Cb33'loJ> UX-cJl M9s SKETCH OF THE LIFE 01" J. F. D. LANIER (Printed for the use of his family only.) NEW YORK. 1871. IIOBFORD & SONS, PttlNTEKS 56 Cedar Street, TO MY CHILDREN. In the following pages T have prepared for you a brief sketch of soms of the leading events of my Zsife, believing that I can leave to you no legacy tnore accept able. I was -born in Washington, in the County of Beaufort, in the State of North Carolina, on the 22d day of November, 1N00. My father was Alexander Chalmers Lanier. His mother's maiden name was Sarah Chalmers. She was nearly allied to the family of Chalmers in Scotland, of which Dr. Chalmers, the celebrated divine, was afterward a member. It was this connection that gave my father his middle name. My mother was a native of Virginia. Her maiden name was Drusilla Doughty. My first paternal ancestor in this country was Thomas Lanier, a Huguenot of Bordeaux, France, who was driven out of that country by religious persecution, near the middle of the seventeenth century. He went first to Eng land, and came from that country to this, either in com pany with, or about the time that John Washington, the ancestor of George Washington, emigrated to it. He subsequently married Elizabeth, a daughter of John Wash ington, and ultimately settled in North Carolina.* In his native country he was a man of high social position, and possessed a large estate, a considerable portion of which he contrived to bring away with him, although confiscated by law. He also brought with him a portion of the family furniture, which was long retained by his descendants as interesting and valued heirlooms. His children were Richard, Thomas, James, Elizabeth and Sampson Lanier. It was from the first named that our branch of the family descended. His children were Lewis, Buckner, Burrill and Winifred. Lewis, our ancestor, married a Miss Ball, a sister of the mother of General Washington. He was my * The old Colonial Records at Richmond, Va., show several grants of land to Thomas Lanier by the Crown, in the Counties of Brunswick and Lunenburg, in that State, to the extent of about three thousand acres. great-grandfather. His son, James Lanier, was my grand father. My account of the emigration of our ancestor to this country, and of his marriage into the Wash ington family, is derived from a statement of the late George Washington Parke Custis, the grandson of Mrs. General Washington, taken from the records of the Washington family in his possession. The marriage of my great-grandfather with a sister of the mother of General Washington is a well-established tradition in our family, but I possess no authentic record of the fact. My grandfather, James Lanier, was a planter. He was well educated, a cultivated gentleman, energetic and public spirited, and took an active part in the war of the Inde pendence, serving through the whole of it as captain in Colonel William Washington's regiment of light cavalry. which was particularly distinguished for its efficient service. He was in the battles of Eutaw Springs, Guilford Court House, the Cowpens, and, I believe, of King'* Mountain. These were among the most brilliant achievements of the war. lie also served as captain in General Wayne's ex pedition against the Northwestern Indians, in 17! >L which not only avenged the defeat of General St. Clair, but com pletely destroyed their power, and for the first time gave peace to, and prepared the way for the future settlement of the great Mississippi Valley. In ITS!), I think, my grandfather moved to Nashville, Tennessee. The South-west was then just coming into notice. Among the immigrants into that section was General Andrew Jackson, afterward so famous in the his tory of the country. For some time after his arrival at Nashville he was an inmate of my grandfather's family. My grandfather, subsequently, about 1791, removed to Bourbon County, Kentucky, of which he was soon ap pointed Prothonotary, or County Clerk. From thence he moved to Pendleton County, Kentucky, where he passed the remainder of his clays. Soon after my birth, my father moved to Bourbon County, Kentucky. He invested his property in lands, and lost it by defect of title, with which much of the real estate of that State was tainted, and which produced wide spread disaster and ruin. In consecpience of these losses, he moved in 1807, to the town of Eaton, in Preble County, Ohio. Upon reaching this State, he manumitted two valu able family slaves, the only ones he held, being prohibited from doing so in Kentucky by the laws of the latter. 1 J e had the satisfaction of seeing them both useful and respected in their new condition of freedom. I have always greatly valued this act of my father, as these slaves constituted (mite a portion of his property. The act was, however, only in harmony with his whole character. For a considerable portion of the time that my father resided at Eaton, he was clerk of the courts of the county. Upon the breaking out of the war of 1S12, he entered the army and served during the whole of it. He served under General Harrison, with the rank of major, in his north western campaigns, and had in charge a long line of de fences, extending westerly from Lake Erie, and following up the valley of the Maumee, the most important of which was Fort Wayne, situated on a narrow neck of land separat ing the waters flowing into Lake Erie from those flowing into the Gulf of Mexico, and named in honor of General Wayne, and in commemoration of his celebrated north western campaign, in which my grandfather served. Upon the site of the fort, erected in the last century for the puiv pose of preventing the incursions of hostile savages, has grown up one of the most flourishing toMrns in the West, which has now become the centre of a vast system of rail roads, the most important of which is the Pittsburg, Fort Wayne and Chicago. By a singular coincidence, the very ground -which my father and grandfather periled their lives to wrest from savage tribes, I have labored long and earnestly, though in a different way, to improve and enrich s by the ara of peace, and thus to complete their work. The territory, once so remote and inaccessible, and whose forests were the covert for the treacherous Indian, has, through the instrumentality ot^the railway, been brought within easy distance of Eastern markets, and is now one of the most populous, flourishing and prosperous portions of the West. While at Eaton I attended the village school for about eighteen months. It was kept, by a Mr. Stevens, who taught only the rudiments of an English education. While there I served as clerk in the store of a Mr. Cornelius Van Aus- dall, an immigrant of Dutch descent from Hagerstown, Maryland, and a very worthy man. I believe he is still living. I have always looked upon my service with him as one of the most valuable periods of my early life. It taught me to be industrious, active, methodical, and the value, if I may use the word, of small things. I was brought into contact with all varieties of people, had to turn my hand to every kind of work, and learned how to be respectful and obliging to all. The stock in the store consisted chiefty of light cotton goods, twists, buttons, and the smaller articles of hard and tin ware, and other articles suited to the primi tive condition of the people with whom we dealt. The greater part of the trade consisted of barter. The most valuable articles received in exchange for goods were pel tries of one kind or another. The route to the Eastern markets was up the Ohio Liver to Pittsburg and Wheeling, in keel-boats ; thence by wagons to Philadelphia or Balti more. There were in those days neither roads nor steam boats in the A\rest. The cost was too great to allow the transportation of the produce of the AVestern country to market, except a small amount of flour, corn and provisions sent down the river in arks, or iiatboats, to New Orleans. Nearly everything was produced in the family that was consumed in it. The only money then in circulation was silver — Spanish coins chiefly, received by way of New Or leans. This was packed on horses when the merchant went 9 East to make his purchases, and the lighter kinds of goods brought back in the same manner. The trip to and from the Eastern States was then an affair of greater magnitude and peril, and required a greater length of time than that at present between New York and San Francisco; or, be tween New York and Europe. The country was wholly without good roads, and almost the only mode of travel, as as of transporting merchandise, was upon the backs of horses and mules/"' In IS 15 I attended, for about a year and a half, an acad- * Only six years before my grandfather moved to Tennessee, General Washington crossed the Allegheny mountains for the purpose of ascertaining the practicability of construct ing a navigable water line from the Potomac to the Ohio. The report of his journey and observations describes so accurately the condition of the Western country at the time, and the necessity of improved highways to unite it firmly with the Eastern States, that I cannot refrain from copying a portion of his communication addressed to the Governor of Virginia : "I need not remark to you," said Washington in the communication referred to, "that the flanks and rear of the United States are possessed by other powers, and formidable ones too, and how necessary it is to apply the cement of interest to bind all parts of the Union together by indissoluble bonds — especially that part of it which lies immediately west of us — with the Middle States. For what ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people (in the Mississippi Aralley) ? How entirely unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may wc not apprehend, if the Spaniards on their right and Great Britain on their left, instead of throwing stumbling-blocks in their way, as they now do, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance? What, when they gain strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive (from the immigration of foreigners who will have no predilection for us, as well as the removal of our own citizens), will be the consequence of having formed close connections with both or cither of these powers, in a commercial way? It needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell. "The Western States (I speak now from my own observation) hang upon a pivot. The touch of a feather would turn them anyway. They have looked down the Mississippi till the Spaniards, very impoliticly, I Lliink, for themselves, threw difficulties in the way ; and they looked that way for no other reason than becauso they could glide gently down the stream, without considering, perhaps, the difficulties of the voyage back again and the time necessary to perform it ; and because they had no other means of coming to us but by land transportation and unimproved roads. These causes have hitherto checked the industry of the present settlers; for, except the demand for provisions, occasioned by the increase of population, and the little flour which the necessities of the Spaniards compel them to buy, they have no incitements to labor But smooth the road, and make easy the way for them, and then see what an influx of articles will be poured upon us, how amazingly our exports will increase, and how amply we shall be compensated for any trouble and expense we may encounter