ALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
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DUPLICATE
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Boston.

/ THE
HISTORY OF WISCONSIN.
IN THREE PARTS,
Historical, grawtfarjr, anfr •Jwmgiik
COMPILED BY DIRECTION OF THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE.
BY
WILLIAM R. SMITH,
PRESIDENT OF THE STATE HISTOEICAL SOCIETT OF WISCONSIN,

PART II— DOCUMENTARY. VOL. III.

MADISON, WIS.:
BERIAH BROWN, PRINTER.
1854.

INTKODUCTORY.

The Documentary History of "Wisconsin, as its title
implies, necessarily promises to embrace all such matters
as tend in any degree to elucidate the true history of the
countiy in its civil and political aspect ; also to embody
and preserve all local statistics, to which a reference may
in future be had, when the mere preservation of such ma
terials will be appreciated very far beyond their present
apparent value or significance.
The character of such a compilation is also necessarily
desultory, diffuse, and unconnected ; except in such degree
as that each separate material may at some time, and for
some purpose, be considered, if not essential, at least
explanatory of, or ancillary to, the true records of a general
histoiy. In gathering together such materials of a Documentary
history, a fastidious observer in directing his views solely
to the present time, might have reason to complain of the
apparent unimportance of the facts exhibited or related ;
but history itself is no more than a compilation of facts ;
every matter relative to the age, the locality, the person
ages, and the events, of which the future historian may
3

4 INTRODUCTORY.
write, becomes to him essentially important; and the
combination of these matters, accompanied by philosophi
cal views and just observations, consequently form the
history of the country and of the time.
In England, the chronicles of Bede, Matthew Paris,
Roger de Wendover, Hollinshead, Baker and others, the
Fcedera of Rymer, Rushworth's Collections, the Harleian
Miscellany, the State Trials, and various other works, in
their character apparently desultory, are still the sources
to which the historian must resort, in order to frame an
accurate account of personages and events, which in its
compilation, arrangement, and comment on the whole,
may be dignified with the name of history. The facts
collected by Froissart comprise a mine for the historian.
Private letters, personal adventures, philosophical opinions
of the age, law suits, and religious controversies, often
form as proper material for future history, as the details of
the more momentous occurrences of the intrigues of courts
and the quarrels of rulers ; and the perusal of such matters
will always afford as much satisfaction, and convey more
useful information than any contemplation of the destruc
tion of human life in wars, and the devastation of fertile
regions, for whose cultivation man had laboured, and in
whose prosperity nations had rejoiced.
Many of our States at this day have abundant reason to
regret the want of an embodiment in writing, of the oc
currences in the progress of their early settlement, at the
time when such matters transpired. The truthful accounts
of those events are now sought for with avidity, but often
unsuccessfully. Every ancient document and memoran-

INTRODUCTORY. 5
dum pertaining in even a slight degree to the statistics of
the State in early times, even old tax lists, as showing the
names of families and property holders at an early day,
are now properly considered as shedding a valuable light
to the historian ; for, if such documents are necessary to
the history of a particular county, they consequently be
come a component part of the history of a State. The
preservation of the personal narratives of early adventu- A-
rers, the accounts of early improvements of the country
in all its aspects, agricultural, manufacturing, and com
mercial, all demand a present attention. What history
of Kentucky would be of importance, if wanting the ad
ventures of the enterprising Daniel Boone ? "What account
of Western Pennsylvania, and the Ohio region, would be
complete, without a reference to the journal of Christian
Frederick Post ?
!No apology, then, need be made for the preservation of
such materials as the compiler has judged to be, in some
measure, now or in future, necessary appendages, if not
parts, of a History of Wisconsin. The compilation of
such matters rejects the idea of any preservation of order
in their arrangement, as to date or subject; it is considered
sufficient for all necessary purposes now, that they shall
be preserved ; and it is hoped by the compiler that from
such preservation future benefits may arise to the citizen
at least, if not to the historian.
WM. R. SMITH.
Mineral Point, Iowa County, Wisconsin, \
July 4th, 1854. j

CONTENTS.

PAGE
Jesuit Relations  9
Black Hawk War  113
Capture of the Halls — related by Mrs. Munson  187
Battle of Peeatonica — Colonel Dodge's Report  195
Battle of Peeatonica — Charles Bracken's Account  199
Beouchard's Narrative — Black Hawk War  209
Bracken's Narrative — Black Hawk War  215
Messersmith's Narrative — Release of the Halls  224
Battle of Peeatonica — Original Letters  226
Battle of Wisconsin Heights — Captain Estes's Account  228
I
Battle of Bad Axe — Captain Estes's Account  230
Memorial of the Miners of the Lead Region  233
Barth Works — Aztalan the Ancient City  236
Earth Works — Fortifications  241
Earth Works — Burial Mounds  244
Carver's Grant — Examination of its Validity  265
Indian Deed — from Green Bay Records  283
Annals of the Legislature  287
First Convention — Members  300
7

3 CONTENTS. PASD
Second Convention — Members  302
Siege of Detroit in 1712 — Dubuisson's Report  315
Early Adventure — William Farnsworth  337
Early Adventure — William S. Hamilton  339
Early Mail Carriers — James Halpin  342
Lead Trade with the Indians — John Shaw's Account  343
Attack at Rock Island, 1812— John Shaw's Account  344
Red Bird's Disturbances — J. H. Lookwood's Account  347
Indian Lead Furnaces — Description of them  353
Milwaukee and Rock River Canal — Its History  354

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

JESUIT RELATIONS.
Of the volumes entitled, "Relation de ce qui s'est passkde
plus remarquable aux Mission des P&res de la Compagnie de
Jesus, en la Nouvelle France," there are the following in the
library of Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass. : —

Par Paul le Jeune.

and Jean de Brebeuf.
" F. J. Le Mercier.

16331634 " "
1635 " "
1636 " "
1637 " "
1638 " "
1639-40 Vimont and Lalemant.
1640-41
1642
1642-43
1643-44 1644-45 Barthelemy Vimont.
1645—16 Lalemant and Ragunean.
1647 Lalemant.
1647-48 Lalemant and Raguneau.
1648-491649-50 Raguneau.
1650-51

1651-52 Raguneau
1652-53 Francois Le Mercier.
1653-54 "
1655-56 Jean de Quens.
1656-57 Paul le Jeune.
1659-60 No name.
1660-61 Paul le Jeune.
1661-62 Lalemant.
1662-63
1663-64 "
1664-65 Le Mercier.
1666-67 "
1667-68 " "
1668-69 " "
1669-70 " "
1670-71 Claude Dablon.
1671-72 "

Note. — I have made as careful an examination as I could
of these volumes, (excepting the volumes for 1642, 1642-43,
1643-44, which were out of the library at the time of my
examination,) without reading them entirely through, and have
extracted all that I could find, touching even remotely the
history of Wisconsin. — C. W. 9

JO . DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
The foregoing note is made by my friend, Cyrus Woodman,
Esq., of Mineral Point, and is prefixed to the extracts in the
original French language, from the several "Relations" above
referred to : he has kindly permitted me to copy the original
French from his own MS. volume, and I now present my trans
lation of these extracts. I am not aware that there is a more
complete copy of the Jesuit Relations to be found in the United
States, than that preserved in the library of Harvard Col
lege ; and even here, we find that three or four annual volumes
are wanting. The Society ceased to publish the letters of its
missionaries after 1672. I have never seen, nor do I find in
any literary catalogue, that there has ever been a complete
English translation of the "Relations." The "Lettres Edi-
fiantes et Curieuses" contain some of the "Relations ;" but of
this work, also, I believe no complete English translation has
been hitherto made. — W. R. S.

Relation of what took place in New France in the year 1640.
Sent to the R. P. Provincial of the Company of Jesus, of
the Province of France. By Barthelemy Vimont, of the
same Company, Superior of the Residence of Kebec. The
extract heing from a letter of Paul le Jeune to his Superior,
Vimont. The letter is dated at Kebec, September, 1640.
1639-40.
After naming the various tribes dwelling on the north side
of the St. Lawrence, and on some of the waters above, he

" I have said that at the entrance of the first of these lakes,
we meet with the Hurons ; leaving them, and sailing higher
up into the lake, we find to the north, the Ouasouarimi ;
higher up are the Outchougai ; and still higher up, at the
mouth of the river which flows from Lake Nipissin, are the At-
chiligouan. On the other side, upon the same shores of this
fresh-water sea, are the Amikouai, or the Nation of the Bea
ver. After the Amikouai, upon the same shores of this great

JESUIT RELATIONS. H
lake, are the Oumisagai ; passing them, we come to Baouich-
tigouion, that is to say, the nation of tho people of the falls,
because there is in fact at this place a fall, which casts itself
into the lake. Beyond the falls lies the small lake, upon the
northern borders of which are the Roquai ; to the north of
these again are the Mantoue ; these people never navigate, liv
ing upon the fruits of the earth. Passing this smaller lake, we
enter into the second fresh-water sea, upon the borders of
which are the Maroumine ; still farther on, dwell the Ouinipi-
gou, a sedentary people, and very numerous. Some Frenchmen
call them the "Nation of Stinkards," because the Algonquin
word Ouinipeg (Winipeg) signifies "stinking water." Now
they thus call the water of the sea ; therefore these people
call themselves " Ouinipigou," because they come from the
shores of a sea, of which we have no knowledge ; and conse
quently we must not call them the Nation of Stinkards, but
the Nation of the Sea. In the neighbourhood of this nation
are the Naduessi, the Assinipour, the Eriniouaj, the Rasaoua-
koueton, and the Poutouatami. These are the names of a
part of the nations that dwell beyond the shores of the great
river St. Lawrence, and to the north of the great lake of the
Hurons. I will immediately visit the southern shore. I will
say by the way that the Sieur Nicolet, interpreter of the Al
gonquin and Huron languages for < Messieurs de la Nouvelle
France,' has given me the names of these nations, whom he
has visited for the most part in their own countries. All these
people understand the Algonquin language, except the Hu
rons, who have a language of their own, as have also the Oui
nipigou, or people of the sea. We have been told this year
that an Algonquin, travelling beyond these people, has met
with nations extremely populous. 'I saw them,' said he, 'as
sembled as in a fair to buy and sell, in numbers so great that
they could not be counted; it gave an idea of the cities of Eu
rope. I do not know how this may be," &c.&c. * * *
Page 130.

12 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Relation, $c, 1640 and 1641. Sent to the Rev. Pe\e Provin
cial, fyc. By Father Barthelemy Vimont, of the same Com
pany, Superior of the residence of Kebec.
Paul le Jeune, in closing his letter to his superior, says —
" Here are a few words from Father Fierre Pijart : — ' I
have been on a mission to the Tobacco Nation, (or Fire Nation ;)
I have seen two villages where the Algonquin was spoken, in
one of which the men go quite naked, without reserve : it is
asserted that the people of the ' Fire Nation' also speak the
Algonquin language, and another nation called the Ogauch-
ronons. Here is a fine field for our Fathers who will learn
this language, and also something which should animate their
zeal. A prisoner of the Fire Nation has informed me that
he had heard in his country, that certain people were to be
found to the south of these countries, who sowed and gathered
their crops of Indian corn twice during the year, and that the
last harvest was made in the month of December.
"Whoever will arrest or subdue the rage of the Iroquois, or
can point out the means of gaining their good- will, will open
the doors of all these countries to Jesus Christ. It is a great
happiness which God extends to men, hi rendering them par
ticipants in the labours of the cross of his Son, in the conver
sion of souls." — Page 216.

Extracts from the second part of ihe Relations, <fc, from
Jane, 1640, to June, 1641, which extracts are. from a letter
of R. L'Allemant, to his Superior, dated
" From the permanent residence of St. Marie at the Hu
rons, this 19th May, 1641. — About the middle of the autumn,
having duly considered our proficiency in the language, and
also what had to be done towards those people to whom the
gospel had already been published, we found that without
doing wrong to the five missions of the preceding year, we

JESUIT RELATIONS.

13

could undertake two new ones ; one in the Huron language,
and the other in the Algonquin ; the latter by favour of two
of our Fathers lately arrived from Quebec, having been sent
for this purpose." — Page 6.
"Last summer, Fathers Paul Ragneau and Joseph Poncet,
from the number of Fathers whom we had stationed among
the Hurons at the time of the last Relation, went down to
Quebec to pass the winter there, and about the beginning of
autumn, Father Claude Pijart and Father Charles Raym-
bault arrived here for the Algonquin language." — Page 12.
" These Algonquins are of great importance to us, knowing
as we do that they have communication with nations in the
west, whom we have not yet been able to approach. Perhaps
this is the door which God in his good time will open to us, if
we are faithful to him in the matter which we now have in
hand."— Page 46.
" The Askikganehurons, as we call them, Hurons or Nipis-
sirineens according to the Algonquins, are a nation of the
Algonquin language." * * * Page 86. "In summer,
they assemble together on the route from the Hurons to the
French, on the shores of a great lake which bears their name,
distant from Quebec about two hundred leagues, and from our
Hurons about seventy." — Page 87.
" Last summer, it pleased God to dispose matters in such
a manner, that they resolved to open communications with
us by sending several canoes to trade with the French.
Happily, they arrived there without hindrance, and nothing
could have happened more seasonably for our purposes."
Page 88.
" Therefore they were told not to leave their country to
come and seat themselves near the other unhoused Algon
quins, but rather to receive among them one or two of our
Fathers, who would give them instruction. They testified
their willingness to this proposal, and, in consequence, Fathers
Claude Pijart and Charles Raymbault, coming from below to
assist us, were instructed to offer themselves to them, as they
came along; but not finding them at their usual place of resi-

14 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
dence during the summer, and learning that it was probable
that they would winter in our neighbourhood, they arrived
here, without having lost the hope of seeing those for whom
they had been particularly sent. Their hopes have not been
frustrated, for these savages shortly afterwards arrived here,
to the number of about two hundred and fifty souls. ' ' — Page 89.

Relation of what passed at the Mission of the Fathers of the
Company of Jesus to the Hurons, in the country of New
France, during the years 16-17 and 1648. Sent to the Rev.
Father Fstienne Charlet, Provincial of the Company of
Jesus in the province of France. By Father Paul Ra
guneau, of the same Company, Superior of the Mission
to the Hurons.
" From the Hurons, this 16th day of April, 1648. * * *
From the west of this, eastward, comes a large lake, which is
almost four hundred leagues in circumference, and called by
us 'the fresh-water sea;' (Lake Huron;) — it has a slight ebb
and flow, and at its extremity, farthest from us, has commu
nication with two others, still larger lakes. * * * To
the west-south-west, that is to say, almost to the west, we
have the Tobacco Nation, (Fire Nation,) who are distant from
us only about twelve leagues." — Pages 5 and 6.
" To the north of the Hurons, there are several Algonquin
nations who never cultivate the earth, but sustain themselves
altogether by the chase or by fishing. These nations occupy
the country up to the North Sea, which we judge to be distant
from us, in a straight line, more than three hundred leagues ;
but of this we have no other knowledge," nor of those nations,
except that derived from the report made to us by the Hu
rons, and some of the nearer Algonquins, who go there to
trade for peltries and beavers, which are found there in great
abundance." — Page 9.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 15

From the Algonquin Mission, Chapter X.
" The great lake of the Hurons, called by us < the fresh
water sea,' four hundred leagues in circumference, one ex
tremity of which washes the base of Our House of St. Mary,
extends from east to west, consequently its width is from north
to south ; it is, however, of a very irregular figure." — Page 63.
" The eastern and northern shores of this lake are inhabited
by divers Algonquin nations, Oubaouakamigouk, Achirigou-
ans, Nikikouek, Michisagnek, Paouitagoung, with all of whom
we are well acquainted. These last are those whom we call
the Nation of the Sault, distant from us, a little more than a
hundred leagues ; whose consent to a route it would be ne
cessary to have, if one wished to go beyond, to communicate
with numerous other more distant Algonquin nations, who
dwell upon the shores of another lake, still larger than the
<Mer-douce,' (fresh-water sea,) into which it discharges itself
by a very large and very rapid river, which, before mingling
its waters with our ' fresh-water sea,' makes a fall, or leap, that
gives a name to those people who come to live there during
the fishing season.
" This superior lake extends to the north-west, that is to
say, between the west and the north.
"A peninsula, or strip of land, quite small, separates this
superior lake from another, third lake, called by us 'the
Lake of the Puants,' which also discharges itself into our
fresh-water sea, through a mouth which is on the other side
of the peninsula, about ten leagues more towards the west
than the Sault. This third lake extends between the west and
the south-west, that is to say, between the south and the west,
more towards the west, and is almost equal in size to our fresh
water sea. On its shores dwell a different people, of an un
known language ; that is to say, a language that is neither
Algonquin nor Huron. These people are called the Puants,
(Stinkards,) not on account of any unpleasant odour that is
peculiar to them, but because they say they came from the

16 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
shores of a sea far distant towards the west, the waters of
which being salt, they call themselves the 'people of the
stinking water.' " — Pages 64 and 65.

Relation, §c. $c, 1650 & 1651. By Father Paul Raguneau.
<¦'¦ All the Algonquin nations who dwell to the west of the
ancient country of the Hurons, and where the faith has not
yet been able to find its way, are people for whom we cannot
have enough compassion. If it be necessary that the name of
God be adored, and the cross be planted there, it shall be done
in spite of all the rage of hell, and the cruelty of the Iroquois,
who are worse than the demons of hell." — Pages 30 and 31.

Relation, $c, 1653 and 1654. Sent to the Rev. Father Nicho
las Royon, Provincial, $c. By the Rev. Father Francis
Le Mercier, Superior, §c. Bated at Quebec, this 21st day
of September, 1654.
He speaks of the arrival at Montreal of a fleet of canoes
loaded with furs, and belonging to friendly Indians, who came
from above, a distance of four hundred leagues : a part of
these Indians were, he says —
" Tionnontatehronnons, whom we formerly called the < To
bacco Nation,' of the Huron language, and partly Ondataoua-
ouat, of the Algonquin language, whom we call the ' cheveux-
relSvez,' (standing hair,) as their hair does not fall downwards,
in consequence of their manner of dressing it, which causes it
to rise upwards like a crest. All these tribes have abandoned
their ancient country, and have retired towards the more dis
tant nations, in tho vicinity of the great lake, whom we call
the Stinkards, in consequence of their dwelling near the sea,
which is salt, and which our savages call stinking water — it is
upon the northern side. * * * They are there in great
numbers, and more populous than have been any of these
countries ; many of whom speak languages, to us entirely un
known." — Pages 43 and 44.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 17
A letter from Sillery states that each day they discover
new nations of the Algonquin language. * * * Another
says, that in the islands of the " Lake of the People of the
Sea," whom some persons wrongly call the Stinkards, there
are many tribes whose language closely resembles the Algon
quin ; that it is only nine days' journey from this great lake
to the sea, that separates America from China ; and that if a
person could be found who would send thirty Frenchmen into
that country, not only would they gain many souls to God, but
they would receive a profit that would surpass the expenses
they would be at for the support of the Frenchmen that they
might send there, because the finest peltries come in the
greatest abundance from those quarters. — Pages 154-55-56.

Relation 1655 and 1656.

Extract from the preface, which is written by Jean de Quens,
and dated Quebec, 7th September, 1656 : —
"About the end of the month of August, there appeared
fifty canoes, and two hundred and fifty savages, loaded with
the treasures of the country ; they came to traffic with the
French, and to ask that some of the Fathers of our Company ,
might be sent to instruct them, in the thick forests of then-
country, distant five hundred leagues from Quebec. At the
dawn of so beautiful a day, the dark nights that have passed
are forgotten. Two of our Fathers and one of our Brothers
embarked with thirty Frenchmen, but the Agneronons, whom
we call the Lower Iroquois, and who have never been willing
to live at peace with our allies, in an instant cut the thread of
our hopes, by attacking these poor people on their return, and
killing one of tbe two Fathers, who was on his way to preach
the gospel to them in their own country." — Page 4.
"The 16th day of the month of August, 1654, the savages
asked for some Frenchmen to go and pass the winter in their
country, and also some Fathers from our company to teach
the road to heaven to all the nations in these great countries.
Vol. III.— 2

18 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
They were responded to after their own fashion, by giving
presents, and all that they demanded was willingly accorded
to them. But while those who are destined for this great
enterprise are preparing themselves, let us understand some
thing new of the two French pilgrims and their future enter
tainers. "First, it is right to remark that the Huron language
extends all of five hundred leagues to the south ; and the
Algonquin language more than five hundred leagues to the
north. I know very well that there is a slight difference
between these nations, but it consists altogether of a few dia
lects, which are soon learned, and which do not alter the
roots of the two principal languages.
" Secondly, there are toward the north numerous lakes that
would readily pass for fresh-water seas ; the great lake of
the Hurons, and another which is in its immediate neighbour
hood, are equal in size to the Caspian Sea.
"In the third place, our attention has been directed toward
a number of nations in the neighbourhood of the 'Nation of
the Sea,' whom some persons have called the ' Stinkards,' in
consequence of their having formerly dwelt on the shores of
the sea which they call ' Ouinipeg,' that is to say, stinking
water. The Liniouek, their neighbours, number about sixty
Tillages ; the Nadouesiouack number all of forty ; the Po-
narak at least thirty ; the Kiristinons surpass all these in
extent, as they continue as far as the North Sea. The coun
try of the Hurons, which contained only seventeen villages
in the space of seventeen leagues or thereabouts, nourished
«11 of thirty thousand persons. A Frenchman told me some
time ago, that he had seen three thousand men together in
•ne assembly, for the purpose of making a treaty of peace,
in the country of the 'People of the Sea.' All of these
people make war upon other more distant nations ; so true is
it that men act as wolves toward their fellow-men, and that
the number of the mad is infinite. These madmen destroy
themselves in contending who shall give the law to tha
tthers. * * *

JESUIT RELATIONS. 19
While these people were engaged in making their little
trades, thirty young Frenchmen equipped themselves in order
to accompany them back to their own country, and to bring
from thence the skins of dead animals. I gave them, for
guides on their path to salvation, Father Leonard Garreau and
Father Gabriel Dreuillettes, ancient evangelical workers, well
versed in the Huron and Algonquin languages. They were
rejoiced to find themselves chosen to be the first to carry the
name of Jesus Christ into a country alike replete with tribu
lation, darkness, and death." — Pages 146 to 151.
Here follows an account of the breaking up of the expedi
tion by an attack of the " Iroquois Agneronons," or Mohawks.
See Bancroft, vol. iii. 146.

Relations, §c, 1669-1660. Sent to the Rev. Father Claude
Boucher, Provincial, §c.
" The 30th of July, 1660, having ascended into the
SaguenS, (Saginaw,) about thirty leagues from Tadoussac, I
there found eighty savages, and among them one called Asa-
tanik, a man of consideration, in consequence of his holding
the rank of captain." * * * Page 41.
The Father then proceeds to give an account of the travels
of this Indian.
" He set out in the month of June, 1658, from the Lake of
the Ouinipegouek, which, properly speaking, is only a large
bay from that of the Hurons ; others call it the Lake of the
Stinkards, not because it is salt, like the water of the sea,
which the savages call Ouinipeg, that is, stinking water, but
because it is surrounded by grounds that are impregnated with
sulphur, from whence issue many streams, which carry into
this lake the malignity which their waters have contracted at
their sources. He passed the rest of this summer, and the
following winter near the lake which we call Superior, in con
sequence of its being above that of the Hurons, into which
it discharges itself over a fall to which it also gives its name ;

20 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
and since our traveller has stopped, let us pause for a while
with him, that we may observe whatever is remarkable there
abouts. " This lake, which is more than eighty leagues in length, by
forty in width, in certain places is dotted with islands, which
spread over it in a pleasing manner near to land. Its shores
are fringed all around with Algonquin nations, where the fear
of the Iroquois has caused them to seek an asylum.
" It is also enriched on all its borders with mines of lead
almost pure ; with copper so excellent that it is found quite
refined, in pieces as large as the fist ; with large rocks, which
are intersected with entire veins of turquois. They would
even persuade us that it is swelled by divers small streams,
which carry with their sands quantities of small grains of
gold, which would seem to be the offcasts of the neighbour
ing mine." — Pages 42 to 44.
Then follows a dissertation and speculation concerning the
route to Japan and China, so much sought after about that
time; then succeeds an account of the journey of the Indian
to Hudson's Bay and other places. — Page 46.
" At last he repaired to within thirty-two leagues from Ta-
doussac, where, entertaining myself with him, in listening to
his adventures and travels, he commenced by informing me
of the condition to which the Iroquois had reduced the Algon
quin nations about Lake Superior and the Ouinipegs. But I
had scarcely returned to Quebec, before I met with two
Frenchmen who had just arrived from these upjDer countries
with three hundred Algonquins in sixty canoes, laden with
peltries. * * * Page 60.
" They (the two Frenchmen) passed the winter on the
shores of Lake Superior, during which time they made several
trips among the surrounding tribes. They saw, among other
things, at six days' journey beyond the lake toward the south
west, a tribe composed of the remainder of ' Hurons of the
Tobacco Nation,' compelled by the Iroquois to abandon their
country, and to bury themselves thus deep in the forests, that
they could not be found by their enemies.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 21
"These poor people, retreating across mountains and over
rocks, through the depths of these vast unknown forests, at
length happily arrived at a beautiful river, large, wide, deep,
and resembling, they say, our great river St. Lawrence. They
found upon its shores the great nation of the Abimisec, who
received them with great kindness. This nation is composed
of sixty villages." — Pages 61, 62.
The two Frenchmen also visit the Nadsichesec, composed
of forty villages, in five of which may be counted all of five
thousand men. — Page 64.
" But we must take leave of these people without further
ceremony, in order that we may enter upon the territories of
another warlike nation, who with their bows and arrows have
rendered themselves as formidable to the Upper Algonquins
as the Iroquois have to the Lower ; they also bear the name
of Psalak, that is to say, ' the warriors.'
"As wood is scarce and very small with them, nature has
taught them to burn stone-coal in place of it, and to cover
their wigwams with skins. Some of the most industrious
among them have built mud cabins nearly in the same manner
that swallows build their nests ; nor would they sleep less
sweetly beneath these skins or under this clay, than the great
ones of the earth beneath their golden canopies, were it not
for their fear of the Iroquois, who come here in search of
them from a distance of five or six hundred leagues.
"But if the Iroquois go there, why shall we not also go ? if
there are conquests to be made, why shall they not be made
by the faith, since it has made them in all parts of the
world?" — Pages 65, 66.
" The last of these missions of which I shall speak at pre
sent, is the one that we commenced this year, at the first
opening which presented itself for one, in order that we might
not miss any opportunity that God should give us for the con
version of our savages. It is true that the path which we
are obliged to travel is still stained with our blood, but it is
this blood that increases our courage, as it did that of the
elephants spoken of in Maccabees. * * * And the glory of

22 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
those who have died for Jesus Christ in this expedition, ren
ders us more jealous than timid.
"In the year 1656, a fleet of canoes containing three hun
dred of the Upper Algonquins, coming here for the purpose
of treating, gave us hopes that by throwing ourselves among
them, ~we might be able to return with them to their country,
and there labour for the salvation of these people. Two of
our Fathers .embarked for this object, but one was obliged to
turn back ; the other, Father Leonard Garreau, was killed by
the Iroquois stationed upon the route that they were obliged
to travel. This year, 1660, another fleet of the same Algon
quins, in sixty canoes, arrived here ; two of our Fathers again
cast themselves among them, intending to attempt all routes
imaginable ; but one of them could go no farther than Mon
treal, in consequence of the fantastic humour of one of the
savages, who would not suffer him to remain in his canoe ; the
other, who is Father Rene" Mfenard, has gone on, but we do
not know whether some accident has not happened to him
similar to the one which befell Father Garreau. * * * If the
Father can escape their hands, he will follow the Algonquins
even to the middle of the Lake of the Maritime Nation, and
of Lake Superior." — Pages 144-147.
"As soon as my Lord Bishop of Petr&e had learned of our
intention to commence this mission, it is scarcely credible how
much he appeared to favour it. His zeal, which embraces
every thing, and to which the ocean could not set bounds,
caused him to wish that he might himself be one of these
happy exposed ones ; and at the expense of a thousand lives,
to go and search, in the most profound depths of these
forests, the lost sheep for whose welfare he had crossed the
seas. * * * It must be acknowledged that the enterprise is
glorious, and that it gives promise of an abundant harvest,
considering the number of nations that inhabit those coun
tries; but, " euntes ibant, et flebant mittentes semina sua;"
this rich harvest can be gathered only by watering these
grounds with sweat, with tears, and with blood." — Pages
148, 150.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 23
Here follows a description of the life which a missionary
should resolve to lead.
" In a word, we must be barbarous with these barbarians,
and say with the apostle, ' Grsecis ac barbaris debitor sum ;'
act the savage with them, and cease almost to live as men, in.
order to make them live as Christians. Such is the life that
Father Menard has led among the Hurons and the Iroquois,
where he has made his first essay in that which he has under
taken, and from which he expects a great deal, as he makes
it appear in a letter which he wrote in haste to one of his
friends, to whom he bids a last adieu in the following terms :
" ' Reverend Father. Pax Christi.
"'I write you probably the last word, which I wish to be
a seal to our friendship, even to eternity ; ' ama quem
Dominus Jesus non dedignatur amare, quamquam maximum
peccatorem; amat enim quem dignatur sua cruce,' that your
friendship, my good Father, may be useful to me in the de
sirable fruits of your holy sacrifices. In three or four months
you may place me to the memory of the dead, as a conse
quence of the manner of life of these people, my ago and
feeble constitution ; notwithstanding which, I have felt such
powerful instincts, and I have seen in this business so little
of nature, that I cannot doubt that having failed to tak©
advantage of this occasion, I should feel therefor an eternal
remorse. We have been a little surprised at not being abl©
to procure for ourselves clothing and other things; but H©
who feed3 the little birds and clothes the lilies of the fields
will take care of his servants ; and should we perish in our
trials, it will be to us a great happiness.
i " ' I am overwhelmed with business ; all that I can do is t»
commend our journey to your prayers, and to embrace you with
the same affection with which I hope to greet you in eternity.
' " 'Rev. Father, your very humble and affectionate servant
in Jesus Christ, R. Menard.
" ' From the Three Rivers, this 27th August, two hours after
midnight, 1660.' "—Pages 151, 152.

24 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Relation of the most remarkable things that passed at the
mission of the Fathers of the Company of Jesus in New
France, during the years 1662 and 1663. Sent to the Rev.
Father Andre Oastillon, Provincial of the Province of
France. By Jerome Lalemant.
Lalemant, in his preface, which is dated Kebec, 4th Sep
tember, 1663, says —
"The past makes us hope every thing for the future; Ca
nada being a work of God, and the conversion of the savages
having been the principal motive for establishing the colonies
which have been planted there. The Fathers of our company
have there expended their labours, their sweat, and their
blood ; out of twelve who have ended their lives there, ten
have either been massacred and burned, through the fury of
the Iroquois, or have perished in the snows, pressing forward
to the conquest of souls. This year we have heard of a similar
death of one of our oldest missionaries, Father Rene' Menard.
He had penetrated into the interior five hundred leagues, car
rying the name of Jesus Christ to places where it had never
before been adored. We have need of missionaries who will
nndertake the labours of those who already have found in
them so happy a death." CHAPTER VIII.
Of the mission of the Outaouax, and of the precious death
cf Father Rene Menard, and of that of his faithful com
panion. We are about to view a poor missionary, worn out with
apostolical labours, in which he has grown gray — burdened
with years and infirmities — harassed with an unpleasant and
painful voyage, all dripping with sweat and with blood,
perish alone in the depths of the forest, five hundred leagues
from Quebec ; left a prey to ravenous beasts, to hunger, and
to calamities of every description ; and who, according to his
wishes, and even to his prophecy, imitated in his death

JESUIT RELATIONS. 25
the self-devotion of St. Francis Xavier, whose zeal during his
life he had so perfectly imitated. It is Father RenS Menard,
who for more than twenty years has laboured in these rude
missions, where at last, having lost himself in the forest, still
seeking for the lost sheep, he has happily consummated his
apostleship by the loss of his strength, his health, and his
life. It has not been the will of heaven that any one of us
should receive his last sighs ; those forests alone have been
their depository; and some rock-bound hollow, into which,
perhaps, he has cast himself, has been the sole witness of the
last transports of love which his burning heart has yielded up to
heaven with his soul, which he has surrendered to his Creator
while he was actually pursuing the path to the conquest of
souls. Here is the little that we have learned by a letter from
Montreal, dated July 26th, 1663 : — « Yesterday, God sent to
ns thirty-five canoes of Outaouaks, with whom have returned
seven Frenchmen out of nine, their former number ; the two
others, who were Father Rene" Menard and his faithful com
panion, called Jean Guerin, have gone by another path to
meet each other, sooner than these, at the certain portal of
our common country. Two years have elapsed since the death
of the Father, and Jean Guerin has been dead about ten
months. The poor Father and the eight Frenchmen started
from the ' Three Rivers' the 28th of August, 1660, with the
Outaouaks, and arrived at their country on the 15th of Octo
ber, St. Theresa's day, after inconceivable labours, bad
treatment from their boatmen, in the highest degree inhuman,
and an extreme scarcity of provisions ; so much so, that the
Father at last could scarcely sustain himself, being besides
of a feeble constitution, and broken down with toil. But, as
one travels very far after being tired, so had he sufficient
courage to reach the wigwams of his hosts. One, named 'the
Pike,' chief of this family, a proud and vicious man, who had
four or five w7ives, treated the Father very badly, and at last
obliged him to withdraw from his wigwam and to build himself

26 documentary history.
a hut with pine branches. 0 God ! what a dwelling-place
during the rigours of winter, which in those countries are al
most insupportable. The nutriment was scarcely better ; often
their only food was a miserable fish boiled in clear water, to
be divided among four or five ; and this they owed to the cha
rity of the savages, bestowed upon some one of them who
waited on the shore for the return of the fishermen's canoes,
as the poor mendicants await the distribution of alms at the
church doors. A certain moss that grows upon the rocks
has often served them for a good repast ; they put a handful
of it into their boiler, which slightly thickened their water,
forming upon it a kind of foam or slime similar to that of
snails, and which served rather to nourish their imagination
than their bodies.
" The fish-bones, which they carefully preserve when fish
are abundant, also served to amuse the appetite in times of
necessity ; there is nothing, even to pounded bones, of which
these poor starving creatures cannot make a profitable use.
Many species of wood also furnish them with provisions : the
barks of the oak, the birch, the bass, or white wood, and of
other trees, well dried and pounded, then put into the water
in which fish have been boiled, or else well mixed with fish oil,
furnishes them with excellent ragouts. They eat acorns with
more relish and greater pleasure, than persons in Europe do
chestnuts ; and with all, there is never enough to satisfy their
hunger. " Thus passed the first winter ; during the spring and summer,
they fared a little better, as they were able to hunt occasion
ally. They killed from time to time a few ducks, bustards,
or turtle-doves, which afforded them delicious banquets ; rasp
berries and other small fruits of the kind were to them tha
most grateful refreshments : in those countries they know
nothing of corn or bread.
" The second winter setting in unexpectedly, the Frenchmen
having observed the manner in which the savages took their
fish, resolved to follow their example, judging that hunger was

JESUIT relations. 27
more difficult to support than the great hardship and risk of
these fishing expeditions. It was a sight worthy of pity to
behold, on these great lakes, rolling sometimes like the sea,
some of these poor Frenchmen in canoes, through rain and
snow, tossed here and there, the sport of the whirlwinds : often,
on their return, they have discovered their hands and feet to
be frozen. Sometimes they have been assailed by such a
cloud of drifting snow, driven by the violence of the wind,
that the person who was steering could not discern his com
panion at the bows of the canoe. What means, then, had they
to reach the post ? Certainly, each time that they landed in
safety, it seemed to them that a miracle had been performed.
When their fishing was successful, they set aside a portion of
their fish, which they smoked, and these served them as food
when the fishing time was over, or when the season no longer
admitted of their venturing out.
" In that country there is a certain plant, about four feet in
height, that grows in marshy places : a little while before it
begins to head, the savages go in canoes to bind the stems of
this plant together in tufts, and separating them from each
other, so that a canoe may pass between them when they return
to gather the grain. The time for harvesting having arrived,
they paddle their canoes into the little alleys which they have
contrived across these fields of grain, and bending over the
tufts thus bound together, they shake out the grain into the
canoe. When the canoe is full, they go to the shore, and
empty it into a ditch dug close to the water's edge, and then
with their feet they trample, and roll it about, until the chaff
is entirely separated from the grain ; afterward it is dried,
and finally they put it into boxes made of bark, in order to
preserve it. This grain, when in a crude state, very much
resembles oats, but being boiled in water, it swells up more
than any of the grains of Europe.
" If these poor Frenchmen were almost destitute of all that
«ould refresh the body, in recompense they were consoled by
the grace of heaven. While the Father was in life, they had
the holy mass every day, and confessed themselves, and re-

28 documentary history.
ceived the communion nearly every eight days. After the
death of the Father, they were preserved in the integrity
of their faith and purity of their manners by the union and
good understanding in which they had always lived together ;
and further, by a holy Christian liberty which some of the
company assumed, to reprove those who in the absence of re
straint gave themselves up to levity.
" As for the death of the Father, I here give you all that I
have been able to learn about it. During the winter that he
passed among the Outaouaks, he commenced a church among
those barbarians, quite small, it is true, but precious, indeed,
because of the tears and the sweat it had cost him. It ap
peared also to be composed of the predestined only, the
greater portion of whom were young children in a dying con
dition, and these he was obliged to baptize in secret, as their
parents always concealed them when he entered their ca
bins, being in the old error of the Hurons, that baptism
caused their deaths. Among the adults were two old men,
whom grace had prepared for Christianity." — Pages 96 to 107.
Here follows an account of them, and also of some good
women whom he numbered among his converts, one of whom,
a widow, passed for a saint among the savages, and conse
crated her widowhood to chastity.
" These are the fruits of the labours of Father Menard,
small in appearance, but requiring great courage, great zeal,
and a great heart to endure such great fatigues, and to go so
far to attain so trifling a result ; although it ought not to be
called trifling, when there is question of but a single soul
saved, for whom the Son of God has not spared his sweat and
blood, the price of which is infinite.
"Except these elect, the Father, among the remainder of
these barbarians, encountered nothing but opposition to the
faith, a consequence of their great brutality and infamous
polygamy. The little hope he entertained of converting these
savages steeped in all manner of vices, caused him to form the
resolution of undertaking a new journey of a hundred leagues,
in order that he might instruct a nation of poor Hurons, whom

JESUIT relations. 29
the Iroquois have compelled to fly almost to the extremity of
this world. Among these Hurons there were many old Chris
tians who urgently demanded the presence of the Father, and
promised him that on his arrival among them, all the rest of
their compatriots would embrace the faith. But before start
ing toward this distant country, the Father requested three
young Frenchmen of his company to go before and recon
noitre, make presents to the old men, and assure them from
him that he was ready to go and instruct them, as soon as
they would send persons to conduct him.
" These three Frenchmen, after many hardships, finally ar
rived at the dwellings of thi3 poor starving nation, and on
entering their cabins, they found the inmates reduced to mere
skeletons, and so weak that they could scarcely move, or stand
upon their feet."- — Pages 110 to 112.
After encountering many difficulties, and losing their canoe,
which was stolen from them, they returned. The Relation
says nothing of the route which these three Frenchmen took,
except as follows : —
"Again they put themselves on the road in order to return,
which they found to be much more difficult than going, as they
had to ascend the river, in place of descending it, as had for
merly been the' case.
" They informed the Father at once, of the little likelihood
of success a poor old man, decrepid, weak, and destitute of
provisions as he was, had in undertaking such a voyage. But
they might well detail to him and set before his eyes the diffi
culties of the route, either by land or water; the multitude of
rapids, of waterfalls, and long portages ; the precipices to be
passed; the rocks over which he would have to drag himself;
the dry and sterile grounds where nothing can be found on
which to support life ; — all this could not intimidate him ; he
had but one reply to make to these affectionate followers:
' God calls me there ; it is necessary for me to go, even
though it costs me my life. Did not St. Francis Xavier,'
said he to them, ' who appeared so necessary to the world for
the conversion of souls, die while endeavouring to obtain an

30 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
entrance into China? and shall I, who am good for nothing,
refuse, for the fear of dying on the road, to obey the voice of
my God, who calls me to the succour of these poor Christians
and catechumens, for so long a time deprived of a pastor ?
No, no ! I cannot suffer souls to perish, under pretext of pre
serving the body of a wretched man like myself. How !
must we serve God, must we aid our neighbour only when
there is nothing to be suffered, or any risk of life to be run ?
Here is a most fortunate opportunity of showing to angels,
and to men, that I love my Creator more than the life which I
hold from him, and you wish me to let it pass by ! Should we
have ever been redeemed if our dear Master had not preferred
obedience to his Father touching our salvation, to his own life ?'
"Bel*old then the resolution taken to go in search of these
poor lost sheep ; some Hurons having come to treat with the
Outaouaks, offered themselves to the Father to be his conduct
ors ; he was fortunate in having met with them ; he loaded
them with a few clothes, and made choice of one of the French
men, who was a gunsmith, to accompany him. The entire
stock of provisions that he took with him, consisted of a bag of
dried sturgeon, and a small quantity of smoked meat, which
for a long time he had saved on purpose for this journey. His
last adieu made to the Frenchmen whom he left behind, was
couched in these prophetical terms : ' Adieu, my dear chil
dren,' he said, while embracing them, 'I bid you a last adieu
for this world, for you will never see me again. I pray His
divine goodness that we may be reunited in heaven.'
"Behold him then on the road the 13th June, 1661, nine
months after his arrival in the country of the Outaouaks.
But the poor Hurons, lightly burdened as they were, very
soon lost courage, their strength failing them for want of
nourishment. They abandoned the Father, in telling him
that they were hastening forward to their village, to apprize
the old men of his being on the way, and to induce them to
send out young and robust men in quest of him. The Father,
hoping for this succour, remained by a lake about fifteen days ;
but aa his provisions began to fail, he resolved to continue his

JESUIT RELATIONS. 31
journey with his companion, by means of a small canoe that
he had found in the brushwood : they embarked with their
little packages. Alas ! who will be able to tell us of the suf
ferings endured by that poor emaciated body, throughout this
vogage, from hunger, heat, lassitude, and the portages over
which it was necessary to transport on their shoulders their
packages and their canoe ; their only consolation being, every
day to celebrate the holy mass. Finally, about the 10th of
August, the poor Father, while following his companion, lost
himself by mistaking some trees, or some rocks, for others. At
the end of a portage round a rapid in the river, painful
enough, his companion, looking behind, perceives that the Fa
ther is no longer following ; he searches for him — he calls him —
five times he fires off his gun to recall him to the right,path —
but all in vain. This caused him to resolve to hasten forward to
the Huron village, which he judged to be near at hand, that he
might hire persons at any price to go in search of the Father.
But unfortunately he lost himself, and passed by the village
without knowing it. He was, however, more fortunate in his
wanderings than the Father, having been met by a savage who
put him right, and conducted him to the village. But he did
not arrive there until two days after the Father had been lost,
and then what could a poor man do, who did not know a sin
gle word of the Huron language ? Nevertheless, as charity
and necessity are always eloquent, he did so well by his ges
tures and tears, that he gave them to understand that the
Father was lost. He promised several French articles to a
young man, to induce him to go in search of the Father : at
first he appeared willing to do so, and started on his mission ;
but two hours had scarcely elapsed, when here comes my
young man back, crying, ' To arms ! to arms ! I have just
encountered the enemy.' At this noise, all compassion that
they had conceived for the Father vanished, and, with it, the
desire to go in search of him.
" Behold him thus abandoned, but still in the hands of Divine
Providence, which doubtless has given him strength in thi»
extremity to endure with constancy the bereavement of all

32 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
human assistance, while constantly assailed by the piercing
bills of mosquitoes, the numbers of which in these quarters
are frightful, and so unendurable, that the three Frenchmen
who have made the journey assert that there were no other
means of self-defence than to run on, always without stopping ;
and even that it required two of them to keep off these insects,
when the third wished to drink, otherwise he was unable to
quench his thirst.
" Thus the poor Father, stretched upon the earth, or perhaps
on some rock, lay exposed to the sharp bills of these little ty
rants, and, as long as he survived, continued to suffer this tor
ment, to which hunger and other miseries finally put an end,
and released this happy soul from its body, to go and enjoy
the fruits of the many hardships he has suffered for the con
version*^ these barbarians.
" As for his body, the Frenchman who accompanied him, has
done all that he could to induce the savages to go in search of
it, but without effect : neither can |he day and hour of his de
cease be precisely ascertained. The companion of his jour
ney judges that it was about the Assumption of the Virgin ;
for he says that he had with him a piece of smoked meat
about as large as the hand, sufficient to sustain himself two or
three days.
" Sometime afterward the Father's sack was found by a sa
vage, but he would not acknowledge to have found his body,
for fear of being accused of having killed him, which perhaps
is only too true, as these barbarians make no scruple of cutting
a man's throat, when they meet with him alone, in hopes of
getting some booty ; and in fact, the remnants of some of the
furniture used in his chapel have been seen in an Indian cabin.
" Whatever may have been the manner of his death, we do
not doubt that it has pleased God thus to crown a life of fifty
years, the best part of which was spent in the Huron, Algon
quin, and Iroquois missions." — Pages 110 to 124.
Here follows a glowing description of his character, and
afterward an account of his faithful companion, Jean Guerin,
who had served the mission as a domestic for more than

JESUIT RELATIONS. 33
twenty years. The account speaks of his eminent virtue and
his ardent zeal for the salvation of souls. — Page 129.
" He had no sooner heard of Father Menard's death, than
he resolved immediately to quit the Outaouaks, among whom he
had been left, to go in search of the Father's body. But God
had other designs upon him ; he was established as missionary-
in-chief to that poor church, which had never as yet rejoiced
in a pastor.
" He there baptized more than two hundred infants, whom
he very soon afterward sent to heaven, there to crown the
Father with a splendid diadem of these little predestined ones,
for whose salvation, and in search of whom, he had sacrificed
his life."— Page 131.
Guerin was accidentally killed by the discharge of a musket.
Some further account of him is given, and also some fragments
of letters written by Peire Menard, on the point of his depar
ture from Montreal to Lake Superior.

Relation, $c, 1663 and 1664. Sent to the Rev. Father Pro
vincial of the Province of France ; written by Hierosme
Lalemant. Bated Quebec, August 2>Qth, 1664.
The first chapter in the volume is headed thus : " From the
Algonquin church, near the Outaouaks," and is interesting as
containing letters from Father Menard, which he dates thus :
"At the Outaouaks, in the Bay of St. Theresa, a hundred
leagues above the Sault, in Lake Superior ; the first day of
March, and the second of July, 1661." Lalemant, in the
Relation, says —
" Since last year, some fragments of letters have fallen into
our hands, written by the Father (Menard) after his departure
from the Three Rivers. * * * He thus commences a let
ter, arranged in the form of a journal, which he wrote from
the country of the Outaouaks, after having at last arrived
there. "Our voyage has been very fortunate, thanks be to God, in
Vol. III.— 3

34 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
regard to our Frenchmen having all arrived in good health
about the middle of October." — Page 3.
Then follows an account of the hardships of the journey,
'of the brutality of the Indians who accompanied him, and of
the sufferings from hunger, sustained by himself and his com
panions. He continues —
" But it was much worse, when having at last arrived at Lake
Superior, after undergoing all these fatigues, in place of the
repose and refreshments that we had been led to hope for,
there, our canoe was broken by the falling of a tree, and so-
much damaged that it was useless to think of repairing it ; all
left us, and we remained alone, three savages and myself,
without provisions, and without a canoe. We remained in this
condition six days, living upon the off-scourings, which, to
keep ourselves from starving, we were obliged to scratch up
with our nails, from about a cabin at that place, which had for
some time been abandoned. We pounded up the bones that
were lying about, to make broth of them ; we collected the'
blood of animals that had been killed, with which the earth
was imbued ; in a word, every thing that could be found was
used as nourishment. One of us was always on the watch near
the shore, to ask charity from the by-passers, from whom we
received a few pieces of dried meat, which prevented us from
starving ; until at last they took pity on us, and came with
canoes to transport us to the place of rendezvous, where we
intended to pass the winter. It is a large bay to the south of
Lake Superior, where I arrived on St. Theresa's day, and had
the consolation of saying mass, to repay myself with usury for
my past misfortunes. Here I began my mission, which is
composed of the fugitive church of Christian savages nearest
to our French habitations, and of those whom the mercy of
God has attracted to this place." — Page 9, 10.
Here follows a particular account of four neophytes, and
then he continues —
" As to the other Christians who compose this church, they
are few in number, but they are select, and give me a great
deal of satisfaction. I have been unwilling to admit so great

JESUIT RELATIONS. 35
a number, coritetiting myself with those who I judged would
persevere constantly in the faith during my absence ; for I
know not as yet what will become of me, nor on which side I
shall turn ; but I should do myself a great violence should I
resolve to descend from the cross that God has prepared for
me in my old days, in this extremity of tho world. There is
not a single throb of my heart to revisit Three Rivers. I do
not know the nature of the rivets that hold me fast to this
adorable station, but the mere thought that some one is coming
to detach me from it, gives me trouble, and I often awaken
with a start, in the thought that there are no more Outaouaks
for me, and that my sins have put me back into the same place
from whence the mercy of my God had by a signal favour with
drawn me. I can say with truth that I have felt more con
tentment here in a single day, notwithstanding cold, hunger,
and other almost inexplicable inconveniences, than I have ex
perienced during all my life in any part of the world where I
have been.
"I have often heard it said of Father Daniel and of Father
Charles Gamier, while they were among the Hurons, that the
more they saw themselves forsaken and removed from all human
sympathies, the more had God occupied their hearts, and had
caused them to feel how much his holy grace raised them
above all pleasures imaginable, to be found among earthly
creatures. This little consolation which it has pleased God
to give me here, has compelled me to acknowledge this secret,
and has made me prize more than I ever could have supposed,
the good of finding myself all alone here among these bar
barians, five hundred leagues from our French settlements.
"I hear every day four populous nations spoken of, that are
distant from here about two or three hundred leagues : I ex
pect to die on my way to them, but as I am s^ .ar advanced,
and in health, I shall do all that is possible to reach there.
The route most of the way lies across swamps, through which
it is necessary to feel your way in passing, and to be in dan
ger every moment of sinking too deep to extricate yourself
again ; provisions, which can only be obtained by carrying

36 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
them with you ; and the mosquitoes, whose numbers there are
frightful, are the three great obstacles which render it diffi
cult for me to obtain a companion. I am in hopes of throwing
myself among some savages who intend undertaking this
journey. God will dispose of us according to his will for his
greatest glory, for life or for death ; it will be a great bless
ing from our beneficent God, to call me to himself in so good
a station."— Pages 20-23.
" Those are the last words with which the Father concludes
his letters, which he dates the first of March and the second
of July, 1661.
"He began his journey as he had projected, and has there
happily terminated his career, as we have related in the last
chapter of the Relation of the past year.
" This year another of our Fathers prepared himself to go
and take his place, but unfortunately the Outaouaks, having this
summer gone down to Montreal sooner than usual, the Father,
not being able to reach there in time, has lost the opportunity
of going up with them. On the first occasion, however, that
presents itself, ho will go to cultivate this nascent church, in
which Father Menard has left, as he writes, from the time of
his first wintering there, fifty adults baptized, many sick per
sons, and a world of savages to be instructed." — Page 24.

Relation, cfc, 1664 and 1665. Chapter III. Ofthe arrival
of the Upper Algonquins at Quebec, and of the mission of
Father Claude Allouez to these people. By Francis Le
Mercier. Quebec, November 3c?, 1665.
"While these advanced bodies waited at the Three Rivers
for a favourable wind to cross and go beyond Lake St. Pierre,
they had the pleasure of witnessing the arrival of about a
hundred canoes of Outaouaks, and some other savages of our
allies, who came from the region of Lake Superior, about four
or five hundred leagues from here, to carry on their ordinary
commerce, and to supply themselves with what they need, giv-

JESUIT RELATIONS. gj
ing us in exchange their beaver skins, which are very abun
dant with them. A Frenchman, who had followed them tho
year preceding, and who has accompanied them in their jour
neys, report to us that there are among these nations more
than a hundred thousand combatants; that the ravages of
war are there continual ; that the Outaouaks are attacked on
one side by the Iroquois, and on the other by the Nadoues-
siouax, a warlike people, more than six hundred leagues from
here, who' carry on other cruel wars with nations still more
distant ; and that there are more than a hundred villages, of
divers laws and customs." — Pages 29, 30.
" Those are not the greatest enemies to be encountered by
Father Claude Allouez, upon whom has fallen the lot of this
great and painful mission. He has waited at Montreal along
time for some savages from these more distant upper nations,
that he might go up with them to their own country, and
make of it a Christian land. A band of sixty Nepissiriniens
having taken the lead, he received them as angels of this new
church ; it is thus that he names them in a letter that he has
written in the following terms : —
" ' At last it has pleased God to send us the angels of the
Upper Algonquins to conduct us to their country, to aid them
in establishing there the kingdom of our Lord. It was last
Thursday, 20th July, after I had said a mass devoted to this
project, in honour of Saint Ignatius and Saint Xavier, that
they arrived about noon, after a voyage of eight clays, from
the Sault of Lake Superior.' "—Page 32.
" Father Allouez joined them, and followed them to their
country to publish the faith throughout these vast regions,
and at the same time to carry them the good news of the
succour coming from France, which will at length deliver them
from the Iroquois. Monsieur de Tracy charged the Father
with three presents, which he was to deliver to these people on
his arrival among them." — Page 38.
Le Mercier speaks of the death of P&re Menard and Pere
Leonard Garreau, and then adds —
« It may be that the Father who leaves with them will

38 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
very soon meet with a similar fate ; but a truly apostolical
man is content to die anywhere, as the entrance into Para
dise is everywhere to be found. If it be a happy death,
according to the world, to perish in battle, in the service of
one's prince, who, after all, cannot reward the dead, as his
power does not extend thus far — have not those who die in
the service of the King of kings, a death a thousand times
happier, as they receive their reward in eternity !" — Page 40.

Relation, <fv?., 1666 and 1667. Sent to the Rev. Father
James Bordier, Provincial, Spe. By Francis Le Mercier.
Kebec, November lQth, 1667.
At chapter ii. and page 15 of this volume, commences the
Relation of the mission of the Holy Ghost, among the Outa
ouaks at Lake Tracy, formerly called Lake Superior.
This Relation, extending from chapter ii. to chapter xvi.,
both inclusive, is very interesting, and is indispensible in ar
riving at a knowledge of the character and services of Pere
Allouez, but I have time to extract only what principally
relates to the history of that part of the country now known
as Wisconsin. — C. W.
Father Le Mercier commences chapter ii. thus : " Journal
of the travels of Father Claude Allouez in the country of the
-Outaouaks." " It is more than two years since Father Claude Allouez
•set out upon this great and laborious mission ; to this end he
has travelled nearly two thousand leagues, traversing those
vast forests, suffering hunger, nakedness, shipwrecks, fatigues
by day and night, and the persecutions of idolaters. But at
the same time he has had the consolation of carrying the
torch of the faith to more than twenty infidel nations. We
cannot better become acquainted with the fruits of his labours
than by the journal that he has been obliged to keep. He
commences in this manner : —
" ' The eighth day of August of the year 1665, 1 embarked

JESUIT RELATIONS. 39
at 'Three Rivers' with six Frenchmen, in company with
•more than four hundred savages of divers nations, who were
returning to their homes, after having finished their traffic,
for which they had come here.' " — Pages 15, 16.
Here follows a particular account of his journey from
' Three Rivers' to Lake Superior, and then he says —
" Toward the beginning of September, after having coasted
along the shores of Lake Huron, we arrived at the Sault ; it
is thus that they call half a league of rapids in a beautiful
river, that forms the junction of the two great lakes, Huron
and Superior.
" It was therefore on the second of September, after having
surmounted this Sault, which is not a waterfall, but only a
very violent current obstructed by numerous rocks, that we
entered into the upper lake, which will hereafter bear the name
of Monsieur Tracy, in acknowledgment of the obligation under
which the people of this country are to him.
" The form of this lake is almost that of a bow, the southern
•coast being very much curved, and that of the north almost a
straight line. The fisheries are abundant, the fish excellent, and
the water so clear and transparent that one can see to the
depth of six fathoms, what lies at the bottom.
" The savages respect this lake as a divinity, and sacrifice to
it, either on account of its magnitude, for it is two hundred
leagues in length, by eighty its greatest width, or beeause of
its bounty in supplying the fish that nourishes all these people,
in the absence of game, which in this vicinity is very rare.
" They often find at the bottom of the water, pieces of pure
copper, weighing from ten to twenty pounds. I have often
seen them in the hands of the savages, and as they are super
stitious, they look upon them as so many divinities, or as pre
sents made to them by the gods who are at the bottom of the
lake, to be the cause of their good fortune ; for this reason they
preserve these pieces of copper, wrapped up among their most
precious movables ; there are some who have preserved them
for more than fifty years ; others have had them in their fami
lies from time immemorial, and cherish them as household gods.

40 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
" For some time there was visible a great rock entirely of
copper, the top of which projected above the surface of the
water ; this gave occasion to by-passers to go and cut off pieces
from it. Nevertheless, when I passed by that place, nothing
could be seen of it. I believe that the storms, which here are
very frequent, and similar to those on the sea, have covered
this rock with sand ; our savages wanted to persuade me that
it was a divinity, and had disappeared for some reason which
they did not state.
" As for the rest, this lake is the abode of twelve or fifteen
different nations, some coming from the north, some from the
south, and others from the west, and all repairing to the shores
most appropriate for fishing, or to the islands, which are very
numerous in all parts of this lake. The intention of these
people in repairing to this place is partly to seek a livelihood
by fishing, and partly to carry on their little commerce with
each other, when they meet together. But the design of God
has been to facilitate the publication ofthe gospel, to a wan
dering and vagrant people, as will appear in the sequel of this
journal. "Having then entered into Lake Tracy, we employed the
whole month of September in coasting along the southern
shores, where I had the consolation of saying the holy mass,
having found myself alone with our Frenchmen, which I had
not been able to do since my departure from Three Rivers.
" After having consecrated these forests by this holy action,
to complete my happiness, God conducted me to the borders
of the lake, and put me in the way of two children whom they
were embarking to go into the interior. I felt strongly in
spired to baptize them, and after all necessary precautions, I
did so, considering the danger they were in of dying during
the winter.
"All past fatigues were no longer regarded by me; I was
inured to hunger, which always closely followed us, having
nothing to eat but that which our fishermen, (who were not
always successful) supplied us with from day to day.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 41
" We afterward passed the bay, named by the late Father
Menard ' St. Theresa.' It was here that this generous mis
sionary wintered ; here labouring with the same zeal which
caused him afterward to yield up his life, searching after souls."
—Pages 32 to 38. CHAPTER III.
Of the arrival and residence of the missionary at Chagoua
migong. After having gone a hundred and eighty leagues along that
coast of Lake Tracy which looks toward the south, where it
has pleased our Lord to put our patience to the proof, through
tempests, famine, and fatigues by day and night ; finally, we
arrived on the first day of October at Chagouamigong, for
which we have for so long a time looked forward.
It is a beautiful bay, at the bottom of which is situated the
great village of the savages, who there plant their fields of In
dian corn, and lead a stationary life. They are there, to the
number of eight hundred men bearing arms, but collected
from seven different nations, who dwell in peace with each
other, thus mingled together.
This great collection of people has caused us to prefer this
place before all others, at which to fix our ordinary residence,
that we might with greater convenience attend to the instruc
tion of these infidels — erect a chapel there — and commence
the functions of Christianity. — Pages 41, 42.
Here follows an account of some of the common duties of
his mission. CHAPTER IV.
General Council of the nations of the Ottawa Country. —
Page 46. CHAPTER V.
Of the false gods, and some of the superstitious customs of
the savages of this country. — Page 51.

42 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
CHAPTER VI.
Relation of the Mission of the Holy Ghost at Lake Tracy.
After a rough and tedious voyage of five hundred leagues,
encountering all manner of annoyances, the Father, directing
his course toward the extremities of the great lake, there
found that, upon which to exercise the. zeal that had caused
him to endure so much hardship in laying the foundations of
the missions of which we are about to speak. Let us begin
with that of the Holy Ghost, which is the place of his resi
dence. Here is what he says about it : —
" This quarter of the lake where we have stopped, is between
two large villages, and, as it were, the centre of all the nations
of these countries ; because fish are abundant there, which
forms the principal subsistence of these people. We have
erected there a small chapel of bark, where my sole occupation
is to receive the Algonquin and Huron Christians, instruct
them, baptize, and catechise the children," &c. — Page 63, 64.
The remainder of the chapter is devoted to an account of
his ordinary labours as a missionary among the Indians.
CHAPTER VII.
Of the Mission of the Tionnontateheronnons.
The Tionnontateheronnons of the present day are the same
people that were formerly called the "Hurons ofthe Tobacco
Nation." They have been constrained, as well as the others,
to quit their country to avoid the Iroquois, and to retire
toward the extremity of this great lake, where the distance
and the lack of the chase secures to them an asylum from their
enemies. Formerly they formed a part of the flourishing
church of the Hurons, and had the late Father Gamier for
pastor. * * *
They have their village quite near to our residence, (at the
Bay of the Holy Ghost,) which has afforded me the means of
undertaking this mission with more assiduity than the others
more distant. — Page 75.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 43
CHAPTER VIII.
Of the Mission of the Outaouacs, Kiskakoumac, and Outa-
ouasinagouc. I here connect these three nations, because they speak the
same language, which is the Algonquin, and form together a
single village, which corresponds to that of the Tionnontate
heronnons ; our residence is between them.
The Outaouacs pretend that the great river belongs to them,
and that no nation can navigate it without their consent ; this
is the reason why all those who go to trade with the French,
although of very different nations, bear the general name
of Outaouacs, under the auspices of whom they make this
voyage. The ancient abode of the Outaouacs was a district
of Lake Huron, from whence the fear of the Iroquois has driven
them, and to which all their desires tend, as to their native
country. — Page 80. CHAPTER IX.
Of the Mission of the Pouteouatamiouec.
The Pouteouatami are people who speak the Algonquin,
but much more difficult to understand than the Outaouacs.
Their country is about the Lake of the Ilimoiiek ; this is a
great lake that has not yet come to our knowledge, adjoining
the lake of the Hurons, and that of the Puants, between the
east and the south. They are a warlike people, hunters and
fishers ; their country is very good for Indian corn, of which
they plant fields, and to which they very willingly retire to
avoid the famine that is too common in these quarters. They
are in the highest degree idolaters, attached to ridiculous fables
and devoted to polygamy. We all have seen them here, to the
number of three hundred men, bearing arms. Of all the peo
ple that I have associated with in these countries, they are the
most docile, and the most affectionate toward the French.
Their wives and daughters are more reserved than those of
other nations. They have a species of civility among them,

44 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY,
and make it apparent to strangers, which is very rare among
our barbarians. — Page 85, 87.

CHAPTER X.
Of the Mission of the Ousakiouek and Outagamiouek.
I connect, in the next place, these two nations, because
they are intermingled and allied with the preceding, and be
sides they have the same language, which is the Algonquin,
although very different in many of its idioms, which makes
it very difficult to understand them ; however, after some
pains, they can now understand me, and I them, sufficiently
for their instruction. The country of the Outagami is south
of this, toward the lake of the Ilimouek. They are a people
numbering about a thousand men bearing arms, hunters and
warriors ; they have fields of Indian corn, and dwell in a
part that is very advantageous for hunting the wild cat, the
stag, the wild ox, and the beaver.
They do not use canoes, and ordinarily make their jour
neys by land, carrying upon their shoulders their packages
and game. * * * As for the Ousaki, they may be called
savage above all others ; there are great numbers of them,
but wandering and vagabond in the forests, without having
any permanent dwelling-place. I have seen nearly two hun
dred of them, have published the faith to them, and have
baptized eighteen of their children, to whom the holy water
has been salutary both for their bodies and souls. — Page
101 to 105. CHAPTER XI.
Of the Mission of the Uimouec or Alimouec.
The Uimouec speak Algonquin, but very different from
that of the other tribes ; I understand them but very little,
in consequence of having but very seldom conversed with
them. They do not dwell in this neighbourhood; their coun
try is more than sixty leagues from here, toward the south,

JESUIT RELATIONS. 45
and( beyond a great river that discharges itself, as near as I
can conjecture, into the sea toward Virginia. These people
are hunters and warlike ; they use the bow and arrow, rarely
the gun, and never the canoe.
They were once a populous nation, occupying ten large
villages, but now they are reduced to two ; continual wars
with the Nadoussi on one side, and with the Iroquois on
the other, have almost exterminated them. — Pages 105,
106. I have here made known the name of Jesus Christ to eighty
persons of this nation ; they have carried it, and published
it with applause ,to all the countries of the South. * * *
I confess that this appears to me to be the finest field for
the gospel ; if I had had leisure and opportunity, I would have
visited their country, to see with my own eyes all the good
that they have told me of it. I find all those with whom I
have associated, affable and humane, and it is said that when
they meet with a stranger, they utter a cry of joy, caress
him, and render him all the testimonies of friendship that lie
in their power. I have baptized inly one child of this nation ;
the seeds of faith that I have pi .nted in their souls will bear
fruit, when it shall please the ifaster of the vineyard to
gather it.
Their country is warm, and they plant their fields of In
dian corn twice a year. There are rattlesnakes there, which
often occasion the death of these people, for want of knowing an
antidote for their poison. They hold medicaments in high
esteem, and sacrifice to them as to great genii. There are
no forests with them, but many large prairies, where the ox,
the cow, the stag, the bear, and other animals roam in great
numbers. — Pages 109-111. CHAPTER XII.
Of the Mission of the Nadouesiouek.
This is a tribe that dwells to the west of this, (Fond du
Lac of Superior,) toward the great river called Messipi. They

46 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
are forty or fifty leagues from here, in a country of prairies
abounding in all kinds of game ; they have fields in which
they do not sow Indian corn, but only tobacco. Providence
has provided them with a species of marsh rye, which toward
the end of the summer, they go to collect in certain small
lakes that are covered with it. They know how to prepare it
so well, that it is quite agreeable to the taste, and very nou
rishing ; they presented me with some when I was at the ex
tremity of Lake Tracy, where I saw them. They do not use
the gun, but only the bow and arrow, which they use with
great dexterity. Their cabins are not covered with bark, but
with deer skins, well dried, and stitched together so adroitly
that the cold cannot penetrate them. These people are above
all other, savage and ferocious ; they seemed abashed in our
presence, and motionless as statues. They fail not in being
warlike, and have made war upon all their neighbours, to
whom they are extremely formidable.
They speak a language entirely unknown to us ; the sa
vages about here do not understand them ; this has obliged
me to speak to them through an interpreter, who being un
faithful, did not do as I had desired. I have not neglected
to rescue from the evil spirit an innocent soul of this country;
it was a little child, who soon after I had baptized it wended
its way to Paradise: "a solis ortu usque ad occasum laudabile
nomen Domini." God will furnish us with an occasion in
which to announce his word and glorify his holy name, when
it shall please his Divine Majesty to have mercy on these
people. They are almost at the end of the earth, according as
they say. Farther on toward the setting sun there are na
tions called Karezi, beyond whom, they say, the earth is cut
off, and nothing can be seen but a great lake, the waters of
which are stinking ; it is thus they call the sea.
Between the north and the west is a nation who eat their
meat raw, contenting themselves with holding it in their hands.
before the fire. Beyond these people is seen the North Sea ;
nearer this way is the country of the Kilistinons, the rivers

JESUIT RELATIONS. 47
of which discharge themselves into Hudson's Bay. Besides,
we have knowledge of the savages who inhabit the country
south of this, as far down as the sea ; so that there remains
but very little territory, and very few persons, to whom the
gospel has not been announced: that is, if we can depend
upon what the savages have often repeated to us. — Pages 112,
113, 114. CHAPTER XIII.
Of the Mission of the Kilistinons.
CHAPTER XIV.
Of the Mission of the Outahibouec.
The French call them the " Sauteurs," (Leapers,) because
their country is at the " Sault," by which Lake Tracy dis
charges itself into Lake Huron. They speak the customary
Algonquin, and are easy to be understood. I have published
the faith to them at many places of meeting, but chiefly at
the extremity of our great lake." — Page 119.
CHAPTER XV.
Of the mission of the Nipissiriniens, and of the voyage of
Father Allouez to Lake Alimibegong.
CHAPTER XVI.
Return of Father Allouez to Quebec, and his departure, to
reascend to the Outaouacs.
During the two years that Father Allouez has remained
among the Outaouacs, he has observed the customs of all the
nations that he has seen, and has carefully studied the means
that may facilitate their conversion. There is employment
for a good number of missionaries, but there is nothing for
them to subsist upon : one part of the year they live upon

48 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
the bark of trees, another part on pulverized fish-bones, and
the balance of the time on fish, or on Indian corn, which
sometimes is very scarce, and sometimes sufficiently abundant.
The Father has learned by experience, that, the fatigues be
ing great, the labours continual, and the nourishment light, a
body even of bronze could not withstand it. Consequently
it is necessary to have at the missions, men of courage and
piety, to labour for the subsistence of the missionaries, either
by cultivating the earth, by fishing, or in following the chase ;
who would construct lodgings, and erect some chapels to
excite the veneration of these people, who have never seen
any thing finer than their bark cabins. With these views,
the Father resolved to come to Quebec himself, and labour to
carry these designs into execution.
He arrived there on the third day of August of this year
1667, and after remaining two days only, his diligence was so
great, that he was prepared to set out from Montreal with a
score of canoes of savages, with whom he had come down, and
who awaited him at that island with a great deal of impa
tience. His equipage was composed of seven persons : Father
Louis Nicholas, to labour conjointly with him, for the conver
sion of these people, and one of our brothers, with four men,
to be employed at the stations in securing a subsistence for them.
But it has pleased God that the success of this enterprise
should not correspond with their good intentions, for when
there wa3 question of entering the canoes, the savages be
came so ill-humoured that the two Fathers only, with one of
their men, could obtain places in them ; but so unprovided
with provisions, clothing, and all the other necessaries of life,
that they had prepared, but were not permitted to embark,
that one may reasonably doubt of their being able to reach
that country, or having arrived there, whether they can sub
sist for any length of time. — Page 128 to 131.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 49

Relation, §c, 1667 and 1668. Sent to the Rev. Father Stephen
Beschamps, Provincial, §c. By Francis Le Mercier.
CHAPTER VI.
Of the Mission of the Holy Ghost among the Outaouacs.
It is not necessary to repeat the enumeration of all the mis
sions that are dependent on this one, each of which has been
particularly mentioned in the last relation ; it is sufficient
to say, that labour, famine, want of all things, bad treatment
by the savages, and the mockery of idolaters, are the best
characteristics of these missions.
As these people for the most part, have never had any com
merce with Europeans, it is difficult to imagine the excess of
insolence to which their barbarism carries them, and the pa
tience with which one must be armed to endure it.
Our connections are necessarily extended to twenty or thirty
nations, differing in language, manners, and policy. We have
to endure all their bad humour and brutality, that we may gain
them by mildness and affection ; we must render ourselves in
a manner savage with these savages, and lead the life of a sa
vage with them; living sometimes on the moss that grows
upon the rocks, sometimes on pulverized fish-bones, which is
used in place of flour, sometimes on nothing at all ; passing
three and four days without food, like those whose stomachs
are formed to endure these trials ; but who can also eat enough
in a single day, without incommoding themselves, when game
and fish are in abundance, to last them for eight days.
The Fathers Claude Allouez and Louis Nicholas have passed
through these ordeals; and if penitences and mortifications
contribute to the conversion of souls, it may be said they lead
a life more austere than that of the greatest penitents of the
Thebais ; not ceasing, however, to employ themselves indefati-
gably in the discharge of their apostolical functions, which
are, to baptize the children, instruct the adults, and cause the
Vol. III.— 4

5Q DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
sound of their words to be heard in the remotest parts of this
end of the world.
Father James Marquette has gone to their assistance with
our brother Louis le Boeme, and we hope that the sweat of
these generous missionaries, which waters these lands, will ren
der them fertile for Heaven.
They have baptized since the last year, eighty children,
many of whom are now in Paradise. — Page 103 to 106.

Relation, $c. $c, 1668 and 1669.
CHAPTER VI.
Of the Mission of « The Point of the Holy Ghost," in the
country of the Algonquin Outaouacs.
The mission of the Outaouacs is now one of the finest in
New France. * * * Father Allouez having this year gone
down to Quebec to deliver into the hands of Monsieur de Cour-
celle the Iroquois captives, that he had by his orders redeemed
from the Outaouacs, and to demand assistance from our Fath
ers, the lot has happily fallen on Father Claude Dablon, who
who has been sent to act as Superior of these Upper Mis
sions. * * *
The first place where we met with these "Upper Nations,"
who are almost all Algonquins, is the Sault. * * * It is
here that the missionaries have posted themselves, as being the
most convenient place for their apostolical employments ; it
having been for some years the custom of other tribes to con
gregate at this point before going down to trade at Montreal
or Quebec.
Another place, distant from the Sault about one hundred
and fifty leagues, that has been particularly chosen for preach
ing the gospel, is called " The Point of the Holy Ghost." The
wars of the Iroquois have been the occasion of this establish
ment ; the greater part of the savages above, having been
driven by them from their countries, have collected at this

JESUIT RELATIONS. 51
place. Father Allouez having found in one village so many
nations, has happily taken advantage of this retreat, which
has united so many people. * * * God has found his elect
in each nation during the time that the fear of the Iroquois
has held them together ; but the danger at length being over,
each tribe has returned to their own country. Some have re
turned to the Bay of the Puants ; others have gone to the
Sault, where the missionaries have resolved henceforth to make
their principal residence : the balance have remained at the
Point of the Holy Ghost. They intend to build three
churches at these three principal points at this extremity of
the world. There are, in fact, already two, one at the "Point
ofthe Holy Ghost," and the other at the Sault. Father Al
louez is preparing, on his return from Quebec, to go to the
" Bay of the Puants," and there establish the third church. —
Page 86 to 89.
Father Allouez, in his journal and in one of his letters,
written from the Sault, the 6th of June, 1669, says that it has
pleased his Divine Majesty to have mercy on a particular nation,
who intend in a body to embrace the Christian faith. * * *
They call themselves Queues Couples, (cut-tails.)
* * * Father Marquette writes to us from the Sault
that the harvest there is very abundant. — Page 93.

Relation of 1669 and 1670. Of the Mission to the Outaouacs-.
CHAPTER X.
Of the Missions of the Upper Algonquins, commonly called
the Outaouacs : and particularly of the mission of " St. Marie
du Sault," (St. Mary of the Falls :) Father Dablon is Superior
of these missions, and has sent this Relation to Quebec, to
Father Francis Le Mercier, Superior General.
" We call these people < Upper Algonquins,' in order to dis
tinguish them from the 'Lower Algonquins,' who are found
lower down in the neighbourhood of Tadousac and Quebec.

52 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
They are commonly called Outaouacs, because, of more than
thirty different nations who are located in those countries, the
first who came down toward our French habitations were the
Outaouacs, whose name has since been extended to all the
others. There are three general missions ; the first, which is
the central one, is called Sainte Marie du Sault, (St. Mary of
the Falls,) situated at the foot of the rapid, which receives its
waters from Lake Tracy, and discharges itself into Lake Hu
ron. The second mission, which is the most distant, is that of
the Holy Ghost, situate toward the extremity of the said upper
lake, at a place that the savages call Chagaouamigong Point.
The third, bears the name of St. Francis Xavier, and is situated
at the foot of the Bay of the Puants, which is separated from
the Superior (or Upper) Lake, only by a narrow strip of land."
¦ — Pages 3, 4, 5.
Of the nature, and some properties of the Sault, and of the
nations who are in the habit of gathering there.
The first, and natural inhabitants of this place (the Sault)
are those who call themselves " Pahouiting-dach-Irini," and
whom the French call " Saulteurs," (Leapers,) because they
dwell at the Sault as being their native country. * * *
Those who are called the Noquets, occupy the southern
shores of the upper lake, of which country they are the primi
tive inhabitants. — Page 8.
* * * Several days' journey from the mission of St.
Francis Xavier, which is at the Bay of the Puants, is found a
great river, more than a league in width, which, rising in the
north, flows toward the south, and so far, that the savages
who have navigated this river, searching for enemies to fight
with, after many days of navigation, have failed to discover
the mouth, which can only be toward the Gulf of Florida, or
that of California. Hereafter we shall speak of a very con
siderable nation that dwells in the neighbourhood of this river,
and of the voyage that we hope to make there this year, to
carry the faith, and at the same time to take cognizance of
.these new countries. — Pages 11, 12.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 53

CHAPTER XI.

