spot.
30th. — Sihhayo, deposed chief of this district,
has been here. He came to Church and, with
Hlubi, looked at a map of the territories, drank
sugar and water, and talked. It was strange to see
the old chief and the new one on such good terms. .
He wishes to be allowed to settle again here. He
is a fine-looking old fellow, tall and stout.
November llih. — I have been to another hunt of
quite a different style, held on the plain near the
river. I shot two pauws (bustards), and ran down
a buck with one of the Basuto; half fell to my
share. I was in at the death on two other
occasions. The plan is simply to run down the
deer by hard galloping.
Charles is quite well again. Our hours are: —
Up at 6; prayers, 7.30; breakfast, after school, 11;
dinner, 1.30 ; school, 3 p.m. ; tea, 7 p.m.
27th. — We have had the honour of meeting
General Sir Evelyn Wood to-day. About 4 p.m.
Charles and I and Hlubi, and two of his men,
started off to see him. We found the tents by
Rorke's Drift. As we dismounted, Sir E. Wood
13 *

196 amazulu.
came out of the tent, with General Buller, Major
Fraser, and one or two others. We spent some
time talking to them ; a great deal of interpretation
having to be done between the General and Hlubi,
from whom he wanted three guides : one to take
them to Isandhlwana, and thence to the Prince's
grave, and so back. It will be over sixty miles,
but they seem used to long distances. General
Buller only left Maritzburg yesterday morning.
General Wood inquired kindly after the Basuto by
name. We reached home just in time to avoid a
thunderstorm. I went to the Ondini bush in John Dunn's
district, the other day, to cut poles for the new
stable roof (fifty miles). I got leave to cut from
the man in charge. It is a grand country up there,
very high. The views far down the valley of the
Tugela, into Zululand on one side and Natal on the
other, were magnificent. They reminded me ofthe
Umkomazi valley from the top of Inkonya, only on
a grander scale. The yellow-wood forests are like
those which you have seen in Griqualand.
I was cutting for two days, and finished on
Saturday, and loaded up in time to make one short
trek by moonlight. Next day I left the waggon
to rest (I had been sleeping under the waggon),

zululand after the war. 197
and stayed at Isandhlwana all night. The waggon
was days behind me, having been delayed by a
stickfast and an upset.
December 1881. — On the 15th there was an extra
ordinary storm here. The wind was very high ; the
hailstones were as large as duck's eggs ; some of
them were as big as a man's fist. They came down
with tremendous force, but happily not very close
together. Gradually they got smaller and fell
thicker, until they turned to heavy rain. Next
morning Philemon appeared with a very long face
and no waggon. The news he had to tell was very
serious. The waggon had been washed down the
river. They had stuck fast in the Umzinyatyana,
a tributary of the Buffalo, which enters the river
about three miles above Rorke's Drift. In ordinary
weather it is only a little stream, but when the
storm came on the river came down with a rush.
They had only j ust time to unhook the oxen and get
them out before the wave was upon them. The
waggon was carried over and down stream as
though it had been a piece of wood, and not a
heavy buck waggon with three tons load on it. On
hearing of our misfortune, we set off to save what
we could out of the wreck. We went straight to
the hut by the river-side, viz., Charles, Mr. May,

198 AMAZULU.
and his brother aud myself, and the German who
had been building the stable here, with a waggon
and all the natives we have at work on the place
(twenty-five). We went straight to the hut by
the river, where we have two boys. We found
that they had been busy since daylight and had
rescued several boxes and things which had been
floating down the river or had got stranded on the
rocks. Very fortunately, the Buffalo river had not
been affected by the storm, and was quite low;
otherwise everything which had reached the main
stream must have been carried down entirely out
of our reach. We tried to launch the boat, but it
leaked and nearly went to the bottom. We then
crossed the river and made our way to the place
where the accident had happened. All the way up
we found boxes and things which had been stranded
or fished out. When we reached the waggon itself,
we found it even worse than we expected. It was
a complete wreck ; the buck was about 200 yards
below the place where the waggon stuck, half-
buried in the sand, with nothing left in it but some
roofing iron of Mr. May's. On the top of the buck
and standing right across it were the two hind
wheels complete, with part of the understill. The
buck was very much broken and the iron of it

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 199
twisted, and so with the rest of the waggon. One
of the fore- wheels had every spoke smashed, and
the ring of the felloes bound by the tire was found
at a long way from the nave, which was still on the
axle. The force of the water must have been
terrific. One thick iron crowbar was bent nearly
double, while some of the irons of the waggon
were bent and broken as though they had been so
much wire. We spent the whole day getting out
the wreckage and recovering such goods as we
could find, about half the load in bulk, but not
nearly half in value, as some of the things were
quite ruined and nearly all of them much damaged.
Some of the things were fished out about three
miles down the river. Our loss, including the
waggon, which was a hired one, nearly new, worth
£120, cannot be much less than £150, while Mr.
May's is reckoned at £200.
Jan. 28th, 1882. — We have been honoured by a
visit from His Excellency the Administrator, Colonel
Mitchell, who came to visit the field of battle. Hlubi
called his people together, 200 Basuto mounted,
and nearly a thousand Zulus on foot. The Zulus
were a curious mixture as regards costume, some
being dressed in full Zulu war-dress, with magni
ficent plumes and tails, while many had a sort of

200 AMAZULU.
compromise, being adorned like the Natal natives,
some with a waistcoat, some with a shirt, some with
a coat or a hat ; but the most incongruous thing,
when the whole body was on the trot, chanting as
they went, was to see two or three umbrellas,
striped white, red, blue, green, and yellow, bobbing
up and down amongst them. The Basuto go
through the ordinary cavalry movements very
fairly, and obey the word of command readily.
We met Colonel Mitchell close to Isandhlwana
with Mr. Fynn (magistrate at Umsinga) and two
or three other gentlemen who had come up with
him. An interchange of civilities followed. Hlubi
drew up his men and gave three cheers. We then
rode with Colonel Mitchell as far as the drift,
escorted by Hlubi's troop. He was going to
Helpmakaar for the night. At the boat we took
our leave of him and rode home. The other day a
pigeon, which was pursued by a hawk, flew into
this room, where it was caught by the boys.
January 12th. — Having told you of our great mis
fortune, I will now tell you of our pleasant journey
to Maritzburg. We started last Wednesday in a
nice carriage belonging to a native. It seats four
and has a hood. We took with us a little boy of
the owner, a tiny boy, but very sharp and clever

ZULULAND AFTER THE WAR. 201
with the harness, and Untombi, one of our girls.
It is a great treat for her. She is astonished at all
she sees. We stayed over Thursday at Mr. Dill's,
and went on on Friday, dining at Helpmakaar, a
nice clean little hotel. Indeed, we were surprised
how neat and clean the inns were all along the road.
After dinner we went on to Umsinga, and slept at
Sandspruit, a bright little inn two miles beyond.
On Saturday we reached Tugela river by mid
day, and dined there. There is a new punt, like
a floating bridge, large enough for a waggon with
four oxen to drive on. We sat in the carriage
as we crossed, and simply drove on and off. At
night we reached Mooi river, a pretty place down
in the thorns, with plenty of trees in the garden.
Here we stayed till Sunday evening, and then went
on. We drove through the river. One of the
horses refused to go on in the middle, and in con
sequence the bar to which the traces are fastened
was broken, and we had to get some men to push
at the wheels before we could get the horse to
move. We went up and up through the thorns,
and slept at Burrup's, a nice place on the top. The
proprietor is an Oxford man ; a come-down for him
to be keeping an hotel. It used to be a canteen,
but he has given that up. You can see at once

202 AMAZULU.
that he is an educated man. You cannot think
what a treat the fruit, fresh meat, and change of
food altogether is to us. At midday on Monday
we reached Greytown, and dined at the Handleys',
some people whom Charles knows. They have
a magnificent place ; plantations of gum-trees
(eucalyptus) stretch a long distance on each side.
Then there is a beautiful garden, and the house is
just like a lovely English one, full of every comfort
and luxury, and very large. It was luxurious to
sit in that beautiful drawing-room, with cool
verandah, shaded with creepers, and the light
softened with plants and flowers and Venetian
blinds. We stopped the night at Sevenoaks, the
only uncomfortable place we stayed at. The next
place was Sterkspruit, pretty, with plenty of trees
and flowers ; and on to Umgeni in the afternoon,
where there is a beautiful hotel with every com
fort. There are lovely waterfalls to be seen from
the broad verandah, which goes nearly round the
house. Wednesday turned out very wet, so we
stayed all day, and on Thursday morning came on
to Maritzburg (a week after leaving home).

203

APPENDIX,

Copt of a Letter dated the 3rd of May 1882,
Isandhlwana, Zululand : —
Zululand is gradually but surely drifting into a
state of- anarchy. I will now try to explain the
state of affairs. The country is divided into three
factions : —
1st. Those who wish the English Government
to take them under its protection, and put them
on a footing with the natives of Natal, i.e.
each native to be under his own hereditary chief,
subject to resident European magistrates, who
would all be under the British Resident, who
would collect the taxes for the Queen. They all
talk of taxes being collected and sent to the Queen.
This faction is by far the largest of the three. It
takes in nine of the thirteen chiefs, and nearly all
the Zulu people.