to effect it." It has been reserved to tlie present generation, by the construction of railways, to " smooth the road and make easy the way " for the West. The results have vastly more than fulfilled the anticipations of the Father of his Country. These works have not only rendered the country indissoluble, but have created a commerce the magnitude of which really exceeds belief. ' 10 emy taught by Messrs. Morse and Jones, at Newport, Ken tucky. They were excellent teachers, and I derived great benefit from their instruction. In 181T my father moved to Madison, Indiana. This State was admitted into the Union the year previous, and contained about 60,000 in habitants scattered very sparsely over the southern portion of it. At that time the Indian titles were extinguished only twenty miles north of Madison. At this place my father opened a dry-goods store. The town at that time contained about one hundred and fifty people. It had been so re cently settled that it was still a forest — the trees that were not standing almost covered the ground where they fell. It was wholly without streets, or any improvements fitted to make it an attractive or agreeable place. After our re moval to Madison I had, for a year and a half, the almost inestimable advantage of a private school taught by a very superior person from the Eastern States. "When not at school I assisted my father in his store. At this period, General Harrison, afterward President of the United States, and who was a warm and life-long friend of our family, procured for me a cadetship at West Point. I was very eager to accept the appointment, but relinquished it, seeing that my mother was greatly distressed at the thought of my leaving home, I being her only child. In March, 1820, my father, who had long been ill from diseases contracted while in military service under General Harrison, died. My father, from his infirm health, was not successful in his business in Madison, and died insolvent. 1 settled up the estate, and, ultimately, as I acquired pro perty of my own, paid all his debts in full. In 1819 I commenced the study of law in the office of Gen. Alexander A. Meek, of Madison. I finished my legal course by graduating at the Transylvania law school in Kentucky, in 1S28. 1 immediately commenced the practice of law in Madison, which at that time had a population of about 800. I was diligent, strove to be respected, and made 11 it a point to be punctual in every duty and appointment. It was early my purpose of life to respect scrupulously the rights of others, but always to be firm in the assertion of my own. It was the rigid adherence of this plan of life, if it may be so called, that I owed my success. My diligence and fidelity in every engagement gave me the command of whatever money I wanted, as it was well known that I would never allow my liabilities to exceed my means. While in the practice of the law I made the cause of my clients my own. Success or defeat, consequently, gave me more plea sure or pain, than it did them. I was, for this reason, very successful ; but I found the labor and anxiety of my profes sion too much for my strength, which led ine to give it up as soon as other satisfactory openings for business presented themselves. While in the practice of the law, I traveled what was called the South-eastern District of Indiana, prac ticing in a large number of counties. The only mode of traveling in those days was by horseback. On most of the routes traveled we were guided by trails or blazed lines, which were often preferable to what were called roads which, from the friable nature of the soil, were speedily so cut up as to be almost impassable, particularly in the wet seasons of the year. The rivers were crossed in log canoes, and by swimming our horses, when they could not be forded. In 1S21 I was appointed assistant clerk of the House of Representatives of the State, at the last sitting of the Legis lature at Corydon. The next meeting was at Indianapolis, the present capital. I continued assiistant clerk until 1827, when I was elected chief clerk. My compensation was §3.50 per day. I kept the journal in which was entered all the proceedings of the House, and did the reading. My duties required the greatest diligence and the closest attention. I soon became master of the rules and modes of conducting business, and was in this way enabled to be of service to members, many of whom, although men of sense and ability, often found themselves in positions of embarrassment from want of familiarity with legislative proceedings. My good 12 offices were often availed of in the drawing up of motions and bills, and in guiding the conduct of members on the floor. I regard my office of clerk of the House as one of the chief causes of my future success. It enabled me to form an intimate acquaintance with all the leading men of the State, many of whom, in after life, were not slow to recipro cate the good offices I had done them. With my practice and my salary as clerk of the House, I was in receipt of quite an income, for those days, in the West. My habits were simple and economical, at the same time I studied to make every one dependent upon me, among whom was my mother, comfortable and happy. My surplus means were, as fast as acquired, invested in real estate, which, as in all new States, rose rapidly in value. When clerk of the House, the trip from Madison to Indianapolis required three days of fatiguing travel on horseback. It is now performed by railroad in about four hours. In 1833, upon the chartering of the State Bank of Indi ana, I retired from the practice of the law, and took a prom inent share in the management of that institution. I held a larger amount of the stock first subscribed than any other individual. This bank consisted of a Central Bank, located at Indianapolis, with ten branches in as many leading towns of the State. I was the first President of the Madison branch. The Central Bank was not one of discount or is.me. Its functions were a general supervision of the branches, be ing a Board of Control, of which Mr. McCulloch, afterward Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, and myself, were among the leading members. Notwithstanding the managers of the bank, at the time it went into operation, were wholly without training or experience in such matters, many of them never having been inside of such an institu tion, it proved a model of success, and consequently most beneficial lo all the interests of the State. The capital was almost wholly borrowed from abroad, and through the credit 13 of the State, which took $1,000,000 of the stock, and loaned its credit to individual stockholders to the extent of one-half the stock subscribed by them, taking as security therefor, real estate at one-half of its unimproved value. The credit of the State was high, its five per cent, bonds selling at a premium averaging from twelve to fifteen per cent. It may seem incredible that a bank, based almost wholly upon capi tal borrowed, and that too through the instrumentality of the State, should have proved such a success. It would ap pear to have been almost inevitable that in a country lack ing in commercial training, where the demand for capital is always excessive, where the managers of trust funds have every inducement to make a reckless use of them, and where, among the great mass, there is very little idea of the importance and value of promptness in the payment of ob ligations, that the bank, if it did not lose its capital, would soon find it converted into_various kinds of property taken in payment of loans, or in the overdue notes of its borrow ers. The bank commenced business at one of the most critical periods of the history of the country — at the very beginning of that great era of speculation which nearly bankrupted the whole nation, and which culminated in the terrible catastrophe of 1837. At this disastrous crisis nearly every bank in the Western and South-western States failed, with the, exception of that of Indiana. A very large num ber of those of the Eastern States wx've totally ruined. It would seem to have been almost impossible that the bank of Indiana, then one of the newest of the Western States, should not have become involved in the general catastrophe. So far from this being the case, the hank not only paid divi dends averaging from twelve to fourteen per cent, annually, but returned to its stockholders nearly double the original investment, when it was wound up at the expiration of its charter in 1854. For the $1,000,000 invested by it in this institution, the State received, in- profits alone, fully $8,000,000. These, profits now constitute the- school fund 14 of the State, the increase of which, being invested in the State indebtedness, is rapidly converting the whole of it into an irredeemable fund to be devoted to educational pur poses. The bank was the only one of the numerous enter prises in which the State embarked that did not prove an almost total failure. As we had always intended to keep our banks in position to meet any emergency that might arise, we had not in the least anticipated the general suspension, in 1887, in the Eastern States, till that event happened. Our Board of Con trol were then in session at Indianapolis. We were at the time the depository of $1,500,000 of Government funds. I was instructed by the Board to proceed immediately to Washington to represent our condition, and to confer with the Secretary of the Treasury as to what we, in the emer gency, should do. I took with me $80,000 in gold. I went up the Ohio River in a steamboat to Wheeling, and thence by stage, chartered for the purpose, alone across the moun tains to Frederick, at that time the Western terminus of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and 61 miles west from Bal timore. I suffered not a little anxiety on account of the treasure I carried more than 300 miles, through a wild and comparatively uninhabited region, and was not a little re lieved on reaching the safe conduct of a railroad. On ar riving at Washington I obtained an interview with the Sec retary' of the Treasury, the Hon. Levi Woodbury, explained to him the position and the entire solvency of our bank, and delivered to him the gold I had brought with me, in part payment of our balances. He received me with irreat cor diality, and said that our bank was the only one that had offered to pay any portion of its indebtedness in specie. We were allowed to retain the Government deposits till they were drawn in its regular disbursements. At his solicita tion I consented to act as Pension Agent for a portion of the Western States. For the pensions I paid, drafts were made upon the Government deposits in our bank. Drafts were 15 also made upon us in payment of troops, transportation of the mails and other services. In all these payments our bank-notes, from our well-known credit, were received equally with specie. In such payments all the balances against us were liquidated in a manner entirely satisfactory to the Government, and greatly to our convenience and ad vantage. In April, 1838, a convention of the officers of the banks of the United States was held in New York, for the purpose of considering the subject of resuming specie payments. I attended the convention as the representative of our bank. In the debates that took place I earnestly favored the propo sition for immediate