Of the Mission of the Holy Ghost at the Point of Chaga-
ouamigong, in Lake Tracy, or Superior, (Upper.)
Of the peculiarities and rarities that are found at the Upper
Lake, and principally of the different fish in which it abounds.
This lake has almost the form of a bended bow, and in
length is more than one hundred and eighty leagues. The
southern shore is, as it were, the cord, the arrow being a long
strip of land issuing from the southern coast, and running for
more than eighty leagues toward the middle of the lake.
The northern coast is rendered appalling by a line of rocks
which form the termination of that stupendous chain of moun
tains which, commencing beyond Cape Tempest, below Que
bec, continue to this place, passing over a space of more than
six hundred leagues in length, come at last to a termination
at the extremity of this lake.
It is almost everywhere destitute of islands, which are
usually found only along the northern coast.
This great expanse of waters lies exposed to the winds,
which agitate it with as much violence as the ocean.
At the Point of the Holy Ghost, Chagaouamigong, where
the Outaouacs and Hurons dwell, fishing is carried on at all
seasons of the year ; great quantities of white fish, trout, and
herring are taken ; this manna begins in November, and con
tinues after the ice has set in ; the colder it grows, the more
do they fish.— Pages 22-25.
Of the copper mines that are found at the Upper Lakes.
* * * On the northern coast is found the island most
famed for copper, called Minong. * * * The island is
large, being all of twenty-five leagues in length ; it is distant
from the mainland about seven leagues, and from the end
of the lake about sixty. * * * Advancing to the end of
the lake, and returning one day's journey along the southern
coast, at the edge of the water is seen a copper rock that
will weigh at least seven or eight hundred pounds ; so hard

54 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
that steel will scarcely penetrate it; when, however, it is
heated, it will cut like lead. Twenty or thirty leagues farther
this way is situated the Point of Chagaouamigong, where we
have established the Mission of the Holy Ghost, of which we
shall speak hereafter; near by, are islands, on the shores of
which are often found copper rocks, and even plates of the
same material. * * *
Still returning toward the mouth of the lake, following the
southern coast, at twenty leagues from the place of which we
have just spoken, (Mission of the Holy Ghost,) we enter the
river called Nantounagan, in which is seen an eminence, from
whence stones of red copper fall into the water, or upon the
land ; they are easily found, and about three years ago we
were presented with a massive piece weighing about one hun
dred pounds, taken from the same place ; we have cut several
pieces from it and sent them to Quebec to M. Talon. — Pages
32, 33.
Of the tribes that are connected -with the mission of the
Holy Ghost, at the point called Chagaouamigong.
More than fifty villages can be counted, composed of divers
people, wandering and sedentary, who in a manner belong to
this mission, and to whom the gospel can be announced either
by going to their countries, or when they come to this place
to trade. The three nations comprised under the name of
Outaouacs, one of which has embraced Christianity, and that
of the Hurons Etionnontatehronnons, nearly five hundred of
whom have been baptized, dwell at this point, living upon fish
and corn, but rarely the chase ; they number more than fif
teen hundred souls.
The Ilinois, a tribe dwelling to the south, have five great
villages, one of which extends for three leagues, the cabins
being built in a line ; they number nearly two thousand souls,
and come here from time to time in great numbers, as mer
chants, to procure hatchets, cooking utensils, guns, and other
things of which they stand in need. * * *
At eight days' journey toward the west, is the first of the

JESUIT RELATIONS. 55
thirty villages of the Nadoussi .; the great war that they have
with the Hurons and some other nations of this region, keeps
them more to themselves. — Pages 37, 38.
Letter of Father James Marquette to t"he Reverend FatJier, Superior of the
Missions.
Reverend Father — Pax Christi.
I am obliged to render an account to your reverence of the
state of the Mission of the Holy Ghost among the Outaouacs,
(according to the orders that I have received from it, and
lately also from Father Dablon,) since my arrival here after a
month's navigation through snow, and over the ice which
closed the passage upon us, and in almost continual danger
of meeting death.
Divine Providence having destined me to continue the Mis
sion of the Holy Ghost, which Father Allouez had com
menced, and where he had baptized the principal personages
of the Kiskakonk nation, I arrived there the thirteenth day
of September, and I went to visit the savages who belonged
to the parish, which is, as it were, divided into five villages.
The Hurons, to the number of four or five hundred souls, al
most all baptized, always retain a little Christianity. * * *
The nation of Sinagaux Outaouacs is very far from the king
dom of God. * * *
Those of the Keinouche" nation declare themselves openly,
saying that it is not yet time. * * *
The Outaouacs, extraordinarily superstitious in their feasts
and their juggleries, appear to harden themselves against the
instructions that are given to them. * * * Pages 40-42.
The Kiskakonk nation, which during three years refused to
receive the gospel announced to them by Father Allouez in
the fall of the year 1668, finally resolved to obey God.
The resolution to do so was taken in council, and declared
to the Father, who obligated himself to winter with them for
the fourth time, in order to instruct and baptize them. The
chiefs of the nation declared themselves Christians, and the
Father having gone to another mission, the charge of culti-

56 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
vating them was given to me, which I went to assume in the
month of September of the year 1669. The Christians were
all in their fields gathering the Indian corn : they listened to
me with pleasure when I informed them that I had come to
the Point only for their consideration and that of the Hurons ;
that they should never be abandoned ; that they should be
cherished above all other nations, and that hereafter they
would be considered the same as Frenchmen. — Page 46.
Having invited the Kiskakonk to come and winter near to
the chapel, they quitted all the other nations to gather around
us. — Page 50.
(This, and the preceding blanks in this letter, are princi
pally filled with the Father's account of his duties, and his
instructions to the Indians.)
* * * After the Easter festival, the savages all dis
persed in search of food to maintain themselves. They pro
mised me that they would always repeat their prayers, and
supplicated very strongly that one of our Fathers might come
to them in the fall, when they would be reassembled. Their
demands will be accorded, and if it pleases God to send some
Father to us, he shall fill my place, while I, to carry out the
orders of the Father Superior, will go to commence the mis
sion of the Ilinois. — Page 53.
Here follows a description of the Ilinois, and then he

When the Ilinois come to the Point, they pass a great
river, which is almost a league in width. It flows from north
to south, and to so great a distance, that the Ilinois, who
know nothing of the use of the canoe, have never as yet heard
tell of the mouth ; they only know that there are great na
tions below them, some of whom dwelling, to the east-south
east of their country, gather their Indian corn twice a year.
A nation that they call Chaouanon, (Shawanoe,) came to visit
them during the past summer ; the young man that has been
given to me to teach me the language, has seen them ; they
were loaded with glass beads, which shows that they have
communication with the Europeans. They had journeyed.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 57
across the land for more than thirty days, before arriving at
their country.
It is hardly probable that this great river discharges itself
in Virginia ; we are more inclined to believe that it has its
mouth in California. If the savages who have promised to
make me a canoe, do not fail in their word, we will navigate
this river as far as possible, in company with a Frenchman
and this young man that they have given me, who understands
several of these languages, and possesses great facility for
acquiring others ; we shall visit the nations who dwell along
its shores, in order to open the way to many of our Fathers,
who for a long time have awaited this happiness. This dis
covery will give us a perfect knowledge of the sea either to
the south or to the west. * * *
The Nadouessi, who'are the Iroquois of the country beyond
the Point, but not so treacherous, and who never make an
attack until after they have been assailed, are to the south
west of the Mission of the Holy Ghost. It is a great nation,
and has not yet been visited, we being confined to the con
version of the Outaouacs ; they fear the French, as they carry
the sword into these countries ; their language is quite differ
ent from the Algonquin or the Huron. * * *
The Assinipouars, who have almost the same language
as the Nadouessi, are west of the Mission of the Holy
Ghost. * * *
The Kilistinaux are a nomadic people, and we do not as
yet very well know their rendezvous. * * * I have seen
them this spring on the borders of the Lake. — Pages 56-61.
CHAPTER XII.
Of the Mission of St. Francis Xavier at the Bay of the
Puants, or rather of the Stinking Waters.
Letter from Father Allouez, who has had charge of this Mission, to the
Eev. Fattier Superior.
Reverend Father — Pax Christi.
I send to your reverence the journal of our proceedings

58 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
during the winter, in which you will find how the gospel has
been published and Jesus Christ preached to people who adore
only the sun or some imaginary idols.
We set out from the Sault the third of November, accord
ing to my dates ; two canoes of Pouteouatamis, wishing to
take me to their country, not that I might instruct them, they
having no disposition to receive the faith, but to mollify some
young Frenchmen, who were among them for the purpose of
trading, and who threatened and ill treated them. The first
day we arrived at the entrance of Lake Huron, where we slept
under shelter of the islands ; the length of the voyage, and
the difficulties of the route in consequence of the lateness of
the season, hastened us to have recourse to Saint Francis Xa
vier, the patron of our mission, by obliging me to celebrate
the holy mass, and my two companions to commune, on the
day of the festival in his honour, and further to invoke his
aid twice every day by reciting his prayers.
About mid-day on the fourth, we doubled the cape which
forms the bend, and is the commencement of the Strait, or
Gulf of Lake Huron, well known, and of Luke Ileaoiiers,
[Lake Illinois or Michigan?) as yet unexplored, though much
smaller than Lake Huron. Toward evening, the contrary wind
which was near driving our canoe upon the reefs of rocks,
obliged us to cut short our day's journey.
On the morning of the fifth, when we awoke, we found
ourselves covered with snow, and the edges of the water
frozen : this little foretaste of affliction, which it has pleased
our Lord that we should experience, invited us to offer our
selves for still greater. It was with great difficulty that we
embarked with all the clothing and provisions, being obliged
to enter the water with our bare feet, in order to keep the
canoe afloat, otherwise it would have been broken. Having
passed a great number of islands toward the north, we were de
tained during six days by the bad weather ; the snow and frost
menacing us with ice, my companions had recourse to Saint
Anne, to whom we recommended our voyage, praying her,
With St. Francis Xavier, to take us under their protection.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 59
On the eleventh we embarked, notwithstanding the contrary
wind; we crossed to another island, and from thence to the
mainland, where we found two Frenchmen with several sa
vages. We learned from them the great dangers to which we
were about to expose ourselves, in consequence of the storms
so frequent on this lake, and the ice, which would very soon
begin to float ; but all this was insufficient to destroy the con
fidence that we had placed in our Protectors. We launched
the canoe into the water, after having invoked their aid, and
soon had the good fortune to double in safety the cape which
turns off to the west, having left behind us a great island
called Michilimakinak, celebrated among the savages : their
fables about this island are amusing.
They say that this island is the native country of one of
their gods, called Michabous, that is to say, the Great Hare,
Ouisaketchak, who has created the earth, and that it was in
these islands that he invented the nets for taking fish, after
having attentively considered a spider while constructing its
web for catching flies.
They belie re that the Superior Lake is a pond made by the
beavers, the banks of which were double ; the first, at the
place which we call the Sault, the second, five leagues lower
down. In coming up the river, they say, this same god first
encountered the second embankment, which he tore entirely
away ; and for this reason there are no falls or turbulent wa
ters at these rapids : as for the first, being in a hurry, he only
walked over it and trampled it to pieces, in consequence of
which there still remain large falls and boiling waters.
This god, they add, while pursuing a beaver in the upper
lake, crossed at a single step, a bay eight leagues in width. In
view of so powerful an enemy, the beavers thought it best to
change their place, and consequently withdrew to another
lake, called Alimibegoung ; from thence they afterward, by aid
of the rivers that flow from it, arrived at the North Sea, in
tending to pass over to -France ; but, finding the water bitter,
they lost heart, changed their intentions, and spread them
selves out among all the rivers and lakes of this country.

gQ DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
This is the reason why there are no beavers in France, and
why the French have to come here in search of them. They
believe that this god is the master of our lives, which he
grants only to those to whom he shows himself during sleep \
these are a portion of the fables with which tho savages very
often entertain us.
On the fourteenth, God delivered us from two great dan
gers, through the intercession of our Protectors. While we
were taking a little repose, our canoe was carried away from
us by a gust of wind, and driven to the other side of the river,
but was forced back to us by another gust of wind, while we,
awakened by the noise that it made, were thinking about mak
ing a raft to go in quest for it. At night, after having made
a great day's journey, we were obliged to remain in the offing,
not being able to find a landing, in consequence of the inac
cessible shores ; but an extraordinary gale of wind overtaking
us, we were obliged to make for the shore, notwithstanding
the rocks, on which our canoe would have been dashed to
pieces, if God in his providence had not taken charge of our
safety. In this second danger we addressed ourselves to Him
through the mediation of our intercessors, and afterward said
mass as a thanksgiving.
Having continued our navigation until the twenty-fifth,
through continual dangers, God delivered us from our troubles
by bringing us to the cabin of some Pouteouatamies, who were
engaged in fishing and hunting on the borders of the forest.
They regaled us with every thing that they had, but chiefly
with beech-nuts, which are the fruit of the beech-tree ; these
they roast and pound into flour. I had leisure to instruct
them, and to confer baptism on two small sick children.
On the twenty-seventh, while we were endeavouring to
make all the headway that was possible, we were discovered
by four cabins of savages, called Oumalouminek, who obliged
us to disembark ; as they were closely pressed by hunger, and
we at the end of our provisions, we could not remain very
long together.
On the twenty-ninth we were greatly troubled at finding

JESUIT RELATIONS. 61
the mouth of the river that we wished to enter, closed up with
ice, and we expected to have to make the rest of the journey
by land. But an impetuous wind springing up during the
night, enabled us, by breaking up the ice, to continue our
navigation, which came to a close on the second of December,
the eve of the day of St. Francis Xavier, by our arrival at
the place where the Frenchmen were ; who aided us to cele
brate the festival with all the solemnity that was possible,
thanking him for the succour that he had procured for us dur
ing our voyage, and praying him to be the patron of this
mission that we were about to commence under his protection.
The next day I celebrated the holy mass, at which the
Frenchmen, to the number of eight, performed their devotions.
The savages having taken up their winter quarters, I found
here only one village, comprising several nations, Ousaki, Pou
teouatamis, Outagami, Ouenibigoutz, containing about six
hundred souls : eight leagues from this, on the other side of
the Bay, is another village, containing about three hundred
souls. All these nations have their fields of Indian corn, gourds,
beans, and tobacco. In this bay, at a place they call Ouesta-
tinong, twenty-five leagues from these, there is a great nation,
named Outagami, and one day's journey from this, there are
two others, Oumami, and Makskouteng : a portion of all these
people has had knowledge of our faith, at the Point of the
Holy Ghost, where I have instructed them ; we shall do it more
amply, with the help of Heaven.
We have had much trouble for our maintenance ; scarcely
have we found shelter ; all our nourishment has been only In
dian corn and acorns ; the little of fish, which is only rarely
seen, is very bad ; the water of this bay and its rivers is simi
lar to that which stagnates in ditches.
The savages here are more than commonly barbarous;
they are without industry; they know not how to make even a
bark dish, nor a pot ; they most often make use of shells. They
are penurious and avaricious in an extraordinary manner;
they sell at a dear rate their little wares, because they only

62 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
have what is merely necessary. The season in which we ar
rived among them was not very advantageous to us ; they were
all in a time of scarcity, and very little in a condition to give
us any assistance. We endured hunger there, but, blessed be
God, who places us in those situations, and who, besides, well
recompenses all these troubles, by the consolations which he
causes us to find in the greatest afflictions, in the seeking for
the souls of so many poor savages, which are not the less the
work of his hands, and the price of the blood of his Son Jesus
Christ, than those of the princes and sovereigns of the earth.
Of the Mission to the Ousaki.
The village of the Ousaki is the first where I commenced
to instruct. As soon as we were housed, I assembled all the
old men, to whom, after I had related the news of the peace
with the Iroquois, I opened myself on the design of my voyage,
"which was no other than their instruction. I explained to
them the principal articles of our belief, which they listened to
with approval, appearing to me very well disposed to Chris
tianity. Oh! if we could relieve them in their poverty, how
flourishing would be our church. The remainder of this month
I laboured for their instruction, and baptized many sick chil
dren ; I had the consolation to see one of them, some time after
wards, leave the church militant, which had received him among
the number of her children, to go into that triumphant, there
to sing eternally the mercies of God in his own case, and there
to be an advocate for the conversion of those of his nation.
Among those who have not heard our mysteries spoken of,
there has been found some libertines who have ridiculed them :
God placed on my lips wherewith to check them. I hope that,
strengthened by grace, with time and patience, we shall have
the consolation of gaining some of them to Jesus Christ.
Those who are Christians have come regularly every Sunday
to prayer and instruction, where we have caused the Pater
and the Ave to be sung in their language. In the month of
January I propose to go, and carry the gospel to another vii-

JESUIT RELATIONS. 63
lage : it was nQt possible for me to go there and house myself
among them : I have endeavoured to make up, by frequent
visits. Of the Mission to the Pouteouatamis.
The seventeenth of February, I betook myself to the vil
lage of the Pouteouatamis, which is on the other shore of the
Lake, eight leagues from this place. After having walked all
day without stopping, we arrived there at sunset, by the help
of some little morsels of frozen meat which hunger enabled us
to eat. The morning after my arrival, they made us a present
of all the fat of a bear, with much evidence of affection.
On the nineteenth, I assembled the council, and after hav
ing related the news, I made known to them the subject which
had brought me into their country, reserving to myself the
following morning to speak more fully of our mysteries. I
did this with success and blessing, having drawn this conclu
sion from themselves, that since belief was so necessary to
avoid hell, they were willing to pray, and that they hoped that
I would procure them a missionary to instruct them, or rather
that I should myself dwell among them, to do them this cha
ritable office.
The following days I visited all the cabins, and instructed
them very fully on particulars, with satisfaction on both sides.
I had the consolation to baptize then, two newly-born children,
and a young man in a dying condition, very well disposed.
The twenty-third, we took the road to return, but the wind
that froze our faces, and the snow, obliged us, after going two
leagues, to stop and pass the night on the lake. The next
day, the severity of the weather being a little diminished, we
continued our route with much inconvenience ; for my portion
of it, I had the nose frozen, and a faintness which obliged me
to seat myself on the ice, where I should have remained, my
companions having gained the advance, if by Divine Providence
I had not found in my handkerchief a clove, which gave me
strength enough to reach the cabins.
In the beginning of the month of March, the great thaws

64 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
having commenced, the savages left their cabins to go and seek
the means of life, hunger having pressed them' for some time.
I had much dissatisfaction in not having been able to go
through all the villages ; the distance of some, and the little
disposition some others had for it, is the cause.
I resolved to attempt, at least, the well establishing of Chris
tianity in a neighbouring village, composed in the greater part
of Pouteouatamis. I twice assembled the men, fully explain
ing to them our mysteries, and the duty they owed to embrace
our faith ; and that this was the only reason which had brought
me, since autumn, in their country. They received all which I
told them very well. I have often visited them in their ca
bins, to inculcate that which I had taught them in public. I
have there baptized some sick children. I have been greatly
consoled in the assurance that some ones have given me, that
since they had heard me five years since, at the Point of the
Holy Ghost, in the upper lake, they have always invoked the
true God ; that they had always been protected sensibly by
him ; that they had always killed game, and taken fish ; that
they had not been sick, and that deaths did not occur in their
families so commonly as before they had prayed.
On another day, I gave the catechism to the young girls and
women ; our cabin was altogether filled. These poor people are
very well disposed, and exhibit very good will ; many inter
rogate me on divers matters to be instructed, proposing to me
their difficulties, which only proceed from the high idea which
they have of Christianity, and from the fear which they have
of not being able to fulfil its obligations. Our stay has not
been long ; famine pressing them, they were obliged to separate,
and go in search of wherewith to support life. We left them
ourselves, full of consolation, praising and blessing God that
his holy name had been respected, and the holy faith well re
ceived by these barbarous people.
The twenty-first of this month I took an observation: I
found that the height of the sun was 46 degrees 40 minutes,
or thereabouts ; that the height of the pole and the comple
ment is 43 degrees 20 minutes, or thereabouts.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 65
The ice did not break up here until the twelfth of April ;
the winter has been extremely hard this year, and the naviga
tion consequently much retarded.
The 16th of April I embarked to go and commence the mis
sion of the Outagamis, a people well known in all these parts.
We were lying at the head of the bay, at the entrance of the
River of the Puants, which we have named "St. Francis ;" in
passing, we saw clouds of swans, bustards, and ducks; the
savages take them in nets at the head of the bay, where they
catch as many as fifty in a night; this game in the autumn
seek the wild rice that the wind has shaken off in the month of
September. The seventeenth, we went up the River St. Francis, two and
sometimes three arpens wide. After having advanced four
leagues, we found the village of the savages named Saki, who
began a work that merits well here to have its place. From
one side of the river to the other, they made a barricade,
planting great stakes, two fathoms from the water, in such a
manner that there is as it were, a bridge above, for the fishers,
who by the aid of a little bow-net, easily take sturgeons and
all other kinds of fish which this pier stops, although the wa
ter does not cease to flow between the stakes : they call this
device Mitchikan ; they make use of it in the spring and a
part of the summer.
The eighteenth, we made the portage which they call Ke-
kaling ; our sailors drew the canoe through the rapids ; I
walked on the bank of the river, where I found apple-trees
and vine stocks in abundance.
The nineteenth, our sailors ascended the rapids, by using
poles, for two leagues : I went by land as far as the other por
tage, which they call Oukocitiming, that is to say,' tbe high
way. We observed this same day the eclipse of the sun pre
dicted by the astrologers, which lasted from mid-day until
two o'clock. The third, or near it, of the body of the sun
appeared eclipsed ; the other two-thirds formed a crescent.
We arrived in the evening at the entrance of the Lake of the
Puants, which we have called Lake St. Francis ; it is about
Vol. III.— 5

66 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
twelve leagues long and four wide ; it is situated from north-
north-east to south-south-west ; it abounds in fish, but unin
habited on account of the Nadouecis, who are here dreaded.
The twentieth, which was on Sunday, I said mass, after
having navigated five or six leagues in the lake ; after which
we arrived in a river that comes from a lake of wild rice
which we came into; at the foot of which we found the
river which leads to the Outagamis on one side, and that
which leads to the Machkoutenck on the other. We entered
into the former, which comes from a lake, where we saw two
wild turkeys perched on a tree, male and female, exactly like
those of France : the same size, same colour, same cry. The
bustards, ducks, swans, geese, are in great numbers in all
these lakes and rivers; the wild rice, which is their food, at
tracts them there ; there are large and small deer, bears, and
beavers in sufficient great numbers.
The twenty-fourth, after many turns and windings in the
different lakes and rivers, we arrived at the village of the
Outagamis. This people came to us in a crowd, in advance,
they said, to see the Manitou who came into their country ;
they accompanied us with respect to the door of a cabin
which they made us enter.
This nation is renowned for being numerous ; they have
more than four hundred men bearing arms ; the number of
women and children is greater, on account of polygamy, which
exists among them — each man having commonly four wives,
some of them six, and others as high as ten.
Six great lodges of these poor people have been defeated
this month of March, by eighteen Iroquois Tsonnontoiians,
who, conducted by two Iroquois slaves of the Pouteouatamis,
secreting themselves, fell upon them, killed all except thirty
women, whom they took away prisoners ; the men being on
the hunt, they did not meet with much resistance, six warriors
only remaining in the cabins besides the women and children,
who were about a hundred in number. This carnage was com
mitted two days' journey from the place of our wintering, at the
head ofthe Lake ofthe Ilinioiies, which they call Machihiganing.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 67
The twenty-fifth, I assembled the old people in great num
bers, in order to give them the first knowledge of our myste
ries. I began by an invocation of the Holy Ghost, to whom
we had addressed ourselves during our voyage, praying a
blessing on our labours ; and after having dried their tears,
which the remembrance of the murder committed by the Iro
quois caused to flow from their eyes, by a present which I
judged it right to make them, I explained to them the princi
pal articles of our faith, proclaimed to them the law and the
commandments of God, the rewards promised to those who
obey him, and the punishments which he prepares for those
who obey him not. They understood me without having need
of an interpreter, and this with attention ; but 0 my God !
what ideas and customs these people have contrary to the
gospel, and what powerful grace is necessary to overcome
their hearts. They allow the unity and majesty of God,
creator of all things ; of the rest they do not utter a word.
An Outagamie told me privately that his grandfather had
come from heaven, and had preached the unity and majesty
of one god who had made all the other gods ; that he had
assured them that he would go to heaven after his death,
where he would no more die, and that no one would find his
body in the place where it should be buried ; this, said the
Outagamie, was verified, his body was no more found where
it had been put. These are the fables which God makes use
of for their salvation ; for after having finished relating all,
he added, that he had put away all his wives ; that he only
retained one of them, which he would never change ; that he
was resolved to obey me, and to pray to God. I hope that God
will have mercy on him. I have endeavoured to visit them
in their cabins, which are very numerous, as well to instruct
them in private, as to take with me some little medicine, or
rather some delicacy for their little sick children whom I had
baptized ; in the end, they themselves brought them to me in
the cabin where I lodged.
I spoke their language, in the assurances which they gave
me that they understood me : it is the same as that of the

68 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Satzi ; but alas how much trouble they have to comprehend a
law which is so contrary to their customs !
These savages have retreated to these parts to escape the
persecutions of the Iroquois ; they are settled in an excellent
country ; the earth, which here is black, yields them Indian
corn in abundance. In the winter they live by the chase ;
about the end of it they return to their cabins, and there live
on Indian corn, which they had put in cache in the autumn,
and which they season with fish. They have a fort in the
midst of their forests, where their cabins of thick bark are,
to resist all kind of attacks. In travelling they lodge them
selves with mats ; they are at war with the Nadoiiecious, their
neighbours ; they do not make use of canoes ; for this reason
they do not make war upon the Iroquois, although they are
often killed by them. They are very much disparaged, and
reputed by other nations as penurious, avaricious, thievish,
choleric and quarrelsome.
They had a small idea of the French, since two traders in
beaver-skins had appeared among them : if they had con
ducted themselves there as they ought, I would have had less
trouble to give these poor people other ideas of all the French
nation, whom they began to esteem since I explained to them
the principal and only motive which brought me among them.
The twenty-sixth, the old men came to the cabin where I
lodged, to hold council in it; the assembly being arranged,
the captain, after having laid at my feet a present of some
skins, made a harangue in these terms : —
" We thank thee," said he to me, "that thou hast come to
all of us, to visit and console us in our affliction ; we are the
much more obliged to thee, as no one has yet had that kind
ness for us." They added, " that as for the rest, they had
nothing more to say to me, save that they had not the spirit
to speak to me, as they were all occupied in bewailing their
dead. Thou, Black-robe, who hast sense and who hast pity
on men, have pity on us in such manner as pleases thee.
Thou mayest dwell here, near us, to protect us against our
enemies, and to teach us to speak to the great Manitou, in

JESUIT RELATIONS. 69
the same manner thou hast taught the savages of the Sault.
Thou canst cause to be restored to us our women who have
been led away captives. Thou canst arrest the arms of the
Iroquois, and speak to them of peace, in our favour, for the
future. When thou shalt see the Iroquois, tell them that they
have taken me for another ; I did not make war upon them ;
I have not eaten their people, whom my neighbours have
taken prisoners, and of whom they have made me a present ;
I have adopted them, they live here as my children."
This discourse has nothing in it of barbarism. I told them
that in the treaty of peace which the French had made with
the Iroquois, they had not been mentioned, as no Frenchman
had as yet come here, and that we knew them not ; as for the
rest, I much approved of what their captain had said, that I
would not forget it, that next autumn I would return an an
swer to it. In the mean time that they should strengthen
themselves in the resolution to obey the true God, who only
could procure for them that which they demanded, and infi
nitely beyond it.
In the evening, four savages of the Oumamis nation arrived
from two days' journey from this place, bringing three scalps
of the Iroquois, and an arm, half dried, to console the rela
tions of those whom the Iroquois had lately killed.
The twenty-seventh, we left them, recommending to good
angels the first seed cast into the hearts of this poor people,
who have listened to me with respect and attention. Here is
a beautiful and rich harvest for a zealous and patient mis
sionary. We have called this mission that of " Saint
Mark," because on St. Mark's day the faith was announced
here. Of the Mission of the Oumamis and Machkoutench.
The twenty-ninth, we entered into the river which leads to
the Machkoutench, called Assista Ectacronnons, Fire Nation,
by the Hurons. This river is very beautiful, without rapids,
or portages ; it flows to the south-west.
The thirtieth, having disembarked opposite the village, and

70 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
left our canoe at the water's edge, after a walk of a league
over beautiful prairies, we perceived the fort. The savages
having discovered us, made first a cry in their village ; they
ran to us, accompanied us with honour to the cabin of the
chief, where first they brought us refreshments, and greased
the feet and legs of the Frenchmen who were with me ; after
ward they prepared a feast, of which this was the ceremony :
— Everybody having taken their places, after some ones had
filled a dish of tobacco, in powder, an old man rose up on his
feet, and having turned himself toward me, he harangued me
in these terms — his two hands filled with tobacco, which he
took from the dish : —
" This is well, Black-robe, that thou hast come to visit us ;
have pity on us. Thou art a Manitou, we give thee wherewith
to smoke. The Nadoiiessious and the Iroquois eat us up ;
have pity on us. We often are sick, our children die, we are
hungry. Listen, my Manitou ; I give thee wherewith to smoke ;
that the earth may yield us corn, that the rivers may furnish
us with fish, that sickness no more shall kill us, that famine
no longer shall so harshly treat us." At each wish, the old
men who were present, answered by a great " Ooh !"
I had a horror at this ceremony, and having begged them
to listen to me, I told them that it was not to me that they
should address their requests ; that in our necessities I had
recourse to prayers to Him who is the only and true God ; that
it was in him they ought to establish their confidence ; that he
was the sole Master of all things, as well as of their lives ;
that I was only his servant and his messenger, that he was my
sovereign Lord, and their own. That nevertheless, wise men
honoured, and willingly listened to the Black-robe, as a per
son who is hearkened to by the great God, and who is his in
terpreter, his officer, and his servant. They would make to us
a very sacrifice, the same as that which they make to their
false gods.
In the evening I assembled them, made them a present of
rassade, (serge,) knives, and hatchets, to let thsm know the
Black-robe. " I am not the Manitou who is the Master of

JESUIT RELATIONS. 71
your lives, who has created the heavens and the earth ; I am
his creature, I obey him and carry his word over all the
lands." I explained to them afterwards the articles of our
holy faith, and the commandments of God ; these good people
¦only half understood me. Before leaving them, I had the con
solation of seeing that they comprehended the principal of our
mysteries ; they received the gospel with respect and fear,
and gave evidence of being well satisfied to have knowledge of
the true God.
The savages named Oumami are here only in a small num
ber ; the greater part have not arrived from their hunt, so
that I say nothing of them particularly. Their language is
conformable to their temper ; they are mild, affable, grave ;
they also speak slowly. All this nation ought to arrive in
sixteen days, but duties calling me to the Sault, I have not
the freedom to wait for them.
These people are established in a very fine place, where we
•see beautiful plains, and level country, as far as the eye
reaches. Their river leads into a great river called Messi-
sipi ; there is a navigation of only six days ; it is along this
river where are numerous other nations. At four leagues from
here are the Kikabou, and the Kitchigamick, who speak the
same language with the Machkouteng.
The first of May, I went to visit them in their cabins ; I in
structed them, speaking their language in a manner that I
made myself understood by them. They listened to me with
respect ; they admired the points of our faith ; they were
.eager in making much of me, with every thing of the best they
had. These poor mountaineers are good beyond all that one
«ould believe ; they do not fail in having superstitions, and the
polygamy ordinarily among savages.
The kindnesses they did me, occupied me almost all day ;
they called at my lodge to see me, took me home with them,
and, after having made me be seated on some beautiful skin,
presented me with a handful of tobacco, which they placed at
my feet ; brought me a kettle full of fat meat and Indian corn,
with a speech or compliment which they made me. I have

72 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
always taken occasion from this, to inform them of the truth
of our faith. God has given me the grace to be always under
stood, their language being the same as that of the Saki.
I have baptized there five children, in danger of death;
they brought them to me, themselves, to give them some me
dicine ; withdrawing myself at times apart, to pray, they would
follow me, and from time to time they came to interrupt mej
saying to me in a supplicating tone, "Manitou, have pity on
us." In truth, they showed me the respect and affection with
which we ought to speak to God.
The second of May the old men came to our cabin to hold
council ; they thanked me by a speech and a present, for that
I had come into their country ; they exhorted me to come here
often. "Preserve our land," said they; "come often to
teach us how we ought to speak to the great Manitou, whom
thou hast made known to us." This people appeared very
docile. Here is a mission all ready, composed of two neighbouring
nations, capable of fully occupying a missionary.
Time pressed us ; I took my way towards the place whence
I had set out, where I happily arrived, by the river St. Francis,
in three days.
On the sixth, I betook myself to the Oumatouminck, distant
about eight leagues from our cabin. I found them, in a small
number, on their river, the young men being still in the wooiisv
This nation has been almost exterminated by war. I have
had difficulty to understand them. Time has enabled me to
discover that their language is Algonquin, but much corrupted.
They have not failed to understand me better than I under
stood them ; after a small present that I made the old men, I
announced the gospel to them, which they wondered at, and
listened to with respect.
On the ninth, the old men having invited me to their coun
cil, they made me a present, with graceful gestures, for that I
had come to visit them, to give them the knowledge of the true
God. "Take courage," said they to me, "instruct us often,
and teach us to speak to Him who has made all things."

JESUIT RELATIONS. 73
We have called this mission « Saint Michael," the same as
the river which is the place of their dwelling.
The tenth, having arrived at the lodges, a Pouteoiitami not
daring to ask me the news, addressed himself to our dog in
these terms : " Tell me, captain's dog, what is the state of the
affairs of the Oumacouminetz : thy master has told it to thee,
thou hast followed him everywhere, do not conceal it from
me; I dare not ask him concerning it." I saw easily what
he meant.
The thirteenth, I crossed the bay to go and find the Oueni-
bigoutz, in their wilderness, where they Were assembled. The
next day I held a council with the old men and the youth, and
announced the gospel to them as I had done to the others.
About thirty years ago, every one of this nation was killed or
led away prisoner by the Ilimouck, except one man only, who
escaped, with his body pierced through by an arrow. He was
made chief of his nation, as never having been a slave, the
Ilimouetz having sent back his captive countrymen, once more
to inhabit their lands.
They speak a peculiar language which the other savages do
not understand ; it does not come near the Huron, nor the
Algonquin. They say that there are only certain people of
the south-west who speak as they do. I have learned some
words of it, but above all, the catechism, the Pater, and the
Ave. I visited them in their cabins and instructed them. I did
the same with the Pouteouatamis who dwell with them. Both
the one and the other requested me, by their presents, to come
and instruct them next autumn.
STATE OF THE CHRISTIANS.
We did not know how to observe to our Christians an exact
profession of Christianity, from the manner that we are obliged
to live among them : from the beginning, having only one cabin
in their own fashion, we could not instruct them, nor perform
the other exercises of religion at regular times, as is done in a
chapel. We have nevertheless endeavoured to assemble them

74 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
every Sunday, to teach them the catechism, and make them
pray to God. We have here seven adult Christians, and forty-
eight others, infants, or almost adults, that we have baptized,
in danger ; part at the Point of the Holy Ghost, part in this
quarter, during this winter. I do not count those who are
dead, who are about seventeen. I have had the consolation
this winter to see the fervour of our Christians, but above all,
of a girl baptized at the Point of the Holy Ghost, named Maria
Movena, who has resisted against her parents from last spring
until the present time, every effort which they had made to
oblige her to marry her brother-in-law ; she never was willing
to do so ; her brother has often beaten her ; her mother has
often refused to give her food ; at times getting into such a
rage as to seize a firebrand and burn her arms. This poor
girl told me of all this bad treatment, without her courage
ever having been shaken, voluntarily offering up to God all her
sufferings. As it regards the infidels in these quarters, they fear
greatly the judgments of God and the pains of hell. The
unity and majesty of God well satisfies their minds. Oh, if
these poor people had the aids and the means that the Euro
peans have in abundance, to effect their salvation, they would
all be good Christians. Oh, if they could see something of
the magnificence of our churches, of the devotion with which
they are frequented, of the great charities which are exercised
toward the poor in the hospitals, I feel assured that they
would be much affected by them.
On the twentieth, I embarked with a Frenchman and a
savage to go to Saint Mary of the Sault, (Falls,) where duty
called me, leaving all these people in the hope that we will
return next autumn, as I had promised them. (End of the
journal.) — Pages 62 to 100.
As a conclusion we add here, that, to strengthen the work
of so ample a mission, they have sent there Father Gabriel
Drouillette, one of the oldest and most noted missionaries ;
and Father Louis Andrei arrived here last year, appointed
from the first, to that mission, where he has now gone, after

JESUIT RELATIONS. 75
having made here a year of noviciate in the mission of the
Algonquins, who here make their abode.
(Here follows an account of the eclipse on the 19th of
April, a. d. 1670, as it appeared at Quebec, which account
closes this volume.)

Relation, $c, 1670 and 1671. Sent to the Rev. P. Jean
Pinette, Provincial, $c. By Claude Bablon.
(From the preface written by Dablon, I make the following
extracts : — )
Our missionaries are infinitely obliged to the king for hav
ing opened to them the door, and made a free passage to
so many nations so distant from us; this is by the peace
that the diligence of a wise minister has established between
the Iroquois and the Outaouacs. But as the Iroquois are
always Iroquois, and the Outaouacs always barbarians, both
the one and the other must be held to their duties ; the former
by the dread, and the latter by the esteem which we should
make them have of his majesty. * * *
At the beginning of the Relation of the Outaouacs will be
found a map, which represents the lakes, the rivers, and the
lands over which are established the missions of this country.
It has been drawn by two Fathers, sufficiently intelligent,
very curious, and very exact, who have been unwilling to put
any thing on it which they have not seen with their own eyes.
For this reason they have only put on it the head-waters of
the Lake of the Hurons, and that of the Ilinois, although
they have voyaged a great deal upon the one and the other,
which appear like two seas, they are so extensive ; but be
cause they have not themselves taken notice of some of their
parts, they prefer in a measure to leave the work imperfect,
rather than to give it defective, as is always done in such
matters, when made on the simple report of others.

76 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

Relation of the Missions to the Outaouacs, of the years 1670
and 1671. Third Part. — Explication ofthe idea we ought
to have of all the Missions comprised under the name of
the Outaouacs.
It is right to give a general view of all the countries of
the Outaouacs, not only to distinguish the places where the
faith is made public by the establishment of missions, but
also because the king, having quite lately taken possession of
them by a ceremony worthy the eldest son of the Church and
of a most Christian sovereign. He has placed all these people
under the protection of the cross, previous to taking, them
under his own, and has been unwilling to extend there 'his
power, until that of Jesus Christ should be planted there ; as
has been declared by the narration which has been made of
this possession.
(After speaking of the Mission of St. Mary of the Sault,
he says :)
Toward the other extremity of the same lake (Superior),
appears the Mission of the Holy Ghost, which is composed in
part of the place called the Point of Chagaouamigong, and in
part of the adjacent isles, where the Outaouacs with the Hurons
of Tionnontate betake themselves, according to the proper
season, either for fishing or for the Indian corn. — Pages 87
to 89.
* * * We may also, in passing along, remark all the
places on this Lake, where it is said that copper is found; for
although up to the present time we have not a well-assured
knowledge of it, for want of a sufficiently exact research,
nevertheless the plates and masses of this metal that we have
seen, weighing each one hundred and two hundred pounds ; and
much more, that great rock of copper of seven to eight hun
dred pounds, that all travellers see near the end of the lake;
and beside, the quantity of fragments which we find on the
borders of the water in several places, seem to forbid us to

JESUIT RELATIONS. 77
doubt that there are, in some place, parent mines which we
have not yet discovered. — Page 91.
At length, between the Lake of the Ilinois and the Upper
Lake, we see a long bay, called "of the Puants," at the end
of which is the Mission of St. Francis Xavier. At the en
trance of this bay we meet with the islands called "Hurons,"
because the Hurons, after the desolation of their country, re
treated here, for some time ; in one of which, particularly, is
found a species of emeralds in figure of diamonds, some white,
others green. Farther on still, toward the north, we may see
a little river, to which we give the name of Copper River, on
account of a mass of metal, weighing more than two hundred
pounds, which we have seen there.
Approaching the end of the same bay, we see the river of
the Oumaloumines, as they call the nation of the wild oats,
(Fois avoine, or wild rice ;) which is a dependance of the Mis
sion of St. Francis Xavier, as well as the Poteoiiatami, the
Ousaki, and other people who, have been driven from their
country, (which is to the south,) near to Missilimakinac ; and
farther in advance we see the Fire Nation, or the Mathkou-
tench, with one of those of the Ilinois, called the Oumami ;
and the Outagami. — Pages 93, 94.
The taking possession, in the name of the king, of all the
countries comprised under the name of the Outaouacs. —
Page 96.
(This is an interesting chapter, but the substance of it may
be found in Bancroft, vol. iii. p. 154, 155.)
Of the Mission of St. Mary of the Sault, and of some won
ders which God has there worked in favour of the establish
ment of the faith. — Page 102.
(The subject of this chapter is indicated by the title.)
The Father Gabriel Dreuillettes, one of the oldest mission
aries of Canada, where he has laboured for the conversion of
the savages for more than twenty years, has happily come to
aid us.

78 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
(The chapel and mission-house at the Sault were burned
January 27th, 1641.) CHAPTER II.
Of the Mission of Saint Simon in the Lake of the Hurons.
War and peace gave birth to this mission ; the war of the
people called the Nadouessi, who drove the Outaouacs from
the Point of the Holy Ghost, where they dwelt; and the peace
of the Iroquois, which permitted them to return to their own
country. It is in the island called Ekaentouton, situated in
the middle of the Lake of the Hurons, that a party of Outa
ouacs, who separated last summer from the others, have
retired as into their old country.
The Father Louis Andr£, this year come up into these quar
ters, was appointed to it, and has made many flying missions
there. — Page 116.
Of the mission of St. Ignatius at Missilimakinac.
Missilimakinac is a famous island in these parts, more than
a league in diameter, and with escarpments in some places of
such high rocks that it can be discovered at more than twelve
leagues distance. It is situate exactly in the strait by which
the Lake of the Hurons and that of the Ilinois have their
communication; it is the key, and the door for all the
people of the south, as the Sault is for those of the north —
not having in these quarters but these two passages by water
for a very great number of nations, who must come to one or
the other of these two places, if they wish to repair to the ha
bitations of the French.
A great facility is here presented for the instruction of
these people when they pass, and to convey ourselves among-
them with more convenience.
This place is the most celebrated in all this country for the
abundance of fish, since, according to the manner of speak
ing of the savages, "their country is here." Everywhere
else, for great quantities that are there, it is not their habi-

JESUIT RELATIONS. 79
tation, properly, but only so in the vicinity of Missilimak
inac. In fact, besides the fish common to all the other nations,
as is the herring, the carp, the pike, the sun-fish, the white
fish, and the sturgeon, three sorts of trout are found here, one
common, another larger, three feet long and one foot wide,
and the third monstrous, for we cannot describe it otherwise ;
it being besides so fat, that the savages who make their deli
cacies of fat, eat it with difficulty. The quantity of it also
is such, that one of them can spear with a weapon, under the
ice, from forty to fifty in three hours' time.
It is this which has formerly attracted to so advantageous
a place, the greater number of the savages of this country, who
have been dispersed by the fear of the Iroquois. The three
nations who are at present in the Bay of the Puants, as
strangers, resided on the mainland which is to the south of
this island ; some on the banks of the Lake of the Ilinois ;
others upon those of the Lake of the Hurons : one part of
those who call themselves "Leapers," (Sauteurs,) had their
quarters on the mainland toward the west, and the others
also regard this region as their country, to pass the winter
there, during which time there are no fish at the Sault. The
Hurons, called Etionnon-tate-hronnons, have dwelt some
years in the island itself, flying from the Iroquois. Four vil
lages of the Outaouacs also had their lands in these quarters.
But above all, those who bore the name of the island and
called themselves Missilimakinac, were so numerous, that
some of them who still live, assert that they comprised thirty
villages, and that they were all shut up in a fort of a league
and a half in circuit ; when the Iroquois came and defeated
them, flushed with a victory which they had achieved over
three thousand men of that nation, who had even carried war
into the country of the Agnichronnons.
In a word, the quantity of fish, added to the excellence of
the land for bearing Indian corn, has always been a very
powerful attraction to the people of these quarters, of whom
the greater part live only on fish, and some on Indian corn.

80 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
It is on this account that many of the same people, seeing
that peace appeared to be established with the Iroquois, cast
their eyes upon this place, so convenient for each one from
here to return to his country, and follow the steps of those
who have already.begun by the isles of Lake Huron : by this
means it will find itself populated with nations almost from
one end to the other ; which would be a very desirable thing
to facilitate the instruction of these people, whom it would
not be necessary to seek two and three hundred leagues dis
tant, on these great lakes, with inconceivable fatigue and
danger. To aid in the execution of the design which many savages
have exhibited to us, of once more inhabiting this country,
and in which some already have passed the winter, hunting
in the neighbourhood, we also have wintered here, to form
the project of the mission of Saint Ignatius; from which it
will be very easy to have access to all those of tho Lake of
the Hurons, when the nations shall be restored there, each
one upon its own land. — Pages 135-139.
CHAPTER IV.
Of the Mission of the Holy Ghost at the extremity of the
Upper Lake.
These quarters of the north have their Iroquois, as well as
those of the south : there are certain people called Nadouessi
who make themselves dreaded by all their neighbours,
because they are naturally warlike ; and although they make
use of only the bow and arrow, they nevertheless use it with
so much skill, and with so much quickness, that in a moment
they fill the air ; above all, when in the Parthian mode they
they turn their heads in flying ; for it is then that they dis
charge their arrows so hastily, that they are no less to be
feared in tlieir retreat than in their attack.
They dwell on the shores of, and around the great river
called Missisipi, of which we shall speak. They number no
less than fifteen towns, well populated, and yet they know not

JESUIT RELATIONS 81
how to cultivate the earth by seeding it, contenting them
selves with a species of Marsh rye, that we call wild oats,
which their prairies yield naturally, and which they share
among themselves to make their harvest, each one separately,
without encroaching one upon the other.
For sixty leagues from the extremity of the upper lake
towards sun set, and, as it were, in the centre of the western
nations, they have all united their force by a general league,
which has been made against them, as against a common
enemy. They speak a peculiar language, entirely distinct from that
of the Algonquins and Hurons, whom they greatly surpass in
generosity; since they often content themselves with the
glory of having obtained the victory, and freely release the
prisoners whom they have taken in battle without having in
jured them.
Our Outaouacs and Hurons of the Point of the Holy Ghost,
had, to the present time kept up a kind of peace with
them ; but affairs having become embroiled during last win
ter, and some murders even, having been committed on both
sides, our savages had reason to apprehend that the storm
would soon burst upon them, and judged that it was safer for
them to leave the place ; which in fact they did in the spring,
when they retired to the Lake of the Hurons : the Outaouacs
in the island of Ekaentouton, with those of their nation who
since last year had gone there before them, and where we have
afterwards established the mission of Saint Simon ; and the
Hurons, in that famous island of Missilimakinac, where we
have last winter began the mission of Saint Ignatius.
And as in this kind of transmigration the mind is not suf
ficiently settled, so the Father Marquette,1 who has had
the charge of this mission of the Holy Ghost, has there had
more to suffer, than to do, for the conevrsion of these people ;
for, except some children that he has baptized, the sick whom
he has consoled, and the instructions which he has continued
to those who had professed Christianity, he has been al
most idle in the conversion of others, having been obliged, as
Vol. III.— 6

82 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
well as themselves, to leave this post, and follow his flock, sub*
mitting to the same fatigues, and encountering the same dan
gers with them.
This was, to repair to this country of Missilimakinac, where
they had formerly dwelt, and which they had reason to pre
fer to many others, on account of the advantages which we
have related of it, in the preceding chapter ; and moreover
because this climate appears altogether different from that of
the surrounding neighbourhood, for the winter here is pretty
short, not commencing until a long time after Christmas, and
terminating toward the middle of March, at which time we
have here seen the renovation of spring. — Pages 144-147.
CHAPTER V.
Of the Mission of St. Francis Xavier and of the nations
belonging to it.
This mission embraces eight different nations, or even more,
which would comprehend some people less sedentary, who are
here spoken of.
The most enlightened and most instructed in the faith, are
those who live at the extremities of the bay called " of the
Puants ;" it bears this name, which is the same that the
savages give to those who dwell near the sea, perhaps because
the odour of the marshes which surround this bay has some
thing similar to that of the sea; and, besides, it is difficult
to find on the ocean more violent gales of wind than those
which are experienced here, with extremely violent and
almost continual thunders.
Four nations make this their residence, to wit, those who*
bear the name of the Puants, and who always have dwelt here
as in their own country : from a very flourishing and very
numerous people as they were, they are reduced to almost
nothing, having been exterminated by their enemies the Ili
nois. The Pouteoiiatami, the Ousaki, aud those of the Forks
also dwell here, but as strangers, the fear of the Iroquois

JESUIT RELATIONS. 83
having driven them from their lands, which are between the
Lake of the Hurons and that of the Ilinois.
A fifth nation, which they call " of the wild rice," because
in their country they are found living on the banks of a
tolerably handsome river, which discharges itself into this
same bay, some fifteen or twenty leagues from its end.
Penetrating the country by another river, which is at the
extremity of the bay, we navigate and turn to the right, to
meet with the nation of the Outagami, a fierce and arrogant
people ; and pretty near, another, called Nantoiie ; then,
ascending to the left, on the same river, we find the nation of
the Maskoutehch, and the Oumami, a people more civil and
milder, as will be related hereafter.
All these nations are embraced in the mission of St. Fran
cis Xavier, and we are about to see in the following articles,
how the faith has been announced to all of them, and what
are the works of mercy upon these poor barbarians.
Article I.
Voyage in the Bay called "of the Puants," and of what
happened there of most consideration.
Father Claude Allouez, who has the care of this church,
and who laid the first foundations of it, having been obliged
last summer to make a tour as far as the Sault, left it shortly
afterward, not only to go as far as the Bay of the Puants, but
also to proceed to the Fire Nation. I accompanied him in
this voyage.
We repaired to the extremity of this bay, the 6th of Sep
tember, 1670, after more than a hundred leagues of route,
which we made in a canoe, very happily. We found affairs
there in a pretty bad posture, and the minds of the savages
much soured against the French, who were there trading ; ill
treating them in deeds and words, pillaging and carrying
away their merchandise in spite of them, and conducting
themselves toward them with insupportable insolences and
indignities.

g4 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
The cause of this disorder is, that having received some bad
treatment from the French, to whom they had this year come
to trade, and particularly from the soldiers, from whom they
pretended to have received many wrongs and many injuries :
to avenge themselves, as these people are more factious than
all the others, they had chosen some forty of their young
men, made a captain for them, and formed them into a com
pany of soldiers, to make use of them at the quarters of the
French who are in this country, in the same manner as the
soldiers of our French dwellings had behaved in regard to
them. On our arrival we appeased these spirits, and arrested the
insolences of these barbarians ; after which, we caused the
four nations of this Bay to assemble, in order to declare to
them in full council the cause of our coming, which was only
to teach them the way to heaven, and to render obedience to
the Master of our lives ; and in the mean time to give them
necessary reprimands upon the past disorders, to which, as
older and wiser than the young men, they ought to apply a
remedy, if they would not encounter the anger of Monsieur
the governor.
This council was conducted on their part with the same
ceremonies that they had seen in our dwellings. The newly
made soldiers took on themselves the duty of doing to us, by
way of honour, what they had observed among ours, at simi
lar meetings ; but in a savage manner, that is to say, ridicu
lously, not being accustomed to it. When it was time for
assembling, two of them came to call us, with musket on the
shoulder, and war-hatchet at the girdle, in place of a sword ;
and during all the time of the assembly, they constantly
stood, as on duty, at the door of the cabin, keeping the best
countenance they could, walking, (which the savages never
do,) with guns sometimes on one shoulder, sometimes on the
other, with postures altogether surprising, and the more ridi
culous, the more they endeavoured to act seriously. We had
difficulty to prevent ourselves from laughing, although we
only treated of the most important affairs, to wit, the myste-

JESUIT RELATIONS. 85
ries of our religion, and matters necessary to save us from
burning in hell-fire eternally.
In the evening, all the old men paid us a visit of honour ;
the savage soldiers, so agreeably frenchified, always doing their
duty. They exhibited to us the satisfaction they experienced
in seeing us, and to have heard the matters of faith which had
been explained to them ; then seeking to justify themselves
the best they could, touching the disorders for which we
had reprimanded them, they added, that their soldiers had not
so ill treated the French, as they had been ill treated in our
dwellings ; that they had not maimed any one, but that they
bore the marks of broken arms and cut hands, and other
wounds which they had received. They added, that their
young people had no mind, and listened not to the old folks,
being, above all, in the licentious state which is commonly at
tributed to soldiers. That, nevertheless, they had obeyed us,
and had driven off that company, of which we would no longer
see the marks. They added many other things for their
justification, and failed not to give us a recital of the good
reception which Monsieur the Governor, and the French of
Quebec had given them, which had obliged them to put an
end to the disorders more promptly.
Father Allouez had all leisure, during the winter that he
has passed in this Bay, to instruct them ; in which God has
given him such success, that he bears witness of them in these
words : —
" That they are for the most part disposed to receive our
holy faith ; they fear the judgments of God, and hell, and
earnestly ask for a chapel to meet in, and pray together."
The Ilinois, who are said to have already arrived to dwell
in this country, will increase this church ; for they have very
fine dispositions for Christianity, as will appear by what will
be said in the following articles.

86 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

Article II.

Voyage of the same two Fathers to the Fire Nation, and
of the beauty and rareness of that country.
If the country of this nation has something of the beauty
of a terrestrial paradise, we may say that the road that leads
to it, is also, in some manner, like that which our Lord repre
sents to arrive at heaven ; for scarcely do we advance one
day's journey in the river at the extremity of the Bay of the
Puants, when we find three or four leagues of rapids to con
tend with, more difficult than those which are commonly
in the other rivers, in this, that the flints, over which we must
walk with naked feet to drag the canoes, are so sharp and so
cutting, that one has all the trouble in the world to hold one's
self steady against the great rushing of the waters.
At the fall of these rapids, we found an idol that the
savages honoured at this place ; never failing, in passing, to
make him some sacrifice of tobacco, or arrows, or paintings,
or other things, to thank him that by his assistance they had,
in ascending, avoided the dangers of the waterfalls which are
in these streams ; or else, if they had to descend, to pray
him to aid them in this perilous navigation. It is a rock
formed naturally in the shape of a man's bust, of which, from
a distance, seems to be distinguished the head, the shoulders,
the breast, but much more the face, which the by-passers or
dinarily paint with their handsomest colours. To take away
this cause of idolatry, we caused it to be lifted up by the
strength of arm, and cast into the depths of the river, to
appear no more.
After one has passed these ways, equally rough and dan
gerous, as a recompense for all these difficulties which one
has overcome, we enter into the most beautiful country that
can ever be seen ; prairies on all sides, as far as the eye can
reach, divided by a river, which gently winds through them,
and on which to float by rowing, is to repose ones-self. When
we have arrived at this place, we have passed the forests and

JESUIT RELATIONS. 87
mountains : there are only small eminences, planted with
groves, here and there, as if to offer their shade to the travel
ler, that he may there refresh himself from the ardent heats
of the sun.
Here are seen only elms, oaks, and other trees of like na
ture, and not those which, being ordinarily found only on bad
lands, are merely fit to cover cabins with their bark, or to
make canoes. For this reason, these people know not what
it is to go on water, and have no other houses, for the most
part, than .those made of rushes bound together in the form
of mats.
Vines, plum-trees, and apple-trees are readily found in
passing along, and seem by their appearance to invite the
traveller to disembark and taste their fruits, which are very
sweet and in great quantities. All the borders of this river,
which flows tranquilly in the midst of these prairies, are co
vered with certain herbs, which bear what is here called the
wild oats, of which the birds are wonderfully fond ; the quan
tity of all sorts of game, also, is so great everywhere about
here, that, without much stopping, we have killed it at dis
cretion. This is all a prairie country, spread, according to our know
ledge, for more than three hundred leagues around, besides
that which we do not know ; which richly feeds wild cows that
one meets with pretty often in droves of four or five hundred
beasts, readily furnishing by their number, food for entire villa
ges, who for this reason are not obliged to separate by families
during the hunting season, as the savages of other countries do.
It is also among these rich pastures where are found buffa
loes, which they call "Pisikiou," which much resemble our
bulls in size and strength, but surpass them, in the first place,
in their breeding, for the females bring forth each time three
or four little ones together ; secondly, in their horns, which
in truth are altogether like those of our cattle in shape and
colour, but which are a size larger, being near two feet long
when the animals are young ; and thirdly, in the wool, which
they have very thick, hairy, blackish, and partaking a little

88 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
of that of sheep, but much stronger and thicker ; they also
make of it, robes and fur-linings, which protect against the
cold more than all others in this country. The flesh of it is
excellent, and its fat mixed with the wild oats, makes the most
delicate dish in this country.
The same river of which we speak, is interrupted by many
little lakes, in which are seen in numbers, certain rare birds,
of a species altogether peculiar, which the savages call
"chete :" one would suppose, to see them at a distance, that
they were swans, because they possess their whiteness of
plumage, their length of neck and feet, and largeness of body ;
but the difference and rarity is in the bill, which being a large
foot in length, and thick as the arm, they carry, ordinarily,
resting on their neck, which they fold in for this purpose, so
as to make for it a very delicate bed ; they hold it in this pos
ture, to relieve themselves of its weight, when they do not
make use of it in fishing ; for then it is wonderful to see that
under this bill, nature has formed a species of sack, which
opens and shuts more or less, according to the quantity of fish
that they enclose in it. This sack is made of a very delicate
and very pliable skin, which being closed, gathers itself up so
well, and so neatly the whole length under the bill, that no
thing appears, to give any alarm to the fish ; but when the time
comes, they know how to enlarge it so quickly, and to open it
so much, that a man's head would go into it without difficulty;
and swimming at the same time against the fish that waits for
them under the stream, when they dive, holding this sack
all spread out, they cause it to enter as into a net, and
then shut it quickly for fear it should escape. Thus has God
taught men to fish in an artificial manner, by the lesson given
by these natural fishers. One does not weary of sailing on
these lakes and rivers when this diversion is met with.
It is necessary to proceed more than twenty leagues in this
beautiful country before we arrive at the "Fire Nation," which
is situate on a little rising ground, from whence nothing but
vast prairies are seen on all sides, with some groves in various
parts, and which nature seems to have produced only for the

JESUIT RELATIONS. 89
delight of the eyes, or for the necessities of man, who can
not do without wood.
Here then we arrived on the 13th of September, 1670, and
were received by the concourse of the whole people, there to
do that, which is related in the following article.

Article III.
Of what transpired touching the publication of the Faith at
the Fire Nation, and at one of those of the Ilinois.
The Fire Nation bears this name erroneously, calling them
selves Maskoutenech, which signifies " a land bare of trees,"
such as that which this people inhabit; but because by the
change of a few letters, the same word signifies "fire," from
thence it has come that they are called the " Fire Nation."
It is joined in the circle of the same barriers, to another peo
ple named Oumami, which is one of the Ilinois nations, which
is, as it were, dismembered from the others, in order to dwell
in these quarters.
They compose together more than three thousand souls,
being able each one, to furnish four hundred men to defend
themselves against the Iroquois, who come even into these
distant countries to seek them.
From the morning after we came into this village, we dis
coursed ofthe business which brought us ; and having assembled
the old men of the two nations separately, we declared to them
in the first place, that we were the ambassadors of the Master
of our lives, sent to all the nations of this earth to instruct
them ; that we had spoken to the Outaouacs, to the Saulteurs,
(Leapers,) to the Hurons, to the Pouteoiiatami, and to all the
others, by whom we have been favourably listened to, and that
we promised ourselves the same on their part, according to
the good welcome which they had given us on our arrival.
Secondly, Father Allouez having renewed the knowledge
which he had given them last spring touching the majesty and
unity of God, and of the Incarnation of his Son, he enlarged

90 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
on some more sensible and moving truths of our faith, as of para
dise and hell ; and to give them a better conception of them, and
through the eyes to penetrate the heart with those things
which they had just heard, he showed them a picture of the
general judgment, and took occasion to explain to them some
things within their capacity, of the happiness of saints and
the torments of the damned.
This poor people regarded with astonishment this picture,
never having seen any thing like it, and they listened with an
attention and a silence full of respect, but with such an eager
ness, that not contenting themselves with the instructions
which were given them every day in public, and in private, in
the streets, in public places, and in the fields, they* met to
gether at nights in crowds, to hear in detail the mysteries
spoken of, which had been imparted to them.
They had conceived so high an idea of the matters of the
faith, and of those who published it, that they invited them to
many feasts, not so much to eat there, as to obtain through our
means, either health for their maladies, or good success in the
chase and in their wars.
Such was the feast to which we were called, where a very
peculiar ceremony was observed. It seemed that it was a feast
for fighting, and not for eating ; for, in place of a table, they
had erected a kind of trophy, on which were hung all the arms
of a warrior, the bow, the arrows, the quiver, the war-hatchet,
with the munitions for the mouth, to wit, a little flour, and
some tobacco, with other things which the soldiers of this
country are accustomed to carry with them to animate them
to the combat. The master of the feast, nevertheless, caused
to appear a dish of Indian corn boiled in the fat of the pisikiou,
(buffalo,) and presenting it to us, he addressed us in these
words : — " You have heard speak of the people whom they call
Nadouessi : they have eaten me to the bones, and have not
left me a single one of my family in life ; I must taste of their
flesh, as they have tasted of that of my relations* I am ready
to set off, going against them in war, but I despair of success,
if you, who are the master of life and of death, are not favour-

JESUIT RELATIONS. 91
able to me in this enterprise. To obtain the victory then,
through your means, I have made this feast."
This was a fine occasion, undeceiving this man, to instruct
him, and with him, the whole assembly, declaring that we were
only the humble servants of the great God of armies ; that it
is from Him only that we ought to expect the assistance and
success that we wish for in all things ; but that the great se
cret to succeed well in them, is to acknowledge Him, and obey
His commandments. It was easy, during the repast, which
was of Indian corn only, to continue these discourses.
We were invited again to other feasts for similar designs, or
to gain our good-will, or to give us diversion ; for sometimes
would appear some ones of the most aged, clothed as if they
would play a comedy, dancing to the cadence of some very
melodious airs, which they sung in good accord.
This esteem, which they made apparent at all meetings, gave
us free access into the cabins, where we were regarded and lis
tened to as extraordinary genii ; we also availed ourselves of
this advantage to instruct them everywhere, and seek the sick
in all the cabins.
There was not at that time, but one in the village : it was
a child of ten or twelve years, consumptive for a length of
time, and who went about, dying by inches ; he was instructed
and publicly baptized, with the approval and admiration of all
those good people, and received the name of Francis in his
baptism, which was happily followed by the health of body and
soul. All this, and many other things which have occurred, are
common to the two nations of this village, but something in
particular must be said in recommendation of the Ilinois.
Article IV.
Some peculiarities of the nation of the Ilinois ; above all,
of the good disposition and civility of this people.
As we have given the name of Outaouacs to all the savages
of these countries, although of different nations, because the

92

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

first who have appeared among the French have been Outa-
oiiacs ; so also it is with the name of the Ilinois, very nume
rous, and dwelling toward the south ; because the first who have
come to the Point of the Holy Ghost for commerce, called
themselves Ilinois.
These people are placed in the midst of the beautiful coun
try of which we have spoken, toward the great river named
Missisipi, of which it is well to set down here what we have
learned of it. It seems to act as the compass of all our lakes,
taking its rise in the regions of the north, and flowing toward
the south, until it discharges itself into the sea, which we
judge to be either the Vermilion Sea, or that of Florida; since
we have no knowledge of any other great rivers near those
quarters, than those which discharge themselves into these
two seas. Some savages have assured us that this river is so
fine, that for more than three hundred leagues from its mouth
it is larger than that which flows before Quebec, which is
there a league in width. Moreover, that all this great space
of country is of prairie, without trees, and without wood ;
which obliges the inhabitants of these countries to make fires
of turfs of earth, and the excrements of animals, dried by the
sun. Approaching within about twenty leagues of the sea,
the forests begin to reappear. Some warriors of this country,
who say they have gone thus far, assure us that they have seen
men there, shaped like the French, who cleaved the trees with
large knives, and some of whom had their houses on the
water. It is thus that they explain themselves, in speaking of
sawed planks and vessels. They say, besides, that all along
this great river are divers colonies of nations different in
language and manners, and who all make war on each other ;
some are there found who are placed on the borders of the
river, but many more within land, continuing thus, to the
nation of the Nadoliesse, who are scattered over a hundred
leagues of country.
It is beyond this great river that are placed the Ilinois of
whom we speak, and from whom are detached those who dwell
here with the Fire Nation, to form here a transplanted colony,,

JESUIT RELATIONS. 93
to be followed quickly, as we hope, by others, whom the Holy
Ghost will bring us in these parts to be instructed ; it being
almost impossible for us to go in their country ; and in fact,
many have already repaired to the others, who furnish a fine
field for evangelical workmen, because we cannot find any who
are fitter to recfeive the impressions of Christianity.
One can scarcely-believe the civility, the kindness, and the
testimonies of affection which these people have exhibited to
us ; and above all, the chief of this nation of the Ilinois, who
is as much respected in his cabin as a prince would be in
his palace. He was there always surrounded by the most
considerable people of the village, whom we might almost call
courtiers, so much were they in a civil posture, full of defer
ence, keeping there always a respectful silence, to show the
esteem in which they held his person and ourselves. It was
a pretty large cabin, in the middle of which he had placed
whatever he had most precious, to receive us ; and had taken
a position opposite to us, from which he seldom stirred during
the whole time that we remained there, as if to do us honour
by his presence, and not to lose either our company or our
conversation ; even in the streets and in the other cabins,
when we were invited there to eat, he accompanied us ordina
rily, or caused us to be escorted by some of his people.
The affairs of cookery, although quickly prepared, were not
done either in his presence or ours.
He had a wonderful care that we should not be incommoded
by the crowd of people who incessantly devoured us with their
eyes. When it was time for us to make our evening prayers,
he always prepared and busied himself in a charming manner,
to make a clear and bright fire, which might give us good
light to read, and even compelled all who were present to pre
serve the greatest silence. To treat us the more honourably,
he was careful that his cabin should always be filled with the
most notable of his nation, who seemed, for barbarians, to
form a court pretty well. Besides, his physiognomy is the
mildest and most attractive that one may see, and although
he passes for a great warrior, he has a softness of features

94 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
which charms all those who look at them. The inner qualities
do not belie his exterior, for he is of a tender and affectionate
nature ; this he made appear, when one night, as we explained
to him the mysteries of the Passion, and the death of Jesus
Christ, in the presence of a great many people, at the sight
of the cross he showed so much tenderness and compassion,
which were read in his eyes and over his whole visage, that
some Frenchmen, who were with us, were all delighted and
astonished ; thus triumphed the dying God in this extremity
of the world, where the devil so long a time has held his
dominion. Although during all our stay in this place, we have dis
coursed with this captain and the others, only on matters of
faith, he has not had any distaste for it ; on the contrary, the
more he heard it spoken of, the more he made appear his de
sire to understand it. This gives us cause to believe that a
person who has such fine qualities, and who so readily lets
himself be touched by our mysteries, will not be tardy in em
bracing them.
What we have said of the chief, we may say of all the
others of this nation, in whom we have observed the same
disposition and good nature, which exhibit nothing of the bar
barian ; with the eagerness which they exhibit to understand
our teachings, they have a great advantage over the other
savages, for the faith ; in this, that they have scarcely any
superstitions, and are not subject to make sacrifices to differ
ent genii, as the Outaouacs and others do; the reason of
which, perhaps, is that, not being fishers, but living on Indian
corn, which readily grows in these good lands which they oc
cupy, and the chase, which is very abundant, and of which
they never have any dearth, they fear not the dangers of the
lakes, where many of the other savages perish in fishing, in
canoes or under the ice, believing that it is the genii of the
waters who devour them, or who pillage their nets, when tem
pests carry them away ; and for this they seek to appease
them, or to render them favourable by a number of sacrifices.
Finding themselves exempt from all the above, those here

JESUIT RELATIONS. 95
only adore the sun ; but they will soon change this worship, to
render it to the Creator of the sun, as some already have
begun to do, when they shall have been instructed in the
truths of our religion.
During our stay in this village, there were twelve or fifteen
men there, come from the true country of the Ilinois, either
to visit their relations or their countrymen, and in part to
make a little trade there. These being about to depart, to
return home, came to present themselves to us ceremoniously,
and all together; after having saluted us, they told us, in
presence of a great number of people who constantly beset
us, that they had come to commend their journey to us ; that
they prayed us to do them the grace to conduct them happily
to their country, to see again their relations, and to preserve
them on their way from all bad adventures.
This was a fine opening which they gave us, to make them
know Him, who is the great Master of our lives, of whom we are
only the servants and the deputies, and to whom we would wil
lingly address ourselves for the happy success of their journey.
They replied to us by a compliment which had nothing of
the savage init, in telling us that they had such an esteem
for what they had learned from us, that they would not con
tent themselves with going to publish it throughout all their
country, but they would make it be resounded among other
much more distant people, to whom they would relate the
wonders they had seen ; and thus parted with us, all proud
to have spoken to genii, as they said, and to have learned
intelligence of the other world.
Let us add yet another word of these Ilinois, touching
their manners. As all other savages in general place their
chief pride in decking their head well, above all in wearing
their hair either long or short, according to the variety of
the nations, these seem to have united both, for they have
what the Outaouacs think the handsomest in their hair, short
and straight, and what agrees with the others in their long
hair ; as they trim the greater part of the head like the for
mer, preserving four great whiskers on the two sides of the

96 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
ears, which they set in order in a proper manner, so as not
to incommode them.
They are not very rich in household goods ; their country
scarcely furnishes them wherewith to make dishes of bark :
the trees which are found among these vast and beautiful
prairies not being fit for that; but if they have this incon
venience, in recompense, it seems, that so fine a country con
tributes to a fine nature, with which they are endowed, and of
which they gave us the last testimony on their departure ; for
the chief of whom we have spoken, and who is as the king of
the nation, with the most notable, and a part of the village,
would accompany us through honour, to the place of our em
barkation, a small league distant from the village.
When we shall return there, we hope to find a chapel, which
they are disposed to build themselves, in order to commence
there, immediately, the duties of Christianity.
Article V.
Of the Mission of St. Mark, at the village of the Outagami.
These people are arrogant, because they are numerous ; they
count there more than two hundred cabins, in each of which
there are five or six, and even as high as ten families. Many
other nations swell this one, or rather make of it a Babylon by
the licentiousness which there reigns as in its empire. The
lights of the faith not having yet been able to make an im
pression on their minds, as they are proud and arrogant, they
had formed the design of avenging themselves, by the death of
some Frenchmen, for the bad treatment which they had re
ceived the last summer in our French habitations. This was
the cause that our young Frenchmen, who are here trading, did
not dare to set foot among them ; but all this gave no fear to
Father Allouez, who esteemed himself happy to expose his life
to a manifest danger, to carry the gospel to these poor bar
barians, as he has done to all the other people of these
countries. He set off, then, from the Bay of the Puants, where he made

JESUIT RELATIONS. 97
his residence, the twentieth day of February, one thousand
six hundred and seventy-one ; and ha dng made in six days
twenty-four leagues over snows and ice, during the most rigor
ous season of the winter, which had frozen and almost killed
with cold some of those with whom he was associated, he at
length arrived in this village, into which he was no sooner en
tered, than, going from cabin to cabin, he encouraged some by
the hope, of paradise, and intimidated others by the fear of
hell. He ought not to promise himself any thing from these haughty
spirits but the derision, rebuffs, and mockery with which they
will at the first receive what is announced to them ; above all,
in certain cabins where the chiefs have as many as eight
wives, and in which he cannot enter but with horror, as into
a seraglio ; nevertheless, the patience of the Father carried
him there, and he saw that these people insensibly softened
themselves, and that which they listened to at the beginning
with raillery, they received shortly afterward with fear and
respect. " What consolation, 0 my Jesus ! (cried the Father
to himself, in one of his memoirs) to make you known to those
who have never heard tell of you. I had prepared myself for
death ; I saw from the beginning nothing but insolences and re
pulses, on the part of these barbarians, and behold how they list
en to me with an attention and an affection beyond what I could
have promised myself from even the best disposed people. I
enter their cabins freely everywhere ; I cause the sick to pray
to God, and I baptize the dying ; and a few days after my ar
rival, seeing a young person expire, upon whom I had just
conferred the holy rite of baptism, oh, what joy I received to
see a soul fly to heaven from so dissolute a clime !
"I had also every reason to wonder at the kindnesses which
I had received from the greater part of these people, instead
of the strokes of the hatchet, which I expected ; and still more,
at the simplicity of a good old man, to whom I publicly, in his
cabin, explained the holy mysteries of the incarnation, and of
the death of Jesus Christ; as soon as I drew out my crucifix
to exhibit him to their view, this good man, overcome by this
Vol. III.— 7

98 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
spectacle, wished to recognise and adore him as a God, in pre
senting to him the incense of this country ; this is tobacco, in
dust, of which he took a handful three or four times, and as if
he had presented so many actions of the censor, he spread it
over the crucifix and over myself, which is the greatest mark
of honour that they can exhibit toward those whom they look
upon as genii. I could scarcely restrain my tears of joy,
seeing Jesus Christ crucified, worshipped by a savage from
the first time that he heard tell of him.
A woman did almost the same, while being well instructed
and baptized, and ready to render up her soul, as she did so ;
she ceased not to cast tobacco on the crucifix which I pre
sented to her ; meaning to do the same, after the same man
ner that those do who kiss it devoutly.
All the village having been fully imbued with our mysteries,
in generals and in particulars, the Father went away, having
baptized there five infants and two adults, and after having
had assurance, on the part of the old men, that on his return
he would find there a chapel, that they would build themselves,
to begin in it the duties of Christianity.
It is thus that these people from wolves became lambs, and
that little by little, but with great patience, they gained them
selves to Jesus Christ ; this makes us hope that the faith is
going to spread itself with a great number of nations who
come near to this one, and to whom we could not have access
but with great difficulty." — Pages 87 to 189.

Relation, gc, 1671 and 1672. By the Rev. Father Claude
Bablon, Rector of the College of Quebec, Superior, $c.
Extract from the preface written by Dablon : —
The discovery of the North Sea and of the famous Bay of
Hudson, which has been sought for a long time, and which
was undertaken last year by the orders of Monsieur Talon,
our Intendant, has afforded the means to one of our mission
aries to carry the faith into countries where it never has been.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 99
announced, as will be seen in the narration of the journey
which he has made there by land. We expect no less from
that which Monsieur the Count de Frontenac, and Monsieur
de Talon, to comply with the intentions of his majesty, have
caused to be undertaken for the discovery of the Sea of the
South, which probably will give us an opening to the great
seas of China and Japan. The Father, and the French who
have been sent on this hazardous expedition, have need of
much courage and prudence to go in search of unknown seas,
by routes of three or four hundred leagues, altogether novel,
and among people who have never seen Europeans.
Of the Mission of the Outaouacs.
CHAPTER I.
More than three hundred baptisms conferred since one
year ; more than twenty-five nations illumed by the lights of
the gospel ; a goodly number of sick re-established in health
in an extraordinary manner; churches erected, and crosses
planted in the midst of idolatry ; the faith carried very far
toward the north and the south, afford a reason to praise God
for the blessings which he continues to pour abundantly on
the mission of the Outaouacs.
The past year, the map of the lakes and the countries in
which the missions are situate, has been given to the public ;
we have judged it proper to give it again this year, to satisfy
the curiosity of those who have not seen it, and to mark down
some new missions which have been established lately in that
country ; among others, that of St. Francis Xavier, placed
altogether newly, on the river which discharges itself into the
Bay of the Puants, two leagues from its mouth ; and that of
the Mission of the Apostles, on the northern shores of Lake
Huron. Father Henry Nouvel, who is Superior of all the
missions of the Outaouacs, has had charge of this one in par
ticular, and has described to us what transpired there. * * *
Page 109.

100 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY
CHAPTER IV.
Of the Mission of Saint Ignatius, at Missilimackinac.
The Hurons of the Tobacco Nation, called Tionnontati,
having formerly been driven out of their country by the Iro
quois, took refuge in the island so celebrated for fishing,
called Missilimackinac ; but they could stay there a few years
only, these same enemies having obliged them to leave this
post so advantageous. They then withdrew themselves more
distantly into the isles which still bear their name, and which
are at the entrance of the Bay of the Puants ; but not yet
finding themselves in a place of sufficient safety, they with
drew much farther forward into the forests, and from thence
at length chose, for a final dwelling-place, the extremity of
the Upper Lake, (Superior,) in a quarter which has been
called the Point of the Holy-Ghost. They were there far
enough removed from the Iroquois, not to fear them, but they
were too near the Nadouessi, who are as the Iroquois of these
parts of the north, being the most powerful and the most war
like people of this country.
Nevertheless, all passed by pretty peaceably during many
years, until the last, when these Nadouessi, having been irri
tated by the Hurons and the Outaouacs, war was kindled
among them, and they began it with so much fury, that some
prisoners which were made on both sides, were put to death
by burning them.
The Nadouessi were nevertheless unwilling to commence
any act of hostility, until after having sent back to Father
Marquette some images, of which he had made them a present,
to give them some idea of our religion, and to instruct them
through the eyes ; since he could not do it otherwise, on ac
count of their language, which is entirely different from that
of the Hurons and Algonquins. Such redoubtable enemies
quickly cast terror into the minds of our Hurons and Outa
ouacs, who took the resolution to abandon the Point of the

JESUIT RELATIONS. 101
Holy Ghost, and all their fields, which they had for a long
time cultivated.
In this retreat, the Hurons, calling to mind the great con
veniences which they had formerly found at Missilimackinac,
cast their eyes on this place to take refuge in, and this they
have done for a year past. This place has all the advantages
that could be desired for savages. The fishing there is at all
times abundant ; the land there is of great repute ; the chase
of the bear, the stag, and the wild cat is beneficially followed
there ; besides, it is the great resort of all the nations who
come or go from the north or the south. For this reason,
since last year, well foreseeing what would happen, we have
erected a chapel there, to receive the by-passers, and to im
prove the Hurons who have stopped there.
Father James Marquette, who has followed them from the
Point of the Holy Ghost, continues to have the care of them ;
as he has not given us any particular memoir of what has
passed at this mission, all that can be said is, that this nation
having formerly been instructed in Christianity, before the
destruction of the Hurons, those who had preserved them
selves in the faith are at this time in great zeal. They fill
the chapel every day ; they visit it often during the day ; they
there sing the praises of God with a devotion, which has given
much of it to the French, who have been the witnesses of it.
The adults have been baptized there; the old men have set
the example to the children, to make themselves assiduous in
prayer ; in one word, they practise all the exercises of piety
that might be expected from a Christianity formed more than
twenty years ago ; although it has been for the most part of
that time without church, without pastor, and without any other
master than the Holy Spirit.

102 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
t CHAPTER V.
Of the Mission of Saint Francis Xavier.
Article I.
Of the advantages of the place chosen to build the chapel.
The bay commonly called "of the Puants," receives a river
in which they make the fishery of game and fish all together.
The savages are the inventors of it ; for seeing that ducks,
teal, and other birds of that nature, seek in the water for the
grains of wild oats, which are found there toward the autumnal
season, they spread their nets for them so skilfully, that, with
out counting the fish, they sometimes take in them in one
night, as many as a hundred pieces of game. This fishing is
no less agreeable than it is useful ; for it is a pleasure to see
in a net, when one has drawn it from the water, a duck taken
close to a pike, and the carps entangled in the same threads
with the teal. The savages nourish themselves with this
manna, during near three months. Nature and necessity,
which has taught them this sort of fishing, has also given
them the invention to make another of them in the same river,
two leagues from its mouth. It is a machine a little ruder,
but very commodious for their purpose, and which is so made
that a child may be an excellent fisher. They construct it in
such a manner, that they bar the whole river from one side to
the other; it is like a palisade of stakes, which they plant in
the water in a straight line, leaving no space but what is
necessary for the water to flow through certain hurdles, which
stop the large fish. Along the length of this barrier they
build scaffolds, on which they place themselves in ambush,
and there await their prey with impatience. When the fish,
following the current of the water, arrive at this barrier, the
fisherman casts a net made in the form of a pocket, into
which he easily causes the fish to enter. These two kinds of
fishing draw to this place a great number of savages from all
parts.