204 aha zulu.
2nd. The King's party, i.e. all those who look
forward to Ketchwayo's return, or, in default of
that, who wish his brother Undabuko to be made
Regent, until the King's son, now fifteen years old,
should grow up. This faction is a very large one
also, because many of those who belong to No. 1
say, " If we cannot get English rule, let us have
our own king back again."
3rd. Followers and friends of John Dunn, a
small minority, but strong, because they are in
possession. Dunn's party is composed of his own
clan, Oham and his clan, and Usibepu and his clan.
By " clan " I do not mean all the people of their
districts, for their own clans form but a small
portion of them. This third faction is opposed to
the other two ; they want neither European
protection, nor Ketchwayo's return.
I have not classed the Chief Hlubi with any of
these. He stands alone ready to obey the com
mands of the Governor of Natal; as represented by
Mr. Osborne, the British Resident. Sir H. Bulwer
is High Commissioner of Zululand, and represents
the Queen.
Hlubi (with his Basuto) is ready to do what he
is ordered. He does not want to fight, but he will
defend himself if attacked; but one half of the

appendix. 205
Zulus under him would join Undabuko — the head
of the King's party — if it came to a trial of
strength. Now for the reason of all this discontent and
disturbance. Before Chaka became Chief, what is now Zulu-
land was then shared by a number of small tribes.
Chaka overcame all these tribes; some of them
were larger than his own. He did not break them
up — nor are they yet broken up — but are as
distinct now as they were in the time of Zenzan-
gakona. But then each chief looked to Chaka and
his successors, viz. Dingaan, Panda, Ketchwayo, as
their chief paramount. Now had the Commis
sioners _who_ divided Zululand after the late war
taken-the. clannish feeling into consideration, and
divided it as it was in the time of Chaka's father,
allowing each clan to be governed by its own chief
or induna, with a British Resident to appeal to,
Zululand would have been as quiet to-day as any
one could wish. Instead of that, Zululand was
divided into thirteen portions, regardless of clan
or tribe. The old clans were divided, and placed
undeFalien chiefs, indunas of other clans, who have
been raised to the rank of petty kings. Hence all
this trouble. Each clan still looks to its own chief,

206 AMAZULU.
although, according to the present settlement, he is
no chief at all. This irritates the Chiefs placed in
office by the Commission, and some of them try to
enforce obedience and recognition : e.g. Oham has
under him, besides his own clan, part of the
Amaqulusi tribe ; but they hate him, and consider
themselves, as a tribe, superior to Oham's clan.
Of course they felt aggrieved at being placed under
him, and have never recognised him. So, whenever
any case was brought before Oham for judgment
by an outsider against the Amaqulusi, they would
not abide by his decision. This produced an open
rupture. Oham soon found a pretext for using
force. Watching his opportunity, he fell upon
the Amaqulusi, and slaughtered all he could lay
hands on, "eating up" everything he could find.
The Amaqulusi, a powerful and warlike tribe,
assembled themselves from all parts, and were
preparing to attack Oham in force to avenge their
fallen brothers, when Mr. Osborne very bravely went
to the place of muster, and managed to make them
disperse to their kraals. This is but one instance.
I could fill volumes with the same kind of matter ;
| but this is enough to show what I mean. The
Commissioners entirely misunderstood the nature of
the Zulus. Simple as he is, the Zulu is not a

appendix. 207
baby; but he is really a very reasonable being,
with strong convictions and very conservative ideas,
rarely asserting himself or putting forward his
opinion in opposition to those in authority, patient
and enduring under lawful authority, but when
roused he is as obstinate as a mule, and straight to
his object he rushes like " a bull at a gate." Were
these the people that the Commission thought to
bind down to a mushroom system, trampling under
foot habits and feelings as strong as the hills, by
simply going through the land and mapping it out,
thus breaking up hereditary tribes, and transferring
their allegiance by a stroke of the pen! What
blindness! Chaka, savage as he was, showed far
wiser statecraft. He, after conquering the clans,
bound them to himself, yet left each under its own
chief. The natives are like the Highlanders, very
clannish. Outrage this feeling and you have
discontent and rebellion.
Those who placed these chiefs in their present
position, are more to blame than the chiefs them
selves. A man suddenly finds himself placed over
chiefs and clans who, a few months ago, were his
equals or superiors — men like Undabuko, Umnya
mana, Dabulamanzi — whom he had to obey in fear
and trembling. What wonder that now he should

208 AMAZULU.
show his power, and enrich himself at then-
expense ? When the same man who exacts fines is
the one to benefit by the fines, what wonder if he
should be quick at looking up cases? This irritates
the people ; they show it, and then they are fined
the more, until they rebel, and then they are
"eaten up."
When this " eating up " took place in the olden
time, if the man managed to escape, no thought of
rebellion entered his head, because he knew he was
always liable to it, and he considered that the King
had a right to do what he liked. But when they
were conquered by the English, having heard so
much of the freedom of the Natal natives, and the
safety of their property, the Zulus naturally ex
pected that " eating up " had passed away with the
old regime. This expectation greatly tended at
first to do away with the bitter feeling that they
felt at having been conquered and deprived of
their king.
Again, when taxes were first levied, the people
thought the money would go to the High Commis
sioner, or the Crown ; but now that they see that
each Chief collects for himself, the irritation is
increased. Again, in the case of secreting the King's cattle,

appendix. 209
or being suspected of having hidden away plunder
from the battle-fields, what wonder that a chief
should be eager in hunting out and "eating up"
all the suspected ones ?
This is clutched at as being a splendid legal
way of eating up a man, and sometimes even a
whole clan.
There is not one native in Zululand who thinks
that the present settlement is righteous. Of one
chief the natives say : — " He was a little dog, found
by the King ; he was cold, so the King put him by
his fire to get warm. Now he has driven the King
from his fire, his hearth, and has taken possession
of it; but he is still only a dog."
Again the Zulus complain that theJEnglish have
conquered them, have taken away their King for
their good,Tf~was said. They were told that all
oppression and arbitrary government would be done
away with. But instead of being taken under the
protection of the English, they have been simply
thrown over and delivered up to be oppressed and
plundered by people who have no right over them,
either by hereditary authority or conquest. They
are bound down to this rule, and are not allowed to
have a voice in the matter.
There are two ways in which this state of
14

2 1 0 AMAZULU.
anarchy could be put an end to without bloodshed,
first, by annexation, and, secondly, by the return
of Ketchwayo ; but whether the settlement would
then be permanent it is impossible to say. There
is no doubt but that the whole of Zululand,
except J. Dunn, Oham, and Usibepu, would gladly
welcome annexation in this way, each clan to be
under its own head, with powers as enjoyed by the
chiefs in Natal, subject to resident magistrates,
who should be controlled by a chief magistrate.
The whole should be under the Governor of Natal
as High Commissioner and Supreme Chief of the
natives, assisted and advised by the Natal House
of Assembly. It would not be a burden to Natal,
for the revenue would pay all expenses and leave a
surplus, which could be expended on public works.
Annexation is what the people are clamouring for.
If they cannot get this, they ask that Ketchwayo
may be brought back and allowed to govern, being
publicly replaced. If he were merely allowed to
return, there would be opposition, fighting, and
bloodshed. Unless replaced by the English, the
people would be afraid to join him for fear o
displeasing the " Abelungu " (white men).

appendix. 2 1 1

Extract from a Letter from G. LI. Jenkinson,
dated 8th June 1882, from Zululand, near
Rorke's Drift:—
Things in Zululand are fast coming to a crisis.
Since Sir H. Bulwer turned back that deputation,
and Undabuko and the rest of the chiefs returned
to Zululand, it has been pretty certain that serious
disturbances must break out very shortly, and now
I am afraid it has actually begun.
Our chief, Hlubi, went some few days ago up
to Inhlazatshe to see Mr. Osborne (British Resident).
He has just come back, and gives a very bad account
of the state of the whole country. Everyone is up
in arms. It is reported that an engagement has
taken place. The immediate occasion of all this is
the way in which that deputation which went down
to Maritzburg was treated. If the Governor had
listened to their grievances, or even told them that
these would be inquired into at the proper time,
they would have gone back and waited, trusting
that something would be done ; but, instead
of that, they were told to go back to their own
chiefs, that the Governor would have nothing to say
to them ; they had chiefs of their own and must