resumption. The position I took greatly pleased the venerable Albert Gallatin, who, aged as he was, was the leading spirit of the convention, and who was much gratified in finding himself earnestly supported from a quar ter from which he had not expected aid. He took occasion to thank me personally and warmly for the grounds I took. I recollect my interviews with him on this occasion with great pleasure. At the period of which I have been last speaking, nearly all the Western States, Indiana among them, embarked in elaborate systems of internal improvements. These were entered upon without proper reference to the wants or con ditions of the country, and embraced extensive water lines, which were either impracticable or of little value when com pleted. The different States assumed to provide, by an issue of their bonds, the means for their construction. These, proving wholly inadequate, failure on a gigantic scale was inevitable. For such works the State of Indiana incurred a debt of about $10,000,000, without realizing any substan tial benefit therefor. It was still without the works neces sary to give, value to its products, by opening to them the markets of the East. Wheat raised in the interior of the State at the period referred to, would not bring more than 25 cents the bushel. Indian corn would not bring more 16 than one-half this amount. The chief value of the latter was to feed it to live stock. Tliere could be no substantial recovery till the works were constructed, which have since quadrupled the value of these as well as of all other pro ducts of the States. But years had to elapse before their construction could be undertaken with any hope of success. The people were too poor to construct them. The credit of the States was destroyed : and if it had not been, constitu tional provisions were enacted by most of them forbidding them to create a debt for any work ol internal improvement. A paralysis for a long time seemed to rest upon the wdiole country. After the resumption of specie payments in 1838-0, most of the banks of the country again suspended in 1841. In fact, no decided recovery took place till the acquisition of, and discovery of gold in, California, in 184s, from which event may be said to date the physical development of the country, which is now the marvel of the world. One of the most important branches of our banking busi ness was the purchase and sale of exchange made by the in ternal commerce of the country. At that time the only out lets of the interior, as far west as Indiana, were the Ohio and the Mississippi Rivers. New Orleans was the sole port of export. We purchased largely bills drawn against ship ments of produce to this port. As these bills were about to mature, it was my custom to go to New Orleans to invest their proceeds, and such other means as our bank could spare, in the purchase of bills drawn in New Orleans upon shipments of produce from thence to the Eastern States. The proceeds of the latter bills, at their maturity, supplied us amply with exchange for our Western merchants, in pay ment of their purchases of merchandise. In this way we were enabled to turn our capital several times each year, and at a good profit, without the loss, I believe, of a single dol lar in any transaction. I continued in the management of the Madison Branch Bank and a member of the Board of Control till 1840, when 17 the subject of railroad construction again began to excite general attention and interest. During the twelve years that had elapsed since the great calamity of 1837, the West had increased rapidly in population and wealth, and the ne cessity for improved highways was felt to be more impera tive than ever. The acquisition of California, and the dis covery of immense deposits of gold within it, gave to the whole nation an impulse never before felt. Numerous rail way enterprises were again proposed in the West, and I felt that the time had at last come when they could be safely undertaken as remunerative investments for capital. Re siding at Madison, Indiana, I had been instrumental in the resuscitation of the Madison and Indianapolis Railroad, orig inally a part of the system of public work which the State had attempted to construct, and had learned from the early success of that road what might be expected of other lines more favorably situated. For the purpose, therefore, of embarking in the construction of railroads on a wider scale, I went to New York in the latter part of 1848, and on the first clay of January, 1849, I formed a copartnership with Mr. Richard II. Winslow, the chief object of which was the negotiation of railway securities, although we contemplated, in connection therewith, a general banking business. At that time there were in operation in the West only about 600 miles of line.* These roads were chiefly the remains of the old State systems which had been sold out to private companies, and were almost without exception badly located * On tlie first day of January, 1849, tbe following lines of railroad were in operation in the States north and west of the Ohio TCiver : Len^lli of Lhif. Onio. — Little Miami si mile:,. Mansfield and Sandusky 56 " Mad liiver (K> '¦ Indiana. — Madison and Indianapolis J Mi *¦ Miohigan. — Michigan Central 146 " Michigan Southern TO '¦ Erie and Kalamazoo S3 u Detroit and Pontiae 25 " Illinois.— Sangamon and Morgan 58 " Total 655 miles, 18 and imperfectly built. They were in all cases laid with the light flat bar, upon longitudinal sills, and were utterly in capable of sustaining heavy trains, high speed, or a large traffic. They had, consequently, involved in heavy loss all who had been engaged in their construction. I felt, how ever, their want of success to be no argument against lines properly constructed upon good routes. I undertook to de monstrate this in every way in my power, particularly in newspaper articles and pamphlets, of which I published great numbers in connection with the negotiation of the securi ties of various companies which we undertook. The result of our efforts soon far exceeded our expectations. Although we began in a very small way, every step we took gave us increased business and strength, and we soon had all the business we could attend to. Commencing with the bonds of the Madison and Indianapolis Railroad, which were the first securities of the kind ever brought out in the New York market, we followed them with the bonds of the Little Miami ; Columbus and Xenia ; Cleveland, Columbus and Cincinnati ; Cleveland, Painesville and Ashtabula ; Ohio and Pennsylvania (now a part of the Pittsburg, Fort Wayne and Chicago) ; Michigan Southern, and other important lines. We not unfrequently negotiated a million of bonds daily. The aggregate for the year -was enormous. We were with out competitors for a business we had created, and, conse quently, made money very rapidly. The commissions for the negotiation of bonds averaged at first five per cent. sVith their negotiation we often coupled contracts for the purchase, at a large commission, of rails. Our business soon became so great that it was a question with us, not so much what we would undertake, as what we would reject. We not unfrequently took, on our own account, an entire issue of bonds of important lines. The negotiation of the securities of companies was fol lowed by arrangements that made our house the agent for 19 the payment of interest accruing on them, as well as trans fer agents. Such arrangements naturally led the way to the banking business to which we afterward chiefly confined ourselves. The extent of our business as well as of our suc cess exceeded all expectation. During the period of six years, from 1849 to 1854 inclusive, in which we were actu ally engaged in the negotiation of railway securities, 10,724 miles of line were constructed, nearly one-half of which were in the Western States. With all the more important lines we were in one way or another connected. At one period we paid the interest on fifty different classes of securities. These facts will convey some idea of the magnitude of our business and the vigor and energy with which it was con ducted. The uniform success of the enterprises in behalf of which we acted was something remarkable, and has since been a source of great satisfaction. I feel that investors, as well as the country at large, have been greatly benefited by my labors. The interest on almost all the securities brought out by us has been regularly paid, while, in not a few instances there has been an enormous profit upon the prices paid. Our house was the first to bring out county and city securities, issued for the construction of railroads. These securities were instrumental in the construction of an immense extent of line, which, but for them, could not have been built, while they have proved a most excellent investment. In no instance, I believe, have the counties and cities, the bonds of which we negotiated, made default, either in principal or interest. Rapid as lias been the progress of railroads since we first engaged in their construction, that of their commerce is a matter of still greater surprise and wonder. Considered in reference to its magnitude, they have created the present immense wealth of the nation. Previous to their construc tion, the products of the interior, only a short distance re- 20 moved from navigable water-courses, had no commercial value. The greatest abundance of the peculiar products of a section might give only an inconsiderable amount of com fort, and no wealth. With such works, the whole natural wealth of the country became at once available to the uses of man. When we consider that the commerce of the coun try, borne upon railroads, dates from a period considerably subsequent to the time I left the West for New York to em bark in these enterprises, and that this commerce to-day measures, in bulk, 100,000,000 tons, having a value of $10,000,000,000, and that the earnings of our railroads equal ed $400,000,000 in 1868, against $40,000,000 in 1851, and that the investment in them, now amounting to $1,800,000,- 000, has increased to like ratio, the vastness and rapidity of this development will be in some degree appreciated. I have not only been contemporaneous with all this growth, and, to some extent, instrumental in promoting it, but I reach far beyond its first inception. In one respect, therefore, my life. as does, in fact, that of every middle-aged man, covers a wider experience than that of all the generations of men from earliest history to the present time. In the West, twenty years ago, precisely the same means were used for the transportation of persons and property that were used in the very infancy of the race. So, too, nearly all the other methods of domestic economy were en tirely similar for the two widely-separated periods. When a child, and till I reached manhood, the clothing I wore was made up at home, and by the members of the family. The present generation, consequently, have, in all that relates to the economy of life, what might be termed an universal ex perience. The coming one will have only that which be longs to itself.* * As already stated, the number of miles of raihvay in operation in the Western States in 1849, the year I removed to New Vork, was 655. On the rir.