JESUIT RELATIONS. 103
The situation ofthe place contributes not a little to this;
for on the bank of this river, toward the place of which we
have just spoken, we see a prairie of four or five arpens wide,
terminated at each side by a wood of lofty trees ; and besides,
grapes, plums, apples, and other fruits, which would be pretty
good there, if the savages had the patience to let them ripen.
There is also found in the prairies a species of lemon, (citron,)
which has an affinity to those of France, but which has nothing
of bitterness, not even in their rind; the plant which bears
them, partakes a little of the fern. The bear and the wild cat,
which is as large as a dog of a middling height, fill the country,
and as the woods there are very clear, we see there large prairies
in the forests, which render this resting-place agreeable. It
is to these kinds of animals, as well as the stag, that the chase
is easily made ; as well in the woods which are not thick, as on
the river, into which he often throws himself, and where one
may take him without trouble. To all the advantages of this
place, we may add, that it is the only, and the great passage of
all the circumjacent nations, who have a continual commerce
among themselves either in visiting or in traffic, and it is this
that has caused us to cast our eyes on this spot, to erect here
our chapel, as in the centre of more than ten different nations,
who can furnish us with more than fifteen thousand souls to
be instructed in the truths of Christianity. It is there that
the Father Claude Allouez, and the Father Louis Andre, have
stopped to work for the salvation of all these people ; and to
do so more commodiously, they have separated themselves ; the
one applying himself to the nations who are more removed in
the woods, and the other to those who are on the borders of
the lake of the Puants. Article II.
Of the people who dwell in the Bay of the Puants, and of
their famous divinity.
Four different people are placed toward the extremity of
4he bay, and live there, partly on what they gather from the

104 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
earth, and partly from the chase and by fishing. Two others-,,
a little more distant, make their ordinary dwelling on the
rivers, which discharge themselves into this same Bay, from
the northern side, and they all acknowledge divers kinds of
divinities to whom they make sacrifices. These people have
gods as the pagans had in former times ; they have them in
the heavens, in the air, on earth, in the woods, in the waters,
and even in hell ; and as among theologians, who place parti
cular intelligences not only in the stars, but also on the earth,
for the preservation of each species of all things, so, those of
our savages who are considered intelligent among them, have
this belief; that besides the sun and the thunder, which they
recognise as the gods of heaven and the air, each species of
beasts, fish, and birds, has a particular genius who has the care
of it, who watches over its preservation, and who defends it
from the evil which any one could do to it.
It is for this, that as the Egyptians placed on their altars
rats and mice, so these people have a peculiar consideration
for these animals, as it appeared in a mouse which we had taken
and cast out of doors ; for a girl having seized on it, and hav
ing a desire to eat it, her father first took the mouse, and gave
it a thousand caresses ; we asked him why he thus treated it ?
"It is," said he, "because I wish to appease the genius who
who has the care of the mice, so that such an extraordinary
mess shall not incommode my daughter." There are certain
animals, to whose genii they render much more respect than
to the others, because they are more useful to them. One
cannot believe the veneration which they have for the bear ;
for when they have killed one of them in the chase, they or
dinarily make a solemn feast, with very particular ceremonies.
They carefully preserve the head of this animal ; they paint
it with the handsomest colours that they can find, and during
the feast, they put it in a place of honour, that it may there
receive the adorations of all the guests, and the praises which
they give it, one after another, in their finest songs.
They act something like this in regard to other divinities;,
but to render them favourable to them, they practise sundry

JESUIT RELATIONS. 105
kinds of devotion, of which the most ordinary and considerable
is the following : they remain four and five days without eating,
to the end that, having by this diet weakened the head, they
may see in a dream, some one of these divinities upon whom, they
believe, depends all their good fortune ; and since they believe
that they cannot be fortunate in the chase of the stag or the
bear, if they have not previously seen them in dreams, all their
care before going in search of these beasts is, to have had in
sleeping, a sight of that one of them which they desire. For this
reason they prepare themselves for the chase by the greatest
fasts, which they prolong sometimes as far as ten days ; this
is done more ordinarily by the nation of the Outagami.
They do much more ; for, during the time that the men are
at the chase, they compel the Little children to fast, to enable
them to dream, of the bear, that their parents have gone to
seek, and they believe that the beast will be taken, if it is
once seen in a dream, even by the children. They have many
other superstitions, which it would be tiresome to speak of
here, but which afford good work for a missionary, who has
all these monsters to combat at the same time ; this is what
Father Andre" has experienced. We are about to relate some
matters of labour which he has suffered, to disabuse these
poor people. Article III.
Of the Mission made to the people of the Bay of the Puants.
The Father had already forcibly attacked them on their
lives, and particularly on their superstitions, during several
months that he had passed with them last summer ; but being
willing to occupy the winter there, he set off the 15th of De
cember, to go there by routes equally rough and dangerous ;
for, being locked up by the ice in the bay, and desirous of
shortening the distance by cutting his way from point to point,
he found toward evening, when he wished to land, that the
passage was closed up by mountains of ice, piled one on
another, which formed as it were a rampart which it was im-

106 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
possible to pass through ; in the mean time the sun set, before
he could find an issue. The Father had already cast his eyes
upon some piles of ice-blocks, in the midst of which he designed
to pass the night, under shelter of these mountains of ice ;
but he was happily inspired not to rest there, for these blocks
of ice, as the night came on, were carried off by the wind.
He found a safer retreat on a point of land which advanced
into the lake, and he stayed there with his companions, in truth
without danger of perishing there, but not without suffering
the rigours of an extreme cold. Nevertheless it was necessary
to keep this incommodious post during three days ; after which,
a north wind having succeeded a rain, made of the lake a com
plete sheet of ice, so smooth that it was very difficult to walk
without falling at every step. To free himself from so trou
blesome a road, he threw himself in another, more difficult
and more dangerous ; for, having taken Jbis route along the
woods, and being engaged in a country cumbered with cedars
and fir-trees, where the ice was not strong enough to bear him,
he sunk each moment ; he even found himself struggling in the
midst of a number of holes which were made in the ice, in
such a manner that it was difficult for him to get out of them.
He escaped, nevertheless, dragging himself among these pre
cipices, and continued his route with the same dangers, and
with the like fatigue, until he reached the place where the sa
vages were ; one of the chief of whom, to regale him well, after
so much toil, offered him a sack full of acorns, which was not
to be refused, for it was no small present among these people,
who during the winter have no messes more delicious, when the
chase and the fishing do not succeed. The first care of the
Father was to visit all the cabins, to teach the children, and
to apply everywhere the mysteries of our religion. The days
were too short to satisfy the holy curiosity of all this people,
who did not allow him even leisure to take his repasts until
very late, nor to perform his devotions, except in some retired
place, where they did not cease to go in search of him.
The cause for which they sought for him with so much ea
gerness, was certain spiritual songs which he sung to the chil-

JESUIT RELATIONS. 107
dren, with French airs, which pleased these savages extremely ;
in such a manner, that in the streets and in the cabins, our
mysteries were made public, and were received there with ap
plause, and insensibly stamped themselves on the mind by
means of these canticles. This success gave courage to the
Father, and caused him to resolve on attacking the men through
the children, and to combat with idolatry by these innocent
souls. In effect he composed canticles against the supersti
tions of which we have spoken, and against the vices most
opposed to Christianity, and having taught them to the chil
dren by the sound of a soft flute, he went everywhere with his
little savage musicians, declaring war against the jugglers, the
dreamers, and those who had many wives ; and because the
savages passionately loved their children, and suffered every
thing from them, they allowed the reproaches, although biting, "
which were made to them by these songs, inasmuch as they
proceeded from the mouths of their children. It happened
sometimes, that as the Father was obliged in the heat of dis
pute to refute the errors of these superstitious people, and to
convince the old men of the falsity and the silliness of their
idolatry, it happened, I say, that this troop of children tired
of hearing such disputes, threw themselves among them, and
sounding their canticles, obliged their parents to be silent.
This gave the Father much joy, who saw that God made use
of these innocent mouths to confound the impiety of their own
parents. Beside these exercises of piety which were carried on in
the village, the Father assembled the savages in his little
chapel, where he had three large pictures proper for the in
struction of these people ; the one, of the general judgment,
at the top of which the parents were happy that they
were made to remark the place which their baptized children
held ; and at the foot they saw with horror the torments which
the devil endured there. In the second picture were painted
twelve emblems, each one of which contained an article sym
bolical of the apostles. The third exhibited Jesus dying on
the cross. The zeal to come and pray to God before these

108 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
pictures, and to receive instruction there, was such, that many
children came there, through the snow with naked feet, for
more than a quarter of a league of distance, which they had
to travel.
In these employments the Father passed all the winter,
going through the villages one after another, and putting there
a holy emulation as to who knew the most spiritual songs, and
who had the most children to baptize, and who were the most
learned in our mysteries. Nevertheless, we must not persuade
ourselves that we can recover the vices of the young people,
cry down the jugglers, reprimann the superstitious festivals,
and make open war against idolatry, without receiving from
time to time, affronts among these people, who have neither
law, nor police, nor magistrate to prevent disorders. The
devil takes too much interest to maintain his kingdom," not to
raise up persecutors against those who would destroy it. But
these crosses are the delights of missionaries who have no
greater desire than to mingle their sweat with their blood.
The Father has not been deprived of these favours among his
apostolic labours, during which he has not failed to make some
curious remarks on the tides in the Bay of the Puants, where
he has passed a good part of the year.
Article IV.
Of the Tide in the Bay of the Puants.
Here is what the Father writes about it : — "I had not been
until now, of the opinion of those who believe that Lake Huron
is subject to ebbing and flowing, as well as the ocean, because
I had not remarked any such thing, properly regulated, during
the time that I dwelt on the borders of this lake ; but I began
to suspect that there really might be a tide in the Bay of the
Puants, after having passed the river called "the Wild Oats."
We had left our canoe in the water, the weather being very
calm, and the next morning we were, much surprised to see it
aground ; I was more astonished than the others, because I
considered that for a long time the lake had been perfectly

JESUIT RELATIONS. 109
calm. From that time I resolved to study this tide, and at
first I remarked that a very moderate contrary wind did not
prevent the ebbing and flowing according to its course. I no
ticed also, that in the river which discharges itself at the
extremity of the bay, the tide ebbs and flows twice in a little
more than twenty-four hours. Ordinarily, it rises one foot,
and the highest tide that I have seen, caused the river to rise
three feet, but it was aided by a violent wind from the north
east. If the south-west wind is not very strong, it does not
check the current of the river, in so much, that the middle
always flows down toward the lake, although the water ascends
on each side, according to the regular time of the tide. As
there are but two winds which prevail upon this river and lake,
one might easily attribute to them the cause of these tides,
if they did not follow the course of the moon ; which, however,
cannot be doubted, as I have discovered that when the moon is
full, the tides are the highest ; that they decrease afterward,
and that they diminish always in proportion as the moon wanes.
We need not be astonished that the ebbing and flowing is
more apparent at the end of the bay than in Lake Huron, or
the Lake of the Ilinois; for when the tide is scarcely percepti
ble in these lakes, it may be very remarkable in the bay,
which is about fifteen or twenty leagues in length, and five or
six in width, or more at its commencement, and gradually
diminishes towards the extremity ; thus the water being forced
into a narrow space, must necessarily rise higher than in the
lakes where it has greater liberty.
Article V.
Mission of the Father Claude Allouez to the Maskoutench,
the Outagamis, and other people toward the south.
Almost as much time is necessary to follow Father Claude
Allouez here, in relating his apostolical courses, as he expended
in their performance ; for there has not been any nation in
which he has not effected works for the glory of God, which
would take very long to recount. We may reckon the works
of the Father by the baptisms which he has made, and bap-

HO DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
tisms which by the wonderful dispositions of Providence, have
been spread abroad for the salvation of these savages. This
will readily be perceived by the little we are about to say of
the almost incredible pains which he has taken to teach people
of five different languages, some of whom, who have recently
come from the quarters of the south-west, had never heard of
the faith.
The Father, arriving in the Bay of the Puants, after a navi
gation of more than a hundred leagues, had no sooner disem
barked, than he found a newly-born child, just at the point of
death ; he baptized it, and at the same time sent it to heaven.
At the same place, and at the same time, he baptized a sick old
man, but who having survived his baptism, has not yet been
able to obtain, after more than sixty years, that which the
infant received, after a life of a quarter of an hour. Let us
observe two other marks of Providence : the kind welcome
given to the Father among the Maskoutench, afforded him the
occasion of conferring two baptisms ; and the bad treatment
which he received on his way to the Outagamis was also of
the value of two to him. He found in that village of the Mas
koutench, which is the Fire Nation, three people of different
languages ; he was received there as an angel from heaven,
particularly by those, who having recently arrived from the
quarters of the south, had never had knowledge of any French
man ; they could not satisfy themselves with gazing on him ;
the days were too short to hear him speak of our mysteries ;
it was necessary thus to employ entire nights. So favourable
a reception stayed the Father very willingly, and gave him
the opportunity of baptizing two sick persons. A sick wo
man whom he made a Christian on the road to the Outagami,
cost him great hardships ; it became necessary that he should
go into the woods to search for her, where having lost himself,
he was constrained to take his lodging under a tree, and pass
the night without fire, in the midst of snows.
It was still necessary to purchase other baptisms by greater
sufferings ; when he found himself in these villages, famished,
he contented himself, like these poor people, in eating merely

JESUIT RELATIONS. HI
acorns, of which they only gave him a small quantity, having
not enough of them for themselves. The baptism of sixty
children and of some adults in the village of the Outagami are
so many wonderful traits of Providence ; but this had more
visibly been shown in the death of two adults ; one of a wo
man who sought in this country, baptism, and a happy death,
in the hands of the Father, after many turns and accidents,
having been captured here by the Iroquois, and taken home by
them ; then conducted to Montreal ; from which at length she
returned to the Outaouacs, to find her happiness there. The
other, of an old man, who only awaited the arrival of the Fa
ther to die a Christian ; he was confined to his humble mat by
a paralysis, together with a nervous affection so severe, that
one could not stir him without causing him insupportable
pains. Nevertheless, he was careful to lift his hand every
moment to make the sign of the cross on himself, notwith
standing the great ill which this motion caused him ; and he
ceased not until the last sigh, to kiss the crucifix, and to ad
dress it in such tender and devout words, that it might be said
he died in the transports of a perfect love of Jesus Christ.
The sign of the cross is in such veneration among these
people, (the Outagami,) that the Father believed that it was time
to raise one in the midst of their village ; to take possession
of these infidel lands in the name of Jesus Christ, whose arms
he set up, farther in advance in the land, than they had until
now been planted. And since that time, scarcely any one is
seen in the village, whether young or old, who does not make
the sign of the cross with respect. They have even such
confidence in it, that some young soldiers making a party to
go to war against the Nadouessi, a people who render them
selves formidable to all their neighbours, and having addressed
themselves to the Father to know how they might return vic
torious, he related to them the history of Constantine, and
encouraged them by his example, to have recourse to the cross.
They believed in it, for of their own accord they marked on
their shields this adorable sign; every morning and every
evening they failed not to make it on themselves, and having

112 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
joined the enemy, the first thing they, did was to make the
sign of the cross, and then threw themselves into the combat
with so much confidence, that they happily bore off the vic
tory ; and being on their return, they made a triumph of the
cross, publishing everywhere that they were solely indebted
to it for so great a success.
It is thus that our holy faith is about to be established
amono- these people, and we confidently hope that in a little
time we shall carry it as far as the famous river called Missis
sippi, and perhaps even as far as the South Sea; to the end
that the gospel shall spread itself as distant towards the south,
as we have seen that it has been carried towards the north. —
Pages 127 to 152.

It may be unnecessary to say, with regard to the above
translations of the several portions quoted from the Relations
of the venerable Jesuit Fathers, that more attention has been
given to a literal rendering of their language into English, than
to the difference of idiom between this language, and that of
the French. Consequently, the translation may well appear
in many parts, not only void of a proper fluency, but absolutely
harsh. The excuse for this may be found in the fact, that it
was considered more desirable to give the translation as nearly
as possible in the simplicity of the original, than to attend to
the polish of diction ; which might, in even slight departures,
mar, and perhaps destroy the true meaning of the Fathers,
in their narrations, which never aspire to, and were certainly
never intended to be considered as literary compositions.
They related facts as they appeared to them ; an endeavour
has thus been made to give those facts in as simple a dress as
they originally appeared.
W. R. S.

BLACK HAWK WAE.

The most prominent, if not the real and only cause of the
disturbances with the Indians, known by the designation of
"the Black Hawk War," arose, as some other Indian wars
have arisen, in controversies in regard to lands claimed to
have been ceded to the whites by the Indians, or intruded
upon, and surveyed by the whites without any Indian autho
rity. The war of 1756 ; the war of Pontiac ; the war with
Little Turtle ; the great Indian league of Tecumthe, and many
other minor disturbances can well be traced to a common
source of quarrel, " the dwelling-places and the hunting-
grounds of the Indians."
By the treaty made at Fort Harmar, in Ohio, on the 9th
of January, 1789, the Pottawatamie and Sac tribe of Indians,
among others, were received into friendship " by the United
States," and "a league of peace and amity" established be
tween them respectively ; and on the 3d of November, 1804,
a treaty was made and executed at St. Louis, between William
Henry Harrison, commissioner on part of the United States,
and the chiefs and head men of the united Sac and Fox tribes,
ofthe other part : the Indians who sign the treaty are La-yow-vois
— Pashepaho — Quashquame — Outchequa — and Hashequarhi-
qua ; the right of these chiefs to make the treaty was after
ward denied by Black Hawk.
By the terms of this treaty, the United States receive the
united Sac and Fox tribes into their friendship and protec
tion ; and the said tribes agree to consider themselves under
the protection of the United States, and of no other power
whatsoever. The lands ceded to the United States were in
cluded within the following boundaries : — Beginning at a point
Vol. III.— 8 113

114 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
on the Missouri River opposite to the mouth of the Gasconade
River ; thence in a direct course so as to strike the river Jef
freon, at the distance of thirty miles from its mouth, and down
the said Jeffreon to the Mississippi ; thence up the Mississippi
to the mouth of the Wisconsin River, and up the same to a
point which shall be thirty-six miles in a direct line from the
mouth of said river ; thence by a direct line to a point where
the Fox River, (a branch of the Illinois,) leaves the small lake
called Sakaegan ; thence down the Fox River to the Illinois
River, and down the same to the Mississippi.
The consideration of the cession and relinquishment by the
Indians of this tract of country was, a present delivery of
goods to the value of two thousand two hundred and thirty-
four dollars and fifty cents, and a yearly annuity of one thou
sand dollars, (six hundred of which is intended for the Sacs,
and four hundred for the Foxes,) to be paid in goods valued at
the first cost.
The following account of this treaty is given by Black
Hawk himself, in his Life, edited by J. B.Patterson, of Rock
Island, Illinois, certified by Antoine Le Claire, United States
interpreter, to have been dictated by Black Hawk, and to be
authentic.1 1 As we shall have occasion often to refer to Black Hawk's own account of
the events in which he acted so important a part, and of which the truth of
history requires that the statements of all parties concerned should be heard
and examined, we subjoin the certificate of M. Le Claire as to the authenticity
of the " Life of Black Hawk." The work was published both in the United:
States and in England. Black Hawk was born in 1767, and died at his wig
wam on Des Moines River, October 3d, 1838.
"Indian Agency, Rock Island, October 16th, 1833.
"I do hereby certify, that Ma-ka-tai-me-she-kia-kiak, or Black Hawk,
did call upon me, on his return to his people in August last, and express a
great desire to have a history of his life written and published, in order, (as
he said,) "that the people of the United States, (among whom he had been
travelling, and by whom he had been treated with great respect, friendship,
and hospitality,) might know the causes that impelled him to act as he has
done, and the principles by which he was governed.' In accordance with his
request, I acted as interpreter ; and was particularly cautious to under-

BLACK HAWK WAR. H5
_ " Some moons after this young chief (Lieutenant Zebulon
Pike) descended the Mississippi, one of our people killed an
American, and was confined in the prison of St. Louis for the
offence. We held a council at our village to see what could
be done for him,— which determined that Quash-quii-me, P&-
she-pa-ho, Oii-che-qua-ka, and HiLshe-quar-hi-qua should go
down to St. Louis, see our American Father, and do all they
could to have our friend released, by paying for the person
killed — thus covering the blood and satisfying the relations of
the man murdered ! This being the only means with us of
saving a person who has killed another, and we then thought
it was the same way with the whites.
" The party started with the good wishes of the whole na
tion, hoping they would accomplish the object of their mission.
The relatives of the prisoner blacked their faces, and fasted,
hoping the Great Spirit would take pity on them, and return
the husband and father to his wife and children.
" QuHsh-quii-me and par&y remained a long time absent.
They at length returned and encamped a short distance below
the village, but did not come up that day, nor did any per
son approach their camp ! They appeared to be dressed in
fine coats, and had medals. From these circumstances, we
were in hopes that they had brought good news. Early the
next morning the council lodge was crowded. Quash-qmi-me
and party came up, and gave us the following account of their
mission : — •
" On their arrival at St. Louis, they met their American
Father, and explained to him their business, and urged the
release of their friend. The American chief told them he
wanted land — and they had agreed to give him some on the
west side of the Mississippi, and some on the Illinois side, op-
stand distinctly the narrative of Black Hawk throughout — and have exa
mined the work carefully since its completion, and have no hesitation in
pronouncing it strictly correct in all its particulars. Given under my hand
at the Sac and Eox agency, the day and date above written.
"Antoine Le Claire,
" U. S. Interpreter for the Sacs and Foxes."

116 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY
posite the Jeffreon. When the business was all arranged, they
expected to have their friend released to come home with them.
But about the time they were ready to start, their friend was
let out of prison, who ran a short distance, and was shot
dead. This is all they could recollect of what was said and
done. They had been drunk the greater part of the time
they were in St. Louis.
" This is all myself or nation knew of the treaty of 1804.
It has been explained to me since. I find by that treaty, all
our country east of the Mississippi and south of the Jeffreon,
was ceded to the United States for one thousand dollars a year !
I will leave it to the people of the United States to say, whether
our nation was properly represented in this treaty ? or whether
we received a fair compensation for the extent of country
ceded by those four individuals ? I could say much about this
treaty, but I will not at this time. It has been the cause of
all our difficulties."
Black Hawk proceeds to relate that some time after this
treaty was made, a war chief with a party of soldiers came up
the Mississippi in keel-boats, and encamped a short distance
above the head of the Des Moines Rapids, and commenced cut
ting timber and building houses ; this was at the site of Fort
Madison, and within the country ceded by the treaty. He
also says, that council after council was held in the Indian vil
lages, to ascertain what was the intention of the Americans in
building at that place, and having learned that the soldiers
had great guns with them, he and a number of his people went
down the river to see what was doing, and they found the
whites were building a fort. The chiefs held a council with
the officers of the party, which Black Hawk did not attend ;
but he says, "he understood that the American war chief had
said, they were building houses for a trader who was coming
there to live, and would sell the Indians goods very cheap,
and that the soldiers were to remain to keep him company."
The Indians were pleased at this information, but doubted its
truth, and were anxious that the building should be discon
tinued, and that the soldiers should descend the river again.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 117
Many more Indians arrived, the whites became alarmed, and
an attempt was made by a dancing party of the Indians to
enter the fort by stratagem, but it was frustrated ; and Black
Hawk acknowledges that if it had been successful, and the
Indians had got into the fort, all the whites would have been
killed, as the British soldiers had been, at Mackinaw, many
years before.
The Indians returned to Rock Island, and the fort party re
ceived a reinforcement from St. Louis.
Black Hawk proceeds with the following relation : — " Soon
after our return from Fort Madison, runners came to our vil
lage from the Shawnee Prophet, (while others were despatched
by him to the villages of the Winnebagoes,) with invitations
for us to meet him on the Wabash. Accordingly a party went
from each village.
"All of our party returned, among whom came a Prophet
who explained to us the bad treatment the different nations of
Indians had received from the Americans, by giving them a
few presents, and taking their land from them. I remember
well his saying, 'If you do not join your friends on the Wa
bash, the Americans will take this very village from you.' I
little thought then, that his words would come true. We
agreed not to join him, and he returned to the Wabash, where
a party of Winnebagoes had arrived, and preparations were
making for war ; a battle soon after ensued, in which several
Winnebagoes were killed. As soon as their nation heard of
this, they started war parties in different directions : one to
the mining country, one to Prairie du Chien, and another to
Fort Madison. This last returned by our village, and exhi
bited, several scalps which they had taken. Their success in
duced several other parties to go against the fort. We arrived
in the vicinity during the night. The spies that we had sent
out several days before, to watch the movements of those at
the garrison, gave the following information : ' that a keel-
boat had arrived from below, that evening, with seven
teen men ; that there were about fifty men in the fort, and
that they marched out every morning at sunrise, to exercise.' ':

118 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Black Hawk then relates his stratagems to destroy the sol
diers when they came out, and for the Indians to rush into the
fort : they were unsuccessful : three whites were killed — the
Indians besieged the fort for three days, during which time, an
attempt was made to set fire to it, by means of arrows. It
succeeded so far as to fire the buildings several times, without
effect, as the fire was soon extinguished. The ammunition of
the Indians being expended, and finding they could not take
the fort, they returned home, having had one Winnebago
killed, and one wounded, during the siege.
Soon after their return, news reached them that a war was
going to take place between the British and Americans. Run
ners continued to arrive from different tribes, all confirming
the report of the expected war. The British agent, Colonel
Dickson, was holding talks with, and making presents to the
different tribes. Black Hawk says — " I had not made up my
mind whether to join the British, or remain neutral." But
he soon afterward took an active part with the British, having
been, as he alleges, " forced into war by being deceived." His
own account of the causes of his conduct is as follows : —
" Several of the chiefs and head men of the Sacs and Foxes
were called upon to go to Washington, to see their Great
Father. On their return they related what had been said and
done. They said the Great Father wished them, in the event
of a war taking place with England, not to interfere on either
side, but to remain neutral. He did not want our help, but
wished us to hunt and support our families and live in peace.
He said that British traders would not be permitted to come
on the Mississippi to furnish us with goods, but we should be
well supplied by an American trader. Our chiefs then told
him that the British traders always gave us credits in the fall
for guns, powder, and goods, to enable us to hunt and clothe
our families. He replied, that the trader at Fort Madison1
would have plenty of goods ; that we should go there in the
fall, and he would supply us on credit, as the British traders

 —  11 
1 On the Mississippi, in the Sac and Fox country.

BLACK HAWK WAR. H9
had done. The party gave a good account of what they had
seen,' and the kind treatment they received.
" This information pleased us all very much. We all agreed
to follow our Great Father's advice, and not interfere with the
war. Our women were much pleased at this good news. Every
thing went on cheerfully in our village. We resumed our
pastimes of playing ball, horse-racing, and dancing, which had
been laid aside when this great war was first talked about.
" We had fine crops of corn which were now ripe, and our
women were engaged in gathering it, and making caches to
contain it. In a short time we were ready to start to Fort
Madison to get our supply of goods, that we might proceed to
our hunting grounds. We passed merrily down the river, all
in high spirits. I had determined to spend the winter at my
old favourite hunting ground on Skunk River, and left part of
my corn and mats at its mouth, to take up when I returned ;
others did the same. Next morning we arrived at the fort
and made our encampment. Myself and principal men paid
a visit to the war-chief, at the fort. He received us kindly
and gave us some tobacco, pipes, and provision. The trader
came in, and we all rose and shook hands with him, for on him
all our dependence was placed, to enable us to hunt and thereby
support our families. We waited a long time, expecting the
trader would tell us that he had orders from our Great Father
to supply us With goods ; but he said nothing on the subject.
I got up, and told him in a short speech, what we had come
for, and hoped he had plenty of goods to supply us ; and told
him he should be well paid in the spring ; and concluded by
informing him, that we had determined to follow our Great
Father's advice, and not go to war.
" He said he was happy to hear that we intended to remain
at peace. That he had a large quantity of goods ; and that
if we made a good hunt, we should be well supplied ; but re
marked that he had received no instructions to furnish us any
•thing on credit — nor could he give us any, without receiving
-the pay for them on the spot.
" We informed him what our Great Father had told our chiefs

120 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
at Washington, and contended that he could supply us if he
would, believing that our Great Father always spoke the truth.
But the war-chief said, that the trader could not furnish us on
credit, and that he had received no instructions from our Great
Father at Washington. We left the fort dissatisfied, and went
to our camp. What was now to be done we knew not. We
questioned the party that brought us the news from our Great
Father, that we should get credit for our winter's supplies at
this place. They still told the same story, and insisted upon
its truth. Few of us slept that night; all was gloom and
discontent. " In the morning a canoe was seen ascending the river. It
soon arrived, bearing an express, who brought intelligence that
La Gutrie,1 a British trader, had landed at Rock Island with
two boats loaded with goods, and requested us to come up
immediately, because he had good news for us, and a variety
of presents. The express presented us with tobacco, pipes,
and wampum.
" The news ran through our camp like fire in the prairie. Our
lodges were soon taken down, and all started for Rock Island.
Here ended all hopes of our remaining at peace, having been
forced into war by being deceived.
" Our party were not long in getting to Rock Island. When
we came in sight and saw tents pitched, we yelled, fired our
guns, and commenced beating our drums. Guns were imme
diately fired at the Island, returning our salute, and a British
flag hoisted. We landed and were cordially received by La
Gutrie, and then smoked the pipe with him. After which he
made a speech to us, that had been sent by Colonel Dickson,
and gave us a number of handsome presents, a large silk flag,
and a keg of rum, and told us to retire, take some refresh
ments and rest ourselves, as he would have more to say to us
on the next day.
" We according retired to our lodges, which had been put up
' La Gutrie, or La Goterie, was an Indian trader at Portage des Sioux —
a Canadian Frenchman, probably of mixed blood.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 121
in the mean time, and spent the night. The next morning we
called upon him, and told him that we wanted his two boats
load of goods to divide among our people, for which he should
be well paid in the spring, with furs and peltries. He con
sented, told us to take them and do as we pleased with them.
While our people were dividing the goods, he took me aside
and informed me that Colonel Dickson was at Green Bay with
twelve boats, loaded with goods, guns, and ammunition, and
wished me to raise a party immediately and go to him. He
said that our friend, the trader at Peoria, was collecting the
Pottawatamies, and would be there before us. I communicated
this information to my braves, and a party of two hundred
warriors were soon collected and ready to depart. On our
arrival at Green Bay we found a large encampment, and were
well received by Colonel Dickson and the war-chiefs that were
with him. He gave us plenty of provisions, tobacco, and
pipes, and said he would hold a council with us the next day.
" In the encampment I found alarge number of Pottawatamies,
Kickapoos, Ottawas, and Winnebagoes. I visited all their
camps and found them in high spirits. They had all received
new guns, ammunition, and a variety of clothing. In the
evening a messenger came to me, to visit Colonel Dickson.
I went to his tent, in which there were two other war-chiefs,
and an interpreter. He received me with a hearty shake of
the hand, and presented me to the other chiefs, who shook my
hand cordially and seemed much pleased to see me. After I
was seated, Colonel Dickson said, ' General Black Hawk, I
sent for you to explain to you what we are going to do, and
the reasons that have brought us here. Our friend La Gutrie
informs us in the letter you brought from him, what has lately
taken place. You will now have to hold us fast by the hand.
Tour English Father has found out that the Americans want
to take your country from you, and has sent me and his braves
to drive them back to their own country. He has likewise
sent a large quantity of arms and ammunition, and we want
all your warriors to join us.'
« He then placed a medal round my neck, and gave me a

122 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
paper,1 (which I lost in the late war,2) and a silk flag, saying,
' You are to command all the braves that will leave here the
day after to-morrow, to join our braves near Detroit." I told
him I was very much disappointed, as I wanted to descend the
Mississippi, and make war upon the settlements. He said he
had been ordered to lay the country waste around St. Louis ;
that he had been a trader on the Mississippi many years ; had
always been kindly treated, and could not consent to send
brave men to murder women and children. That there were
no soldiers there to fight ; but where he was going to send us,
there were a number of soldiers, and if we defeated them, the
Mississippi country should be ours. I was pleased with this
speech ; it was spoken by a brave.
• " The next day, arms and ammunition, tomahawks, knives,
and clothing, were given to my band. We had a great feast
in the evening, and the morning following, I started with about
five hundred braves to join the British army. The British
war-chief accompanied us. We passed Chicago. The fort
had been evacuated by the American soldiers, who had marched
for Fort Wayne. They were attacked a short distance from
that fort and defeated? They had a considerable quantity of
powder in the fort at Chicago, which they had promised to the
Indians ; but the night before they marched they destroyed
it. I think it was thrown into the well. If they had fulfilled
their word to the Indians, I think they would have gone safe.
" On our arrival I found that the Indians had several prison
ers. I advised them to treat them well. We continued our march
and joined the British army below Detroit, and soon after had
a fight. The Americans fought well, and drove us with con
siderable loss. I was surprised at this, as I had been told4
that the Americans could not fight.
" Our next movement was against a fortified place. I was
stationed with my braves to prevent any person going to or

1 This paper was found at the battle of Bad Axe — it was a certificate of his
good behaviour, and attachment to the British.
a In 1832. s Slaughtered, being defenceless. * By the British.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 123
coming from the fort. I found two men taking care of cattle,
and took them prisoners. I would not kill them, but delivered
them to the British war-chief. Soon after, several boats came
down the river full of American soldiers. They landed on
the opposite side, took the British batteries, and pursued the
soldiers that had left them. They went too far without know
ing the forces of the British, and were defeated. I hurried
across the river, anxious for an opportunity to shew the courage
of my braves ; but before we reached the ground, all was over.
The British had taken many prisoners, and the Indians were
killing them. I immediately put a stop to it, as I never thought
it brave, but cowardly, to kill an unarmed .and helpless enemy.1
" We remained here some time. I cannot detail what took
place, as I was stationed with my braves in the woods. It
appeared, however, that the British could not take this fort,2
for we were marched to another, some distance off. When we
approached it, I found it a small stockade,3 and concluded that
there were not many men in it. The British war-chief sent a
flag ; Colonel Dickson4 carried it and returned. He said a
young war-chief5 commanded, and would not give up without
fighting. Dickson came to me and said, " You will see to
morrow how easily we will take that fort." I was of opinion
that they would take it ; but when the morning came I was
disappointed. The British advanced, commenced an attack,
and fought like braves ; but by braves in the fort were defeated,
and a great number killed. The British army were making pre
parations to retreat. I was now tired of being with them, our
success being bad, and having got no plunder. I determined
on leaving them and returning to Rock Island, to see what had
become of my wife and children, as I had not heard from them
since I started. That night I took about twenty of my braves

i General Proctor commanded the British — his brutal conduct is well known
in history.
2 Fort Meigs. 3 Fort Stephenson.
4 He is mistaken in the name — Chambers and Mason carried the flag.
5 Lieutenant Croghan.

124 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
and left the British camp for home. We met no person on
our journey until we reached the Illinois River."
In pursuing the narrative of Black Hawk, we find that he
arrived at the Sac village on Rock River, where he was re
ceived by the chiefs and braves, and feasted ; he was informed
that after he had gone to war, the nation, which had been
reduced to so small a party of fighting-men, by the absence
of the braves with Black Hawk, found themselves unable to
defend themselves, if the Americans should attack them ; that
all the women, and children, and old men belonging to the
warriors who had joined the British, were left with them to
provide for ; and that a council was held, which agreed that
Quash-qua-me, the Lance, and other chiefs, with the old men,
women, and children, and such others as chose to accompany
them, should descend the Mississippi and go to St. Louis, and
place themselves under the protection of the American chief
stationed there. They accordingly went down to St. Louis,
and were received as the friendly band of the Sac and Fox
nation, sent up the Missouri, and provided for, while their
friends were assisting the British. Ke-o-kuk1 was then intro
duced to him as the war-chief of the braves then in the vil
lage ; he inquired how he had become a chief; he was informed
that their spies had seen a large armed force going toward
Peoria, and that fears were entertained of an attack on their
village. Whereupon a council was held, which concluded,
as the best course to be adopted, to leave the village and cross
to the west side of the Mississippi, to get out of the way.
Ke-o-kuk had been standing at the door of the lodge where
the council was held, (not being allowed to enter, never hav
ing killed an enemy,) where he remained until old Wa-co-me
came out. Ke-o-kuk asked for permission to speak in the
council, which Wa-co-me obtained for him. Ke-o-kuk then
addressed the chiefs, remonstrated against the desertion of
their village, their own homes, and the graves of their fathers,
and offered to defend the village. The council consented
1 Watchful Fox.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 125
that he should be a war-chief. He marshalled his braves,
sent out spies, and advanced on the trail leading to Peoria,
but returned without seeing an enemy ; the Americans did
not disturb the village, and all were satisfied with the appoint
ment of Ke-o-kuk.
Black Hawk then started to visit his family, and found
them well, but he says he could not rest with them in comfort
until he had revenged the death of an adopted child, the son
of one of his old friends, who had been killed and scalped by
white men, during the time of his absence. He therefore
collected a party of thirty braves, and descended the Missis
sippi in canoes, until they arrived near the place where Fort
Madison had stood. It had been abandoned by the whites
and burnt, nothing remained but the chimneys. He proceeded
down the river, and landed with one brave at Cap au Gris —
the remainder of the party went to the mouth of the Quiver.
Black Hawk and his companion pursued a trail which led
from the mouth of the river to a fort, and on their way met
with two men, one of whom, Black Hawk suffered to escape,
because he had been at Quash-qua-me's village to teach the
Indians to plough — the other man was killed and scalped by
Black Hawk's companion. Black Hawk saw two little boys
endeavouring to conceal themselves in the bushes, but he
passed by without noticing them ; as he says, he thought of
his own children. After joining the remainder of his party,
they had a sharp conflict with a party of mounted men, the
leader of which was killed by Black Hawk; the Indians,
eighteen in number, were driven into a deep sink-hole, at the
bottom of which were some bushes. In this trap, he says,
they awaited the approach of the enemy, who fired and killed
one of his men ; the Indians also fired and killed one of the
whites. Black Hawk acknowledges the situation of his party
to have been dangerous ; they dug holes in the bank to pro
tect themselves, and some of his warriors commenced singing
their death songs ; but after more firing without injury, the
whites returned to their fort. The Indians all got out safe
from the sink-hole, and found one white man dead, whom they

126 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
scalped, and placed their own dead man upon him ; " we could
not," says Black Hawk, "have left him in a better situation
than on an enemy."
This war party returned by land, having effected the pur
pose of revenge, and thinking it unsafe to return by their
canoes. Black Hawk found his wife and children, and a great
part of his people, at the mouth of the Ioway River, where
he determined, as he says, " to remain with my family and
hunt for them, and humble myself before the Great Spirit, and
return thanks to him for preserving me through the war."
A party of Pottawatamies' soon afterward paid a visit to
Black Hawk, and advised him to make peace with the Ameri
cans, as their people had lately done ; but he would not pro
mise this, but told them he would not send out war parties
against the settlements. However, he says, that " a short
time after the Pottawatamies left, a party of thirty braves
belonging to our nation, from the peace camp on the Missouri,
paid us a visit. They exhibited five scalps, which they had
taken on the Missouri, and wished us to dance over them,
which we willingly joined in. They related the manner in
which they had taken these scalps. Myself and braves then
showed the two we had taken near the Quiver, and told
them the reason that induced that war party to go out, as well
as the manner and difficulty we had in obtaining these scalps.
" They recounted to us all that had taken place — the num
ber that had been killed by the peace party, as they were
called and recognised, which far surpassed what our warriors
who had joined the British had done ! This party came for
the purpose of joining the British. I advised them to return
to the peace party, and told them the news that the Pottowa-
tamies had brought. They returned to the Missouri, accom
panied by some of my braves, whose families were with the
peace party."
After paying a visit to the Fox village at the lead-mines, and
to the Pottowatamies on the Illinois River, Black Hawk re
turned to Rock River, where, he says, " he was informed that a
party of soldiers had gone up the Mississippi to build a fort at

BLACK HAWK WAR. 127
Prairie du Chien. They had stopped near our village, and ap
peared to be friendly, and were kindly treated by our people."
" Some time afterward, five or six boats arrived, loaded with
soldiers going to Prairie du Chien to reinforce the garrison.
They appeared friendly, and were well received. We held a
council with the war-chief.1 We had no intention of hurting
him or any other of his party, or we could easily have de
feated them. They remained with us all day, and used, and
gave us, plenty of whiskey. During the night a party arrived
(who came down Rock River) and brought us six kegs of pow
der. They told us that the British had- gone to Prairie du
Chien and taken the fort, and wished us to join them again
in the war, which we agreed to. I collected my warriors and
determined to pursue the boats, which had sailed with a fair
wind. I immediately started with my party by land, in pur
suit, thinking that some of their boats might get aground, or
that the Great Spirit would put them in our power, if he
wished them taken, and their people killed. About halfway
up the rapids, I had a full view of the boats, all sailing with a
strong wind. I soon discovered that one boat was badly
managed, and was suffered to be driven ashore by the wind.
They landed, by running hard aground, and lowered their sail.
The others passed on. This boat, the Great Spirit gave us.
We approached it cautiously, and fired upon the men on
shore. All that could, hurried aboard, but they were unable
to push off, being fast aground. We advanced to the river's
bank under cover, and commenced firing on the boat. Our
balls passed through the plank, and did execution, as I could
hear them screaming in the boat. I encouraged my braves
to continue firing. Several guns were fired from the boat
without effect. I prepared my bow and arrows to throw fire
to the sail, which was lying on the boat, and, after two or three
attempts, succeeded in setting the sail on fire.
" The boat was soon in flames. About this time one of the
boats that had passed, returned, dropt anchor, and swung in

Major Campbell.

128 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
close to the boat on fire, and took off all the people except
those killed and badly wounded. We could distinctly see
them passing from one boat to the other, and fired on them
with good aim ; we wounded the war chief1 in this way. An
other boat now came down, dropped her anchor, which did not
take hold, and was drifted ashore. The other boat cut her cable
and rowed down the river. We then commenced an attack
on this boat, and fired several rounds. They did not return
our fire until we made a rush on the boat, when they fired
and killed two of our people, being all that we lost in the
engagement. Some of their men jumped out and pushed off
the boat, and thus got away without losing a man.
" We now put out the fire on the captured boat to save the
cargo. In searching for plunder, found several guns, large
barrels full of clothing, and some cloth lodges,1 all of which
I distributed among my warriors. We now disposed of the
dead and returned to the Fox village opposite the lower end
of Rock Island, where we put up our new lodges, and hoisted
the British flag. A great number of our braves were dressed
in the uniform clothing which we had taken, which gave our
encampment the appearance of a regular camp of soldiers.
We placed out sentinels, and commenced dancing over the
scalps we had taken. Soon after, several boats passed down;
among them a large boat carrying big guns. Our young men
followed them some distance, firing at them, but could not do
much damage. We were now certain that the fort at Prairie
du Chien had been taken, as this large boat went up with the
first party who built the fort.
" In the course of the day some of the British came down in
a small boat ; they had followed the large one, thinking she
would get fast in the rapids, in which case they were certain
of taking her. They had summoned her on the way down to
surrender, but she refused, and now that she had passed over
the rapids in safety, all hope of taking her had vanished.
" The British landed a big gun, and gave us three soldiers
1 Major Campbell. 2 Tents.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 129
to manage it. They complimented us for our bravery in taking
the boat, and told us what they had done at Prairie du Chien ;
gave us a keg of rum, and joined with us in our dancing and feast
ing. We gave them some things which we had taken from the
boat, particularly books and papers. They started the next
morning, after promising to return in a few days with a large
body of soldiers.
" We went to work under the directions of the men left with
us, and dug up the ground in two places to put the big gun in,
that the men might remain with it and be safe. We then sent
spies down the river to reconnoitre, who sent word by a run
ner that several boats were coming up filled with men.1 I
marshalled my forces, and was soon ready for their arrival,
and resolved to fight. The boats arrived in the evening, and
stopped at a small willow island nearly opposite to us. Dur
ing the night we removed our big gun farther down, and at
daylight next morning commenced firing. We were pleased
to see that almost every fire took effect, striking the boats
nearly every shot. They pushed off — started down the river —
a party of braves followed to watch where they landed ; but
they did not stop until they got below the Des Moines Ra
pids, when they landed and commenced building a fort."
Black Hawk collected a few braves, as he says, and started
to the place where they were making a fort ; he concluded
that if this fort was established, his people would be prevented
from going to their best hunting grounds. His war party
reached the place where the whites were at work, and con
cealed themselves among the bushes, for the night. The next
morning they saw two of the American war-chiefs walking arm-
in-arm, without guns, but they were too far distant for a rifle
shot to kill them, and they went back into the fort safely ;
but such was not the case with an unfortunate sentinel, who
Was approached by one of the Indians, cautiously creeping
through the grass, and shot. The people in the fort having
thus become alarmed, Black Hawk says that he and the rest

i Commanded by Major Z. Taylor.
Vol. III.— 9

130 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
of his party hurried back to Rock River, and arrived safely at
their village. The following spring he learned that the Ame
ricans had abandoned and burned the fort below the rapids.
Peace having been now made between the British and Ame
ricans, he says — " We were required to make peace also, and
were invited to go down to Portage des Sioux for that purpose.
Some advised that we should go down, others that we should
not. No-mite, our principal civil chief, said he would go, as
soon as the Foxes came down from the mines. They came, and
we all started from Rock River."
On their journey, the chief was taken sick, and the Sacs
stopped at the village on Henderson River ; the Foxes went on,
and the Sacs were to follow as soon as their chief got better:
but he died, and his brother, who became the principal chief,
refused to go down, for fear that he should be taken sick and
die, as his brother had done. "This," says Black Hawk,
" was reasonable, and we all concluded that none of us would
go at this time."
"The Foxes returned. They said, they had smoked the
pipe of peace1 with the Americans, and expected that a war
party would be sent against us because we did not go down.
This I did not believe, as the Americans had always lost by
their war parties that came against us.
" La Gutrie and other British traders arrived at our village
on Rock River, in the fall. La, Gutrie told us that we must go
down and make peace — that it was the wish of our English fa
ther. He said he wished us to go down to the Two River
country to winter, where game was plenty, as there had been
no hunting there for several years.
"Having heard that a principal war-chief, with troops, had
come up and commenced building a fort near Rapides des
Moines, we consented to go down with the traders, to see
the American chief, and tell him the reason why we had not
1 This treaty is dated at Portage des Sioux, September 14, 1815. A treaty
with the Sacs of Missouri River was made at the same place, September 13,
1815. Vide infra.

BLACK HAWK WAR.

131

been down sooner. We arrived at the head of the Rapids,
visited the war-chief, who was on board of a boat, and ex
plained the reason why we had not been down sooner. He
appeared angry, and talked to La Gutrie for some time. I in
quired of him what the war-chief had said. He told me that
he was threatening to hang him up on the yard-arm -of his
boat. 'But,' said he, 'lam not afraid of what he says. He
dare not put his threats into execution. I have done no more
than I had a right to do as a British subject.' "1
Black Hawk obtained permission for his band, and some
Menominees, to go down to the Two River country to hunt—
they spent the winter there, made a good hunt, and returned
to their village.
" In the spring," says Black Hawk, " the great chief at St.
Louis, having sent word for us to go down and confirm the
treaty of peace, we did not hesitate, but started immediately,
that we might smoke the peace pipe with him. We met the
great chiefs in council, and the pipe of peace was smoked.
Here for the first time I touched the goose-quill, to the
treaty,2 not knowing, however, that by that act I consented to
give away my village. Had that been explained to me, I
should have opposed it, and never would have signed their
treaty, as my recent conduct will clearly prove.
" We were friendly treated by the white chiefs, and started
back to our village on Rock River : here we found that troops
had arrived to build a fort at Rock Island. We did not ob
ject to their building the fort, but were very sorry, as this was.
the best island on the Mississippi, and had long been the re
sort of our young people during the summer. It was our gar
den (like the white people have near to their big villages)'
which supplied us with strawberries, blackberries, gooseberries,
plums, apples, and nuts of different kinds ; and its waters sup
plied us with fine fish, being situated in the rapids ofthe river.
' The British traders were constantly exciting the Indians against the
Americans, and always with impunity.
2 This treaty is dated at St. Louis, May 13th, 1816. Vide infra.

132 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
In my early life I spent many happy days on this island.
A good spirit had care of it, who lived in a cave in the rocks,
immediately under the place where the fort now stands, and has
often been seen by our people. He was white, with large wings
like a swan, but ten times larger. We were particular not to
make much noise in that part of the island which he inhabited,
for fear of disturbing him. But the noise of the fort has since
driven him away, and no doubt a bad spirit has taken his place.
" Our village was situated on the north side of Rock River,
at the foot of its rapids, and on the point of land between
Rock River and the Mississippi. In its front, a prairie ex
tended to the bank of the Mississippi ; and in our rear, a con
tinued bluff, gently ascending from the prairie. On the side
of this bluff, we had our cornfields, extending about two miles
up, running parallel with the Mississippi, where we joined
those of the Foxes, whose village was on the bank of the Mis
sissippi opposite the lower end of Rock Island, and three miles
distant from ours. We had about eight hundred acres in cul
tivation, including what we had on the islands of Rock River.
The land around our village uncultivated, was covered with
blue grass, which made excellent pasture for our horses.
Several fine springs broke out of the bluff near by, from which
we were supplied with good wrater. The rapids of Rock River
furnished us with an abundance of excellent fish, and the land,
being good, never failed to produce good crops of corn, beans,
pumpkins, and squashes. We always had plenty — our chil
dren never cried with hunger, nor our people were ever in
want. Here our village had stood for more than a hundred
years, during all which time we were the undisputed possessors
of the valley of the Mississippi, from the Ouisconsin to the
Portage des Sioux, near the mouth of the Missouri.
" At this time we had very little intercourse with the whites,
except our traders. Our village was healthy, and there was
no place in the country possessing such advantages, nor no
hunting grounds better than those we had in possession.
If another prophet had come to our village in those days, and
told us what has since taken place, none of our people would

BLACK HAWK WAR. I33
have believed him. What ! to be driven from our village and
hunting grounds, and not even permitted to visit the graves of
our forefathers, our relations, and friends ? This hardship is
not known to the whites. With us it is a custom to visit the
graves of our friends, and keep them in repair for many years.
The mother might/go alone to weep over the grave of her child.
The brave with pleasure visits the grave of his father, after he
has been successful in war, and repaints the post that shows
where he lies. There is no place like that where the bones of
our forefathers lie, to go to when in grief : here the Great
Spirit will take pity on us.
" But how different is our situation now, from what it was
in those days ! Then we were as happy as the buffalo on the
plains — but now we are as miserable as the hungry, howling
wolf in the prairie ! Bitter reflection crowds upon my mind
and must find utterance."
Black Hawk remained quiet in his village for some years,
during which time he paid several visits to Fort Armstrong,
and was always well treated; but he says — "As the settle
ment progressed towards us, we became worse off, and more
unhappy ; many of our people, instead of going to their old
hunting grounds where game was plenty, would go near to the
settlements to hunt — and instead of saving their skins
to pay the trader for goods furnished them in the fall, would
sell them to the settlers for whiskey, and return in the spring
with their families almost naked, and without the means of
getting anything for them."
During this time also, his nation had difficulties with the
Sioux and the Ioways; and at one time Black Hawk paid a
visit to Fort Maiden, with several of his band, and were well
treated, to use his words, "by the agent of our British father,
who gave us a variety of presents; he also gave me a medal,
and told me there never would be a war between England and
America again ; but for my fidelity to the British during the
war that had terminated some time before, requested me to
come with my band every year and get presents as Colonel
Dickson had promised me."

134 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
After this, Black Hawk, when hunting one day on Two
Rivers, was met by three white men, who accused him of killing
their hogs ; in vain he denied it ; they took his gun from him,
fired it off, took out the flint, gave the gun back to him, and
then beat him with sticks and ordered him off. He says — " I
was so much bruised that I could not sleep for several nights."
He complains of many instances of unjust and bad treatment
of his people on part of the whites, and says, "we determined
to break up our camp for fear they should do worse."
When the agent came to live at Rock Island, Black Hawk
visited him and the trader very often during the summer, and
"for the first time heard talk of our having to leave my vil
lage. The trader explained to me the terms of the treaty
that had been made, and said we should be obliged to leave
the Illinois side of the Mississippi, and advised us to select a
good place for our village and remove to it in the spring. He
pointed out the difficulties we should have to encounter if we
remained at our village on Rock River ; he had great influ
ence with the principal Fox chief, (his adopted brother,) and
persuaded him to leave his village and go to the west side of
the Mississippi River and build another, which he did the
spring following.
"Nothing was now talked of but our leaving our village;
Keokuk had been persuaded to consent to go, and was using
all his influence, backed by the war-chief at Fort Armstrong,
and our agent and trader at Rock Island, to induce others to
go with him. The party opposed to removing called upon me
for my opinion. I gave it freely, and after questioning
Qu&sh-qu&-me about the sale of the lands, he assured me
that ' he never had consented to the sale of our village.' I
now promised this party to be their leader, and raised the
standard of opposition to Keokuk, with a full determination
not to leave my village. I had an interview with Keokuk, to
see if this difficulty could not be settled with our Great
Father — and told him to propose to give other land, (any that
our Great Father might choose, even our lead-mines,) to be
peaceably permitted to keep the small point of land on which

BLACK HAWK WAR, I35
our village and fields were situate. Keokuk promised to make
an exchange, if possible, and applied to our agent, and the
great chief at St. Louis, (who has charge of all the agents,)
for permission to go to Washington to see our Great Father
for that purpose."
" This satisfied us for some time ; we started to our hunt
ing-grounds, in good hopes that something would be done for
us ; during the winter I received information that three fami
lies of whites had arrived at our village, and destroyed some
of our lodges, and were making fences and dividing our corn
fields for their own use, and were quarelling among themselves
about their lines in the division. I immediately started for
Rock River, a distance of ten days' travel, and on my ar
rival found the report to be true. I went to my lodo-e, and
found a family occupying it. I wished to talk with them, but
they could not understand me. I then went to Rock Island,
and (the agent being absent) told the interpreter what I
wanted to say to those people, viz., ' Not to settle on our lands,
nor trouble our lodges or fences — that there was plenty of
land in the country for them to settle upon — and they must
leave our village, as we were coming back to it in the
spring.' "
Black Hawk received a paper from the interpreter, which
he showed to the intruders, but could not understand their
reply ; he expected, however, that they would remove, as he
had requested them. He returned to Rock Island ; the trader
advised him to' give up, and make his village with Keokuk on
the loway River, but he refused. He then went to see the
Winnebago sub-agent, and converse with him on the subject
of his difficulties — he received no better news than from the
trader ; he then went, by way of Rock River, to the Prophet,
and explained all matters to him. He advised Black Hawk
never to give up his village, that the whites might plough up
the bones of his people ; and also urged him to get Keokuk
to return from the west side of the Mississippi. Black Hawk
returned to his hunting-ground after an absence of one moon,
and related what he had done ; in a short time, he and some

136 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
of his band came to their village, and found the whites had
not left it, but that others had come, and that the greater
part of their corn-fields had been enclosed. The whites ap
peared displeased, he says, " because we had come back. We
repaired the lodges that had been left standing, and built
others ; Keokuk came to the village, but his object was to
persuade others to follow him to the loway. He had accom
plished nothing toward making arrangements for us to remain,
or to exchange other lands for our village. There was no
more friendship existing between us. I looked upon him as
a coward and no brave, to abandon his village to be occupied
by strangers. What right had these people to our village
and our fields, which the Great Spirit had given us to live
upon?" In consequence of the improvements which the settlers
were daily making, Black Hawk's people found difficulty in
obtaining sufficient ground to plant their corn in ; their women
were unaccustomed to climbing fences, and were ill treated if
they left a rail down. If a white man wanted the corn-field
of an Indian, he would plough up the newly planted ground,
destroy the Indian's hope of feeding his family, and replant the
ground, and take possession of it himself; whiskey was intro
duced into the village, the Indians were made drunk, and cheated
out of their horses, guns, and traps — the Indians were cruelly
treated by the whites ; a woman was beaten for pulling a few
suckers of corn out of a white man's field, to suck when
hungry ; and one of the young men was beat with clubs by
two white men, for opening a fence which crossed the Indian
road, to take his horse through — his shoulder-blade was
broken, his body bruised so badly that he soon after died.
In the midst of these disasters and distressing times to the
Indians, Black Hawk says, not one of the white people was
hurt or molested by any of his band. They made their situ
ation known to the great chief at St. Louis, through their
agent, and at the same time the whites were complaining that
the Indians were intruding on their rights; "they made
themselves out," says Black Hawk, "to be the injured party,.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 137
and we the intruders, and called loudly to the great war-chief
to protect their property."
In the fall of the year, before starting to their hunting-
grounds, the agent informed Black Hawk that the land on
which his village stood was ordered to be sold to individuals ;
and that if they returned in the spring, they should be forced
to remove. He was also informed during the winter, that
part of the land where the village stood, had been sold to in
dividuals, and that the trader at Rock Island had bought the
greater part of what had been sold. After holding several
councils among themselves during the winter, Black Hawk's
people determined to return to their village in the spring, and
if they were removed by force, the trader, the agent, the in
terpreter, the great chief at St. Louis, the war-chief at Fort
Armstrong Rock Island, and Keokuk were to be killed ; Ne-
a-pope promised to perform this wholesale murder, as these
were the principal persons whom they blamed for endeavouring
to remove them ; the trader stood foremost on the list ; " he
had purchased," says Black Hawk, " the land on which my
lodge stood, and that of our grave-yard also."
Owing to the difficulty of breaking new ground with their
hoes, the corn crops were small, and for the first time, Black
Hawk says, " our people were in want of provision." He
hoped to obtain permission to go to Washington to settle all
affairs with their Great Father ; the agent told him that he
must remove to the west of the Mississippi, and Black Hawk
replied that he would not ; he claimed the right to " live and
hunt" on the land that had not been sold, and still remained
the property of the government. Black Hawk went to Mai
den to see the chief of his British Father on the subject; he
next called on the great chief at Detroit, and told the tale of
his grievances ; by both he was told, that " if we had not sold
our lands, and would remain peaceably on them, we should not
be disturbed." " This," he says, " assured me that I was
right, and determined me to hold out."
"At this time," says Black Hawk, "we were a divided
people, forming two parties ; Keokuk being at the head of

138 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
one, willing to barter our rights merely for the good of the
whites, and cowardly enough to desert our village to them. I
was at the head of the other party, and was determined to
hold on to my village, although I had been ordered to leave
it; but I considered, as myself and band had no agency in
selling the country — and that, as provision had been made in
the treaty for us all to remain on it as long as it belonged to
the United States, that we could not be forced away."
On returning to his village, Black Hawk was ordered by
the agent to quit the village, and was told that if he did not,
troops would be sent to drive him off. The interpreter and
trader reasoned with him, represented the distress he was
bringing on the women and children, and inquired if some
honourable and satisfactory terms could not be made with him
and his braves, to induce them to remove to the west side of
the Mississippi ? Black Hawk replied that if " his Great
Father would make the proposition and do them justice, he
could give up honourably." He was asked, " if the great
chief at St. Louis would give them six thousand dollars to
purchase provisions and other articles, he would give up
peaceably and remove to the west side of the Mississippi?"
Black Hawk, after thinking some time, agreed to the propo
sition of giving up by being paid for it, according to Indian
customs, but said that it would be dishonourable in him to
make the proposal himself, even if he wished it. The trader
said he would send word to the great chief at St. Louis, that
he could remove them peaceably to the west side of the Mis
sissippi for the amount stated ; and afterward told Black
Hawk that he had requested a war-chief, who was stationed
at Galena, and had gone on a steamboat to St. Louis, to make
the offer to the great chief at St. Louis, and that he would
soon be back with an answer. In a few days the war-chief
returned, and brought for answer, that the great chief at St.
Louis " would give them nothing, and if they did not remove
immediately, they should be drove off."
Black Hawk says, he now resolved to remain in his village
and make no resistance if the military came, but submit to

BLACK HAWK WAR. 139
his fate ; if a friendly offer had been made, as he expected,
he would, for the sake of his women and children, have re
moved peaceably. He directed his band, in case the military
came, not to raise an arm against them. In a short time,
General Gaines arrived with a detachment of the army, and
convened a council at the agency. Keokuk and Wapello were
sent for, and came ; at this council the Indians were told that
their Great Father, the President, was very sorry to be put to
the trouble and expense of sending a body of soldiers to remove
them from lands which they had long since ceded to the United
States ; and they were advised to consult their own interests
and remove to the west side of the Mississippi. Black Hawk
replied, that "We had never sold our country; we never re
ceived any annuities from our American Father. And we are
determined to hold on to our village." General Gaines, in an
angry manner, rose and inquired, "Who is Black Hawk?"
Black Hawk answered, "I am a Sac! my forefather was a
Sac ! and all the nations call me a Sac !" General Gaines
said, " I came here neither to beg nor to hire you to leave
your village '; my business is to remove you, peaceably if I
can, forcibly if I must ; I will now give you two days to re
move in, and if you do not cross the Mississippi within that
time, I will adopt measures to force you away." Black Hawk
told him he never would consent, and was determined not to
leave the village, and the council broke up.
General Gaines entered Rock River with a steamboat having
one gun on board, and a detachment of soldiers were encamped
below the mouth of the river. On the day appointed for the
removal of the Indians, Black Hawk says that " We crossed
the Mississippi during the night and encamped some distance
below Rock Island ; another council was convened, a treaty
was entered into, I touched the goose-quill to this treaty, and
was determined to live in peace."
By the terms of the treaty corn was to be given the Indians
in place of that which was growing in their fields : the corn
given was inadequate to their wants, and the women and chil
dren Jamented, being deprived of their roasting ears, beans,

140 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
and squashes. To satisfy them a small party of braves went
over in the night to steal corn from their own fields. They
were discovered by the whites and fired upon.
At the time that General Gaines was expected to arrive with
his detachment, Ne-a-pope had been sent by Black Hawk to
Maiden for advice ; when he returned, he said he had seen
the chiefs of their British Father, who told him, that if the
village and land had not been sold, the American government
could not take them, and the exclusive right of property was
in the Indians, from which the Americans could not force them ;
and in the event of a war, they (the Indians) should have
nothing to fear, as the British would stand by and assist them.
Ne-a-pope further told Black Hawk that he.had called at the
Prophet's village on his way, and that he learned from him
that their British Father was going to send them guns, ammu
nition, provisions, and clothing, early in the spring ; the vessels
were to bring them by way of Mil-wa-ke ; the Prophet had
also received wampum and tobacco from the different nations
on the lakes, Ottawas, Chippewas, Pottowatomies ; and as for
the Winnebagoes, he had them all at his command ; that all
these tribes would fight for them if necessary, and the British
would support them ; and if they should be whipped they
would still be safe, as the Prophet had received a friendly talk
from the chief of Was-sa-cum-mi-co, (at Selkirk's Settlement,)
that he would make them happy, if they were dissatisfied with
their country.
At a subsequent period, after Black Hawk had fully com
mitted himself by actually plunging into war with the whites,
he found that he had been grossly deceived by the representa
tions of Ne-a-pope, and that a tissue of falsehoods had been
imposed on him, (no doubt at the instigation of the Prophet,
who was ever most bitterly inimical against the Americans,)
in order to induce him to take up the hatchet, although in a
most desperate and hopeless case. Black Hawk makes the
following acknowledgment of the truth of the result of Ne-a-
pope's mission to the commandant at Maiden: —
" The supplies that Ne-a-pope and the Prophet had ^old us

BLACK HAWK WAR. 141
about, and the reinforcements we were to have, were never
more heard of; and it is but justice to our British Father to
say, were never promised ; his chief having sent word, in lieu
of the lies that were brought to me, for us to remain at peace,
as we could accomplish nothing but our own ruin in going to
war." But this exposition of Ne-a-pope's deception came too late,
although it is very evident that Black Hawk was extremely
willing to seize upon any encouragement for him to commence
the war. He says, " I sent word to Keokuk's band and the
Fox tribe, and explained to them the good news I had heard;
they would not hear; Keokuk said I had been imposed upon
by liars, and had much better remain where I was, and keep
quiet. When he found that I was determined to make an at
tempt to secure my village, and fearing that some difficulty
would arise, he made application to the agent and great chief
at St. Louis, for permission for the chiefs of our nation to go
to Washington to see our Great Father, that we might have
our difficulties settled amicably."
Black Hawk kept his band together, and recruited as many
as he could, determined to rescue his village in the spring,
provided he did not go to Washington ; but in this expectation
he was disappointed, as no answer was received to the appli
cation to their Great Father, and he asserts that there was
lad management somewhere, or the difficulty that has taken
place would have been avoided.
Ascertaining that he could not be permitted to go to Wash
ington, Black Hawk tried, unsuccessfully, to recruit his band
from the braves of Keokuk ; he collected all his own people;
encamped on the Mississippi where Fort Madison had stood,
and made preparations to ascend Rock River. His party
commenced their march up the Mississippi, the women and
children in canoes, carrying provisions, camp equipage, &c,
and the warriors and braves on horseback, armed and equipped ;
the Prophet joined them below Rock River, and they were
informed that the American soldiers were on thei? way to
Rock Island ; on the same night the White Beaver, (General

142 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Atkinson,) with his detachment of tho army, passed up the'
Mississippi in steamboats. The Indians began to ascend Rock
River, and an express was sent to them by General Atkinson,
with an order for them to return and recross the Mississippi ;
Black Hawk refused to obey the order, and moved on toward
the Prophet's village ; another express came from General
Atkinson, threatening that if they did not return peaceably,
they should be pursued and driven back ; the answer sent by
Black Hawk was, "If he wished to fight us, to come on."
At this period, Mr. Gratiot, sub-agent of the Winnebagoes,
with several of the chiefs and head-men of the Winnebago
nation, came to Black Hawk's encampment, but having no
interpreter, he was obliged to make use of the Winnebago
chiefs. They told Black Hawk that the object of his mission
was to persuade him to return, but they advised him to go on,
and the farther he went up the river, the more friends he would
meet; that the Winnebagoes were his friends, and that he
would receive reinforcements sufficiently strong to repulse an
enemy. They further said that they would go down with their
agent to ascertain the strength of the enemy, and then return
with the news ; they acknowledged that they had used strata
gems to deceive the agent and to help the Sacs; during this
council, the British flag was hoisted by Black Hawk's band;
Gratiot returned to Rook Island with the Winnebago chiefs.
Black Hawk started the next day with his band to Kish-
wa-co-kee, and encamped at night a short distance above the
Prophet's village. When all was quiet in his camp, he sent
for his chiefs and told them he had been deceived, and that
all the fair promises held out by Ne-a-pope were false, but that
the war party must not know it ; that they would move on to
Kish-wa-co-kee, as if all was right, and see what the Potto-
watomies would do. Accordingly, they told the band that
news had just come from Milwakee that a chief of their British
Father would be there in a few days. On his arrival at Kish-
wa-co-kee with the Prophet, an express was sent to the Potto-
watomieSft villages, and the next day a deputation arrived from
them. The Pottowatomies denied having any knowledge of

BLACK HAWK WAR. 143
a promise of any assistance whatever from the British, and
Black Hawk informed them of the news which Ne-a-pope had
brought to him, and the deputation returned to their village.
The next day actual hostilities commenced, and we now pro
ceed with the account which Black Hawk gives of the several
events of the war from this time until his surrender after the
battle of Bad Axe; the dates which are omitted in Black
Hawk's statements, will be given in the details of the same
events, as found in the personal narratives, newspaper accounts,
and official reports to government, in relation to the Black
Hawk war.
Following Black Hawk's account, he says that he sent word
by the Pottowatamie deputation, that he wished to have a talk
with their chiefs ; accordingly they arrived the next day, and
he had a dog killed and made a "feast ; when it was ready, he
spread his medicine bags, and the chiefs commenced their eat
ing. We now take up Black Hawk's narrative : — " When the
ceremony was about ending, I received news that three or four
hundred white men on horseback had been seen about eight
miles off. I immediately started three young men with a white
flag to meet them and conduct them to our camp, that we might
hold a council with them and descend Rock River again ; and
directed them, in case the whites had encamped, to return, and
I would go and see them. After this party had started, I sent
five young men to see what might take place. The first party
went to the encampment of the whites and were taken pri
soners. The last party had not proceeded far before they saw
about twenty men coming toward them in full gallop. They
stopped, and finding that the whites were coming so fast, in a
warlike attitude,, they turned and retreated, but were pursued
and two of them overtaken and killed ; the others made their
escape. When they came in with the news, I was preparing
my flags to meet the war-chief; the alarm was given ; nearly
all my young men were absent about ten miles off; I started
with what I had left, about forty, and had proceeded but a
short distance before we saw a party of the army approaching.
I raised a yell, and said to my braves, ' Some of our people

144 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
have been killed ! wantonly and cruelly murdered ! we must
revenge their death !'
" In a little while we discovered the whole army coming
toward us in full gallop.1 We were now confident that our
first party had been killed. I immediately placed my men in
front of some bushes, that we might have the first fire when
they approached close enough ; they made a halt some distance
from us ; I gave another yell and ordered my brave warriors
to charge upon them ; they did charge, every man rushed and
fired, and the enemy retreated in the utmost confusion and
consternation, before my little but brave band of warriors.
" After pursuing the enemy some distance, I found it use
less to follow them, as they rode so fast, and returned to my
encampment with a few of my braves, (about twenty-five having
gone in pursuit of the enemy.) I lighted my pipe, and sat
down to thank the Great Spirit for what he had done. I had
not been long meditating, when two of the three young men I
had sent out with the flag to meet the American war-chief, en
tered. My astonishment was not greater than my joy to see
them living and well ; I eagerly listened to their story, which
was as follows."
We shall here condense the relation : — When the Indians ar
rived at the encampment of the whites, a number rushed out
to meet them, bringing their guns with them ; they were taken
into the camp, where an American who spoke the Sac language
told them, his chief wanted to know who they were — where
they were going — where their camp was — and where Black
Hawk was. The Indians answered that they had come to see
the chief, and to conduct him to BlaGk Hawk's camp, or if he
had encamped, then Black Hawk would come'to him, and hold
a council, as he had given up all intention of going to war.
At this crisis a party of white men came in on horseback—
they looked at the Indians with indignation — talked among
themselves for a moment — a tumult arose — several cocked their
guns — in a second, fired at the Indians in the crowd, and killed
1 Stillman's Defeat, 14th May, 1832.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 145
one of them — the two others rushed through the crowd and
escaped — took to an ambush, and soon were followed by the
whites at full speed — one white man came near the ambush of
the two Indians, one of whom threw his tomahawk, killed
him, afterwards scalped him with his own knife, took his gun,
mounted his horse, and took his own companion behind him.
They afterwards turned to follow the braves who were running
the enemy, and overtook a white man whose horse had mired
in a swamp. One of the Indians alighted, tomahawked the
man who was apparently fast under his horse, and took his
scalp, hor " and gun. The pursuing Indians were far ahead,
and the two followed on, and saw several white men lying dead
on the way. After riding about six miles, they met the party
returning, and on their way back, they found and scalped ten
whites who had been killed, besides the two above mentioned.
The loss of the Indians was three : one killed out of the first
party of three, and two out of the second party of five. We
now resume Black Hawk's narration.
" We first disposed of our dead, and then commenced an ex
amination of the enemy's deserted encampment for plunder.
We found arms, ammunition, and provisions, all of which we
were in want of, particularly the latter, as we were entirely
without. We found also a variety of saddle-bags, which I dis
tributed among my braves, and a small quantity of whiskey,
and some little barrels that had contained this bad medicine,
but they were empty. The enemy's encampment was in the
skirt of a woods near a run, about half a day's travel from
Dixon's Ferry. We attacked them in the prairie, with a few
bushes between us, about sundown, and I expected my whole
party would-be killed. I was surprised to see this army of
several hundreds retreating without showing fight, and passing
through their encampment.
" Never was I so much surprised in my life as I was in this
attack. An army of three or four hundred, after having
learned that we were suing for peace, to attempt to kill the
flag-bearers that had gone unarmed to ask for a meeting of
the war-chiefs of the two contending parties to hold a council,
Vol. III.— 10

146 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
that I might return to the west side of the Mississippi ; to
come forward with a full determination to demolish the few
braves I had with me ; to retreat when they had ten to one,
was unaccountable to me. I expected to see them fight as the
Americans did with the British during the last war — but they
had no such braves among them.
i " I had resolved upon giving up the war, and sent a flag of
peace to the American war-chief, expecting as a matter of
right, reason, and justice, that our flag would be respected.
Yet, instead of this honourable course, which I have always
practised in war, I was forced into war with about five hun
dred warriors, to contend against three or four thousand.
What was now to be done ? It was worse than folly to turn
back and meet an enemy where the odds were so much against
U3, and thereby sacrifice our wives and children to the fury of
an enemy who had murdered some of our brave and unarmed
warriors, when they were on a mission to sue for peace."
Black Hawk then sent out spies to watch the army, and
moved up the Kish-wa-co-kee with the balance of his people.
He says he did not know where to go to find a place of safety
for his women and children, but expected to find a good har
bour about the head of Rock River. On his arrival at the
head of the Kish-wa-co-kee, he was met by a party of Winne
bagoes, who seemed to rejoice at his success. They told him
they had come to offer their services, and were anxious to join
him. He inquired for a safe place for his women and chil
dren, and was promised two old- men as guides. He then sent
out war parties in different directions, the Winnebagoes went
alone, and he himself commenced moving to the Four Lakes,
the place where the guides were to conduct him. They had
not gone far, before six Winnebagoes came in with one scalp.
They said they had killed a man1 at a grove on the road from
Dixon's to the lead-mines. Four days after, the party of
Winnebagoes who had gone out from the head of Kish-wa-co-
kee, overtook him, and told him they had killed four men, and
1 Mr. Winters, a mail contractor, or Durley.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 147
taken their scalps, and that one of them was Ke-o-kuk's fa
ther, (the agent ;x) they proposed to have the scalp-dance ; but
Black Hawk refused in consequence of having lately lost three
of his braves, and the Winnebagoes danced in their own camp.
Two days afterwards, Black Hawk*s party arrived at the Four
Lakes, and in a few days a great number of his warriors came
in, and he called them together, and encouraged them to de
serve being honoured with the medicine bag, by exhibiting
their courage and avenging the murder of the three braves.
Several small parties went out and returned with success, also
bringing in provisions for the people ; ihe spies reported that
the army had fallen back to Dixon's Ferry, and that the horse
men2 had broken up- their camp, disbanded, and returned home.
Finding the enemy so far off, Black Hawk made a dog feast,
exhibited the great medicine bags of his ancestors, and encou
raged his warriors and braves ; he then started with about two
hundred warriors, directing his course towards sunset, and ar
rived at Mos-co-ho-co-y-nak, (Apple River.) The account
given by Black Hawk of his attack on the fort at this place,
is as follows : — " When we arrived in the vicinity of the fort
the white people had built there, we saw four men on horse-
back ; one of my braves fired and wounded a man, when the
others set up a yell, as if a large force were near and ready
to come against us. We concealed ourselves — no enemy came
— the four men ran to the fort and gave the alarm — -we fol
lowed them, and attacked the fort, and killed one man who,
raised his head above the picketing to fire at us. Finding
that these people could not all be killed without setting fire
to their houses and fort, I thought it more prudent to be con
tent with what flour, provisions, cattle, and horses we could
find, than to set fire to their buildings, as the light would be
seen at a distance, and the army might suppose we were in the
neighbourhood, and come upon us with a force too strong.
Accordingly, we opened a house, and filled our bags with flour

1 St. Arrain. The other three were Fowler, Hawley, and Hale.
2 Mounted volunteers.

148 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
and provisions, took several horses, and drove off some of their
cattle. " We started in a direction towards sunrise. After march
ing a considerable time, I discovered some white men coming
towards us ; we concealed ourselves in the woods, and when
they came near enough, we commenced yelling and firing, and
made a rush upon them.1 About this time, their chief,2 with
a party of men, rushed up to rescue the men we had fired upon.
In a little while they commenced retreating, and left their
chief and a few braves, who Seemed willing and anxious to
fight. They acted like braves, but were forced to give way
when I rushed upon them with my braves. In a short time
the chief returned with a large party ; he seemed determined
to fight, and anxious for a battle. When he came near enough,
I raised a yell, and firing commenced from both sides ; the
chief (who seemed to be a small man) addressed his warriors
in a loud voice, but they soon retreated, leaving him and a
few braves on the battle-field. A great number of my war
riors pursued the retreating party, and killed a number of
their horses as they ran. The chief and his few braves
were unwilling to leave the field ; I ordered my braves
to rush upon them, and had the mortification of seeing two of
my chiefs killed before the enemy retreated. This young
chief deserves great praise for his courage and bravery ; but
fortunately for us, his army was not all composed of such brave
men. During this attack, we killed several men and about
forty horses, and lost two young chiefs and seven warriors."
Having arrived at his encampment, Black Hawk learned
from his spies that the army had commenced moving ; a party
of five Indians came in and said they had been pursued for
several hours, and were attacked in the woods where they
were concealed, by twenty-five or thirty whites ; after some
skirmishing, and much firing on both sides, the whites re
treated, having had three men killed ;3 the Indians lost one
1 Battle of Buffalo Grove. 2 Major John Dement.
3 Capt. Stephenson's fight.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 149
man, whose throat was cut while fighting with two whites.
Another party of three Sacs had come in, and brought in two
young white squaws,1 whom they had given to the Winneba
goes to take to the whites ; they said they had joined a party
of Pottowatamies, and went with them as a war-party against
the settlers on the Illinois. " The leader of this party," says
Black Hawk, "a Pottowatamie, had been severely whipped by
this settler,2 some time before, and was anxious to avenge the
insult and injury. While the party was preparing to start, a
young Pottawatamie went to the settler's house, and told him
to leave it — that a war party was coming to murder them.
They started, but soon returned again, as it appeared that they
were all there when the war party arrived. The Pottawatamies
killed the whole family except the two young squaws, whom
the Sacs took upon their horses, and carried off to save their
lives. They were brought to our encampment, and a messen
ger sent to the Winnebagoes, as they were friendly on both
sides, to come and get them, and carry them to the whites.
If these young men belonging to my band had not gone with
the Pottawatamies, the two young squaws would have shared
the. same fate as their friends.
" During our encampment at the Four Lakes we were hard
put to, to obtain enough to eat to support nature. Situate in
a swampy, marshy country, (which had been selected in con
sequence of the great difficulty required to gain access there
to,) there was but little game of any sort to be found, and
fish were equally scarce. The great distance to any settle
ment, and the impossibility of bringing supplies therefrom,
if any could have been obtained, deterred our young men from
making further attempts. We were forced to dig roots and
lark trees, to obtain something to satisfy hunger, and keep us
alive. Several of our old people became so much reduced as
actually to die with hunger. Finding that the army had com
menced moving, and fearing that they might come upon and
surround our encampment, I concluded to remove my women

The two Misses Hall. 2 Mr. Hall.