212 AMAZULU.
obey them. The object of the deputation was,
that the country might be taken under British rule,
or else that Ketchwayo might be restored. They
could not endure the present state of things or
submit any longer to the rule ofthe " Abafokazana "
(i.e. " strangers," used contemptuously of the
chiefs). As soon as they returned from Pietermaritzburg,
Undabuko, the ex-king's brother, who was one of
the chief movers in the matter, began organising
his army, as also did the famous Umnyamana (who
commanded at Kambula and was prime minister).
They purpose overthrowing all the present chiefs
and setting up again a united kingdom. From
nearly every chief in Zululand numbers have gone
to join their ranks. Some chiefs have lost all their
tribe except their own personal followers. From
John Dunn, however, only one chief has gone,
Dabulamanzi, although thirteen out of sixteen who
formed the deputation to Pietermaritzburg came
out of his district. The plan arranged by the
insurgents, if such they can be called, is rather
bold and sweeping. First, it is said, they intend
to divide their forces, Umnyamana going against
Oham, whilst Undabuko makes for Usibepu.
When they have polished off these two, they intend

appendix. 213
to join together and attack John Dunn. When he
is disposed of, they are going to make short work
of Hlubi and his lot. This is said to be their
programme, but whether they will be able to carry
it out or not remains to be seen. They will find
Oham and Usibepu rather rough customers to
begin with, as all their people are with them.
Mr. Osborne, B.R., seems to be in a queer fix.
He says he can do nothing, poor man. He has
now left Inhlazatshe. To-day a runner arrived
from him with despatches for the Government of
Natal, asking Hlubi to forward them at once to the
Umsinga. Hlubi instantly despatched a mounted
man to carry them there.
You must have heard something of the state
ofthe country, long ere you receive this, from tele
grams. These often give a wrong impression,
unless the news be of a very defined character,
such as that a battle was fought, &c. Of course
you must not take all this as exactly true. The
details may be wrong and mixed up, as native
reports often are ; but this is certain, that a great
part of Zululand is in arms. I am glad that we
are in this particular part of Zululand amongst the
Basuto. This is the only district (south-west, by
Rorke's Drift and Isandhlwana) in which there has

214 AMAZULU.
been no disturbance. I don't mean to say that it
has been by any means perfectly governed, but it
has been better than the others. Hlubi would
make a good fight for it if attacked. The Zulus
in the district, though quiet and contented at
present, having no desire to fight, would, I think,
if it came to the point whether they would fight
for Hlubi or Undabuko, decide in favour of
Umtwana ka Umpande (Panda's child).
P.S. — I have very little to add to my contribu
tion to South African history. I have tried to
present a faithful and true picture of the country
as it has come under my notice and under the
notice of my children. I believe that the British
rule has been, on the whole, a blessing to the
country, spite of blemishes, and I hope and pray
that this rule may be continued without destroying
the system of governing the natives through their
own hereditary chiefs.

215

NOTE.

As I have been often asked to pronounce the name
of the captive Chief now daily expected in Eng
land, I may say that the first half is pronounced as
I have spelt it — " Ketch " — only there is an initial
click signified by the letter C. The latter part is
pronounced very broad, something like " wyeo."
Bishop Colenso spells it Cetywayo, according to
the derivation, I suppose, as I take it to be a
verbal pass, participle of "ceba," to devise. The
Zulus often call their children after some passing
event or circumstance. I have never heard the
reason why such a name was given to the son of
Umpande. The "ty " is pronounced almost like " ch," so
Tyaka is the same as Chaka, the " a " always being
full and broad like the Italian ; and so Ketchwayo
comes nearest in English.

LONDON :
PRINTED BT W. H. ALLEN & CO., 13 WATERLOO PLAGE. S.W

217

APPENDIX II.

Myrtle Hall, Sidmouth, S. Devon.
15th May 1883.
The following extracts from private letters from
my son in Zululand, and also from my son-in-
law in that country, may be relied upon as giving
a faithful description of the state of the country
since the restoration of Cetywayo.
Both the writers are well acquainted with the
Zulu language, having lived in the country many
years. They are living in the Isandhlwana district,
near Rorke's Drift, under the Chief Hlubi, a
Basuto chief who formerly lived in Natal, but
who was appointed chief of this part of the Zulu
country in place of Usihhayo — deposed after
the Zulu War. Hlubi and his men being called
upon to assist us in the subjugation of Cetywayo, 15

218 AMAZULU.
served with great distinction throughout the
war. I will now give the extracts. My son, in a
letter dated Zululand, March 10th, 1883,
says : —
" The political news you will get from the
papers in a very jumbled state, and no wonder,
as they (the Government) seem to have been
stirring up all the most irreconcileable materials,
and expecting them to settle down into a state
of quietude. Cetywayo's restoration does not
seem at present to promise well as a permanent
settlement. It seems to have satisfied nobody.
If a war or some disturbance does not follow
before long, it will not be the fault of those who
have had the re-settlement of the country.
"Since the restoration of Cetywayo, from which
such great things were expected, matters have
been very unsettled. You know that the country
was divided into three parts — Hlubi's and John
Dunn's districts, which were marked out as
reserved territory under British protection ;
Usibebu's district, independent ; and the rest
of Zululand under Cetywayo. We heard long
ago that this district was to be part of the
reserved territory ; but Hlubi received no notice

appendix ii. 219
of any change in his official position until Mr.
John Shepstone came up, which was about the
27th of last month (Feb.). He had been ex
pected almost daily for more than a month.
" When at last he came, he stopped at Isand
hlwana, and did not come here at all. Hlubi
was called over there to meet him, as were all
the head men of his district. Mr. Shepstone
then told Hlubi that he was no longer head of
this district, and would have no jurisdiction over
the Zulus, and only limited power over his own
Basuto. Hlubi was called another day to hear
about the settlement of the district, and Mr.
Shepstone went away without seeing him again,
leaving word that his induna would tell him all
about it, which was by no means satisfactory.
"When Mr. Shepstone's indunas (officers)
came they had nothing further to say, but that
they had been ordered to build kraals at various
points along the border, ' ukulinda amazibuko '
(to watch or guard the fords), and act as police
men. This Hlubi did not like at all, as it seemed
to imply a want of trust in him. He has written
remonstrating against it. The absurdity is, that
this district was left entirely without government
of any kind ; Hlubi was deposed, and no 'one
15 *

220 AMAZULU.
was appointed to hold authority in his place.
When he went after Mr. Shepstone to ask him,
he was told that he had better retain power until
some one was appointed ; but when Mr. Shep
stone left, everyone was left to do as he liked,
Hlubi being reduced to the same level as the
head men in his district. Now, however, he has
resumed the reins, and things go on at present
very much as they did before.
"Mr. Fynn has been appointed Resident
with the king, and Mr. Osborne is coming into
the reserved territory as Commissioner, and is
going to reside at Etchowe, a long way from this.
I suppose magistrates will be appointed for the
different districts.
" Cetywayo is by no means satisfied with what
has been given him, but is grumbling openly that
he has not got the whole of the country given
back to him. The probability is that he will
seize the first opportunity of trying to recover it.
He is already calling up his army, contrary, I
believe, to the conditions agreed upon at the
restoration. He will not believe, or pretends
not to believe, that the Shepstones are com
missioned by Her Majesty's Government, but
tells the people that they are doing it on their

appendix n. 221
own account. I am afraid it will not be long
before the combustible materials so carefully
arranged will burst into flame.
"I do not think that Hlubi has been well
treated by the Government. If they do not take
care, they will lose him and his people as allies.
There are two ways in which they may do this :
1st. By taking this district from him, and placing
other chiefs and their people amongst Hlubi's.
This is what they are beginning to do, but Hlubi
and his people are protesting against it. 2nd. By
giving up the whole of Zululand to Cetywayo.
This would be most shameful, for Hlubi was
made chief and encouraged to come into this
district with his people, about 800 families of
them, and about 200 more on their way down.
They have given up their former houses, and
have been put to a great deal of trouble and
hardship, and are now nearly settled. If they
move (and if the country is to be given up to
Cetywayo, they would not stop a day), they will
never trust the English again, but will march off
to their friends in Basutoland. The Government
have become so used to consider Hlubi and his
people as the staunch and faithful friends of the
English, that they need not mind how they treat

222 AMAZULU.
them. They certainly have been, and still are,
the most faithful native tribe that South Africa
ever saw. They have been called to help in
every disturbance that Natal has yet had. In
the Ilangalibalele affair, Hlubi was called upon
to help, and his men stood the brunt of the
whole affair. They were up in Bushman's Pass,
and Hlubi's own brother was killed there, when
the volunteers fell.
" At the coronation of Cetywayo, and at the
annexation of the Transvaal, Mr. Shepstone
called on Hlubi to furnish a company of men.
" In the Zulu War, they were put forward
where the hardest fighting was to be expected.
They saw more actual fighting than any one body
of Europeans or natives. They were at the
Isandhlwana disaster, at the Hlobanej at Kum-
bula, and at Ulundi. No sooner had General
Wood landed at Durban to take part in the late
Transvaal War, than he sent a telegram calling
on Hlubi to send him thirty men, and those men
were taken by Wood to Pretoria, and kept by
him there until the whole affair was over. Never
have they refused, but have been always ready
at a day's notice at any call to service.'
" What is their reward ? ' This territory over

appendix ii. 223
which Hlubi has been made chief,' you will say.
Yes, and a very good reward too, and one with
which they are very well contented, and for
which they are very thankful. But if they take
the territory away, as they are doing, what then?
I say, it is very much worse than if they had
never given it to them at all. Had it never been
given to them, they would have managed to
purchase crown lands last year when these lands
were thrown open. (Some thirty of them then
preferred to do that, instead of coming into
Zululand, and have now got the laugh of Hlubi.)
Now, all the crown lands are bought up in the
good parts of Natal, so that they cannot purchase
if they would. Besides, I think that their
disgust is too strong to allow of their going
back to Natal, if they are forced to leave this,
their district.
" We are doing our best to alienate from us
the most faithful native tribe that we have. I
have been thoroughly disgusted with the whole
thing. It now remains to be seen what answer
will be returned to their petition. Poor Hlubi !
he has had a most unpleasant time of it ever
since Cetywayo has been back. Usihhayo (de
posed chief) has been trying to provoke him to

