YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Wh ^i'l..i<\ y-# »j« . '¦Sr; &#¦ f" Republican Party, South OaroliBa Reply to the Memorial of the Taxpaye r s ' G ouver? t i on 1874 m -¦jv \ ¦ . j^®,. fi ^ 4^<^ \2v\ ^y-,^ -{Jv / V 1/ & ni- \ ^ypi uf^i*i* r J]*, 1 I- J- ^^*"???|-t 3^ ^*^^ Vtv J 1 i%*^-'' .v'"'' '*'? 'Y^LU'WIMIITISI^SKirY" BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE Thomas Hooker Fund iilJi»«.ujm«mii..aiuiii»iiiimiuiiuii..L Iltll \l \ - -. *A \\^.m -^f^ir- -fi^i I^EIPL-ST TO THE M:EivroiiiA.L OF THE 'AX-PAYERS' CONVENTION, ADDRESSED TO THE HONORABLE THE SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UN^ITED STATES. COLUMBIA, S. C: REPUBLICAN PRINTING COMPANY, JOB PRINTERS. 1874. -(^^^! C A* S(f*(ib ex 5G. 6S R E P L Y TO THE MEMORIAL OF THE TAX-PAYERS' COPENTIOS. To the Honorable the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States : Certain citizens of South Carolina, styling themselves "The Tax- Payers' Convention," having memorializad your honorable bodies to grant them relief from unjust burdens and oppressions, alleged by them to have been imposed b}^ the Republican State Government, we, the un dersigned, members of the State Central Committee of the Union Repub lican party of South Carolina, beg leave most respectfully to submit to your honorable bodies the following counter statement and reply thereto : The memorialists of the Tax-Payers' Convention state " that upon the reconstruction of the State Government ******* j^ was intended by Congress ***** tj,at they would become partak ers of the rights enjoyed by citizens of the United States and other State governments." The memorialists have only themselves to blame that the intention of Congress in this respect was not carried out. The Republicans of this State earnestly invited them at that time to aid by their intelligence and experience in the work of reconstruction, but they contemptuously de clined, assigning the same reasons that were afterwards given by General Wade Hampton, in the Democratic National Convention of 1868 — that the reconstruction Acts were unconstitutional, null and void. They then relied upon the promise of General Blair, the Democratic candidate for Vice-President, that he would overturn them with the sword. The statement that " the annual expenses of the Government have ad vanced from four hundred thousand dollars before the war to two millions and a half at the present time," is entirely incorrect, and the items of expenditures given to illustrate and prove this statement are wholly inac curate and untrue, and skillfully selected to deceive. The year 1865-66 is given in such a manner as to convey the impres sion that the expenditures under its head are for two years, especially when 1873 only is given at the head of the other column, so as to show that it is unquestionably for one year. Why was not 1872-T3 given to correspond with 1865-66 ? i:5 In the next place, the appropriations and e^enditures of 1865-66, under the provisional government established by ex-President Johnson, are no criterion whatever of the regular annual expenses of this State governmeut before the war. Tha'; was the year immediately after the war, when there was an unsettled and chaotic condition of things, and the expeuses of the State government were, therefore, exceedingly light. The presence and supervision of the military also relieved the State of a large portion of her usual regular expenses. The items of expenditures given for 187."> are totally and wholly incorrect. The period alluded to is evidently the fiscal year beginning November- 1, 1872, aud ending October 31, 1873. At the beginning of that fiscal year, the present administration came into power. The previou.s administration left debts of two or three previous years, amounting to one million two hundred and thirty-three thousand nine hundred and ninety-six dollars ($1,233,996), which the present administration had to provide for, in addition to their own regular annual expenses. These annual expenses during the fiscal year above referred to were, as shown by the appropriations, one million one hundred and eighty-four thousand three hundred and seventy-six dollars ($1,- 184,376,) which, with the deficiencies of $1,233,996, made a sum of $2,- 418,872, which the present administration was called upon to pay during the fiscal year 1872-73. Of this amount, $1,719,728.37 was paid, leaving a balance of $689,143.63 unpaid. We present a true statement of the appropriation of the fiscal year before the war, beginning October 1, 1859, and ending September 30, 1860, and the fiscal year beginning November 1, 1872, and ending October 31 , 1873, that are projierly chargeable to those respective fiscal years : 1859-60 LS72-73 Salaries $ 81,100 S 194,989 Contingents 73,000 47,600 Free schools 75,000 300,000 State Normal School 8,704 2.'),000 Deaf, dumb and blind 8,000 15,000 Miljlary academies 30,000 Military contingencies 100,000 20,000 Roper Hospital 3,000 State Lunatic Asylum 77 500 State Normal and High School 5,000 Jurors and Constables 50,000 State Orphan House (colored) 20,000 