150 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
and children across the Mississippi, that they might return to
the Sac nation again. Accordingly, on the next day we com
menced moving, with five Winnebagoes acting as our guides,
intending to descend the Ouisconsin.
"Ne-a-pope, with a party of twenty, remained in our rear to
watch for the enemy, while we were proceeding to the Ouis
consin with our women and children. We arrived,1 and had
commenced crossing them to an island, when we discovered a
large body of the enemy coming toward us.2 We were now
compelled to fight, or sacrifice our wives and children to the
fury of the whites. I met them with fifty warriors, (having
left the balance to assist our women and children in crossing,)
about a mile from the river, when an attack immediately com
menced. I was mounted on a fine horse, and was pleased to
see my warriors so brave. I addressed them in a loud voice,
telling them to stand their ground, and never yield it to the
enemy. At this time I was on the rise of a hill, where I
wished to form my warriors, that we might have some advan
tage over the whites. But the enemy succeeded in gaining
this point, which compelled us to fall back into a deep ravine,
from which we continued firing at them, and they at us, until
it began to grow dark. My horse having been wounded twice
during this engagement, and fearing from his loss of blood
that he would soon give out — and finding that the enemy
would not come near enough to receive our fire in the dusk
of the evening — and knowing that our women and children
had had sufficient time to reach the island in the Ouisconsin,
I ordered my warriors to return, in different routes, and meet
me at the Ouisconsin, and was astonished to find that the
enemy were not disposed to pursue us.
. " In this skirmish, with fifty braves, I defended and accom
plished my passage over the Ouisconsin, with a loss of only
six men, though opposed by a host of mounted militia. I
would not have fought there but to gain time for my women
0 ' At Wisconsin Heights, opposite to Sauk Prairie.
2 General Henry's command.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 151
and children to cross to an island. A warrior will duly ap
preciate the embarrassments I laboured under; and whatever
may be the sentiments of the white people in relation to this
battle, my nation, though fallen, will award to me the reputa
tion of a great brave, in conducting it.
" The loss of the enemy could not be ascertained by our
party, but I am of opinion it was much greater, in propor
tion, than mine. We returned to the Ouisconsin, and crossed
over to our people. Here some of my people left me and
descended the Ouisconsin, hoping to escape to the west side
of the Mississippi, that they might return home. I had no
objection to their leaving me, as my people were all in a des
perate condition, being worn out with travelling, and starving
from hunger; our only hope to save ourselves was to get
across the Mississippi. But few of this party escaped ; un
fortunately for them, a party of soldiers from Prairie du
Chien was stationed on the Ouisconsin, a short distance from
its mouth, who fired upon our distressed people ; some were
killed, others drowned, several taken prisoners, and the ba
lance escaped to the woods and perished with hunger ; among
this party were a great many women and children.
"I was astonished that Ne-a-pope, and his party of spies,
had not yet come in, they having been left in my rear to bring
the news if the enemy were discovered. It appeared, how
ever, that the whites had come in a different direction, and
intercepted our trail but a short distance from the place where
we first saw them, leaving our spies considerably in the rear.
Ne-a-pope, and one other, retired to the Winnebago village,
and there remained during the war ; the balance of his party,
being brave men, and considering our interest as their own,
returned and joined our ranks.
" Myself and band having no means to descend the Ouiscon
sin, I started over a rugged country to go to the Mississippi,
intending to cross it and return to my nation ; many of our
people were compelled to go on foot, for want of horses,
which, in consequence of their having had nothing to eat for
a long time, caused our march to be very slow. At length we

152 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
arrived at the Mississippi,1 having lost some of our old men
and little children, who perished on the way with hunger.
"We had been here but a little while, before we saw a
Steamboat (the "Warrior") coming; I told my braves not to
shoot, as I intended going on board, so that we might save
our women and children ; I knew the captain, (Throckmorton,)
and was determined to give myself up to him. I then sent
for my white flag. While the messenger was gone, I took a
small piece of white cotton, and put it on a pole, and called
to the captain of the boat, and told him to send his little
canoe ashore, and let me come on board. The people on the
boat asked whether we were Sacs or Winnebagoes ; I told a
Winnebago to tell them we were Sacs, and wanted to give
ourselves up. A Winnebago on the boat called to us ' to run
and hide, that the whites were going to shoot.' About this
time, one of my braves had jumped into the river, bearing a
white flag to the boat, when another sprang in after him and
brought him to shore. The firing then commenced from the
boat, which was returned by my braves and continued for
some time ; very few of my people were hurt after the first
fire, having succeeded in getting behind old logs and trees,
which shielded them from the enemy's fire.
" The Winnebago on the steamboat must have either misun
derstood what was told, or did not tell it to the captain cor
rectly, because I am confident he would not have fired upon
us, if he had known my wishes. I have always considered
him a good man, and too great a brave to fire upon an enemy
when suing for quarter.
" After the boat had left us, I told my people to cross, if
they could, and wished ; that I intended going into the Chip
pewa country. Some commenced crossing, and such as had
determined to follow them, remained — only three lodges going
with me. Next morning,2 at daybreak, a young man overtook
me, and said that all my party had determined to cross the

1 Near the mouth of the river Bad Axe, August 1st, 1832.
2 August 2d.

BLACK HAWK WAR.

153

Mississippi — that a number had already got over safe, and
that he had heard the white army,1 last night, within a few
miles of them. I now began to fear that the whites would
come up with my people, and kill them before they could get
across. I had determined to go and join the Chippewas, but,
reflecting that by this I could only save myself, I concluded
to return and die with my people, if the Great Spirit would
not give us another victory ; during our stay in the thicket, a
party of whites came close by us, but passed on without dis
covering us.
"Early in the morning, a party of whites, being in advance
of the army, came upon our people, who were attempting to
cross the Mississippi ; they tried to give themselves up ; the
whites paid no attention to their entreaties, but commenced
slaughtering them. In a little while the whole army arrived ;
our braves, but few in number, finding that the enemy paid
no respect to age or sex, and seeing that they were murdering
helpless women and little children, determined to fight until
they were killed. As many women as could, commenced
swimming the Mississippi, with their children on their backs ;
a number of them were drowned, and some shot, before they
could reach the opposite shore.
" One of my braves, who gave me this information, piled
up some saddles before him, (when the fight commenced,) to
shield himself from the enemy's fire, and killed three white
men. But seeing that the whites were coming too close to
him, he crawled to the bank of the river, without being per
ceived, and hid himself under it till the enemy retired. He
then came to me, and told me what had been done. After
hearing this sorrowful news, I started with my little party to
the Winnebago village at Prairie la Crosse. On my arrival
there, I entered the lodge of one of the chiefs, and told him
that I wished him to go with me to his father — that I intended
to give myself up to the American war-chief, and die, if the
Great Spirit saw proper ; he said he would go with me. I
1 General Atkinson's forces.

154 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
then took my medicine bag, and addressed the chief; I told
him it was the ' soul of the Sac nation — that it never had been
dishonoured in any battle — take it, it is my life — dearer than
life — and give it to the American chief.' He said he would
keep it, and take care of it, and if I was suffered to live, he
would send it to me. During my stay at the village, the
squaws made me a dress of white deer-skin ; I then started
with several Winnebagoes, and went to their agent1 at Prairie
du Chien, and gave myself up.2
" The massacre which terminated the war, lasted about two
hours ; our loss in killed was about sixty, besides a number
that were drowned. The loss of the enemy could not be as
certained by my braves, exactly, but they think that they
killed about sixteen during the action."
Such is Black Hawk's own account of the war against the
whites, in which he and his band were engaged, in 1832. We
proceed to give a condensed narrative of the principal events
of that war, derived from the authorities of the time, as made
public through the medium of the press, and from the testi
mony of living witnesses at this day ; the dates of those
events will be supplied, as in Black Hawk's statement they
are wholly omitted; the termination of his rash, obstinate,
delusive, and unfortunate career may well be noted here.
It has been ascertained that a number of the women and
children who had got safely across the Mississippi, at the battle
of Bad Axe, were pursued and killed by a large body of Sioux,
the implacable enemy of the Sacs ; this was certainly a cruel
finale of the war, but one which it was, perhaps, out of the
power of the Americans to prevent. We have seen that Black
Hawk fled to the Winnebago village at Prairie la Crosse, and
although he had escaped, he took nothing with him : even the
certificate of good character, and of his having fought bravely
against the Americans in the war of 1812, signed by a British
officer, was picked up afterward on the battle-ground. He
was an exile in the land of his fathers.
i General Joseph Street. 2 August 27th, 1832.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 155
On the 27th of August, 1812, at about eleven o'clock, two
Winnebago Indians, Decorrie, called the One-eyed,1 and
Chaetar, arrived in camp at Prairie du Chien, bringing Black
Hawk and the Prophet as prisoners ; the One-eyed, in a
speech to the agent, General Street, spoke thus : —
"We have done as you told us. We always do as you tell
us, because we know it is for our good. You told us to bring
them to you alive ; we have done so. If you had told us to
bring their heads alone, we should have done so. We want
you to keep them safe ; if they are to be hurt, we do not want
to see it ; wait until we are gone before you do it. We know
you are our friend, because you take our part ; and that is
the reason we do what you tell us to do. You say you love
your red children ; we think we love you as much, if not more,
than you love us. We have confidence in you, and you may
rely on us. We have been promised a great deal if we would
take these men ; that it would do much good to our people. We
now hope to see what will be done for us. We now put these men
into your hands. We have done all that you have told us to do."
Chaetar also made a speech, and General Street replied
to them. Black Hawk also made a speech, said to be very
correctly reported, in which, among other matters, he says —
" My warriors fell around me ; it began to look dismal. I
saw my evil day at hand. The sun rose clear on us in the
morning, and at night it sunk in a dark cloud, and looked like
a ball of fire. This was the last sun that shone on Black
Hawk. He is now a prisoner to the white man. But he can
stand the torture. He is not afraid of death. He is no
coward. Black Hawk is an Indian ; he has done nothing of
which an Indian need to be ashamed. He has fought the
battles of his country against the white men, who came, year
after year, to cheat them and take away their lands. You
know the cause of our making war — it is known to all white
men — they ought to be ashamed of it. The white men des
pise the Indians, and drive them from their homes. But the
1 Sometimes "the Blind."

156 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Indians are not deceitful. The white men speak bad of the
Indian, and look at him spitefully. But the Indian does not
tell lies. Indians do not steal. Black Hawk is satisfied. He
will go to the world of spirits contented. He has done his
duty — his Father will meet him and reward him.
" The white men do not scalp the head, but they do worse —
they poison the heart ; it is not pure with them. His coun
trymen will not be scalped, but they will, in a few years, be
come like the white men, so that you cannot hurt them ; and
there must be, as in the white settlements, as many officers
as men, to take care of them and keep them in order. Fare
well to my nation ! Farewell to Black Hawk !"
He was then delivered by the agent to the commanding
officer at Fort Crawford, General Atkinson having descended
the river ; after remaining there a short time, he was sent, in
the steamboat Winnebago, to Jefferson Barracks,1 under the
charge of Lieutenant Jefferson Davis. On passing Rock
Island, General Scott came out in a small boat to see the cap
tives, but as the cholera was then raging among the troops at
Fort Armstrong, the captain of the steamboat would not per
mit the general to come on board. On his arrival at Jeffer
son Barracks, Black Hawk was kindly received, and well
treated by General Atkinson, but was greatly mortified and
humiliated on being forced to wear the ball-and-chain. He
did not blame the White Beaver, (General Atkinson,) as he
supposed it was a part of his duty so to treat the prisoners.
They were comfortable throughout the winter. In the spring
of 1833, Black Hawk was visited by the agent, trader, and
interpreter from Rock Island, Keokuk, and several chiefs and
braves of the Sac nation, also by his wife and daughter ; among
these he spent his time agreeably as long as they remained.
In a short time an order came to General Atkinson to send
them on to the seat of government, and on the 22d of April,
1833, the captives arrived at Washington. In the course of
their journey they were astonished at the population and
1 September 9th, 1832.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 157
power of the whites — their roads, carriages, villages, cities,
shipping, &c, of all which they never had any, except imper
fect or false ideas. Black Hawk had an interview with Pre
sident Jackson, and the first words with which he accosted his
Great Father, were, "I am a man, and you are another." At
the close of his speech to the President, he said —
" We did not expect to conquer the whites — they had too
many houses, too many men. I took up the hatchet, for my
part, to revenge injuries which my people could no longer
endure. Had I borne them longer without striking, my peo
ple would have said, ' Black Hawk is a woman — he is too old
to be a chief — he is no Sac' These reflections caused me to
raise the war-whoop. I say no more of it ; it is known to
you. Keokuk once was here — you took him by the hand ;
and when he wished to return to his home, you were willing.
Black Hawk expects that, like Keokuk, we shall be permitted
to return too."
The President told him he was well acquainted with the
circumstances which led to the disasters to which he had
alluded. It was unnecessary to look back upon them. He
intended now to secure the observance of peace. They need
not feel any uneasiness about their women and children ; they
should not suffer from the Sioux and Menominees. He would
compel the red men to be at peace with one another. That
when he was satisfied that all things would remain quiet, they
should be permitted to return. He then took him by the
hand and dismissed him. On the 26th of April, the captive
chiefs were conducted to Fortress Monroe, which is upon a
small island on the west side of the Chesapeake Bay, in Vir
ginia. Here they remained till the 4th of June, 1833, when
orders were given for their liberation and return to their own
country. On taking leave of Colonel Eustis, the command
ant of Fortress Monroe, to whom Black Hawk had become
ardently attached, he said, " The memory of your friendship
will remain till the Great Spirit says, ' It is time for Black
Hawk to sing his death-song.' " Then, presenting him with
a hunting-dress and some feathers of a white eagle, he con-

158 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
tinued, "Accept these, my brother, I have given one like
them to the White Otter ;x accept it as a present from Black
Hawk. When he is far away, this will serve to remind you
of him. May the Great Spirit bless you and your children :
Farewell." By order of the President, he was taken along the sea
board, through the principal cities of the Union, and travel
ling to the West by way of Detroit, he reached his home west
of the Mississippi. His journey did not only strongly impress
him with a sense of the wealth and power of the American
nation, but fully convinced him of the utter hopelessness of
any organized resistance on the part of the Indians, to the
onward march of white civilization. He was well treated,
and much flattered by the attentions paid to him by the citi
zens, and especially the ladies, on his travels. On returning
to his people, it was with much difficulty that he was received
and accepted once more as a chief. He lived in peace and
quietness until October 3d, 1840, when he was gathered to his
fathers, and buried on the banks of the Mississippi.
For much of the foregoing information, I acknowledge my
indebtedness to the valuable work on the History of Illinois,
by Judge Henry Brown, and his closing remarks on the pre
sent subject are worthy of insertion here.
" Black Hawk, compared with Philip of Pokanoket, Pon
tiac, Little Turtle, or Tecumseh, was but an ordinary man,
inferior vastly to either. That he was brave, is probable ;
mere bravery is but a common virtue in the savage. That he
was politic beyond others, can scarcely be pretended. He
evinced no peculiar talents in any of his plans, nor did he ex
hibit extraordinary skill in their accomplishment. That he
was injured, all admit; and, being roused to resentment, that
he fought bravely, and sometimes successfully, cannot be de
nied. Deserted by those who had promised to be his friends,
and deceived by men from whom he expected succour, he was
convinced, at an early day, that his race was run. That he
1 General Scott.

BLACK HAWK WAR. I59
displayed the white flag, and gave notice of his willingness to
surrender, on different occasions — before his little band of
warriors were defeated and dispersed — and was met, and an
swered by the rifle, and obliged to fly in order to save his
life ; — that his flag was first fired upon by the whites, and then,
as he says, 'he fired too,' we must, with proof on the sub
ject every where abounding, in honesty admit. Black Hawk,
therefore, merely fulfilled his destiny. The savage, it would
seem, is ordained to retire before the civilized man. Such,
for the last four thousand years, has been the course of God's
Providence. Black Hawk affords another, and the last illus
tration of its truth."1
The treaty of St. Louis, of 3d November, 1804, was un
questionably a great cause of the difficulties which afterward
arose, in the attempts of the government to remove Black
Hawk and his band from their village at the mouth of Rock
River. Black Hawk always denied the validity of the treaty,
and the authority of those men who signed it, to sell and dis
pose of his own proper rights ; he alleges that the four Indians,
Pashepaho, Quashquame, Outchequaka, and Hashequarhiqua,
who signed the treaty, and thereby ceded to the United States
a vast district of country on both sides of the Mississippi, in
cluding his own village at the mouth of Rock River, had been
sent to St. Louis on a mission to procure the release of an In
dian prisoner, convicted of murder, and for no other purpose.
He also alleges that these four Indians always denied having
sold Black Hawk's village, and that they had been drunk the
greater part of the time they were at St. Louis.
It is to be presumed that the government, in making its
treaties with the Indians for the purchase and cession of their
lands, would make all suitable inquiries into the authority of
the chiefs and warriors who were parties to any treaty whereby
Indian title to territory was extinguished ; such would be the
reasonable and most proper course to be pursued ; such course
may not in all cases have been followed, and yet the high
1 Brown's History of Hlinois, p. 377.

160 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
character of the commissioner, General William H. Harrison,
who made this treaty, compels us to believe that he had every
reason to suppose that the chiefs who signed the treaty had
full power and authority to act in the premises. The treaty,
it is true, was afterward denied to be valid by Black Hawk,
but it is signed by Pa-she-pa-ho, who was generally considered
the great head chief of the Sac Nation ; another chief signed
it, Lay-au-vois, who is not mentioned by Black Hawk, and it
was considered as binding by the Sacs and Foxes generally,
as the annuities therein mentioned were paid to, and received
by them ; and it is also alleged that Black Hawk received
his proportion of the annuity. It is also certain that he
afterward, in 1816, acknowledged the validity of the* treaty
of 1804, by "touching the goose quill," but still asserted, that
although he signed the treaty of 1816, he did not understand
that he was surrendering his village, and the graves of his
fathers. The Sac and Fox Indians were not so united in interests as
to preclude them from making separate treaties with the United
States government ; treaties have been made at several times,
with the different bands of Sacs and Foxes.
By the treaty of Portage des Sioux, made by William Clark,
Ninian Edwards, and Auguste Chouteau, commissioners, &c,
and the king, chiefs, and warriors of the Fox tribe or nation,
dated September 14th, 1815, the said Fox tribe —
" Do hereby assent to, recognise, re-establish, and confirm
the treaty of St. Louis, which was concluded on the 3d day
of November, 1804, to the full extent of their interest in the
same, as well as all other contracts and agreements between
the parties ; and the United States promise to fulfil all the
stipulations contained in the said treaty in favour of the said
Fox tribe or nation."
By the treaty of Portage des Sioux, made by the above-
named commissioners, and the chiefs and warriors of that por
tion of the Sac Nation of Indians, now residing on the Missouri
River, dated September 13th, 1815, the chiefs and warriors —
" For themselves and that portion of the Sacs which they

BLACK HAWK WAR.

161

represent, do hereby assent to the treaty between the United
States of America, and the united tribes of Sacs and Foxes,
which was concluded at St. Louis on the 3d day of November,
1804 ; and they moreover promise to do all in their power to
re-establish and enforce the same.
" The said chiefs and warriors, for themselves and those
they represent, do further promise to remain distinct and se
parate from the Sacs of Rock River, giving them no aid, or
assistance whatever, until peace shall also be concluded be
tween the United States and the said Sacs of Rock River." -
This treaty is signed (among others) by Sha-ma-ga, or the
Lance, and by Qu&sh-quii-me, or the Jumping Fish. They are
spoken of by Black Hawk, as being among the old men, wo
men, and children who descended the Mississippi, during his
absence in the late war of 1812, to place themselves under the
protection of the American chief at St. Louis.
By the treaty of St. Louis, made by the above-named com
missioners and the chiefs and warriors of the Sacs of Rock
River and the adjacent country, dated May 13th, 1816, it was
stated as a preamble —
" That by the 9th article of the treaty of peace, dated
December 24th, 1814, between Great Britain and the United
States, it was stipulated that the said party should severally
put an end to all hostilities with the Indian tribes with whom
they might be at war, at the time of the ratification of said
treaty, which ratification was had on the 17th of February, 1815,
therefore —
" The Sacs of Rock River and the adjacent country do
hereby unconditionally assent to, recognise, re-establish, and
confirm the treaty between the United States of America, and
the united tribes of Sacs and Foxes, which was concluded at
St. Louis, on the 3d of November, 1804 ; as well as all other
contracts and agreements heretofore made between the Sac
tribe or nation, and the United States."
The treaty is signed (among twenty-one others) by Mucke-
tamachekaka, or Black Sparrow-Hawk, and is that, which he
says he did not understand, and that "when he touched the
Voi,. ill.— 11

162 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
goose-quill" at the treaty of St. Louis, he did not know he was
consenting to give away his village ; had that been explained
to him, he never would have signed the treaty. This may
be so, as this treaty merely ratified another treaty ; but it is
highly improbable that any part of that treaty could have
been left unexplained to, or have been misunderstood by, the
Sacs, when there were twenty-one other chiefs, besides Black
Hawk, whose names are affixed to the treaty ; these chiefs had
an equal interest, some of them at least, in the village at
Rock Island.
Black Hawk was undoubtedly the chief of his own particu
lar band of Sacs, and had his own village. He was in pos
session of the great medicine bags of his great-grandfather,
Na-na-ma-kee, or Thunder, which he had received from his
father, Muk-a-ta-quet, when he resigned to him his power as
chief or king of his tribe and village. But although his par
ticular rank was thus acknowledged, yet it is a questionable
matter, as to his authority over any other Sac band or village,
and especially so, in respect to the recognition of any superior
authority in him, by the united bands of Sacs and Foxes.
According to Black Hawk's account, the Great Spirit had
first placed the Sac Nation in the vicinity of Montreal. The
different tribes of Indians around the Sac Nation, united their
forces against them, and drove them from Montreal to Macki
naw. Their enemies still pursued them, and drove them to
different places on the lake, until they made a village near
Green Bay. Here they held a council with the Foxes, and a
national treaty of friendship and alliance was concluded upon.
The Foxes abandoned their, village and joined the Sacs. This
arrangement being mutually obligatory upon both parties, as
neither was sufficiently strong to meet their enemies with any
hopes of success, they soon became as one band, or nation of
people. They were driven, however, by the combined force
of their enemies, to the Wisconsin. They remained here some
time, until a party of their young men (who had descended
Rock River to its mouth) returned and made a favourable re
port of the country. They all descended Rock River, drove

BLACK HAWK WAR. 163
the Kas-kas-kias from the country, and commenced the erec
tion of their village, determined never to leave it. At this
village, near the mouth of Rock River, Black Hawk was born,
in the year 1767, as he acknowledged his age to be sixty-seven
in the year 1834.
Some contradictory traits in his character are apparent in
his own account of himself and his actions. Black Hawk, per
haps, in common with other native tribes, had plunder in his
view, as well as revenge, in all his excursions on war parties
against the whites. He left his command of savages at Fort
Sandusky, during the war of 1812, and returned home, because
he saw no chance of getting plunder, — he was more anxious
for plunder than for fighting when the boat was stranded
above Rock Island, and boasts that the Great Spirit gave it
to them. Many other incidents in his life, as related by him
self, prove his disposition for depredation on the whites, al
though unaccompanied by warfare.
His veracity is not always to be relied on, or his memory
often fails him in his narrative. He places the time of the
treaty of 1804, at a period some moons after Lieutenant Pike
had descended the Mississippi. Lieutenant Pike did not leave
St. Louis on his expedition up the Mississippi, until 9th of
August, 1805. The four chiefs whom Black Hawk names as
having been sent to St. Louis in order to procure the libera
tion of the Indian condemned for murder, may have been all
the chiefs that he knew of, who were there ; but there was a
fifth, Layowvois, who signed the treaty then made. There is a
mystery in the denial of the four chiefs, as stated by Black
Hawk, in relation to the treaty ; and although Pash-e-pa-ho
was in reality principal chief of the Sac Nation, yet his autho
rity to dispose of Black Hawk's village without his consent,
or notice to him, may well be questioned. Still, this whole
mystery rests on the bare assertion of Black Hawk in regard
to the execution of the treaty of November, 1804.
Often in his narrative, Black Hawk exhibits a great desire
to be considered as a man of temperance, and a devoted hater
of lad medicine. He found, he says, several barrels of

164 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY,
whiskey on the captured boat, which he emptied into the river ;
and yet, in the course of the same day, he accepted a keg of
rum from the British officer, and in the evening disposed of it
in feasting and dancing. He appears to regret that he found
only a little whiskey in the American encampment after
"Stillman's run" or defeat; and that the little barrels (can
teens) had contained bad medicine, but were now empty.1
But, whatever may have been his character for truth in the
statements which he has made, and the causes which he as
signs for the desperate conduct of himself and followers in
the Indian disturbances of 1831 and 1832, it is evident that
the rush of white population into the northern part of Illi
nois, and their occupancy of lands where the Indian still not
only freely roamed, but upon which even yet stood his wig
wam, and his little patch of corn and beans, was by no means
well calculated to prevent an immediate personal collision
between the red man and the emigrant settler. Such col
lisions frequently took place ; angry words were succeeded by
blows, and Black Hawk himself, in one instance, was met in
the woods by some whites, and so severely beaten, that he
remained lame for a long time afterward. Depredations were
committed by the red man and the white, upon the property
of each other, and it very soon became perfectly apparent,
that such a state of matters was totally inconsistent with the
preservation of the public peace ; in fact, it was the received
opinion on the frontiers, early in 1831, that the Indians
intended to make a general outbreak, and it was correctly
supposed by General Atkinson, that efforts had been, or were
then being made, to unite all the tribes of Indians, from Rock
River to Mexico, in a war. This was the truth, so far as can
be judged from this declaration of Black Hawk : he says,
1 I can vouch myself that I came up the Mississippi in a, steamboat, on
board of which was Black Hawk, his wife, and son, and a number of his
warriors, in July, 1837, and that Black Hawk was apparently particularly
fond of brandy, as he often indulged himself with it at the bar on board of
the boat ; but to this act, it must be confessed, he was always invited by the
passengers. W. R. S.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 165
"runners were sent to the Arkansas, Red River, and Texas;
not on the subject of our lands, but a secret mission, which I
am not at present permitted to explain."
We have observed that by the several treaties spoken of,
the Sacs and Foxes had sold their country east of the Mis
sissippi, to the United States, and that Black Hawk denied
participating in such sale; it is evident that among the united
bands of Sacs and Foxes there were two parties, one of which
might be termed the "peace party," and was headed by Keo
kuk ; this party had already removed to the west side of the
Mississippi, and Keokuk was exerting his influence to induce
all the bands to remove there also. The other party was led
by Black Hawk, who says, that, when called on for his opi
nion concerning the sale of the lands, and the village at Rock
Island, which was acknowledged and sanctioned by Keokuk,
he gave his sentiments freely : he observes, that in the sum
mer of 1831, while on a visit to the Indian agent at Rock
Island, " I heard for the first time talk of our having to leave
my village. The trader explained to me the terms of the
treaty that had been made, and said we would be obliged to
leave the Illinois side of the Mississippi, and advised us to
select a good place for our village, and remove to it in the
spring. After questioning Qu&sh-quii-me about the sale of
the lands, he assured me that he never had consented to the
sale of our village. I now promised this party to be their
leader, and raised the standard of opposition to Keokuk, with
a full determination not to leave my village."
The hunting-grounds of the Sacs were on the western side
of the Mississippi, and during the period that elapsed from
the time they had set out upon their usual winter's hunt, in
the fall of 1830, and their return in the winter of the same
year, the whites had taken possession of Black Hawk's vil
lage ; the women and children of the Indians were shelterless
on the banks of the river, and the families of those whom
they could look upon in no other light than as intruding
enemies, were occupying their own lodges and wigwams, and
preparing to cultivate their corn-fields and their gardens ; such

Igg DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
a state of things in civilized life, even where law is fully re
spected, would in the highest degree be grievous and deplor
able ; to the Indian the condition of affairs became insufferable,
and a determination was made to repossess the village at all
hazards. Early in the spring of 1831, the Sacs, headed by Black
Hawk, recrossed the Mississippi, and, in a menacing manner,
took possession of their bark cabins, and their old corn-fields ;
but if we can believe Black Hawk, he did not mean to be pro
voked into a war by any thing less than the life-blood of some
of his people, which he said the whites dare not take, at least
so long as he remained on the government's land ; for by an
article of the treaty which had caused these troubles, the
Indians were not obliged to leave the lands so long as they
remained unsold. But the settlers cried out against the en
croachment of the Indians upon them, which soon became so
loud and clamorous, that Governor Reynolds, forthwith tak
ing the responsibility, declared the State of Illinois invaded
by hostile Indians, although it does not appear that any of
them were upon other lands than those owned by the United
States. This was about the last of May, 1831.
Governor Reynolds accordingly wrote to General Gaines,
the military commander of the Western department, stating
the fact of the invasion of the State ; that, in order to repel
it, he had ordered out seven hundred militia, and, as " Execu
tive of the State of Illinois," he solicited the co-operation of
the general ; under such circumstances, there remained no
alternative but to proceed on, with an army to drive off the
Indians. General Gaines immediately repaired to Rock Island with
a small force of regular soldiers ; and having every substan
tial reason to believe that the Indians were determined on
war, or at all events to resist any peaceful attempts to remove
them to the western side of the Mississippi ; and that nothing
short of compulsory measures to that effect, would restore
tranquillity to the country, and afford sufficient protection to
the settlers, he called on Governor Reynolds for seven hun-

BLACK HAWK WAR. 167
dred mounted volunteers. The requisition was obeyed, and
about the 10th of June, the Illinois forces were organized into
two regiments, an odd battalion, and a spy battalion ; this
army marched over the prairies from Beardstown, and in four
days' time reached the Mississippi, about eight miles below
Rock River, where it met General Gaines in a steamboat, with
a supply of provisions. On the next morning, the troops
marched to the Indian town, and the steamboat ascended the
river ; every preparation proper for the occasion of an ex
pected battle had been made, but when the forces arrived, it
was ascertained that no enemy was there, as the Indians had
quietly departed, in their canoes, for the western side of the
river. On the preceding evening, while the army was in
camp, a canoe-load of Indians came down, with a white flag,
to tell the general that they were peaceable Indians ; that
they expected a great battle to come off next day ; that they
desired to remain neutral, and wanted to retire with their
families to some place of safety, and they asked to know
where that was to be. General Gaines answered them very
abruptly, and told them to be off and go to the other side of
the Mississippi.1 They returned to their town the same night,
and the next morning crossed the Mississippi; the Indian
village was burnt by the volunteers, soon after their arrival
and disappointment of the expected conflict with the warriors
of Black Hawk.
Thus far, nothing of importance had been achieved, except
a voluntary retreat of the Indians, in the presence of an
overwhelming force of regulars and militia, whose officers
were determined to enforce, at every hazard, the submission
of Black Hawk and his band to the observance of all existing
treaties with the United States. Of "course, something more
was necessary to be done, besides the mere destruction of
Black Hawk's village, and the display of military force.
General Gaines was well satisfied, from all appearances, that
the Indians would only resort to the tomahawk and rifle for

' Ford's Illinois, p. 113. Drake's Indian Biography, p. 643.

168 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
the purpose of self-defence ; he was himself not only unwill
ing to shed blood as long as peaceful measures might prevail,
but he had also resolved to " abstain from firing a shot with
out some bloodshed, or some manifest attempt to shed blood,,
on the part of the Indians." He had made such report and
statement to the authorities of government, and at the same
time had expressed the opinion, that, although he had induced
nearly one-third of the Indians to cross the Mississippi to
their own land, yet he was aware that the residue had
declared that they "never would move;" and that in this
declaration and determination they were supported by the
women, who would rather that their husbands should fight,
than desert the homes of their fathers.
To effect his purposes, General Gaines threatened to cross
the river and pursue the Indians, which soon brought Black
Hawk and the hostile chiefs to his camp to sue for peace. A
new treaty was accordingly entered into, by the terms of
which, Black Hawk and his band agreed to remain for ever on
the west side of the river, and never to recross it without the
permission of the President, or the Governor of the State ;
thus the treaty of 1804 was in effect ratified, if such ratifi
cation were necessary, in regard to the sale of Black Hawk's
village ; but the observance of this treaty was of very short
duration on the part of the faithless Indian.
Early in the spring of 1832, the restless Black Hawk
again made his appearance, with his band of followers, on the
eastern side of the river ; it cannot be denied that his inten
tion was to use all endeavours, even unto force, to recover
possession of his village; in the attempts to this effect, he
expected aid from his friends and allies, the Winnebagoes,
the Pottowatamies, and the Kickapoos ; he also had been as
sured of an active co-operation on part of his British Father
at Maiden ; but in all these he was disappointed, and, as he
says, he too late discovered that he had been deceived by
false representations and reports, made to him by his confi
dential agents. Yet none of these facts can, in any manner,,

BLACK HAWK WAR. 169
excuse his utter breach of faith in the act of recrossing the
Mississippi, in a hostile manner, after the treaty of 1831.
Again did Governor Reynolds make a call on the militia of
Illinois^ and in a few days, eighteen hundred men rallied un
der his banner at Beardstown. This force was organized into
four regiments and a spy battalion; Colonel Dewit com
manded the first regiment, Colonel Fry the second, Colonel
Thomas the third, Colonel Thompson the fourth, and Colonel
James D. Henry commanded the spy battalion ; the whole
brigade was put under the command of Brigadier-general
Samuel Whiteside, of the State militia, who had commanded
the spy battalion in the first campaign.1
The line of march was taken up on the 27th of April, and
the army proceeded by way of Oquaka, on the Mississippi,
to the mouth of Rock River. In the mean time, General At
kinson had set out for the Upper Mississippi, with the regular
forces, about the first of April, and on his approach, Black
Hawk began to move up Rock River, having previously re
ceived several expresses from General Atkinson, ordering him
in a peremptory manner to leave the country ; but he con
stantly said that he would not, and said that he was going to
the Prophet's village to make corn, to which he had been in
vited, and the whites might attack him if they dared ; that
they might come on if they chose, but they would not find
him unprepared ; yet he would not begin with them.2
At the mouth of Rock River, it was agreed upon by Gene
ral Atkinson and General Whiteside, that the volunteers
should ascend Rock River about fifty miles, to the Prophet's
town, and there encamp, and feed and rest their horses, and
await the arrival of the regular troops with provisions. When
General Whiteside arrived at the Prophet's town, instead of
remaining there, his men set fire to the village, which was
entirely consumed, and the brigade marched on, in the direc
tion to Dixon's ferry, forty miles higher up the river ; here a
half? was made, to await the arrival of General Atkinson with
'¦ Ford's Illinois, p. 116. 2 Drake's Indian Biography, p. 644.

170 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
the regular forces. At Dixon were found two battalions of
mounted volunteers, consisting of two hundred and seventy-
five men, from the counties of McLean, Tazewell, Peoria, and
Fulton, under the command of Majors Stillman and Bailey.
The officers of this force begged to be put forward upon some
dangerous service, in which they could distinguish themselves ;
to gratify them, they were ordered up Rock River, to spy out
the Indians.1 Black Hawk meanwhile had advanced still
higher up the river, toward the Kishwakee, expecting a rein
forcement of Pottowatamies, Winnebagoes, and Kickapoos,
who in the end declined any combined action with him, what
ever may have in truth been their previous intentions.
These movements of the hostile Indians, and the consequent
action of the military authorities of the country, were calcu
lated to cause alarm to the unprotected settlers and miners in
the region of country between the Wisconsin and Rock
Rivers ; it was justly feared, that even should the Winneba-
t goes (whose good faith was greatly doubted) remain quiet,
yet if Black Hawk and his followers should be driven by the
American forces from his positions on Rock River, he must
inevitably fall back on the country to the north ; in which
case the infant settlements in the neighbourhood of Galena,
and, in fact, the whole mining region between the State line
of Illinois and the Wisconsin River, would be in the most im
minent danger of Indian depredation and murder, against
which there was no adequate protection, except what lay in
the hands of the citizens themselves. Viewing all matters in
their true condition, the inhabitants of the mineral region
were early in their activity for self-defence, and among the
most prominent of the numerous patriotic citizens who imme
diately came forward with the offer of their persons and their
advice for the protection and benefit of the whole community,
was found Henry Dodge.
The military position of Colonel Dodge, as commander of
the militia of that portion of Michigan Territory, together
1 Ford's Illinois, p. 117.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 171
with the known energy of his character, gave him at all times
a proper standing among the people, which was now immedi
ately improved by the steps which he advised, and took, in
order that the settlers and miners should at once proceed, by
regular organization, to protect themselves, defend the coun
try, and assist the General Government in its movements to
quell the Indian outbreak. Volunteer companies were in
stantly raised in the mining country; a command of these
companies' was, with proper judgment, given to Colonel Dodge,
and one of his first acts was to write to Governor Reynolds,
on the 8th of May, stating the situation which the northern
country would be in, should Black Hawk be driven back, and
calling on the governor for aid and co-operation.
Colonel Dodge, at the head of twenty-seven volunteers,
left Iowa county, (Wisconsin,) immediately after his letter to
Governor Reynolds, and proceeded to Rock River to ascer
tain the actual condition of the country, and, if possible, to
consult with the military authorities of Government as to the
line of future conduct to be pursued. This party having ar
rived at Buffalo Grove, "discovered a trail of Indians, which
they immediately pursued as far as Rock River, at a point
nearly opposite the Kishwaukee, and within a few miles of
the ground upon which Major Stillman, at the head of (near)
three hundred Illinois volunteers, was, on, the same day, (May
14th,) with his whole command, disastrously beaten and put
to flight by Black Hawk."1
On the 12th of May, Major Stillman began his march, at
the head of about two hundred and seventy-five men, in or
der to search the whereabouts of Black Hawk ; he pursued
his way up Rock River on the south-east side, until he came on
the waters of Sycamore Creek, at a place since called " Still-
man's Run," whether applicable to the stream, or the flight
of his men, is immaterial; here he encamped for the night,
and soon afterward a small party of Indians, some three or
four, were discovered approaching the camp, and then at a

1 Letter of Augustus C. Dodge, penes me.

172 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
mile's distance from it. A few of Stillman's men mounted
their horses, without orders, or commander, and were followed
by others in a disorderly manner, stringing along, one after
another, to attack the Indians, who were, as it appears, the
three spoken of by Black Hawk, who were by him sent to the
camp to propose peaceful terms. " These men were made
prisoners," says Black Hawk; but according to an American
account, they were pursued, after having displayed a red flag,
overtaken, and slain.1 Black Hawk was not far distant, with
a few of his warriors, and seeing the onward approach of the
Illinois volunteers in a determined hostile manner, also hav
ing every reason to believe that his men had been slain, and
that no further means remained for him than to resist by force
of arms, he raised the war-whoop, and in an instant the
advancing troop of Stillman's men faced about, and began a
most rapid and disorderly flight. They reached the camp in
their headlong career, and mortal trepidation, communicating
to all, the intelligence that they were pursued by a host of In
dians, magnified into from one thousand, to fifteen hundred
men ; broke through the camp, to which they had so imparted
their own fears, that the whole of Stillman's force joined in
the panic-stricken flight, and paused not in their retreat, until
the whole party reached Dixon. In this affair, eleven of Still
man's men were killed ; about thirty or forty Indians pursued
them for about ten or twelve miles ; but the whole of the
camp, and its materiel, became the conquest of Black Hawk.
There were unquestionably many brave men and good sol
diers in this detachment of Major Stillman, and endeavours
were made by the commander, and other officers, to stay the
flight of the men ; among them were Major Perkins, and Cap
tain Adams, who protected the retreat by falling in the rear
and fighting bravely ; but the whole party was composed of
raw militia, without discipline, a few days only on service, and
without confidence in each other, or in their officers, as they
had not been together long enough to acquire it ; 2 the whole
* Ford's History of Minois, p. 118. 2 Ford's Illinois.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 173
affair was undoubtedly unfortunate, but it may not alto
gether have deserved the censure and absolute ridicule which
was afterward generally cast upon it.
A council of war was held by General Whiteside in the
evening, and the next day the volunteers marched for the
scene of the disaster ; but the Indians had scattered, before
their arrival, and subsequent events showed that a mode of
warfare was adopted by them, of attacking by detached parties
the white settlements, while the main body should retire to
strong holds, and avoid a conflict with any superior force.
The dead bodies of our men were buried in a common grave
by General Whiteside, and he then returned to Dixon, where
General Atkinson arrived on the following day with the regu
lar forces, and supplies of provisions, of which the volunteers
stood in much need. At this time, it is believed, that as the
army amounted to twenty-four hundred men, if the volunteers
would have consented to serve longer, the war might have
been ended in a month, by the capture or destruction of all
Black Hawk's forces ; but the volunteers were anxious to be
discharged, and to require service from unwilling men was
considered worse than useless ; accordingly, they were first
marched back to the battle-field in search of the Indians, and
then by Paw-paw Grove and Indian Creek to Ottawa, where
the whole, at their urgent request, were discharged by Gover
nor Reynolds on the 27th and 28th of May.1
After Stillman's defeat, Governor Reynolds sent an express
to Colonel Dodge, who was in the neighbourhood, informing
him ofthe fact, and advising him of the dangers hovering over
the mineral country; Colonel Dodge returned home, and im
mediately called on the inhabitants of that part of the country
to organize themselves into companies, report themselves to
the commanding officer, place their families in forts, block
houses, and stockade posts, and hold themselves in readiness
for an immediate call into actual service ; these orders and
recommendations were promptly attended to throughout the

1 Ford's Illinois.

174 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
whole country which was then settled, south of the Wisconsin
River. Fears were well entertained that the Winnebagoes
would prove treacherous, if not openly, yet covertly, and give
their assistance to Black Hawk ; consequently, Colonel Dodge,
together with the sub-agent, Mr. Gratiot, held a council with
their chiefs at the Four Lakes, May 25th, at which they were
called on to avow their sentiments on the existing state of In
dian affairs, and also were cautioned as to their future conduct
in taking any part with Black Hawk ; they made every decla
ration of friendship to the whites, and promising to remain
neutral in the war, they requested papers of protection to be
given to them, lest in the conflict they might be mistaken for
Sacs. On the 22d of May, a party of about seventy Indians made
an attack on a settlement on Indian Creek, a tributary of the
Fox River of the Illinois, and there massacred fifteen per
sons, men, women, and children, who were assembled at the
house of one of the settlers. These persons belonged to the
families of Messrs. Hall, Davis, and Pettigrew, and the cause
of the attack and murder originated in the fact that a Potto-
watamie Indian had been severely beaten some time previously
by Mr. Hall, and he had determined on revenge. Hall had
been advised of the threats of the Indian, and had left his
farm for a short time, but unfortunately had returned to it on
the day that the murders were committed. Two of Mr. Hall's
daughters were spared from the general slaughter, and carried
captive to Black Hawk's camp, then near Lake Koshkonong ;
here they remained a few days, and then were liberated and
given into the charge of some Winnebago chiefs, who had pro
ceeded to the camp of Black Hawk to procure such liberation,
by their purchase of them from the Sacs ; to effect this, Gene
ral Atkinson had offered the Winnebagoes a reward of two
thousand dollars. The two girls were taken up to the fort at
the Blue Mounds, and there delivered to their countrymen on
the 3d of June ; Colonel Dodge had them sent to their friends
in the lower part of Illinois, and the Winnebagoes received
their promised reward.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 175
Individual murders were committed by roaming Indians,
about the same time. On the 21st of May, one Durley was
killed near Buffalo Grove, and his body having been discovered
by a party of whites, who were searching for lands on which
to settle, they returned to Dixon. On the next clay, May 22,
the same party, consisting of some seven or eight persons,
among whom was Felix St. Vrain, Indian agent for the Sacs
and Foxes at Rock Island, again set out. On their way, they
buried the body of Durley, and on the following morning
they were attacked by a body of Indians, separated in parties,
so as to environ them, and prevent escape ; in a flight and pur
suit, four of the party were killed, St. Vrain, Aaron Hawley,
Fowler, and Hale. The others made their escape to Galena.
It is difficult at this day to ascertain with precision the
number and names of the persons who were met, singly on the
prairies, and killed by the roaming Sacs ; a man was killed
on Bureau Creek ; another on Fox River ; two more on the
Chicago road, a few miles north-east of Ottawa ; a Mr. Win
ters, near Dixon's Ferry; and a Dunkard preacher, whose
singular appearance with his long beard caused his decapita
tion, as his head was carried off by the Indians as a trophy ;
he had remained in ,a deserted house on the Chicago road,
where he was killed. On the 6th of June, James Aubrey, an
inmate of the family of Colonel Ebenezer Brigham, at the
Blue Mounds, was killed at the spring, about a mile and a
half from Mound Fort, whither he had gone for water ; it has
been believed that this murder, as well as that of Lieutenant
Force, and one Green, subsequently committed at the same
place, was perpetrated by a party of Sacs who had been pi
loted hither by some treacherous Winnebagoes.
In the mean time, Governor Reynolds had issued orders for
raising two thousand additional volunteers to rendezvous at
Beardstown and Hennepin ; he also had called for a volunteer
regiment from among those who had been recently dis
charged, to remain on duty until the new forces could be as
sembled; this latter was soon raised, and Jacob Fry was
elected colonel, James D. Henry, lieutenant-colonel, and

176 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
John Thomas, major; Whiteside, the late commanding general,
volunteered as a private. Captain Adam Snyder, of this regi
ment, was sent to range the country between Rock River and
Galena, and was fired upon, in his camp, near Burr Oak
Grove, in the night of the 17th of June, by the Indians.
The next morning he pursued them, four in number, drove
them into a sink-hole, and killed them all, with the loss of
one of his own men, mortally wounded. On his return to his
camp, bearing the wounded soldier, his men, who were suffer
ing from thirst, were scattered in search of water ; they were
attacked by about seventy Indians, who had been secretly
watching his motions. His men at first attempted a retreat,
when Captain Snyder called on his private, General White
side, to assist him in forming his command. Whiteside, in a
loud voice, threatened to shoot the first man who attempted
to run, and the ranks were quickly formed. Both parties
took position behind trees, and Whiteside, being an excellent
marksman, shot the Indian leader with his rifle, from which
moment they began to retreat ; they were not pursued, and
the Indian loss was not ascertained ; Snyder lost two men
killed and one wounded.1
On the 14th of June, the Indians made an attack on a party of
seven men who were at work in a cornfield, near the mouth of
Spafford's Creek, on the Peeatonica, five of whom they killed,
and the two others escaped by their extraordinary activity and
exertion. It was on this day that Colonel Dodge had returned
home with his volunteers, of Iowa county, from an exploring
expedition which he had made to Rock River. On this expe
dition, Colonel Dodge's volunteers discovered and buried the
dead bodies of St. Vrain, Fowler, and Hale; the body of Haw
ley never was found. Immediately on his return home to
Dodge's fort, an express arrived, giving information of the
murder of Spafford and four others, at the farm on the Peea
tonica. Colonel Dodge instantly despatched an express to the
' Ford's Elinois.

BLACK HAWK WAR. I77
Platte Mounds, for Captain James H. Gentry to collect all
the force he was able, and repair forthwith to Hamilton's
Fort, at Wiota ; this was at midnight, and the next morning
Colonel Dodge left his home, accompanied by Thomas Jen
kins and John Messersmith, Jun., on their way to Hamil
ton's settlement. They passed by Mound Fort, (at the Blue
Mounds,) and leaving orders there, proceeded on their way,
and encamped at night at Fretwell's diggings. On the next
morning they had reached Hamilton's Fort within a short
distance, when they met a German on horseback, on his way
from the fort to his cabin, to prepare himself for active ser
vice. Colonel Dodge and his two friends proceeded toward
the fort, when, in an instant, firing was heard, and Apple's
horse came galloping back bloody, and without his rider.
Captain Gentry's men had already arrived at the fort on the
preceding evening, and, with their horses, were instantly ready
for service ; Colonel Dodge led the pursuit, and in a short
time the Indian trail was discovered, leading over the prairie.
The trail was followed, and the Indians were overtaken at
the banks of the Peeatonica ; they were on the opposite side,
and concealed under sand-banks and in thickets ; but these
did not avail them. Colonel Dodge had with him twenty-eight
men, seven of whom were detailed to hold the horses ; with
the remaining twenty-one men, dismounted, their intrepid
leader waded the river, and instantly on rising the opposite
bank, received the fire of the Indians ; without giving them
time to reload, an instantaneous charge was made upon them
by the volunteers, and the fight became literally hand-to-hand.
It was of very short duration, for before it became necessary
for the volunteers to charge their pieces a second time, every
Indian, seventeen in number, was killed ; the loss of the vo
lunteers was three killed and one wounded.1 This fight may
certainly be considered as standing alone in its features, from
all other similar combats with Indians ; not only from its
desperate character, and the shortness of its duration, but

1 Vide infra. Battle of Peeatonica.
Vol. ra.— 12

178 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
also from its deadly result ; the Indians numbered seventeen,
the volunteers twenty-one — every Indian was killed, and the
time occupied by the fight was scarcely longer than that which
has been taken to narrate it.
On the 15th of June, the Illinois volunteers, under the late
requisition, had arrived at the places of rendezvous, and were
formed into three brigades ; the first was commanded by General
Alexander Posey, the second by General Milton R. Alexander,
and the third by General James D. Henry ; the whole volunteer
force amounted, at this time, to three thousand two hundred
men, besides three companies of rangers, under the command
of Major Bogart, left behind to guard the frontier settlements.
It was considered necessary to call out this large force, in
order to overawe the Pottowatamies and Winnebagoes, who
were justly considered as friendly to Black Hawk.
On the 18th of June, the volunteer company under Captain
James W. Stephenson, of Galena, being on an exploring
expedition, discovered a party of Indians, whom they pur
sued into a thicket on the prairie ; a fire was commenced
on them, but the Indians, having every advantage in return
ing the fire, succeeded in killing and wounding two or three
of Captain Stephenson's men, and he ordered a temporary
retreat ; he soon, however, returned, and ordered a charge to
be made into the thicket, which was promptly done, but the
thicket was scarcely entered, when the Indians fired from
their covert ; a second and third attempt was made to dis
lodge the Indians, but after delivering his own fire, and re
ceiving that of the enemy, Captain Stephenson was obliged
to retreat, with the loss of three more of his men killed, and
being himself severely wounded.
On the 20th of June, a small party of Indians showed
themselves on the prairie, about a mile or two east of Mound
Fort, and two of the persons in the fort, Lieutenant Force,
and one Green, were induced to mount their horses and go
out to reconnoitre ; in a short time it was seen by the people
in the fort, that Lieutenant Force was surrounded by Indians
who had been in ambush, and instantly killed, while Green,

BLACK HAWK WAR. 179
who was making his way back to the fort, was overtaken and
killed also ; no attempt was made from the fort to succour, or
avenge these unfortunate men. Colonel Dodge, who was then
at Fort Union, was apprized of this event, and having assem
bled a company of his volunteers immediately, he made a
night march, on the 24th, passing Mound Fort, and proceed
ing as far as Sugar River in search of the enemy; but at
the latter point, the Indian trail was scattering, and the vo
lunteers returned, having buried the mutilated bodies of
Force and Green, on their homeward march.
By the 22d of June, the new forces assembled on the Illi
nois River were put in motion by General Atkinson, who now
assumed the command of the whole, and took up the line of
march, moving up Rock River ; Major John Dement, with a
battalion of spies attached to the first brigade, was sent for
ward in advance, while the main army was to follow and con
centrate at Dixon.1
An attempt was made, on the 24th of June, by a consider
able body of warriors, to surprise the Fort at Buffalo Grove,
about twelve miles to the northward of Dixon's Ferry. It
was guarded by one hundred and fifty militia, who were
prepared to meet them, and a considerably sharp contest
ensued. Sixteen of the Indians were killed before they re
treated. But few of the whites were wounded. The garrison
was in great fear of being cut off, having expended all their
ammunition before a reinforcement arrived, which had been
sent for while the attack was going on.2
On the 25th, a pretty severe fight took place between a
company of spies, under Major Dement, and a band of In
dians, not far from Kellogg's Grove. He had arrived there
only the evening before, and being informed that an Indian/
trail was discovered in the neighbourhood, set off immediately
with thirty mounted men, to attack them. He had not pro
ceeded far, before the Indians appeared, and confidently at
tacked him. The Indian yell so frightened the horses, that
i Ford's Illinois, p. 129. 2 Drake's Ind. Biog. p. 648.

180 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
they were thrown into confusion, and soon began to retreat.
The Indians pursued them a considerable distance, and lost
nine of their number killed, two of whom were chiefs ; others
were wounded and carried away. Five of the whites were
killed, and they lost about thirty of their horses.1
About this time, Black Hawk, with one hundred and fifty
warriors, made an attack on Apple River Fort, near the present
village of Elizabeth, and about twelve miles distant from Ga
lena ; the fort was defended by twenty-five men, commanded by
Captain Stone ; it was no more than a stockade of logs stuck
in the ground, with block-houses at the corners of the quadran
gle. It was constructed for the protection of the miners,
who lived in their houses in the vicinity during the day, and
retired into the fort for protection at night. Three men, on
an express from Galena to Dixon, were fired on by the Indians
lurking within half a mile of the village ; one of them was
wounded, but the three got into the fort; the women and
children were, as usual in the daytime, abroad in the village ;
the alarm was heard at the fort in time to rally the scattered
inhabitants. The Indians came up within firing distance, and
now commenced a struggle between the few men in the fort
and a party of the enemy of six times their number. The
Indians took possession of the log-houses, knocked holes in
the walls, through which to fire at the fort with greater secu
rity to themselves, and while some were firing at the fort,
others were committing every act of destruction on the pro
perty in the houses. The men in the fort were rendered despe
rate, as they believed that they were contending with an enemy
who never made prisoners ; the women and children moulded
bullets, and loaded the guns of their natural protectors ; and
in this manner the battle was kept up about fifteen hours,
when the Indians retreated. Their loss must have been con
siderable, although never ascertained ; the loss in the fort
was one man killed and one wounded. One of the three
express men, who first retreated to the fort, immediately
1 Drake's Ind. Biog. p. 648.

BLACK HAWK WAR.

181

repaired to Galena and gave the alarm. Colonel James M.
Strode, who commanded in Galena, lost no time in marching
to the assistance of the fort, but before his arrival, the Indians
had raised the siege and departed.1
^ Galena itself had not been free from the danger of an irrup
tion of Indians ; and although at this time possessing a popula
tion of some four hundred inhabitants, it was exposed on all
sides to an attack of the enemy. Colonel Strode had taken all
prudent measures for its defence ; and as a number of the
inhabitants, even in this extremity of danger, yielded their
assistance unwillingly and grudgingly, and as a number also
refused obedience to the militia commander of the regiment,
by reason of the conflict of opinions relative to the merits of
the different aspirants for office and command, the colonel
took the most effectual mode of putting down the effect of
all these dissensions and discontents, by declaring martial law.
By this measure, the town was converted into a camp, men
were forced into the ranks at the point of the bayonet, and
a press-warrant from the colonel in the hands of armed men,
procured all necessary supplies ; the Indian spies seeing no
favourable opportunity for attack, no considerable body of
Indians ever came nearer the town than Apple Fort.2
On the 29th of June, three men were attacked in a field at
Sinsinaway Mound, about ten miles northwest of Galena, and
two of them were killed. Major Stephenson marched imme
diately in pursuit of the murderers. On arriving at the Mound,
he found the bodies of the two men, John Thompson and James
Boxley, both shockingly mutilated. The heart of the former
had been taken out, and both were scalped. Having left a
few men to bury the dead, Major Stephenson followed the trail
of the party to the Mississippi, where he found they had
stolen a canoe and effected their escape across the river.3
General Atkinson having received information from a Pot-
towatamie Indian named Wa-pan-seth, that Black Hawk's
camp was in the vicinity of the Four Lakes, near the junction
' Ford's Illinois, p. 126. ! Idem, p. 127. 3 Drake's Ind. Biog. 648.

lg2 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
of a little stream called White Water with Rock River, he
immediately pursued his march with a portion of the army to
the neighbourhood ; but on his arrival at Lake Koshkonong,
and in the vicinity of Bark River, which was the locality in
dicated, he ascertained that Black Hawk had decamped, and
so well had his retreat been managed that the direction he had
taken was unknown.
Expecting to meet the enemy in a short time, General At
kinson had taken with him a scanty supply of provisions, and
it became necessary to procure them from the nearest place
of deposit, which was Fort Winnebago ; accordingly he waited
at Koshkonong until he should be joined by the several de
tachments of the army under the command of Generals Alex
ander and Posey, and Colonel Dodge, who had been ordered
to march from their several stations and meet him at Kosh
konong. General Alexander's brigade joined him there on the
30th of June, and a few days afterward, General Posey's
brigade, which had been joined by Colonel Dodge's volunteers
at Hamilton's Settlement, (Wiota,) also arrived.
At the time the second requisition of troops was organized,
the whole force under General Atkinson has been thus esti
mated : — Posey and Alexander commanded each a thousand
men ; Henry took the field with twelve hundred and sixty-
two ; Colonel Dodge's battalion of volunteers numbered about
one hundred and fifty ; and the regular force under Major
Zachary Taylor amounted to four hundred and fifty ; but at
this time the volunteer force from Illinois was reduced nearly
one half, as the hardships, consequent sickness, dangers,1 and
privations incident to a soldier's life in prosecuting an Indian
war, soon produced a strong reaction of feeling in those who
had considered the hunting of Indians as a mere pastime, and
great numbers had returned to their respective homes perfectly

1 Their dangers did not always proceed from the enemy ; at Koshkonong a
sentinel through inadvertence shot, and seriously wounded one of the Illinois
volunteers, Charles Dunn, Esq., who afterward became chief justice of
Wisconsin Territory.

BLACK HAWK WAR. 183
satisfied with the experience they already had acquired in
Indian warfare.
On their march to join General Atkinson at Koshkonong,
some dissatisfaction had arisen between Colonel Dodge's com
mand and General Posey's brigade, in consequence of which
an exchange was made in such manner that Dodge's battalion
became attached to General Alexander's brigade.
Immediately after the junction of the forces at Koshkonong,
General Atkinson despatched Generals Henry, Alexander,
and Posey, and Colonel Dodge, with about two hundred and
fifty men, to Fort Winnebago to obtain supplies ; this detach
ment reached the fort, and having obtained the necessary
provisions for the army, Generals Posey and Alexander re
turned to Koshkonong with the supplies, and General Henry
and Colonel Dodge with their separate commands pursued
their return route by striking across the country toward Rock
River, in the expectation of learning something of the present
locality of Black Hawk.
On the arrival of this party at the rapids of Rock River,
information was received that the Indian trail had been dis
covered, and it was immediately pursued by Henry and Dodge,
with such rapidity and success, that on their arrival at the
Fourth Lake, it became very evident that the enemy was but a
few hours in advance of them ; and from the appearance of
the trail it was also evident that the retreating body was large;
therefore every hope was entertained of speedily overtaking
Black Hawk, who was rightly conjectured to be making his
way to the Wisconsin River.
The pursuing troops hastened on from the northern shore
of the Fourth Lake, in the direction to the Wisconsin, occa
sionally during the day seeing a few straggling Indians ; and
on the afternoon of the 21st of July, they arrived at the hills
which skirt the left bank of the river nearly opposite to the
Sauk Prairie. Here indeed was the whole force of Black
Hawk, together with his women and children ; they were has
tening by every effort to cross the river, to escape if possible
the approaching conflict with the whites, in which they could

184 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
reasonably expect nothing but defeat and destruction; but to
cover the retreat of the women, the children, and the aged
and infirm, it became necessary that Black Hawk should make
a determined stand, which accordingly he did.
The Indians were in the bottom lands under the bluffs, has
tening the transporting of their people to an island in the
river, when the pursuing whites arrived on the heights. A
company of spies was in the advance, and having come upon
the Indians very suddenly, on descending the high grounds,
they were instantly attacked and driven back on the main
body, which had immediately formed on the heights. The
battle commenced about five o'clock in the afternoon and closed
about sunset ; a slight shower of rain had set in, which con
tinued during, and after the battle, so that it was impracticable
to follow the Indians through the bottom land, into which they ¦
had been driven, and which was covered with high grass, as
the arms of the soldiers could not be kept dry. Therefere as
it became dark the firing ceased on both sides in a general
manner, and the whites lay down in the open air, having no
tents with them, and sought rest after undergoing a fatiguing
day's march, and achieving a victory in battle at its close.
i In this battle of the Wisconsin Heights, Colonel Dodge's
command occupied a position that necessarily drew upon it
much of the severity of the enemy's fire ; it was in the ad
vance, and sustained the first attack of the Indians for some
time, until the main body under General Henry came up,
when the gerftral line of battle was formed, which in its
united action soon obtained a complete victory over Black
Hawk's forces. The Indians were supposed to number between
five and six hundred ; their loss is not accurately known, but
it is believed to be about sixty killed, and a great number
wounded, many of whom afterward died on the route of Black
Hawk to the Mississippi ; the loss of the Americans was one
killed and eight wounded.
On the morning of the 22d of July, it was discovered that
Black Hawk had withdrawn all his forces and his people dur
ing the night time, either by descending the river, or by cross-

BLACK HAWK WAR. 185
ing to the northern side of it ; expresses were therefore sent
to General Atkinson informing him of events, and also to the
commandant of Fort Crawford at Prairie du Chien, in order
that measures might be taken to intercept the Indians, in case
their escape was attempted by way of the Wisconsin. The
army then marched to the Blue Mounds, where Colonel Dodge's
volunteers, including Captain Stephenson's company from Ga
lena, were for the present dismissed from duty.
In the mean time, General Atkinson broke up his camp at
Bark River and hastened on, by way of the Blue Mounds, to
Helena on the Wisconsin River ; here the volunteers under
Colonel Dodge were again assembled, and the whole army
crossed the river and found the Indian trail on the north side,
under the bluffs ; this was pursued until the Mississippi was
reached near the mouth of the Bad Axe River, in the evening
of the 1st of August. On this route the great number of
dead bodies which were found, and the freshly made Indian
graves, plainly showed the losses and the sufferings of Black
Hawk's people.
Previous to the arrival of the army, the express which had
gone down to Fort Crawford, apprizing the commander of the
events of the battle of Wisconsin Heights, had induced that
officer to take measures to intercept the Indians descending
the Wisconsin ; in this he succeeded by capturing several ca
noes, with a number of women and children of Black Hawk's
people. Colonel Loomis also despatched a steamboat up the
Mississippi, as far as Black River, where a number of canoes
were seized, which had doubtless been prepared by the Win
nebagoes, to aid Black Hawk in his contemplated retreat
across the Mississippi. This steamboat returned to Prairie
du Chien, and another (considered more serviceable) was sent
up the next day, which arrived at the mouth of Bad Axe
River, soon after battle had begun there, and in time to par
ticipate in it.
On the evening of the first of August, as the advance of
General Atkinson's forces approached the banks of the Mis
sissippi, signs of the Indians were discovered, and some strag-

186 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
glers were killed. About two o'clock, on the morning of the
second, the line of march was taken up, Colonel Dodge's
command forming the advance, supported by the regular
troops under Colonel Zachary Taylor. About sunrise, Cap
tain Dickson, who commanded the spy company, reported by
one of his men, that he was up with the Indians, and asked
for orders. Colonel Dodge sent orders to attack them
instantly, and at the same time moved rapidly with his own
command. He was immediately supported by Colonel Taylor,
with the regulars ; the line was then formed, and advanced
about a mile to the bluffs of the Mississippi, near the mouth
of Bad Axe River ; meanwhile Captain Dickson, who was in
advance with his spies, seemed, from the firing, to be actively
engaged with the enemy. The troops rushed on, the Indians
were attacked in front by a fire from the steamboat, and on
all sides and in the rear, by an exasperated foe ; the endea
vours to escape by swimming the Mississippi, made by many
women, with their children on their backs, resulted merely in
a different kind of death from that which the men were des
tined to receive ; and the battle was soon over, after having
become an absolute slaughter on the one side, and a totally
hopeless resistance on the other.
This was the closing fight of the Black Hawk War ; we have
previously stated the occurrences which resulted in the sur
render of Black Hawk, as a prisoner of war, and his subse
quent history, until the time of his death. For the greater
part of the account of the events of this war in the mining
country, we are indebted to the testimony of living witnesses,
whose statements have been closely followed in the compila
tion now presented.1
1 Vide infra. Bracken's, Estes's, Messersmith's, and Beouchard's Ao-
counts.

OAPTUEE OF THE HALLS.

Narrative of the Massacre, ly the Indians, at the house of
Mr. Hall, and of the capture, and subsequent restoring of
the two daughters of Mr. Hall, during the Black Hawk
war.
In May, 1832, in La Salle county, in the State of Illinois,
there was a small settlement upon the Indian Creek, a little
stream which enters Fox River about ten miles above Otta-
way, and about thirty miles from Hennepin. In that settle
ment there resided a farmer named Hall, who had once (as
alleged by the Indians) beaten an Indian with great severity,
and the revenge, which does not ever slumber with them, was
about to be inflicted. Mr. Hall had received notice from a
Pottowatamie Indian, named Sha-bam-ri, that a party of Sacs
were preparing for an expedition of destruction among the
whites, and he was advised to flee. He did so, and went to
Ottaway, but imprudently returned home shortly afterward,
and was massacred about two hours after his arrival.
The following narrative of the massacre, and captivity of
Mr. Hall's two daughters, who alone were spared of all the
individuals at the farm, has been given by Mrs. Rachel Mun
son, the eldest daughter, at that time eighteen years old ; her
sister, Mrs. Horn, the younger daughter, was then sixteen
years of age. The narrative has been obtained from Colonel
Hamilton, of Chicago, and has been communicated to the
public particularly in Brown's History of Illinois.
" On the 21st of May, 1832," says the narrator, Mrs. Mun
son, " at about four o'clock in the afternoon, as Mr. Petti-
grew's and our (Mr. Hall's) family were assembled at the
house of Mr. William Davis, in Indian Creek settlement, in
187

188 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
La Salle County, Illinois, a large party of Indians, about
seventy in number, were seen crossing Mr. Davis's fence,
about eight or ten paces from the house. As they approached,
Mr. Pettigrew attempted to shut the door, but was shot down
in doing so. The savages then rushed in and massacred every
one present, except my sister and myself. The persons mas
sacred were, Mr. Pettigrew, Mrs. Davis, Mrs. Pettigrew, Mrs.
Hall, (my mother,) and Miss Davis, a young lady of about
fifteen, and six children, four of them boys and two of them
girls. These were in the house : Mr. Davis, Mr. Hall, (my
father,) William Norris, and Henry George, were massacred
without ; fifteen in all. The time occupied in the massacre
was less, probably, than ten minutes. When the Indians en
tered, my sister and myself were sitting near the door, sew
ing. I got immediately upon the bed, and stood there during
the massacre. The confusion was such — the terror inspired
by the firing of guns in the house — and the shrieks of the
wounded and dying so great — that I have no recollection in
what manner they were killed. As soon as the massacre was
over, three Indians seized and dragged me from the bed, with
out much violence, and led me into the yard. I was then
taken, by two of them, about halfway across the creek — fifty
paces, or more perhaps, distant. From thence I was led back
into the yard, in front of the house, where I saw my sister
for the first time since our separation.
"We were then taken by four Indians — two having hold of
each — and hurried off on foot, in a northern direction, as fast
as we could run, for about two miles, through timber border
ing upon the creek, when we came to a place where the In
dians had left their horses previous to the attack. We were
then placed, without constraint, upon two of their poorest
horses, each of which was led by an Indian, and proceeded
as fast as our horses could travel, in a direction, as I supposed,
toward the camp, accompanied by about thirty warriors. We
continued travelling in this manner until about midnight,
when we halted to rest our horses — the Indians exhibiting all
the while symptoms of great uneasiness, arising apparently

CAPTURE OF THE HALLS. 189
from their apprehension of being pursued. After resting for
about two hours, we started again, on the same horses as be
fore, and travelled, at a brisk gait, the residue of the night,
and all next day until about noon, when we halted, and the
Indians having scalded some beans, and roasted some acorns,
desired us to eat. We ate some of the beans, and tasted of
the acorns, not from any disposition we had to eat, but to
avoid giving offence to our captors. We remained in this
place for one or two hours. The Indians, after having finished
their scanty meal, busied themselves in dressing the scalps
they had taken, stretching them upon small hoops. Among
them I recognised, by the colour of the hair, my own
mother's ! It produced a kind of faintness, or blindness, and
I fell into a swoon, from which I was awakened, shortly there
after, by a summons to set out upon our journey. We tra
velled on in the same way, but more leisurely than before,
until almost night, when the horse I rode gave out, and I
was seated behind an Indian, who rode a fine horse, belonging
to Mr. Henderson, taken from the settlement in which we
were captured. In this manner we continued on, until about
nine o'clock at night, when we reached the camp, having
travelled, as I suppose, about ninety miles in twenty-eight
hours. "The Sac camp was on the bank of a small creek, sur
rounded by low, marshy ground, scattered over with small
burr-oak trees. On our arrival, several squaws came to our
assistance, took us from our horses, and conducted us into the
camp ; prepared a place for us to sit down, and presented us
some parched corn, some meal, and maple-sugar mixed, and
desired us to eat. We did so, more through fear than hunger,
and, at their request, threw a small parcel (about a table-
spoonful) into the fire, as did also the squaws, and the
Indians that accompanied us. There was much apparent
rejoicing on our arrival. About ten o'clock, we were invited
by the squaws to lie down, which we did, and enjoyed a kind
of confused or disordered slumber, which lasted until after
sunrise. The next morning, soon after we arose, our fears of

190 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
massacre and torture began to abate. We were presented
with some boiled beans and sugar for breakfast, and ate a
little, having, though almost exhausted, as yet no appetite for
food. About ten o'clock, the camp broke up, and we all
moved about five miles across the creek, and encamped again
on an elevated spot, covered with timber, near a small creek.
We travelled each upon a separate horse, heavily laden with
provisions, blankets, kettles, and other furniture required in
an Indian camp. We arrived at our new encampment a little
before sundown. Here a white pole was stuck in the ground,
and the scalps taken when we were captured, hung up as tro
phies. About fifty warriors assembled in the centre, and
commenced a dance, in which a few of the squaws partici
pated. They danced around this pole to the music of a drum,
and gourds so prepared as to make a rattling noise. I was
invited frequently, by the squaws, to join in the dance, but
refused. The first dance was had in the morning after our
arrival in camp ; the same was repeated daily while we con
tinued among them. Soon after we arose, on the first morn
ing after our arrival, some warriors came to our lodge, and
took us out, and gave me a red flag, and placed something in
the hands of my sister, which I do not recollect, and made us
march around through the encampment, passing each wig
wam. They then led us to the centre of the spot they had
cleared off to prepare for the dance, near where the white
pole was stuck up ; then, placing a blanket upon the earth,
and after painting our faces red and black, ordered us to lie
down with our faces toward the ground. They then danced
around us with war-clubs, tomahawks, and spears. Before
its conclusion, we were taken away by two squaws, who we
understood were the wives of Black Hawk.1 In the evening,
as soon as the dance was over, we were presented with a sup
per, consisting of coffee, fried cakes, boiled corn, and fried

1 Black Hawk says, in his Life, that he never had but one wife. A mis
take might readily have occurred with Miss Hall, in the language used to
her.

CAPTURE OF THE HALLS. 191
venison, with fried leeks, of which we ate more freely than
before. We continued with them for four days longer, dur
ing which we fared in a similar manner, until the two last
days, when we got out of flour. When our flour was exhausted,
we had coffee, meat, and pounded corn made into soup. On
being delivered over to the squaws above mentioned, we were
separated from each other, but permitted to visit every day,
and remain for about two hours without interruption. These
squaws encamped near each other, and we were considered as
their children, and treated as such. Our encampments were
removed five or six miles each day, and my sister and myself
were always permitted to ride at such removals. Our fare
was usually better than that of others in our wigwam. Our
fears of massacre had now subsided — being received and
adopted into the family of a chief. We were not required to
perform any labour, but were closely watched to prevent our
escape. " On the fifth day after our arrival at the Sac camp, we
were told that we must go with some Winnebago chiefs, who
had come for us. At that time the Sac encampment was on
a considerable stream, the outlet, as I supposed, of some lake.
There were a number of large lakes in its vicinity. The
squaws with whom we lived, were apparently distressed at the
idea of our leaving them. The Winnebagoes endeavoured to
make us understand that they were about to take us to the
white people. This, however, we did not believe ; but on the
contrary, supposed they intended to take us entirely away
from our country, friends, and home.
"We left the Sac encampment with four Winnebagoes, the
same evening, and travelled about fifteen miles ; each of us
riding on horseback behind a Winnebago chief — the latter
expressing frequently their fears of pursuit by the Sacs, who
exhibited great uneasiness at our departure ; the Prophet hav
ing cut two locks of hair from my head, and one from my
sister's, just before we left them.1
1 The Indians' account of this transaction varies a little from Mrs. Mun-

192 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
"We reached the Winnebago encampment a little after
dark, and were kindly received. It was more comfortable
than any we had seen ; and we slept sounder and better than
before. We rose early next morning ; the Indians, however,
had been up some time ; ate breakfast before sunrise, and
started in canoes up the river. There were, I believe, eight
in company. We continued on our course until nearly
sundown, when we landed and encamped on the bank of the
river. There were present about a hundred Winnebago
warriors. During the next day, four Sac Indians arrived in
camp, dressed in 'white men's clothes,' and desired to talk
with us. We were told, however, by the Winnebago chiefs,
that we must shut our ears and turn away from them, which
We did. The « Blind,'1 and his son, left our encampment during
the night, and returned early in the morning. Immediately
afterward they came to us, and the 'Blind' asked if we
thought the whites would hang them if they took us to the
fort. We gave them to understand that they would not.
They next inquired if we thought the white people would give
them any thing for taking us to them. We gave them to
understand that they would. The ' Blind' then collected his
horses, and with the ' Whirling Thunder,' and about twenty
son's. The Indians said that a young warrior claimed one of the Misses Hall as
his prize, and was unwilling to give her up ; that the Winnebagoes, who were
at that time on friendly terms with the whites, after using all the arguments
they were capable of, had recourse to threats, which, together with ten
horses offered for their ransom, finally succeeded. The young warrior, cut
ting from 'Miss Hall's head a lock of hair, bore no affinity to a similar act
among the whites. It was done in order to preserve a trophy of his war
like exploits. (Brown's History of Illinois.)
General Atkinson had offered a reward to the Winnebagoes, of two thou
sand dollars for the redemption of the two girls, and their safe conveyance
and restoration to the whites. We shall find hereafter that they were so
liberated, and delivered to the whites at the Blue Mound Fort, in Wiscon
sin. Of course, the reward was paid. In the expectation of this reward,
the Winnebagoes might well offer the ten horses, in addition to threats, for
their ransom.
1 The White Crow, who had lost an eye.

CAPTURE OF THE HALLS. 193
of the Winnebagoes, we crossed the river, and pursued our
journey — my sister and myself each on a separate horse. We
encamped about dark ; rose early next morning, and after a
hasty meal of pork and potatoes, (the first we had seen since our
captivity,) of which we ate heartily, we travelled on until
we reached the fort, the Blue Mounds, Wisconsin Territory.
Before our arrival thither, we had become satisfied that our
protectors were taking us to our friends, and that we had
formerly done them injustice. About three miles from the
fort we stopped, and the Indians cooked some venison ; after
which they took a white handkerchief, which I had, and tying
it to a long pole, three Indians proceeded with it to the fort.
About a quarter of a mile from thence, we were met by a
Frenchman.1 The Indians formed a ring, and the Frenchman
rode into it, and held a talk with our protectors. The latter
expressed an unwillingness to give us up, until they could see
Mr. Gratiot, the agent.2 Being informed by the Frenchman
that we should be well treated, and that they should see us
daily, until Mr. Gratiot's arrival, they delivered us into the
Frenchman's care. We repaired immediately to the fort,
where the ladies3 of the garrison (who in the mean time had
assembled) received us with the utmost tenderness. We were
thereupon attired once more in the costume of our own coun
try, and next day started for Galena. On reaching a little
fort at White Oak Springs,4 we were met by our eldest
brother, who, together with a younger one, was at work in a
field, near the house, when we were captured — and when the
massacre began, fled, and arrived in safety at Dixon's Ferry.
On leaving Galena, we went on board the steamboat 'Win
nebago,' for St. Louis, which place we reached in five days,
and were kindly received by its citizens, and hospitably enter
tained by Governor Clark. Previous to our leaving Galena,

1 Edward Beouchard, of Iowa county, Wisconsin.
1 No doubt to obtain the reward offered for the girls.
3 Mrs. Messersmith, Mrs. Johnson, of Iowa county, Wisconsin.
* Iowa county, now Lafayette county.
Vol. HI.— 13

194 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
we had received an affectionate letter from the Rev. Mr,
Horn, of Morgan county, (Illinois,) inviting us to make his
house our future home. We accepted the invitation, and left
St. Louis in the steamboat ' Caroline,' for Beardstown, on the
Illinois River, whither we arrived on the third day thereafter.
On landing, we were kindly received by the citizens, and in a
few hours reached the residence of Mr. Horn, five miles
distant, in the latter part of July, 1832, when our troubles
ended." The Misses Hall's brother having married, and settled in
Putnam county, Illinois, about this time, he invited his sisters to
come and reside with him ; they did so in the forepart of Au
gust, 1832. The elder Miss Hall afterward, in March, 1833,
married Mr. William Munson, and settled in La Salle county,
about twelve miles north of Ottaway. The younger sister, in
May, 1833, married Mr. William Horn, a son of the reverend
clergyman who had so kindly offered them a home in his
family, a*hd removed to Morgan county, in the State of Illinois.
The legislature of Illinois, in 1833, donated a quarter sec
tion of land (one hundred and sixty acres) to the Misses Hall,
lying in the village of Juliet, Will county. It was sold, we
believe, several years since, by them, for a small considera
tion. The land thus donated, was granted by the United
States to the State of Illinois, for the completion of the Illi
nois and Michigan Canal. Had the legislature given them
thrice its value in money, and raised that amount by taxation,
it would have done the Legislature some credit, and the peo
ple would have cheerfully paid it. By giving, however, what
did not belong to them, and thus violating their trust, a dif
ferent question was presented to the people of that State for
their reflection. Congress, also, gave them a considerable
donation in money.1
The Misses Hall were captured, May 21st, 1832. Accord
ing to the foregoing account, they were three days in travel
ling with their captors, and continued five days with the Sacs at
1 Brown's History of Illinois.