224 AMAZULU.
do something violent, so that he might have
something to move on in his endeavour to get
back into his former position ; but hitherto, I am
glad to say, he has failed. Usihhayo has got
about four of his old head-men, who are very
anxious to get him back.
" These men have been agitating, ever since
the king returned, to get Usihhayo's old people
to march off in a body to him, with the intention
of getting the king to help them drive Hlubi
over the border into Natal. But quite half of
the people will have nothing to do with the
affair, although threats have been used pretty
freely, saying that all who would not join
Usihhayo would be ' eaten up.' This caused a
great deal of terror, and many have been to me
to ask what was best to be done. The whole
country, in fact, is in such an excited state that
the least thing sets them off fighting. Alarms
have been frequent lately. They originate with
the friendly Zulus, who are in such a state of
fear that at the least move on the part of the
Usutu (' Generic name of the people of uCety-
wayo' — Colenso) war party, they think they
are going ' to be eaten up.' Most of the alarms
have been false ; but we have had two that were

appendix ii. 225
not false. Mischief was prevented by the prompt
action of the Basuto. The first, I believe,
Margaret has told you about."
The letter of my daughter, here referred to,
now follows : —
"We have had a terribly exciting time since
you left," she writes to her brother, " which,
now it is safely over, I expect you will be sorry
not to have come in for. On Friday we heard
that Usihhayo had come, and called his old people
to him in Cetywayo's name, to come and fight
Usibebu, and to come armed.
" He told them that otherwise the king would
'eat them up.' This was soon seen to be a
pretext made by himself to get them to come
armed to him, and make an attempt to regain
his old district. He got together a tolerable
' impi ' (army), and went to Ntotes by Isand
hlwana, who plied his men with beer. Hlubi
had his men with him armed, and sent out
scouts. Usihhayo and his ' impi ' came about
six miles from this. That was the latest in
telligence. It was an anxious night, I can tell
you. If he could only work them up with beer,
&c, enough to come and attack, we felt sure
that he would do so that night, and, of course,

226 amazulu.
we should have come in for a share of it ; but if
he failed to persuade them to come that night,
his chance was lost — he would never do it a
second time. We had the two rifles and car
tridges in our room. Hlubi himself was prepared
for an attack. Charlie did not sleep till daylight;
but I myself could not realise the danger. I
slept peacefully. It passed off; but in the
morning the greatest excitement prevailed. All
the Basuto went about with guns. Everyone
came to consult Charlie, who was so very ill
with a violent attack of sickness that he could
not move that day, though he was all right again
the next. Hlubi sent off to Usihhayo ten picked
men, well armed, to demand what he meant.
Usihhayo had meant to take Hlubi by surprise ;
but he was mistaken. It was all up with him :
his army was scattered, and he himself was not
to be found. He was secreted by a woman with
wrhom he had taken refuge, and who denied that
he was there. Hlubi and his Basuto were very
indignant at this. ..."
" The second alarm occurred last Saturday.
One of the Zulus came to Hlubi, saying that
Umehlakazulu (a rebellious son of Usihhayo,
whose conduct formed one of the chief causes

appendix ii. 227
of the Zulu War) had come up from the king
with a following of the Usutu party, to call
all the Zulus of this district to arms, and that
all who would not go were ' to be eaten up.'
They were to assemble at 'Mehlakazulu's kraal,
about fifteen miles from Isandhlwana. Later
on, towards evening, other Zulus came to Hlubi,
saying that 'Mehlakazulu had collected a large
party, and that, before going down to the king,
he intended ' to eat up ' all the Zulus who have
refused to join the Usutu war party, and that
it was generally thought that they would have a
try at Hlubi himself that very night. The
natives who brought the news had been right
into the Usutu camp. Then there was a com
motion. Hlubi sent off right and left to call up
his men. He sent a man to me. I went down
to him, and met him coming up to me. We had
a long talk. I advised him to send out scouts
mounted, so that news could be had of the first
move of the Usutu, and that all the rest should
remain quiet, but ready. I stayed with him
until dawn. His people kept coming in all
through the night. They were very excited.
The poor women and children were coming in
in crowds all the night through. Those who

228 amazulu.
had taken refuge with us only went back again
yesterday. Just after I left him, Hlubi took to
horse himself, with his whole force. He could
not keep still any longer. He met his scouts
coming back. They reported that the Usutu
party were still at 'Mehlakazulu's kraal, and that
they had heard that Hlubi and his people were
gathering together, and that they were going to
make a start for the Mahlabatini kraal (Ulundi)
in the morning. Hlubi and his people returned,
after making a display of their strength to re
assure the Zulus of this district, who had stayed
in spite of 'Mehlakazulu's threats.
" This morning a messenger came from Hlubi
to me, saying that messengers had come from
certain 'izinduna' (officers) living in Cetywayo's
country. I found that the men had come to
pray that Hlubi would allow them to come, with
their followers, to take refuge in this district.
There are eight ' izinduna ' (head men) with a
following altogether of ' Amaviyo a nga be
amashumi amabili.' They consider that about
one hundred men go to the viyo (company), so
that will make about 2,000 strong.
" I advised him to send down and inform Mr.
John Shepstone, who is at the Etchowe (the

appendix ii. 229
place where the gallant Sir C. Pearson was
entrenched during the Zulu War). I wrote a
description of the affair, and Hlubi is going to
despatch it this morning. I am very much afraid
that Cetywayo is making favourites of such men
as Matyana, Dabulamanzi (noted leaders in
the war), Usihhayo, &c, and that they are
leading him astray. I very much fear that he
is already preparing to go to war with Usibebu.
If so, there will be much blood spilt. Do not
suppose that Hlubi is averse to this district being
annexed. Such is not the case. He is very
glad of that."
In referring to my map, I find that Usibebu's
country lies to the north-east of Cetywayo's
place, near Saint Lucia lake. The famous
Ulundi is in the heart of the country on the
White Umvelosi river. Hlubi's place is on the
Buffalo and Blood rivers, near the Natal border
westward. T. B. J.

" Zululand, April 7th, 1883.
From. G. Llewellyn Jenkinson.
" Cetywayo has already broken the promises
he made at his restoration. He has called up

' 230 AMAZULU.
and armed the Zulus, and they have marched
into Usibebu's country, and there have attacked
him. News of this engagement has come in to
day. We are delighted to hear that Cetywayo's
invading army got well beaten.
" Usibebu's men, it is said, turned them into
the rough broken country, and fell upon them
there, killing great numbers, and driving the
rest away, chasing them for two days. Of
course, the importance of this victory may be
much exaggerated. After Cetywayo's army
was called up, but before this engagement took
place, Usibebu sent down to Hlubi several
times to solicit aid from him. This Hlubi re
fused, as he said he could do nothing without
the consent of the Government. Cetywayo is
now calling up all his people again. Many are
going from all round this. They are afraid of
the consequences if they should fail to obey the
summons. What Cetywayo intends to do now
is, of course, uncertain ; but it is supposed that
he will make another attempt on Usibebu's
district, as he failed so signally in the first
attack. " Hlubi is continually sending messages down to
Mr. John Shepstone (brother to Sir Theophilus),

appendix n. 231
who is special commissioner for the reserved
territory, and is at Etchowe. Whether Cetywayo
will show any respect for this reserved territory
is, I think, very doubtful. He pretends to
believe that it is only kept back by the Shep-
stones on their own authority, and that Her
Majesty's Government intended that he should
have the whole country restored to him. It is
hard to say whether he really believes this, or
only pretends to do so. I think the probability
is, that should Cetywayo succeed in his designs
upon Usibebu and Oham, this will be the next
place he will attack (viz. Hlubi's).
"Almost all the Zulus around us have re
sponded to the call of Cetywayo. Probably
they are afraid to refuse.
"April 9th. — To-day we have had another
warning. Messengers have come down from
Usibebu confirming the news of the battle. They
say that Usibebu pursued Cetywayo's impi (the
Usutu) as far as the borders of his district, killing
great numbers. They also say that Cetywayo's
army is going to attack Hlubi next, instead of
making another attack on Usibebu. He is said
to be going to attack to-morrow or the next day ;
but this may be only policy on Usibebu's part

232 AMAZULU.
to try and get Hlubi to join him against Cety
wayo. Hlubi has sent out scouts to-night, but
we hardly think that an attack will really be
made at present. Cetywayo is said to assert that
not only the whole of this reserved territory
is to be given up to him, but also a great part
of Natal, as far as the Umgeni river, from which
part all white people are to be driyen. It is a
pity that Cetywayo should have to be thrashed
twice, for that is what it must come to, I am
afraid. " I am,
" Your affectionate Son,
" Graham Llewellyn Jenkinson."