->t day of January, IS69. twen ty yoars thorealler, thore were 16,ssit miles in operation. Tho number in eueh State, at th© 21 At the close of 1854. we withdrew from the negotiation of railway securities, and confined ourselves chiefly to Bank ing, for which our previous success had opened a wide field. We, however, continued to be the financial and transfer agents of a large number of railway companies whose secu rities we had negotiated. In 1857 the health of Mr. Winslow began to fail. In consequence of this he retired from our firm in 1859. He died on the 14th of February, 1861. He was a man of rare force and energy of character, and, by thoroughly compre hending the value of railways, admirably adapted to the business in which we embarked. He had, above all men I ever knew, the faculty of inspiring others with the zeal and confidence which he himself felt. Whatever he undertook was certain to be accomplished. When we consider the re sults that railroads secure — that every mile of line built adds, immediately, fourfold its cost to the aggregate value of the property of the country, and that the traffic which it creates and which passes over it exceeds annually six times dates named, is shown in the following table : Ohio Michigan . . Indiana . . . Illinois Wisconsin . , Minnesota.Iowa KansasNebraska.. Missouri . 242 3,398 2T4 1.199 86 2.IRMI m 3.44(1 — 1 ,2:',ft - ,712 1.523 648 _ — 920 — 1,354 Totalmilcs 055 16kb9 Tho increased railroad mileage in these States, in twenty years, was 16,234 miles, or an average of 812 miles annually. The capital invested in them on the first day of January, 1869, at tho rate of $40,000 per mile, equaled $675,556,000— the increase in the twenty years being fully $665,000,000. The aggregate tonnage of the roads, for 1809, equaled 1,500 tons to the mile, or an aggregate of 25,333,000 tons, of which the increase exceeded 25,00 ',000 tons. The value of this tonnage, at $150 per ton, equaled $3,750,000,000, nearly the whole of which was a creation of the period named. These illustrations will show how rapid has been the growth of the West for the past twenty years. When I compare its present con dition with what it was forty years ago, I am at a loss for language to express adequately the change. such cost, we can form some idea of the services rendered to society by a man whose energy and influence was instru mental in the construction of an immense extent of line. He was one of the leading spirits that inaugurated and sus tained the great movement that led to the construction of the vast system of works that are now spread, like a net work, over the whole country, and which now embraces nearly 50,000 miles of line. He never ceased from his la bors till compelled to do so by his declining health. All my relations with him were of a most harmonious character, and it gives me great pleasure to pay this tribute to his memory. Although our firm did not, after 1854, negotiate railway securities to any considerable extent, we continued to cher ish a lively interest in those enterprises in behalf of which we had acted, and frequently rendered them pecuniary as sistance in emergencies in which they not unfrequently found themselves placed. The great movement which commenced in 1848 culminated in 1857, in a suspension of specie pay ments by the banks, and in an excessive prostration of busi ness throughout the country. No interest suffered so se verely as the railroads. Nearly all of them had been con structed upon borrowed capital, and most of the companies owed large floating debts. All wanted large additional means, either to complete their works or to discharge press ing liabilities. Even so late as 1858 the earnings of roads were not one quarter their present amount. These earnings, owing to the embarrassments into which every kind of in dustry and business had fallen, decreased largely lor several years, and in many cases proved wholly inadequate to meet even the calls for interest. Many of our most valuable en terprises were forced into bankruptcy, and had to be reor ganized by new adjustments of interests, and, in most cases, by large sacrifices on the part of the stock and bondholders. A period of great general depression and discouragement followed one of previous confidence and hope. In this crisis 23 it devolved naturally upon parties who had been instru mental in providing the means for the construction of roads to raise them from their depressed condition, and place them, if possible, in a position in which they could be successfully worked and realize the expectations formed of them. Among the companies that yielded to the financial storm was the Pittsburg, Fort Wayne and Chicago — a company with which I had been early identified, whose securities we had nego tiated, and for whose good name and success I was most solicitous. To its restoration I consequently devoted no small portion of my time, till all its embarrassments were happily surmounted, and the road placed in a position of perfect independence, in which it proved itself to be one of the most valuable enterprises of the kind in the United States. Perhaps I cannot better show the difficulties into which this work, in common with many others, had fallen, and of its subsequent recovery, than by copying the follow ing article in reference thereto from the New York Times newspaper, under date of July 21, 1869. " In 1859 the Pittsburg, Fort Wayne and Chicago Eailroad, in common with most other lines, was overwhelmed in the financial revulsion which had swept with resistless force over the whole country. The road had been just opened to Chi cago. The line was originally undertaken by three companies, none of which possessed means at all adequate to the construc tion of their several links. The road when opened was hardly more than half completed. Its earnings, not equaling one quarter their present amount, were wholly insufficient to meet current ex penses and the interest on its funded debt. Default, by necessary consequence, was made on all classes of its securities. Bank ruptcy stared the concern full in the face, threatening the loss of nearly the whole amount invested. In this crisis a meeting of its creditors, chiefly first mortgage bondholders, was called at the office of Winslow, Lanier & Co., to consider what was to be done. This class of creditors, of course, had the precedence. If they insisted upon the letter of the law, they would inevitably cut off all subsequent parties in 24 interest, who represented an amount of capital invested in the road twice greater. After much deliberation, it was decided to raise a committee to 'be invested with full power, and, if possible, save the interests of all. This committee consisted of Mr. J. F. D. Lanier, who was appointed by the creditors its chairman; Mr. Samuel J. Tilden, Mr. Louis H. Meyer, Mr. J. Edgar Thomson, President of the Pennslyvania Eailroad, and Mr Samuel Hanna of Fort Wayne. To give some idea of the chaos existing in the affairs of the company, we may state that there were outstanding, at the time, nine different classes of bonds, secured in one way or another, upon the different portions of the road; two classes secured by real estate belonging to the Company, and several issued in the funding of coupons. Upon all these, interest for several years, amounting to many millions of dollars, was overdue. The principal sums of several of the first mortgages were speedily to mature. The Company also owed more than $2,000,000 of floating debt, portions of it in the form of judgments recovered in the State courts. The road was in extremely bad condition, and required the expenditure of a large sum to enable it to conduct its business with any degree of economy or dispatch. Such was the condition of affairs when the Committee commenced work. The value of the securities of the Company was merely nominal. Its stock would not sell for five cents on the dollar. Each class of creditors was striving to gain some advantage at the expense of the others. The first step of the Committee, conse quently, was to put the property beyond the reach of .individuals and in the custody of the courts. An order for this purpose was obtained in the United States District Court for the Northern District of Ohio, on the 17th of January, 1860, and Mr. Wm. B. Ogden was appointed receiver. The Committee set out with the determination of preserving, if possible, the rights of all the parties in interest — not alone those of the first mortgage bondholders. It was hoped that when the property was put beyond the reach of individual creditors, an arrangement might be effected and the rights of the various parties preserved ih the relations they had previously maintained. But such an adjustment required the assent of each creditor and stock holder. This, in the multiplicity and conflict of interests, it was 25 found impossible to obtain. The next, and only remaining course, was to sell the road and property of the Company by an order of Court in behalf of the first mortgagees. Such sale would vest absolutely the title to the road in the hands of the purchasers, who would thus be in position to make such disposition of it as in their view equity and justice might demand It would also enable them to apply the net earnings to the construction of a good road, with out which the investment itself would be of no value. With this purpose, a full plan of reorganization, such as was finally adopted, was prepared and published, and brought, as far as possible, to the attention of every party in interest. Decrees for sale had to be obtained in the Courts of the United States for four different States. The time required for this purpose was occupied by the Committee in incessant efforts in removing one impediment after another thrown in their way by importunate and dissatisfied creditors, who were indifferent to the fate of the con cern, provided they could get their pay. All difficulties were at last overcome, and on the 24th of October, 1861, the road and property was sold at auction, and purchased by Mr. Lanier, in be half of himself and his associates, for the sum of $2,000,000. The Courts, we are happy to say, facilitated legal proceedings as far as this could be properly done. They had full confidence in the Committee, and sympathized with the unfortunate creditors of the concern, and not, as at the present day, in our State, with bands of conspirators against the public welfare, who seek the con trol of great lines with no other purpose but to plunder them. Eight years ago, measured by what has since transpired, was a golden age of judicial purity. By the sale of the road a most important step was gained. The title to it vested, absolutely, in the purchasers. They could con vey it to whom, at what price and upon what terms they pleased. What followed was more a matter of detail, though involving great patience and labor. For the creation of a new Company, accord ing to the original plan of reorganization, legislation had to be obtained in tbe States of Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana and Illinois. Such legislation was at last secured, a new company formed, to which was conveyed the railroad and everything appertaining thereto, the Committee receiving therefor, first, second, and third 26 mortgage bonds, in amounts sufficient to meet the sums due the different classes of creditors in the old Company ; and also certifi cates of Stock corresponding in amount to that outstanding in the old. First mortgage bonds, to the amount of $5,200,000, were issued to the first mortgage bondholders of the old Company, and of the several links of which its road was composed, and for accrued interest. The bondholders were also required to fund, for two years, the interest accruing on the new bonds, so as to allow, for such a period, the application of the net earnings to construe tion. The second mortgage bondholders received, in the same manner, and subject to similar conditions, second mortgage bonds to the amount of $5,250,000. The unsecured creditors were paid off in third mortgage bonds to the amount of $2,000,000. The shareholders received new certificates in exchange for the old. By such means each class of creditors, without the abate ment of a dollar, were fully and completely reinstated in the new Company in the order they stood in the old. The proper trans fers and exchanges were made, and on the 1st day of May, 1862, two years and six months arter the road was placed in the hands of a receiver, and six months after the sale, the trust, so long held and faithfully executed, was brought to a virtual close, to the entire satisfaction of every party in interest in the road. During the period of reorganization the road was operated, under the general direction of the Committee, by Geo. W. Cass, its former and subsequent President. His well-known abilities as a railroad manager were never more conspicuously displayed than in this service. He had every difficulty to contend with — an im poverished and half-completed road, with clamorous creditors at every turn. The Chairman of the Committee was not unfrequently called upon to advance, from his private funds, considerable sums in aid of the operations of the road. Such advances were, of course, repaid, but only with simple interest. The good name and financial strength of Mr Lanier, joined to his well known prudence and caution, tended to inspire great confidence in the action of the Committee in which ho justly exerted great influence. Mr. Thomson's position as chief of a great and successful enter prise, enabled him to render very great aid to the Committee in the operations of Ihe road. Indeed, it was through his instru- 27 mentality that the old company was enabled to push its line through to Chicago. Mr. Tildeu was the chief legal adviser of the Committee and Company throughout. He had charge of the proceedings, not only for the winding-up of the old, but for the for mation of the new Company, and for the recent transfer of the road to the Pennsylvania Company, and drew up all the documents and guarantees relating to the same. The proper discharge of his duties involved the fate and security of the whole investment. Not a suggestion has been ever raised that they were not ably and faithfully performed. The directors of the Company, pending its reorganization, rendered valuable assistance. Many of them resided upon the line of the road, and wore enabled to exert a salutary influence, not only among the creditors of the Company, but in securing the legislation required. But it is, perhaps, in vidious to particularize when all worked faithfully and well. Not a dollar was ever paid to secure the legislation required for the formation of the now Company ; not a dollar to buy off importu nate or unreasonable creditors. The < 'ommittee never had a secret which they turned to account at the expense of the stock and bondholders. Their plans were prepared and published in the outset, and scrupulously adhered to. Soon after the new Company commenced operations it was seen the enterprise had passed its darkest days. For the year ending December 31, 1862, the net earnings of the road equaled nearly $2,000,000, all of which were applied to construction. The Com mittee was enabled to add largely to its available means by the sale of property purchased with the road, but not needed in its future operations, and which, in fact, they were not, by the terms of the trust, to account for to tho new Company. The sums realized from these sources, and paid over to the Company, equaled about $600,000, of which some $400,000 was saved by a compromise which the Committee were enabled to make with European holders of bonds secured by real estate. All the advantages gained by such settlements were given to the new Company. In 1863 the net earnings equaled nearly $3,000,000. These sums enabled the Company to place its road in first-rate condi tion ; and on the 1st day of April, 1864, it commenced the pay ment of dividends at the rate of 10 per cent, per annum, free of 28 Government tax, in quarterly payments of 'l\ per cent. each. These were continued regularly to the 1st day of July, 1869, when the road was leased to the Pennsylvania Railroad Company for 999 years, at an annual rental of 12 per cent, on its share capital. In this lease the Pennsylvania Company assumes every obliga tion or charge for which the Fort Wayne Company are, or may be, liable. It pays the sum of $19,000 annually for the maintenance of the organization of the former. It keeps up the annual contri butions to the sinking fund. These contributions will, in twenty- six years, wholly pay off the bonded debt of the Fort Wayne Com pany, leaving the stockholders the sole owners of the road ; and, in conclusion, it agrees to pay an annual rental of $1,380,000, a sum which equals 12 per cent, annually upon the stock, free of Government tax, or of any other charge. The terms of the lease also allow the Fort Wayne Company to increase its share capital seventy-one and three-sevenths per rent., and to issue certificates for the whole capital, upon which, for the entire period of the lease, seven per rent, ayear, in quarterly payments of one and three quarters per cent, free of Government tax, is to be paid. , All these pay ments, as well as the accruing interest, are to be made directly to the agency of the Fort Wayne Company, in New York. When we consider that the net earnings of the road largely exceed the rental paid, and that this rental is guaranteed by the most power ful and successful railroad corporation on this Continent, and that the lease will inure even more to its advantage than to that of the lessors, in placing a common line under a common head and man agement, certainly it is not within the power of man to make a better security, or one in which trust funds can be more securely placed. We have thus put on record a, detailed statement of the resus citation and success of a great enterprise, as an example of what has been and may be accomplished by upright, able and public- spirited men. In no country do railways bear a relation to the internal economy ofa people so intimate as in ours. No invest ments, consequently, can be so productive as those made in good and well-managed lines. There is no doubt that the gross earnings of the railroads of the Northern States equal fully 30 per cent, an nually of their actual cost. One-third of this, at least, should be 29 net, and we take pleasure in placing an illustration before our readers, where the best possible net result has not only been secured, but secured as it should be, to those who are and have been the owners of the property." I have given this statement as an example of what patient labor and watchfulness may accomplish under similar cir cumstances. We not only saved a vast property, at one time, to all appearances, wholly wrecked, but made it one of the most productive railroads in the country, and finally leased it in perpetuity to one of the richest and most pros perous corporations in the United States — the Pennsylvania Railroad Company — at an annual rental of 12 per centum per annum, after making full provision for the principal and interest of its debts. An immense investment was not only saved, but rendered productive almost beyond prece dent; and with it, great numbers of persons wdiose means were invested in the road saved from poverty ano want. In their comfort and happiness I am well repaid for the toil and anxiety which I underwent on account of this work. In I860, the election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States, an event which I earnestly desired, was followed by mutterings of the coming storm, which soon hurst upon the country with resistless violence. I was too old to take the field, but I gave whatever aid and encour agement I could to the cause of the Union. It was not long, however, before I was called upon to assume more res ponsible duties, on account of the relations which I had sustained for the State of Indiana. That State voted for Mr. Lincoln, and at the same time elected State officers in political sympathy with him. The lion. Henry S. Lane, who had been elected Governor of the State, was chosen by the Legislature, upon its assembling, as Senator in the Con gress of the United States. 15y this event, the Hon. O. P. 30 Morton, Lieutenant Governor, became the chief Magistrate. The war found the State almost wholly without means for arming, equipping or sending into the field the quota of troops required of it. It had no money in its treasury, and in the general distrust which prevailed, and in the universal scramble for money, for all the loyal States, as well as the Federal Government, were in the market for it, it was found impossible to sell its bonds, or to provide in season, from its own resources, the means required. In this dilemma Gov ernor Morton applied tome for a loan of money to arm and equip the quota of troops required of his State. I complied with his request, and continued such advances as they were required, till the whole amount reached $400,000. With this sum he was enabled to arm and equip his quota in a most satisfactory manner, and despatch it to the field more promptly than that of any other Western State. Indiana at all times was nearly equally divided upon the subject of the war. Whatever, consequently, tended to inspire the confidence and raise the spirits of the Union party within it, greatly strengthened the hand of the Executive, and had a most important and favorable influence upon the great contest. In 1862, owing to the reverses that had befallen the Union arms, the elections in many of the States went adversely to the National cause. In Indiana a majority of the members returned to the Legislature for that year were bitterly op posed to the war, and to all measures necessary for its vig orous prosecution. They were determined, if possible, to take the State out of the Union ranks, and place it in direct antagonism to the Government at Washington. The success of their disloyal schemes might have proved fatal to the great cause. None understood this better than themselves. Indiana was not only one of the leading States of the West, but in many respects it occupied a position of first-rate im portance. It was centrally situated, and extending from Lake Michigan to the Ohio, it would, in disloyal hands, 31 have been in a position to cut off all communication between the West and the East. Its southern border rested upon territory where the great mass of the people were strongly infected with the spirit of rebellion. This State, conse quently, became emphatically the battle-ground of the con test in the North. If its influence had been arrayed against the Union, the infection might have spread to other States, as there were in all abundant material eager to take advantage of any event that might embarrass or defeat the action of the Government. A united