BATTLE OF THE PECATONICA. 195
their camp ; this would bring the time up to May 29th. They
were five days more, in travelling with the Winnebagoes to
the Blue Mounds, which comports with all the reliable state
ments of the time of their being dehvered up to the whites,
which was June 3d, 1832.

BATTLE OP THE PECATONICA.
REPORT OF GENERAL DODGE TO GENERAL ATKINSON.
Foni Union, June 18th, 1832.
Brigadier- General Atkinson :
Dear Sir — On the 14th of this instant, the hostile Indians
killed five of our men about six miles below Colonel Hamilton's
on the Peeatonica ; on the same day I arrived at Fort Union
from Gratiot's Grove, where I had communicated your talk to
the chiefs Whirling Thunder, Spotted Arm, and the Winneba
goes left at Gratiot's. On receiving intelligence that our men
were killed, I ordered Captain Gentry, of the mounted volun
teers, to march directly to the place where the men were killed,
to bury the dead, and ascertain the number and movements of
the enemy. On the 15th I passed by the Blue Mounds Fort,
where it had become necessary for me to see the inhabitants,
the Indians having killed one man near that place during my
absence to Rock River. On the 16th I started from my camp,
accompanied by two men, Thomas Jenkins and John Messer-
smith, Jun., and reached Fort Hamilton at about eight o'clock.
Within about four hundred yards of the fort, I met a German
on horseback, and stopped about one minute to talk with him.
Eleven of the hostile Indians were lying in ambush within one
hundred and fifty yards of the spot where I met the German.
I passed on, at a long trot, and before I reached the fort, I
heard three guns fired, and supposed it was some of Captain
Gentry's men shooting at a target. In less than one minute
Captain Gentry rode up, on the horse of the German; the

196 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
horse had been shot through the top part of his head. I in
stantly ordered the mounted men "under arms, and fortunately
for us the Indians had not more than thirty minutes start,
after killing, scalping, and butchering the German in a most
shocking manner. They retreated through a thicket of under
growth almost impassable for horsemen; they scattered to
prevent our trailing them. Finding we had open prairie around
the thicket, I despatched part of my men to look for the trail
of the Indians in the open ground, while I formed as large a
front as possible to strike the trail, which we soon found in the
open ground. In running our horses about two miles, we saw
them about half a mile ahead, trotting along at their ease ;
they were making for the low ground, where it would be diffi
cult for us to pursue them on horseback. Two of the small
streams we had to cross, had such steep banks as to oblige us
to dismount and jump our horses down the banks, and to force
our way over them the best way we could. This delay again
gave the Indians the start, but my horses being good, and men
eager in the* pursuit, I gained on them rapidly. They were di
recting their course to a bend of the Peeatonica, covered with
a deep swamp, which they reached before I could cross that
stream, owing to the steepness of the banks, and the depth of
the water. After crossing the Peeatonica, in the open ground,
I dismounted my command, linked my horses, and left four
men in charge of them, and sent four men in different direc
tions to watch the movements of the Indians, if they should
attempt to swim the Peeatonica ; they were placed on high
points that would give them a complete view of the enemy,
should they attempt to retreat. I formed my men on foot at
open order, and at trailed arms, and we proceeded through the
swamp to some timber and undergrowth, where I expected to
find the enemy. When I found their trail, I knew they were
close at hand ; they had got close to the edge of the lake,
where the bank was about six feet high, which was a complete
breastwork for them. They commenced the fire, when three
of my men fell, two dangerously wounded, one severely but
not dangerously. I instantly ordered a charge on them, made

BATTLE OF THE PECATONICA. 197
by eighteen men, which was promptly obeyed ; the Indians
being under the bank, our guns were brought within ten or
fifteen feet of them before we could fire on them. Their party
consisted of thirteen men; eleven were killed on the spot,
and the remaining two were killed in crossing the lake, so that
they were left without one to carry the news to their friends.
The volunteers under my command behaved with great gal
lantry ; it would be impossible for me to discriminate among
them; at the word "charge," the men rushed forward and
literally shot the Indians to pieces. We were, Indians and
whites, on a piece of ground not to exceed sixty feet square.
A part of the scalps was given to the Sioux and Menomo-
nies, as well as the Winnebagoes. Colonel Hamilton had
arrived with these Indians about one hour after our defeating
the hostile Sauks. The friendly Indians appeared delighted
with the scalps ; they went to the ground where the Indians
were killed, and cut them literally to pieces. On the 17th,
early in the morning, Mr. Gratiot and myself had a talk with
Wakon-De-cor-ra of the Wisconsin. You will recollect that
General Street in his letter to me, which I left with you, states
that De-cor-ra had agreed to raise the hatchet against the
Sauks, and that he would watch their movements in the direc
tion of the head of Rock River. He had not proceeded up
the Wisconsin higher than opposite the East Blue Mound,
which is about fifty-five miles below Fort Winnebago, and in
vited De-cor-ra to go to Colonel Hamilton's and see Mr. Gra
tiot, and the woman, their interpreter, and where I would
communicate your talk to them. De-cor-ra and his band ar
rived at Colonel Hamilton's in time to see the man killed by
the Sauks on the road. The next morning Gratiot and my
self, in the presence of Colonel Hamilton, Mr. Marsh, and
others, communicated your talk to De-cor-ra and the Wiscon
sin Indians. Gratiot and myself considered the Winnebagoes
from Prairie la Crosse entirely under the direction of Colonel
Hamilton, and that we had nothing to do with them. After
hearing your talk, De-cor-ra stated " that his people would
unite with us to fight the Sauks ; that they were pleased that

198 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
we had killed up a party of them ; that when he left home he
was not prepared for a long trip ; that he wished to return to
the Wisconsin, for the purpose of getting as many as possible
to join him ; that the Sauks had killed his daughter, and that
he would join the whites in killing them up ; that he wanted
new mocassins for his men, and had some preparations to
make ; that he would be ready before the whites to take the
field; that the principal men. would meet Gratiot and myself
at my house and have a perfect understanding, in a few days,
with us." He prepared to start, when it was discovered that
the Winnebagoes from Prairie la Crosse were determined to
follow him. The Sioux appeared discontented, and said they
would go ; they told Mr. Marsh in my presence, " that he had
hurried them from their homes ; that there was no provision
made for their families ; that their mocassins were worn out;
that he had told them that they were to be used merely for
spies and flankers ; that they were not to be put to hard fight
ing." Marsh told them their families would be provided for
by General Street ; that he had promised to do so, and that
he would not disappoint them ; that they should have new
mocassins ; that they should be used as spies, and told them
we could kill the Sauks — we wanted them to assist us in find
ing them. It appeared that they were determined to go, and
about seventy or eighty of them accompanied the Winnebagoes.
I was extremely anxious to retain them ; they would have
acted as spies, and would have kept the enemy in a state of
check, while we were recruiting our horses for the expedition.
Whether the Indians will return or not, I am at a loss to say ;
the Winnebagoes make solemn promises, I hope they will not
deceive us ; we are doing every thing in our power to conciliate
them. De-cor-ra says the whole of the Rock River Indians
are over the Wisconsin ; that they have left the Sauks the
entire possession of the country ; that they are now high up
the Rock River, where there is but little for them to live on,
and they must perish for want. This I can not believe ; I have
been told there is fish in great abundance, upon which alone
they can no doubt subsist. Gratiot and myself have sent

BATTLE OF THE PECATONICA. 199
Whirling Thunder and the Spotted Arm, and the other young
men who accompanied them, with a confidential man by the
name of Emile, a Frenchman who has traded for many years
with them ; he was directed to proceed on, and ascertain if
possible where the Sauks were encamped, and return as early
as possible. If the Winnebagoes have all left the country it
will be difficult for him to get information on this important
subject ; the Winnebagoes must know where the Sauks are,
and I will endeavour to ascertain that fact (if possible) and
communicate to you all the information I may be able to pro
cure on that subject.
If you could spare about three companies of mounted men
to assist us in the protection of the frontier, it would render
us a very important service at this moment ; the horses I have
had in service one month, want recruiting to prepare them for
the expedition ; the grazing is good and they would recruit
much in six or eight days.
The importance of the subjects connected with this commu
nication must make my apology to you for its length.
I am, dear general, with sentiments of regard and esteem,
Tour friend and obedient servant, H. Dod<je.
Brigadier-General Atkinson.

BATTLE OF THE PECATONICA.
The following communication is from Charles Bracken,
. Esq., of Walnut Grove, Lafayette county, Wisconsin : —
Walnut Gbote, October 3d, 1852.
To General William R. Smith, State Historian:
Dear Sir — In accordance with my promise, I now trans
mit you an account of the murder of Spafford and others,
during the Black Hawk War, together with the details of the

200 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
battle of the Peeatonica, fought on the 16th of June, 1832, at
the Horse Shoe Bend, on that stream, and on Section No. 11,
Town No. 2, Range No. 5, in this county.
Very respectfully, your obed't. serv't.,
Charles Bracken.
About sundown on the 14th of June, 1832, a horseman
without a hat, "bloody with spurring," was seen approach
ing Fort Defiance, a stockade post situated on Section No. 20,
Town No. 4 North, Range No. 3 East, commanded by Captain
Robert C. Hoard. The rider was David Gilbert; he commu
nicated the melancholy information, that, on that day, Spaf-
ford, Spencer, Bennett Million, Mcllwaine, and an English
man called John Bull, had been surprised by the Indians while
at work in a cornfield on a farm owned by Spafford and Spen
cer, situated on the main Peeatonica, about six miles south-east
of Fort Hamilton, (now Wiota,) and that all the party had
been murdered except Million, who had by his fleetness of
foot made his escape.
Captain Hoard at once despatched an express, communi
cating the information to General Dodge, at Dodgeville, and
I, being second in command, was ordered to repair to the
scene of the murder, together with eleven men, being all that
could be mounted on horseback. Arriving at Fort Hamilton
late at night, we halted at that post until morning, when, ac
companied by Million and some others from that place, making
a party of about twenty men, we proceeded to Spafford's
field. On our arrival there, the first object that presented
itself was the headless body of Spafford, who had died facing
his foes. Cool as he was brave, he must at once have seen
from the number and position of his enemies, that flight was
useless. Seizing his rifle, he calmly awaited their approach,
and his unerring aim sent one of his foes to eternity before
him ; then, like the lion at bay, he died covered with a hun
dred wounds !
While the Indians were thus partially checked by Spafford,
the others fled, under cover of a ravine, which appears to have

BATTLE OP THE PECATONICA. 201
been an ancient bed of the Peeatonica, to the river. On reach
ing the shore, Mcllwaine and John Bull attempted to escape
across it, and were shot in the water ; their bodies were taken
out of the river by us ; they had been scalped and barbar
ously mutilated. Mr. Million stated that on reaching the
shore, he and Spencer turned down the river, keeping under
its bank ; that they had got some three hundred yards before
they were perceived by the Indians, who were for an instant
engaged in despatching Mcllwaine and John Bull. On see
ing them, the Indians raised the war-whoop, and commenced
the pursuit. Spencer continued on, down the river bank ;
Million plunged into the stream, which was about fifty yards
wide at that point, and never raised his head above water until
he struck the opposite shore. Young, brave, cool, and active,
and flying for life, it would appear almost incredible, that,
with his breath exhausted by diving across the river, and his
clothes saturated with water, he should spring at one bound
from the slippery shore to the top of a perpendicular bank
fully twelve feet high ; yet from his footprints it was evident
that he did so. Gaining the bank unharmed amid a shower
of balls, he continued his flight pursued by the Indians, who,
after a hot chase of about five miles, gave up the pursuit.
It appeared that Spencer was pursued by two Indians, one
of whom was mounted on the horse with which Spafford's
party had been ploughing their corn, and was far in advance
of the other ; having his gun, which he had snatched up in his
flight, Spencer turned, and shot the mounted Indian, which
enabled him to escape by secreting himself in a thicket.
On the day ofthe battle of the Peeatonica, Spencer ventured
to approach the fort, and saw from a distance that it was sur
rounded by Indians. These were the friendly Sioux and Me-
nominees who had arrived on that day, after the battle, and
who were yelling and pow-wowing over the scalps which we
had taken. Supposing these Indians to be foes who had cap
tured the fort, and murdered all within it, he was horror-
struck, and fled some six or seven miles to a house, where
he found some provision, and secreted himself under a hog-pen,

202 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
where he was found some ten days afterward. Within a year
he became deranged and wandered off, no one knew whither.
Having performed the melancholy duty of burying the dead,
we returned to the fort, (Hamilton's,) where we found Captain
Gentry and Lieutenants Bequette and Porter, with a few
men. At a council held that evening, it was agreed, that if
General Dodge did not arrive at the fort by eight o'clock the
next morning, the officers and men who were present would
take the trail and pursue the Indians.
The names of ten of the eleven men who left Fort Defiance
with me, are, Daniel M. Parkinson, Peter Parkinson, Jun., Mat
thew G. Fitch, Dominick McGraw, Samuel Black, Thomas H.
Price, Benjamin Lawhead,  Van Wagner,  Leech,
and  McConnell ; the other was a young man from Ten
nessee, whose name is not recollected. The following, accord
ing to my recollection, are the events of the next day.
BATTLE OP THE PECATONICA.
On receiving the express at Dodgeville, General Dodge,
accompanied by Thomas Jenkins and John Messersmith, Jun.,
started for Fort Hamilton by the way ofthe Blue Mounds, where
a company of men was stationed, whose horses were fresh, and
fit for service. Leaving orders for them to follow, he con
tinued on his route by the way of " Fretwell's diggings."
Having out-ridden Jenkins and Messersmith, he was approach
ing the fort alone, just after sunrise. On arriving at Hamil
ton's farm, about one mile from the fort, he left the wagon
road, and turned into a pathway, which shortened the dis
tance. On regaining the road, he met Apple, (a German,)
who proposed to accompany us on our scout, and was going
to his cabin to procure a blanket for the expedition ;) after
making a few inquiries of him, the general continued on to
the fort.
Apple had not proceeded more than one hundred yards
from where he had met General Dodge, when he fell into an
ambuscade, and was literally shot to pieces. It afterward ap-

BATTLE OF THE PECATONICA. 203
peared that the Indians had first ambushed the pathway, but
seeing our men on the prairie south of the road, looking for
their horses, and that the travelling was on the wagon-road,
they removed to it. Had the general arrived half an hour
earlier, by the pathway, or had he kept round by the wagon-
road, he must have been the victim of the ambuscade instead
of the unfortunate Apple. <
Almost simultaneously with the general, the horse of Apple
reached the fort, with the saddle bloody, and a bullet-hole
through his ear. All were ready ! the order was given to
mount, and in less than ten minutes we were formed in line
near the dead body of the murdered man.
The Indians in their retreat appeared to disperse in every
direction through a thicket which lay north of the road, and
which was composed of a thick growth of vines and bushes,
principally prickly ash; through this we advanced in line,
until a very intelligent dog owned by R. H. Kirkpatrick,
struck the trail on the extreme left. We then advanced in
single file, following the trail, the left in front, until we
reached the open timber ; here the trail was well defined, and
the pursuit was then pell-mell, the general taking the lead.
The trail struck the prairie on a branch running east from
William Burritt's, and continued down it, crossing and re-
crossing it two or three times. On our advancing into the
thicket, I was the extreme right-hand man of the party ; as the
left discovered the trail and advanced along it, I was thereby
thrown in the rear. On emerging from the thicket into the
open woods, being well mounted on a fleet and sure-footed
horse, I gave him the spur freely until I came in sight of the
Indians, with the general close in their rear, and not more
than five men with him. At the same time, I overtook a youth
aged about eighteen, named Samuel Black, who lived in my
family ; he said that his mare, a fine active animal, had fallen
with him on the smooth prairie, and that it was a sign he
would be killed in the coming battle ; I suggested, as the cause,
that the animal had stepped into a badger-hole ; he said she
had not, for he had examined the ground. I then advised

204 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
him to go back, as there were enough of us to whip the In
dians without him; he said, "I will die first!" The omen
proved too true : he fell mortally wounded, at the first fire we
received on entering the thicket. I make this digression to
pay a just tribute to the memory of one of the bravest youths
that ever fell in battle.
The Indians recrossed the branch at a point where it turned
abruptly to the north, and ascended the hill ; the general,
and those with him, crossed after them, and bore to the right,
toward some timber, as if to cut them off from it. Seeing
this movement, I halted, and was at the same time joined by
Fitch, Higgenbotham, and Deva ; I said to them, " That move
ment of the general will turn the Indians to the left: if you
will follow me, we will get the first scalps;" They agreed to
do so ; turning up a hollow to the left, we ascended it to the
ridge overlooking the East Peeatonica ; turning then to the
right, and looking down a hollow parallel to that which we
had ascended, my surmise proved to be correct. There were
the Indians approaching us ; they were moving at what might
be called common time. Their chief, a gray-headed warrior,
was walking backward, and appeared to be earnestly address
ing his young men. After observing them for a few moments,
we fired, but I think without effect. My comrades, after dis
charging their guns, retreated down the hollow which we had
ascended, and I turned westwardly up the ridge overlooking
the East Peeatonica, keeping out of gun-shot, but watching
the enemy closely. They descended the hill to the creek,
turned up it, a short distance, and commenced crossing at
some willows, a short distance below where the bridge now
stands. ;
At this movement I advanced within gun-shot; with the
report of my gun, I sent forth a shout that told the general,
and my comrades yet in the rear, that I had secured the first
scalp ; at the same time I received the fixe of the Indiana
without injury.
The general and the principal part of our own men having
come up by the time the Indians had fairly crossed the creek,

BATTLE OF THE PECATONICA. 205
a running fight took place, the enemy being on one side of the
creek and we on the other, until they reached the thicket in
the bend of the creek. Having effected a crossing at the old
Indian ford which is near Williams's Mill, and marching thence
up the stream, we formed on the open ground to the northeast
of the thicket, so as to have the enemy in the bend of the
creek. Parties were then, by orders of the general, thrown
out on the hills to give the alarm, if the Indians should attempt
to escape from the thicket when we entered it.
The men were then told off in sections of seven, number
four remaining on horseback, and holding the horses of the
rest of the section, whose bridles were linked together. When
dismounted and formed in front of the horses, our numbers
were twenty-one men, together with the general ; they were,
General Henry Dodge, commanding ; Lieutenants Charles
Bracken, Pascal Bequette, and  ¦ Porter ; Surgeon Allen
Hill, doing duty as a private soldier ; Privates, Peter Parkin
son, Jun., Dominick McGraw, Samuel Black, Alexander Hig-
ginbotham, Benjamin Lawhead, Levin Leach, R. H. Kirk-
patrick, Asa Duncan, William Cams, John Hood, Thomas
Jenkins, John Messersmith, Jun., Samuel Patrick, 
Morris,  Wells,  Rankin, and Van Wagner. We
were then ordered to renew our flints, reprime our guns, un
button our shirt -collars, and tighten our belts. All being
ready, the general then addressed us : he said, " Within that
thicket are the foe, whose hands are yet reeking with the blood
of our murdered friends ! That it was his intention to enter
it, and in doing' so, some of us must fall ; that it might be his
own fate ; but that his mind was made up to whip the enemy
or die in the attempt ! If any feared to follow him, he wanted
them to fall back then, and not when they encountered the
Indians." The word was then given to advance, and in that
little band no one was found who did not fear dishonour more
than death ! No one faltered or wavered, as with a coolness
becoming veterans they followed the footsteps of their gallant
leader, resolved with him to conquer or die.
After advancing some distance into the thicket, the trail of

206 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
the enemy was found ; here the detachment was joined by
Daniel M. Parkinson, who was on horseback. The centre was
ordered to keep the trail; we then continued our advance
slowly but firmly toward our hidden foe. The Indians had
selected a most advantageous position for defence, had we
fought them at long shot ; it was the bank of a pond, once
the bed of the creek ; on the edge of the bank was a natural
breastwork nearly three feet high, formed by one of those
tumuli so numerous in our prairies ; under this they awaited
our approach.
When they fired on us, our positions represented two sides
of a triangle, they forming the base, and we the hypothenuse ;
although we were close upon them, so dense was the thicket
that we could not see the smoke of their guns. The general,
who was on the right of the centre, and in front of the line,
exclaimed, "Where are the Indians ?" He was answered from
the left, " This way." The order was then promptly given,
" Charge 'em boys, damn them, charge 'em !" My position was
on the extreme right ; in the charge we obliqued considerably
to the left ; when I got to the pond I found no enemy before
me, and at the same moment I heard the general, who was a
little to my left, say, " There's an Indian, kill him !" I turned
toward him and heard a shot ; as I came up, the general said
"There, by God, I've killed him myself!" This was the In
dian commander.
Passing on to the left, I mounted the natural embankment,
and found myself in the midst of the Indians ; after discharg
ing my gun, I turned the breech and struck at a warrior I saw
lying under the bank before me, but seeing another very in
dustriously snapping his piece at me, I fell back to reload. As
soon as my gun was charged I advanced, with the brave but
unfortunate Wells on my left, and William Cams of Dodge-
ville, on my right. On coming hand to hand with the Indians,
Wells fell mortally wounded ; Cams first shot and then bayo
neted the warrior that killed Wells, and I put another in a
condition to take his scalp. At the same time the only sur
viving Indian attempted to save himself by flight ; he plunged

BATTLE OF THE PECATONICA. 207
into the pond, and was shot as he got out of the water on the
opposite side.
Thus ended the battle : the enemy were completely exter
minated ; not one was left to tell Black Hawk, his chief, and
warriors, how "Old Hairy-face" (the Indian name for General
Dodge) and his warriors fought. Our trophies were seventeen
scalps ; our loss three men, Black, Wells, and Morris, mortally,
and Thomas Jenkins severely wounded.
The annals of border warfare furnishes no parallel to this
battle ; never before was an entire war-party exterminated
with so small a loss on the part of the whites, when the num
bers engaged were so nearly equal. Although on our advance
into the thicket, we outnumbered the Indians some five men,
yet the advantage of their position, and our having to receive
their fire, equalized our numbers.
None of us, from the general down, had ever heard a hostile
gun, or burned powder at a foe ; the men had been promiscu
ously assembled, and were untrained soldiers ; they proved,
however, by their gallant conduct, that American volun
teers, when individually brave, will collectively follow to their
death a brave and determined leader in whom they have
confidence. There were individual acts of devotion and desperate brave
ry performed, which ought to have immortalized the actors.
Our surgeon, Dr. Allen Hill, fell into the line, and did duty
as a private soldier. When the sections were told off, his lot
fell number four, a horse-holder ; number five in the same
section was a sickly-looking youth named Townsend, about
seventeen years of age; the doctor exchanged places with
him, remarking that he thought he was better able to perform
a soldier's duty in the coming fight than he was.
In the charge, Levin Leach encountered a warrior armed
with a spear ; parrying the thrust of the Indian with his bayo
net, he dropped his gun, sprang on him, wrenched his spear
from him, and with it, ran him through the body.
The death of the brave but unfortunate Wells would have
been a theme for the song of the minstrel, had it occurred in

208 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
the days of chivalry. Like hundreds of other young and
adventurous spirits in that day, he came to the lead-mines in
pursuit of fortune. When the war broke out he was among
the first to take up arms, and fell as I have stated, bravely
advancing on the enemy. While lying on the battle-ground,
with his head in the lap of a comrade, who was assuaging the
burning thirst caused by his wound, the surgeon examined it
and told him he must die. On hearing this, he expressed a
wish to see the general. On his coming to him, he said,
"General, have I behaved like a soldier?" The reply was,
"Yes, Wells, like a brave one !" Looking up to his comrade,
he said, " Send that word to my old father." He further told
that comrade, that he was engaged to be married to a young
lady in Pike county, Elinois. He gave her name, and re
quested that she might be informed of the place and man
ner of his death, and that he died with his last thoughts upon
her. Some difference of opinion has arisen among the survivors
of the events of that day, as to the number of Indians killed
in the battle. I allege that seventeen scalps were taken, of
which, by common consent the general awarded me two. I
state on good authority, that in the fall of the year after the
war, when the annual firing of the prairie took place, and the
woods and grass were destroyed, the bones of fifteen Indians
were found at the pond where the battle took place ; those of
another, between that place and the point where they crossed
the creek ; and those of another at the crossing of the creek,
which I allege to have killed : a party of Menominee and Sioux
Indians under the command of Colonels Hamilton and Marsh
had arrived at the fort, a short time after we had commenced
the pursuit. These Indians taking our trail found and scalped
the two latter, and fell in with the detachment, as we were
returning with our wounded to the fort. Even at this late
day, if search were made, I am of the opinion that the bones
of seventeen Indians could be yet found bleaching on the
battle-ground, and between it and where the Indians crossed
the Peeatonica ; among them, the bones of the Indian I killed

BEOUCHARD'S NARRATIVE. 209
at the spot where they crossed. The shout I sent forth when
I fired, was, " That's my hair," a cant expression then in vogue
to denote a scalp.

BEOUCHARD'S NARRATIVE.
Narrative of Events in the Black Hawk War. By Edward
Beouchard, of Mineral Point, Wisconsin. — Related to the
Compiler.
On the 10th of May, 1832, the settlers in the vicinity of the
Blue Mounds commenced building the Mound Fort ; they were
about two weeks at work on it, at intervals, before it was com
pleted. The buildings consisted of two block-houses, each
about twenty feet square, and a log-building in the centre,
about thirty feet by twenty feet large, for a store-house and
barrack. The whole was inclosed by a picket-fence, of about
one hundred and fifty feet on each of the four sides ; the
pickets were of stout oak, about sixteen or seventeen feet
high, planted about three feet in the ground. The fort was
situate on the highest part of the open prairie, about a mile
south of the Eastern Mound, commanding an extensive view
of the open country for many miles, in front, rear, and to the
south ; the mound bounded the view to the north.
James Aubrey had the first command of the men who had
assembled at the fort; Edward Beouchard was his first lieu
tenant, and after Aubrey's death, he succeeded to the com
mand, which he held until he received the appointment of
sub-agent, under Colonel Henry Gratiot, which was on the
14th of June, when he resigned, and Captain John Sherman
succeeded him. Aubrey was killed by the Indians, 6th of June.
At this time, there were in the fort the families of all the
settlers in the neighbourhood ; no one knew how long they
would be free from an attack ; when Force and Green were
afterward killed, it was well known that three Winnebagoes
piloted the Sauks to the Mound Fort.
Vol. HI.— 14

210 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
On the 15th of June, the day after Beouchard received his
appointment, he left Mound Fort, accompanied by forty-nine
Winnebagoes, for Hamilton's Fort ; they encamped that night
near and above Fretwell's diggings ; during the night, Beou-
chard's horse strayed away from him. The next morning, the
company proceeded toward Hamilton's Fort, and when they
arrived near it, they found the dead body of Apple in the
road ; they met Colonel Gratiot at the gate of the fort, who or
dered them to go in chase of the Indians who had killed Apple.
At this time the Indians, Sioux and Menominees, who had
come from the Mississippi, under the direction of Messrs.
Hamilton and Marsh, had already arrived at the fort that
morning. Beouchard, being remounted, started with his Winnebagoes
in pursuit of the Sauk enemies, and, having outrode his In
dians, he came up with the party under General Dodge at
the Peeatonica, just as the firing on the part of the Sauks
commenced ; he had observed the four men stationed by Gene
ral Dodge as videttes on the hills ; the Winnebagoes did not
come up until the battle was over. After the battle, eleven
Indians were found dead on the ground ; two more, who were
wounded, had got up the river-bank, and were tracked and
finally scalped by the Winnebagoes ; Colonel Hamilton, some
time afterward, found the body of another, after the prairie fires,
had passed over him ; and late in the succeeding winter, a
French trapper found three more, in the swamp near the bat
tle-ground, beneath brush-wood, under which they had crawled
when wounded. The whole number thus accounted for, of
the Sauks who fell in this fight, was seventeen ; at a subse
quent period, when at Rock Island, after the termination of
the war, Beouchard understood from some of the Sauks, that
Black Hawk had often spoken of a band of seventeen of his
braves, of whom he had never received any intelligence, and
he knew not what had become of them. At the same time,
Beouchard learned from some of the Sauks, that Black Hawk
lost eighty-two men at the battle of the Wisconsin Heights,

BEOUCHARD'S NARRATIVE. 211
and subsequently, as thirteen died on their way to the mouth
of the Bad Axe.
Beouchard names the following persons, according to his
recollection, who were in the battle of the Peeatonica, and sta
tioned as outposts around the battle-ground : — General Dodge,
Messrs. Bracken, Gentry, Daniel Parkinson, Peter Parkinson,
Jun., Woodbridge, Becquette, Messersmith, Jun., Leach, Jen
kins, Kerns, Hill, Hood, Devies, Fitch, Higginbotham, Dun
can, Kirkpatrick, Van Wagner, Lawhead, Beouchard ; and
Black, Morris, and Wells, the three who were killed.
The battle was fought on the 16th of June. On the next
day, Beouchard returned with General Dodge to his fort, near
Dodgeville, which they reached in the morning, and he was
ordered by General Dodge to proceed immediately to the Blue
Mounds, and thence to start to the Wisconsin River, and col
lect all the Winnebagoes he could, and bring them to the
Blue Mound Fort ; to this latter place he went the same day.
On the 18th, Beouchard went to his encampment of the
15th, where his horse had strayed from him, and procured his
saddle, which he had then left there ; on the 19th, it rained
hard, and he postponed his journey to the Wisconsin River ;
on the 20th, he had his horse saddled, and his baggage all
strapped on, when Lieutenant George Force, and  Green
got on their horses, and rode out from the fort to reconnoitre,
as the people had become much alarmed there, ever since the
death of Captain Aubrey.
As Beouchard was about mounting his horse, a sudden yell
ing of Indians was heard, together with the discharge of fire
arms. On looking eastward over the prairie, Green was ob
served riding toward the fort, while several Indians were seen
skirting the timber to the north, and endeavouring to cut him
off, by getting between him and the fort. Beouchard imme
diately stripped the baggage off his horse, seized his rifle,
and rode out of the fort to assist Green ; but in the mean
time, the shots of the Indians having broke one of the legs
of Green's horse, he was soon surrounded and killed. When
Beouchard got on the ridge of the prairie, he saw some ten

212 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
or fifteen Indians about Green's body ; he then went no far
ther, as no other person came out of the fort with him.
The following persons were at this time in the fort : — Messrs.
Ebenezer Brigham, Esau Johnson, John C. Kellogg, Jonathan
Farrell, Thomas McCraney, Daniel Evans, Henry Starr,
Samuel Davis, Jefferson Smith, Captain John Sherman, 
Hollingsworth,  Woodworth,  Kirkendale, 
Fletcher, two brothers named Collins, two brothers named
Howton ; Mrs. Aubrey, Mrs. Johnson, Mrs. Green, Mrs. Kel
logg, Mrs. Farrell, Mrs. McCraney, Mrs. Woodworth, and
some young children.
When the Indians saw Beouchard, they left the body of
Green, no doubt believing that they would be pursued by the
people in the fort ; Beouchard returned to the fort, and soli
cited some help to bury the body, but did not succeed. Mrs.
Green, almost distracted, begged him, in the midst of her
grief and lamentations, to bring in the body of her husband.
Beouchard was prevailed on, as much by his own feelings of
humanity as by the tears and prayers of the unfortunate
woman, and he said, "he would bring the body to the fort,
or die !" He went out alone, and found the body of poor Green,
most barbarously mutilated ; both legs were cut off at the
knee ; the right arm at the elbow, and the left arm at the
shoulder, were also cut off; his head was completely severed
from the body, and the scalp had been stripped off; a cut had
been made across the abdomen, and thence on each side an
other cut, up to the arm-pits ; the whole of the breast was
then turned up, over the neck, and the heart was taken out.
Beouchard took his saddle-blanket, and having gathered the
remains of the unfortunate Green, he put them all in the
blanket, and on his horse, and brought them to the fort. On
his way back, he met Pleasants Ewing and Bill Pate, who
lived at James Morrison's place ; they turned back with him
to the fort. The remains of Green were then put in order,
in as decent a manner as practicable, and the head fastened
on with a handkerchief, so that the feelings of the unhappy
widow might be spared as much as possible, when she was

BEOUCHARD'S NARRATIVE. 213
permitted to see the body of her husband ; the mutilated parts
were then all wrapped in a sheet together, the sheet sewed
up, and the whole buried at the Mound Fort.
Beouchard then went, with the news, to Governor Dodge,
who countermanded the orders for him to go to the Wisconsin
River ; he returned, on the same day, to the Blue Mounds,
accompanied by Edward James, who was afterward United
States marshal for Wisconsin Territory.
On the 24th of June, General Dodge arrived at Mound
Fort, with Captain James H. Gentry, and a part of his com
pany, and some of the Platteville volunteers, for the purpose
of reconnoitring the country. They found the body of Lieu
tenant Force, and buried it on the side of the old military
road, under a tree, about two miles east of the Blue Mounds ;
the body had been cruelly mutilated, and a part had been
carried away by the Sauks, doubtless for the purpose of
a cannibal feast. General Dodge, and company, piloted by
Beouchard, pursued the trail of the Indians as far as the
head-springs of Sugar River, and finding that they had scat
tered at this point, they returned to Mound Fort.
It was some time about the last of May, that an express
came to the fort, with a letter from General Atkinson to Co
lonel H. Gratiot, endorsed, "On public service." The great
anxiety of the people in the fort induced them to advise and
urge Beouchard (who had some authority under Colonel Gra
tiot, who was Indian agent for the Winnebagoes) to open the let
ter. He did so, and found that it contained orders for Gratiot
to obtain the release of the two girls, Misses Hall, who had been
captured at the massacre on Fox River, at all hazards, and at
any price, offering a reward of five hundred dollars for each of
the girls, to be increased to one thousand dollars, if necessary.
The letter was then resealed, and sent by express to Colonel
Gratiot. ' Beouchard immediately mounted his horse, and rode
to the WinneBago encampment, which was situate on the
north-eastern part of the Blue Mounds, back of the present
residence of Colonel Ebenezer Brigham. The principal chief
of this band was Wa-kon-kah ; Beouchard requested him to

214 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
go to the White Crow, (called the One-eyed, the Blindj)
Whirling Thunder, and the Spotted Arm, to inform them of
all matters in relation to the capture and detention of the
two girls, and of the reward that had been offered for them
by General Atkinson ; told them that they must get the girls
at all risks, and by force, if necessary. The Winnebagoes
gave consent to the attempt, and Beouchard assured them of
the certainty of their reward, in case of success.
On the third day after that, three Indians came to the fort at
the Mounds, and said the girls were coming. Beouchard got on
his horse and rode to the hill near Sugar Creek, about eight
miles east of the Blue Mounds, near where the animal-shaped
mounds lie on the prairie. Here he met the girls in care of
the White Crow, or the Blind, Whirling Thunder, and the
Spotted Arm, and about twenty other Indians with them.
They all went together to the fort, and when they came within
half a mile of it, they were met by the ladies, Mrs. Johnson,
Mrs. Messersmith, Mrs. Green, Mrs. McCraney, Mrs. Farrell,
Mrs. Kellogg, &c. &c. The girls were soon carefully attended
to, and all their wants supplied by kind-hearted women ; they
were in a truly destitute condition, especially as respected
their clothing. In about an hour afterward, General Dodge
came to the fort with a company of men, and took the girls
away the next day. The Winnebago chiefs received the re
ward of two thousand dollars for the restoration of the girls.

EVENTS OF THE BLACK HAWK WAR.

Personal Narrative of Lieutenant Charles Bracken, of La
fayette County. Related to the Compiler by Colonel Brack
en, May, 1854.
In May, 1832, on the return of Colonel Henry Dodge from
an expedition to Rock River, in order to ascertain the move
ments of Black Hawk, he gave notice to the citizens of the
mining region to fort, and organize themselves for defence.
Colonel Dodge was the senior officer in command of the militia
in this part of the Territory of Michigan.
At this time, and during the continuance of the Black Hawk
war, the forts, block-houses, and stockades erected in the
mining country, were designated as follows : —
Fort Union  Head Quarters. Colonel Dodge's re-
dence, near Dodgeville.
Fort Defiance  At the farm of Daniel M. Parkinson,
about five miles south-east of Mine
ral Point.
Fort Jackson  At Mineral Point.
Fort Hamilton  At Hamilton's lead diggings, now
Wiota.
Mound Fort  On the high prairie, about a mile and
a half south of the residence of
Ebenezer Brigham, at Blue Mounds.
Parish's Fort  At the farm of Thomas J. Parrish,
now Wingville. 215

216 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
De Seelhorst's Fort ... At the farm of Justus De Seelhorst,
at the south-western extremity of
Elk Grove.
Fort  At Platteville.
Fort  At Cassville, on the Mississippi.
Fort  At White Oak Springs.
Fort  At Old Shullsburg.
Fort  At Gratiot's Grove.
Fort  At John B. Terry's farm, Diamond
Grove.
About the last of May, Captain Sherman, who commanded
at Mound Fort, sent information to Colonel Dodge that the
Indians were about to attack the fort; Colonel Dodge com
municated this to the different stockade posts, and in two or
three days time, some two hundred mounted volunteers were
collected from the several forts, and assembled at Fort Union.
From this place, Colonel Dodge's residence, and head-quar
ters, the party marched to Mound Fort.
When within two or three miles of the Blue Mounds, they
were met by an express with the news that the two girls,
Misses Hall, who had been captured by Black Hawk's bands,
had been delivered up, and had just arrived at the fort.
Colonel Dodge proceeded to the fort, and the detachment of
volunteers remained in the neighbourhood, until the next day.
The party of Winnebagoes, which had brought the girls to
the fort, was headed by the chief "White Crow," or the
"Blind." From some cause, distrust arose that this party,
or some of the chiefs, were not acting altogether in good faith,
but as spies ; consequently the whole party were marched as
prisoners, by the volunteers, down to James Morrison's farm,
at Porter's Grove. Here a council was held with them, and
they were informed by Colonel Dodge, that they were in dan
ger, by remaining on the southern side of the Wisconsin River,
as the whites did not know the difference between a Winne
bago and other Indians ; he advised them immediately to
cross to the northern side of the river, and remain there ; and
on their promise to do so, they were released.

LIEUTENANT BRACKEN'S NARRATIVE. 217
The detachment then returned to Fort Union, where they
encamped, and on the next day marched by Fort Defiance, to
Gratiot's Grove, where they arrived in the evening. Here
they were joined by Captain Stephenson's company of mounted
volunteers from Galena; before leaving Gratiot's Grove, they
heard of the killing of Aubrey at the Blue Mounds, which
occurred about the 6th or 7th of June.
The whole command, some two hundred or more, mounted
men, then went to Kirker's farm, near the head of Apple
River, where they camped, and here Colonel Dodge delivered
an address to the volunteers. From this place they marched
to the scene of the murder of St. Vrain, Fowler, and Hawley,
to bury the dead ; the bodies of the two former were found
and buried ; the body of Hawley never was found ; it has been
conjectured that he was burned.
At this point, Captain Stephenson separated from the com
mand, and returned to Galena with his company; Colonel
Dodge proceeded with the remainder of the mounted volunteers
to the camp of the regular troops at Dixon's Ferry. On arri
ving at Dixon's, they found General Hugh Brady in command,
and learned that General Atkinson was at the Rapids of the
Illinois River, (now Ottawa,) organizing three brigades of Illi
nois volunteers.
From Dixon's Ferry, Colonel Dodge, with twenty-five men,
escorted General Brady to General Atkinson's head-quarters,
where the plan of the campaign was agreed upon, and Colonel
Dodge received his orders ; this was about the eleventh of June.
The whole command of mounted volunteers then returned to
Gratiot's Grove, where they were dismissed to their respective
posts on the 14th of June ; this was the day of the murders at
Spafford's farm. On the 17th of June, the battle of the Pe
eatonica was fought, the account of which (by Lieutenant
Bracken) has been already given.1
A few days afterward, in pursuance of the plan of the
campaign, Colonel Dodge, with his volunteers, met Posey's
See Doc. Hist.

218 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
brigade at Fort Hamilton ; these composed the left wing of
the army ; Alexander's command formed the centre ; General
Atkinson, with Henry's brigade, formed the right, and ad
vanced up Rock River. The left wing marched by way of
the Peeatonica Battle-ground, Shuck's Prairie, and Sugar
River to the first of the Four Lakes ; at Sugar River they
were joined by the Galena Company, and at the First Lake,
they were joined by the "White Crow" or "Blind," and
some thirty warriors, for the avowed purpose of showing
them the path to the Sacs and Foxes.
The command then proceeded, and crossed the Catfish
River at its outlet, and thence to Koshkonong Lake. Gene
ral Atkinson had in the mean while been joined by Alexan
der's brigade, and was encamped at the outlet of Koshkonong.
Colonel Dodge visited General Atkinson's camp for the pur
pose of procuring an exchange of brigades, in their relative
positions, Alexander's to take the place of Posey's, and vice
versa ; the reason was, that much dissatisfaction existed be
tween Posey's brigade, and Colonel Dodge's command. In
this measure of exchange, the request of Colonel Dodge was
complied with by the commander-in-chief.
This command, or left wing of the army, then marched up
the right bank, or west side of Rock River, accompanied by
the "White Crow" and his band, who professed to guide
them to Black Hawk's camp. On the second day's march,
an express, borne by an Indian, arrived from General Atkin
son, informing Alexander and Dodge that a sentinel had been
shot, and requiring support. The march was continued until
they struck Rock River a short distance above the mouth of
Bark River; here, the White Crow wished the commanders,
Alexander and Dodge, to turn up Rock River, and urged
them to do so ; but in consequence of the orders received by
the express, the command went back, and crossed Rock River
immediately below the mouth of Bark River, and found
General Atkinson encamped about three or four miles up
Bark River.
It appeared afterward, by discovery of the Indian trail,

LIEUTENANT BRACKEN'S NARRATIVE. 219
and other evidences, by the scouting parties, that a consider
able ambush had been formed on the bank of Rock River, on
the east side, at a point where the army would have to cross,
at a very rocky ford, consequently dangerous for horses ; it
was with some reason supposed that the "Blind" was acting
in concert with Black Hawk, and was treacherously guiding
the army to this dangerous ford.
General Atkinson, finding the army in want of provisions,
ordered a detachment of some two hundred and fifty men,
consisting of the commands of Henry, Posey, Alexander, and
Dodge, to proceed to Fort Winnebago for supplies, with
orders to return by the route they went up. The detachment
turned down Bark River, crossed Rock River, and passed up
the country in a northwest direction, some miles north of the
Fourth Lake, to Fort Winnebago. On receiving the supplies,
a consultation was held by the commanding officers on the
propriety of altering their return route, and crossing Rock
River higher up. At this council Colonel Dodge suggested
the idea of crossing the river higher up, as in that case, the
Indians, if they were in the vicinity, would be thrown be
tween themselves and General Atkinson. General Henry
and his officers agreed with Dodge in the propriety of this
movement ; Generals Alexander and Posey dissented, and re
traced their steps, with their respective commands, in pursu
ance of orders, by the route which they came up.
Henry's and Dodge.' s brigade then marched eastward and
struck Rock River at the rapids, (now Hustisford ;) from this
point an express was sent to General Atkinson's camp, but in
a short time the express returned, with information that the
first trail of the enemy had been discovered. The pursuit
immediately commenced, and the trail was soon struck, and
followed down the river, until the Crawfish River was crossed
near the present site of Aztalan. The trail bore to the west
side of Keyes's Lake (Rock Lake,) and thence westward to the
crossing between the Third and Fourth lakes, (near Madison.)
Having followed the trail thus far, and on reaching the Third
Lake, General Henry objected to advancing, until a defile

220 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
formed by the entrance of a small stream into the lake was
scoured ; here the army encamped, and the next morning
crossed over the ground between the Third and Fourth Lakes,
and followed the trail round the southern end of the Fourth
Lake to where Slaughter's farm now is situate.
At this point the Indians had selected an excellent position
for a battle, as was discovered when we came to it, by the
marks of their bodies where they had laid on the ground.
There were two banks, one above the other, and each forming
a natural breastwork, with a ravine through which passed a
small creek ; these formed great natural defences, and in all
probability, if the army had not encamped the night before,
but had proceeded on the trail, a decisive battle would have
been fought at this place, which it was evident had been
selected by the Indians.
The pursuit continued; the advance was commanded by
Colonel Wm. L. D. Ewing, but Colonel Dodge's command
becoming dissatisfied with what they considered a tardy
march, broke off to the right and left, and took the front.
From that time the pursuit became greatly animated; a
straggling Indian or two was seen, and killed ; and occasion
ally small parties of Indians were seen on the surrounding
eminences ; the route was through oak openings from the
time of leaving the Fourth Lake. On reaching the bluffs or
high grounds overlooking the Wisconsin bottoms or lowlands,
Colonel Dodge's command was far in advance of the rest of
General Henry's brigade, except Colonel Ewing's command,
which was with them; Ewing's men formed the centre of
Dodge's command during the action.
On arriving at the edge of the heights, or bluffs of the
Wisconsin, the troops were dismounted ; Captain Joseph Dick
son, (of Platteville,) who was in command of the spy com
pany, had preceded them, and had encountered a large body
of Indians, who drove them in. The line was immediately
formed, and advanced in front of the horses, to the brow of
an eminence which concealed them from the enemy, who, in
the mean while, was approaching from the other side of the

LIEUTENANT BRACKEN'S NARRATIVE. 221
heights, in pursuit of Dickson, not being aware of the near
presence of the army. The conflict commenced, as both par
ties met on the bluffs, and the enemy was repulsed. The
position of Colonel Dodge was maintained, under a constant
fire from the Indians for fully an hour before the line of
battle was formed by the arrival of General Henry with the
rest of his brigade; they deployed to the right and left,
forming on the flanks, and leaving Dodge's command in the
centre. As soon as the whole line was thus formed, a charge was
ordered and promptly made, by which the Indians were driven
from their position into the low grounds, or Wisconsin bot
toms, which were here covered with high grass ; and as it had
been, and still was raining, the men could not keep their arms
dry in passing through this grass, and the pursuit ceased here.
The battle commenced about five o'clock in the afternoon
of the 21st of July, and closed about sundown. The loss of
the enemy was very severe, compared with that of the whites.
The greater part of the Indians killed were found opposite
Colonel Dodge's command ; the only officer of Colonel
Dodge's command who was mounted during the battle was
Lieutenant Bracken ; Colonel James Collins, of General Hen
ry's brigade,was also mounted, and had a horse killed under him.
The commander-in-chief of the Indians, supposed to be Ne-
a-pope, or Rattle-foot,1 was seen during the battle, mounted
on a white horse, and giving orders, from the summit of a
conical mound, which overlooked the battle-ground. It is
supposed that five hundred or six hundred Indians were pre
sent in the fight.
When the line was ordered to advance and charge, a de
tachment of Henry's brigade was at the same time ordered to
cover the right wing ; their movement, for this purpose, pro
bably induced a belief, on the part of the Indian commander,
that the intention was to cut off the women and children of

1 See Black Hawk's account as to Ne-a-pope. He says that he himself
-commanded.

222 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
the Indians, who were in their rear, on the banks of the Wis
consin River ; a retreat was therefore ordered by the Indian
commander, which took place as the line advanced, and to
this circumstance may be attributed the small loss of life on
our part. It has been said, by those who had better oppor
tunities of knowing the facts, that the American loss was one
killed and eight wounded ; on part of the Indians, the loss
in killed on the field, was between forty and fifty ; the num
ber of wounded, unknown, as they were carried away ; of
these details, Mr. Bracken has no personal knowledge, and
cannot vouch for the accuracy of any of the above-stated
numbers. On the morning after the battle, it was found that
the enemy had all crossed the river during the night, men,
women, and children, and had dispersed.
At the time of the battle, the "White Crow," and some
other chiefs of the Winnebagoes, together with Pierre Pac-
quette, their interpreter, were with our army; they had ac
companied Colonel Dodge's command, from the time of leav
ing Fort Winnebago, and during the pursuit on following
the Indian trail, to this point. Previous to the battle, a
friendly Winnebago had met with some of the Sacs, and had
advised them to surrender, and that they would be well
treated, and fed by the whites. Immediately after the battle,
the White Crow, and all his Indians, together with Pacquette,
the interpreter, left the camp for Fort Winnebago. During
the night, the camp was alarmed by the voice of an Indian,
who appeared to be hailing our people, with a desire to be
heard. He spoke a great deal, but his language was not un
derstood ; it appeared afterward, that it was in the Winnebago
dialect, as it was known that some of the Winnebagoes were
in our camp, and they were supposed still to be there ; it was
thus believed that the Indian would be understood if he spoke
in the language of the Winnebagoes, and that they would act
as mediators for the surrender of the Sacs, which was then
proposed. The next day, the country around was scoured — litters
were prepared for the wounded — expresses were sent to Gene-

LIEUTENANT BRACKEN'S NARRATIVE. 223
ral Atkinson, at Bark River, and to the Fort at Prairie du
Chien. On the day after, the army marched to the Blue
Mounds, where Colonel Dodge's command, including Captain
Stephenson's company, from Galena, were dismissed.
General Atkinson immediately broke up his camp at Bark
River, and marched, by way of the Blue Mounds, to Helena,
on the Wisconsin River. Here the volunteers under Colonel
Dodge were again assembled, and the whole army crossed
the river, and followed the trail of the retreating Sacs
and Foxes, which was discovered under the bluffs north
of the river, until they arrived at the Mississippi, near the
mouth of the Bad Axe. On the route, a number of dead
bodies of Indians were found, many in a state of putrefac
tion ; these had doubtless died of wounds received at the bat
tle of Wisconsin Heights, and from debility produced by the
sickness and starvation, which, from all accounts, prevailed
among the Indians who accompanied the fortunes of Black
Hawk ; the march was therefore rendered distressingly offen
sive, both to the senses of smelling and of seeing.
On the evening of the first of August, signs of the enemy
were discovered, and some stragglers were killed. At two
o'clock, on the morning of the 2d, the line of march was
taken up, Colonel Dodge's command forming the advance,
supported by the regular troops, under Colonel Zachary Tay
lor. About sunrise, Captain Dickson, who commanded the
spy company, reported by one of his men, that he was up with
the enemy, and asked for orders. Colonel Dodge sent orders
to attack them instantly, and at the same time moved up ra
pidly with his command. He was immediately supported by
Colonel Taylor, with the regulars, and the line was then
formed, and advanced about a mile to the banks of the Mis
sissippi, near the mouth of Bad Axe River. In the mean
time, Captain Dickson, who was in front with his spies,
seemed, from the firing, to be actively engaged with the ene
my. Our troops rushed with ardour to the scene of action,
and the battle was soon over, and the fate of Black Hawk,
and his band, determined.

224 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

JOHN MESSERSMITH'S NARRATIVE.
On the Release of the Captives, Misses Hall. Account by John
Messersmith, Esq., of Iowa County. — Related to the Compiler.
The fort at the Blue Mounds was built by the inhabitants
of that neighbourhood, for the protection of their families ; it
was commenced about the 10th of May, 1832, and by the 20th,
the men, women, and children had moved into the fort ; they
remained thus forted until August 30th, 1832, and pay was
drawn from the General Government by the volunteers for
three months' service.
Mr. Messersmith resided with his family at his newly opened
farm of Messergrove, about sixteen miles west of the Blue
Mounds ; and on or about the 15th of May they removed into
the newly constructed fort, but did not remain there much
longer than three weeks, when they returned home again on the
6th of June, the day that Aubrey was killed by the Indians.
At this time, Colonel Henry Gratiot, the Indian agent of
the Winnebagoes, was stationed at Mound Fort by General
Atkinson, in order to watch the Indians and report on their
movements ; in his absence on business, Edward Beouchard
acted under his authority, inasmuch as he could speak the
Winnebago language ; he was instructed to note all that oc
curred, and report to Colonel Gratiot on his return.
The massacre of Mr. Hall's family on the waters of Fox
River of Illinois, and the capture of his two daughters had
occurred lately, (on May 21st, 1832,) and General Atkinson
had offered a reward of two thousand dollars for the release
and recovery of the girls from the hands of the Sauks.
On the 29th of May, an express came to the Blue Mound
Fort, with a letter from General Atkinson addressed to Colo
nel Gratiot, and marked, "On public service;" at this time
Colonel Gratiot was absent, and at what point, was not known.
A consultation was held by the men in the fort, and being

JOHN MESSERSMITH'S NARRATIVE. 225
fully impressed with the belief that the packet might contain
information or instructions of great importance to them, in
their present situation, they advised Mr. Beouchard to open
it. It was found to contain the account of the murders by
the Sauks on Fox River, and the capture of the two girls,
Misses Hall, together with the offer of two thousand dollars
reward to the Winnebagoes for their recovery. When the
contents were thus known, the packet was resealed, and an ex
press immediately despatched with it, to Colonel Gratiot. In
the mean while Mr. Messersmith was permitted to take an
abstract of the information, which he also sent by an express
on the same day, to General Dodge. The next day, General
Dodge came to Mound Fort, and sent to the Four Lakes for a
band of Winnebagoes, and informed them of the capture of the
girls, and of the reward offered for their release and recovery.
A few days afterward, (June 3d, 1832,) the people in the
fort discovered Indians showing themselves on the edge of the
timber, about three miles east of the fort ; Beouchard bravely
volunteered to go out and ascertain who they were ; he did so,
and found they were Winnebagoes, and that they had brought
the captured girls with them. He soon brought the Indians
to the fort, and they delivered up the unhappy and almost
destitute captives to the ladies who were in the fort, who re
ceived and assisted them, as might be well expected, to the
utmost of their abilities ; half famished, half naked, the un
fortunate captives found themselves once more in civilized life,
and among friends.
As soon as it was ascertained at the fort that the Indians
were bringing the girls, an express was sent to General Dodge,
who was met at James Morrison's farm, with a party on their
way to the Mounds ; consequently, Dodge was at the fort be
fore the girls were got in ; they stayed all night, and the next
day went under General Dodge's care, with the Winnebagoes,
to James Morrison's place ; next day to Mineral Point, and
thence by way of Galena, to St. Louis.
On the 6th of June, Mr. Messersmith with his family left
the Mound Fort, about nine o'clock in the morning, on their
Vol. III.— 15

226 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
way to Messergrove. At four o'clock in the afternoon of the
same day, Aubrey was killed at the Mounds. At midnight,
the family of Mr. Messersmith having arrived at home, were
aroused, and again left Messergrove and arrived at Dodge's
Fort at the dawn of day, 7th of June, 1832, where they re
mained until after the battle of the Peeatonica.
James Aubrey and his wife lived at Colonel Ebenezer Brig-
ham's, at the Blue Mounds, and kept house for him, the colonel
being unmarried. Aubrey was elected captain, at the first
election by the people in the fort, but he did not serve as such,
and was soon afterward, (on the 6th of June,) killed by a
party of Indians, while getting water at the spring near
Colonel Brigham's cabin on the Blue Mound, about a mile and
a half north of Mound Fort. The people, in the mean time,
by direction of General Dodge, held an election, and chose
John Sherman for their captain ; George Force, first lieute
nant, and William Collins, second lieutenant.

BATTLE OF THE PECATONICA.
Letters on the Battle of the Peeatonica, copied from ihe ori
ginals, in possession of the Compiler.

Hamilton's Fokt, June 16th, 1832.
Captain J. Shearman :
Sir — Our men buried the five men killed at Spafford's
farm, before my arrival at this place, yesterday ; this morning,
the Indians killed a man, in less than half a mile from this
place ; I instantly pursued them with twenty-nine mounted
men ; I came in sight of them in about two and a half miles,
and pursued them into a bend of the Petittolica ; I dismounted
my men, linked my horses, left four men in charge of them,
and advanced at open order, under trail arms, until I came
up with them. I had placed on the hills four pointers, to pre-

LETTERS ON THE BATTLE OF PECATONICA. 227
vent their escape ; twenty-one of us advanced on the Indians ;
we received their first fire, by which three of our men fell,
severely wounded. I instantly ordered a charge on them,
which was obeyed with the greatest promptitude. In less
than half a minute we killed the whole party, consisting of
eleven men, and got their scalps.
Colonel Hamilton arrived here, yesterday, with his In
dians; his party, added to Decary's party, will make about
two hundred men, who will be engaged, under their leaders,
in ranging the country so as to cover this position, as well as
the Fort at the Mounds.
I shall return home to-day ; should any thing take place of
moment, send me an express immediately.
H. Dodge, Colonel commanding.
Addressed to Captain J. Shearman, commanding Mound
Fort.

Fort Union, 17th June, 1832.
Captain Sherman :
gir — The following facts are stated in a letter addressed
to Captains Hord and More, by General Dodge, dated 16th
June, viz.: — Gentlemen : The five men killed at Spafford's farm
was buried by our men, yesterday; this morning, the Sacks
killed one of our men, within one-quarter of a mile of this
fort ; we immediately pursued on the trail, with twenty-nine
men, in number. Was fortunate in overtaking, and killed ten
of them, which we consider composed the whole party. Our
men charged them, and received their first fire. Wells and
Morris are mortally wounded; Samuel Black is severely
wounded, but not mortal ; Thomas Jenkins, flesh-wounded, not
mortal ; twenty-one of our men charged on the Indians on
foot the rest were taking care of our horses, and guarding
the swamp in which we found them. The men behaved with

228 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
great gallantry and bravery, on this occasion ; they deserve
the confidence of their country.
Respectfully yours, in haste,
Francis Gehon, Captain commanding.
Captain Shearman, Blue Mound.
Addressed, on cover, to Captain Shearman, commanding
Blue Mound.

BATTLE OF WISCONSIN HEIGHTS.
The personal narrative of Captain James B. Estes, of Iowa
county, is to the following effect : — On the morning of the
21st of July, 1832, he left Fort Atkinson, on Rock River,
and reached the Wisconsin Bluffs, opposite the lower end of
Sauk Prairie, about an hour before sundown ; the battle had
commenced a short time before he got to the ground ; there
is an extensive piece of swamp, or marshy ground, at the
point where the battle was fought, about one mile south-east
of the Wisconsin River. The whole of Black Hawk's force
was here ; General Henry was in command of our troops,
being about six hundred men, and they had come on, that
day, from the Four Lakes, about twenty-five miles. On the
march they had seen several small parties of Indians pursu
ing their course toward the Wisconsin River. About a mile
from the head of the Fourth Lake, a dead Indian was dis
covered, and near him, his pouch, in which was found the
watch of Lieutenant Force, who had been killed at the Blue
Mounds. The Indians were overtaken, and followed down, and along
•a long hollow, or ravine, being the first one east of Black
Earth Valley ; here the battle was commenced by the Indians.
The firing on both sides continued until after dark, when it
ceased, and our men bivouacked on the ground, as they had

BATTLE OF WISCONSIN HEIGHTS. 229
but three or four tents with them ; our loss in this fight was
one man killed, and eight. wounded; twenty-five Indians were
found dead on the ground, and according to the statement of
an Indian woman, (said to be Keokuk's sister,) who was af
terward taken prisoner, at the mouth of the Wisconsin River,
the loss on the part of Black Hawk was sixty-eight warriors.
During the night, the Indians all crossed the river.
On the morning of the 22d of July, Captain Estes was sent
as an express to Prairie du Chien, with despatches from our
officers, giving the information to the garrison, that the In
dians had crossed the Wisconsin. He arrived at Prairie du
Chien on the 23d, at noon, having travelled about ninety
miles. Colonel Loomis was in command at the fort. The
steamboat Enterprise, owned by John Acheson & Co., of Ga
lena, came up the river on the 29th, and was sent by Colonel
Loomis up the Mississippi, to Black River; Captain Estes
was on board. At Black River they found about forty Win -
nebagoes, with twenty-eight canoes, collected there, no doubt
for the purpose of assisting the retreating Sauks and Foxes
to cross the Mississippi. The Winnebagoes were made pri
soners, and brought down, together with their canoes, on the
30th, to Fort Crawford. The Enterprise, being a slow boat,
was dismissed, and Colonel Loomis hired the steamboat War
rior, Captain Throckmorton, to go up the river a second time.
Accordingly, on the 1st of August, this boat (aboard of which
was Captain Estes) went up the river about forty miles, to
the mouth of the Bad Axe, and here found the Indians on
the bank of the Mississippi, who commenced firing on the
boat. The fire was returned from a six-pounder, placed in
the bows or forecastle of the boat, and after two or three
shots the Indians ceased firing, and fled into the woods. The
party in the boat continued there until sunset, when, their
wood having failed, they were obliged to return to Prairie du
Chien for supplies. After procuring wood, the boat started
back about midnight, and arrived at the lower end of the
large island below the mouth of the Bad Axe, on the morning
of the 2d of August, about ten o'clock ; they heard firing

230 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
before they reached the island, and knew that a battle had
begun. After the battle of the Wisconsin Heights, our troops re
turned to the Blue Mounds, and there waited for the arrival
of General Atkinson with the regulars. On their arrival, the
whole army proceeded to Helena, crossed the Wisconsin River
at that point, and followed the Indians to Bad Axe River. In
the mean time, a large party of Black Hawk's people, men,
women, and children, having descended the river in canoes,
after the battle at the Heights, were taken prisoners near the
mouth of the Wisconsin, by our troops stationed at Prairie
du Chien.

BATTLE OF BAD AXE.
Captain James B. Estes, of Iowa county, relates as
follows : —
Our boat, (the Warrior, Captain Throckmorton,) arrived on
the 2d of August, about ten o'clock in the morning; the firing
had already begun.
There are two islands in the Mississippi near the mouth of
the Bad Axe ; our troops had driven many of the Indians on
these islands, and the steamboat opened a fire with the six-
pounder upon them. Having passed the large island, our
troops were discovered on the mainland, and two small boats
were sent by Captain Throckmorton to the shore to bring them
over to the islands. The boats made a few trips, and landed
Colonel Zachary Taylor and his whole command, about one hun
dred and fifty men, on the large island. Here a severe fight took
place, and all the Indians found on this island were killed, ex
cept one who swam across the slough, and got on shore, on
the eastern bank of the Mississippi, and escaped ; two Indians
were killed in the top of a tree. Upon the small island,
several Indians were also killed ; and here, Captain Estes dis-

BATTLE OF BAD AXE. 231
covered an Indian sack with something red hanging out of it ;
when this was taken out, it proved to be a British flag, entirely
new, and never soiled. Major Mason, of the United States
Army, was with Captain Estes when the flag was found ; it
was passed from hand to hand among the troops ; what be
came of it afterward is not ascertained.
From the main eastern shore of the Mississippi to tho
islands, is about one hundred and fifty yards ; the smali
island lies nearest to the shore, and is above the large one.
It appeared that the Indians had only one canoe with them,
and they had to swim across the slough ; many of them were
drowned, as their bodies were found next day below the
islands. In the boats that first brought the regulars to the
large island, were Colonel Zachary Taylor, Major Bliss, Cap
tains Harney and Smith, and other officers ; Captain Estes
was also along with them, having gone in the boats to bring
them over. Colonel Taylor was the first who got ashore.
During the fight, and about the close, General Atkinson came
on board the steamboat, and remained there until the close of
ihe battle. The firing was very severe on the boat from both
•of the islands and the shore also, when it had arrived at the
head of the large island. The pilot's house being above the
upper deck, was much exposed, and several balls had passed
near it ; the steersman, somewhat alarmed, left the wheel, and
instantly, afterwards a shot passed through both sides of the
house, in the direction where he had been standing ; for a few
minutes Captain Estes took the wheel, but the pilot soon re
sumed his place, and Captain Estes went ashore with the first
boats to bring the troops over the slough.
During the fight on the mainland, an Indian woman was
killed ; she had a young child at the breast, and the deadly
bullet had passed through and shattered the arm of the infant,
and penetrated the left breast of the mother. When they
were found after the battle, the woman was lying dead, over
the child, whose head protruded under the mother's arm.
Dr. Addison Philleo, of Galena, surgeon of the volunteers,
amputated the child's arm, on the ground ; during the opera-

232 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
tion, a biscuit was given to the infant, which it ate, apparently
unconcerned, and insensible to pain. This child was delivered
to the care of an Indian woman, prisoner, and was subsequently
taken to Rock Island, and delivered up to the tribe.
It may readily be supposed, that during the eleven days
which had elapsed from the time of crossing the Wisconsin
until their arrival on the banks of the Mississippi at Bad
Axe, the Indians had most severely suffered from imperious
hunger, and incessant fatigue in their hasty retreat ; in fact,
they were nearly starved, as was universally admitted by
their conquerors.
A writer in the Galena Gazette of August 6th, four days
after the battle, states that —
" The battle lasted upwards of three hours. About fifty of
the enemy's women and children were taken prisoners, and
many, by accident in the battle, were killed. When the In
dians were driven to the bank of the Mississippi, some hun
dreds of men, women, and children, plunged into the river,
and hoped by diving, &c, to escape the bullets of our guns ;
very few, however, escaped our sharp-shooters. The loss on
the side of the enemy never can be exactly ascertained, but
according to the best computation, they must have lost in
killed upwards of one hundred and fifty ; our loss in killed
and wounded was twenty-seven.
" General Atkinson, accompanied by Generals Dodge and
Posey, with the United States Infantry, arrived at the Prairie
on the evening of the 4th, on board the steamboat Warrior,
and will remain until the mounted volunteers arrive. The
Winnebagoes at Prairie du Chien, are daily bringing in Sac
prisoners and scalps.
" On the same day, a party of fifteen men from Cassville,
under command of Captain Price, were reconnoitring the
country between that place and the Ouisconsin, and fell upon
a fresh Sac trail, making towards the Mississippi. They
rushed with full speed of horses, and soon came upon, killed
and took prisoners to the number of twelve."

MEMORIAL OF THE MINERS.

Memorial of the Citizens of the Mineral Region of Wisconsin,
on the subject of the Rent Lead, and the protection of their
rights, in case of the sale of Crovernment Lands.
To the Honourable Lewis Cass,
Secretary of the War Department of the United States :
Sir — The undersigned, residents in that part of the Ter
ritory of Michigan including the lead-mine district, on the
Upper Mississippi, respectfully ask leave to call your atten
tion to the situation and condition of the citizens occupying
this mineral region of country.
In conformity to an act of Congress, passed in 1807, the
President of the United States, from time to time, has ap
pointed agents invested with ample powers, to lease the United
States lead mines ; and the government of the mines having
been confided to the War Department, and the rents accruing
to the Government from the working of those mines, having
been heretofore regulated by that department, are the reasons
why your memorialists ask leave to call your attention to this
subject. Your immediate predecessor in office having re
duced the rents of the United States mines from ten to six
per cent., we take it for granted, that power was properly
exercised; and, inasmuch as he held himself at liberty to
raise the rents, by giving three months' notice, we ask your
indulgence, while we briefly state the past and present condi
tion of the mining population of this country.
The relation in which you stood to the people, as the Exe
cutive of this Territory, at the time this mining country was
settled, as well as the appointment you held jointly with
233

234 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Colonel McKenney, as joint commissioners on the part of the
United States, for treating with the Winnebago, and other
tribes of Indians, for this country, here is well known. The
Government of the United States invited the people to this
country, through their agents, at a time when they had no
troops on this frontier to afford them protection. In 1827,
when the Indians commenced hostilities, the inhabitants of
the mining country, being wholly dependent on themselves
for protection, abandoned their mining operations, and pre
pared themselves to resist the Winnebago Indians, who were
located in the immediate vicinity of the mines, and who were
actually in a state of war. The loss of one season from the
working of the mines, and the expenses incurred by the peo
ple of this country during the winter of 1827 and 1828, left
them without the means of returning from whence they had
emigrated. In this situation, they settled that portion of the
mining country, which they now occupy. In the month of
June, 1828, the Superintendent of the United States lead-
mines located the portion of country, at that time occupied
by your memorialists ; and from that period until the extin
guishment of the Indian title at Prairie du Chien, in 1829,
a period of near fourteen months, and before the Government
acquired a right from the Indians for the country, the people
of the mining country paid upwards of one million pounds of
rent lead. It is believed, that no tax was ever more punctu
ally and cheerfully paid, than this, by the smelter to the Go
vernment. During the administration of the present Super
intendent of the mines, (two and a half years,) more tax lead
has been collected, including arrearages, than the actual rents
amounted to, for that period. Your memorialists state with
confidence, that they have paid a greater amount of taxes,
and such being a direct tax on the labour of the whole com
munity, than any equal number of citizens, since the settle
ment of America !
That from 1827 until 1829, the smelters not only paid ten
per cent, rent on all lead manufactured, but they hauled the
rent lead a distance from forty to sixty miles, to the United

MEMORIAL OF THE MINERS. 235
States depot, at a time when lead was not selling for more
than one dollar and fifty cents, at the United States lead
mines. What was the consequence of this state of things ? — the entire
ruin of many of the manufacturers of this article. The Govern
ment of the United States has actually received between three
and four millions of pounds of rent lead, and the people of the
United States an abundant supply of the article of lead, upon
cheaper terms than ever furnished them at any preceding pe
riod. The low and depressed price of lead was the principal
cause, no doubt, that your predecessor reduced the rents of the
mines ; and as the Government has derived all the advantages
they could have anticipated, in a national point of view, from
the exploration and working of their mines ; and as the manu
facturers and miners of this mining country have not had
time to realize the advantages resulting from a reaction in
the price of lead, your memorialists confidently rely on your
justice, and the liberality of the Government, that they will
foster and protect their own manufacturers of lead, to the
exclusion of those of foreign powers. And as lead is a ne
cessary and important article in time of war, we trust that
you will carefully examine this subject, in all its bearings,
before you increase the rents of the United States lead
mines ; and that you will urge on Congress the justice and
propriety of not changing the present tariff on lead.
Your memorialists ask leave to call your attention to a sub
ject of great interest and vital importance to them. Should
the government pass a law for the survey and sale of the
United States lead mines of this country, upon the same
principles observed in the sale of the lead mines in Missouri,
we earnestly hope you will recommend to the consideration
of Congress the justice and propriety of granting to each
miner who has complied with the regulations made for the
government of the mines, the privilege of working out all dis
coveries made on mineral lots, or surveys. To sell the United
States mines without making this reservation, would deprive
the most enterprising and industrious part of the population

236 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
of this country of their all ! Miners who have had mineral
lands in their possession for years, might by speculators have
their mineral grounds purchased, and be left without resources
or means, from not having had time to compensate themselves
for the low prices of mineral, which was sold in this mining
country for two years, from five to eight dollars per thousand
weight. It surely cannot be the policy of an enlightened government
to oppress one portion of its citizens for the advantage of
another part of the same community, and where equal rights
and justice should be meted to all.
Your memorialists consider it a fortunate circumstance for
them, that you are placed at the head of the War Department
of the government, knowing that you are intimately and well
acquainted with all the circumstances attending the settlement
of the mining country, surrounded, as they have been, by In
dians secretly hostile to American people, as well as under the
influence of the English; the friendly regard which you
evinced for the protection and safety of the citizens of this
mining region in 1828, is remembered with gratitude ; and
your memorialists confidently believe that you will render
them all the aid in your power, consistent with the relation in
which you stand to the government : and your memorialists
will ever pray, &c.

EARTH WORKS.
AZTALAN, THE ANCIENT CITY.
One of the very remarkable groups of ancient earth-works
hitherto discovered in Wisconsin, is a connection of embank
ments, buttresses, and mounds, forming an enclosure, with
interior and exterior raised works, and is situate in town
ship seven, of range fourteen east, on the western, or right
bank of the Crawfish, or west branch of Rock River, in the
county of Jefferson. From the singular resemblance which

EARTH WORKS. 237
these monuments of an ancient people bear to a regular for
tification, and the large space of the enclosed ground, together
with the neighbouring and surrounding mounds, and other
earth-works, these ruins early received the name of the " City
of Aztalan," given to it by Judge Nathaniel F. Hyer, who
first settled here in 1836, and, in default of a more plausible
hypothesis, referred its origin to a race of people co-existent
with, and similar to, the ancient Aztecs of Mexico. The en
closed works, or supposed fortification, or city, are situate
about half a mile south of the present village of Aztalan, but
the mounds commence in the very heart of the village, and
extend on both sides of the road leading to the village of
Jefferson, somewhat more than three-fourths of a mile.
The north and south walls of the enclosure extend about
four hundred yards from the west wall, and abut on the Craw
fish River ; the west wall is also about four hundred yards in
length. These walls all have certain projections from them,
apparently as buttresses, at intervals of some thirty feet;
within the enclosure, at the north end, near the western wall,
is an oblong mound, of about five feet elevation, which has
been dug into some years since, and in which were then found
pieces of a sort of matting, and several rope strands, of grass,
or other fibrous substance — a sort of texture resembling
cloth — human bones — pieces of pottery of various descrip
tions, together with fragments of 1 rick, or burnt clay, mixed
with grass or straw; all these articks were apparently charred
by fire.
Within the enclosure, at the south-west angle, is a large
mound, in shape nearly square, about fifteen or twenty feet
high, and flat on the summit, having a connecting ridge, or
continuous elevation, of about three or four feet, to another
square mound at the south-east angle ; also within the enclo
sure, are several small circular mounds, and two long, parallel
embankments, about four feet high ; about halfway of the dis
tance between the north and south walls, on the bank of the
river, is an excavation similar to that of a sewer, or drain.
The three walls, and their buttresses, enclosing the whole

238 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
ground, are now about four feet raised above the surrounding
soil ; the whole enclosure, as well as the walls, (except where
a part of the land is in cultivation,) is covered with a scatter
ing growth of scrub oak, and other shrubbery, but the earth
works, and their peculiar formation, is very distinctly to be
traced ; on some of the mounds, and on various parts of the
walls and buttresses, several forest trees are growing, which,
from their size, indicate great age. Several of the circular
mounds, in the vicinity of the enclosure and the village, have
been opened at various times, and bones and pottery have
been found in them.
At the first view of these earth- works, there is no difficulty
in ascribing their formation to human agency, although, from
the general character of the surrounding country, some of
the mounds are doubtless of natural formation ; and the ad
vantage of their primitive position, has afforded to the ancient
builders of the enclosing walls favourable points of continued
connection. The fact of these mounds being the depositaries
of the dead, as well as of the articles of brick, pottery, and
other things, which are found in them, does not present any
great obstacle to this supposition. This remark may well
apply to many of the conical, or round mounds, found in the
neighbourhood ; the natural formation of one, or more of
these elevations of earth, may have led to the erection of
other hillocks, or mounds, either for posts of defence, or as
tumuli for the dead. Even the discovery of human bones,
pottery, fragments of brick, &c, in the apparent natural ele
vations, does not detract from the plausibility of this theory.
Some of these mounds exhibit depressions around them, from
which earth may have been taken to raise them originally, or
to add to their height ; others, in common with the other
earth-works, and animal-shaped mounds, in various parts of
the State, show no such appearance in the surrounding soil.
Such was the appearance of the earth-works of the ancient
city of Aztalan, in 1853; subjoined is a description ofthe
supposed fortification made on the ground, about the year

EARTH WORKS. 239
1840, and communicated by its intelligent author,1 at that
time, for publication in Silliman's Journal.
"The citadel (enclosing walls), consists of a brick wall,
which at the base is from twenty to twenty-five feet wide, at
the present time, and, as I should judge, about five feet in
height ; the projections of the wall have certainly the appear
ance of buttresses, as constructed upon military works at this
day; they are constructed also of brick, regularly built, at
intervals of from two to five rods, and extending beyond the
wall about seventeen feet, of the same height as the main
wall. The eastern wall, parallel with, and immediately upon
the bank of the river, is, at this time, but slightly visible, nor
are there any appearances of buttresses, as upon the other
portions of the wall. In proceeding upon the supposition
that these are the ruins of an ancient fortification, we may
conclude, that inasmuch as the eastern side was defended from
ingress by a deep and rapid stream, a wall and buttress simi
lar to the one I have attempted to describe, as bounding the
western side, would have been unnecessary. The whole area
within the wall comprises about twenty acres ; within the en
closure are a number of square mounds, or elevated plains, of
the height of fifteen or twenty feet, as I should judge, and per
haps forty or fifty feet square upon the top, while others are of
a more conical shape, and from their situation appear as what
might now be termed block-houses, or places of look-out ; that
such were the objects of their construction, I am not pre
pared to say. There is also a distinct ridge, running east and
west, connecting two of these towers or mounds, as well as
two parallel ridges, running north and south, and extending
nearly the whole length of the enclosure. There is also a
cellar and stairway, I am informed, yet visible, descending
within the mound of the north-west angle of the ruins ; this,
in my hurried examination, escaped my notice; I can, there
fore, say nothing respecting it. The same remarks must also
apply to the termination of a sewer, which is said yet to be
1 Nathaniel F. Hyer.

240 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
perceived at a bend, or angle, about midway in the eastern
wall ; this sewer is said to be about three feet below the sur
face, and arched with stone. Whether through this sewer
water was supplied from the river, or not, others can judge.
Without the enclosure, and at those points where this work is
not protected by the river, are numerous mounds, varying
from three, to twenty-five feet in height, and from twenty to a
hundred feet in circumference ; and particularly at the south
west angle, there is an embankment forming the arc of a
circle, with projections resembling the buttresses represented
in the main wall, which requires but little stretch of the ima
gination, to suppose was intended as an outwork for the de
fence of that particular point.
"In examining one of these mounds, I found the remains
of a human skeleton, which had been previously exhumed,
although by the action of fire, the bones had been so com
pletely charred, that they readily crumbled to pieces in the
hand. " One word as to the ' brick-wall ;' let me not be under
stood to say, that there is in the brick here found any regular
appearance of brick-laying, as at present practised. The
walls which I examined, and from which, at many different
points, with a mattock, I broke off specimens, present, now,
the appearance of a mass of burned clay. In what manner
at first constructed, there is nothing to indicate ; but that the
walls and parapets consist of brick, rudely burned, and pre
pared with straw, after the ancient mode, the different speci
mens I gathered bear sufficient witness."
Note. — A box, containing specimens of the "burned clay,"
as well as fragments of rudely platted matting, and human
remains, in a charred state, dug from these ruins, was, some
years since (about 1840) forwarded, through the Curator Dr.
King, to the National Institution for the Promotion of Science,
at Washington, D. C.