The above letters only confirm the opinion
expressed in the Introduction to " Amazulu,"
published last year whilst Cetywayo was in
England, viz. " The remedy for the present
distress in Zululand, is to give the British Resi
dent full power, and to appoint magistrates in
every chieftain's district. In short, to give the
Zulus thorough British rule, as in Natal." I
never even contemplated the restoration of
Cetywayo, because I regarded it as a step too
monstrous to be taken. I considered that restora-

appendix ii. 233
tion not merely as a crime but as a blunder ; I
looked upon it as an insult to the Administrator
Sir Bartle Frere, whose policy was all but unani
mously approved of by the South African colon
ists. It was he who ought to have been restored,
and not Cetywayo. I earnestly hope and pray
that he may be ere long restored by a more en
lightened Government than the present one.
That his policy will be vindicated as sound and
true and even humane, in the long-run, I have not
the slightest doubt. Even now there comes from
Natal a telegram that the blood-thirsty despot
Cetywayo, setting at defiance the British Govern
ment, "was moving to attack Oham and Usibepu,
when the combined forces of the two chiefs fell
on Cetywayo, utterly routing him. Cetywayo
lost 6,000 men. The Zulus say they lost more
than at Kambula."
A very strong hand is wanted in South Africa.
No cringing to rebels, no premium on rebellion,
but firmness and severity if necessary. Already
it is well known that the giving back the Trans
vaal to the Boers was a most unfortunate blunder,
and, so far from saving us from "bloodguilti-
ness," has brought it upon us. What has been
well said of Ireland is applicable to South Africa :
16

234 amazulu.
" The great source of Irish misery has been, not
the power of England, but its want of power."
When the necessity arises, i.e. when matters grow
desperate, we send an enormous army into a coun
try at a ruinous expense, make a great demon
stration, gain a few victories, and then withdraw as
suddenly as we went, leaving matters very little
better than they were before. We do not act
upon the victory. In fact, we undo it sometimes.
Another set of ministers comes into office. These
condemn the actions of their predecessors, and so
proceed to undo their work. Hence the retro
cession of the Transvaal, under circumstances
most humiliating to our army and nation. Hence ¦
the restoration of Cetywayo, with all its horrors
of military despotism, barbarism, and savagery.
It was but in the time of Chaka, uncle to the
present tyrant, that the system, broken up by
Sir Bartle Frere's sagacity and humanity, was
inaugurated. "Chaka is supposed to have de
stroyed a million of human beings before he was
killed by Dingaan" (Letter in Standard, 28th Sep
tember 1842, quoted by Sharon Turner.) Now
it was notorious that Cetywayo took Chaka as
his model. Where, then, is the wisdom of that
statesman who condemned the Zulu War, and

appendix ii. 235
restored a system so utterly repugnant to hu
manity, progress, and civilization. There is still
hope for South Africa, but only under a Govern
ment more enlightened than the present one. All
honour to the brave men who fell fighting at
Isandhlwana ! They bore the brunt of that
fearful onslaught which sooner or later would
have devastated South Africa. Cetewayo's rule
is broken, spite of the efforts to restore him.
T. B. Jenkinson.

Extract from a letter from Zululand, dated
11th June 1883.
I think the way that the Government treat
their loyal natives is abominable. I dare say you
will have heard of Jonathan Malappo, the
Basuto chief, who took the side of the English in
the Basuto war. He has just sent down
messengers to Hlubi, writing a most distressing
letter, stating his position in Basutoland,
deserted by the English as far as protection goes ;
and so he is trying to hold his own against the
combined Basuto power on the one side, and the
encroachments of the Boers on the other. But
if he offers force to force, he is pounced down

236 amazulu.
upon by the British Resident. So, in despair of
being able to hold his own any longer, he sends
down here and prays Hlubi to let him come and
be subject to him, or, if he has not power to give
him leave to come, then he begs Hlubi to send his
request to Mr. Osborn, British Commissioner for
the Zulu reserve, praying to be allowed to come
down with his followers and reside here. Poor
fellow ! his tale is a most humiliating one to every
Englishman. No ! Loyalty now-a-days does not
pay. His request, I know, will not be listened to
for an instant, and he will be driven to make
some sort of peace with the other Basuto, and
will become our bitter enemy, and, should we
ever come to war again with the Basuto, will be
more to be feared than any of the rest. So it is
here in Zululand — but I am too thoroughly sick of
the whole policy of the Government here to speak
rationally on the subject. They do not really
grasp what effect their vacillatingfpolicy is having.
Why did they interfere in Zulu affairs at all, if
they shirk the responsibility of ruling now. The
policy pursued of late could not but engender
rapine, war, and bloodshed — viz. to reinstate
Cetywayo with all his old favourites about him.
What do they take these Zulus to be made of ?

appendix ii. 237
Do they think they are angels, and not men ? or
are they so foolish as to imagine that Cetywayo's
old favourites, such as Umnyamana, Undabuko,
'Sihhayo, Mehlakazulu, and the rest, have not
suffered terribly under the thirteen chiefs placed
by the Government after the war. Of course
each of these chiefs tried his best to force each
and every man placed under him to acknowledge
him as their chief, and all who had held high
places under Cetywayo naturally objected to
acknowledge a man as chief who, very likely, had
been nobody in Cetywayo's time. What wonder,
also, that each of these thirteen chiefs remem
bered the tyranny of those former favourites of
Cetywayo, and paid them back in their own coin.
And now what would be the result when those
chiefs were reduced to the condition in which they
were before the war, and Cetywayo and his old
favourites reinstated. It seems to me that there
could be no doubt as to the result, it could not
be otherwise than what it is ; viz. the old favourites
forcing Cetywayo to war, and allowing them to
pay back with interest the tyranny of the late
chiefs and their favourites by killing and eating up
right and left. And so it is now ; look where you
will, there is nothing but blood, rapine, and misery.

238 amazulu.
Miles and miles of country without a single native
left on it. They have either been eaten up, or
else have just managed to escape with their lives,
and are living in holes and caves of the hills, women
and children dying of sheer starvation and
exposure, and when they venture out to try to
get food, are miserably butchered. One fourth
of Zululand is now in this state, and what is
worst of all, no one knows where it will end.
Hundreds of these poor wretches would come into
the reserve here, if they could safely get away.
I have seen and heard too much of it lately, for,
acting as Hlubi's amanuensis, all the reports sent
from different parts of Zululand to him from petty
chiefs in distress, have passed through my hands ;
because, at Hlubi's request, I have written down
each report which was sent on to the Commis
sioners. Each native, as he came in with his
report or message, was brought to me, and the
many frightfully distressing accounts of affairs
are enough to sicken anyone ; and the worst of it
is, one is powerless to do anything. We here (at
Hlubi's place), I am thankful to say, are in quiet ;
but one thing is certain, should Cetywayo's party
overcome Usibebu and Oham, they will soon turn
their force against us here. 'Sihhayo (deposed

appendix ii. 239
chief) and party will certainly not be content
until they have tried to regain their old place.
God grant that the English Government will
interfere before that time comes. If Usibebu
gets killed, his followers will join Cetywayo, and,
should that happen, we shall have another war in
Natal, because many of the natives here will seek to
take refuge there, and they will be followed. Very
little trouble on the part of the English Govern
ment would put a stop to the bloodshed just now.
Even allowing Hlubi and his Basuto to go and
help Usibebu and take Umnyamana, Undabuko
and a few others such as they (who are the cause
of the war) prisoners, would bring peace at once ;
but should they allow it to go on, in another
twelve months there will be such a state of affairs
as is too horrible to think of. Can nothing be done
to bring before the Government what the state of
affairs is ? If they did understand, they might
say, " Let them fight it out," or something equally
cruel. One is ashamed of being English.

241

APPENDIX III.

The following extracts from letters received this
12th September, 1883, give details of Usibebu's
victory over Cetywayo at Ulundi, &c.
"17th July. — We went the Sunday before last
to Hlubi's other kraal, twelve miles hence, and
Charles held service. They have been wishing for
him to go there occasionally for some time past,
for there are many Basuto round there, and it is
too far for them to come often to church. A
wagon-load of children and some women went,
and many walked and rode, so we had nearly all
our people there. There were present between
three and four hundred people. They were very
attentive. After service, which was in the open
air, everyone was regaled with maize bread, amasi
(milk), and some drink made of amabele (millet),
by the chief's wife. The stuff was not the usual
17

242 AMAZULU.
utywala (beer). Hlubi's second wife, our hostess,.
is having a nice house built for her, but it is not
yet finished. She lives in a hut nicely fitted up
with a proper bed, table, crockery, &c, and with
an enclosure in front, like a little yard, enclosed
with a high reed fence. The Basuto generally have
these. This wife also has her carriage. Everything
that Mary* has* she must have, or jealousy is
aroused. She has reason to be jealous, I should
say. Hlubi lives here entirely, though he visits
there. He walks about with Mary by his side to
and from church, and drives with her. They drove
back from the other kraal together, Mary looking
so comfortable with her nice carriage and horses
and clothing, and Hlubi driving her.
" The other wife made us very welcome, and
was extremely hospitable. She had made a large
quantity of maize bread. She thanked us for
coming, and said how pleased she was to see us.
We are to go again next Sunday.
" We are getting a large school now, over sixty.
There have begun to come lately some unruly
children belonging to a man named Ugogo, who •

* The chief Hlubi has two wives. Mary is the Inkosikazi,
or chief wife.