front on the part of all the Northern States was absolutely essential to suc cess. Such a front, happily, was preserved throughout the whole war. The plan adopted by the disloyal members of the Legis lature of Indiana Mas to divest the Governor of all power over the militia, and to vest the control of. the same in a committee of their own creatures. They refused to pass the necessary appropriation bills till their schemes should become a law. To defeat their plans the only course left to the loyal members was to retire from the Legislature, which they did. That body, consequently, was left without a quorum. Their retirement put an end to the iniquitous projects, but it left the Governor without the means of preserving the credit of the State. It was held by the Su preme Court of the State that without a special act he could not pay the interest accruing on the State debt, although it had been previously supposed that the Constitution of the State had provided for such a payment without any special law. In this emergency Governor Morton, most anxious to pre serve the honor and credit of the State, applied to me to ad vance the sums necessary for the purpose. Unless this could be done he felt that he could not justify, before his own State and tlie country, the position which his friends in the Legislature had taken through his council and advice. The 32 application was made at the darkest period of the whole war. I could have no security whatever, and could rely for reimbursement only on the good faith of a Legislature to be chosen at a future and distant day, and upon the chances of its being made up of more upright and patriotic members than those composing the one then in existence. If the great contest should turn out disastrously to the cause of the Union and of freedom, I could never expect to be repaid a dollar. I felt, however, that on no account must the debt of a great State be discredited, nor the position of its Chief Magistrate, the ablest and most efficient of all the loyal Gov ernors, and who of all contributed most to our success, be compromised or weakened. No alternative was left to me but to advance the sums required. I would not allow my self to be responsible for the consequences of a refusal of his request. If the credit of the State in such a critical period should be destroyed, that of the other States, and even the Federal Government, might be so impaired as to render it impossible for them to sustain the immense burdens of the war. Anotlier influence of very great weight with me was an ambition to maintain the credit of a State with which I had so long been identified, to which I was in debted for my start in life, and for whose credit in former times I had earnestly labored. The last, perhaps, was the ruling motive. I accordingly addressed a note to the agent of the State for the payment of the interest, ottering to pay that falling due July 1st, 1863, and requesting him to sup ply me with a list of the holders of the State stocks. He peremptorily refused to furnish such list, being himself one of the conspirators in destroying the State credit. A list had to be procured from other sources of information. As soon as this was obtained, I commenced the payment of in terest, which was thereafter promptly paid by me on the days it fell due. These payments were continued two years. The whole amount advanced by me on this account was $640,000. In the meantime the State was practically with- 33 out a Legislature. The disloyal members were constantly in the expectation that the Governor would be compelled to call them together, as the only means of enabling him to carry on the government. The Governor well knew that if they were called together, they would take from him the power to control the militia of the State, and he determined to hold out, which he did, till a new Legislature should he chosen. The following extracts taken from the message of Gov. Morton, made to the General Assembly of Indiana, Jan. 6, 1865, gives a brief and succinct history of the efforts made to destroy the credit of the State, and to embarrass its ac tion in the war, and of the aid rendered by our house in defeating them : "Shortly after tbe Legislature adjourned, the question was sprung as to the existence of legal appropriations for the payment of the interest upon the public debt, and the opinion of the Attor ney General was published, denying their existence and any power to withdraw the money from the Treasury to pay the in terest, which opinion was indorsed and acted upon by Mr. Bistine, the Auditor of State. Believing that the question had its origin in political considerations, and that there was little room to doubt as to the legal right and duty of the Treasurer to remit the money to New York to pay the interest, I at once took issue with these gentlemen. The State had failed to pay the interest upon her bonds from 1841 to 1847, during which time she acquired a repu tation for repudiation and bankruptcy, from which she only re covered after many years of faithful discharge of her obligations. The dark cloud which had thus been placed upon her financial character had seriously retarded her growth in wealth and popula tion, deterring emigration from other States. In 1846, she effected a compromise with most of her creditors, by the transfer of the Wabash and Erie Canal for one-half of her debt, and issuing new stock for the other half, upon which she solemnly pledged herself to pay the interest semi-annually. This pledge, and the legislation had in pursuance of the com- 34 promise, was treated by Governor Whitcomb and the various officers of State, as a valid appropriation of the money necessary to pay the interest under the old Constitution, which upon this subject is like the present. In 1850, the framers of the new Constitution, by the twentieth section of the tenth article, solemnly ratified this contract with the bondholders, by appropriating all the revenue of the State, derived from taxation for general State purposes, after defraying the ordinary expenses of the State government, to the payment of the interest and the liquidation of the principal of the public debt. It was clearly the purpose of the new Constitution to place the credit of the State beyond the contingency of dishonor by acts of omis sion or prohibition on the part of the Legislature. Under the new Constitution, further legislation to pay the interest was not deemed necessary, and this construction was acted upon by all administrations down to 1863; although, perhaps, in one case, a formal appropriation was made without any definite purpose. An action for a mandamus against the Auditor was commenced by Mr. W. H. Talbott, President of the Sinking Fund Board, for the avowed purpose of having the question settled, which was carried through the Circuit and Supreme Courts, and resulted in a decision, by the latter, against the existence of an appropriation. Without intending any disrespect to the eminent tribunal by which this case was decided, I must be permitted to observe that the history of its origin, progress and conclusion was such as to deprive it of any moral influence, and that the principles upon which the deci sion was made have been since openly disregarded by the Auditor and Treasurer of State in the payment of large sums of money to the Public Printer. But leaving out of view wholly who was right or wrong upon the legal question, it was a matter of the first importance that the obligations of the State should be promptly met, and her credit rescued from the disaster of a new dishonor. It had received a shock in the discovery and exposure of the Stover forgery of our State stocks amounting to nearly three millions of dollars, from the evil consequences of which it was re lieved only by a determined effort on the part of the State authori ties to bring the criminals to justice. No argument was required to prove that, should it .again become impaired by a serious failure upon the part of the State to meet her engagements, it could not be restored during this generation, and the progress of the State, 35 in wealth and population would receive a serious check. Deter mined, if possible, to avert the threatened calamity, I went to New York and laid the whole matter before the house of Messrs. Winslow, Lanier & Co., with the request that they should advance the amount necessary to pay the interest, until such time as the Treasury might be unlocked, and the money obtained therefrom. My request was generously met, and, after full consideration, acceded to, provided a correct list of the stockholders could be obtained. It is proper to state that, in making this arrangement, no stipulation was asked for or given, in regard to the compensa tion they should receive for the use of their money, and the risk and trouble they should incur ; but the whole matter was referred to tho future action and good faith of the State. They at once notified John C. Walker, Agent of State, of their readiness to pay the interest, and asked him to furnish, from his books, a list of the Stockholders, for the making out of which they offered to pay. This he peremptorily refused, and denied access to his books, from which they desired to copy the list. They then proposed to him that he should pay the interest in the usual way upon his own books, agreeing to honor his checks issued therefor, at the same time exonerating him from all personal liability for any moneys so paid. This offer was likewise refused. The correspondence be tween Winslow, Lanier & Co. and Walker upon this subject, is herewith submitted for your consideration. As Messrs. Winslow, Lanier & Co. would not take the respon sibility of paying, in the absence of a correct list, owing to the existence of a large amount of spurious stock, which otherwise they had no means of detecting, the interest which fell due on the first day of July, 1863, went unpaid. Determined not to be de feated, if possible, in tlie effort to preserve the credit of the State, 1 attempted to secure from other sources a correct list of the stock holders, and in this attempt succeeded, in November. In the meantime the necessity for action had become more manifest and imperative than before. While the American stockholders had a correct knowledge of the state of affairs, and but few stocks were changing hands or being offered in the market, the case was quite different with our stockholders in Europe. In Europe, American politics are always badly understood, and the principal fact, which 36 they clearly comprehended, was, that they did not receive their interest. They associated this failure with that of 1841, and be gan to say that there was some strange fatality attending Indiana securities, and declared their intention of sending them back to America and getting clear of them at once and forever. Such a measure would have given the State a bad name abroad, seriously affecting emigration to her borders, and would have been followed by great depreciation and loss of credit throughout the United States. Having presented the list to Messrs. Winslow, Lanier & Co., they promptly renewed their offer, and gave public notice that they would pay the back interest which fell due in July, and afterward gave further notice that they would pay the interest accruing on the 1st day of January, 1864; the 1st day of July, 1864, and the 1st day of January, 1865 ; and up to the 31st of November last, as I am advised, had paid out four hundred and sixteen thousand six hundred and seventy-seven dollars and eight cents. How much they have paid since the 1st of January, 1865, I am not advised, but presume it will make the aggregate as much as five hundred and seventy-five thousand dollars. The noble and generous conduct of this house should and will be appreciated by the people of Indiana ; and Mr. Lanier, in his clear comprehen sion and able management of the affair, has displayed not only financial ability, but a broad statesmanship not often exhibited in financial affairs. I trust that the generous confidence which he has reposed in the good faith of the people of Indiana will uot be disappointed, and that the Legislature will hasten to reimburse him for the money he has expended, and indemnify him for the use of it, and for the trouble he has incurred. In conclusion, upon this subject, I am glad to be able to say, that the credit of the State has been fully preserved ; and that her stocks now command a higher price, relatively, in the market, when compared with stocks of other States, bearing like interest, than at any former period in her history." 