EARTH WORKS. 241
FORTIFICATIONS.
Carver, in his account of his travels on the Upper Mis
sissippi in 1766, discovered a remarkable earthwork, or an
cient fortification, situate on the prairie on the western bank
of the Mississippi, as follows : —
" One day, having landed on the shore of the Mississippi,
some miles below Lake Pepin, whilst my attendants were pre
paring my dinner, I walked out to take a view of the adjacent
country. I had not proceeded far, before I came to a fine,
level, open plain, on which I perceived, at a little distance, a
partial elevation, that had the appearance of an intrench
ment. On a nearer inspection, I had greater reason to sup
pose that it had really been intended for this, many cen
turies ago. Notwithstanding it was now covered with
grass, I could plainly discern that it had once been a breast
work of about four feet in height, extending the best part of
a mile, and sufficiently capacious to cover five thousand men.
Its form was somewhat circular, and its flanks reached to the
river. Though much defaced by time, every angle was distin
guishable, and appeared as regular, and fashioned with as
much military skill, as if planned by Vauban himself. The
ditch was not visible, but I thought on examining more cu
riously, that I could perceive there certainly had been one.
From its situation also, I am convinced that it must have been
designed for this purpose. It fronted the country, and the
rear was covered by the river ; nor was there any rising
ground for a considerable way that commanded it ; a few
straggling oaks were alone to be seen near it. In many places,
small tracks were worn across it by the feet of the elks and
deer, and from the depth of the bed of earth by which
it was covered, I was able to draw certain conclusions of its
great antiquity. I examined all th'e angles, and every part,
with great attention, and have often blamed myself since, for
not encamping on the spot, and drawing an exact plan of it.
To show that this description is not the offspring of a heated
Vol. III.— 16

242 documentary history.
imagination, or the chimerical tale of a mistaken traveller, I
find on inquiry since my return, that Monsieur St. Pierre,
and several traders have, at different times, taken notice of
similar appearances, on which they have formed the same con
jectures, but without examining them so minutely as I did.
How a work of this kind could exist in a country that has
hitherto (according to the generally received opinion,) been the
seat of war to untutored Indians alone, whose whole stock of
military knowledge has only, till within two centuries, amounted
to drawing the bow, and whose only breastwork even at pre
sent is the thicket, I know not. I have given as exact an
account as possible of this singular appearance, and leave to
future explorers of these distant regions to discover whether
it is a production of nature or art. Perhaps the hints I have
here given, might lead to a more perfect investigation of it,
and give us very different ideas ofthe ancient state of realms
that we at present believe to have been from the earliest period
only the habitations of savages." Vide Carver's Travels.
In 1835, these remarkable earth works were visited by
George W. Featherstonhaugh, in the course of a geological ex
ploration of the country on the Upper Mississippi, made by
order of the War Department of the United States, and from
his report the following account is extracted. Mr. Feather
stonhaugh says : —
" I had been anxious to discover a remarkable locality he
(Carver) speaks of, and which from the doubts expressed by
other travellers, they evidently had never seen. The passage
in Carver is so minutely descriptive, and the existence of the
remains of a work capacious enough to hold five thousand
men was something so remarkable, that I was solicitous not to
miss the place, however troublesome the search, since he does
not say on which bank of the river it is, and merely speaks of
it as 'some miles below Lake Pepin.'
" On climbing the bank where ever green (cedar) trees
were, which is the right bank of the Mississippi about eight
miles south-east of Roque's trading house, near the entrance
of Lake Pepin, I found myself on an extensive and beauti-

earth works. 243
fully smooth prairie. At a distance not exceeding two miles,
I saw some unusual elevations to the south ; and hoping 1
had had the good fortune to find, at length, the true place,
I walked to them, and, on reaching them, was at once per
suaded that I had found the locality described by Carver, and
which was sufficiently remarkable to justify the description
he had given of it. The elevation had the appearance of an
ancient military work in ruins ; externally there was the ap
pearance of a ditch, in places filled up with the blowing sand,
and having a slope coming down from what might be sup
posed the walls of the work to the ditch, of about twenty
yards. Inside was a great cavity, with irregular salient angles ;
and at three different parts were the more regular remains of
something like bastions ; the cavity was seventy yards in dia
meter, north-west and south-east, including the ruins of several
terraces ; the circumference of this singular place, including
the angles, was four hundred and twenty-four yards. Seven
hundred yards south-south-east of this, was another, resem
bling it in form and size ; and at an equal distance east-south
east from this last, was a larger one, eleven hundred yards
round, , with similar remains of bastions ; this cavity would
easily contain one thousand people ; its walls, if the word may
be applied to them, are lofty, and there is a deep ditch on the
south side. In the area to the south, I counted six more of
these elevations, each having a rude resemblance to the other,
with what also appeared to be a line of defence, connecting
these works with each other. At the northern end of this
singular assemblage of elevations, every thing bears the ap
pearance of rude artificial construction ; at the southern end,
however, and not far from the river, the works pass gradually
into an irregular surface, a confused intermixing of cavities
and knolls, that might be satisfactorily attributed to the blow
ing of sand. (It is a sand prairie, covered with a foot or
two of vegetable matter.) There is a growth of oak timber,
as Carver observes, upon all this part of the elevations. All
the angles and bastions are very much rounded by the weather,
and some of the slopes outside, consist of sand brought there by

244 documentary history.
the wind. It is undoubtedly true that all the appearances I
have described may have been produced by the action of the
wind ; but those who think so, after personal inspection, are
bound to account to themselves why other parts of this prairie,
and of other prairies similarly situated, are not blown up,
and why the ground covered by these elevations is blown up
in such a manner as to resemble artificial works so closely.
If, when this curious place becomes more known and investi
gated, Indian antiquities, should be discovered commensurate
with the extent of the work, such as the stone instruments
and weapons of offence usually found about Indian encamp
ments, it wTould decide with me the question. If any thing of
that kind is there, it is probably buried beneath the sands too
deep for passing travellers to find. I brought nothing away
with me but a plan of the general appearance of the locality,
and one or two of the principal elevations." (Feath. Geol.
Report, 1835, p. 129, 132.

BURIAL MOUNDS.
These eminences are found in various parts of the state,
both south and north of the Wisconsin, and east and west
of Rock River ; their localities are not specially restricted,
although they are found in great numbers and in many shapes
at some points, while at others they are not found in groups
but detached, and at considerable distances apart. In some
vicinities the animal shaped mound prevails, and in others
the conical or round mound only is found ; parallelograms or
breast-works are frequently discovered, often with animal-
shaped mounds in their neighbourhood and sometimes con
nected with them. It has been correctly remarked of them
by an intelligent investigator of their locations,1 " that they
are found in the dense forest, giving nurture to the largest
trees, which measure in some instances three feet in diameter,
1 Stephen Taylor, Esq. See Silliman's Journal, 1842.

EARTH WORKS. 245
and are frequently based on the summit of some of thesp
mounds, while upon others their branchless trunks lie pros
trate and decaying ; we also find them in the sparsely tim
bered regions, as well as upon the undulating prairie plains,
principally in the vicinity of large water courses, above the
influence of high freshets or inundations. It is a remarkable
fact that they are seldom found upon hilly or upon sterile
lands. It is very evident that these works were heaped up,
and by a race that has long since passed away; as to the
material of which they are constructed having been brought
from a distance we have no other testimony than conjecture.
From the excavations around and in the vicinity of many of
them, more especially those in the form of the cross, I am
persuaded that the material of which they are composed was
obtained from the ground adjacent to them ; while in the
vicinity of those of other forms, the surface does not appear
as though the earth of which they were constructed had been
taken therefrom; so that the conjecture appears plausible,
that some of these works were heaped up with accumulated
material brought from a distance."
The ordinary circular tumuli, those of elliptical, quadran
gular and oval form, the pyramidal mounds, and the tumuli
in the form of truncated pyramids have been found in vari
ous parts of the North American continent, particularly in
the south and west of the United States; but the animal-shaped
mound appears, if not peculiar to Wisconsin and its neigh
bouring region, at least to be more frequently met with here
than in any other portion of the Union ; it is certain that
the animal form does not prevail in the Indian monuments
within the valley of the Ohio.
Many, if not all of these mounds, are depositories of the dead ;
but although the Indians of the present day often bury their
dead in an ancient mound, should one be in their neighbour
hood, yet they have no tradition among themselves, of the
nation, or race by whom these mounds were originally con
structed. It is related by intelligent Indian traders, that a
custom once prevailed amongst certain tribes, on the burial

246 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
of a chief or brave of distinction, to consider his grave as en
titled to the tribute of a portion of earth from each passer
by, which the traveller, sedulously carried with him on his
journey. Hence the first grave formed a nucleus around
which, in the accumulation of the accustomed tributes of
respect, thus paid, a mound was soon formed ; and, as the earth
was often carried to the grave from some distance, the ab
sence of neighbouring cavities, from which the material of
the mound might have been taken, may be accounted for.
It also became an honourable distinction for other dead to be
buried by the side of the chiefs so deposited in the first
mound ; and as the custom of earthy tribute continued, the
mound increased in size, and the irregularity in the shape
and size of the burial places, may thus in a measure be ex
plained. It is also said, that the dishonoured dead, such as
those who had committed crimes, were stigmatized by the
heaping of stones on their graves, and the custom of adding
a stone, by the traveller, to the unhonoured cairn, was ob
served with as much attention as that of heaping the handful
of earth on the remains of the chieftain.
P£re Lafitau in describing the Great Feast of the dead,
among the Iroquois, says, that they have a custom, at certain
intervals of many years, of disinterring all the dead who had
been inhumed during the past interval, and each family brings
the fragments of remains, the skeletons, the half putrid
corpses, and the late dead, of their own kindred, to one gene
ral assemblage ; and after having been exposed for some days
on stages erected for the purpose, during which time the
feasting and dancing, and other ceremonies in honour of the
dead have their celebration, the numerous remains of the de
ceased, of all ages, who have died in the lapsed period, are
gathered into one common depository.1 Will this custom
throw any light on the subject of the extensive burial mounds
of the Ohio and the Mississippi ?
The mounds of Wisconsin are very numerous along the
1 Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains Comparees, &c, &c.

EARTH WORKS. |4J
track of the military road from Fort Winnebago to Prairie
du Chien, particularly on that portion between the Blue
Mounds and the Four Lakes, and in the immediate vicinity
of these lakes. They are of various forms or shapes, gene
rally raised from three to five feet above the surrounding
ground, and as has been often ascertained by digging into
them, the earth of which they are composed is entirely dif
ferent in colour, and consistence, from that of the land ad
joining, and beneath the raised mound. Besides the conical
or round mounds, and others in the shape of crosses, it doe8
not require any stretch >of the imagination to assimilate the
configuration of many of these mounds to the effigies of the
buffalo, the fox, the bear, the deer or elk, the beaver, or otter,
the lizard, the tortoise, the eagle and other birds, different
animals with extended tails, and of men with arms and legs
outstretched ; and all recumbent. Sometimes the mound is
built in an elongated form, in the manner of a breast-work,
and of this description some are found so disposed in their
proximate locations as to resemble a studied fortification both
for defence and aggression.
Of the breast-work form, one is found at the foot of the
Pine bluff, near the head springs of Sugar River about fifteen
miles west of Madison ; this is about two hundred and twenty
yards in length, with a gap or interruption near the centre,
opposite to which is a buffalo-shaped mound, and a similar
¦one, a small distance farther east. Below this point some
three miles, are several conical mounds, situate on the high
prairie above the banks of Sugar River ; they are visible, as
land-marks for a considerable distance, and give their name
to " Seven Mound Prairie."
Around the Fourth Lake, and especially on the northwest
shore, are found many of the animal-shaped mounds, and
some of the conical form ; of these latter I (W. R. S.) opened
one, which was about eight feet in height ; this was in the
summer of 1837. At the depth of about five feet from the
summit, were found several pieces of broken pottery, which
.had apparently been glazed or polished on both sides ; also

248 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
some agate arrow-heads, and finally the scull, and • some of
the bones of the hands, and the clavicles of a human skele
ton. Probably more than one body had been deposited there,
but search was not made. It was remarkable that there was
no contiguous spot, whence the earth to form the mound, had
apparently been taken, and such is generally the case with
these structures ; they are raised several feet above the sur
rounding level, and no neighbouring depression or cavity,
whence earth had been removed, appears. In the vicinity of
the lake shores, the sub-soil is coarse sand, gravel and shin
gle, whereas the mounds in the same vicinity are composed
of a reddish brown, rich soil, very friable, and devoid of ex
traneous matter, as if it had been sifted.
On the old road from Madison to Mineral Point, three
miles west of the village, north of, and opposite the farm of
Abel Dunning, Esq., the track formerly passed along, and
between two rows of round mounds, apparently at equal dis
tances apart, and opposite to each other ; the road being
about thirty feet wide, and the mounds about the same dis
tance from one to the other. In frequently passing between
these regular rows of mounds, I could not refrain from fancy
ing that I was traversing the street of an ancient village, or
perhaps the burial ground of its former dwellers ; the grass-
covered eminences might well represent the ruined and de
serted hearths of a once numerous tribe of people, and equally
well designate the final resting place of their dead. I have
on more than one occasion counted from fifty-six to sixty of
these mounds, lying on both sides of the commonly travelled
road, and there may have been more ; others are certainly in
their immediate vicinity.
The mounds of Wisconsin range in their height from three
feet to ten feet above the surrounding surface, seldom exceed
ing the latter, and this height is confined to the round or
conical mound ; those of the animal-shape are lower, and in
all instances recumbent ; the backs of the figures are gene
rally placed toward the rise of the ground, and the feet in
the down-hill direction. It may be observed that in the efli-

EARTH WORKS. 249
gies of the animal supposed to represent the buffalo, the hump
is almost always absent ; and that in all cases, as the animals
are delineated in a recumbent position on the prairie, only
one fore and one hind leg are shown, except in the configura
tion of the tortoise, where four legs are distinctly marked.
These mounds have been visited by a few scientific men, but
they are too often looked upon by the inhabitants of their
immediate locates with an incurious, if not a skeptical eye ;
and yet, to use the language of Dr. Locke in his report made
in 1840, on the geological survey of this region of country,
Speaking of the animal mounds, he says, " the geologist sud
denly and unexpectedly meets with these groups of gigantic
basso-relievos, which appear to him as decidedly artificial as
the head of Julius Caesar on an ancient coin, notwithstanding
any thing which may be imagined or said to the contrary."
In February, 1838, Mr. Richard C. Taylor visited Wiscon
sin, and in his publication of " Notes on the Indian Mounds
and Earth- Works in the form of Animal Effigies," in the sec
tion of country between the Blue Mounds and the Four Lakes,
he makes the following remarks : — 1
" The circular tumuli of the Wisconsin prairies are com
monly about fifty feet in diameter, and are not elevated, in
general, more than ten or fifteen feet above the surrounding
level, but often not half so much.
"Those in the form of parallelograms, are seldom less than
one hundred feet long, and are occasionally seen much longer,
as in the case of one, which is six hundred feet in length ;
perhaps in this instance it was thrown up as a defensive earth
work, as its situation seems to indicate.2
"The earth-works which have been constructed in the shapes
of animals, abound in the Iowa district of Wisconsin. They
occur mixed with the other varieties, in great numbers around
the high-lands which skirt the 'Four Lakes,' forming a spe-

1 Silliman's Journal, vol. 34.
2 At the foot of the Pine Bluff, near the head of Sugar River. — W-
R. S.

250 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
cies of alto relievo, of gigantic proportions. This district
appears to have been much resorted to by the early tribes,
whose relics we here behold, mixed with those of the modern
Winnebagoes. At one spot alone, at least one hundred tumuli
may be counted. The Indian path along which we passed,
has, for nearly half a mile in length, a series of these, mixed
with circular mounds in tiers, several deep, on both sides ;
forming a cemetery, in magnitude of itswlf sufficient, one
would imagine, for the chiefs and warriors, and their descen
dants, of a whole tribe, if such was the original design of
these earth-works. On the summits of some might be seen
the recent graves, protected by pallisadoes, of the last Indian
possessors of the soil.1
"About eighteen miles west of the Four Lakes, and seven
miles east of the two remarkable natural hills called the
Blue Mounds, there is a singular group of mounds, compre
hended in an area about two thousand three hundred feet in
length. In this group are seen the effigies of at least six
quadrupeds ; six mounds in parallelograms ; one circular tu
mulus ; one human figure ; and one circle, or ring, which may
have been formed by the Indians in their dances, whether
peaceful or warlike ; or may have been occupied for some such
purpose, in by-gone times, as the torturing and destroying of
their prisoners. The great Indian trail, or war-path, which
leads from Lake Michigan, near Milwaukie, to the Mississippi,
above Prairie du Chien, passes along the edge of this chain
of earth-works, and is now for many miles adopted as the
route of the military road to the latter fort."2
Mr. Taylor accompanied his notes with plates of the figures
of these effigies, with their true admeasurements and locations,
from actual survey. He says : — " The respective dimensions
of these animal effigies in our ground-plan, are 90, 100, 102,
103, 120, and 126 feet in length ; all of them apparently
represent the same description of animal. We were rather

1 Three, miles west of Madison. — W. R. S.
2 The great western road still passes these mounds. — W. R. S.

EARTH WORKS. 251
inclined, however imperfect the representation, to attribute
the intention of the constructors to be that of exhibiting the
buffalo. " In the midst of this group is the representation of a human
figure, lying in an east and west direction, the head toward
the west, and the arms and legs extended. Its length is one
hundred and twenty-five feet, and it is one hundred and forty
feet from the extremity of one arm to that of the other. The
fcody, or trunk, is thirty feet in breadth, the head twenty-five
feet, and its elevation above the general surface of the prai
rie, is about six feet. Its configuration is so distinct, that
there can be no possibility of a mistake in assigning it to the
human figure.
" The circular tumulus in the centre is the highest, and
overlooks the whole group. There is nothing remarkable
about the oblong mounds. Whether all, or any of these earth
works contain bones, we had no opportunity of determining;
they probably all do.
" The site of this interesting series is an elevated, open
prairie, on the dividing ridge between the waters of the Wis
consin and Rock Rivers. These monuments are covered with
the same green carpet of prairie grass, intermixed with bright
and brilliant flowers, as the prairie itself. There is an inter
vening space near the centre of the group, now overgrown
with bushes, which probably conceal some unnoticed mounds."
The above group of mounds I visited in 1837 ; they still
remain in the same condition now, (1853,) as then, except that
the constant travelling has worn down part of one arm of the
human figure, over which the great western road passes. It
is probable their traces may soon be disfigured, or entirely
lost, as the cultivation of fields already has approached them
within one or two hundred feet. — W. R. S.
Another of these human figures is thus described from
actual measurement made by Stephen Taylor, Esq. ; the
figure is recumbent with arms and legs outstretched.
" This figure forms one of an extensive group of these

252 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
works, of various shapes, situated upon section thirty-five in
township nine, of range one, west of the fourth meridian ; and
in the margin of the forest, having large trees growing upon
it. It is truly a giant, and measures from the extremity of
one arm, over the breast to that of the other, two hundred
and seventy-nine feet eight inches ; and from the top of the
head to the end of the trunk, one hundred and eleven feet
three inches ; over the hips, twenty-eight feet ; its legs in
length are fifty-four feet ten inches ; the shoulders, head and
breast are elevated four feet above the adjacent surface; from
thence to the extremities of the limbs the elevation gradu
ally diminishes 'to one foot. Bearings, north and south, the
head to the southward. The human figures generally do not
seem to be as well proportioned as those in the form of quad
rupeds." Among the drawings from which the plates are engraved,
which accompany Mr. Stephen Taylor's communication in
Silliman's Journal, is to be found one of the buffalo-shaped
mounds, with the hump or raised back, and the head having
protuberances resembling horns ; but the head is blended with
another figure representing the lower part of the trunk of a
human being, therefore the horns are questionable, not being
distinctly traceable to the head. The figure of a bear, mea
sured from forehead to rump, fifty-six feet ; and that of some
description of quadruped, (probably intended for the wild
cat,) being one of a group of three, closely resembling each
other, lying in the western part of the village of Muscoda,
Grant County, measured in length, from the front part of the
head, to the end of the tail, two hundred and sixty-four feet.
One of the figures supposed to represent the turtle, measured
in length from the tip of the nose to its posterior extremity
seventy-six feet ; at this point it is eighteen feet in width, and
over the projections representing claws, it is thirty-seven feet;
the greatest elevation near the junction of the neck, is thirty
inches, and at the narrow end fifteen inches ; while the head,
neck, and claws are only nine inches. The whole figure hav
ing a permanent coat of sward upon it, has retained its origi-

EARTH WORKS. 253
nal shape in great perfection. Bearings, east and west, the
head to the eastward.
Mr. S. Taylor has delineated a singular human-shaped
mound, the figure having two heads, gracefully reclining to
ward the shoulders, which he thus describes : The whole parts
are gracefully rounded ; the stomach and breast are corpu
lent ; and the entire structure seems to have retained as I
conceive its original form through all the dilapidations of
time. The perfection of this truly singular and interesting
specimen of ancient earth-works, is convincing evidence that
the ancient inhabitants of this region were not as ignorant
of the arts, as we have reason to believe the present race of
Indians are ; their works, however, prove that they possessed
industrious habits, even if their labours had been bestowed
upon objects of no apparent utility. The dimensions of this
figure are as follows : widths, from one arm-pit, over the
breast, to the other, twenty-five feet ; over the arms at the
shoulders, twelve, and tapering to four feet ; over the hips,
twenty feet ; over the thighs near the trunk eight, and taper
ing to five feet ; over the figure above the shoulders, fifteen
feet ; over each neck eight, and over the heads ten feet ;
lengths, of body, fifty feet ; of legs, fprty feet ; of arms, one
hundred and thirty feet ; of necks and heads, from termina
tion of dotted line (centre of junction) fifteen feet ; elevation
of breast, shoulders and abdomen, thirty-six inches ; arms at
junction with shoulders, same height, diminishing towards
their extremities, where they are but ten inches ; the thighs
aear the trunk, are twenty, while at the feet or extremities
they are but ten inches. Bearings, north and south, the
heads to the southward. This figure is situate on and near
the east line of section thirty-five, in town nine, of range one,
west of the fourth principal meridian.
Mr. Taylor observes, that from the excavations around
many of the mounds in the group which he describes as being
in the village of Muscoda, it is apparent that they must have
been constructed with materials obtained adjacent to them.
In this cluster of mounds, the distance from one extreme of

254 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
the series to the other, is about four hundred and sixty yards.
The site here, is a beautiful level plain of arenaceous loam,
being free from trees or shrubbery, so that a person from the
eminence of the most prominent ones, may at a glance view
the whole group. Human bones have been found in many of
these mounds.
Mr. Richard C. Taylor in his description (formerly men
tioned,) says, that in the effigies supposed to represent the
buffalo, the hump is always wanting ; we have seen that this,
although generally, is not always the case, and perhaps the
figure which we now denominate the buffalo was intended to
represent some other animal. The group of bird-shaped
mounds, probably the eagle, or crane, described as lying
north of the Wisconsin River near Muscoda, Mr. Stephen
Taylor was unable to discover; but eagle, or bird-shaped
mounds are not uncommon in other parts of the country.
The latter gentleman has given us the dimensions of a lizard-
shaped mound, as being in length from one extremity to the
other, one hundred and thirty-six feet six inches. Figures of
this class are frequently found. He has also delineated a sin
gular shaped mound, which can readily be assimilated either
to the rude sketch of a human figure, a bird with expanded
wings, or a bow and arrow, with the string at full tension,
and the arrow about to be discharged. A remarkable earth
work of this latter description is mentioned by C. M. Ba
ker, Esq., of Walworth County ; he says, some Indian mounds
or earth-works are to be found in the village of Geneva, and
in other localities around Geneva Lake. At the above place
are circular mounds, longitudinal embankments, and two
specimens of earth-work in the form of lizards, each forty
feet long. On a hill between Geneva Bay and Duck Lake, a
little east of the road leading to Delevan may be seen an
earth-work in the form of an Indian bow and arrow. The
arch of the bow is about fifty feet, and the arrow lies across
it, pointing toward the bay. Arrow-heads and stone-axes
have been frequently found in Walworth County. (These

EARTH WORKS. 255
latter are common to very many locations in the State.
W. R. S.)
Six miles west of the village of Madison, on the old Indian
path (road to Mineral Point,) on the edge of the prairie, are
two animal-shaped mounds probably representing foxes, with
long tails ; the path lies between the end of the tail of the
one, and the point of the nose of the other. Mr. R. C. Tay
lor represents them as being respectively of the length of one
hundred and twenty, and one hundred and two feet. In Dr.
John Locke's geological report, is found the following descrip
tion of these two mounds :
" Just at the entrance of this woodland, are the two figures
sketched on the plate. The pathway passes, with scanty
space, between the nose of the one and the tail of the other.
These, as appears in the drawings, are the most perfect, if
we consider them as " effigies" of animals, of any of the
figures here represented, and are singularly alike in their
form and dimensions. A short distance (500, or 600 feet) to
the west of them is a natural swell of ground, with an artifi
cial circular tumulus on the top of it, overlooking the two
figures. Two trees, sixteen inches in diameter were growing
in the nose of one of the figures ; the ears were distinctly
separated ; these figures were the favourite resort of badgers,
which, finding them raised and dry, have selected them for
burrowing, and it is wonderful that they retain their outlines
so perfectly." Dr. Locke accompanies his report with de
lineations of many of the animal mounds, and the particular
dimensions of one of the above two mounds, as determined
by a series of triangular admeasurements. Their respective
lengths from tip of the nose to end of the tail were one hun
dred and six feet, and ninety-six feet ; the diameter of the
neck, thirteen feet ; of the fore leg, eleven feet ; of the body,
fourteen feet ; of the hind leg, nine feet nine inches ; of the
tail, eight feet."
In his genaral remarks on the subject of these earth-works,
Dr. Locke says, " The figures given by Mr. R. C. Taylor are
so unlike any ancient tumuli in other parts of the country,

256 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
that I had, ever since noticing them, felt a strong desire to
examine the originals. On entering Wisconsin, I was so en
gaged in other pursuits, that I had forgotten the ' effigies,'
until upon examining the ' sand-stone bluffs' (Pine bluffs,)
eight miles east of the Blue Mounds, I literally stumbled over
one of them, overgrown with the rank prairie-grass. I was
at once convinced of the correctness of Mr. Taylor's repre
sentations, and not a little astonished that some well-informed
persons, there, in the midst of these strange groups, should
still pretend to dispute their artificial origin. The same am
bition to exercise an independent judgment, might lead the
same individuals to dispute that the ruins of Hereulaneum
are artificial ; the same argument might be used — ' that they
just come so in the earth.'
" In examining the tumuli of Wisconsin, I did not at any
place discover a ditch or cavity from which the earth to con
struct them had been taken. They abound along the natural
road, occupying the fertile and commanding hill-tops and the
gentle slopes into the valleys ; being uniformly raised from a
smooth and well-formed surface, always above inundation, and
well guarded from the little temporary currents produced by
showers. " On one of the hills I saw an embankment exactly in the
form of the cross, as it is usually represented as the emblem
of Christianity. Some of the surveyors brought in sketches
of works in the form of birds with wings expanded ; and I
heard of others in the form of lizards and tortoises. From
what I have seen, I should think it very probable that these
forms are to be found. Mr. Taylor suggests that some (de
lineated by him) were intended to represent the buffalo,
though he acknowledges the representation to be imperfect,
especially in wanting the 'hump.' It appears to me, that
such (as referred to) might have been intended as effigies of
the bear ; the clumsy proportions and want of the caudal ap
pendage appear like that animal. Some figures appear in
tended for the Cougar or American tiger ; the only general
disproportion to that animal, is the length of the head."

EARTH WORKS. 257
Mr. H. B. Staines, of Sauk county, in December, 1851,
writes as follows : " In building the Sauk Mills, four miles
from the villages of Westfield and Prairie du Sac, on the
Honey Creek, I had occasion to haul off a few of the largest
Indian mounds found there, for the purpose of making a dam,
as I found, on opening one of them, that they are composed
of a tough, light coloured clay ; the rest of the ground sur
face being sandy, I was surprised that the mounds only were
clay. As soon as I came to the level ground, the clay disap
peared, leaving in my mind the impression that the clay was
brought there, and deposited for some purpose. We found
the skeleton of one man only ; it was entire, but crumbled up
soon after exposure. There was nothing else, except a con
siderable number of spear and arrow heads, of flint, well
formed." That the mounds of Wisconsin, in common with the tumuli
of other parts of the North American continent, are generally
sepulchral, there is no reasonable doubt, that can be either
entertained or supported. Colonel Petitval, of thf United
States Topographical Department, in the summer of 1837,
was engaged in a survey of the Fox River. He describes an
immense assemblage of these mounds, at a point on that river,
called the Red Bank, extending far into the interior, both
north and south, for an undetermined distance. Twelve of
the mounds at this place were opened under his direction,
among which was an animal mound, one hundred and fifty
feet long. All of them contained human bones, in a very de
composed state. The excavation was carried along the entire
length of the animal mound, that is, from one extremity to
the other, and bones were found abundantly. The number
of individuals buried in some of these earth-works must have
been very great. Perhaps they each formed the cemetery of
a family, in those cases.1
The result of recent examinations of many of the Fox
River mounds, shows satisfactorily that the animal-shaped

' R. C. Taylor.
Vol. III.— 17

258 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
earth-works contain human bones equally with the round tu
muli. These bones were found in a very brittle and decom
posed state, having roots and fibres growing through them,
and were distributed commonly through every part of the
mounds. These researches also threw some light on the mode
adopted in the construction of these monuments ; for it be
came evident that the bones or bodies of the deceased were
originally laid upon the surface of the ground, and the earth
was then heaped upon them. No appearances occur of graves
being dug beneath the surface in the first instance. Upon the
summits of many of the original tumuli, it is evident that the
remains of other deceased persons have been subsequently
placed; and a new heaping up of soil thereon contributed to
augment its former height. Finally, the wandering Menomi
nee or Winnebago, the last Indian occupant of the prairie,
excavates a grave upon the summit, places the body therein, in
a sitting or reclining posture, and strongly defends it with
strong pickets.1
Mr. Bri^gier, describing the Indian mounds in the region
of the Mississippi, states that from Red River to St. Louis, a
distance of five hundred miles, and in breadth, eighty to two
hundred miles, mounds constantly occur, and for the most
part are systematically arranged, and contain human bones,
and other traces of man. This writer suggests that they may
be the ruins of ancient dwellings, constructed on the old
Mexican plan of large bricks, and were covered with earth,
which, mouldering clown, left mounds in such abundance that
the traveler is never out of sight of them. What an immense
population, he observes, must have occupied these dwellings,
which cover so large a portion of the surface of this region.2
That some of the earth-works in the southern part of this
continent, are attributable to such an origin, appears to be
the opinion of other investigators. Professor Raffinesque,
on the authority of Mr. Rhea, states, that in an ancient walled
town, near Columbia, in Tennessee, are the ruins of many
1 R. C. Taylor. 2 Silliman's Journal, vol. iii. p. 37.

EARTH WORKS. 25V
"houses of various sizes, from ten to thirty feet in diameter,
all of circular form."
We have said that the animal-shaped mound is peculiar to
Wisconsin, and this region of country ; Colonel Long, in tho
narrative of his second expedition, alludes only to the ordi
nary circular tumuli, in the relative position of which, says
the editor, " we could discover no order or plan." On the
banks of the Miamis, a group of one elliptical and four circu
lar mounds is described ; on the Fox River of the Illinois,
Colonel Long saw many mounds, counting twenty-seven at
one spot, arranged with a certain degree of regularity, " va
rying from one, to four and a half feet in height, and from fif
teen to twenty-five feet in length. Their breadth is not pro
portionate to their length, as it seldom exceeds from six to
eight feet ;" other mounds are described of an oval form.
The square and pyramidal mounds occur most frequently
in the South ; and Dr. McCulloch, in his " Philosophical and
Antiquarian Researches into the aboriginal History of Ameri
ca," observes that there seems to be a material difference in
the construction, and position of the mounds in Georgia and
Florida, from those of Ohio, Kentucky, &c. Mounds having
an exact rectangular form, are described by travellers as
existing in Tennessee ; the conical form is mo3t prevalent in
Ohio ; Mr. Atwater has described many of these, and Dr.
Drake, among others, has given the details of four elliptical
mounds within the limits of the city of Cincinnati; Dr. Kain
has described a group of six tumuli, in East Tennessee, in tho
form of truncated pyramids.1
That the more ancient form of burial upon the surface, and
of accumulating the soil over the remains of the dead, was
not universal among the tribes of America, appears from the
examination of some antiquities in Tennessee, by Mr. Rhea ;
where, within the ruins of an ancient town or village, fortified
with walls, "graves are found in abundance, from one to
three feet in depth, containing human bones. The bodies

; R. C. Taylor.

260 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
seem generally to have been buried in a sitting posture, with
flat stones placed around and over them. I observed a grave
or sepulchre of this kind on the summit of the natural hill, of
lime stone, called Sinsinawa Mound, a few miles north of Ga
lena."1 This was in all probability a modern grave, made by
the present race of Indians. (W. R. S.)
The Wisconsin mounds are burial places, heaped up from
the surface ; Dr. Locke, after examination of the structure
of these eminencies and effigies, says : — " In the midst of some
discussion with regard to the tumuli, they were opened to see
whether they were stratified, and whether the black mould
continued underneath them, even with the surrounding sur
face. One was composed of sand, without any change to
mark an original surface below, although it is now overgrown
with grass, and is covered with a thin black mould. The whole
of the descent, near the bottom of which the figure lies, has
evidently been formed by the disintegration of the soft, incohe
rent sandstone bluff contiguous ; and at the time of forming
this tumulus, it was very probably destitute of loam at this
point, as it now is at a point still nearer the bluff. A section
of the embankment, near the gap, exhibited a thin line of
loam, even with what might be supposed the original surface
of the ground. Alluvial stratification is positive proof that a
formation is not artificial. But the absence of a base of
mould is not positive proof of the same thing ; for the con
structors may have removed the surface on commencing their
work. Many of our tumuli have not only a base of mould
marking an original surface, but ashes, coals, bones, and arti
ficial implements deposited at the bases of' tumuli, of various
forms and heights, from two to seventy feet.3
Much has been done by Messrs. Richard C. Taylor and
Stephen Taylor, Esqs., and Dr. John Locke, to preserve the
memory of these interesting monuments of antiquity, so pe
culiar to this region of country ; their respective faithful de
lineations, and full descriptions of very many of the animal-
1 R. C. Taylor. * In Owen's Geological Report, 1840.

EARTH WORKS.

261

shaped mounds, are to be found in the 34th and 44th volumes
of Silliman's Journal, and Dr. David Dale Owen's report of a
Geological exploration of part of Iowa, Wisconsin, and Illi
nois, made to the Commissioner of the General Land Office,
in 1840. In this report is found Dr. Locke's description, in
which he says: — "The reader will please to observe that
these observations were made, as it were by stealth. I had
other duties to perform, and was enabled to take these mea
surements by an enthusiasm, which awoke me in my tent at
midnight, assisted me to prepare my breakfast before day,
and sent me into the cold bleak fields, on a November morn
ing, to finish the admeasurements of a whole group of figures,
before the usual time of commencing the labours of the day.
I had no time to turn aside to examine still other groups, evi
dently more extensive and interesting than those which we
have endeavoured to represent. Mr. Taylor has represented
the effigies of birds, and one of the human figure, as occur
ring here ; and I am happy, with a full conviction of the gene
ral accuracy of his representations, to call the reader's atten
tion to his interesting paper.
"I have exhibited, as well as circumstances would permit,
the result of a few hours' very hard labour, in the examination
of the antiquities of Wisconsin, with the faint hope that from
some source or other, there may emanate an interest sufficient
to cause an accurate and general survey and history of them,
to be embodied and preserved. I know of no prospective
volumes which I should open with more interest, than an ac
curate representation of all our remaining earth-work anti
quities." In the report made by the agents of the general govern
ment, of their explorations of the region around Lake Superior,
in 1850, it is remarked, that traces of tumuli constructed in
the form of mathematical figures have been observed, but not
sufficiently explored to determine absolutely, whether they be
the work of art, and if so, for what purpose they were in
tended. A tumulus on the right bank of the Ontonagon
River, six miles above its mouth, is forty feet high, and nearly

£62 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
circular : another tumulus or mound is situate on the north
east quarter of Section No. 16, Town No. 50, of Range No. 39,
near a small stream ; this mound is ten feet high, in form of a
square, whose sides are fifteen feet in length ; it is flat on the
top, and the sides slope gradually to the base.1 A mound
Of such structure may well be classed with the Teocalli of
Mexico, the houses of the gods, or places of worship or of sac
rifice. The tumulus at the Great Butte des Morts, in Winnebago
county, has been undoubtedly erected for the purposes both of
burial-place and monument; it is literally "the hill of the
dead:" the earth has not only covered the bodies of warriors
slain in battle, but it has been raised up as a record of events
disastrous to the Outagamie tribe of Indians, whose principal
village, at an early period, was near this place on the Fox
River. This mound is nevertheless to be considered as a mo
dem structure, because the time of its erection, or at least the
event which it commemorates, can be referred to, if not in
correct history, at least in traditionary account. Here, it is
said that the Foxes had their strong hold, and from this point
not only were predatory excursions made against the neigh
bouring tribes, but the early French traders were compelled
to submit to exactions from these Indians in their voyages
along the Fox River. It thus became necessary for the
French to inflict such a punishment on the Outagamie tribe,
as should be the means of deterring them in future from their
depredations on the traders. Accordingly, in 1706, an expe
dition under Captain Morand was sent from Michillimackinac
against them, and in the attack upon them, by surprise, at
this, their stronghold, more than one thousand of their war
riors perished; and the great "hill of the dead" was raised
over their bones by the survivors, who in a few years after
wards left this part of the country and removed farther to
the west. Other accounts differ in regard to the time when
the great battle was fought, which nearly destroyed the tribe,
' Foster and Whitney's Report, vol. i.

EARTH WORKS. 263
and caused their removal; but all agree that the mound
was raised, and received its significant name from such an
event. The question of these mounds being burial places, in most
instances, has been settled, as the fact has been established,
by the finding of human bones wherever they have been opened.
Perhaps, in some instances, the animal shaped mound may
have been a monument, although not a grave ; but by what
people, and at what period, they have been constructed, are
inquiries which in all probability can never be answered satis
factorily. It is very certain that no existing tribe of Indians
in this section of country has any traditionary knowledge of
the builders of the mounds; it is true that either a know
ledge of their being depositories of the dead, or their localities
and appearance being favourable in the estimation of the pre
sent races for burial spots, these mounds are to the present
day frequently made use of for that purpose. But the mo
dern grave is readily distinguished from the ancient depository
of the dead; and if these mounds had been constructed for
such purposes by the ancestors of the present races of red
men, most surely some tradition of the fact would still remain
amongst them. On this subject they are not only wholly ig
norant, but they have not even framed a fable. They look
upon these vestiges of an ancient people, if not with as much
curiosity as we ourselves do, at least with no more correct in
formation concerning them.
Why should not these animal-shaped mounds be considered
as possessing a strictly heraldic character ? There would be
little difficulty in assigning to them such a symbolic meaning,
if they could be considered as the final resting-places of such
Indians as bear the modern names of the Little Turtle, the
Bear, the Buffalo, the Eagle, the Little Crow, the Watchful
Fox, the Snake, the Deer, the Warrior, the Black Hawk, the
Wolf, the Panther, and the Alligator ; many of the mounds
resemble figures to which such nomenclatures may be well
applied. But the earth works belong to a period when a
different race existed ; and yet the names of individuals, and

264 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
of tribes or clans, may have been in like manner conferred
and held, in ancient as in modern times. The writers most
familiar with Indian history agree, that all the Indian nations
are divided into tribes after the manner of the Jews ; and
even without referring the descent of the aborigines of this
region, or of the mound builders, to the lost ten tribes of Israel,
we may in all reason consider them as possessing, each tribe or
clan, its peculiar Do-daim or Totem, Badge, or warlike and
heraldic banner; its seal and outward designation. If not be
longing in general to a whole tribe, such designating symbol
may with like reason be assigned to a distinguished individual ;
and as in life he may have borne the name, so in death, the
raised, animal-shaped mound, may have been intended to ho
nour and perpetuate his memory. The deeply investigating
and accurate Schoolcraft, having become satisfied that these
eminences are in general, burial mounds, does not speak with
certainty on their origin ; he merely says : " The animal-
shaped mounds may be supposed to have been erected to per
petuate the memory of great hunters who bore the- names of
the animals imitated."
But why should we indulge in fruitless conjecture, in the
absence of facts, internal evidence, or tradition, in relation to
the " builders and their works" of these vestiges of past
ages ? Their existence in the woodland and in the plains is
everywhere obvious to the naked eye, without demanding the
least investigating research ; their peculiar forms are readily
traced, and although rudely sketched, have so life-like an ap
pearance of an intended animal, as not to require a fanciful
imagination to fill out the picture. The tumuli of Europe and
of Asia may have place in their category, but it is not alleged
that the animal-shaped mound has been found in those quar
ters of the globe. A single passage in the Holy Scriptures is
found, wherein works in the form of mounds is spoken of,
which passage may be construed to instruct the wandering
Israelites to establish mounds to guide them on their return
to the land of their nativity. " Set thee up way-marks, make
thee high heaps ; set thy heart toward the high way, even.

EARTH WORKS. 265
the way which thou wentest : turn again, 0 virgin of Israel,
turn again to these thy cities."1
We may with truth say that these earth works combine all
that is left of the power, the intelligence, the labour, and the
life history of the ancient occupier of our soil. No tradition
deposited in the memory of his descendants has travelled
down the course of time ! Alas ! he has left no descendant
who can trace back the history of his fathers ! Nevertheless
he has been busy in his allotted time and place in creation :
— he has constructed lines and ridges of upraised earth, pro
bably as well for aggression as defence ; — he has walled in his
dwelling, or his town, for his safety and protection ; he has
devoted his genius, his time, and his labour, to the formation,
from their original earth, of the rude artificial resemblances
of birds, of reptiles, of beasts, and even of man himself; — in
the wild exercise of his imagination, he has magnified all
these in their respective proportions, and has built up other
strange figures that have no types in creation ; — he has mul
tiplied these artistical works in countless numbers, and has
spread them out over the broad and grass-grown prairies, and in
the primeval forests, or where succeeding forests have grown
upon and covered them ; — in his ingenuity or extent of labori
ous industry, he has so constructed these works, that appa
rently no earth has been removed from their vicinity to raise
them above the common surface ; — and finally he has built the
burial mound of his family and of himself, in which is con
tained, the first, the last, and the sole record that time has
left to us, of the aborigines of Wisconsin !

CARVER'S GRANT.
The maps of the United States, for nearly half a century,
(until within a short time past,) had, in the delineations of
this quarter of the country, always marked upon them certain
¦Jeremiah, xxxi. 21.

266 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
lines embracing a large district of territory, and denominated
as " Carver's Tract." Immediately on the organization of
the Territory of Wisconsin, a new edition of " Carver's Tra
vels in the Interior of North America," was published in
New York, under the title of " Carver's Travels in Wiscon
sin." The last English edition of this work was published
in 1781, and the new American edition of 1838, contained,
besides its new title, an extended statement of the claims of
the representatives of Captain Jonathan Carver to the tract
of country alluded to, but did not set forth in any manner, or
by any allusion thereto, the action of the Congress of the
United States on the subject of » Carver's Claim." The con
tinued delineations on the maps of the United States, of such
an unacknowledged claim, and the republication of an old
work with a new title, setting forth such claims in an ex parte
statement, and exhibiting the same to the world of specula
tion, at an auspicious time, are matters intended to deceive
the ignorant and unwary, who might be inclined to make pur
chases of land in this region of country. The originators of
such schemes, perhaps, are only known to map makers, and
persons who caused the publication of " Carver's Title" in the
new edition of his book of travels ; one matter is absolutely
certain, that in "Carver's Travels," as published by himself,
in his lifetime, accompanied with a "map" of this part of the
country, drawn by himself, there is not a single word said,
nor is there a solitary hint given, or line drawn on his map,
to lead any one to believe, or even conjecture, that such a
grant ever had been made to him.
The existence of the claim, in the hands of Carver's repre
sentatives, since his death, and the attempts which have been
made to induce the Congress of the United States, either to
confirm the Indian grant, or to compensate its supposed own
ers for the loss of the land, have given the subject an impor
tance sufficient to entitle it to a full investigation, and a place
in the annals of Wisconsin.
Jonathan Carver was a native of Connecticut, born in 1762 ;
and having in early life entered the British army as an en-

CARVER'S GRANT.

267

sign, rose to the rank of captain. He was not only a brave
man, but was always considered a man of integrity, and of
great moral worth, by his cotemporaries ; that he possessed
great energy, and a spirit of enterprise, his researches among
the Indian nations of the Upper Mississippi, in the years 1766,
1767, 1768, give ample evidence ; the result of his observa
tions was published by himself, in London, on his return, and
a second edition was published in his lifetime ; he died in
January, 1780, in London, and a third edition of his " Tra
vels through the Interior Parts of North America," was pub
lished there, under the editorship of Dr. John Coakley Lett-
som, in March, 1781. In this edition, the editor gives some
account of the author's life, wherein is found the first notice
of the " Indian deed," the original of which, Dr. Lettsom says,
is in his possession, and the following remark is made, respect
ing the grant : —
" From Captain Carver's long residence in the neighbour
hood of Lake Pepin, among the Naudowessie and Chippeway
Indians, he acquired a knowledge of their languages, and an
intimacy with many of their chiefs, which, with his spirited
and judicious conduct in acting as a mediator between these
two nations, conciliated their attachment and friendship ; and
as an acknowledgement of their grateful sense of his happy
interference, the Naudowissies gave him a formal grant of a
tract of land lying on the north side of Lake Pepin. The
original, duly subscribed by two chiefs, is in my possession,
and as an Indian deed of conveyance may prove a curiosity
to many readers, I shall here insert a copy of it."
Accordingly, Dr. Lettsom publishes a copy of the deed,
and, as far as the public is concerned, this is the first notice
that is given, of the existence of such a document, or that
such a grant was ever made ; for Captain Carver has never,
in either of the editions of his book, in any manner whatever,
mentioned such a grant, or alluded to such a deed; but so far
as the representatives of Carver, and the claimants under the
deed are concerned, it would appear from the statements of
the Rev. Dr. Samuel Peters, (himself a principal claimant, at

268 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
a subsequent period,) that Captain Jonathan Carver arrived
in London in 1770. " In 1774, I (Dr. Peters) arrived there,
and met Captain Carver. In February, 1775, Carver had a
hearing before the king (George IIL), at Whitehall, on his
petition praying his Majesty's approval of a deed of land,
dated May 1st, 1767, sold and granted to him by the Nau-
dowessie chiefs."
Let it here be remarked that Dr. Peters, in his examination
before a committee of Congress, in 1806, in reference to this
claim, says, on his oath, " that the names of the two Indian
chiefs, and the deed were in the handwriting of Captain Car
ver, without any witnesses to the deed. That Carver told
him he had only one Canadian Frenchman, and one Indian
guide with him, when the deed was made, neither of whom
could read or write, therefore there were no witnesses an
nexed."
DEED.
To Jonathan Carver, a chief under the moot mighty and
potent George the Third, King of the English, and other na
tions, the fame of whose courageous warriors has reached our
ears, and has been more fully told us by our good brother
Jonathan aforesaid, whom we rejoice to see come among us
and bring us good news from his country. We, chiefs of the
Naudowissies, who have hereto set our seals, do by these pre
sents for ourselves and heirs forever, in return for the many
presents, and other good services done by the said Jonathan
to ourselves and allies, give grant and convey to him the said
Jonathan, and to his heirs and assigns forever, the whole of a
certain tract or territory of land, bounded as follows : (viz.)
from the Fall of St. Anthony, running on the east banks of
the Mississippi nearly south-east, as far as the south end of
Lake Pepin, where the Chipeway River joins the Mississippi,
and from thence eastward five days' travel, accounting twenty
English miles per day, and from thence north six days' travel,
at twenty English miles per day, and from thence again to the
Fall of St. Anthony, on a direct straight line. We do for

CARVER'S GRANT. 269
ourselves, heirs, and assigns forever, give unto the said Jo
nathan, his heirs and assigns forever, all the said lands, with
all the trees, rocks, and rivers therein, reserving for ourselves
and heirs the sole liberty of hunting and fishing on land not
planted or improved by the said Jonathan, his heirs and
assigns ; to which we have affixed our respective seals, at the
great cave, May the first, one thousand seven hundred and
sixty-seven.

Hawnopawjatin ^s^G§|:: WL n's m&rk.

Otohtongoomlisheaw #^tc^tf»t^*t>><%_ ) his mark.

The original deed was lost, or stolen, while in the possession
of Dr. Lettsom. On an application made to him, in 1804, by Dr.
Peters, to procure the paper, Dr. Lettsom stated that it had
been taken out of his possession, by some person not in his
power to discover, yet he had reason to believe one of his
servants had been hired to steal it, because all other papers
belonging to Carver were still with him.
The authenticity of the copy which is given above, is thus
certified: — "I certify, that the printed copy of a grant of
land in America, by two Indian chiefs, to Captain Jonathan
Carver, deceased, prefixed to his travels, published in Lon
don, in the year 1782 (qu. 1781), was literally and accurately
copied from a manuscript paper in the possession of his widow,
Mary Carver, who declared to me that it was an original
grant conveyed to her husband, by the said Indians named in
the printed copy, with the fac simile, or mark of each In
dian." London, January 31st, 1804.
(Signed) John Coakley Lettsom.
Attest, Samuel Peters.

270 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
The Reverend Samuel Peters, LL.D., testifies, on the
19th of April, 1805, at London, that " Captain Carver often
showed him his papers, and among them was a deed of a large
tract of land lying on the east side of the Mississippi, and
adjoining to the Falls of St. Anthony, granted to said Carver
by two Indian chiefs, and signed with their signets, one
marked in shape of a mud turtle, and the other a snake, with
Indian ink. That Carver told him the deed was genuine, and
was verily signed by the two sachems, whose names were
annexed to their signets ; that said deed had been laid before
his Majesty, Lord Sandwich, and Lord North, &c, &c, who
doubted not its authenticity, though without witnesses, be
cause the signets were marked with such ink as was not known
to them, and could not be imitated, as they believed, by any
person in Christendom. That Government promised Carver
the royal ratification of said deed, and had omitted doing so
only because of the troubles then existing in America. That
he (Dr. Peters), and Dr. Lettsom attended Captain Carver in
his last sickness, and he heard Carver express his hopes that
his Majesty would ratify the deed for the good of his chil
dren, and for the good of the nation ; as a settlement in that
quarter, by the English, would secure the friendship and com
merce of the Indian tribes to the Western ocean, and tend
greatly to civilize an innumerable multitude of innocent and
ignorant people."
Dr. Peters afterward, in 1806, testified before the Commit
tee of the Senate of the United States, on this claim, that
Carver's papers were committed by himself, during his last
sickness, to Dr. Lettsom, and that he wished the petition to
be pursued by Dr. Peters, and the ratification of the deed se
cured, for the benefit of his children and countiy. That Dr.
Lettsom hired an engraver to take off the signets of the two
Indian chiefs, and had them printed with the Indian deed, in
the third edition of Carver's Travels.
Dr. Peters further testifies, that he was in London in 1774,
and saw Captain Jonathan Carver, and knew that he had laid
a petition before his Majesty, George IIL, praying the ap-

CARVER'S GRANT. 271
proval and ratification of the deed of the two Indian chiefs
of the Naudowessies to Captain Carver, dated at the Great
Cave, May 1st, 1767, which could not be approved of, or ra
tified by any governor in any of his Majesty's colonies in
North America, because the land laid not within any British
colony ; and all governors were forbid, by a proclamation of
king George IIL, dated October 7th, 1763. That the king
and lords of his council held a court in February, 1775, on
Carver's petition, and ordered Carver, Mr. Iron, his counsel
lor, learned in the law, and Dr. Peters, to attend, and they
obeyed. The court asked Carver, " Is this deed from the-two
sachems to you, genuine, bona fide, upon your honour ?" Car
ver answered, "Yes, genuine, bona fide, upon my honour."
After many other questions to Carver, the court asked Mr.
Iron, " As you have drawn Carver's petition, and seen all his
papers, have you discovered any reason why the prayer of
Carver's petition ought not to be granted ?" Mr. Iron an
swered, " I have not." The court then asked Dr. Peters how
long he had known Carver, and what was his character. The
Doctor answered, that he had known him from 1754 — that
he was the great grandson of Governor John Carver, that
settled in Plymouth in 1620 — that he was a brave officer,
and had served in the war in Canada, in 1755, and was a man
of moral character — that, after the peace of 1763, he had
travelled in the northwestern part of North America, with
two servants, one a Frenchman, the other a Mohawk, to visit
the distant Indians, and discovered a country where no white
man had ever been seen before.
The court then asked Dr. Peters, "Do you believe the In
dians would give so much land to Carver for his services and
presents?" He answered, " Yes ; for the Indians are generous
and grateful to their friends and benefactors, and Captain
Carver was their friend and benefactor, and made peace be
tween them and other powerful tribes, which was worth to
them more than the territory given in their deed ; and besides,
the Indians had lands and wilderness enough, and they loved

272 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Carver, and wanted him to settle and abide with them as a
sachem and protector, which he promised to do."
They were then ordered to retire into another room, and
after some time were again called before the court, and the
minister said to Captain Carver : " His Majesty has graciously
granted your petition, and has ordered a gratuity of £1373. .6. .8
to be paid to you, and that you prepare to sail for New Or
leans next June, and take possession of your territory, with
one hundred and fifty men, of whom you will be commander ;
and his Majesty will provide ships, men, and necessaries, to
conv;y you there. Captain Carver received the money, and
all things were making ready, when news arrived of the bat
tle of Bunker's Hill, which put a stop to Carver's return.
After leaving the court, Mr. Iron said to Captain Carver : " I
give you joy ; this is ratification sufficient of your deed from
the two Indian chiefs."1
Petitions for a confirmation of this claim have at sundry
times been laid before the Congress of the United States : In
1806, by Samuel Harrison, in behalf of the heirs of Captain
Carver ; in 1823, by the same person, and in the same behalf;
and in 1825, by Dr. Samuel Peters, who alleges that he had
acquired the title to a large tract of country usually called the
"Carver grant," situate on the east side of the Mississippi
River, " beginning at the Falls of St. Anthony, and running
down the margin, nearly south-east, to the mouth of the Chip
pewa River ; thence eastwardly, one hundred miles ; thence
north, one hundred and twenty miles ; and thence on a
straight line to the beginning."2 In each instance of these
petitions, committees of Congress were raised, and after full
examinations of the allegations and proofs to sustain the
claim, reports were made, and adopted unfavourable to the
claim. It may here be observed that this so-called " Carver's
grant, or tract," includes within its boundaries, the whole of

1 Land Laws, vol. iv.
2 Dr. Peters' Testimony, ibid. Carver's Travels in Wisconsin, new edition,
appendix.

CARVER'S GRANT. 273
the counties of St. Croix, Pierce and Clarke, a part of the
county of Polk, and a great portion of the county of Chippe
wa, in the State of Wisconsin ; together with a considerable
portion of the southeastern district of the Territory of Min
nesota. When Carver died, in January, 1780, he left a widow and
seven children, one of whom, Martha, resided in England, in
the family and under the protection of Sir Richard ane1 Lady
Pearson, and was considered there, as his only child \nd heir.
Martha Carver was induced to leave her respecta Ae home,
and marry an individual of low condition, a young sailor, a
dependant on the mercantile house of Conly & Co., who theh
prevailed on her and her husband to take letters of adminis
tration at Doctor's Commons, on Captain Carver's estate.
On the next day, the newly-married pair were prevailed on to
execute a conveyance of the "grant" in question, to Conly
& Co., reserving only one-tenth to Martha and her husband.
After the sale, Conly & Co. despatched one Clarke as their
agent, with goods and money nearly the value of £2000 ster
ling, to New York, from thence he was ordered to visit the
Naudowessies, and procure a new deed of the land to Messrs.
Conly & Co. Clarke, on his route towards Niagara, was way
laid, robbed, and murdered ; the perpetrator of the crime was
afterwards discovered, tried, convicted, and executed at Al
bany, but none of Clarke's property or papers were ever re
covered, and it was generally believed that he had the original
deed to Carver in his possession. Conly & Co. ceased to pur
sue Carver's claim any further, and when Dr. Peters asked
Mr. Conly for the original deed, he declined giving him an
answer, and said he had laid out £3000 in that business of
Captain Carver.
The other six heirs of Captain Carver, namely, Jonathan
Carver and Rufus Carver, his sons ; Sarah Church, Abigail
Goss, Mary King and Mindwell Gunn, his daughters, together

' Dr. Peters' Testimony.
Vol. III.— 18

274 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
with the husbands of the three last-named (Sarah being a wi
dow,) executed a deed of conveyance in fee, to Edward Hough
ton, of the State of Vermont, of all their respective rights and
interests in the " Carver grant," as described in the Indian
deed. The consideration of this conveyance is fifty thousand
pounds sterling ; its date is May 9th, 1794.
On the 20th of February, 1822, Edward Houghton and wife,
by deed of conveyance, for the consideration of five dollars,
granted the " Carver tract, as described in the before-men
tioned deeds," to James L. Bell and Charles Graham, of the
City of New York, and George Blake, of Boston, in trust for
the use of the stockholders or associates of a certain unincor
porated company, called the Mississippi Land Company of
New York, and their heirs and assigns forever.
In the mean while the petitions on the part of the heirs of
Carver were presented to Congress by Mr. Harrison, and Dr.
Samuel Peters. It may have been considered that more fa
vour would be shown to the children of Captain Carver than
to Mr. Houghton, who had paid (according to his deed,) fifty
thousand pounds for their claim. But Dr. Peters, in his peti
tion sets forth, that in the month of November, 1806, he pur
chased of the heirs of Carver all their right to the " Carver
tract," and obtained a deed therefor; these proceedings and
conveyances present an appearance of fiction and speculation,
without, however, materially affecting the original title. The
committee of Congress say, that Dr. Peters did not exhibit
the deed of conveyance to himself, although it is believed he
has one.1
When Dr. Peters presented his petition in his own behalf,
as having acquired the title to the " Carver grant," he pro
duced much testimony in support of the claim under the In
dian deed, in addition to his own testimony, which had been
given on Harrison's petition ; this corroborative evidence is
to the following purport. ' Land Laws, vol. iv.

CARVER'S GRANT. 275
A copy of an instrument, purporting to have been executed
at Lake Travers, on the 17th day of February, 1821, by four
Indians, who called themselves chiefs and warriors of the Nau-
dowissie tribes. By this writing they declare a grant was
made by their fathers to Captain Jonathan Carver, for a tract
of land situate at the Falls of St. Anthony, and that they
have a traditional record thereof. These chiefs acknowledge
their willingness and desire that the title to the said lands
should be vested in the associates of the Mississippi Land
Company of New York. They pray their fathers at Wash
ington to grant their request. This writing is signed by Ouc-
kien Tangah, Tachachpi Tainche, Kache Nobine, Chateau
Houmans, or Petit Corbeau.
Also sundry letters, which Dr. Peters had at different times
received from gentlemen in the Upper Mississippi country.
One appears to have been written from the Falls of Black
River, on the 10th of November, 1819, by Constant A. An
drews, who states that a few days before, he had put in opera
tion a saw-mill, thirty or forty miles from Lake Pepin, in an
eastwardly direction ; that seven chiefs of the Sioux nation
gave him permission to settle and remain there for five years,
which term the chief Lefei extended forever. He informs Dr.
Peters, that it is certain the chiefs Lefei, Petit Corbeau, and
Redwing admit the validity of the grant to Carver.
Another correspondent, named Keys, writes to Dr. Peters
from Prairie du Chien, on the 7th of June, 1818, that he had
seen Redwing, who had a distinct recollection of Carver ; that
this chief informed him, the Snake and Tortoise, who signed
Carver's deed, were his uncles, and that he was willing to
sanction their acts, although he could not do so, without con
sulting Lefei, and the Little Raven, (Petit Corbeau,) who out
ranked him.
Dr. Peters himself makes oath, that he had seen Lefei and
Redwing, 'the heirs and successors of the two chiefs who gave
Carver the deed; that they declared, through an interpreter,
that it was good and valid, and the land covered by it, the

276 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
property of Carver, his heirs and assigns, who were at liberty
to take possession of it in peace and quietness.1
Such was the evidence which was submitted to the consi
deration of the committees of Congress to support the claim
of the "Carver Grant." The document of the four Sioux
chiefs, signed at Lake Travers, is proved by Kenneth McKen
zie, a subscribing witness, who also testifies that he knows the
said chiefs to be truly the chiefs and warriors of the Sioux
or Naudowessies, invested by their nation with all the powers
usually granted to their chiefs to represent and act for them;
and that the instrument of writing was fully interpreted, and
its meaning and bearing explained to the said chiefs before
they signed it, which they did, and acknowledged the same in
the presence of said McKenzie, and four other subscribing
witnesses, namely, John Palmer Bourke, William Laidlaw,
Peter Powell, and Joseph Jeffreys. The identity of Kenneth
McKenzie is proved hy the testimony of Ramsay Crooks.
Another writing was also procured, in the city of New York,
dated August 13th, 1824, signed by Eesh-tah-hum-bah or
" Sleepy Eyes," on behalf of the Sioux tribes represented by
him, in which he consents, and requests that the title to the
tract of land granted to Captain Jonathan Carver be con
firmed to the associates of the Mississippi Land Company of
New York. All the deeds and instruments of writing are set
forth at length in the new edition of " Carver's Travels in
Wisconsin," published in New York, in 1838.
The whole case then, of the " Carver Grant," whether the
title still remained in Jonathan Carver's heirs, in Dr. Samuel
Peters, or in the "Mississippi Land Company of New York,"
presented two questions for consideration ; First, Did the In
dians represented to be chiefs of the Naudowessie tribe exe
cute the deed under which the claim is made ? Secondly,
Assuming the fact that they did, is the government of the
United States bound to ratify the claim ?
The proof submitted by the claimants is of too weak and
1 Land Laws, vol. iv..

CARVER'S GRANT.

277

dubious a character, to support an affirmative answer to the
first question. The conveyance is in the handwriting of Cap
tain Carver, himself, and there are no subscribing witnesses ;
he never made oath to its genuineness ; there is no evidence
of his application for a confirmation of his title, before the
king, being successful; his counsel, Mr. Irons, merely ex
pressed an opinion to that effect; the records of England
are silent on the subject ; according to a statement made by
Senator Lewis F. Linn, in the Globe newspaper, at Washing
ton, in 1839, Lord Palmerston had stated in a correspondence
on the subject, that no trace could be found in the Records
of the British Office of State Papers, showing any ratification
of such grant by Great Britain.
The supposed recognitions of the claim by Indians of the
present day, come in a very questionable shape ; the facility
with which interested persons, or interpreters might practise
frauds on the Indians is well known, and no testimony should
be received of any of their acts touching their lands and
their rights which is not accompanied with all those solemni
ties which have ever been deemed in such cases indispensable.
It is possible that the four Indians, who signed the paper at
Lake Travers, have been deceived as to the contents, or been
influenced by some improper motive ; it is scarcely supposable
that they felt themselves bound by a contract made half a
century previous ; and it is a matter of public notoriety, that
in that region of country the aborigines know too well the
value of their territories to dispose of them without a suitable
compensation. On this matter of recognition of the grant,
the information communicated to the Commissioner of the
General Land Office by Colonel Henry Leavenworth, on the
whole subject of Carver's claim, appears to be conclusive ;
the letter is dated July 28th, 1821. He says :
"I have the honor to inform you what I have understood
from the Indians of the Sioux nation, as well as some facts
within my own knowledge as to what is commonly termed
' Carver's Grant.'
" The grant purports to be made by chiefs of the Sioux

278 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
of the Plain, and one of the chiefs uses the sign of a serpent,
and the other a turtle, purporting that their names are de
rived from those animals.
"The land lies on the east side of the Mississippi. The
Indians do not recognize or acknowledge the grant to be
valid, and they (among others) assign the following reasons :
" 1st. The Sioux of the Plain never owned a foot of land
on the east side of the Mississippi. The Sioux nation is di
vided into two grand divisions, viz. : the Sioux of the lake or
perhaps more literally Sioux of the river, and Sioux of the
plain. The former subsists by hunting and fishing, and
usually move from place to place by water in canoes, during
the summer season, and travel on the ice in the winter when
not on their hunting excursions.
" The latter subsist entirely by hunting and have no canoes,
nor do they know but little about the use of them. They reside
in the large prairies west of the Mississippi, and follow the
buffalo upon which they entirely subsist ; these are called
Sioux of the plain, and never oivned land on the east side of
the Mississippi.
"2d. The Indians say they have no knowledge of any such
chiefs as those who have signed the grant to Carver, either
amongst the Sioux of the river, or amongst the Sioux of the
plain. They say, that if Captain Carver ever did obtain a
deed or grant, it was signed by some foolish young men who
were not chiefs, and who were not authorized to make the
grant. Among the Sioux of the river, there are no such
names. " 3d. They say that 'the Indians never received any thing
for the land,' and they have no intention to part with it with
out a consideration.
"From my knowledge of the Indians, I am induced to think
that they would not make so considerable a grant, and have it
go into full effect, without receiving a substantial consideration.
" 4th. They have, and ever have had the possession of the
land, and intend to keep it. I know that they are very par
ticular in making every person who wishes to cut timber on that

CARVER'S GRANT. 279'
tract, obtain their permission to do so, and to obtain payment
for it. In the month of May last, some Frenchmen brought a
large raft of red cedar timber out of the Chippewa River, which
timber was cut on the tract before mentioned. The Indians
at one of the villages on the Mississippi, where the principal
chief resided, compelled the Frenchmen to land the raft and
fay for the timber; and the Frenchmen were compelled to
leave their raft with the Indians, until they went to Prairie
du Chien and obtained the necessary articles, and made the
payment required."
There is no proof, any where exhibited, that the persons
who it is alleged made the deed, were the chiefs of the tribe,
nor that (if chiefs) they had any authority to grant and give
away the land belonging to their tribe. There is no proof
that the persons who (as is alleged) signed the deed, compre
hended and understood the meaning and effect of their act.
Perhaps the strongest presumptions against the authenti
city of the deed, are to be derived from the simple fact, that
the supposed "grant" is never mentioned by Carver himself,
in his own account of his travels. Let it be remembered that
Carver published two editions of his book accompanied with
a map of his routes of travel in the Indian country, during
his life time, and that one edition at least, must have been
published after the hearing before the king and council in
February, 1775, for Dr. Peters himself furnishes the testi
mony, that, at that interview, "his majesty requested Cap
tain Carver to publish, his journal, and to send a copy of it
to him for his majesty's library."1 At this same hearing, Dr.
Peters alleges that Carver's deed was produced before the
king and council, and according to his own views, and the
expressed opinion of Mr. Irons, the counsel of Carver, the
"grant" received a ratification. Every inducement then
existed for Carver to make his "grant," and the vast import
ance of it, known to the world ; he was the proprietor of a
principality, his "grant" was recognized, if not absolutely
1 Carver's Travels, new edition. Addenda.

280 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
confirmed by his own government, and his Book of Travels
was not yet published. Soon afterwards, however, the book,
with the appended map, and other illustrations, was published,
and run through two editions previous to the year 1780.
In no place whatsoever in Carver's Account of his travels,
thus given to the public under his own supervision, does there
appear even the slightest reference to the grant of land said to
have been made to him by two chiefs of the Sioux Indians, the
Tortoise and the Snake. In the map of the country, and of his
travelled routes, there is no notice whatsoever taken of the
lines of his alleged grant. The deed is said, on its face, to be
executed on the first of May, in the year one thousand seven
hundred and sixty-seven, at the Great Cave. In his book,
Carver minutely describes this cave, as being called by the In
dians Wakon-teebe, that is, the dwelling ofthe Great Spirit, and
here it is, that the chiefs of the several bands of the Naudo
wessies meet to hold their councils and to settle all public
affairs for the ensuing summer.
At this cave, on the first day of May, in the year one
thousand seven hundred and sixty-seven, Carver states, "the
Indians held -their great council, into which I was admitted,
and at the same time had the honour to be installed or
adopted a chief of their bands."1 He delivered, on that occa
sion, a speech* to the chiefs of the Naudowessies, setting forth
the power of the King of England, and informing them that
he was about to return home, and he would assure his king,
of their willingness to be acknowledged as his children, and
that they wished for traders from the English to come among
them. The principal chief answered him, on behalf of the
chiefs of the eight bands of the powerful nations of the Nau
dowessies, that they wished to be considered the children of
their great father the King of the English. They thanked
Carver for making peace between the Naudowessies and the
Chippewas, and hoped he would return again amongst them,
and complete his good work, and cause the bloody hatchet to
1 Carver's Travels.

CARVER'S GRANT. 281
be buried deep ; they also desired traders to be sent to abide
amongst them.1
Not a syllable is said in either of the speeches, (which
Carver gives at length) of the extraordinary grant of land,
which he alleges was made to him on that day ; at that place ;
and the consideration for which, as stated by Dr. Lettsom,
(who received his information from Carver,) was the " making
of the peace between the Naudowessies and Chippewas,"
alluded to by the chief in his speech. These omissions, in
respect to such an important transaction, are unaccountable,
if the execution of the deed is admitted. The alleged trans
actions of that day are inconsistent with each other; the
difficulties are solved by a self-evident fact, no such deed was
at that time executed — no such grant was made — it was the
result of an after thought in England, to assist Carver in ob
taining from government, ships, men, and money, to enable
him to make a settlement and trading establishment in the
Upper Mississippi country, which he undoubtedly had at
heart ; he expressly states the object of his travels and
researches to have been settlement, and trade with the
natives.2 Carver never speaks of his "lands," nor of his disappoint
ment in obtaining the assistance of government to settle them ;
he complains, in the preface to his book, that he had not been
remunerated for his expenditures. According to Dr. Peter's
testimony, he received from government £1,373.6.8 sterling
for this account ; the singular preciseness of the pQunds,
shillings, and pence, looks very much like a summing up of
an account of expenditures. The king (says Dr. Peters) di
rected Carver to sail for New Orleans, and take possession of
his territory, with one hundred and fifty men, of whom he was
to be the commander, and ships, men, and necessaries would
be provided by his Majesty to convey him there. This was
indeed an extraordinary favour to grant to a private subject,
in order to make his private fortune ; the truth of the whole
1 Carver's Travels. 2 Ibid.

282 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
matter appears to be, that Carver was to have a commission,
with a company of armed men, and he was to establish a mi
litary and trading post on the Upper Mississippi, for which
Government would defray the expenses ; but the breaking out
of the American revolution put an end to all the schemes.
The claim set up by Carver, and thus laid before the king
and council, and the deed therefor exhibited, as Dr. Peters
alleges, was in direct violation of existing law ; therefore the
improbabilities of any confirmation of the grant by the king
and council, appear in a stronger light. By the proclamation
of the king of Great Britain, dated October 7th, 1763, the
purchase of lands from the Indians is prohibited in the fol
lowing terms: — "We do strictly enjoin and require, that no
private person do presume to make any purchase from the
said Indians, of any lands reserved to the said Indians, within
those parts of our colonies, where we have thought proper to
allow settlements, but that if, at any time, any of the said
Indians should be inclined to dispose of the said lands, the
same shall be purchased only for us, in our name, at some
public meeting or assembly of the said Indians, to be held for
that purpose by the governor, or commander-in-chief of our
colony respectively, within which they shall lie."
The same correct policy which dictated the proclamation
of October 7th, 1763, has been invariably adhered to by the
United States, and was ably supported by their ministers dur
ing the negotiation at Ghent, in 1814.
The British Government never ratified or confirmed the
"grant;" if that government derived any benefit from the
services of Captain Carver, by his travels and residence
among the Indians, that government alone could determine,
and alone could judge what remuneration those services
deserved. That government did, as acknowledged hy the
claimants under the deed, pay him a sum of money, on the
investigation of the claim. Captain Carver rendered no ser
vice to the United States, which could be assumed as an equit
able ground for the support of his claim. The territory has
now become the property of the United States, and an Indian

INDIAN DEED. 283
grant not good against the British Government, would appear
to be not binding upon the United States Government. ¦

INDIAN DEED.
In order to show in what manner and for what consideration Indian
titles and claims to land were at times procured by the French traders
and settlers, in the northwest, the following extract is made from the
records of Brown County ; the validity of the title has not been examined,
nor is it necessary to be inquired into, as all purchases hy individuals
from the Indians were contrary to the policy of the British Government,
and the royal proclamation of 1763, which was followed and acted upon
by the United States Government, in virtue of its rights of eminent domain.
The deed is curious, as showing how great a quantity of land was given
for the consideration of " two barrels of rum, well mixed," and that the
witnesses to the execution of the contract, themselves made the eagle's
mark for the blind old chief, which was doubtless considered to be an all-
sufficient signing and sealing. To use the Indian phrase, he did not
even " touch the quill."
The second deed is from other claimants of the same land, who relin
quished all their right to it, for " five gallons of rum." According to the
extract from the journal, or day-book, of Ducharme, the purchaser, he
paid for all the grants " three barrels of rum, mixed with water.'' Our
history is silent on the subject ofthe rights of the two " Eagles" father
and son, the " Beaver," and the " Black Tobacco," to the land in question*
Extract from Record Book B, page 110, 111.
En mille sept cent quatre vingt treize, trouvent present Wa-
bispine et le Tabac noir, lesquels ont volountairernent aban-
donez et cedez a Monsieur Dominique Ducharme, depuis le
haut de portage de Cacalin jusque du bout de le Prairie d'en
bas, sur quarante arpens de profondeur ; et sur l'autre cot& vis
a vis le dit portage, quatre arpens de large, sur trent de pro
fondeur. Lesquels vendeurs se sont trouves contens, et satis-
faits pour deux barrils de Rum. Enfois de quois, ils ont faits

* The French phraseology is ungrammatical, and & me sines untransla
table.

284

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

leur marques, le vieux Wabisipine etant aveugle, les Temoins
ont fait sa marque pour lui.
J. Hakeison, It m ins MARQUE DE WABISIPINE.
Lambebt Macaulay, j emoln

DE L'ATTRIBUT DE
MARQUE DU TABAC NOIR.

L'AIGLE.

Des Survenants aiant reclames droit qu'ils avoient aussi
dans le Portage, ont vendues aussi leurs pretensions, et garanti
de touts troubles. Ont accepter pour leur part, cinque galons
de Rum, lesquels se sont trouves contents et satisfait. En
fois de quois ont fait leur marques.
S. Hakrison, Temoin. L'AIGLE. -
' SON FILS.

PE CA MES
CHE MES

L'EGLEET.

BITTE

LE CASTRE.

Ratifie au'Portage du Cacalinl'Annee de notre Seigneur Mil
sept cent quatre vingt seize ; le31me jour de Juillet, enmilcep
cent quatre vingt dix sept pour parte du portage une barille rum.
 Aout 8. 
En mil cep cent quatre vingt dix huit, un barille de rum
mele pour contenter les filles souscritant.
 Juillet 16. 
Et en quatre vingt dix neuf un barille de Rum meles d me

INDIAN DEED.

285

sines pour comtemter les differan entre eux. Lesquels se son
trouve comptemps et satisfaits.

LE TABA NOIR DU
"WACHITTE. WABISIPINE.
DE L'EGLE. LE BUEUR-

D. DUCHARME.

CASTOR.

TRANSLATION OF THE ABOVE DEEDS AND ENTRIES.
In, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-three, are found
present, Wabisipine, and the Black Tobacco, who have volun
tarily given up and ceded to Mr. Dominick Ducharme, from
the head of the Portage of Kakalin, to the end of the Prairie
below, by forty arpens in depth; and on the other side oppo
site the said portage, four arpens wide, by thirty in depth.
The said vendors are contented and satisfied for two barrels
of Rum. In faith of which they have made their marks, the
old Wabisipine being blind, the witnesses have made his mark
for him.

J.Harrison, 1 Witnesses.
Lambert Macaulay, /

MARK OF WABISIPINE
OF THE ATTRIBUTE OF THE EAGLE.
MARK OF THE BLACK TOBACCO.

The undersigned having claimed a right which they also
have in the Portage, have also sold their claims, and warranted
from all troubles. They have accepted for their part, five gal
lons of Rum, with which they find themselves content and sat
isfied. In faith of which, they have made their marks.
J. Harrison, Witness. THE EAGLE.
PE CA MES, HIS SON.
CHE MES. BITTE.
THE EAGLET. THE BEAVER.

286 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Ratified at the Portage of the Kakalin in the year of our
Lord one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six ; the 31st day
of July, in one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, on
account of the Portage, one barrel of Rum.
 August 8. 
In one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, one bar
rel of Rum mixed, to content the sons, subscribing.
 July 16. 
And in ninety-nine, one barrel of Rum, mixed a me sines, to
settle the difference between them. With which they find
themselves content and satisfied. D. DUCHARME.
THE EAGLE. THE BLACK TOBACCO. THE BEAVER.
WACHITTE.
WABISIPINE.THE DRINKER.
In 1820, a claim was laid before the United States com
missioners, for the lands described in the above deed, contain
ing a section of land on each side of the river. The descrip
tions are consonant with those recited in the deed, to which a
reference is made, as an Indian deed of 1793. The evidence
in support of these two claims of six hundred and forty acres,
one on each side of the river, at the Portage of the Grand Ka
kalin, was that of cultivation. It does not appear that any
title derived under the deed was relied on. The claimant in
both entries was Paul Ducharme, brother of Dominick Du
charme. Two other sections of land appear to be claimed at
the same time and by virtue of the same title and cultivation
by Paul Ducharme and his assignee, Augustus Grignon, to
whom he had sold one of them. However, the testimony of
the witnesses who were examined, Jacques Porlier, Josepk
Jourdin, and John Lawe did not establish the facts of occo-
pancy and cultivation, and all the four claims were rejected.1

See Land Laws, vol. iv. p. 802, 863.

ANNALS OF THE LEGISLATURE.

287

ANNALS OF THE LEGISLATURE.
LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLIES OF THE TERRITORY OF WISCONSIN.
FIRST SESSION OF THE FIRST ASSEMBLY.

1836.

Counties.
Brown, Milwaukee,

Iowa,

Dubuque,

Des Moines,

Crawford.

Council.

| Henry S. Baird,
t John P. Arndt,
f Alanson Sweet,
\ Gilbert Knapp,
f Ebenezer Brigham,
< John B. Terry,
I James R. Vineyard,
f Thomas McCraney,
-< John Foley,
(Thomas McKnight,
f Jeremiah Smith, Jr.,
-I Joseph B. Teas,
(Arthur B. Ingraham,
( This county had no
¦\ member of the Coun-
I oil.f

Ebenezer Childs, Albert G. Ellis,
Alex. J. Irwin.*
William B. Sheldon, Madison W.
Cornwall, Charles Durkee.
Wm. Boyles, George F. Smith,
Daniel M. Parkinson, Thomas
McKnight, Thomas Stanley,
James P. Cox.
Loring Wheeler, Hardin Now-
lin, Hosea T. Camp, Peter Hill
Engle, Patrick Quigley.
Isaac Leffler, Thomas Blair, John
Box, George W. Teas, David
R. Chance, Warren L.Jenkins,
Eli Reynolds.
James H. Lockwood,
James B. Dallam.