appendix hi. 243
has given up polygamy and become a catechumen.
He has sixty children ; many of them are grown up,
and married, but many are very yonng. As he
lives a good way off, only good-sized children can
come, and of these he has sent about a dozen
lately. Many of them can read Zulu, and all
know their letters, having been taught at home by
a brother and sister, who went to the Wesleyans to
learn, and came back to teach the others, but they
have no idea of writing or sewing. Sixteen of
Ugogo's children were baptized by the Bishop a
few Sundays since, and the elder ones are Catechu
mens. The bishop baptized twenty-six in all. I
have had thirty-seven girls to teach twice to-day.
It is a great number to manage.
"24th July. — There have been rumours of
coming ' impis ' lately, and last night there was a
great fright. Hlubi had been called out with all
his men for some days, at the wish of Mr. Pretorius,
the magistrate, but no one knew for what purpose.
On Sunday we drove over again to Hlubi's other
kraal and had service, but there was hardly a man
there, although Hlubi had appointed the day.
There was a good congregation of women and
children. Well, we came home and went to bed,
unsuspicious of danger. About 3 a.m. we were
17 *

244 AMAZULU.
aroused by Graham, who said, ' Hlubi has sent to
say that there is an army close to Seketwayo's
border.' This sounded bad enough, but we are
getting used to these alarms. Whilst we were
reckoning how long it would take for the impi to
come, and Charles was thinking about going to
Hlubi's kraal to look after the women and children,
as there was scarcely a man left in the district,
there came another messenger to say, ' Here is the
chief's wife and all the women and children from
his place running away ; they are going across the
river, but they came to you first'.' Poor things ! they
were frightened to death. A boy had come running
from Hlubi, they said, shouting ' Impi i y'eza.'
' The enemy is coming ! ' Charles brought them
all in, they nearly filled the room, and more came
afterwards. He persuaded them to stay, saying it
would be time enough to flee when a mounted
messenger came to say that the enemy was coming
on here immediately. We stayed talking to the poor
creatures, and Charles gradually got them to look
a little less dismal, and soon they were quite
content to remain. We gave them some coffee.
They waited till morning, and returned home.
Think of all the poor women in the whole district !
The fright they were in was terrible. Yesterday

appendix in. 245
without any news, but everyone was very
anxious. To-day comes great news. Many men who
went to Cetywayo from this came back to-day.
Others who went to join Hlubi also came home,
and this is what has happened. Usibebu, tired of
being attacked and harassed continually by Cety
wayo, has attacked him at last. He stole up to
the King's kraal at dawn on Friday morning
(20th July) ; * the men were washing themselves,
and had no time to prepare, the impi came sud
denly upon them, and there was no possibility of
resistance. Usibebu's army surrounded the kraal
(Ulundi), and an awful slaughter took place.
* Mr. Walton, correspondent of the Pictorial World,
writing 18th July, says : — " On the night of last Saturday,
a raid was made into Usibepu's country by Cetywayo's
people. The Usutu, under Nyamana, made the raid. They
were divided into two parties, and entered into Usibepu's
country at different points, and met at a given place. They
then swept down on the poor unsuspecting people who were
sleeping in their kraals, killed all the men, captured all
tlie women, children, and cattle, and burnt all the kraals.
About twenty-five miles square of thickly populated country
were thus devastated. The above is admitted by Cetywayo to
be all true. He also told a missionary that he intends sending
offthe impi now at Ondini to attack Usibepu at once. There
will be nothing but fighting and killing and murder till the
English Government step in and make Cetywayo keep the
conditions under which he was returned, or take him away
again."— Pictorial World, 8th Sept. 1883, p. 231.

246 AMAZULU.
" Cetywayo and Sihhayo were killed, and Seket-
wayo and many others, men, women, and children,
everyone, indeed, within the horns of the army.
Ulundi was burnt, and then they went on burning
kraals for miles round, and slaughtering everywhere.
The land is only blood and smoke. Many men we
knew from this district have been killed. Those
who escaped tell this awful tale. The army that
Hlubi saw, which caused such a panic, was women
and children, coming over by thousands with their
cattle, seeking protection in this district. Hlubi
has sent to ask Charles to write and tell Mr. Shep
stone about them, and about the death of Cetywayo.
He says the women and children are bike the grass
for numbers, and they have nothing to eat and no
blankets, so that if something is not done for them
they will die.* The stories of all the misery caused
are frightful — burnt kraals, slaughtered people,
others fleeing for their lives. Verily Cetywayo's
friends may rejoice in their work. He could have
* We have sent some money and are sending out a large
case of clothing, medicine, &c. We shall be happy to
forward any donations in money for the widows and orphans ;
or money for their relief may be paid into the ' Standard
Bank of British South Africa,' Pietermaritzburg Branch,
to the credit of Bev. C. Johnson, Isandhlwana, Zululand.
Thomas B. Jenkinson, Sidmoutb, Curate.

appendix iii. 247
stopped the army that first attacked Usibebu, if he
had chosen. What will they do with poor Zulu-
land now ? Margaret E. J."
Further particulars. — " Usibebu attacked, as
usual, very early in the morning, and took Cetywayo
and his army entirely by surprise. Some of them
had gone to the river to bathe, others were guarding
the Isigodhlo (chiefs kraal and harem). No one
was on the look-out. Scarcely any resistance was
made, though the indunas made some attempts to
get their men together. Soon all was confusion
and flight, only part of the army was there,
numbers were killed, chiefly the amadoda — chief
men — as those were specially picked out. Sihhayo
was killed trying to get Cetywayo on his horse.
Dabulamanzi made his escape, he was almost the
only man of note who did. He rode on horseback
to rescue his son, who was surrounded, and
succeeded in bringing him off behind him on his
horse. Cetywayo was last seen in the hands of
Usibebu's men. Usibebu burnt Nodwengu also.
All those from this part who escaped have come
back to their kraals, many of them having barely
escaped with their lives. Usibebu and his men had
many wrongs to revenge, and they had their fill

248 AMAZULU.
of it that day. Crowds of fugitives have been
coming over into the reserve, most of them bringing
their cattle with them, some coming naked and
destitute. Hlubi had a large force on the border,
and disarmed fugitives as they came in. Thou
sands are now on the border, and there must be
great distress among them before long, as none of
them have brought much food with them.
" Happily maize is cheap and plentiful this
year. " G. LI. Jenkinson.
"August 5th."

As it is by no means easy to understand the
state of affairs in the Zulu country, it has occurred
to me to describe the same, using some of the
figurative language so common among the Zulus.
About seventy years ago there lived in the Zulu
country (then a small belt of land lying between
the White and the Black Umvolosi rivers), a lion
called Chaka. Supposing Zululand to be the
shape of the palm of the right hand stretched out,
Zululand proper would be in the centre between
the lines of fortune, the Indian Ocean would lie
outside the thumb, and the lake of Santa Lucia

APPENDIX III. 249
would fill up the space between the thumb and the
first finger, whilst the boundary on the south would
be the great river Tugela, flowing into the sea at
the base of the thumb, and coursing along the
wrist and outside of the palm, with its branch, the
Buffalo river, running up like the little finger into
the Transvaal ; whilst another branch, the fourth
finger, is the Blood river, forming the Western
boundary of the present Zululand. On the north
beyond the river Pongola, dwell the Amaswazi,.
and on the south the people of Natal, which colony
runs up into a point as far north as Zululand.
Chaka, chief of the Zulus, had at first to
struggle for life with powerful enemies, but, sub
duing them, he became a great lion, tearing in
pieces enough for his whelps, and strangling for his
lionesses, and filling his holes with prey, and his
dens with ravin. He became victorious on every
side, though one of his companions broke away
from him, and became known as " the Lion of the
North" the dreaded Umsilikazi, head of the Mata
bele — so often mentioned by the veteran Moffat.
It is said that Chaka destroyed two millions
of human beings, extending his conquests five
hundred miles round, north, south, and westward.
He was at length killed by his brother Dingaan, who-

250 AMAZULU.
matched his brother in rapacity and cruelty, until
he, in turn, was driven away by Panda, another
brother. As the Dutch Boers helped Panda to the
•chieftainship, and took their revenge upon Dingaan
for his treacherous conduct towards them in the cruel
massacre of their countrymen, so it is probable that
regard for them kept Panda quiet. He was a
peaceful and cunning old lion. If he did not fight
much, he prepared for war by raising a number of
new regiments. Of thirty-five regiments of the
Zulu army, only five remained of Chaka's original
army, and five of Dingaan's. Of the remaining
twenty-five, no less than twenty-one were raised in
Panda's time, the remaining four having been
raised by his son and successor, the redoubtable
¦Cetywayo. This is significant, for Cetywayo had
become a kind of Regent during his father's life
time, and so, no doubt, many of Panda's regiments
owed their origin to his warlike son, Cetywayo;
indeed, the largest regiment, mustering 6,000
strong, and styled the " Nkobamakosi," owed its
origin to Cetywayo. Their uniform is thus
described : "Band of leopard-skin round forehead,
two white cowtails on either side of the head,
fastened on by a strip of white cow-hide across
•forehead ; two plumes of the kafir finch (sakabuli),

appendix iii. 251
on either side of head, pointing backwards, ear-
flaps of green monkey skin, and bunches of white
cow tails hanging from neck, down back and
chest; shields — black, red, and spotted."
For many years the sons of Panda struggled for
supremacy. At length, in December 1856, a
battle was fought, which ended in the defeat of
Umbulazi and the triumph of Cetywayo. In this
civil war, the Zulus exhibited as much ferocity as
their father had shown in the days of Chaka.
Baldwin, African hunter, was in Zululand at this
time, and relates that for twelve miles beyond the
Tugela the air was tainted with the smell. Men,
women, and children lay across his path, the men
with their war-dress on. There were women
with babes on their backs, both pierced through
with the same weapon, and children of all ages
stabbed. Thousands had been stabbed or drowned
in trying to cross the Tugela. The victors also
lost heavily, so that one-fourth of the Zulu nation
must have been destroyed. John Dunn, who was
a friend of Umbulazi's, was fighting for him, with
about thirty men armed with rifles. These men
did great execution among Cetywayo's army.
John Dunn had a narrow escape of his life.
After this, another brother, Umtonga, roused the