37 In 1864 the Presidential election again took place. Mr. Lincoln was a candidate for re-election to the Presidency of the United States, as was Mr. Morton for the governorship of Indiana. This State was one of the first to vote in the fall elections of that year. Its action, in view of the events that had occurred in it, could int fail to be regarded as the key-note of the campaign, if not conclusive of the great con test that was speedily to follow. In that State the canvass necessarily turned upon the extraordinary condition of things that had existed in it for two years ; upon the policy of the Union party in breaking up the Legislature ; the re fusal of the Governor to re-assemble it, and upon the re sponsibility he assumed of paying the interest on the State debt without provision of law. One of the ablest men in the State was nominated as his opponent. The two can vassed the State, Governor Morton in vindication, and his competitor in condemnation, of the policy and course that had been pursued. It was a contest in which Mr. Lincoln took a very deep interest, not only from its significance in reference to his own election, but from the interest he took in that of Mr. Morton, who, of all the civilians in the United States, probably rendered the most efficient and valuable service in putting down the great rebellion. In the canvass before the people, Mr. Morton acquitted himself with transcendent ability. Mr. Lincoln, in reading a report of the speech of Mr. Morton, by which it was opened, said, " That settles the Presidential election." The result fully justified his expectation. Mr. Morton everywhere car ried the people with him, and upon no issues more heartily than in their approval of the policy of the Union party, which, to avert a greater evil, had left the State without a Legislature for two years, and of the sleps by which its faith and good name had been maintained. He was elected by more than 20,000 majority, in the most heated canvass ever known in the State. The result there turned public sentiment everywhere in favor of the Adminis- 38 tration ; and in the following month, Mr. Lincoln was elected to the Presidency by the almost unanimous voice of the North. At the State election for 1864 a majority of Union mem bers were returned to the Legislature, by whom provision was made for the repayment of the sums I had advanced, with no other compensation than interest on the amount, which was all I desired or would have received. I had, however, the most gratifying proofs of the esteem which my action had secured for me throughout the State. Every loyal man felt that I had averted a disgrace in which he must have shared. The effect upon the politics of the State was decisive. It has ever since been a steady supporter of the Union cause. At the next vacancy occurring in the Senate of "the United States, Mr. Morton was chosen to fill the place, which he now holds in a manner both honorable to himself and the State. I omitted to mention, in its proper order, 1113' connection with the adjustment of the debt of the State of Indiana in 1847. As already remarked, that State had previously embarked in elaborate systems of public works, the means for the prosecution of which were wholly raised by sales of bonds. In the embarrassments which followed, the State made default in the payment of interest 011 these bonds, and remained in default till the amount due reached the sum of about $12,000,000, of which sum $4,000,000 were for inter est. At the session of the Legislature of the State for 1846-7, an act was passed for an adjustment of the debt, commonly called the " Butler Act," authorizing an issue to the holders of the old bonds, of a five per cent, inscribed State Stock, to an amount equaling one-half that of said bonds ; and a transfer, to Trustees, for the benefit of the bondholders, of the Wabash and Erie Canal, with the lands belonging to the same, upon the condition of the surrender 39 of the old bonds — the payment of the other half of these bonds being chargeable upon the canal and its revenues. It became necessary, therefore, that some person should visit Europe for the purpose of explaining the financial con dition of the State, to secure the assent of such bondhold ers as had not acceded to the proposition made them, and to make the exchanges of securities. I was appointed to this mission, and pioceeded to Europe early in the summer of 1847. The new securities to be issued, viz. : the certifi cates of State stock, and of ownership in the canal, were placed in my hands fully executed, with the exception of dates, amounts, and names of parties to whom they were to be issued. These I was authorized to insert on making the exchanges. I was accredited to Sir J. Horsley Palmer, then Governor of the Bank of England — a staunch friend of the United States, and whose jflace of business in London I made my headquarters ; to Baron N. M. Rothschild, of Lon don ; to Baron James Rothschild, of Paris ; to the house of Hope ifc Company, of Amsterdam — these parties, or the houses with which they were connected, holding or controll ing large amounts of the bonds. Immediately upon my arrival in London, I prepared and published a statement embodying the plan of settlement proposed, and urging, with what arguments I could adduce, its acceptance. My du ties brought me into intimate contact with the gentlemen named, and also with Mr-. Labouchere, then manager of the house of Hope & Co., of Amsterdam. I had occasion, in the execution of my mission, to visit, several times, the cities named, and also Geneva, Switzerland, where some of the State bonds were held. The result was, that I was enabled to get up nearly all the outstanding bonds, and was in this way instrumental in placing the credit of the State on the firm basis upon which it has ever since rested. The State immediately entered upon a career of prosperity, which has never fiagged to the present moment. A virtual repudiation 40 had destroyed its public spirit, and had been a bar to capital and immigration coming into it. Since the funding of the debt, no state in the Union has made more rapid progress than Indiana. It has constructed 3,000 miles of railroad. These works now penetrate every portion of its territory. Its debt has been almost wholly paid to the holders, by tax ation, or from the proceeds of the school fund arising from the profits accruing from the interest of the State in the State Bank. The benefits resulting from the adjustment of this debt have been almost incalculable. I was not only successful in my mission, but I had a most agreeable visit — my first to Europe. I was most kindly re ceived by all the parties to whom I was accredited, and by others. Mr. Labouchere's ancestors, like my own, were Hu guenots, and were driven out of France about the same time that mine were, and for a similar cause — adherence to the principles of the Reformation. His ancestors fled to Hol land ; mine to America. A kindred ancestry, as it were, and a kindred experience brought us into close sympathy. Sir Horsley Palmer also treated me with gratifying atten tion, and invited me to his princely country seat at Ful- ham, on the Thames, a few miles from London. The ac quaintances I then made were of immense service to me in the business in which I subsequently engaged, and have added greatly to the pleasure of subsequent visits to Eng land and to the Continent. On my return home I delivered up the bonds I had taken up, together with the unused certificates of State and Canal Stock. My accounts were settled most satisfactorily, and I received the thanks of the State authorities for the manner I had executed the trust confided to me. In 1865, as I was about to visit Europe, I received com munications, copies of which I gave elsewhere, from the Secretary of the Treasury and the Secretary of State of the United States, requesting me to act, in its behalf, in ex- 41 plaining to capitalists abroad the character of our public debt and the means and disposition of our people for its payment. This mission 1 undertook with earnestness, be ing fully persuaded that no better securities could be made than these of the United States. This conviction I sought, with whatever power I possessed, to impress upon others. At Frankfort-on-the-Maine, I was formally invited to ad dress a public meeting of Bankers and Capitalists upon the subject of my mission. It was largely attended, and I had an opportunity not only to submit some detailed remarks, but for a free and full conference with gentlemen compo sing the meeting, nearly all of whom could speak my native tongue. My remarks were published in German and Eng lish, and freely distributed, through the Consulates, through out the Continent and England. I believe they were in strumental of much good as they embodied the arguments in favor of our securities in a concise form, and in one that had not been previously presented, and one that could be used by others, particularly my own countrymen, equally with myself. Of these I annex a copy : " Remarks of Mr. J. F. D. Lanier, made at a Meeting of Bankers and Capitalists, at Frankfort-on-the-Maine, on the 14th day of September, 1865. The national debt of the United States, on the first of August of the present year, was, in round numbers, $2,720,000,000, to wit: Debt bearing interest payable in gold - - $1,108,000,000 in currency - 1,053,000,000 no interest - 559,000,000 It is estimated, upon the most competent authority, that the national debt, after all the expenses of the war are finally liqui dated, will not exceed $3,000,000,000. The revenues of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 18G5, were $318,251,589 10, of which $82,000,000 were in gold, from Customs. 