State Penitentiary 40 QOO Sundries 184,427 444',787 $618,231 11,184,876 Remember that the appropriation cf 1859-60 represents gold value. By the census of 1860, there were in South Carolina at that time 301,- 214 free population and 402,406 slaves. By the census of 1870, there were 705,606 free population. Now, " remember," in the eloquent lan guage of another, " that in 1860, 402,406 souls, now a part of our body politic, voters amenable to our laws, the cost of governing whom is now chargeable to the government of our State, were, in 1860, chattels, mer chandise, with not one civil or natural right which white men were bound to respect. In 1860, the slave was no charge on the State Gov ernment, save when he was hung for some petty misdemeanor, and the State compelled to pay his loss." It would be, therefore, but just and fair to divide the amount appro priated in 1859-60, viz.: $618,231, by the then free population, 301,214, and it will be found that the cost of governing each citizen was $2.05 ; and then divide the amount appropriated in 1872-73 by the free popula tion now, viz.: 705,606, and it will be found that the cost of governing each citizen is $1.67 — $2.05 in 1859-60, during the boasted Democratic period, and $1.67 in 1872-73, under the so-called corrupt Radical rule — a difference of 38 cents per capita in favor of the latter. So that if the Democrats had the same number of free citizens to govern in 1859-60 that the Republicans had in 1872-73, it would have cost them $261,- 616.30 more than it has cost us. The State having been organized upon a free basis necessarily created a larger number of officers, and, therefore, a larger amount of salaries. We are uot ashamed of the fact that our appropriation for schools in. 1872-73 is four times greater than in 1859-60! Ignorance was the corner-stone of slavery, and essential to ite perpetuity, but knowledge prevents the existence of that "sum of all villanies." Now in every hamlet and village of our State " the schoolmaster is abroad." In 1857 the humber of scholars attending the free schools was only 19,356, while in 1873 the number of scholars attending the schools was 85,753 (of which 37,218 were white, 46,535 colored.) It will also be observed that there were no appropriations for the Slate Lunatic Asylum aud Penitentiary in 1859-60. The Lunatic Asylum was then supported by the friends of its wealthy inmates and the Coun ties. But in 1872-73 this was found to impair the efficiency of the in stitution, and the State assumed its support and made liberal appropria tion for its unfortunate patients. The erection of the Penitentiary was not begun until after the war, and there was, therefore, no appropriation for it in 1859-60. The appropriation in 1872-73 for military purposes was but $20,000. We had no occasion to appropriate $130,000 for military academies and 4 contingencies, in order to furnish nurseries to train the young to strike at the nation's life, and to purchase material for the war of secession. There was no appropriation in 1859-60. for a colored State Orphan House. The colored orphans that were then uncared for were free, but their parents, when living, were heavily taxed to support white orphans, while their own children, after their death, were neglected. To show the unjust and adroit manner in which the statement of ex penditures has been manipulated by the memorialists of the Tax-Payers' Convention for their purposes of deception, we furnish a statement care fully compiled from the official records of the expenses of the State gov ernment before the war and the first three years after : 1851-1852 $468,021 73 1852-1853 ' 482,974 67 1853-1854 583,123 20 1854-1855 484,883 29 1855-1856 591,145 98 1856-1857 608,294 85 1857-1858 1,086,924 39 1858-1859 908,698 02 1859-1860 967,968 .57 1865-1866 266,248 04 1866-1867 474,453 57 October 1, 1867, to April 30, 1868 $840,415 00 Balance....' 265,727 96-606,142 96. These figures do not include interest on the public debt or the heavy expense incurred by the military of the United States. The statement that " it has been openly avowed by prominent mem bers of the Legislature that the taxes should be increased to a point which will compel the sale of the great body of the land and take it away from the former owners," is not correct. It is, however, a fact that the present system of taxation, like that of almost all civilized countries, is based chiefly upon real estate. In the days of slavery before the war it was not so. Taxes were levied by the large planters, who absolutely controlled the State, upon trades, profes sions, free colored persons, a mere nominal per capita tax upon slaves, and upon the lands assessed at one-tenth their true value. This method of taxing lands enabled the planters to acquire aud retain large and uncultivated tracts of land, and thus form that most danger ous of all oligarchies — a landed aristocracy. It was from this class that secession and the war sprung. Our present method of taxation very naturally and properly prevents the perpetua tion of this system, which is so repugnant to our