252 AMAZULU.
jealousy of Cetywayo, who killed the mother of Um
tonga, and destroyed thirty kraals, with their women
and children, for sheltering his supposed rival.
Panda died a natural death in October 1872 ;
and, after nine months of mourning, Cetywayo, his
successor in the chieftainship, proceeded to Ulundi.
All Panda's sons swore allegiance to him in the
presence of Mr. Shepstone, except Umtonga, who
was in exile.
Cetywayo called up his army, but many absented
themselves on the plea of sickness, so he sent out
a regiment and killed the absentees, saying,
"You sick men are no use, so I save the doctors
the trouble of attending on you." He also made
an example of the women : a large number of these
were killed for refusing to marry at the king's
order. Cetywayo was " determined to show his
people who was master." The new chief was more
like his uncles than his father — only, he never had
their great authority. His young men got restless
and quarrelsome, and anxious to " wash their
spears." They were intent upon having a war.
At the close of 1878 matters were ripe. Traders
in the Zulu country, the missionaries there, know
ing that war was imminent, left the country and
came into Natal.

APPENDIX III. 253
Cetywayo became more and more insolent. All
the natives looked upon him as irresistible. Sooner
•or later war was inevitable. The Governor at the
Cape now came on the scene as High Commis
sioner. He sent an ultimatum to Cetywayo,
demanding reparation for certain outrages, pro
tection for Europeans, and calling upon him to
disband his army. He refused, so we went to war
with him. Our chief chose to go after the lion,
instead of waiting for the lion to come down upon
him. The savage beast sprang at him with a wild
bound, and inflicted many deadly wounds. Our
hunters were cowed for a time. They sent for
more men ; old and cunning hunters now began to
close in upon the lion in his den. Wood and
Pearson lay to the west and east, the Amaswazi to
the north, whilst Chelmsford advanced to Ulundi
and bearded the Hon in his den. He stood at bay
for a while and then fled northwards to Ngome
Forest, where Marter captured him. He was
caged at Cape Town, and many saw the noble beast
aud pitied him. They brought him to England,
not, indeed, to become one of the lions of the tower,
but to be fed and petted and spoilt, and to have
bis picture taken and hung up in the Academy, that
the crowd might admire his tawny, shining skin.

254 AMAZULU.
Two dear children hung beside him, so that
Paradise seemed restored. Surely he was tamed ;
he seemed full of good nature, he had lost his.
taste for blood. Let him loose. No ! send him
back to his own place. There now, oil is poured
on the troubled waters. According to the Colensos
and Lady Florence, all will be well. The lion will
range his native hills, but he has learnt such a
lesson that he will never wish to go to war again.
Is it so ? Alas, no ! His cousin Usibebu, and
half brother Oham have not received him with
open arms ; John Dunn loads his rifle again and
thinks of his old hunting days ; Hlubi the Basuto
c alls out his mounted men to defend his border.
Will the lion be satisfied with the land lying
between the Black and White Umvolosi ?
Not he. He invades the territories of his royal
brothers to the north, but they combine agamst
him and defeat him utterly, bearding the lion in
his den, spite of his proud boast, "Let him come
if he dare," "Maize kanye." It is the native
hunters that are now upon him. Again he takes
refuge in flight, not this time to the Ngome Forest,
for there, between Oham and Usibebu, he would
surely be taken and killed, but southwards, towards
his friends the English. He makes for the

APPENDIX III. 255
" reserve " towards the middle drift of the Tugela,
and there finds a hiding-place and refuge in the
thick bush of the Inkandhla mountains, not far
from his old friend John Dunn, now turned to be
his foe, as he was at the beginning.
Here he stands at bay, defying both Zulus and
English, and stubbornly refusing to see Osborn, the
Queen's Resident in Zululand.
And now comes sad news from that unhappy
land : both sides are gathering their forces for a
final and decisive struggle (5th September 1883).
"In the approaching struggle Usibebu will
probably be assisted by John Dunn. There will be,
indeed, a combination of the forces of Usibebu,
Dunn, Oham, Hlubi, Masipula, and the Amatonga
(a tribe dwelling about Santa Lucia Lake), to strike
a crushing blow at Cetywayo."
British troops are again moving towards the
border, not, indeed, to defend Cetywayo, as he
vainly supposes, but to protect British interests in
the reserved territory.
"The expression of Colonial opinion is very
strong and general in reference to the wholesale
slaughter which has been brought about by the
action of the British Government in sending
Cetywayo back, in spite of the unanimous protests

¦256 AMAZULU.
of all those who knew anything of the circumstances
•of Zululand." — Durban correspondent of the
Standard, 6th September 1883.

Zululand, 6th September 1883.
Until affairs here are better understood, I have
no hope that they will be better. Affairs cannot get
worse than they are. I will give you an idea of
them at the present time.
With the exception of little out-of-the-way
corners near to the Black Umvolosi, the whole of
Cetywayo's country is a black, lifeless wilderness,
deserted by the whole of its inhabitants, who have
either been slaughtered or have fled for refuge into
the Reserve, and, poor things, their situation is
simply frightful here. Thousands of their women
and children and men are exposed and nearly
naked, with no shelter during this cold, rainy
weather. On the northern border of this district, almost
all the kraals are as full as they can hold ; the
place is crowded with people and cattle. Numbers
of people are sleeping in holes and caves in the
rocks, or in deserted cattle-kraals.
Here they are entirely without shelter from the

APPENDIX III. 257
weather, it must have been terrible for them during
the cold rains. What they have been living on all
this time is a mystery to me, for most of them
brought little or no food with them. I think dead
cattle must have formed their chief food, there
were plenty of them after the cold rains. The
Government has been supplying such of the
refugees as came to the magistrate with maize.
Mr. Pretorius has given a large quantity away.
When I first went up, Oham's impi had just gone
home, and they had left the country on the
other side of the Umvunyane* (the river which
forms the boundary between Hlubi's district and
Zululand proper) as black as a coal, having burnt
up all the kraals and set fire to the grass. The
flame had spread over miles and miles of country,
and, as far as one could see, all was black, with
the exception of a small brown patch here and
there which had escaped.
When I came back again after the rains, the
country was beginning to look green again, and
the people were beginning to find their way back to
* In the Map of Zululand published by the authorities at
the Horse Guards, this river appears as Umyanyene. It is
a branch of the White Umvolosi river, the southern boundary
of the old Zulu tribe, Abanguni. 18

258 AMAZULU.
their kraals on the other side by twos and threes,
as they gained confidence. Few rejoice at the
news of Cetywayo's escape, and that he is still
alive to make more mischief.
Our magistrate has bought sixty muids of maize
and given them away to all who came to ask ; but
it was but a drop in the ocean. What is to
become of these poor people ? They have lost
their cattle, their kraals are burnt down, their crops
destroyed, and planting-time is close at hand.
When are they to plant ? What are they to sow ?
What are they to eat meanwhile ? Some few of
them have relations in the Reserve, but they are
the lucky few. All the rest are, as I write, crowding
together anyhow in holes and under stones of the
hills. What are they to do ? Who is to blame
for ail this misery? The mischief is done, and
cannot be undone, but still, until the cause is
known of all this misery, there is no hope that
affairs will be any better in the future.
Cetywayo's friends will say that it is because
Usibebu has managed to get the upper hand, but,
mfortunately for that theory, part of this very,
country that is deserted was pillaged by Cetywayo's
own people before Usibebu got the upper hand ;
and they would have made a clean sweep of the

APPENDIX III. 259
whole of Oham's, Usibebu's territory and the
Reserve too, had they not met with this reverse, viz.
the defeat and massacre of Ulundi. No ; the true
cause^ of the whole of the present unhappy state
of affairs is that the Zulu question has been made
a Party question by the Imperial Government.
It was commenced under the other Government,
but, unfortunately for Zululand, a change of
Government came before the work was finished,
and the whole machinery was thrown into con
fusion. It is not for me to say whether the
Zulu war was a just war or not, but, certainly, when
Zululand was conquered, the only right way was
to accept the responsibility of conquerors. This
England has not done, but has tried, by a shuffling
policy, to throw all responsibility off her shoulders.
The consequence has been that blood has flowed
like water, and will continue to flow until England
recognises her responsibility as conqueror. The
honourable course to pursue now would be for
England to take the reins of Government into her
own hands, appoint a Governor and magistrates, and
rule with a firm but merciful hand. It would cost
England nothing. The Zulus would be only too
glad to put a stop to all this bloodshed, and would
pay a good tax into the Government revenue, more