42 The revenues for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1866, were estimated at $396,000,000, of which $80,000,000 will be in gold from Customs, $300,000,000 from internal taxes, and $16,000,000 from lands and miscellaneous sources. The interest on the entire national debt of $3,000,000,000 is estimated at $165,000,000, leaving $231,000,000 for the expenses of the Federal Government and other purposes. These estimates were made in June last, at the commencement of the fiscal year. Since that time the receipts from customs have increased so rapidly, that instead of $80,000,000, as estimated, the revenue from this source, in gold, may reach $130,000,000. This increase is largely owing to the trade which has been opened up at the South since the suppression of the rebellion. Although the war destroyed for a time the commerce and industry of this section, and deprived the people of the ability to maintain their railroads and to navigate their rivers, and left them little but the cotton which had been accumulated, this is found to be suffi cient to furnish a very large amount of means with which to sup ply their wants, and lay, anew, the foundations of their prosperity. The receipts of cotton from the South, at New York, equal 20,000 bales weekly, and have been followed by corresponding exports to that section of supplies, and whatever is necessary to the restora tion and development of its resources. The national debt of England at the end of the war with France, in 1816, amounted to $4,205,000,000. It has since been reduced only $250,000,000. It equaled $218 20 to each individual, and 40,40 per cent, of the aggregate value of the whole property of the Kingdom. Since the battle of Waterloo her wealth has grown at a slow but steadily increasing rate — from 20 per cent, in the first, to 41 per cent, in the last ten years, thereby reducing the burden of the debt from 40,40 per cent, on the national wealth, to 12 per cent. The census of 1860 showed the wealth of the loyal States to be $10,716,000,000, and a yearly product $2,870,000,000 in value, or 26-J- per cent, of their aggregate capital. The wealth of the loyal States increased, in the ten years be tween 1850 and 1860, at the rate of 126 per cent., or 8£ per cent. 43 per annum. Assuming these amounts and rates as a basis, we have for June, 1865, a wealth of $16, 1 12,000,000, and an annual product of $4,318,000,000, without making any estimates on ex ports. In 1833 the national wealth of England was estimated at $17,- 200,000,000. For the United States the figures given are by no means estimates, but are results accurately obtained through the Census Bureau. These results enable us to estimate the amount of the national wealth at the close of future periods, to wit : In 1870 the national wealth will equal - - $24,218,000,000 In 1880 " " " - -48,436,000,000 Iu 1881 " " " - - 51,516,000,000 In the last-named year, consequently, the' interest on the national debt of $3,000,000,000, will equal only 3^ per cent, of the national wealth. This estimate of the reduced percentage of the interest of the national debt in ratio to the national wealth, is made upon the rate of increase of national wealth prior to the rebellion. ' On this calculation, what will be the increase for the next six teen years ? Let us look a little more carefully into this question. During the last ten years the increase of wealth in nine of the North-western States and Territories of the United States was not less than 41 1£ per cent. — the aggregate increase being from $452,500,000 to $1,862,000,000. Four new Territories, which did not appear in the census of 1850, had a valuation in 1860 of $98,000,000. Those, since organized — Dacotah, Nevada, Colo rado, Arizona and Idaho — are not embraced in this estimate. These last named States and Territories are as rich in precious metals of all kinds as was California. As another important source of wealth and revenue, the United States still holds 950,000,000 of acres of unsold lands which, now that the war is closed, will soon come into market, and which should bring $1,000,000,000 into the public Treasury. But what is of vastly greater importance is the rapidly increased value of these lands, consequent upon their occupation and settle ment. The taxable value of property in the North-western States, ,as has been shown, increased at the rate of 411-J- per cent, from 44 1850 to 1860. In 1880 this value will be thirty times greater than it was in 1860, and form the basis of a revenue infinitely greater than what could be derived from the sale of their lands ; so that if every dollar derived from this source should be bestowed upon the new States by the Federal Government, in aid of in ternal improvements and for educational purposes, their taxable wealth and the revenue derived from them would soon exceed many times the sums so bestowed. It is not only in what we now possess, but what we are capable of accomplishing, that our strength lies. Our minerals are another vast source of yet undeveloped wealth. At least 1,000,000 square miles of our territory are surpassingly rich in gold, silver, copper, lead, quicksilver, coal, gypsum, salt, etc., etc. From their recent discovery our gold and silver deposits, except in California, have hardly begun to be worked. Were they worked even to the extent that they are in that State, they would produce, it is estimated, at least $200,000,000 annually, while the other minerals named would yield at least one-half this sum, were proper means of transportation and communication provided. Such results are not probabilities of a far distant future; their accomp lishment is sufficiently near to be an all-important element in enabling the country to bear the burdens imposed upon it. They are, in fact, the necessary and inevitable consequence of the pro gress of a people who already number 34,000,000 souls — who double their population every twenty-three and a half years — who possess every implement aud contrivance that science and art have contributed in aid of labor — who are urged forward by a resistless spirit of enterprise, confident of their future, and of their ability to surmount all obstacles that may oppose their way. Such a people may be safely entrusted with the greatest responsibilities, and are equal to any emergency in which they may be placed. But upon the future growth of these undeveloped territories we by no means place our confidence of the ability of our people to bear the burdens imposed upon them. The aggregate increase of the wealth of the older States has been vastly greater, though the ratio of the increase may not have been so great. That of Ohio has 45 increased within ten years at the rate of 126 per cent., although the State was founded 77 years ago ; that of the States of New Jersey and Connecticut, though founded more than two centuries ago, increased in a like rate ; that of Pennsylvania increased, with in the same period, at the rate of 96 per cent, upon the already large aggregate of $722,000,000. For the last four years the Northern States supplied all the means for carrying on the war, and for defraying the expenditures of Government. We are fast being relieved of the former, at the same time that the States recently in rebellion are now contribut- ' ing their proportion to our ahead}'- diminished burdens. These are soon to be reduced more than one-half, while our increased means from an united country must exceed by at least one-third what they have been. By the census of 1860 the wealth of the Southern States equaled $3,467,000,000. In the period of five years, from 1855 to 1860, they doubled the value of their products. They will in a very short time, be restored to a condition of prosperity far exceeding anything in their former experience. The great draw backs to the proper development of their resources have been re moved. They possess all the blessings and advantages — which cannot be over estimated — of a temperate zone and of a semi- tropical climate. What they have lacked have been population) skilled labor, a spirit of enterprise, and the manifold industries of free institutions ; all these essentials to prosperity have been secured to them by the war. A short period, therefore, only is required for the realization of the promise which our natural wealth and resources afford. Taking the past as a basis of calculation for the future, the United States, in 1880, will have a population of 60,000,000, and a national wealth of $60,000,000,000. It, will then not only be able to meet the interest on the public debt, but will be able to discharge it with entire ease— and, true to our historic policy, will undoubtedly do so. The national wealth of Great Britain, in 1816, was only half as great as is that of the United States at the present time, yet its debt hasalreadybeen reduced from 40 to 12 per cent, of its wealth. That of the United States in 1880, will be only 5 per cent of its wealth, should the amount of the debt, in the meantime, remain unreduced" 46 Should revenues additional to these already provided be re quired, they may be easily raised by taxes levied upon cotton and tobacco and other articles of the re-established Union, of which we monopolize the production of the world. It is estimated that our revenue may be increased from these sources from $60,000,000 to $100,000,000, without any diminution in the consumption of the articles taxed, and without injury to our commerce or to any domestic interest. The manner in which the obligations of the United States are held should add greatly to the confidence of foreigners in them. Of the whole amount outstanding, not more than $300,000,000, or one-tenth of the whole, are held abroad. All classes at home, poor as well as rich, have invested their savings in them. Very large amounts are held in sums not exceeding $50. Preference is uni versally given to them over all other kinds of investment. No national loan was ever so universally distributed. Each citizen felt himself a party to the contest, and contributed to it according to his ability. All, consequently, are directly interested in main taining inviolate the public faith. It is a great error to suppose that the Northern States have been exhausted in consequence of the war. There is most convincing proof to the contrary in the ease and readiness with which they have supplied the Government with money, and whatever was necessary for its prosecution, and have absorbed the vast debt that has been created. The Government has neither directly nor indirectly borrowed a dollar in Europe. The bonds that have found their way there have gone in the regular course of trade. The vast demand created by the war for munitions, materials and supplies of all kinds, gave to the agriculture of the West and the manufactures of the North a wonderful impulse, which still continues. The resources of those sections remain not only unim paired, but have been greatly augmented. Great as are their bur dens, the people feel themselves perfectly able to bear them, and that they fiave an ample equivalent for them of a nature far tran scending mere material advantages. They have for the first time established their nationality upon an immutable basis. They have removed the great source of discord and alienation — slavery — and they are infinitely stronger and more united than ever before. 47 Under the able and judicious administration of our affairs, the nation has started anew on a career of growth and prosperity un exampled in its own history, or in that of any other people. The nation has pledged its honor for the fulfilling of all its obli gations. Success has given a full equivalent for them. Its wonder ful experience has served to give confidence in and ability for the future, and no one who considers our means, our present position, or the guarantees of the past, can doubt the payment of o :