Henry S. Baird was elected President of the Council
Edward McSherry was elected Secretary.
Peter Hill Engle was elected Speaker of the House
Warren Lewis was elected Chief Clerk.
The Legislative Assembly convened on the 25th of October, 1836, and
adjourned on the 9th of December, 1836.
This session was held at Belmont, Iowa County.

SECOND SESSION OF THE FIRST LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.

1837.

Counties.

Council.

Brown,

J John P. Arndt,
\ Joseph Dickinson, J
Milwaukee, {^jg^gj*

Ebenezer Childs, George Mc Wil
liams, Charles C. Sholes,g
Wm. B. Sheldon, Chas. Durkee,
Madison B. Cornwall,

* Seat -contested and vacated; replaced by George Mc Williams.
T Thomas P. Burnett claimed a seat, but was rejected, by a vote of the Council,
as the apportionment of members belonged exclusively to the Executive of the
Territory. J In place of H. S. Baird resigned. Mr. Dickinson's seat was contested and
vacated; replaced by Alexander J. Irwin.
§ In place of Albert G. Ellis resigned.

288

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

Counties.
Iowa,
Dubuque,

Council.
Ebenezer Brigham,
John B. Terry,
James R. Vineyard,
John Foley,
Thomas McKnight,
Thomas McCraney,

Representatives.
Wm. Boyles, Thos. McKnight,
Thomas Shanley, James P.
Cox, George F. Smith, Daniel
M. Parkinson.
Peter Hill Engle, Patrick Quig
ley,* Loring Wheeler, Hardin
Nowlin, Alexander W. Mc
Gregor, in place of H. T. Camp,
deceased.f
Isaac Leffler, Thomas Blair, John
Box, George W. Teas, David R.
Chance, Warren L. Jenkins,
John Reynolds.
Ira B. Bronson,J Jean Brunet.jj
Arthur B. Ingraham was elected President of the Council.
George Beatty was elected Secretary.
Isaac Leffler was elected Speaker of the House.
John Catlin was elected Chief Clerk.
The Legislative Assembly convened on the 6th of November, 1837,
and adjourned on the 20th of January, 1838.
This session was held at Burlington, in Des Moines County.
SPECIAL SESSION OF THE FIRST LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.

f Jeremiah Smith, Jr.,
Des Moines, -(Joseph B. Teas,
(Arthur B. Ingraham,
Crawford,

Counties.
Brown,Milwaukee,
Iowa,Dubuque,

1838.
Council.
f Alexander J. Irwin,
[ John P. Arndt,
f Gilbert Knapp,
{ Alanson Sweet,
(Ebenezer Brigham,
< John B. Terry,
(•James R. Vineyard,
f John Foley,
< Thomas McCraney,
( Thomas McKnight,

Representatives.
George McWilliams, Charles C.
Sholes, Ebenezer Childs.
Wm. B. Sheldon, Chas. Durkee,
Madison B. Cornwall.
Wm. Boyles, Thomas McKnight,
Daniel M. Parkinson, Thomas
Shanley, James P. Cox, James
Collins.1T
Peter Hill Engle, Hardin Now
lin, Patrick Quigley,
Langworfchy.**

* Mr. Quigley resigned his seat on tbe 17th January, 1838, for cause arising out
of McGregor's case, wherein he felt his dignity as a member overlooked, and un
supported by tbe House.
f Mr. McGregor was charged with having accepted a bribe at this session, and
resigned his seat, while the investigation was pending ; but, by a resolution of the
House, at its June session, he was declared unworthy of confidence, by a vote of tho
House. t In place of James B. Dallam.
$ In place of James H. Lockwood.
If In place of George F. Smith resigned.
** Iu place of A. McGregor resigned.

ANNALS OF THE LEGISLATURE.

289

Counties.

Des Moines.

Crawford.

Council.
f Arthur B. Ingraham,
i Joseph B. Teas,
(Jeremiah Smith, Jr.,'

Representatives.
Isaac Leffler, Warren L. Jenkins,
Thomas Blair, John Reynolds,
George W. Teas, John Box,
David R. Chance.
Ira Brunson, Jean Brunei.

Arthur B. Ingraham was elected President of the 1„ ,, , ,
Council. * (Bothbyresolu-
George Beatty was elected Secretary. J tlon- ^vote.
William B. Sheldou was elected Speaker of the House.
John Catlin was elected Chief Clerk.
The Legislative Assembly convened on the 11th of June, 1838, and
adjourned on the 25th of June, 1838.
This Session was held at Burlington in Des Moines County.
FIRST SESSION OF THE SECOND LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY
1838.
Counties. Council.
f Alexander J. Irwin,

Brown,

{ Morgan L. Martin,

Milwaukee & f Daniel Wells, Jr.,
Washington, \ William A. Prentiss,
„ . f William Bullen,
Kacine, j Marshall M. Strong,
Rock, and j James Maswell
Walworth, {
Greene, Dane, f
Jefferson and < Ebenezer Brigham,
Dodge, (f James Collins,
{ Levi Sterling,

Iowa,

| James R. Vineyard
1 John H. Rountree,

ntatives.
Ebenezer Childs, Chas. 0. Sholes,
Barlow Shackleford, Jacob W.
Conroe.
Lucius J. Barber, William Shew,
Henry C. Skinner, Ezekiel
Churchill and Augustus Story.
Orrin R. Stevens, Zadoc New
man and Tristram C Hoyt.
Othni Beardsley and Edward V.
Whiton.
Daniel S. Sutherland.
Russell Baldwin, John W. Black
stone, Henry M. Billings and
Thomas Jenkins.
Thomas Cruson, Nelson Dewey,
Ralph Carver and Joseph H.
D. Street.
Alexander McGregor.

Grant, Crawford, George Wilson,
William Bullen was elected President ofthe Council.
George Beatty was elected Secretary.
John W. Blackstone was elected Speaker of the House.
John Catlin was elected Chief Clerk.
The Legislative Assembly convened on the 26th of November, 1838,
and adjourned on the 22d of December, 1838.
This Session was held at Madison, the Seat of Government.
Vol. III.— 19

290

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

SECOND SESSION OF THE SECOND LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.
1839.

Counties.
Brown,

Council.
( Morgan L. Martin,
{ Alexander J. Irwin,

Milwaukee, & f Daniel Wells, Jr.
Washington, { William A. Prentiss,

Representatives
Ebenezer Childs, Charles C.
Sholes, Barlow Shackleford,
Jacob AV. Conroe.
Lucius J. Barber, William Shew,
Henry C. Skinner, Ezekiel
Churchill, Augustus Story.
Tristram C. Hoyt, Orrin R. Ste
vens, Zadoc Newman.
Edw. V. Whiton, Othni Beards-
ley.
Daniel S. Sutherland.
Russel Baldwin, John W. Black
stone, Thomas Jenkins, Henry
M. Billings, Charles Bracken.
Thomas Cruson, Nelson Dewey,
Ralph Carver, Joseph H. D.
Street.
Alexander McGregor, Ira B.
Brunson.
James Collins was elected President of the Council.
George Beatty was elected Secretary.
John W. Blackstone was elected Speaker of the House.
John Catlin was elected Chief Clerk.
The Legislative Assembly convened on the 21st of January, 1839, and
adjourned on the 11th of March, 1839.
This session was held at Madison.

f William Bullen,
{ Marshall M. Strong,
Watvorth. { James MaxwelI>
Greene, Dane, f
Jefferson, and < Ebenezer Brigham,
f James Collins,
j Levi Sterling,

Racine,

Dodge,
Iowa,

Grant,

Crawford,

f James R. Vineyard,
{ John H. Rountree,
George Wilson,

THIRD SESSION OF THE SECOND LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.

1839.

Counties.
Brown,

Council.

f Morgan L. Martin,
\ Charles 0. P. Arndt,

Milwaukee, & f William A. Prentiss,
Washington, { Daniel Wells, Jr.,

Racine,

f William Bullen,
( Lorenzo Janes,*

Representatives.
Ebenezer Childs, Jacob W. Con-
roe, Charles C. Sholes, Barlow
Shackleford.
Augustus Story, Adam E. Ray,
William R. Longstreet, Wm.
Shew, Horatio N. Wells.
Orrin R. Stevens, Zadoc New
man, Tristram C. Hoyt.

* In room of Marshall M. Strong, resigned.

ANNALS OF THE LEGISLATURE.

291

Counties.

Council.

Rock, and f T -.. ,,
Walworth, {James Maxwell,
Greene, Dane, f
Jefferson, and -j Ebenezer Brigham,
Dodge, (

Iowa,

Granl

Crawford,

f James Collins,
[ Levi Sterling,

f James R. Vineyard,
{ John II. Rountree,
Joseph Brisbois,*'

Othni Beardsley, Edward V.
Whiton.

Daniel S. Sutherland.
Russel Baldwin, Charles Brac
ken, Henry M. Billings, Tho
mas Jenkins, John W. Black
stone.
Thomas Cruson, Joseph H. D.
Street, Nelson Dewey, Jona
than Craig.
Ira B. Brunson, Alexander Mc
Gregor.

James Collins was elected President of the Council.
George Beatty was elected Secretary.
Edward V. Whiton was elected Speaker of the House.
John Catlin was elected Chief Clerk.
The Legislative Assembly convened on the 2d of December, 1839, and
adjourned on the 13th of January, 1840.
This session was held at Madison.
FOURTH (EXTRA) SESSION OF THE SECOND LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.
1840.
Counties. Council. Representatives.
[Morgan L. Martin, Ebenezer Childs, Barlow Shakle-
{ Charles C. P. Arndt, ford, Charles 0. Sholes, Jacob
W. Conroe.
Milwaukee, & f William A. Prentiss, Adam E. Ray, William Shew,

Brown,

Washington, | Daniel Wells, Jr.,

Racine,

f William Bullen,
j Lorenzo Janes,

Rock, and f j Maxwell,
Walworth, [
Greene, Dane, f
Jefferson, and < Ebenezer Brigham,
Dodge, (
T f Levi Sterling,
lowa' | James Collins,

Horatio N. Wells, Augustus
Story, William R. Longstreet.
Orrin R. Stevens, Zadoc New
man, Tristram C. Hoyt.
Othni Beardsley, Edward V.
Whiton.
Daniel S. Sutherland.
Henry M. Billings, Thomas Jen
kins, Charles Bracken, John
W. Blackstone, Russel Bald
win.

* In room of George Wilson resigned.

292

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

Counties.
Grant, Crawford,

Council.
\ James R. Vineyard,
{ John II. Rountree,
Charles J. Learned,*

Representatives.
Thomas Cruson, Nelson Dewey,
Joseph H. Street, Jonathan
Craig.
Ira B. Brunson, Alexander Mc
Gregor.

William A. Prentiss was elected President of the Council.
George Beatty was elected Secretary.
Nelson Dewey was elected Speaker of the House.
John Catlin was elected Chief Clerk.
The legislative assembly convened on the 3d of August, 1840, and ad-
adjourned on the 14th of August, 1840.
This session was held at Madison.
FIRST SESSION OF THE THIRD LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.
1840.
Council.

County.
Brown, Manitoowoc, Sheboygan, &
Fond du Lao,
Milwaukee, & f Jonathan Arnold,
Washington, { Don A. J. Upham,

Charles C. P. Arndt,
Morgan L. Martin,

Racine, Rock, and
Walworth,

f William Bullen,
j Lorenzo Janes,
¦j James Maxwell,

Greene, Dane,
Jefferson, and l Ebenezer Brigham,
Dodge, f Levi Sterling,
{ James Collins,

Iowa,

Grant, Crawford, and St. Croix,

f John II. Rountree,
{ James R. Vineyard,
Charles J. Learned,

Representatives.
William H. Bruce,f Mason C.
Darling, David Giddings. _
Joseph Bond, Jacob Brazelton,
Adam E. Ray, John S. Rock
well, William Shephard.
George Batchelder, Thomas E.
Parmelee, Reuben H. Deming.
John Hackett, Hugh Long,
Jesse C. Mills, Edward V.Whi-
ton.
Lucius J. Barber, James Suther
land.
Francis J. Dunn, Ephraim F.
Ogden, Daniel M. Parkinson,
David Newland.
Daniel R. Burt, Nelson Dewey,
Neely Gray.
Alfred Brunson, % Joseph R.
Brown.

James Maxwell was elected President of the Council.
George Beatty was elected Secretary.
David Newland was elected Speaker of the House.
John Catlin was elected Chief Clerk.

* In place of J. Brisbois resigned.
f Seat contested. Vacated, and replaced by Albert G. Ellis
% Seat contested by Theophilus Lachappelle, and J. R. Brown appointed com-
.inissioner to take testimony and report.

ANNALS OF THE LEGISLATURE.

293

The Legislative Assembly convened on the 7th of December, 1840, and
adjourned on the 19th of February, 1841.
This session was held at Madison.

SECOND SESSION OF THE THIRD
1841.
Counties. Council.
Brown, Fond f
age, and She- CharleS °- R Arndt'

boygan. Milwaukee & f John H. Tweedy,*
Washington, j Don A. J. Upham,

Racine,

f William Bullen,
{ Lorenzo Janes,

Wafworth, { James Maxwell,
Dane, Dodge, f
Greene,Jeffer- < Ebenezer Brigham,
son & Sauk, (

Iowa,

Grant,

J James Collins,
{ Moses M. Strong,
j John H. Rountree,
{ James R. Vineyard,

Crawford and (n, , , T ,
St. Croix, | Charles J. Learned,

LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.

Representatives.

Mason C. Darling, Albert G.
Ellis, David Giddings.
Joseph Bond, Adam E. Ray,
William F. Shephard, John S.
Rockwell, Jacob Brazelton.
Geo. Batchelder, Jonathan East
man, Thomas E. Parmelee.f
John Hackett, Jesse C. Mills,
Edw. V. Whiton, Jas. Tripp.J
Lucius J. Barber, James Suther
land.
Thomas Jenkins,^ David New-
land, Ephraim F. Ogden, Da
niel M. Parkinson.
Daniel R. Burt, Neely Gray,
Nelson Dewey.
Joseph R. Brown, Alfred Brun-

James Collins was elected President of the Council.
George Beatty was elected Secretary.
David Newland was elected Speaker of the House.
John Catlin was elected Chief Clerk.
This Legislative Assembly convened on the 6th of December, 1841,
and adjourned on the 19th of February, 1842.
This Session was held at Madison.

* In place of Jonathan Arnold resigned.
f Four persons (the above three, and Elisha S. Sill) claimed seats, and the above-
named were admitted. The county was entitled to three members only. Mr.
Parmelee afterwards resigned.
t In place of Hugh Long resigned.
| In place of F. J. Dunn resigned.
| Seat contested at last session. Seat vacated and replaced by Theophilus La
Chapelle.

294

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

FIRST SESSION OF THE FOURTH LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.
1842.
The two Houses organized on the 5th of December, 1842, but the Go
vernor (J. D. Doty) refused to communicate with them, as a body legally
assembled, according to the act of Congress, as no appropriation for that
object had been previously made by Congress. The Houses continued
in session until the 10th of December, when they adjourned until the
30th of January, 1843, when they again met, and continued in session
until February 6th, 1843, when they adjourned until March 6th, 1843,
on which latter day, they again convened, as well in pursuance of their
vote of adjournment, as in pursuance of the Governor's Proclamation,
calling them together as of a special session, on that day. Of this inten
tion of the governor, they had been apprised by resolutions referring to
his Proclamation, introduced by one of their members at their first session.
The Houses continued in session subsequently until the 25th day of
March, when they adjourned without day. Both houses again assem
bled on the 27th day of March, as of the second session, and adjourned
on the 17th of April, 1843. The session was held at Madison. Officers
the same in both sessions.

Morgan L. Martin,

Counties. Council.
Brown, Mani
toowoc, She
boygan, Calu
met, Fond du
Lac Winne
bago, Mar
quette and
Portage.*,; , o f Hans Crocker,
Milwaukee & J T , w...
w , • , ¦< Lemuel White,
Washington, j^^ Newkndj

Racine,

f Consider Heath,
{ Peter D. Hugunin,*

Edward V. Whiton,

Walworth & J Charles M. Baker,
Rock, j T "
Jefferson, f
Dane, Greene ]Luo;j_Bb
Dodge and '
Sauk, (

Iowa,
.Grant,

j Moses M. Strong,
f John H. Rountree,
X Nelson Dewey,

Representatives.

Albert G. Ellis, Mason C. Dar
ling, David Agry.

Andrew E. Elmore, Benjamin
Hunkins, Thos. II. Olin, Jona
than Parsons, Jared Thomp
son, George H. Walker.
Philander Judson, John T. Trow
bridge, Peter Van Vleet.f
John Hopkins, Jas. Tripp, John
M. Capron, Wm. A. Bartlett.J
Isaac H. Palmer, Lyman Cross-
man, Robert Masters.
Robert M. Long, Moses Meeker,
William S. Hamilton.
Franklin Z. Hicks, Alonzo Piatt,
Glendower M. Price.

' These councillors did not take their seats until March 6th, 1843.
- Took his Beat March 6, 1843.
: Took his seat Maroh 6th, 1843.

ANNALS OF THE LEGISLATURE.

295

Counties. Council.
Crawford and f Theophilus La
St. Croix, X pelle,

Cha-

Represeniativcs.
John H. Manahan.

Moses M. Strong was elected President of the Council. He resigned
March 18th, and Morgan L. Martin was elected.
John V. Ingersoll was elected Secretary. He resigned on the 31st of
March, 1843, and John P. Sheldon was appointed Secretary for the ba
lance of the session.
Albert G. Ellis was elected Speaker of the House.
John Catlin was elected Chief Clerk.
This session was held at Madison.

SECOND SESSION OF THE FOURTH LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.

1843.

Morgan L. Martin,

Counties. Council.
Brown, Mani
toowoc, She
boygan, Calu
met, Fond du
Lac, Winne
bago, Mar
quette and
Portage.„,., , Q f Lemuel White,
Milwaukee & ) Haus Crocker>
Washington. } DaTid Newland,

Rock and
Walworth, Iowa,

f Charles M. Baker,
X Edward V. Whiton,
Moses M. Strong,
f John H. Rountree,
{ Nelson Dewey,
f Michael Frank,
{ Marshal M. Strong,
& J Theophilus La Chap-
{ pelle,

Albert G. Ellis, David Agry,
Mason C. Darling.

Andrew E. Elmore, Benjamin
Hunkins, Thomas H. Olin,
Jona. Parsons, Jared Thomp
son, George H. Walker.
John M. Capron, Wm. A. Bart
lett, John Hopkins, Jas. Tripp.
Moses Meeker, George Messer
smith, Robert M. Long.
Alonzo Piatt, Glendower M.
Price, Franklin Z. Hicks.
John T. Trowbridge, Levi Grant,
Ezra Birchard.
John H. Manahan.
Robert Masters, Lyman Cross-
man, Isaac H. Palmer.

Grant,Racine, Crawford, St. Croix,
Dane, Dodge, f
Greene, Jef- -I Lucius J. Barber,
ferson & Sauk (
Marshall M. Strong was elected President of the Council.
Ben C. Eastman was elected Secretary.
George H. Walker was elected Speaker of the House.
John Catlin was elected Chief Clerk.
The Legislative Assembly convened on the 4th of December, 1843, and
adjourned on the 31st of January, 1844.

296

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

This session was held at Madison.
By an act passed at this session, the Legislature were to meet on the
first Monday in January in each year.

THIRD SESSION OF THE FOURTH LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.

1845.

Counties.
Brown, Mani
toowoc, She
boygan, Calu
met, Fond du
Lac, Winne
bago, Mar
quette, and
Portage,
Rock, and
Walworth,Iowa,

Grant, Crawford, and
St. Croix,

Council.

Racine, Dane, Dodge, f
Greene, Jef- J
ferson, and j
Sauk, (
Milwaukee, &
Washington,

Randall Wilcox,

i Charles M. Baker,
; Edward V. Whiton,
Moses M. Strong,
' Nelson Dewey,
John H. Rountree,
Wiram Knowlton,
f Michael Frank,
[ Marshall M. Strong,

John Catlin,

Adam E. Ray,
James Kneeland,
Jacob Kimball,

Mason C. Darling, Abraham
Brawley, William Fowler.*

Stephen Field, Jesse C. Mills,
Salmon Thomas, Jesse Moore.
James Collins, Robert C. Hoard,
Solomon Oliver.
Thomas P. Burnett, Thomas
Cruson, Franklin Z. Hicks.
James Fisher.
Robert G. McClellan, Orson Shel
don, Albert G. Northway.
Charles S. Bristol, Noah Phelps,
George H. Slaughter.
Charles E. Brown, Pitts Ellis,
Byron Kilbourn, Benjamin H.
Mooers, William Shew, Geo.
H. Walker.

Moses M. Strong was elected President of the Council.
Ben C- Eastman was elected Secretary.
George H. Walker was elected Speaker of the House.
La Fayette Kellogg was elected Chief Clerk.
This Legislative Assembly convened on the 6th of January, 1845, and
adjourned on the 24th of February, 1845.
This session was held at Madison.

• Stockbridge Indian.

ANNALS OF THE LEGISLATURE

297

FOURTH SESSION OF THE FOURTH LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.
1846.

Counties. Council.
Brown, Mani
toowoc, She
boygan, Calu
met, Fond du . .
Lac, Winne-iRandalIWllcox'
bago, Mar
quette, and
Portage.
Rock, and f Charles M. Baker,
Walworth, | Edward V. Whiton,

Iowa,

Moses M. Strong,

Milwaukee, & J Jacob Kimball,
•ut- ,• , ' ¦{ James Kneeland,
Washington, (Curtig Keed!

Grant, Crawford,
Chippewa, La
Pointe, and
St. Croix,

f Nelson Dewey,
X John II. Rountree.
r

Representatives.

Abraham Brawley, Mason
Darling, Elisha Morrow.

Rock, Ira Jones ;
Walworth, Caleb Crosswell, War
ner Earl, Gaylord Graves.
Henry M. Billings, Robert C.
Hoard, Charles Pole.
Samuel H. Barstow, John Craw
ford, James Magone, Benja
min H. Mooers, Luther Par
ker, William H. Thomas.
Armstead C. Brown, Thomas P.
Burnett, and Thomas Cruson.

Wiram Knowlton, James Fisher.

Andrew B. Jackson Orson Shel
don, and Julius Wooster.

John Catlin,

Mark R. Clapp, William M. Den
nis, Noah Phelps.

¦p • f Michael Frank,
itacine, j Marshall M. Strong,
Dane, Dodge, f
Greene, Jef
ferson, and
Sauk, Nelson Dewey was elected President of the Council.
Ben C. Eastman was elected Secretary.*
Mason C. Darling was elected Speaker of the House.
La Fayette Kellogg was elected Chief Clerk.
The Legislative Assembly convened on the 5th of January, 1846, and
adjourned on the 3d of February, 1846.
This session was held at Madison.
FIKST SESSION OF THE FIFTH LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.
1847.
Between the close of the last session, and the opening of the present,
a convention had been held, and a constitution for State government
framed, which was to be submitted to a vote of the people for adoption
or rejection, in April, 1847-

* He resigned on the 19th of January, and William R. Smith was elected Seo-
retary.

298 Counties.
Racine,

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

Council.
f Frederick S. Lovell,
X Marshall M. Strong,
Walworth, Henry Clark,

Rock, Andrew Palmer,
and { William Singer,

Iowa,
Richland,Grant, Orris McCartney,

anT Saukane' \ Alexander L" Collins'

Dodge, and
Jefferson,Milwaukee,Washington, and Sheboy- ¦
gan,Waukesha,

John E. Holmes,
Horatio N. Wells,

Representatives.
Uriah Wood, Elisha Raymond.
Charles A. Bronson, Palmer Gar
diner.
Jared G. Winslow, James M.
Burgess.
Timothy Burns, James D. Jen
kins, Thomas Chilton.
Armstead C. Brown, William Ri
chardson.
Charles Lum, William A. Whee
ler, John W. Stewart.
George W. Green, John T.
Haight, James Giddings.
William Shew, Andrew Sullivan,
William W. Brown.

Chauncey M. Phelps, Harrison C. Hobart.

Joseph Turner,
Benjamin F. Manahan, Joseph W. Furber

Joseph Bond, Chauncey G.
Heath.

Mason C. Darling,

Elisha Morrow, Hugh McFar-
lane.

Crawford,Manitoowoc,
Brown, Calu
met, Winne
bago, Fond du
Lac, Mar- '
quette, Por-
age, and Co
lumbia, Horatio N. Wells was elected President of the Council.
Thomas McHugh was elected Secretary.
William Shew was elected Speaker of the House.
La Fayette Kellogg was elected Chief Clerk.
The Legislative Assembly convened on the 4th of January, 1847, and
adjourned on the 11th of February, 1847.
This session was held at Madison.
SPECIAL SESSION OF THE FIFTH LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.
1847.
The State Constitution having been submitted to a vote of the people,
in April, 1847, was not adopted, and the Governor convened this special
session to provide for the calling of a new convention, which was done.
Counties. Council. Representatives.
J Frederick S. Lovell
jPhilo White,

Racine,

G. F. Newell, Dudley Cass.

ANNALS OF THE LEGISLATURE.

299

Henry Clark,
Andrew Palmer,

Walworth, Rock,Iowa, f
Lafayette, & < Ninian E. Whiteside,
Richland, (
Grant, Orris McCartney,

Eleazer Wakely, George Wal
worth.
Daniel C. Babcock, George H.
Williston.
Timothy Burns, M. M. Cothren,
Charles Pole.

Noah H. Virgin, Daniel R. Burt.
E. T. Gardner, Alexander Bot-
kin, John W. Stewart.
Isaac P. Walker, James Holli-
day, Asa Kinney.
rSheboSt°an { Chauncev M- Pbelps, Benjamin H. Mooers.
Waukesha, Joseph Turner, George Reed, L. Martin.

andes:ure'{AiexanderL-coiiins'
Milwaukee, Horatio N. Wells,

Levi P. Drake, Horace D. Patch,
James Hanrahan.

Benjamin F. Manahan, Henry Jackson.

Mason C. Darling,

George W. Featherstonhaugh,
Moses Gibson.

Jefferson, andfJhEH1
Dodge, [ '
Crawford, f
St. Croix,
Chippewa, &
La Pointe,
Brown, Manitoowoc, Calumet,
Winnebago, Fond du Lac,
Marquette Portage, &
Columbia, Horatio N. Wells was elected President of the Council.
Thomas McHugh was elected Secretary.
Isaac P., Walker was elected Speaker of the House.
La Fayette Kellogg was elected Chief Clerk.
This Legislative Assembly convened on the 18th of October, 1847, and
adjourned on the 27th of October, 1847.
This session was held at Madison.
SECOND SESSION OF THE FIFTH LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY.
1848.
This was the last Territorial Legislature.
Counties. Council. Representatives.
Racine, { K^e,1^11' G" F" Newe11' Dudley C^
Walworth, Henry Clark, Eleazer Wakely, Geo. Walworth.
TWfc Andrew Palmer, Daniel C. Babcock, George H.
' Williston.

300

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

Counties.

Council.

Iowa, La Fay- f
ette, & Rich- \ Ninian E. Whiteside,

land.Grant,

Reprrsentalives.
Timothy Burns, Charles Pole,
Montgomery M. Cothren.

Orris McCartney,

Greene, Dane f Alexander L. Oolling
and Sauk, (
Milwaukee, Horatio N. Wells,

Noah H. Virgin, Dan. R. Burt.
E. T. Gardner, John W. Stewart,
Alexander Botkin.
Isaac P. Walker, James Holli-
day, Asa Kinney.
cTs*bnogt°an I 0hauncey M- PhelPs> Benjamin H. Mooers.*
Waukesha, Joseph Turner, George Reed, L. Martin,
Jefferson and f T t. n m Levi P. Drake, Horace D. Patch,
Dodge, jJohn E.Holmes, James Hanrahan.
Crawford, St. (
Cewa' and'Ei 1 BenJamin F. Manahan, Henry Jackson.
Pointe, (
Brown, Calu
met, Manitoo
woc, Fond du
Lac, Winne
bago, Mar
quette and
Portage, [
Horatio N. Wells was elected President of the Council.
Thomas McHugh was elected Chief Clerk.
Timothy Burns was elected Speaker of the House.
Lafayette Kellogg was elected Chief Clerk.
This Legislative Assembly convened on the 7th of February, 1848, and
adjourned on the 13th of March, 1848.
This session was held at Madison.

Mason C. Darling,

George W. Featherstonhaugh, ^
Moses Gibson.

FIRST CONVENTION.
MEMBERS OF THE FIKST CONVENTION TO FORM A STATE CONSTITUTION — 124.
This Convention assembled at Madison, on the 5th day of October,
1846, and adjourned on the 16th day of December, 1846, having framed
a constitution, which was submitted to a vote of the people on the first
Tuesday in April, 1847, and the same was rejected.
Counties. Members.
Brown, &c, David Agry, Henry S. Baird.
Calumet, Lemuel Goodell.
Columbia, Jeremiah Drake, La Fayette Hill.
Crawford, Peter A. R. Brace.

' Resigned his seat, beoause a bill in relation to Washington county was rejected.

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.

301

Counties.

Dane,

Dodge

Members.
| John Y. Smith, Abel Dunning, Benjamin Fuller, George
\ B. Smith, Nathaniel F. Hyer, John M. Babcock.
f William M. Dennis, Stoddard Judd, Hiram Barber,
< Benjamin Granger, Horace D. Patch, John H. Mana-
( han.

Fcmd du Lac, Warren Chase, Lorenzo Hazen, Moses S. Gibson
Grant,Green,

Thomas P. Burnett, Thomas Cruson, Lorenzo Bevans,
Neely Gray, Joel Allen Barber, James Gilmore, Frank
lin Z. Hicks, Daniel Burt, James R. Vineyard.

Iowa,
Jefferson, La Pointe,
Marquette,Manitoowoc,Milwaukee,
Portage,
Racine,
Rock,Richland, Sauk,St. Croix,
Sheboygan,
Washington,

f Davis Bowen, Noah Phelps, William C. Green, Hiram
X Brown.
f William R. Smith, Moses M. Strong, Daniel M. Parkin-
J son, Thomas Jenkins, William J. Madden, Ninian E
Whiteside, Joshua L. White, Thomas James, Andrew
( Burnsides, Moses Meeker, Elihu B. Goodsell.
Patrick Rogan, Theodore Prentiss, Aaron Rankin, Elihu
L. Atwood, Samuel T. Clothier, Peter II. Turner, Geo.
Hyer.
James P. Hayes.
Samuel W. Beall.
Evander M. Soper.
Don A. J. Upham, Francis Huebschman, Wallace W.
Graham, Garret Vliet, John Crawford, Asa Kinney,
Garret M. Fitzgerald, John Cooper, John II. Tweedy,
James Magone, Horace Chase, Charles E. Brown.
Henry C. Goodrich.
'Edward G. Ryan, Marshall M. Strong, Frederick S. Lo
vell, Elijah Steele, Stephen 0. Bennett, Nathaniel
Dickinson, Daniel Harkin, Chauncey Kellogg, Haynes
French, Chatfield H. Parsons, Victor M. Willard,
James II. Hall, James B. Carter, T. S. StockwelL*
r A. Hyatt Smith, David Noggle, Sanford P. Hammond,
James Chamberlain, Joseph S. Pierce, George B. Hall,
David L. Mills, John Hackett, Joseph Kinney, Jr., Is
rael Inman, Jr.
Edward Combe.
William II. Clark.
William Holcombe.
David Giddings.
Bostwick 0. Connor, Edward H. Janssen, Patrick To-
land, Charles Julius Kern, Honewell Cox, Joel F.Wil
son.

* This gentleman never took his seat.

302 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY
Counties. Members.
I Andrew E. Elmore, Pitts Ellis, George Reed, Elisha W.
Edgerton, Rufas Parks, William R. Hesk, Barnes
Babcock, Charles Burchard,* James M. Moore, Benja
min Hunkins, Alexander W. Randall.
(Salmous Wakeley, Joseph Bowker, Charles M. Baker,
John W. Boyd, William Bell, Lyman H. Seaver,
Sewell Smith, Josiah Topping, William Berry, M. T.
Hawes.f
Winnebago, James Duane Doty.
Don A. J. Upham was elected President.
La Fayette Kellogg, Secretary.
Messrs. Samuel W. Beall, Warren Chase, Stoddard Judd, Theodore
Prentiss, Garret M. Fitzgerald, and Frederick S. Lovell were the only
members of the flrst Convention who were elected to the second. The
members of the first, in almost every county, declining a renomination
and election.

SECOND CONVENTION.
MEMBERS OF THE SECOND CONVENTION TO FORM A STATE CONSTITUTION — 69.
This Convention assembled at Madison, on the 15th day of December,
1847, and adjourned on the 1st of February, 1848, having framed a con
stitution, which was submitted to a vote of the people, on the second
Monday in March following, and the same was adopted.
Counties. Members.
Brown, Morgan L. Martin.
Calumet, George W. Featherstonhaugh.
Crawford, and f ,-. . , n -,-, ,
r,,. ' < Daniel G. Fenton.
Cnipewa, (
Columbia, James T. Lewis.
n J Charles M. Nichols, William A. Wheeler, William EL
uane' { Fox.
Dodge, Stoddard Judd, Samuel W. Lyman, Charles H. Larrabee
Fond du Lac, Samuel W. Beall, Warren Chase.
p _ , f George W. Lakin, John H. Rountree, Alexander D.
{ Ramsay, Orsamus Cole, William Richardson.
Greene, James Biggs, William McDowell.
Iowa, Stephen P. Hollenbeck, Charles Bishop, Joseph Ward.
* The seat of this gentleman was contested by Mathias J. Bovee, but the contes
tant's claim was rejected, after the investigation of a committee on the subject.
t This gentleman never took his seat.

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION. 303
Counties. Members.
Jefferson 1 Theodore Prentiss, Milo Jones, Abram Vanderpool, Jo-
' X nas Folts.
La Fayette, Charles Dunn, Allen Warden, John O'Connor.
Marquette, & f TT . -„ ,
Winnebago, { Harrison Reed.
(Byron Kilbourn, Rufus King, Charles H. Larkin, John
Milwaukee, I L. Doran, Garret M. Fitzgerald, Morritz Shoeffler, Al-
( bert Fowler.
Portage, William H. Kennedy.
f Theodore Secor, S. R. McClellan, Horace T. Sanders,
Racine, i Frederick S. Lovell, S. A. Davenport, A. B. Jackson,
( Albert G. Cole, James D. Reymert.
¦p , f A. M. Carter, E. A. Foot, E. V. Whiton, Paul Crandall,
±W0K' X Joseph Colley, L. P. Harvey.
St. Croix, George AV. Brownell.
E°tofwoc&{Silas Stedman-
Wilwnrtb 1 James Harrington, Augustus C. Kinne, George Gale,
' { Experience Estabrook, Hollis Latham, Ezra Mulford.
Washington, Patrick Pentony, James Fagan, Harvey G. Turner.
w , , J Peter D. Gifford, George Seagel, Squire S. Case, A. L.
Waukesha, j Castleman, Emulous P. Cotton, Eleazer Root.
Morgan L. Martin was elected President.
Thomas McHugh, Secretary.

STATE GOVERNMENT.
The first session of the State Legislature was held at the Capitol at
Madison, on Monday the fifth day of June, a.d., 1848; pursuant to the
Constitution, which had been adopted by a large majority vote of the
people. The apportionment of Senators and Representatives was under
Constitutional provisions, until otherwise declared by law.
Senatorial Districts nineteen, each entitled to one Senator.
Senatorial Districts. Senators.
1st Brown, Calumet, Manitoowoc and j Harr;son c_ Hobart,
Sheboygan, I
2d. Columbia, Marquette, Portage and J He Merrill
Sauk, X
3d. Crawford Chippewa, St. Croix and j Daniel Q_ Fenton_
La Pointe, (
4th. Fond du Lac and Winnebago, Warren Chase.
5th. Iowa and Richland, Henry M. Billings.
6th. Grant, George W. Lakin.
7th. Lafayette, Thomas K. Gibson.

304

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

Senatorial Districts,

Senators,

8th. Greene,

E. T. Gardner

9th. Dane,

Simeon Mills.

10th. Dodge,

William M. Dennis.

11th. Washington,

Frederick W. Horn.

12th. Jefferson,

Myron B. Williams.

13th. Waukeska,

Joseph Turner.

14th. Walworth,

John W. Boyd.

15th. Rock,

Otis W. Norton.

16th. Racine, 1st district,

Christopher Latham Sholes.

17th. do. 2d do.

Philo White.

18th. Milwaukee, 1st district.

Asa Kinney.

19. do. 2d do.

Riley N. Messenger.

Lieutenant Governor John E. Holmes, President of the Senate.
Henry G. Abbey was elected Chief Clerk.

MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. SIXTY-SIX.

Counties.
Brown, Calumet,Columbia,
Crawford and Chippewa,
Dane, do.do.
Dodge, do.
do.
do. do.
Fond du Lac,
do. do.
Grant, do. do.
do.
Greene,Iowa and ) 1st district,
Richland, J 2d do.
Jefferson, 1st district,
do. 2d do.
do. 3d do.
La Fayette, 1st district,
do. 2d do.
Marquette,Milwaukee, 1st district,
do. 2d do.
do. 3d do.
do. 4th do.
do. 5th do.
do. 6th do.

Representatives.
David Agry.
Lemuel Goodell.
Joseph Kerr.
William T. Sterling.
Henry M. Warner.
Ebenezer Brigham.
Samuel H. Roys.
Lorenzo Merrill.
Charles Billinghurst.
Benjamin Randall.
Monroe Thompson.
Stephen Jones.
Charles Doty.
Jonathan Dougherty.
James Gilmore.
Noah Virgin.
Armisted 0. Brown.
Arthur W. Worth.
Henry Adams.
Thomas Jenkins.
Abner Nichols.
Wales Emmons.
Peter H. Turner.
Davenport Rood.
Elias Slothower.
Ninian E. Whiteside.
Archibald Nicholls.
Edward Wunderly.
Augustus Greulich.
William W. Brown.
Leonard P. Crary.
Andrew Sullivan.
Horace Chase.

STATE GOVERNMENT.

305

Counties.
Milwaukee, 7th district,
Manitoowoc,
*St. Croix and La Pointe,
Portage,
Racine, 1st district,
do. 2d do.
do. 3d do.
do. 4th do.
do. 5th do.
Rock, 1st district,
do. 2d do.

do. 3d

do.do.

do. 4th
Sauk,
Sheboygan, 1st district,
do 2d do.
Walworth, 1st district,
do. 2d do.
do. 3d do.
do. 4th do.
do. 5th do.
Waukesha, 1st district,
do. 2d do.
do. 3d do.
do. 4th do.
" do. 5th do.
Washington, 1st district,
do. 2d do.
do. 3d
do. 4th
do. 5th
Winnebago,

do.
do.do.

Repressntatives.
Perley J. Shumway.
Ezra Durgen.
William R. Marshall.
James M. Campbell.
David McDonald.
Henry B. Roberts.
Samuel E. Chapman.
Julius L. Gilbert.
Elias Woodworth, Jr.
G. F. A. Atherton.
Alanson B. Vaughn.
f A. P. Blakeslee.
| Robert T. Carey.
Nathaniel Strong.
Delano Pratt.
Charles E. Morris.
Jedediah Brown.
Gaylord Graves.
Prosper Cravath.
Erasmus D. Richardson.
Hugh Long.
Milo Kelsey.
Joseph W. Brackett.
Dewey K. Warren.
Chauncey G. Heath.
George M. Humphrey.
Joseph Bond.
Henry Allen.
Benjamin H. Mooers.
Adolphus Zimmerman.
Densmore H. Maxon.
William Caldwell.
Erasmus D. Hall.

Ninian E. Whiteside was elected Speaker.
Daniel Noble Johnson was elected Chief Clerk.
The Legislature adjourned on the 21st of August, 1848.

SECOND SESSION OF THE STATE LEGISLATURE.
1849.
Senatorial Districts — Members.

1st. Lemuel Goodell.t.
2d. Henry Merrill.
3d. James Fisher.
4th. Warren Chase.
5th. Montgomery M. Cothren.

6th. George W. Lakin.
7th. Dennis Murphy.J
8th. E. T. Gardner. _
9th. Alexander Botkin.
10th. William M. Dennis.

* Seat contested and vacated, replaced by Joseph Bowron.
f Seat contested by H. Eugene Eastman on the ground of ineligibility; but sus
tained in his seat by a vote on reports made.
J Resigned his seat, having been a Postmaster when elected.
Vol. III.— 20

306

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

Senatorial Districts — Members.

11th. Frederick W. Horn.
12th. Myron B. Williams.
13th. Frederick A. Sprague.
14th. John W. Boyd.
15th. Otis W. Norton.

16th. Christopher Latham Sholes,.
17th. Victor Moreau Willard.
18th. Asa Kinney.
19th. John B. Smith.

Counties.
Brown, Calumet,Columbia, Crawford and
Chippewa,
Dane,Dodge,Fond du Lac,
Grant,Greene,
Iowa,Jefferson,Lafayette, Marquette,
Milwaukee,Manitoowoc,Portage,Racine,Rock, Sauk,Sheboygan,
St. Croix and
La Pointe,
Walworth, Waukesha,Washington,Winnebago,

Members of the House of Representatives.
John F. Meade.
A. D. Dick.*
Joseph Kerr.
| J. O'Neill.
Charles Rickerson, Ira W. Bird, Samuel H. Roys.
f Paul Juneau, Hiram Barber, George C. King, Jede-
} diah Kimball, Parker Warren.
Morgan L. Noble, Jonathan Daugherty.
f Robert Young, Davis Gillilan, Robert M. Briggs,.
{ James R. Vineyard.
J. C. Crawford.
Jabez Pierce, Timothy Burns.
Benjamin Nute, J. K. Pike, William H. Johnson.
Daniel M. Parkinson, William Hill.
Satterlee Clark, Jr.
(James B. Cross, Zelotus A. Cotton, Julius White,.
\ Stoddard H. Martin, John Flynn, Jr., Enoch Chase,
( Robert Wason, Jr.
Charles Kuehn.
John Delany.
f Marshall M. Strong, James D. Reymert, M. S. Ayres,
1 Otis Colwell, Herman S. Thorp.
J Anson W. Pope, Samuel G. Oolley, Lucius H. Page,
X Paul Crandall, Josiah F. Willard.
Cyrus Leland.
Harrison C. Hobart, Jedediah Brown.
] Joseph Bowron.
Samuel Pratt, E. J. Hazard, Samuel D. Hastings, G.
H. Lown, Milo Kelsey.
' William H. Thomas, John H. Wells, Albert Alden,
D. H. Rockwell, Thomas Sugden.
Solon Johnson, James Fagan, Peter Turek, Patrick
Toland, Chauncey M. Phelps.
Thomas J. Townsend.

Lieutenantgovernor John E. Holmes, President of the Senate. Wil
liam R. Smith, Chief Clerk. Harrison C. Hobart, Speaker of the House-
Robert L. Ream, Chief Clerk.
This Legislature convened on the 10th of January, 1849, and ad
journed on the 2d of April, 1849.
Session held at the Capitol, at Madison.

* Stockbridge Indian.

ANNALS OF THE LEGISLATURE.

307

THIRD SESSION OF THE STATE LEGISLATURE.
1850.
Senatorial Districts. — Members.

1st. Lemuel Goodell, 11th.
2d. G. De Graw Moore, 12th.
3d. James Fisher, 13th.
4th. John A. Eastman, 14th.
5th. Montgomery M. Cothren. 15th.
6th. John H. Rountree, 16th.
7th. Dennis Murphy. 17th.
8th. William Rittenhouse. 18th.
9th. Alexander Botkin. 19th.
10th. James Giddings.

Frederick W. Horn,
Peter A. Turner,
Frederick A. Sprague,
George Gale,
Otis W. Norton.
Elijah Steele,
Victor M. Willard,
Duncan Campbell Reed.
John B. Smith.

Counties.
Brown, Calumet,
Columbia, Crawford, and
Chippewa,
Dane,Dodge,
Fond du Lac,
Grant,Greene,
Iowa,
Jefferson,La Fayette,
Marquette,Milwaukee,
Manitoowoc,
Portage,Racine,
Rock, Sauk,

Members of the House of Representatives.
Charles D. Robinson.
David E. Wood.
Hugh McFarlane.
| William T. Sterling.
John Hasey, Chauncey Abbott, Oliver B. Bryant.
| Oscar Hurlburt, James Murdock, John Lowth, Wil-
{ liam T. Ward, Malcolm Sellers.
Morgan L. Noble, Bertine Pinkney.
| Harry D. York, William McGonnigle, John B. Tur-
X ley, Jeremiah E. Dodge.
William C. Greene.
Moses M. Strong, Thomas M. Fullerton.
Abram Vanderpool, Austin Kellogg, Alva Stewart.
Cornelius De Long, John K. Williams.
 Spaulding.
(James B. Cross, Charles E. Jenkins, Edward Mc-
l Garry, John E. Cameron, Garret M. Fitzgerald,
( Enoch Chase, Samuel Brown.
Charles Kuehn.
Walter D. Mclndoe.*
f Horace N. Cho pman, ,tepnen O. Bennett, C. P.
X Barnes, Samuel Hale, George M. Robinson.
(William F. Tompkins, John R. Briggs, Leander Hos-
kins, John A. Segar, E. C. Smith.
Caleb Crosswell.

* Seat contested by John Delany, but sustained by vote of the House.

308

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

Counties. Members of the House of Representatives.
Sheboygan, • Horatio N. Smith, F. G. Manney.
St. Croix, and La f T a w ,
Pointe, |J. S.Watrous.
f Alender 0. Babcock, Rufus Cheney, Jr., Alexander
X S. Palmer, George Sykes, Wyman Spooner.
f Patrick Higgins, Henry Shears, Pitts Ellis, John E.

Walworth,

Waukesha,

Washington,Winnebago,

Gallagher, Anson H. Taylor.
f Solon Johnson, Eugene S. Turner, Edward Divin,
{ Henry Weil, Cornelius S. Griffin.
Leonard P. Crary.

Lieutenant-Governor Samuel W. Beall, President of the Senate.
William R. Smith, Chief Clerk.
Moses M. Strong, Speaker of the House.
Alexander T. Gray, Chief Clerk.
This Legislature convened on the 9th of January, 1850, and adjourned
on the 11th of February, 1850.
This session was held at the Capitol at Madison.

FOURTH SESSION OF THE STATE LEGISLATURE.
1851.
Senatorial Districts. — Members.

1st. Theodore Conkey, 11th.
2d. G. De Graw Moore, 12th.
3d. Hiram A. Wright, 13 th.
4th. John A. Eastman, 14th.
5th. Levi Sterling. 15th.
6th. John H. Rountree, 16th.
7th. Samuel G. Bugh, 17th.
8th. William Rittenhouse, 18th.
9th. Eliab B. Dean, Jr., 19th.
10th. James Giddings,

Harvey G. Turner,
Peter H. Turner,
George Hyer,
George Gale,
Andrew Palmer,
O. S. Head,
Stephen O. Bennett,
Duncan C. Beed,
Francis Huebschman.

Counties.
Brown, Calumet,Columbia,CrawfordChippewaDane, Dodge,

Members ofthe House of Representatives.
John F. Lessey.
William H. Dick.*
William T. Bradley.
and | William T. Price.
J Abram A. Boyce, Augustus A. Bird, Gabriel Bjorn-
{ son.
f John Muzzy, Asa W. French, John Lowth, Charles
X B. Whitton, William E. Smith.

Stockbridge Indian.

ANNALS OF THE LEGISLATURE.

309

Counties. Members ofthe House of Representatives.
Fond du Lac, Morris S. Barnett, Charles L. Julius.
Omnt J James B. Johnson, John N. Jones, Robert M. Brisas.
want, | William R. Biddlecome. 8S '
Greene, Julius Hurlburt:
Iowa, Charles G. Rodolph, Richard Tregaskis.
Jefferson, Alonzo Wing, Patrick Rogan, Samuel T. Clothier.
Kenosha, Obed P. Hale, Henry Johnson.
La Fayette, Nathan Olmstead, Samuel Cole:
Marquette, Charles Waldo.
f William K. Wilson, Charles E. Jenkins, John L. Do-
Milwaukee, I ran, George H. Walker, Enoch Chase, Tobias G.
( Osborne, Patrick Cavney.
Manitoowoc, G. C. 0. Malmros.
Portage, and Ma- { Thoma8 j. Moorman.
Racine, William L. Utley, Peter Van Vliet, James Tinker.
f Edward Vincent, William F. Tompkins, John Ban-
X nister, Joseph Kinney,  ¦ Seaver.
Nathaniel Perkins.
A. D. La Due, John D. Murphy.
John 0. Henning.

Rock,

Sauk, Sheboygan,St. Croix and La f
Pointe,
Walworth,

enence

Waukesha,

f Adam E. Ray, Henry C. Hemmingway, Experi
I Estabrook, Elijah Easton, Wyman Spooner.
{John C. Snover. Peter D. Gifford, Aaron V. Groot,
William A. Cone, Hosea Fuller, Jr.

f Frederick W. Horn, Harvey Moore, Frederick Stock,
( Francis Everly, John D. Tall.
Edward Eastman.

Washington,Winnebago, Lieutenant-Governor Samuel W. Beall, President of the Senate.
William Hull, Chief Clerk.
Frederick W. Horn, Speaker of the House.
Alexander T. Gray, Chief Clerk.
This Legislature convened on the 8th of January, 1851, and adjourned
on the 17th of March, 1851.
This session was held at the Capitol at Madison.
FIFTH SESSION OF THE STATE LEGISLATURE.
1852T.

Senatorial Districts. — Members.

1st. Theodore Conkey,
2d. James S. Alban,
3d. Hiram A. Wright,

4th. Bertine Pinkney,
5th. Levi Sterling,
6th. Joel C. Squires,

310

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

Senatorial Districts. — Members.

7th. Samuel G. Bugh,
8th. Thomas S. Bowen,
9th. Eliab B. Dean, Jr.,
10th. Judson Prentiss,
11th. Harvey G. Turner,
12th. Alvah Stewart,
13th. E. B. West,

14th. Eleazer Wakely,
15th. Andrew Palmer,
16th. John R. Sharpstein,
17th. Stephen 0. Bennett,
18th. Duncan C. Reed,
19th. Francis Huebschman.

Counties.

Members of the House of Representative*.

Brown, Door, f
Oconto, and Outa- -j Uriah Peak.
gamie, Calumet;Columbia,Crawford, Chip
pewa, Bad Axe,
and La Crosse,

James Cramond.
James T. Lewis.
Andrew Briggs.

f Alexander Botkin, Hiram H. Giles, William A.
{ Pierce.
J D. L. Bancroft, T. B. Sterling, Maximilian Averbeok;
{ William H. Green, Horace D. Patch.
Benjamin F. Moore, N. M. Donaldson.
f William Richardson, Noah Clemmons, David McKee,
{ Joel Allen Barber.
T. J. Safford.

Dane,Dodge,Fond du Lac,
Grant, Greene,lam?' and MOh" { John Toay' L' M- St*ong'

Jefferson, Kenosha, La Fayette,
Marquette,
Waushara,
Milwaukee,

f Thomas R. Mott, A. H. Van Nostrand, Jacob Skin-
{ ner.
Christopher L. Sholes, Lathrop Burgess.
James H. Earnest, Matthew Murphy.®
and \ Eleazer Root.

Charles Cain, Joseph A. Phelps, Wallace W. Gra
ham, Jonathan L. Burnham, Edward Hasse, Va
lentine Knoell, William Beck.
Ezekiel Ricker.

Manitoowoc,Portage, and Ma- f Q w Cate_
rathon, [ &
Racine, William L. Utley, Abraham Gordon, James Catton.
f William A. Lawrence, Simeon W. Abbot, John Hac-
X kett, George R. Ramsey, Azel Kinney.

Rock,

* Seat contested. Resigned, and replaced by George W. Hammett.

ANNALS OF THE LEGISLATURE. 3H
Counties. Members of the House of Representatives.
Sauk, Jonathan W. Fyffe.
Sheboygan, James McMillan Shafter, David B. Conger.
St. Croix, and La f _ , . „
Pointe, { 0tls Hoy'-
Walworth ¦[ StePnen s- Barlow, J. II. Cooper, Timothy H. Fel-
' j lows, Zerah Meade, Lewis N. Wood.
Waukesha {John U. Hillard, Dennison Worthington, Thomas
1 Sugden, Publius V. Monroe, Findley McNaughton.
Washington I Simeon D. Powers, Phineas M. Johnson, Adam
8 ' X Staats, Densmore W. Maxon, Baruch S. Weil.
Warpter^i0^0-21^-
Lieutenant-Governor Timothy Burns, President of the Senate.
John K. Williams, Chief Clerk.
James McMillan Shafter, Speaker of the House.
Alexander T. Gray, Chief Clerk.
The Legislature convened on the 14th of January, 1852, and adjourned
on the 19th of April, 1852.
This session was held at the Capitol at Madison.
SIXTH SESSION OF THE STATE LEGISLATURE.
1853.
Senatorial Districts. — Members.
1st. Horatio N. Smith, 14th. Alva Stewart,
2d. James S. Alban, 15th. Levi Sterling,
3d. Andrew M. Blair, 16th. Joel C. Squires,
4th. Baruch S. Weil, 17th. Ezra Miller,
5th. Edward M. Hunter, 18th. John R. Briggs, Jr.,
6th. Duncan C. Reed, 19th. Benjamin Allen,
7th. John W. Cary, 20th. Bertine Pinckney
8th. John(R. Sharpstein, 21st. Coles Bashford,
9th. George R. McLane, 22d. Judson Prentice,
10th. Martin H. Bovee, 23d. David S. Vittum,
11th. Thomas T. Whittlesey, 24th. Thomas S. Bowen,
12th. Eleazer Wakeley, 25th. James T. Lewis.
13th. Charles Dunn,
Counties. Members of the House of Representative*,
Adams and Sauk, Charles Armstrong.
Sa^d,^ { H-m A. Wright.
Brown Kewau- j RandaU wilcox
nee and Door, {
Calumet, James Robinson.
Chippewa and La f Albert D, Ladue.
Cross© i
Columbia, 0. D. Coleman, John Q. Adams.

312

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

Counties.
Dane, Dodge,
Fond du Lac,
Greene,
Grant,
Iowa,Jefferson,Kenosha,La Fayette,
La Pointe and St,
Croix.Manitoowoc,Marquette and
Waushara,Milwaukee,

Outagamie, Ocon
to, and Wau- -{ Arthur Resley.
pacca, Portage and Ma
rathon,Racine.

Members of the Ilonse Representatives.
f Matthew Roche, Harvy Barns, Storer W. Fields,
X Perez C. Burdipk, H. L. Foster.
IE. N. Foster, Whitman Sayles, William M. Dennis,
Patrick Kelly, John W. Davis, Edwin Hillyer.
Querin Loehr, Isaac S. Tallmadge, Charles D. Gage,
N. M. Donaldson.
Thomas Fenton.
f Henry D. York, Hyman E. Block, Titus Hayes, Jere-
{ miah E. Dodge, Joel Allen Barber.
Henry Madden, Philip W. Thomas.
f Patrick Rogan, James H. Ostrander, David J. Pow-
{ ers, William W. Woodman, John E. Holmes.*
James McKisson, C. Latham Sholes.
P. B. Simpson, Eli Robinson, Nathan Olmstead.
j Orrin P. Madden.
Ezekiel Ricker.
j Edwin B. Kelsey, Ezra Wheeler.
' Herman Haertel, Edward McGarry, Joseph Meyer,
Henry C. AVest, Richard Carlile, Henry L. Palmer,
Wm. A. Hawkins, Enoch Chase, John H. Tweedy.

George W. Cate.

Richland,
Rock, Sheboygan,
Washington,Walworth, Waukesha,Winnebago.

Horace T. Sanders, William H. Roe, Thomas West,
Philo Belden.
Henry Conner.
f Charles Stevens, Harrison Stebbins, William D. Mur-
{ ray, Harvey Holmes.
David Taylor, Charles B. Coleman.
f James W. Porter, Charles E. Chamberlain, William
X P. Barnes, Charles Schuttes.
f John Bell, James Lauderdale, Joseph W. Seaver, T.
1 II. Fellows, 0. F. Bartlett, T. W. Hill.
J Winchel D. Bacon, Edward Lees, Orson Reed, Elisha
[ Pearl.
Curtis Reed, Lucas M. Miller.

Lieutenant-Governor Timothy Burns, President of the Senate.
John K. Williams, Chief Clerk of the Senate.
Henry L. Palmer, Speaker of the House of Assembly.
Thomas McIIugh, Chief Clerk.
This Legislature convened on the 12th of January, 1853, and ad
journed on the 4th day of April, 1853, until the 6th day of June follow
ing, for the purpose, that the Senate might sit as a Court of Impeachment,
and the Assembly be present to prosecute the trial of Levi Hubbell,

* Seat contested by Benjamin E. Adams, but sustained by vote of the House-

ANNALS OF THE LEGISLATURE.

313

Judge ofthe Second Judicial Circuit, against whom Articles of Impeach
ment had been exhibited, charging him with acts of corrupt conduct and
malfeasance in office. For this purpose the Legislature again convened
on the 6th day of June, and adjourned finally on the 13th of July,
1853.

SEVENTH SESSION OF THE FIRST STATE LEGISLATURE.
1854.
Senatorial Districts. — Members.

1st. Horatio N. Smith, 14th.
2d. Joseph F. Loy, 15th.
3d. Andrew M. Blair, 16th.
4th. Baltus Mantz, 17th.
5th. Edward M. Hunter, 18th.
6th. Edward McGary, 19th.
7th. John W. Cary, 20th.
8th. Levi Grant, " 21st.
9 th. George R. McLane, 22d.
10th. James D. Reymert, 23d.
11th. Thomas T. Whittlesey, 24th,
12th. Eleazer Wakeley, 25th.
13th. Charles Dunn,

Daniel Howell,
Levi Sterling.
Nelson Dewey,
Ezra Miller,
Lewis P. Harvey,*
Benjamin Allen,
Charles A. Eldridge,
Coles Bashford,
Ezra A. Bowen,
David S. Vittum,
Francis II. West,
John Quincy Adams.

Counties.
Adams and Sauk,
Bad Axe and
Crawford,
Brown, Kewau
nee and Door,
Calumet,Chippewa, Buffa
lo, Jackson and
Clarke,Columbia,
Dane,Dodge, Fond du Lac,
Grant,Greene,Iowa, Jefferson, Kenosha,

Members of the House of Representatives.
0. C. Remington.
William F. Terhune.
Francis Desnoyer.
' Alexander H. Hart.
William J. Gibson.
Alfred Topliff, A. C. Ketchum.
Samuel H. Baker, Harry Barnes, Harlow S. Orton,
Peter W. Matts, C. R. Head.
B. F. Barney, George Fox, Francis McCormick, Ruel
Parker, Allen H. Atwater, John W. Davis.
Major J. Thomas, N. M. Donaldson, Isaac S. Tall-
madge, Edward Boener.
William Hull, Lewis Rood, Milas K. Young, William
Jeffrey, Edward Estabrook.
Abner Mitchell.
Lemuel W. Joiner, John Toay,
f Charles J. Bell, David L. Morrison, Darius Reed,
{ William Eustis, Theodore Bernhardt.
Samuel Hale, Jesse Hooker

* Seat contested by John R. Briggs who claimed to hold over on constitutional
grounds, but did not prevail.

314

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

Counties.
La Fayette,
La Pointe, St.
Croix, Pierce and
Polk,Manitoowoc,Marquette and
Waushara,Milwaukee,Outagamie, Ocon
to and Waupacca,
Ozaukee, Portage and Ma
rathon,Racine,Richland,Rock, Sheboygan,
Washington,
Walworth,

Waukesha,Winnebago,

Members of the House of Representatives.
f James H. Knowlton, James H. Earnest, Peter Park-
{ inson, Jr.
William M. Torbert.
James M. Kyle.
J Archibald Nichols, Samuel McCracken.
{John Crawford, Jackson Hadley, Peter Lavis, Henry
Beecroft, Timothy Hagerty, Edward O'Neill, John
Tobin, William Reinhardt, William E. Webster.
¦! John B. Jacobs,.*
Frederick W. Horn, Milo M. Wheedon.f
j Walter D. Mclndoe.
J Nelson R. Norton, Charles S. Wright, John Smith,
X Thomas West.
Nathaniel Wheeler.
( J. L. V. Thomas, David Noggle, Samuel G. Colley,
{ Joseph Spaulding.
Adolph Rosenthal, John Mathes.
Adam Schantz, Philip Zimmerman.
f William P. Allen, 0. F. Bartlett, P. W. Lake, Simeon
¦1 W. Spaffard, Perry G. Harrington, Andrew Whi-
( ting.
J Edward Lees, Jesse Smith, Dennis Worthington,
X Chauncey H. Purple.
Corydon L. Rich, George Gary.

Lieutenant-Governor, James T. Lewis, President ofthe Senate.
Samuel G. Bugh, Chief Clerk of the Senate.
Frederick W. Horn, Speaker of the Assembly.
William Hull, Speaker of the Assembly, pro tempore.
Thomas McIIugh, Chief Clerk of the Assembly.
The Legislature convened on the 11th day of January, 1854, and
adjourned on the 3d day of April, 1854.

* Seat contested successfully, by David Scott, who obtained it.
t Seat contested by Daniel M. Miller, unsuccessfully.

SIEGE OF DETEOIT, IN" 1712.

General Lewis Cass, when minister to France, obtained
permission from the French Government, to examine the Co
lonial Archives, at Paris, and to have such of the documents
copied as were important to the early history of this region.
The following is among the papers thus obtained, and is the
official report of M. Dubuisson, commandant of the Fort at
Detroit, of its memorable siege by the savages, in 1712.
OFFICIAL REPORT.
To the Marquis de Vaudreuil,
Governor-General of New France.
Sir : — As I have thought it was of great consequence to in
form you of the state of this post by an express canoe, I
have requested Mr. De Vincennes to make the voyage, having
assured him that this arrangement would be pleasing to you,
persuaded as I am, sir, that you are very solicitous about what
passes here. The fatigue I undergo, day and night, in con
sequence of the public and private councils that I hold with
the Indians, preventing me from rendering you a detailed
account of all the circumstances, Mr. De Vincennes has
promised to forget nothing which has passed, in order to
communicate it fully to you.
The destruction of two Mascoutin and Ottagamie villages
is qne of the principal reasons which induces me to send this
express conoe. It is God, who has suffered these two auda
cious nations to perish. They had received many presents,
and some belts, from the English, to destroy the post of Fort
Pontchartrain, and then to cut our throats, and those of some

316 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
of our allies, particularly the Hurons and Ottawas, residing
upon the Detroit River ; and after that, these wretches in
tended to settle among the English and devote themselves to
their service. It is said that the band of Oninetonam, and
that of Mucatemangona, have been received among the Iro
quois, and have established a village upon their lands. This
information has been brought by three canoes of Outagamies,
who have been defeated by the Chippeways, within four lea
gues of this post. I am under some apprehension for the sa
fety of Mr. Delaforet, because, being no doubt upon his march
to this place, he may fall in with some of those hostile bands,
who have joined themselves to the Iroquois.
The band of the great chief Lamina, and that of the great
chief Pemoussa, came early in spring, and encamped, in spite
of my opposition, at about fifty paces from my fort, never
willing to listen to me, speaking always with much insolence,
and calling themselves the owners of all this country. It
was necessary for me to be very mild, having, as you know,
sir, but thirty Frenchmen with me, and wishing to retain eight
Miamis, who were with Mr. De Vincennes, and also to sow
our grain, and pasture our cattle ; and, besides, the Ottawas
and Hurons had not come in from their winter hunt. I was
thus exposed every day to a thousand insult3. The fowls, pi
geons, and other animals belonging to the French, were killed
without their daring to say a word, and for myself, I was in
no condition openly to declare my intentions.
One of their parties entered my fort, in order to kill one
of the inhabitants, named Lagmeriesse, and a daughter of
Roy, another inhabitant. I could then no longer restrain
myself, but took arms to prevent their accomplishing their
object. I compelled them to retire immediately from the
vicinity of the fort, in order not to give them time to strengthen
their party, as they expected the Kickapoos, their allies,«that
they might together execute their nefarious project ; hoping
to be strong enough to retire without loss among the English
and Iroquois. They waited but for a favourable moment to
set fire to the fort.

SIEGE OF DETROIT. 317
But they were alarmed, when they learned that the party
of Mascoutins, who had wintered upon the heads of the St.
Joseph, had been cut off to the number of a hundred and fifty
men, women, and children, by Saguinaw, a war-chief of the
Ottawas and Pottawatamies. They immediately determined
to set fire to an Ottawa cabin, which was close by the gate of
my fort. I was informed of their intention by an Ottagamie
Indian, named Joseph, who long since left his people and came
to reside among us. It was from him I learned all that passed in
the Ottagamie and Mascoutins village. He had the honour to
he presented to you, sir, last year, at Montreal. He informed
me of the intention to set fire to my fort, and I immediately
sent an express canoe to the hunting-grounds of the Ottawas
and Hurons, to request them to join me as soon as possible. I
sent also another canoe to the other side of the lake, to invite
the Chippeways and Mississaugas to join us.
The church, and the house of Mr. Mullet were outside of
the fort, and all our wheat was stored there. The contrary
winds prevented our allies from arriving, which troubled me
much, as the circumstances now pressing, I prevailed on the
few Frenchmen, who were with me, immediately to bring the
wheat into the fort. And it was well I did so ; for two days
later it would have been pillaged. We had to fire upon the
enemy to secure it, and as it was, they stole a considerable
portion of it. But the principal object was to pull down, as
quickly as possible, the church, the storehouse, and some other
houses which were near my fort, and so close, that the In
dians, at any time, by setting fire to them, might have burnt
our works. And, besides, it was important, in order to defend
ourselves in case of an attack, which very soon took place.
It becomes us to render thanks to the Lord for his mercies.
We should have been lost if I had not formed this determi
nation. I put on the best countenance I could, encouraging
the French, who were in consternation, believing themselves
lost. The apprehension I entertained, that some accident
might happen to the French, who had not yet arrived, and
the necessity of sowing our grain and pasturing our cattle,

318 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
prevented me from refusing them permission to enter the fort
to trade, for fear they should suspect I was aware of their
object. The only thing I could do was to tell them that I
apprehended the Miamis would attack me, because I permitted
them to remain so near, and therefore I was about to repair
my fort. They did not appear to give much credit to my as
sertions. Our men were obliged to draw some posts, of which
the Indians had taken possession, in order to repair the fort,
as soon as possible, and I succeeded perfectly well in effecting
the repairs with material taken from some of the houses.
They wished to preserve a pigeon-house, from which they
might have assailed us, but I deceived them, and took poses-
sion of it. I placed it immediately opposite their fort, and
pierced it with loop-holes. I mounted two swivels upon logs
of wood, to serve as cannon in case of necessity.
The thirteenth of May, while I was impatiently awaiting
the arrival of my allies, who were the only aid I could expect,
Mr. De Vincennes arrived from the Miami country, with seven
or eight Frenchmen. He brought me no news of the In
dians, which gave me much trouble, and I did not know on
what saint to call. But Heaven watched over our preserva
tion, and, when I least expected it, there entered a Huron,
all breathless, who said to me, "My Father, I wish to speak
to you in secret. I am sent to you by our peace chiefs."
There were then in their villages but seven or eight men. It
seems that our deliverance was miraculous, for all the others
arrived two hours after, and the Ottawas also. The messen
ger said, God has pity on you. He has decreed that your
enemies, and ours, should perish. I bring you information
that four men have just arrived at our fort, not daring to en
ter yours, on account of the Ottagamies and Mascoutins, who
surround you. Makisabie, war-chief of the Pottawatamies,
and his brother, Tehamasimon, are at their head, and desire
to council with you.
I requested Mr. De Vincennes to meet them, and he recog
nized at once the four Indians. He returned, an hour after,
to render me an account of the interview, and told me, on the

SIEGE OP DETROIT. 319
part of Makisahie, that six hundred men would soon arrive to
aid me, and to eat those miserable nations, who had troubled
all the country. That it was necessary to keep myself on my
guard against the Ottagamies and Mascoutins, who might
learn of the expected arrival of assistance.
I requested Mr. De Vincennes to return to the Huron fort,
and to ascertain from Makisabie, if it would not be satisfac
tory to his people to content ourselves with driving away the
Mascoutins and the Ottagamies, and compelling them to
return to their former villages, which, sir, was your intention.
But this could not be done, for the Hurons were too much
irritated. This great affair had been too well concerted dur
ing the whole autumn and winter with all the nations. Mr.
De Vincennes, perceiving it would only irritate the Hurons to
speak of accommodation, dropped the subject, and the more
readily, as they said these wicked men never kept their words.
Nothing else could be done, but to be silent, and to put the
best face upon the affair, while we fought with them against
our common enemies. The Hurons even reproached us with
being tired of living, as we knew the bad intentions of the
Ottagamies and Mascoutins. They said it was absolutely
necessary to destroy them, and to extinguish their fire, and
it was your intention they should perish. They added, that
they knew your views on this subject at Montreal.
Mr. De Vincennes returned, and told me it was useless to
speak of any accommodation. And, in truth, I well knew
there was great danger in having so many nations around us,
of whose good intentions we were not certain. I then closed
the gates of the fort, and divided my few Frenchmen into
four brigades, each having its brigadier. I inspected their
arms and ammunition, and assigned them their stations on the
bastions. I put four of them into the redoubt I had just
constructed. I placed some of them at the two curtains, which
were most exposed, and armed them with spears. My two
cannon were all ready, with slugs of iron prepared to load
them, which had been made by the blacksmith. Our Rev.
Father held himself ready to give a general absolution, in

320 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
case of necessity, and to assist the wounded, if there should
be any. He communicated also the Sacred Host.
Every arrangement being made, and while we were waiting
with impatience, I was informed that there were many people
in sight. I immediately ascended a bastion, and casting my
eyes towards the woods, I saw the army of the nations of the
south issuing from it. They were the Illinois, the Missouris,
the Osages and other nations yet more remote. There were
also with them, the Ottawa Chief, Saguina, and also the Pota-
watamies, the Sacs, and some Menomenies. Detroit never
saw such a collection of people. It is surprising how much
all these nations are irritated against the Mascoutins and the
Ottagamies. This army marched in good order, with as many
flags, as there were different nations, and it proceeded directly
to the fort of the Hurons. These Indians said to the head
chief of the army, " you must not encamp. Affairs are too
pressing. We must enter immediately into our Father's Fort,
and fight for him. As he has always had pity on us, and as
he loves us, we ought to die for him. And don't you see that
smoke also. They are the women of your village, Saguina,
who are burning there, and your wife is among them." Not
another word was necessary. There arose a great cry, and,
at the same time, they all began to run, having the Hurons
and the Ottawas at their head. The Ottagamies and the
Mascoutins raised also their war cry, and about forty of them
issued from their fort, all naked, and well armed, running to
meet our Indians, and to brave them, in order to make them
believe they were not afraid. They were obliged however, to
retreat immediately, and to return to their village. Our In
dians requested permission to enter my fort, which I granted,
seeing they were much excited. It was my design they
should encamp near the woods, that they might not be trou
blesome to us. All the Indian chiefs assembled upon the
parade ground of my fort, and spoke to me as follows : " My
Father, I speak to you on the part of all the nations, your
children, who are before you. What you did last year in
drawing their flesh from the fire, which the Ottagamies were

SIEGE OF DETROIT. 321
about to roast and eat, well merits that we should bring you
our bodies, to make you the master of them, and to do all you
wish. We do not fear death, whenever it is necessary to die
for you. We have only to request, that you would pray the
Father of all Nations to have pity on our women, and our
children, in case we should lose our lives with you. We beg
you to throw a blade of grass upon our bones to protect them
from the flies. You see, my father, that we have abandoned
our villages, our women and our children, to hasten as soon
as possible to join you. We hope that you will have pity on
us, and that you will give us something to eat, and a little
tobacco to smoke. We have come from a distance, and are
destitute of every thing ; we hope you will give us powder
and balls to fight with you. We don't make a great speech.
We perceive that we fatigue you and your people, by the
ardour which you show for the fight." I immediately an
swered them, and briefly : "I thank you, my children; the
determination that you have taken, to offer to die with us, is
very agreeable to me, and causes me much pleasure. I re
cognize you as the true children of the Governor General,
and I shall not fail to render him an account of all you have
done for me to-day. You need not doubt, that when any
question respecting your interest arises, he will regard it
favourably. I receive orders from him every day, to watch
continually for the preservation of his children. With re
gard to your necessities, I know you want every thing. The
fire which has just taken place, is unlucky for you, as well as
for me. I will do all I can to provide you with what you
want. I beg you to live in peace, union, and good intelli
gence together, as well among your different nations as with
the French people. This will be the best means of enabling
us to defeat our common enemies. Take courage then ; in
spect and repair your war clubs, your bows and arrows, and
especially your guns. I shall supply you with powder and
ball immediately, and then will attack our enemies. This is
all I have to say to you."
All the Indians uttered a cry of joy and of thanks, and
Vol. III.— 21

322 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
said : " our enemies are dead from the present moment. The
heavens begin to grow clear, and the Master of Life has pity
on us."
All the old men made harangues through the fort, to en
courage the warriors, telling them to listen to my words, and
strictly to obey all my orders. I distributed among them
immediately a quantity of balls and powder ; and then we all
raised the war cry. The very earth trembled. The enemy,
who were not more than a pistol shot distant, raised also their
war cry, at the same time. The guns were immediately dis
charged on both sides, and the balls flew like hail.
We had to do as our Indians did, in order to encourage
them. The powder and balls that you had the goodness to
send us, sir, the past autumn, did not last long. I was obliged
to have recourse to three barrels, that Mr. de Lamothe left
with a certain Roy to sell, not leaving me a single grain when
he went away, for the defence of the fort, in case of an attack.
All mine was exhausted, as well as a quantity which I had
been obliged to purchase of some of the French people.
I held the Ottagamies and the Mascoutins in a state of
siege during nineteen days, wearing them out by a continual
fire night and day. In order to avoid our fires, they were
obliged to dig holes four or five feet deep in the ground, and
to shelter themselves there. I had erected two large scaf
folds, twenty feet high, the better to fire into their villages.
They could not go out for water, and they were exhausted by
hunger and thirst. I had from four to five hundred men, who
blockaded their village night and day, so that no one could
issue to seek assistance. All our Indians went and hid them
selves at the edge of the woods, whence they continually
returned with prisoners, who came to join their people, not
knowing they were besieged. Their sport was to shoot them,
or to fire arrows at them and then burn them.
The enemy that I had kept besieged, thinking to intimidate
me, and by this means to have the field left open to them,
covered their palisades with scarlet blankets and then hallooed
to me that they wished the earth was all coloured with blood;

SIEGE OF DETROIT. 323
these red blankets were the mark of it ; they hoisted twelve
red blankets as standards in twelve different places of their
village. I well knew that these signals were English, and
that they fought for them. This, indeed, they told us, for we
could speak from one fort to the other. They said they had
no father but the English, and told all the nations our allies,
that they would do much better to quit our side and join
theirs. The great war chief of the Pottawatamies, after having re
quested my advice and permission, mounted one of my scaf
folds and spoke to our enemies in the name of all our nations
in these words : " Wicked nations that you are, you hope to
frighten us by all that red colour which you exhibit in your
village. Learn, that if the earth is covered with blood, it
will be with yours. You speak to us ofthe English ; they are
he cause of your destruction, because you have listened to
their bad counsel. They are enemies of pray er, and it is for
that reason that the Master of Life chastises them, as well as
you, wicked men that you are ; don't you know as well as we
do that the Father of all the Nations, who is at Montreal,
sends continually parties of his young men against the Eng
lish to make war, and who take so many prisoners, that they
do not know what to do with them. The English, who are
cowards, only defend themselves by secretly killing men by
that wicked strong drink, which has caused so many men to
die immediately after drinking it. Thus we shall see what
will happen to you for having listened to them."
I was obliged to stop this conversation, perceiving that the
enemy had requested to speak, merely to attract our atten
tion while they went for water. I ordered our great fire to
recommence, which was so violent, that we killed more than
thirty men, and some women, who had secretly gone out for
water I lost that day twelve men, who were killed in my
fort The enemy, in spite of my opposition, had taken pos
session of a house, where they had erected a scaffold behind
the gable end, which was of earth. Our balls could not pen
etrate this defence, and thus, every day, many of our people

324 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
were killed. This obliged me to raise upon one of my scaf
folds, the two large logs upon which mere mounted our swiv
els. I loaded them with slugs, and caused them to be fired
upon the scaffold, which troubled me so much. They were so
well aimed, that at the first two discharges, we heard the
scaffolds fall, and some of the enemy were killed. They were
so frightened, that we heard them utter cries and frightful
groans, and towards evening they called out to know if I
would allow them to come and speak to me. I assembled
immediately the Chiefs of all the nations who were with me,
to ascertain their opinion ; and we agreed it was best to listen
to them, in order, by some stratagem, to withdraw from them
three of our women, whom they had made prisoners some
days before the siege, and one of whom was the wife of the
great war chief Saguina. I told them, through my interpre
ter, that they might come in safety, to speak to me, as I was
willing they should have that satisfaction before dying.
They did not fail, the next morning, to make me a visit.
We were very much surprised not to see the red flag in their
village, but only a white flag. It was the great chief Pe-
moussa, who was at the head of this first embassy. He came
out of his village with two other Indians, carrying a white
flag in his hand. I sent my interpreter to meet him, and con
duct him to me, and to protect him from the insults of some
of the young warriors. He entered my fort ; I placed him in
the midst of the parade ground, and then I assembled all the
chiefs of the nations who were with me, to hear our embassa
dor, who spoke in these words : —
(Presenting a belt of wampum and two slaves.)
"My Father, I am dead ; I see very well, that the heaven
is clear and beautiful for you only, and that for me it is alto
gether dark. — When I left my village, I hoped that you would
willingly listen to me. I demand of you, my Father, by this
belt, which I lay at your feet, that you have pity on your
children, and that you do not refuse them the two days that
they ask you, in which there shall be no firing on either side,