260 AMAZULU.
than enough to pay all the expenses of Government
and leave a surplus for public works.
As for a military force ; if, in time to come, any
disturbance were to arise between any of the petty
chiefs, all the other small chiefs would, as soon as
called upon by the Government, be more than
sufficient to quiet the disturbance. I only mention
this to show that Zululand, if properly taken in
hand, would not cost England anything. This
continual bloodshed is making the name of England
hated by all the natives of Zululand.
Looking at the state of the country ever since
the English had anything to do with, it, ever since
the first troops crossed into Zululand, what has the
state of the country been ? Blood ! murder ! rapine !
and anarchy ! Does this sound too strong ? Listen
but for one hour to any Zulu chief or head-man
who is not afraid to speak out, and you will find it
put stronger than this. England does not know
what she is losing here among these people. What
makes it worse is, that all has been done under the
guise of philanthropy.
Let England beware lest she lose her South
African colonies by sitting still. The Boers have
sent down to Cetywayo, saying that they will come
and fetch him, promising to place him on the throne,

APPENDIX III. 261
as their fathers did his father, Panda, and guar
anteeing to help him with such a force as shall
very soon dispose of Oham and Usibebu, and also
promising to do their best to force England to give up
that part of Zululand called the Reserve, as they forced
them to give up all claim to the Transvaal. Cetywayo
once in the Transvaal, England may say good-bye to
Zululand. The Boers have got their eye on the
whole of the northern portions of the country, which
they ask from Cetywayo in payment for restoring
him. That will be only the beginning ; they will
very soon have Cetywayo subject to them, and most
of Zululand in farms. Is it for this that England
has lost so many of her brave soldiers at Isand
hlwana, Hlobane, and the rest? Is it for this that so
many thousand Zulus have fallen, for this that
England pitted chief against chief, friend against
friend, brother against brother, until the land stank
from the' unburied bodies of the slaughtered ! Is
it for this that there are thousands of helpless
women and children without a man left them —
father, brothers, and sons all gone, and for what ?
Good heavens ! What a contrast to what Zulu-
land might have been, had England accepted her
•position as conqueror, and tenderly entered on the
duty of governing, as an enlightened Christian nation

262 AMAZULU. •
was naturally expected to do. The Zulu people were
all reconciled to the idea of being conquered, by the
feeling that under the English they would have peace,
safety, and justice, and freedom from oppression, like
their brethren in Natal. I say this did more to recon
cile them to their position as a conquered people
than anything else. They had no idea that England
would shirk the responsibility ; and now, instead of
wailing and desolation and the stench of blood,
might have been a happy nation, who had given up
the assagai for the hoe, and amongst whom the
Gospel was spreading. When I came in Zululand
in 1879, I found the Zulus pleased to see me,
because I was an Englishman and a teacher. I
found them with unbounded faith in the power and
goodness of the English and the English Governor
(Sir B. Frere) ; but now this faith is gone. They
all think that England has done her best to destroy
the Zulu, and that all this bloodshed has been
planned by the English Government. Every small
chief cries out, saying he has been '-'killed" by
his father (the English). They do not know which
side to take. They are afraid of Cetywayo's
favourites, they disliked the settlement under the
thirteen chieftains ; but that was nothing to the
uncertainty and fear now. We may set down to

APPENDIX III. 263
this feeling of uncertainty the want of success on
the part of Cetywayo's followers, and the many
reverses they have met with ever since Cetywayo's
return. They have never really fought, because
they have had only half their heart in the affair.
They have not been able to make sure whether they
were doing right or wrong.
Cetywayo complains that he is killed by his
friends the English, who. have brought him back,
and placed him on a hill, and then sent word to
the wolves to come and devour him. Usibebu says
he is being killed by the English, because they
allow Cetywayo to collect the people from the Reserve
by force and threats, when he has overcome them
in battle. The Reserve is a place of refuge, but
also a place where his enemies muster in safety.
The Boers are doing their best to increase the
general feeling of mistrust in the English. When
is all this to end?

Zululand, October 6th, 1883.
Hlubi and his men have gone at the call of the
British Resident to co-operate with a small force of
Imperial troops. Two detachments have been
called out. One, under Hlubi's brother, went to

264 AMAZULU.
the Inkandhla, close to where Cetywayo now is.
The second was called out a few days after to go to
the boundary line of the Reserve. Hlubi himself
went with the second, and at present there are only
old men, women, and children left here. This un
settled state of affairs is very bad indeed in its
effect on the minds of the natives. We are all
longing for some firm government. If something is
not settled within the month, so as to allow the
people to return to their homes, without the con
stant dread of being fallen upon and slaughtered,
we shall have something as bad as the assagai, viz.,
Famine. It is now October (sowing time) and the
poor natives are all in hiding. All their kraals are
burnt down, and not a grain has been put into the
ground. Nor are they in a mind to sow, until they
are assured that there is some likelihood of their
being able to eat what they plant. In the Reserve
it is different ; but even here there is a restless, un
pleasant feeling, nothing sure, nothing settled. At
one time the fear is that Cetywayo will gain
possession, and then that the Boers are coming, or
will be allowed to occupy the ground, and then again
that Usibebu will be given the whole of Zululand,
Men cannot feel sure of anything, and the least
confidence of all have they in the permanency of

APPENDIX III. 265
the Imperial Government. This feeling is, of
course, the result of so many changes. Oh for the
time when something shall be settled. I am glad to
say that, in spite of wars and rumours of wars,
Christianity is gradually, though slowly, gaining
ground in the parts furthest away from the excite
ment and misery of war and bloodshed. The Zulus
were just in the mind to listen to teaching after they
were conquered, but all this anxiety and doubt has
made mission work simply impossible in many parts
of Zululand. Here, I am thankful to say, we have
been blest with less excitement than any other
district. There has been nothing worse than an
alarm now and then. Sometimes, as at present, all
the men have been called out.
Our school is doing well. We have the largest
day-school in the diocese, having a daily attendance
of between sixty and seventy, nearly all of whom
have been baptized. Sirce we began we have had
eighty-five baptisms, nineteen confirmed, and thirty-
two admitted as catechumens. Hlubi's wife was
confirmed last Sunday with twelve others. We are
becoming quite a Christian community. Our con
gregations average about 130. At an out-door
service we have had as many as 1,000. I feel more
strongly every day that our duty as missionaries 19

266 AMAZULU.
does not end with simply teaching these people the
Gospel, and, in some cases, to read and write. I
feel that we ought to do more to raise them socially,
for their moral life to a great extent depends upon
their social life. Now the Christian socially differs
little from the heathen. They help the women to
plant enough food for the coming year, and then
they idle away their time. If the Christians could
only be taught to be industrious, then we might
hope that they would rise socially. I have felt this
so very strongly that it has been my most earnest
wish to establish some kind of industrial training.
What I have done in this direction has been at my
own charges. I have had about thirty young men
and boys bound to me by their parents, with their
own consent, for a stated period. Some have been
taught to plough, &c, others house-work, others
brickmaking, and one or two have been initiated
into the rudiments of building and carpentry. But
the great drawback all through has been that
nothing could be thoroughly taught from want of a
regular, skilled instructor, who could devote his
whole time to their instruction. Of course this
would cost something at the start, but in the
course of about five years I believe it would pay for
itself. At first, there would be about ,£150

APPENDIX III. 267
required for materials to construct a workshop, and,
for five years, £100 a year for a skilled European.
I know of one now, who has been doing the
carpentry work of our school church. He is a fair
builder and a good carpenter and a handy man.
His great wish is to be at the head of an industrial
school attached to St. Augustine's mission ; but as
I have not the funds necessary to commence even
on this scale, I had to tell him so. He is now
working for the Bishop. A work of this kind sounds
formidable on account of the money wanted to start
it, but in the end it would be profitable. I cannot
help feeling very sorry for Cetywayo. Others are
more to blame than he is, viz. his head-men and
favourites. What has happened is only what
might have been expected if his old advisers were
to be allowed to gather round him after his restora
tion. They were feeling very sore at having to
bow down to the authority of the chiefs placed
here by Sir Garnet, and their object in agitating to
get Cetywayo restored was to avenge themselves on
those who had offended them.
Cetywayo had not the power to restrain his old
favourites from taking their revenge. That the
people's heart was not with him has been proved
by the half-hearted way in which they fought for

268 AMAZULU.
him. They were only drawn together for fear of
those tyrants, 'Mnyamana, 'Ndabuko, & Co., but
they never once really fought, although they always
outnumbered their foes, three and four to one. It
is thought now that Usibebu will be allowed to
govern the land that he has conquered. If so, there
will be another war. Although Usibebu is one of
the wisest of Zulus, his kind of government will
only tend to make his people more warlike, as they
must have some vent for their energy.
I still hope that England will accept her responsi
bility as conqueror and govern the land herself.
It is the only way to save bloodshed.

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