Republican institutions. It is stated that " the fruit of thia policy is shown in the fact, stated by the Comptroller General in hia oflSuial report, that for default in pay ment of taxes for the year 1872 alone, 268,523 acres of land were for feited to the State, aud this result proves the fallacy of the belief that the policy pursued promotes the elevation of the black population, and the acquisition bj' them of the lands thus virtually confiscated." We admit with regret that it is a fact that there seems to be a com bined determination on the part of the owners of the land to permit their uncultivated and unproductive lands to be forfeited to the State for the non-payment of taxes rather than sell them to the colored people. They seem resolved to prevent the colored people from becoming land-owners unless they can control their labor and political opinions. The colored men have labored long and faithfully, and with but little remuneration, and have produced as large crops .¦since the war as in any year previous, as shown in the statistics and admitted by all ; and yet the land-holders of the State are not satisfied unless they can reduce them to a condition of serfdom or virtual slavery, and control their labor. The assessment of property in some Counties of the State has given rise to complaints, and been considered excessive. There is a prompt and complete remedy for all unjust assessments that may have been made by subordinate ofificers. The Comptroller General and the Legislature have politely and patiently listened to the representations made by those who consider themselves aggrieved thereby, and immediately corrected the wrong where it has been shown to be sucl), as is seen iu the case of the County of Marion, that has petitioned the Legislature and Comptroller General for relief The debt of the State under the Republican administration that con trolled the State from 1868 to 1872 has been increased from $5,000,000 to $16,000,000, but $6,000,000 of that amount has been declared by the present Legislature to have been issued by the officer who had the mat ter in charge without authority of law, and has, therefore, been pro nounced illegal. This leaves the unquestionably valid debt at $10,- 000 000. Of this amount $5,000,000 were issued by the Democrats and $5 000,000 by the Republicans who were in power from 1868 to 1872. But of the amount issued by the Republicans, they are only really re sponsible for $1,700,000, issued for the "relief of the Treasury" and the "Land Commission." The remaining $3,800,000 were issued to pay the past due interest on the debt that had accrued previous to their accession of power, and to redeem the bills of the Bank of the State that had been issued before the war, and also to redeem the "bills receivable" that had ' been issued during the Democratic administration of Governor Orr, pre vious to reconstruction.*' The Republicans, therefore, found on their ac cession to power in 1868 a. funded debt of $5,000,000 and a. floating debt 6 of $3,300,000, which they funded and increased $1,700,000, for which alone they are responsible — making a total of $10,000,000. A constitutional amendment was proposed by the General Assembly, at its session in 1871-72, to prohibit the increase of the State debt, unless with the consent of two-thirds of the qualified voters, which amendment has been adopted and is now a part of our organic law. The State has issued bonds amounting to $700,000 for the Land Cora- mission, as above referred to, to purchase lands for sale in small farms to the poor. This beneficent object has accomplished much good. The statement that " the appropriations made in one year for the work (i. c, printing) done, or to be done, by these two officials (i, e,, the Clerks) amounted to $475,000,- exclusive of $100,000 for publishing the laws," is wholly incorrect. The present Legislature, during the session of 1872-73, made appro priations for $450,000, for printing and advertising the laws as follows: Por publishing the following works, ordered by the General Assembly of 1870-71 and 1871-72: 5 volumes of the Statutes of the State, (embracing a period of thirty years). 3,500 copies of Revised Statutes. 5,000 copies Ku Klux Trials. 5,000 extra reports Joint Special Investigating Committee. 2 volumes Supreme Court Decisions. 1,000 e.\.tra copies of reports and resolutions of the General Assembly, and sundry books and documents ordered by the Executive departments $250,000 Advertising the laws in almost all the newspapers of the State, ordered by the General Assembly of 1870-71 and 1871-72 75 000 For the regular printing for the fiscal year 1872-73 100 000 For advertising the laws passed at the session of 1872-73.... 25 000 Total $450 000 It will be seen that these appropriations, though made in one year are for work ordered and performed during a period of three years. The works for which the appropriation of $250,000 was made were extraordinary, and will not probably occur again for twenty year-. Thus it will be seen that the appropriations that are properly chargeable for work done during the fiscal year are $125,000, instead of $575 000. It is stated that the total appropriations for public printing made by the Legislature of South Carolina, during ,a period of sixty years from 1800 to 1859, is $271,180. This statement is not correct; but, even if it were, is it a cause for boastfulnesa, that but that amount was expended for printing during the sixty years that the people were kept in igno rance, and no public information disseminated amongst them for their enlightenment and elevation ? We think- hot. It is stated that " the Committees have received large sums as compen sation for reporting favorably on private Bills." Whatever corruption may exist in the Legislature is to be attributed to the Democrats as well as the Republicans. They never hesitate to offer bribes when they have a private Bill to pass. But corruption existed long before the advent of the Republican party pf this State into power, only it was carried on then with the artistic skill of more experienced operators, and not easily seen. The reference to the judicial department calls for a special notice. The judges of the Supreme aud Circuit Courts of this State number eleven, eight of whom are natives. These gentlemen held positions of trust and honor during the days of the Confederacy, but have shown the patriotic wisdom siuQe the war to accept the situation, and lend their learning and influence to aid the work of reconstruction. For this course, they have been pursued with unrelenting hate and vigor, and eVery possible insult offered them by those who do not desire to see the work of reconstruction successful. Of the remaining three, one was selected as the candidate for Governor in 1870 by the party which the tax-payers represent, and the learning and ability of the other two have never been questioned. The allusion to the executive department, being general, calls for no specific answer from us. It simply amounts to this, when divested of its spleen and misrepresentations, that the Republicans are in power and control the State, and they do not. Their complaints remind us most forcibly of the reply of that profound and astute statesman, Prince Bis- , marck, to the Papal hierarchy, who complained of the oppressive nature of the Prussian laws : " Unfortunately," says he, " you are accustomed to complain of oppression -when not permitted to lord it over others." The gentlemen who have assembled in this Convention, constituting themselves the peculiar representatives of the so-called tax-payers, are not what they would have the country believe. They are the prominent politicians of the old regime — the former ruling element of the State— who simply desire to regain the power they lost by their folly of secession. They are not endorsed by the masses of the sober, thinking white Demo crats of the State, who look upon their action as unwise and ill-timed. We will state a well-known fact in proof of this : The Democratic members of the Legislature, numbering thirty-one, held a caucus and unanimously resolved not to participate iu the pro ceedings of the Convention, and addressed a letter to the President, ad- 8 vising against the calling of the Convention as unwise and injudicious. The letter was received, and the President replied, regretting that they had not informed him of their intention previous to the meeting ot tiie Executive Committee that had already called the Convention together. The Republicans admit the existence of evils amongst them. Ihey acknowledge they have committed mistakes and errors in the past, which they deeply regret. But those mistakes and errors are being daily cor rected, and they see no necessity whatever to resort to the desperate rem edies asked for by convention of the so-called tax-payers. There are enough able and good men among those who have the present charge of the government in their hands to right every existing wrong. They are determined to do so. In this work the difficulties under which they have labored have been naturally 'great, and have been increased ten-fold by the determined hostility and Opposition of the Democratic party ever since reconstruc tion. This is their third effort to regain power. First, they expected it through the election of Seymour and Blair ; second, through the mid night murders and assassinations of Ku Kluxism ; and now, thirdly, by the distortion and misrepresentation of facts, in order to create a public sentiment in their favor and obtain relief from Congress. Relying upon the justice of our cause, we submit these facts to your impartial judgment. SAMUEL J. LEE, Chairman pro tem,, S. A. SWAIL8, W. M. THOMAS. JOSEPH CREWS, H. H. ELLISON, P. R. RIVERS, JOHN R. COCHRAN, ROBERT SMALLS, E. W. M. MACKEY, JOHN LEE, H. L. SHREWSBURY, GEORGE F. McINTYRE, WILSON COOK, JOHN H. McDEVITT A. W. HOUGH, Y. J. P. OWENS, C. SMITH, H. J. MAXWELL, THAD. C. ANDREWS. P. C. FLUDD, J. S. MOBLEY, M. L. OWENS, E. S. J. HAYES, C. M. WILDER. rV ' " ' .1 "7'^ -"--- '/^' /K- L-ii-^ ;,/' /t^. ^y ^"'^ •- -"V 9 :- C- *%. t'iii' ^* fc" (•.. V X t . 4 J 5 ¦ w;'-- I, ' ^^ ¦i-. '"^v'^ '^1^ i > ¦ %'. •¦ ' •. 4:*/. A'4' 'If-Jr