SIEGE OF DETROIT. 325
that our old men may hold a council, to find the means of
turning away your wrath.
« It is to you that I now speak, you other children, list
ening to the advice of our father ; this belt is to pray you
to recollect that you are our kindred. If you shed our
blood, recollect that it is also your own ; endeavour, then
to soften the heart of our father, whom we have so often
offended. " These two slaves are to replace, perhaps, a little blood
that you may have lost. I do not speak many words until
our old men can counsel together, if you grant us those two
days that I have asked of you."
I answered him thus : — "If your hearts were properly
moved, and if you truly considered the Governor at Montreal
as your father, you would have begun by bringing with you
the three women whom you hold as prisoners; not having
done so, I believe your hearts are yet had. If you expect me
to listen to you, begin by bringing them here. This is all I
have to say."
All the chiefs who were with me, exclaimed with a high
voice, " My father, after what you have just said, we have
nothing to answer to this embassador. Let him obey you, if
he wishes to live."
The embassador answered, "I am only a child. I shall
return to my village, to render an account of what you have
said, to our old men."
Thus finished the council. I gave him three or four French
men to reconduct him, assuring him that we would not fire
upon his village during the day, on condition, however, that
no one should leave it to seek water ; and that if they did
so, the truce should be at an end, and we should fire upon
them. Two hours after, three chiefs, two of them Mascoutins, and
the third an Outagamie, came bearing a flag, and bringing
with them the three women. I made them enter into the
same place where the others were stationed, and where all
our chiefs were again assembled. The three messengers spoke

326 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
as follows : — " My father, here are these three pieces of flesh.
that you ask of us. We would not eat them, thinking you
would call us to an account for it. Do what you please with
them. You are the master. Now, we Mascoutins and Outa-
gamies request, that you would cause all the nations who are
with you to retire, in order that we may freely seek provi
sions for our women and our children. Many die, every day,
of hunger. All our village regret that we have displeased you.
If you are as good a father as all your children, who are
around you, say you are, you will not refuse the favour we
ask of you."
As I had now the three women whom I sought, I did not
care any longer to keep fair with them, and I therefore an
swered, "If you had eaten my flesh, which you have now
brought to me, you would not have been living at this mo
ment. You would have felt such terrible coils, that they
would have covered you so deep in the ground, that no one
would any longer speak of you, so true is it that I love the
flesh of the father of all the nations. With regard to the
liberty that you demand, I leave to my children to answer
you. Therefore I shall not say any more."
The head-chief of the Illinois, whose name is Makouandeby,
was appointed by the chiefs of the other nations, to speak in
these words : —
" My father, we all thank you for your kindness to us ; we
thank you for it, and since you give us permission to speak,
we shall do so."
And then, addressing the hostile chiefs, he said: — "Now
listen to me, ye nations who have troubled all the earth. We
perceive clearly, by your words, that you seek only to surprise
our father, and to deceive him again, in demanding that we
should retire. We should no sooner do so, but you would
again torment our father, and you would infallibly shed his
blood. You are dogs, who have always bit him. You have
never been sensible of the favours you have received from all
the French. You have thought, wretches as you are, that we
did not know all the speeches you have received from the

SIEGE OF DETROIT. 327
English, telling you to cut the throats of our father, and of
his children, and then to lead the English into this country.
Go away, then. For us, we will not stir a step from you; we
are determined to die with our father ; we should disobey him ;
because we know your had heart, and we would not leave him
alone with you. We shall see from this moment who will be
master, you or us ; you have now only to retire, and as soon
as you shall re-enter your fort, we shall fire upon you."
I sent an escort to conduct the embassadors to their fort,
and we began to fire again as usual. We were three or four
days without any intercourse, firing briskly on both sides. The
enemy discharged their arrows so rapidly, that more than
three or four hundred were flying at the same time, and at
their ends were lighted fuses : the object being to burn us, as
they had threatened to do. I found myself very much em
barrassed ; the arrows fell upon all our quarters, which were
covered with straw, so that the fire easily caught many of
them, which frightened the French so much that they thought
everything was lost. I re-assured them, telling. them that
this was nothing, and that we must find a remedy as soon as
possible. " Come then," said I, " take courage, let us take
off the thatch from the houses, and let us cover them with
bear skins and deer skins; our Indians will help us." I then
directed them to bring in two large wooden pirogues, which I
filled with water, and provided Badrouilles at the end of rods,
to extinguish the fire, when it should break out any where,
and hooks to pull out the arrows. There were four or five
Frenchmen who were wounded. I fell into another embar
rassment, much greater than this. My Indians became dis
couraged, and wished to go away, a part of them saying, that
they should never conquer those nations. — That they knew
them well, and that they were braver than any other people ;
and, besides, I could no longer furnish them with provisions.
This inconstancy ought to teach us how dangerous it is to
leave a post so distant as this without troops. I then saw
myself on the point of being abandoned, and left a prey to

328

DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.

our enemies, who would not have granted us any quarter, and
the English would have triumphed.
The French were so frightened, that they told me they saw
clearly it was necessary we should retire as quickly as possi
ble to Michilimacinac. I said to them, " What are you think
ing of? Is it possible you can entertain such sentiments?
What ! abandon a post in such a cowardly manner ? Dismiss
such thoughts, my friends, from your minds ; do things appear-
so bad ? You ought to know, that if you should abandon me,
the Governor-General would follow you every where, to punish
you for your cowardice. What the Indians have just said
ought not to frighten you. I am going to speak to all the
chiefs in private, and inspire them with new courage. There
fore change your views, and let me act, and you will see that
every thing will go well." They answered me, that they did
not think of retiring without my consent, nor without me at
their head ; believing that we could not hold the place if our
Indians should abandon us. They begged me to pardon them,
and assured me that they would do all I wished. And, truly,
I was afterward very well contented with them. They did
their duty like brave people.
I was four days and four nights, without taking any repose,.
and without eating or drinking, striving all the time to secure
to my interest all the young war-chiefs, in order to keep the
Warriors firm, and to encourage them, so that they would
not quit us until our enemies were defeated. To succeed in
this object, I stripped myself of all I had, making presents to
one and another. You know sir, that with the Indians one
must not be mean. I flatter myself that you will have the
goodness to approve all these expenditures, which for me are
immense, and for the King of no consequence ; for otherwise
I should be very much to be pitied, having a large family,
which occasions me a great expense, at Quebec.
Having gained all the Indians in private, I held a general
council, to which I called all the nations, and said to them :
" What, my children ! when you are just on the point of
destroying these wicked nations, do you think of retreating

SIEGE OF DETROIT. 329
shamefully, after having so well begun ? Could you lift up
your heads again ? You would be overwhelmed with confu
sion. All the other nations would say, are these the brave
warriors, who fled so ignominiously, after having abandoned
the French? Be not troubled, take courage, we will en
deavour yet to find a few provisions. The Hurons and the
Ottawas, your brothers, offer you some. I will do all I can
to comfort you and to aid you. Don't you see, that our ene
mies can hardly preserve their position. Hunger and thirst
overpower them. We shall quickly render ourselves masters
pf their bodies. Will it not be very pleasant, after such a
result, when you visit Montreal, to receive there the thanks
and friendship of the father of all nations, who will thank
you for having risked your lives with me ? For you cannot
doubt, that in the report I shall make to him, I shall render
justice to each of you, for all you will have done. You must
also be aware, that to defeat these two nations, is to give that
life and peace to your women and children, which they have
not yet enjoyed."
The young war chiefs, whom I had gained, did not give me
time to finish, but said to me, "My father, allow us to inter
rupt you ; we believe there is some liar, who has told you
falsehoods. We assure you, that we all love you too much,
to abandon you, and we are not such cowards as is reported.
We are resolved, even if we are much more pressed with hun
ger, not to quit you, till your enemies are utterly destroyed."
All the old men approved of these sentiments, and said " come
on, come on, let us hasten to arm ourselves, and prove that
those are liars, who have reported evil of us to our father."
They then raised a great cry, and sung the war song, and
danced the war dance, and a large party went to fight.
Every day some Sacs, who had lived some time with the
Ottagamies, left their fort and come to join their people, who
were with me, and who received them with much pleasure.
They made known to us the condition of our enemies, assuring
us that they were reduced to the last extremity ; that from
sjxty to eighty women and children had died from hunger and

330 * DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
thirst, and that their bodies and the bodies of those, who were
killed every day, caused an infection in their camp, as they
could not inter their dead, in consequence of the heavy fire
that we continually kept up.
Under these circumstances, they demanded permission to
speak to us, which was granted. Their messengers were
their two great chiefs, one of peace, the other of war ; the
first named Allamima, and the other Pemoussa. With them,
were two great Mascoutin chiefs, one Kuit, and the other
Onabimaniton. Pemoussa was at the head of the three others,
having a crown of wampum upon his head and many belts of
wampum on his body, and hung over his shoulders. He was
painted with green earth, and supported by seven female
slaves, who were also painted and covered with wampum.
The three other chiefs had each a' Chichory in their hands.
All of them marched in order, singing and shouting with all
their might, to the song of the Chichories, calling all the
devils to' their assistance, and to have pity on them. They
had even figures of little devils hanging on their girdles.
They entered my fort in this manner when being placed in
the midst of the nations, our allies, they spoke as follows :
" My father, I speak to you, and to all the nations who are
before you. I come to you to demand life. It is no longer
ours. You are the masters of it. All the nations have
abandoned us. I bring you my flesh in the seven slaves,
whom I put at your feet. But do not believe I am afraid to
die. It is the life of our women, and our children, that I ask
of you. I beg you to allow the sun to shine, let the sky be
clear, that we can see the day, and that, hereafter, our affairs
may be prosperous. Here are six belts, that we give you,
which bind us to you, like your true slaves. Untie them,
we beg you, to show that you give us life. Recollect,
ye nations, that you are our great nephews ; tell us some
thing, I pray you, which can give pleasure on our return to
our village."
I left it to our Indians to answer these embassadors. They
were, however, so much enraged against them, that they

SIEGE OF DETROIT. 331
would not give them any answer. Eight or ten of them asked
permission to speak to me in private.
" My father, we come to ask liberty of you to break the
heads of those four great chiefs. They are the men who pre
vent our enemies from surrendering at discretion. When
these shall be no longer at their head, they will find them
selves much embarrassed, and will surrender."
I told them they must be drunk to make me such a propo
sition. " Recollect, that they came here upon my word, and
you have given me yours. We must act with good faith, and
if such a thing were done, how could you trust one another ?
Besides, if I acquiesced in this proposition, the Governor-
General would never pardon me. Dismiss it, therefore, from
your thoughts. They must return peaceably. You see
clearly that they cannot avoid us, since you resolved not to
give them quarter."
They confessed I was right, and that they were foolish.
We dismissed the embassadors in all safety, without, however,
giving them any further answer. These poor wretches well
knew there was no longer any hope for them.
I confess, sir, that I was touched with compassion, at their
misfortunes ; but as war and pity do not well agree together,
and particularly, as I understood, they were paid by the Eng
lish, for our destruction, I abandoned them to their unfortu
nate fate ; indeed, I hastened to have this tragedy finished,
in order that the example might strike terror to the English,
and to themselves.
The great fire recommenced, more and more violently ; the
enemy being in despair, beaten in their village and out of it ;
and when they wished to go for water or to gather a few
herbs, to appease their hunger, had no other resource but an
obscure night with rain, in order to effect their escape. They
awaited it with much impatience, and it came on the nine
teenth day of the siege. They did not fail to make use of it,
decamping about midnight, and we did not know their escape
until daylight. I encouraged our people, and they pursued
them very vigorously. Mr. De Vincennes joined in the pur-

332 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
suit, with some Frenchmen, and this gave much pleasure to
the Indians.
The enemy, not doubting but that they would be pursued,
stopped at the Presq' isle, which is opposite Hog Island, near
Lake St. Clair, four leagues from the fort.
Our people, not perceiving their entrenchment, pushed into
it, and lost there twenty men, killed and wounded. It was
necessary to form a second siege, and also an encampment.
The camp was regularly laid out ; there were a hundred ca
noes every day, as well Ottowas, Hurons and Chippeways,
as Mississaugas to carry provisions there. The chiefs sent to
me for two cannon and all the axes and mattocks that I had,
to cut timber, and to place it so as to approach the hostile
entrenchment ; together with powder and ball. As for the
Indian corn, tobacco and seasoning, they were supplied as
usual, without counting all the kettles of the French, which
are now lost, and that I had to pay for.
The enemy held their position for four days, fighting with
much courage ; and finally, not being able to do any thing
more, surrendered at discretion to our people, who gave them
no quarter. All were killed except the women and children,
whose lives were spared, and one hundred men, who had been
tied, but escaped.
All our allies returned to our fort with their slaves, having
avoided it before, as they thought it was infective. Their
amusement was to shoot for four or five of them every day.
The Hurons did not spare a single one of theirs.
In this manner came to an end, sir, these two wicked
nations, who so badly afflicted and troubled all the country.
Our Rev. Father chaunted a grand mass to render thanks to
God for having preserved us from the enemy.
The Ottagamies and Mascoutins had constructed a very
good fort, which, as I said, was within pistol shot of mine.
Our people did not dare to undertake to storm it, notwith
standing all I could say. The works were defended by three
hundred men, and our loss would have been great, had we
assaulted it ; but the siege would not have been so long.

SIEGE OF DETROIT. 333
Our Indians lost sixty men killed and wounded, thirty of
whom were killed in the fort, and a Frenchman, named Ger
main, and five or six others were wounded with arrows. The
enemy lost a thousand souls, men, women, and children.
I ought not to forget, sir, to state, that there were about
twenty-five Iroquois, who had joined themselves to the Hu
rons of the Fond du Lac in this war. These two nations
distinguished themselves above all the others, and therefore
their loss has been proportionably greater. They received
the thanks of all the Indians, and more particularly, of the
Pottawatamies, to whom they made satisfaction for an old
quarrel, by presents*of slaves and pipes. I brought about
this accommodation. I dare venture to assure you, sir, that
the general Assembly of all the nations has put them at
peace with one another, and renewed their ancient alliance.
They calculate upon receiving many presents, which they say,
sir, you promised them.
I have determined, with the consent of his nation, to send
to you the grand chief of the Illinois Rock village. His name
is Chachagonache. He is a good man, and has much autho
rity, and I trust, sir, that you will induce him to make peace
with the Miamis.
This affair is of very great consequence, the Miamis having
sent me word that they should abandon their village and build
another on the Oyou, in the fond of Lake Erie. It is pre
cisely where the English are about to erect a fort, according
to the belts they have sent to the different nations. They also
said that they would be contented if you sent them, sir, a
garrison and a Rev. Father, a Jesuit, and some presents, that
they say you promised them.
Makisabie, the Pottawatamie chief, has much influence over
the mind of this Illinois chief. He goes with him. Joseph,
who accompanies them, deserves your kindness. I have had
much trouble to save his life.
I venture, sir, to request, that you would take care that the
Indians, who are with Mr. De Vincennes, return contented;
their visit secures this post.

334 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Saguina has complained to me, that Mr. Destiettes would
not wait for him last spring, believing it was through con
tempt. Poor Otchipouac died this winter. It is a great loss to us,
for he had much firmness, and was well disposed toward the
French. We have another difficult affair, which threatens to
give us much trouble. The Kickapoos, who live at the mouth
of the Maumee River, are ahout to make war upon us, now
that our allies have left us ; about thirty Mascoutins have
joined them. A canoe of Kickapoos, who came here to speak
to the three villages, has been defeated by the Hurons and
Ottawas. Among them was a principH chief, whose head
was brought to me, with the heads of three others. This was
done out of resentment, because the last winter they had
taken prisoners some of the Hurons and the Iroquois ; besides,
they considered him a true Ottagamie. I believe that, if Mr.
De Vincennes had not been at the mouth of the Maumee at
the time, the Kickapoos would have killed the two Hurons and
the Iroquois. There was every probability of it. Those same
Indians took prisoner, also, Langlois, who was on his return
from the Miami country, and who had charge of many letters
from the Rev. Fathers, the Jesuits of the Illinois villages.
All these letters have been destroyed, which circumstance has
given me much uneasiness, as I am sure, sir, there were some
for you from Louisiana. They dismissed him, after robbing
him of his peltry, charging him to return and tell them the
news ; but he had no more desire to do that, than I had to
permit him. However, the Ottawas might safely send there,
because the Kickapoos have among them one of their women,
with her children. I will endeavour to prevail upon' the Ot
tawas and the Hurons, to accommodate their difficulties with
the Kickapoos, in order that our repose may not be troubled
here. The different nations have returned peaceably with all their
slaves. Saguina has abandoned his village, and gone to Mi-
chilimacinac. The Pottawatamies abandoned also theirs,' and
will either come hero or go to the Illinois. More than half

SIEGE OF DETROIT. 335
of the Ottawas of this place will repair to Michilimacinac.
The Chippeways and Mississaguas will go to Topicanich.
They have not at all been disposed to make any satisfaction
to the Miamis, for the murder of the last year, with Mr. De
Tonty. The Miamis are very urgent upon this subject. I
spare no trouble to induce them to. be patient, and also to
persuade them that I am labouring earnestly for their
interest. I have the honour to inform you, sir, that I accomplished a
measure the last year, that Mr. De Lamothe never could effect,
during all the time he was here ; which was to compel the
Ottawas to make a solid peace with the Miamis, and to engage
them to visit the latter, which, till now, they never would do.
I succeed very happily in the object, the Miamis having re
ceived them very kindly, and a durable alliance has been the
consequence. I flatter myself, sir, it will be agreeable to you to be in
formed that Mr. De Vincennes has faithfully performed his
duty, and that he has laboured assiduously here, as well as
on his voyage to the Miamis and Ouyatonons, the last
winter. If I am so happy, sir, as to receive your approbation of my
conduct, I shall be fully compensated for all my trouble, and
shall experience no more dejection.
My success has been much owing to the great influence I
have over the nations ; Mr. De Vincennes is the witness of
this. I do not say this in order to gratify my vanity, or to
claim any credit, for, truly, I am very tired of Detroit.
You can easily judge, sir, in what a condition my affairs
must be, in consequence of having no presents, belonging to
the king, in my hands. However, I venture to trust to your
goodness, and hope that you will not suffer a devil to be re
duced to beggary.
I have the honour to he, with very profound respect, sir,
your very humble, and very obedient servant,
(Signed,) Dubuisson.
Au Fort du Detroit, Pontchartrain, Jane 15, 1712.

336 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Statement of expenditures, made hy Mr. Dubuisson, for the
service of the king, to gaiu an influence over the nations, and
to secure them in his interest, in order to sustain the post of
the Fort de Pontchartrain, of Detroit, against the Ottagamies
and Mascoutins, who had been paid by the English to destroy
it, to wit : Livres.
4 barrels of powder, of 50 lbs. each, to distribute to
the Indians for the defence of Fort de Pontchar
train, and to attack that of the Ottagamies and
Mascoutins ; the powder having been purchased of
the voyageurs, at 4 livres pr. lb., making the sum of 800
300 lbs. balls, for the same object, at 50 sols the lb., 450
60 bags of Indian corn, at 8 livres the bag, for the
subsistence of the Indians, - - 480
300 flints, at 7 sols per hundred, - - 21
5 guns to give to five chiefs, in order to attach them
to the interests of Mr. Dubuisson, estimated at 30
livres each, - - 150
8 blankets, to bury certain principal Indians, killed in
the service, estimated at 30 livres each, - 240
8 pr. of leggins, for the same object, at 7 livres 10
sols the pr., - 60
8 shirts, for the same object, at 10 livres each, - 80
100 lbs. tobacco, to be ready to be given to the In
dians at all times, at 4 livres the lb., - - 400
190 butcher knives, to use as bayonets, for the In
dians, - ... 100
3 lbs. vermillion, to paint the warriors, at 40 livres
the lb.,  120

2,901
I certify that I furnished, for the service of the king, for
the defence of Fort de Pontchartrain, the articles mentioned
in the above statement.
Done at Quebec, Oct. 14, 1712.
(Signed,) DUBUISSON.

EARLY ADVENTURE,

WILLIAM EARNSWORTH'S VOYAGE, 1818.
An instance of personal enterprise and adventure, similar
as regards the route undertaken in going and returning, to
that pursued by Father Marquette, has occurred in our own
day, and is worthy of being recorded. In the summer of the
year 1818, William Farnsworth, now of Sheboygan, was at
Michillimackinac, together with Ramsay Crooks, of the
American Fur Company, whose business called him to St.
Louis. Accordingly, Messrs. Crooks and Farnsworth, with
seventeen voyageurs, and three passengers, embarked in a
birch-bark canoe at Michillimackinac, and passed up the Lake
and Green Bay to the mouth of Fox River. This river they
ascended, overcoming the Falls, and crossing the Portages,
until they arrived at the present site of Winnebago City,
where the last carrying-place, brought them into the Wiscon
sin River. This stream they descended to its junction with
the Mississippi, which latter they also floated upon, until they
had arrived at St. Louis. Their own health, and that of their
voyageurs, continued good, and their birch-bark canoe was in
careful order. Having transacted their business, the return
route was commenced, and the Mississippi ascended as far as the
mouth of the Illinois River. Pursuing their homeward course
up the Illinois, they at length arrived at the portage across to
the Chicago River, into which they launched their canoe, and
descended to Lake Michigan. At that time, there were only
two or three families there, Beaubien's and Dr. Wolcott's are
remembered. The old fort had been destroyed in 1812, and
although regarrisoned in 1816, yet, when our adventurers
Vol. III.— 22 337

§38 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
were there, it was abandoned. From the present site of the
city of Chicago, our birch-bark canoe, and living freight,
coasted along the western shore of Lake Michigan, until they
arrived at the entrance of Milwaukee River. At this place,
there had been a trading post, of traders from Montreal, pre
vious to any establishment by the American Fur Company.
Our party did not land here, but they saw a considerable num
ber of Indians on the banks of the river ; they were a mixed
people, consisting of Pottowatamies, Ottawas, Menomonies,
and Chippewas. It is said, that, whenever any Indians of
these bands had committed any depredation, or offence, punish
able according to Indian law, they made their escape to these
parts, as somewhat out of the general course of gregarious
communication of the several tribes, and here associated them
selves together. Winnebagoes also were found among them,
and they intermarried with the former, as their villages were
at a short distance only, both westward and northward.
The next point our travellers came to, was the mouth of
Sheboygan River, and here they landed on the 1st of July,
1818. A great number of Indians were at this time assem
bled here, and from their representations, and the beauty of
the location, together with its apparent appropriateness for a
trading post, Mr. Farnsworth was induced, two years after
ward, to commence trading with them at this point.
After having been about one month only on their novel
and adventurous voyage, of more than eighteen hundred
miles, Messrs. Crooks and Farnsworth, with their full com
plement of voyagers, who had set out with them, returned to
Michillimackinac in the same birch-bark canoe, in safety and
in health.
In 1820, Mr. Farnsworth sent two persons in his employ to
the mouth of Sheboygan River, with merchandize, to trade
with the Indians, which trade was continued by him until
1834, when the whites began to settle in the adjoining coun
try, as the lands were then being surveyed. At the land
sales, in 1835, Messrs. William Farnsworth, Daniel Whitney,
and William Bruce made entry of one thousand two hundred

EARLY ADVENTURE. r 339
and eighty acres, including the present village of Sheboygan,
and both sides of the river. Mr. William Farnsworth still
resides at Sheboygan, and the location still possesses the
beauty of aspect, and apparent business and trading advan
tages which they exhibited to him in 1818, and induced his
settlement at this delightful point on the western shore of
Lake Michigan.

PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF COLONEL WILLIAM S.
HAMILTON.
Colonel Hamilton says, that he started from Springfield,
Illinois, for Rock Island, in May 1825, to attend to some
business there. After having attended to it he started back
for Springfield. When he reached the Mackinaw River, he
met a drove of cattle belonging to him, which on leaving
Springfield for Rock Island he had ordered to be sent to
Green Bay, he having a contract to supply the fort at that
place with cattle. On reaching the Mackinaw he found that
the drove had been crossed over, but that in effecting a pas
sage, a man had been lost by drowning, the river being very
much swollen. The party with the cattle being discouraged,
the colonel decided at once, to accompany them himself to
Green Bay. He crossed the Mackinaw at Dillon's settle
ment. He left the Mackinaw for Green Bay some time early
in June with four men and about seven hundred head of
cattle. His route from the Mackinaw was to the Illinois at
the mouth of the Fox River. At that time there was no
settlement between Dillon's, on the Mackinaw, and Chicago,
except on a stream called "Nine Mile Creek," a stream be
tween the Mackinaw and Vermillion. William Holland was
living where he crossed "Nine Mile Creek;" Holland had
been the Indian Blacksmith at Peoria.
At the mouth of Fox River, he found some Potawatomies ;
he crossed the Illinois just above the mouth of the Fox; the
river being high, it was necessary to swim it. His cattle had
cost him on an average less than ten dollars a head.

340 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
When he arrived at Chicago he found the fort was not
occupied by troops, but was under the care of  For
syth, the Indian agent. He there met with Colonel Beaubien
and  Crafts, of the American Fur Company. In
crossing the Chicago River, Colonel Beaubien's brother, in
assisting the passage of the cattle contrived to drown one of
them, so that they might have a chance to buy it, as he after
wards (in 1836) told Colonel Hamilton ; knowing that Colonel
Hamilton would not sell, as his cattle were contracted for, by
the government. He also met at Chicago with Dr. Wolcott
who was married to a daughter of Mr. Forsyth. He also
met there with Lieutenant Helm, formerly of the United
States army, and his wife ; Helm was one of those, who were
saved at the Chicago massacre. He also found there a
Frenchman named " Ouillimette"1 who had a farm on the
Chicago River. From Chicago to Gros Pointe he followed
up the lake, though not immediately along the shore. Not
far from Gros Pointe, on a level and not elevated piece of
ground, were the remains of an old fort, called at that time
« Little Fort," the site perhaps, of the town now called by
the same name. From Gros Pointe to Milwaukee, he fol
lowed mainly the shore of the lake ; there were no white in
habitants between Chicago and Milwaukee ; they passed some
few Indians, but no Indian villages.
On reaching Milwaukee he found but one solitary person
there, — Solomon Juneau. He was entirely alone — he had not
his family with him — there was not even an Indian there.
Colonel Hamilton thinks he recollects that Juneau told him
that some persons had gone off for provisions. James Kinzie1
had a trading house on the south side of Milwaukee River,
but at that time it was not occupied. Juneau had a trading
house on the north side of the river. There were no other
persons having houses there at that time. He found Juneau
nearly starved out, and delighted to see him and his provi-

1 Of Gros Pointe, and Root River, afterwards.
2 Of Racine.

.2

EARLY ADVENTURE. 34^
sions. ^ Mr. Juneau at that time was an Engage1 for the
American Fur Company.
Colonel Hamilton kept up the lake from Milwaukee to
Manitoowoc ; between the two places he found Colonel Ebe
nezer Childs, afterwards a member of the Legislature from
Brown County, with a party of men, with a seine, and a
Mackinaw boat fishing for white fish ; Childs and his party
were from Green Bay; there was no settlement between Mil
waukee and Manitoowoc. At Manitoowoc, they left the lake
for Green Bay ; the first house they reached was at Duck
Creek,1 where was a saw mill, about four miles from Green
Bay. At Green Bay was Fort Howard, garrisoned by a regiment
of troops under the command of Major Whistler ; the town
of Green Bay was then mostly occupied by the French.
There were some Americans there, but about four-fifths of the
people were French ; of the Americans then there, were
Arndt, Law, the Irwins. Colonel Brevoort was Indian Agent.
Colonel Hamilton arrived at the bay about the 27th or
28th of June ; by his contract he was to be there with his
cattle on the 4th of July. He remained there until the 6th
or 7th of July, when he took the back track to Milwaukee.
There was an Indian village at Manitoowoc, or Twin Rivers,
of different tribes.2 On his return to Milwaukee he found
Juneau, a few other Frenchmen and some Indians. At Mil
waukee he left the lake, and followed an Indian trail south
westerly and came upon the Illinois somewhere about Mount
Joliet. From thence he kept down the Illinois to the mouth
of Fox River where he crossed it and thence went back to
Springfield by the usual route.
It was on this trip that Colonel Hamilton first set his foot
in Wisconsin ; he lost none of his cattle except the one pur
posely drowned in the Chicago River.

1 He means Maniton River.
2 The " mixed people, Chippewas, Ottawas, Menomonees, Potawatamies,"
as at Milwaukee.

^42 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
The above narrative was taken from Colonel Hamilton's
dictation hy Cyrus Woodman, Esq., on February 11th, 1849.
Colonel Hamilton after having resided in Iowa County, Wis
consin since 1828, went to California, and died there in 1851.

EARLY MAIL-CARRIERS.
RELATED TO THE COMPILER BY JAMES HALPIN.
In May, 1832, James Halpin, (now of Madison, Superin
tendent of public property,) at that time a soldier in the
United States army, commenced carrying a mail from Prairie
du Chien to Fort Snelling, by order of Colonel Zachary Tay
lor, then in command at Fort Crawford. He travelled the
most of the time on foot, and continued to carry his mail-bag
for one year. The time spent in going and returning was
fourteen days ; the distance between the two posts was about
three hundred miles. He crossed the Mississippi at Prairie
du Chien, and travelled on the western side of the river. He
crossed the Upper Iowa River by means of a canoe, which he
found on the bank, it having probably been left there by some
traveller, or, perhaps, by an Indian. There was no stream
of any consequence, except the Iowa, to cross, until he
reached the St. Peter's River, near Fort Snelling. There
was no shelter, cabin, or tent for him on the route, but some
times he would come across a temporary Indian encampment,
where he was always well treated ; but he seldom found the
encampment in the same place a second time. His duties
were certainly of a very laborious character, and it is well
known that they were faithfully discharged.

LEAD TRADE WITH THE INDIANS.

Mr. John Shaw, of Marquette county, Wisconsin, had
boated on the Mississippi, between St. Louis aud Prairie du
Chien, during the years 1816, '17, '18, '19, and '20, and in
this period made eight trips between these two places, carry
ing merchandize, and trading on the river. He had made an
effort to go up the river, in 1815, but the Indians would not
permit him; in June, 1816, he succeeded.
The Indian traders on the Upper Mississippi had made
purchases of goods from the merchants at St. Louis ; in pay
ment for which, they were desirous of remitting lead from the
upper mines, which had been received by them, in trade, from
the Indians, and all of which was of their own smelting and
manufacture from the mineral.
At this period, boats were propelled up the Mississippi by
means of poles and sails ; and, in this manner, a distance of one
hundred and ten miles has been accomplished in one day,
against the stream. The voyage up the river, from St. Louis to
Prairie du Chien, ranged from twelve days to one month ; in
descending the river, from the one point to the other, the
average time occupied was from six to ten days.
Having arrived at Prairie du Chien, in 1816, with his cargo,
and discharged it, Mr. Shaw returned down the river, having
been directed by the traders to procure a back freight of
lead at the lead mines, near where the city of Galena now is
situated ; he learned that the Indians were greatly opposed to
his going up Fevre River, lest he should see the lead mines,
although this was subsequent to the treaty of 1815.
When Mr. Shaw reached the point where Cassville now is
•built, the traders requested him to remain with his boat at the
343

344 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
mouth of Fevre River, until they brought the lead down to
him. This he refused to do, as he was desirous of going up the
river himself, if permission could be obtained from the In
dians. This permission was denied, the Indians giving as a
reason for their refusal, that the "white men* must not see
their lead mines." Mr. Shaw speaking French as fluently as
English, he was passed off to the Indians as a Frenchman,
and thus permitted to go up Fevre River, to their smelting
establishments. In the immediate neighbourhood of the site
of the present city of Galena, there were at least twenty fur
naces ; the lead of each trader was stacked up separately on
the bank of Fevre River. This lead was in masses called
plats, each of which weighed about seventy pounds, near the
uniform weight of the cast pigs of lead of the present day.
These plats were made by smelting the mineral in a small
walled hole, in which the fuel and mineral were mingled, and
the liquid lead run out, in front, into a hole scooped in the
earth, so that a bowl-shaped mass of lead was formed therein.
At this time, Mr. Shaw took in his boat seventy tons of lead,
and still left much at the furnaces.

INCIDENTS OF THE WAR OF 1812.
ATTACK AT ROCK ISLAND.
The personal narrative of Mr. John Shaw, of Marquette
county, Wisconsin, touching events of the war of 1812, gives
the following relation : —
" Previous to the capture of Prairie du Chien, General Wil
liam Clark, having superintendence at St. Louis, (perhaps
under Governor Howard,) fitted out a large boat, having on
hoard all the men that could be mustered and spared from
the lower country, to ascend the Mississippi and protect the
1 Meaning the " Americans exclusively."

INCIDENTS OF THE WAR OF 1812. .345
upper settlements. This boat, with from two hundred and fifty,
to three hundred men on board, ascended the river as far as
Prairie du Chien. On their arrival at the prairie, they im
mediately commenced putting the old fort in a state of defence,
repairing the out-works, and fortifying it in the best manner
they were able. In a short time, Colonel McCoy,1 of the
British army, arrived with a large force of British and In
dians. Col. McCoy had reached Green Bay after the surren
der of Mackinaw, and had been piloted up the Fox River, with
his forces, to the Winnebago Portage ; thence he descended
the Wisconsin River to, Prairie du Chien. It is well known,
that Joseph Rolette, late of Prairie du Chien, residing then,
it is believed, at Mackinaw, assisted in piloting the expedition.
The British force, with their Indian allies, was overwhelming;
the fort was captured, after a determined and strong resis
tance, and an indiscriminate massacre of the Americans, by
the savage allies of the British, would undoubtedly have taken
place, had it not been for the utmost humane exertions of
Colonel McCoy. Even these exertions to save the lives of the
prisoners, were at times doubtful in their result, until, after
repeated and forcible remonstrances with the Indians against
their contemplated barbarous massacre, the colonel succeeded
in getting the prisoners on board of the large boat, which had
brought the Americans up the Mississippi, and she commenced
her downward voyage. The colonel, in the spirit of a generous
and humane enemy, despatched some force with her, in order to
protect the prisoners, and even then the Indians followed, as
if determined never to relinquish their prey, which they saw
thus rescued from their grasp. The boat passed Rock Island,
and having descended the Rapids, she was out of danger from
the Indians ; in fact, when she arrived at the head of the
Rapids, the pursuit was abandoned by her savage enemies-3

1 Or McKay, as sometimes called.
" Black Hawk, in his memoirs, states that he had seen the large boat
going up the river, and also in descending it ; when he saw the boat return
ing, he then knew that Prairie du Chien was captured. (1814.)

346 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
"About two months after the capture of Prairie du Chien,
Major Zachary Taylor came up the Mississippi, with twenty-
two fortified boats, each containing an average of about eighty
men, under his command. When the expedition arrived near
Rock Island, it was discovered that about four thousand In
dians had there collected. The British had erected a false,
painted battery, on the left bank of the river, apparently
mounted with six twelve-pounders ; but in reality they had
but two guns with them, one of which was entrusted to the
care of the Indians.1 Mr. Shaw was on board the boat with
Major Taylor. The battle commenced, and the first ball from
the British guns passed completely through the advance boat,
on which was Taylor, and he instantly ordered it to be put
about ; the second ball cut off the steering oar of the next
boat that was advancing, and a strong wind springing up at
that moment, this boat drifted over the river to the western
bank, a short distance below the present town of Davenport ;
the men having no oar to steer with, could not prevent this
occurrence. About one thousand Indians immediately took to
their canoes, and paddled over the river, expecting, no doubt,
to get the boat as a prize, as she must inevitably drift into
shallow water. The Indians kept up a constant fire on the
unfortunate boat, and a number of Indians, mounted on horse
back, came galloping down the western shore, with their guns
elevated in their right hands, gleaming in the sun, and shout
ing their war-cries in the most hideous manner. On the first
fire from the British guns, and immediately after the passage
of the ball through the foremost boat, Major Taylor had or
dered a retreat. General Samuel Whiteside, who had com
mand of one of the boats, impelled with the natural desire of
assisting the disabled boat, that was drifting across the river,
into the power of merciless enemies, disobeyed the order, and
Steered toward the disabled craft. When he approached it,
he called for ' some brave man to cast a cable from his own
boat on board of her.' An individual, named Paul Harpole,
1 See Black Hawk's Account.

RED BIRD'S DISTURBANCE. 347
jumped from the disabled boat, in a most exposed situation,
caught the cable, and made it fast to the boat. In less than
a minute's time, a thousand Indians would have been aboard
of her ; she was then in two and a half feet water, among
small willows, which in some measure protected the Indians.
In the mean while, Harpole called for guns to be handed him
from below; stood on the deck of the boat, completely ex
posed ; fired no less than fourteen guns, when he was even
tually struck in the forehead by a ball ; he pitched forward
towards the Indians, and the instant he struck the water, the
savages had hold of him, hauled him on shore, and cut him
with their knives into a hundred pieces. All this was wit
nessed by the other boats, and the crippled boat having been
towed off into deep water, the whole body retreated, and
descended the Mississippi."
This expedition under Major Taylor had left St. Louis on
the third of August, 1814.

RED BIRD'S DISTURBANCES.

The personal narrative of James H. Lockwood, Esq., of
Prairie du Chien, in relation to events which occurred in
that vicinity during the Indian disturbances, as communicated
to the compiler, is as follows :
" Red Bird died in prison some time previous to the trial
of two other Indians who were concerned with him in the
murder of Solomon Lipcap, and Registe Gagnier on the lower
end of the Prairie du Chien. Red Bird belonged to the band
of Win-no-shic, and was considered by the traders, previous
to this murder, as a good Indian, a good hunter, &c. ; he
always claimed to be English, and when he came among the
whites, usually wore a red coat. He is suspected to have
been concerned in the murder of Methode and family in the
Spring of 1827, but I am not aware that there was any testi
mony against him to that effect.
« Methode was a half-breed from the Red River ; he came to

348 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
this place (Prairie du Chien) some time in the summer of
1826, and in the spring of 1827 went about twelve miles
above this, on the Iowa side, to Painted Rock Creek, to make
maple sugar ; he took his family with him, consisting of his
wife and two children, and the wife enciente. When they
were discovered, they were so burned that it was impossible
to ascertain whether they had been murdered and then
burned, or whether their cabin had caught fire when they
were asleep, and they were thus burned ; but the belief here
was, that they were first murdered by the Indians and then
burned. " During the winter of 1826-7 a report had been circulated
among the Winnebagoes that the Americans and English
were going to war the next summer, and the Indians on the
Mississippi and Rock Rivers instead of hunting, had spent
most of their time in feasts and councils, as to the course
they should pursue. Their conduct was somewhat controlled
by the vacillating policy of the general government as to the
abandonment of old Fort Crawford. In those days the mail
facilities of this place were such, that sometimes, letters or
despatches of the government by keel-boat conveyance, were
ninety days on their way from St. Louis.
"In the winter and spring of 1826, I think, orders were
twice received by the commanding ofiicer to abandon Fort
Crawford, and before he could obey the order, another would
he received by him, countermanding it ; but some time in Oc
tober 1826, a positive order was received to abandon the post,
and go to Fort Snelling with the troops, and if transportation
for the stores, ammunition, arms, &c, could not be procured,
to leave them in the fort in charge of some person. They
accordingly abandoned to the fort, leaving arms, ammunition,
&c, in charge of John Marsh, then Indian sub-agent for the
Winnebagoes. "About a week or two before the abandonment of the fort,
it was reported that the Winnebagoes intended to attack the
fort; an alarm was thus created, and the commandant had
been making considerable repairs on account of it. All this

RED BIRD'S DISTURBANCE. 349
was known to the Indians, through the half-breeds, and the
abandonment of the fort under these circumstances, led the
Indians to believe that the act was done through fear of them.
Although it was known to the traders that there was a great
deal of excitement among the Winnebagoes, they did not
generally believe that there would be any outbreak against
the whites.
"After the troops had gone, there were no American fami
lies left in Prairie du Chien except that of James H. Lock-
wood, which consisted of his wife and self; they resided in a
house near the present Fort Crawford, on the site now occu
pied by the commanding officer. The house was thirty feet
by twenty feet, with a cellar and cellar kitchen under the
house ; on the first floor a hall ran through the house, on the
south side, the longest way ; on the north side of the hall
was a parlour in front, and a bed-room back ; a stair-way and
door led from the cellar-kitchen into the hall ; there was a
door from the hall into both the parlour and bed room, also a
door from the parlour into the bed-room. A wing was added
to the south side of the house, in which Mr. Lockwood kept
his store, and a door opened from the hall into the store.
"On the 25th day of June, 1827, Mr. Lockwood not believing
that there would be any difficulty, left home in a boat, by way
of the Wisconsin River and Green Bay, for New Yosk, and
leaving his wife at home. Having proceeded some twenty
miles up the Wisconsin River, towards night, he met with
some Winnebagoes on an island. These were Indians that he
knew, but from their conduct he became a little alarmed, and
began to fear that all was not right ; nevertheless he went on
a little farther and encamped, the Indians following under
pretence of camping with him, which an old man did; but
two young men begged some powder and candles, under pre
tence of hunting deer, and promised to bring him some veni
son in the morning, but he did not see them again.
"On the 26th of June, Red Bird with his two companions
went into the cellar kitchen of Mr. Lookwood's house, (where
there was a servant-girl belonging to one of the tribes of the

350 HISTORY OF WISCONSIN.
New York Indians at Green Bay,) and loaded their guns.
They then went up stairs into Mrs. Lockwood's bed-room,
and when they came in, she at once thought that they had
come to kill her, and she fled through the parlour, and across
the hall into the store, to her brother a young man about six
teen years of age. Here she found Duncan Graham, who had
been some forty years in the country as a trader, and was
known to all the Indians as an Englishman. The Indians
followed Mrs. Lockwood into the store, but Mr. Graham per
suaded them to go away. They then went to the lower end of
the Prairie du Chien where a man of mixed blood, (negro,) by
the name of Registe Gagnier, was residing with his family,
and an old discharged American soldier, by the name of Lip-
cap. They soon raised a quarrel with Gagnier and shot him
in his house ; Lipcap was hoeing in the garden, and they shot
him down also ; the wife made her escape with one child,
through a window, with a gun in her hand, and came to the
village ; but in her hurry she had forgot her youngest child,
which the Indians scalped, cut a severe gash in its neck, and
threw it under the bed, where it was afterwards found.
This child ultimately recovered, and is now married and the
mother of children.
" On the 26th, Mr. Lockwood proceeded on his way up the
Wisconsin, and about eight o'clock met with some Indians
from the Portage who appeared friendly, and pleased to meet
him, which in a measure removed his apprehensions of there
being any thing wrong among the Winnebagoes. Leaving
them, he proceeded on until about four o'clock, when, as he
arrived at Prairie du Bay, a Menomonee express canoe over
took him, with a line from John Marsh stating the murders
of Gagnier and Lipcap, and requesting his immediate return.
"Mr. Lockwood immediately turned back with the Menomi-
nies, but did not reach Prairie du Chien until the morning of
the 27th, when he found the inhabitants assembled at Brunet's
tavern in the old village of Prairie du Chien; and, as usual in
such cases, without a head and without ammunition. They
would not go to the old fort because some of the people had

RED BIRD'S DISTURBANCE. 351
circulated a report that the Indians had said, that if the in
habitants went into the fort, they were going to burn it.
" Thus the day was passed in making some breastworks of
timber about the tavern, and repairing some old guns until
about sun down, when a keel-boat arrived from above, bring
ing one dead Winnebago, and one Frenchman and the clerk
of the boat, with four or five of the hands wounded; the
marks of about five hundred ball holes shot into the boat
were also apparent ; all of which matters created an addi
tional panic, and the inhabitants managed to arrange among
themselves, so as to keep up a guard that night.
"But the guard imagined that they saw a great many In
dians lurking about during the night, and in the morning
there appeared a general discontent among them. Almost
every man had a project of defence of his own. One party
proposed going to the house of Mr. Lockwood and fortifying
around it ; others, for doing the same at other places. Mr.
Lockwood, on hearing these different opinions, addressed the
people in something like the following terms :
" You may go to my house, and fortify around it, if that is
thought to be best, but I do not want you to go there to protect
it ; I have left it, and if the Indians burn it, so be it ; but
there is one thing we all must do — some body must command,
and the others must obey."
" Some one then nominated Mr. Lockwood, but he declined,
saying, "No, I would attempt to command you; but here is
Thomas McNair, the regularly appointed and commissioned
captain. If you will obey him, I will be the first to set the
example of obedience to him, and will furnish you with pow
der and ball as long as you want to shoot ; (Mr. Lockwood
then being the only person having lead and powder which
they could get ;) but if you will not obey McNair, I am going
to put my things into my boat, and go down stream, as I will
not risk myself Avith a mob without a head."
« They immediately agreed that they would obey McNair,
and he ordered all to the old fort, where we set to work
repairing it as well as we could. On the fourth of July, Go-

352 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
vernor Cass arrived, mustered the militia into the service of
the United States, and appointed James H. Lockwood quar
ter master and commissary, with the privilege of using his
own funds to supply the company ; and then went down to
Galena and raised a volunteer company, under Captain Abner
Field, who in a few days came to our relief.
"Previous to the arrival of Governor Cass, Mr. Lockwood
had sent an express on the west side of the Mississippi to
Fort Snelling, informing Colonel Snelling, the commandant,
of our situation, who, immediately on receiving the express,
embarked two companies on a keel boat, and promptly came
to our relief.
"The origin of the Indian difficulty in this neighbourhood,
in 1832, was somewhat in this manner: Some Sacs and
Foxes, in 1830, had killed some Sioux, on or about the head
waters of Red Cedar River, in the now State of Iowa, and it
was known that a party of Foxes were expected here (Prairie
du Chien) at a certain time, to transact business with the
agent. Some young Sioux collected here, and, having also
collected a few Menomonies, they went down the river about
ten or twelve miles, to a prairie on the left bank of the Mis
sissippi, called the Prairie de Pierre, where they lay in ambush
for the Foxes, and killed a number of them. The next sum
mer, a party of Foxes watched the Menomonies, and found
them encamped on an island, less than a quarter of a mile
from old Fort Crawford. Most of the Menomonies being
beastly drunk, the Foxes fell upon them, and killed about
thirty of them, they themselves escaping without any harm.
"With regard to the Mr. Aitkin, for whose murder the In
dian Che-ga-wey-cum was tried, at Prairie du Chien, in 1837,
the following particulars are gathered.
"Alfred Aitken, who was killed by the Chippewa Indian, on
the 6th of September, 1836, having been shot by him with a
shot gun, was a half-breed son of William Aitkin, a trader,
Avho had been in the Lake Superior country for many years.
I think he was a native of Upper Canada, and was employed
by the Southwest Fur Company, when quite young. He was

INDIAN LEAD FURNACES. 353
a British subject, for Mr. Astor, after the war of 1812, pro
cured (as I suppose for his own interest,) an act of Congress
to be passed, excluding foreigners from the Indian trade
within the limits of our territory, and, in 1815, purchased
all the interest of the Southwest Fur Company in this coun
try. William Aitkin, Avith many others of the employees
of that company, were not willing to leave the country, and
applied, and were naturalized. Aitkin was of Scotch descent,
and, as I am informed, had taken to wife a Chippeway woman,
by whom he had a large family, and the young man who was
murdered by the Indians, was, I believe, the eldest son by this
connection. On the trial, the Indian was acquitted.

INDIAN LEAD FURNACES.

The Indians had their lead diggings in many parts of the
country, now properly called the lead bearing region ; these
diggings were of course shallow, they not possessing either
the necessary tools, the ability, or the industry of sinking
shafts of any depth. Their mode of smelting was thus : A
hole, or cavity, was dug in the face of a piece of sloping
ground, about two feet in depth, and as much in width, at the
top ; this hole was made in the shape of a mill-hopper, and
lined, or faced, with flat stones. At the bottom, or point of
the hopper, which was about eight or nine inches square, other
narrow stones were laid across, grate- wise; — a channel, or
eye, was dug from the sloping side of the ground, inwards,
to the bottom of the hopper ; this channel was about a foot
in width, and in height, and was filled with dry wood and
brush. The hopper being filled with the mineral, and the
wood ignited, in a few minutes the molten lead fell through
the stones, at the bottom of the hopper, and thence was dis
charged, through the eye, over the earth. It was certainly a
Vol. III.— 23

354 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
simple, but rough and improvident way of gathering the
melted lead ; but in the great abundance of mineral, and ease
of its procuration, it sufficed for the wants of the Indian. At
many of these primitive smelting places, the white settlers
afterward extracted a profitable harvest of rich lead from the
slag and refuse of the Indian labourers' smelting ; but even
with the whites, in after time, the old ash-and-log furnace was
little better than the Indian mode of smelting, in regard to
economy.

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL.
ITS HISTORY.
The vast importance to the agricultural and commercial
interests of the New Territory of Wisconsin, of uniting the
waters of Lake Michigan with those of Rock River by means
of a canal, claimed the attention of the first settlers at a very
early day. During the summer of the year 1836, heing the
year succeeding that, in which Milwaukee dates her settle
ment as a village, Byron Kilbourn, Esq., then a resident of
that place, with the aid of other experienced persons, made
Borne general examinations in a district of country then hut
little known, which resulted in a full conviction that such
connecting canal could not only readily be constructed, but
that the expenses of its completion would be moderate, in
comparison with those incurred in the undertaking of other
similar enterprises.
Fully impressed with the conviction of the result of almost
incalculable benefits, not only to the central portions of Wis
consin, but to the opposite extremes of the Territory, in the
construction of the contemplated water communication, espe
cially if connected with a railroad, many citizens united in
presenting a petition to the First Legislative Assembly at its
session held at Belmont in 1836, praying for a charter of in
corporation for a company, to effect the desired purpose.

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 355
On the 29th of November, 1836, a bill was introduced in
the House of Representatives, entitled " A Bill to incorpo
rate the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal Company," which
was laid on the table, and no further action was had upon it,
at that session of the Territorial Legislature.
During the ensuing year, 1837, a preliminary survey of the
ground between the two desired points of connection, accom
panied with an approximate estimate of the cost of the work,
was made ; the entire feasibilty of the work was ascertained ;
and the public mind became the more reliably satisfied on these
matters, as the exploration and calculations were made hy
Byron Kilbourn, with the aid of Increase A. Lapham, both
of which gentlemen were civil engineers and practical sur
veyors. In order to direct the attention of the citizens of the ter
ritory to the importance and practicability of the contemplated
work, a series of essays, written by Mr. Kilbourn, appeared
from time to time during the summer of 1837, published in
the Milwaukee Advertiser. In these communications full
views were taken of the various routes of connection between
Lake Michigan and Rock River ; the heights and distances
of various points, and their proximate locations in reference
to the desired water communication ; the natural advantages
and productions of the country, as well on the line of canal
route, as in other neighbourhoods, certain to receive benefits
by the facilities of transportation about to be given to them ;
the development of resources ; the increased culture of the
soil ; the improvement of water powers ; the springing up of
villages and the fostering of the mechanic arts ; the general
prosperity arising from the creation of markets for trade,
and the easy means of access to such markets, with the pro
ducts of the earth, the hand and the machine. All these mat
ters were considered, and placed in a forcible point of view
in these essays by Mr. Kilbourn, and the public mind was
properly called to view the effects which in all truth might be
expected to flow, with such beneficial influence, from the con
struction of the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal.

356 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
The attention of the community, consequently, became
fixed on the importance, if not the necessity of the work, and
petitions were again forwarded to the legislature, at their
next session held in November, 1837, at Burlington, praying
for the passage of an act of incorporation to a company to
construct the same ; and on the 28th of November, a bill was
introduced in the House of Representatives, which finally
became a law, by the approval of the governor, on the 5th
day of January, 1888, and was entitled " An Act to incorpo
rate the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal Company."
This act conferred upon all such persons as should become
stockholders in said company the customary powers, rights,
privileges and franchises possessed by such corporation, and
authorizing it, " to construct, maintain and continue, a navi
gable canal or slackwater navigation from the town of Mil
waukee to Rock River, on such routes, and of such dimen
sions, and to terminate at such point as shall be determined
on by such corporation : and to construct such navigable
feeders for said canal as shall be found actually necessary ;
and also a branch canal, to connect with the Fox or Pishtaka
River, at or near Prairie Village in Milwaukee county ; under
the same rights and privileges as by this act is provided for
constructing the main canal."
The capital stock was to be $100,000 with the privilege of
increasing the same \o a sum not exceeding one million of
dollars, if the same shall be judged necessary to the comple
tion of the work.
The act required, " that the corporation shall commence
the construction of the works authorized by this act within
three years from the passage thereof; and in default of said
commencement being made within said three years, all the
privileges, herein and hereby granted, shall be forfeited by
said corporation, and this act shall be null, and of no effect.
And the right to construct so much of said works, which are
by this act authorized, as shall not be completed within ten
years from the passage of this act, shall be forfeited by said
corporation; and the legislature shall have the right to dis-

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 357,,
pose of such part or parts, in such manner as to them may
seem best calculated to promote the public interest;."
The act authorized the company to borrow money if
necessary for the prosecution, of thp work; also to erect toll
houses, and collect such tolls as shall from time to time be
prescribed by the legislature of this territory, or any state
that may be formed out of the same on the east side of the
Mississippi River.
The act expressly declares, " That the future State of -
Wisconsin at any time after its admission into the Union,
shall have the right to purchase and hold for the use of the
state, the canal herein authorized to be constructed, together
with all its branches and other improvements, by paying to
the said corporation the amount actually expended in the
construction and repairs of the same, together with such rea-,
sonable interest, not more than seven per cent, per annum, as
may be agreed upon by and between said state and the corpo
ration. Provided however, That in case the Congress of the
United States shall make any appropriation, or donation
either in land or money, in aid of the construction of the
work by this act authorized, the right to the same shall vest
in said state, whenever the said transfer of the canal shall be
made ; and the nett proceeds of all sales of land, and the
amount of all money so appropriated or donated shall be de
ducted from the amount to be paid to the said corporation,
for the transfer of said Avorks to the state. And the said
corporation are hereby authorized to apply to Congress for
such an appropriation, in money or lands, to aid in the con
struction of the works authorized by this Act, as Congress in
its wisdom shall see proper to grant."
It was also provided by the act, « that in case such dona
tion of land was made by Congress, and there should be any
actual improvement and settlement on any part of the same,
the said corporation should sell to each person so claiming by
settlement and improvement, one hundred and sixty acres in
cluding his improvement, at one dollar and twenty-five cents
per acre : a failure to comply with this provision shall be

358 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
considered a forfeiture of the charter, on the part of the
Corporation." Such was the charter of incorporation to the " Milwaukee
and Rock River Canal Company," and the reservation to the
future "State of Wisconsin," to purchase out the rights of
the company, constitutes the only limitation to the duration
of the privileges granted hy the Charter.
The express authority given by the act of incorporation,
to the company, to apply to Congress for an appropriation in
money or land to aid in the construction of the canal, may
properly be considered as equivalent to a memorial to Con
gress on the part of the legislature of Wisconsin, for the
same object ; at least it possesses all the force of a memorial.
The charter was accepted by the company, and subscription
books, for the stock, in pursuance of the act of incorporation,
were opened by the commissioners named in the act, on the
2d of February, 1838. A sufficient amount of stock having
been subscribed, the books were closed, and a meeting of the
stockholders was called, to be held on the 3d day of said
month, at which time an election was held, by the stockhold
ers, and the following persons were elected directors of the
company. Byron Kilbourn, James H. Rodgers,
Solomon Juneau, Samuel Brown,
John S. Rockwell, Sylvester D. Cowles,
William R. Longstreet.
At the first meeting of the Board of Directors, held
February 7th, 1838,
Byron Kilbourn was elected President.
F. A. Wingfield, Secretary.
C. H. Peak, Treasurer.
Increase A. Lapham, Engineer.
By-laws for the government of the company were then
adopted.

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 359
On the 12th of February, 1838, at a meeting of the board
of directors, the President submitted a Memorial to Congress
which was adopted by the board.
This memorial set forth the objects of the company ; rep
resented the magnitude and importance of the contemplated
work, as well in reference to the Territory of Wisconsin, as
to the General Government, the route of the canal passing
through lands entirely belonging to the United States ; stated
that the organization of the company authorized to construct
the canal, had been so shaped as to constitute them an agency
for the future State, which may be erected in the limits of the
Territory ; that the Legislature had reserved the right, on
behalf of the future State of Wisconsin, at any time after its
admission into the Union, to purchase of the stockholders the
canal and its privileges, by paying its cost, with interest, de
ducting from the amount whatever appropriations might be
made by Congress ; thus securing to the State, for its own
benefit, whatever the liberality of Congress may grant; and
finally asking a grant of money or land to aid in the con
struction of the canal, on terms similar to those which had
accompanied other grants made by Congress for similar pur
poses, viz., " A quantity of land equal to one-half of fi\re sec
tions in width, on each side of said canal, and reserving each
alternate section to the United States, to be selected by the
commissioner of the General Land Office, under the direction
of the President of the United States, from one end of the
said canal to the other ; said lands subject to the disposal of
the Legislature of said State for the purposes aforesaid, and
no other."
The memorial was transmitted to Congress, and under a
resolution of the Board of Directors, Mr. Kilbourn proceeded
to Washington, to attend to the interests and business of the
company. The survey of a practicable route, and the estimates of
expense in the construction of a canal from the head of slack
water on the Menomonee River, to Rock River, had been
made and reported to the Board of Directors, on the 14th of

360 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
February, 1838, by the engineer, Mr. Lapham, the synopsis
of which is as follows :
Distance to the eastern end of the summit
level, - - - - 22J miles.
Lockage, - 316 feet.
Distance across the summit level, 1 mile.
Distance from the western end of the sum
mit level, to Rock River, - 27 miles.
Lockage, ... - 80 feet.
Feeder at the summit level, \ mile.
Total estimate of cost, $730,523. Add to this the estimate
of the cost of a branch, from the canal near the crossing of
the Pishtaka (Fox) River, to the foot of the rapids at Prairie
Village, length five miles, lockage forty feet, $68,200. To
tal estimates, $798,723.
The memorial and estimates were presented in the Senate,
on the 6th of March, 1838, and referred to the Committee on
Public Lands. A report, highly favourable to the objects of
the memorial, was made by that committee, on the 9th of
April; a bill also accompanied the report, entitled, "A bill to
grant a quantity of land to the Territory of Wisconsin, for
the purpose of aiding in opening a canal to connect the wa
ters of Lake Michigan with those of Rock River."
The provisions of this bill embodied the general features
of the requests contained in the memorial of the company,
and the same was passed by the Senate. In the House of
Representatives it was afterward greatly modified by the Com
mittee on Public Lands, to whom it had been referred, parti
cularly by the introduction of a provision, that the alternate
sections of land remaining to the United States, " should be
Bubject to the same general laws and regulations as other
public lands." This would have secured to settlers the right
of pre-emption ; but the clause was stricken out in the House,
and the words, " nor be subject to pre-emption," were in
serted. Finally, after much exertion on the part of the

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 361
president of the company, and the introduction of a second
memorial to the House of Representatives, accompanied with
circular letters addressed to the members of Congress by Mr.
Kilbourn, and General George W. Jones, the territorial dele
gate from Wisconsin, the claims ofthe Territory veere favourably
listened to, and a new bill, with the same title as the Senate
bill, having been introduced, the same passed both branches
of the Legislature, and became a law by receiving the ap
proval of the president, on the 18th of June, 1838. By the
first section of this act it is provided : —
" That there be, and hereby is, granted to the Territory of
Wisconsin, for the purpose of aiding in opening a canal to
unite the waters of Lake Michigan at Milwaukee, with
those of Rock River, between the point of intersection with
said river, of the line dividing townships seven and eight, and
the Lake Koshkonong, all the land not heretofore otherwise
appropriated or disposed of, in those sections, and fractional
sections, which are numbered with odd numbers on the plats
of the public surveys, within the breadth of five full sections,
taken in, north and south, or east and west tiers, on each side
of the main route of said canal, from one end thereof to the
other ; and reserving the even numbered sections, and frac
tional sections, taken as above, to the United States ; and the
said land so granted to aid in the construction of said canal,
shall be subject to the disposal of the Legislature of the said
Territory, for the purpose aforesaid, and no other. Provided,
that said main canal shall be commenced within three years,
and completed in ten years, or the United States shall be
entitled to receive the amount for which any of said land
may have been previously sold; and that the title to pur
chasers under the Territory shall be valid "
By the second section it is provided :
" That so soon as the route of the said main canal shall be
definitely located and established, the governor shall transmit
a plat of the same, showing its terminations and its connec
tions with the section corners of the public surveys, to the
Commissioner of the General Land Office, whose duty it shall

362 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
be to ascertain, under the direction of the President of the
United States, the particular lands herein granted to said
Territory : And the governor of said Territory, or such
other person or persons as shall be appointed for the purpose,
under the authority of the Legislature of the said Territory, or
of the State Avhich may be erected out of the same, after the
admission of such State, shall have power to sell or convey
the whole, or any part of said land, at a price not less than
two dollars and fifty cents per acre, and to give a title in fee-
simple therefor, to whomsoever shall purchase the whole, or
any part thereof."
By the fifth section, it is provided
" That whenever the Territory of Wisconsin shall be admitted
into the Union as a State, the lands hereby granted for the
construction of said canal, or such part thereof as may not have
been already sold, and applied to that object, under the direc
tion of the Territorial Government, shall vest in the State of
Wisconsin, to be disposed of, under such regulations as the
Legislature thereof may provide, the proceeds of sale to be
applied to the construction of said canal, or of such part
thereof as may not have been completed; and the State of
Wisconsin shall be entitled to hold, in virtue of the grant
hereby made, as many shares of the stock of the said canal,
as shall be equivalent to the aggregate of all the sums of
money arising from the nett proceeds of the sales of the said
lands, and applied to the construction of the canal.
" It is also provided, that no part of the said lands shall be
sold for less than two dollars and a half per acre ; but in case
such price cannot be obtained therefor within five years from
the first sale attempted to be made, the Territorial or State
Legislature of Wisconsin may reduce the minimum price of
said land."
The sixth section provides :
"That the said State of Wisconsin shall be held responsible
to the United States, and for the payment into the treasury
thereof, of the amount of all moneys received upon the sale
of the whole, or any part of said land, at the price at which

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL.
the same shall be sold, not less than two dollars and fifty
cents per acre, if the said main canal shall not be commenced
within three years, and completed within ten years."
The seventh section provides :
" That in order to render effectual the provisions of this act,
the Legislature of the State to be erected, or admitted, out of
the Territory now comprised in Wisconsin Territory, east of
the Mississippi, shall give their assent to the same, by act to
be duly passed."
By the eighth section, it was enacted :
" That for the purpose of securing a better price for the lands
hereby granted, and expediting the construction of the said
canal, the Territorial Legislature of Wisconsin' may borrow,
upon a pledge of said lands, such sum or sums of money, as
they may think expedient, and defer the sale of said lands,
or any part thereof, until such time or times, not exceeding
two years beyond the period of completion of said canal, as
they may deem expedient ; and for such sum or sums as may
be so borrowed and applied to the construction of said canal,
the State of Wisconsin shall be entitled to such interest in
the stock of said canal, as shall be equivalent thereto in
amount." The assent of Congress was thereby given to the act of the
Territorial Legislature of Wisconsin, entitled, "An act to
incorporate the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal Company."
On the passage pf this act, the condition of the Canal Com
pany may be viewed in this aspect: A great object Avas to
be attained ; the means to attain it were granted ; a grantee
was created, to receive and distribute the necessary means.
Three parties appeared to have entered into a contract : A
grantor, a grantee, and a third party, for whose use the grant
was made ; the United States being the grantor, the Canal
Company the cestui que trust, and the Territory of Wiscon
sin the trustee. The acceptance of the trust by the trustee
would ratify and confirm the contract, and the same could not
afterward be rescinded, without the consent of all the parties
interested therein.

364 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
On the 6th of August, 1838, a resolution was adopted by
the board of directors of the Canal Company, to the , effect
that the lands which have been granted to aid in the construc
tion of the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal, and which have
been occupied and improved by settlers thereon, ought to be
secured to the said settlers, at the lowest price fixed by the
act of grant.
On the 27th of September, 1838, Byron Kilbourn, presi
dent of the company, was appointed acting commissioner, with
power to employ hands and provide the means for running
and locating the line of canal ; an engineer party was imme
diately organized, and the remainder of the year was con
sumed in making all proper surveys and examinations of the
country along the route, previous to the adoption of the final
location of the line.
A session of the Territorial Legislature was held on the
26th of November, 1838, at which Governor Dodge, in his
message to the two Houses, mentions the grant made by Con
gress to the Territory, and future State of Wisconsin, to aid
in the construction of the canal, as containing one hundred
and sixty-six thousand four hundred acres ; and recommends
that the Legislature memorialize Congress to grant the right
of pre-emption to all actual settlers on the line of canal, on
the lands or alternate sections, which had been reserved to the
United States.
At this session, the president of the Canal Company drafted
a bill, entitled, " A bill to provide for aiding in the construc
tion of the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal," which was pre
sented for the consideration of the members. The features of
this bill were :
1. For the purpose of aiding in the construction of the Mil
waukee and Rock River Canal, the governor is authorized
to borrow, on the credit of the Territory of Wisconsin, any
sum or sums of money not exceeding $500,000, to be re
ceived in instalments ; namely, $50,000 in the year 1839 ;
in the year 1840, $100,000 ; in the year 1841, $150,000 ;

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 365
and in the year 1342, $200,000; for a period of time, not
less than ten years, nor more than twenty years, from the
time when each instalment shall be received by the proper
agent, on behalf of the Territory, and at a rate of interest
not exceeding six per cent, per annum, payable semi-annu
ally. Provided, that in no case shall the bonds for such
stock be sold at a rate which would be less than the par, or
nominal value, or amount thereof, when rated as bearing
an interest of six per cent, per annum.
2. For the redemption and payment of the principal and
interest of any loan which may be made agreeably to the
provisions of this act, at the time or times Avhen the same
may become due, the following pledges are given : 1st, the
proceeds of the sales of land granted by Congress to aid
in the construction of said canal, together with the interest
moneys accruing thereon ; 2d, all revenues derived from the
use of the canal, and accruing to the Territory or State of
Wisconsin ; 3d, the whole, or so much of the canal itself,
as shall belong to, or by law vest in the said Territory or
State ; 4th, the faith of the Territory ; each and all of
which are inviolably pledged.
3. The governor to negotiate such loan, and to issue bonds
therefor, in the name of the Territory of Wisconsin, by
authority of act of Congress, signed by the governor, and
countersigned by the Secretary of the Territory, bearing
interest from the first day of September in each of the
years before mentioned, for the sum which in each of said
years respectively, shall be received thereon as aforesaid.
4. Preparatory to a sale of the canal lands, commissioners to
be appointed to appraise the lands settled upon and occu
pied, within the canal grant ; to make out a registry of the
same, thirty days previous to the sale, and to ascertain
with certainty who are the rightful occupiers of said lands ;
the registry to be forwarded to the governor.
5. Previous to the day of sale, the commissioners to make
out a schedule and valuation of all lands on that day to be
offered for sale, annexing to each tract of eighty acres, or

366 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
fraction containing less than one hundred acres, such price
as they may consider any such tract to be worth, except
such lands as are occupied, and subject to registry, agree
ably to this act ; which lands so occupied shall be entered
in said schedule as occupied lands. Copies of said sche
dule and valuation shall be forwarded to the governor, and
to the register and receiver who may be appointed to make
sale of said lands, and in no case' shall any bid be received
for any of said lands, for a less sum than the appraised value
thereof, as contained in the schedule of the commissioners.
6. Commissioners of appraisal to take into consideration the
enhanced value of the lands in regard to their proximity of
location to the canal, their vicinity to improvements, and
their advantages of water powers created by the canal ; mi
nimum prices established accordingly, and no tract to be
appraised at less than two dollars and fifty cents per acre.
7. The rights of actual settlers defined and protected — heads
of families, who had cleared off, fenced, and cultivated, in
grain or vegetables, prior to the 1st of December, 1838, ten
acres of ground, allowed to bid off a half section, or frac
tional half section — same cultivation and time as to three
acres, a quarter section, or fractional quarter section —
same cultivation and time as to one acre, eighty acres — the
said cultivations, &c, to be on the land bid off, in the re
spective cases ; the price to be two dollars and fifty cents
per acre, and no bid to be received in opposition to such
occupant. Provided such occupant has procured his claim
to be duly registered previous to the day of sale. Heads
of families, who had actually resided on any quarter section
of land, with their families, three months before the pas
sage of this act, allowed to purchase said quarter section,
although the full amount of improvement may not have
been made.
8. The settlement and adjustment of conflicting claims pro
vided for ; the stated periods of sales regulated ; the gover
nor to exercise his discretion as to the quantity of land to
be offered for sale, and to adjourn, if necessary, such sales.

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL,. 367
9. Register and Receiver of the canal lands to be appointed ;
their duties prescribed, and to give bonds not exceeding
$50,000, for faithful discharge of their duties ; to receive
a compensation of one per cent, on all sales.
10. Governor to execute deeds on behalf of the Territory for
the lands sold. Bonds and mortgages may be given for
a certain part of the purchase money, and interest ; full
payment may be made by the purchaser before the bond
and mortgage becomes due ; foreclosures of mortgages pro
vided for.
11. Land occupied by the canal reserved from sale.
12. Chief Engineer to be appointed by the governor ; his
duties prescribed.
13. The canal fund, set apart for the payment of interest on,
and the redemption of, the loans effected, and the governor
authorized to draw on the Receiver for any sum belonging
to the canal fund, for the purpose of paying the principal
and interest of any loan made under this act — the Secre
tary of the Territory to countersign such draft, and to
keep books showing the state of the canal fund, and to re
port the condition of the same, annually, to the Legisla
ture.
14. In case of surplus accruing to the canal fund, from sales,
interest thereon, canal tolls, or water rents, over and above
the annual interest on loans, such surplus to be applied to
the purchase of the bonds issued by the governor on ac
count of the loans, or be invested in productive stock, until
such bonds become due and payable.
15. The moneys to be obtained on loans by the governor, to
be deposited in some place of safe keeping in the city of
New York, subject to the order of the governor for trans
fer, from time to time, to some suitable place in this Terri
tory, and in such sums as the governor shall deem expedient
and necessary for the current operations on the canal. The
governor to appoint agents, for the purpose of obtaining
the loans, and for the safe keeping and transfer of the
same.

368 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
16. Prescribes the manner in which contractors for work on
the canal shall be paid.
17. All officers under this act to be commissioned by the go
vernor ; surveyors to be appointed to make accurate surveys
and returns of the quantity of land which may have been
cultivated by any person applying for the benefit of the
provisions of this act, their fees to be paid by the appli
cants. Such were the provisions of a bill, the ultimate object of
which Avas the effectual and speedy completion of the contem
plated canal. It provided for obtaining a loan of money on
reasonable terms, and for such a length of time, as that a
facility of redemption might well be relied on. Those means
of redemption were in a great measure in the hands of the
people already, and were daily increasing ; the canal lands
were of great value, and purchasers were waiting the oppor
tunity of buying. The pledges to be given for the repay
ment of the loans Avere amply sufficient, and could not be
doubted. The sale of the lands, the canal tolls, the water
rents, the canal itself, and the faith of the State were offered
as a guarantee for the faithful and punctual discharge of a debt
to be incurred for purposes that would inevitably open a mine
of prosperity to the whole community. Under such consi
derations, little doubt could be entertained, that the projected
loans could readily be effected.
The details of this bill protected the actual settler, and at
the same time gave him his claim of land, at as low a rate
per acre, as that established for the adjoining land reserved
by the United States ; proper officers were designated, and
their duties defined, to carry the provisions of the bill into
effect ; and in all of its details, the great object of the con
struction of the canal, is kept in view, and at the same time
the interests of the citizens and of the Territory are guarded
and respected.
It is in every degree probable, and indeed it is difficult to
believe in any other conclusion, that if this bill had become

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 369
a law, the Milwaukee and Rock RiA^er Canal would have been
completed within four or five years after the time of its pas
sage. Often does as much eA'il spring up in the body politic,
from a neglect to adopt a prudent measure, as there is en
gendered by hasty, and unwise legislation ; a failure to see,
and improve our present advantages, is too often followed by
a blind and perverse lapsing into measures of future injury.
It is to be regretted that the bill did not become a law.
At this session a bill, based on the provisions contained in
the foregoing, but containing some modifications, was intro
duced in the council by Mr. Daniel Wells, Jr., one of the
members from Milwaukee County ; but the session was so far
advanced that nothing was done in relation to it. At the
session held in January, 1839, Mr. Prentiss, a member of the
council from Milwaukee County introduced a bill, in substance
the same as that formerly introduced by Mr. Wells ; this bill,
after much discussion, and having been very much modified
by amendments, was finally passed, and became a law by the
approval of the governor on the 26th of February, 1839.
This Act provides : That to aid in the construction of the
Milwaukee and Rock River Canal, the governor of the terri
tory is authorized to borrow any sum not exceeding $50,000,
to be received on the 1st of September, 1839, for a period not
less than ten nor more than twenty years, at a rate of interest
not exceeding six per cent per annum, payable semi-annually.
The bonds to be sold at par. The same pledges given, for
the redemption of the loan, as are stated in the first bill sub
mitted. - The loan not to be negotiated unless the location of
the canal is established, and estimates of cost exhibited to the
governor, prior to the first of September next.
2. Register, receiver, and acting commissioner to be appointed
by the governor, and to constitute a board of canal com
missioners ; their duties defined ; to ascertain what lands
within the canal grant have been improved or settled
on, prior to February 1st, 1839, and make out a registry
thereof, and forward the the same to the governor.
Vol. III.— 24

370 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
3. Tracts of 80 acres or fractions less than 100 acres having
one acre cultivated, and a house thereon erected worth
fifty dollars ; quarter or fractional quarter sections having
three acres cultivated, or which shall have been occupied
by the residence of a family, or on which a mill had been
built; half or fractional half sections, having ten acres
cultivated, or on which a mill had been erected ; and also
any quarter or fractional quarter section claimed agreeably
to the rules of the country, adjoining a quarter or frac
tional quarter of an even numbered section, on both or
either of which improvements by cultivation of three acres,
or on which a mill had been built (all prior to February 1st,
1839,) to be registered as improved or occupied lands ; but
no person to be allowed a registry of more than two quarter
sections.
4. Valuations of the lands to be made by the commissioners.
Schedules made out and transmitted to the governor ; ap
praisals regulated; public sales ordered; minimum price
of improved land to be entered in the schedule at two dol
lars and fifty cents per acre ; notice of sale to be given by
the governor ; land to be sold in the legal sub-divisions.
No bid to be received for lands, for a less sum than the
appraised value of the same.
5. Payments by purchasers regulated — bonds and mortgages
may be given ; on foreclosure and sale, the commissioners
authorized to purchase lands for, and in the name of the
Territory of Wisconsin, which shall afterwards be appraised
and sold at the same time and on the same terms as other
lands.
6. Lands occupied by the canal and its necessary concomi
tants, reserved from sale. Engineer to be appointed ; pay
ments to contractors regulated. Particular lands may be
subdivided into small tracts, town lots, &c. Commissioners
to make quarterly reports to the governor, and annual re
ports to the legislature. No commissioner, director, stock
holder or engineer shall purchase lands or be interested in
contracts.

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 371
7. Moneys obtained on a loan to be deposited in some safe
place in the City of New York, and made subject to the
order of the governor for transfer into the place of depo
sit in the territory. Governor and secretary of the ter
ritory to draw for the same ; books to be kept and annual
report to be made to the legislature, showing the state of
the canal fund. Surplus money arising from the sales of
land, canal tolls and water rents, to be invested in produc
tive stock.
8. Nothing contained in this act shall be construed to confer
any powers, rights or immunities upon the president, direc
tors and company of the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal
Company, in addition to such as may be granted in and by
their act of incorporation ; nor shall it be construed to
imply any pledge that the legislature may not at any time
hereafter by law declare in what manner the moneys bor
rowed, or the amount to be received on sale of the lands
provided for, shall be appropriated or expended, but the
legislature may at any time alter, amend, or repeal this act,
or any of its provisions, except so much thereof as relates
to the reimbursement of the several sums of money bor
rowed in pursuance of the act. If the canal should be
estimated to cost more than $1,200,000, no contracts were
to be made until after the action of some future legislature
on this subject.
During the progress of this bill through the branches of
the legislature many efforts were made, if not wholly to de
feat its objects, at least to impede, and cripple the efforts -
which the company might make to complete the canal. The
bill as submitted by the president of the company proposed
a system of annual loans to complete the canal, and sufficient
pledges for their redemption ; it also provided for offering all
the land at public sale in the years 1839, 1840, 1841, andl842,.
and the act of Congress provides that all land which had been in.
market five years, might behold at $1,25 per acre ; so that,.
had this provision been adopted, all lands offered in 1839^

372 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY
and not sold, could have been entered in 1844, at $1,25 per
acre ; those offered in 1840 could have been bought in 1845
at the same price ; and so, with regard to the others, as the
five years expired, until 1847 when they would all have been
reduced to $1,25 per acre without further legislation ; the bill
also provided for the regular application of the proceeds of
these sales to the construction of the canal.
In the act, Avhich was passed by the legislature, these pro
visions, which were not only salutary in themselves, but which
met with the full approbation of all who were friendly to the
canal policy, were stricken out, and in their place was sub
stituted a half-made-up system, entirely insufficient for the
purposes of the canal, as a great and paramount measure of
policy; but sufficient for the time being, to secure the silent
acquiescence of the people, by bringing only so much of the
land into market as was then occupied by the settlers. In
fact, it is apparent that the original bill was mutilated, and
its whole system deranged by the most injudicious alterations
in its provisions, in the shape of amendments, introduced per
haps by pretended friends. The prohibition of commission
ers, directors, stockholders, or engineers, from purchasing, or
being interested in the purchase of any of the canal lands,
or being interested in any contract for the construction of
any portion of the canal, or furnishing materials therefor, as
enacted in the bill, exhibited great weakness of perception
in legislation ; great and unwarranted distrust of integrity ;
or determined hostility to the construction of the canal.
This provision was a violation of the rights of the people,
injurious to the progress of the ivork, and injurious to the
best interests of the country, as connected with the early
completion of the canal. It presented a complete bar to the
citizens of Milwaukee county, and the neighbourhood of the
canal route, from subscribing to the stock of the canal ; by
which act they were deprived of the ordinary rights of citi
zens in the purchase of land, and in furnishing materials and
supplies for the canal. The natural consequence was, that the
stock must be disposed of in a foreign market, or if taken at

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 373
home, that the work must languish. Surely the true interests
of a country are better consulted by bringing out the ener
gies of its own people, and directing them to subjects of
general utility, than by paralyzing them by restrictions which
arrest or destroy their action.
Destructive, undoubtedly, was the effect of this unwise and
most injurious provision on the canal stock ; many enterpris
ing citizens were restrained from subscribing to the stock,
who were anxious to do so, for the reason, that when the work
was commenced, they might be interested in contracts, and
pay the amount of their shares by constructing portions of
the canal, and in this manner give an impetus to a work in
which the community were all alike interested. Singular
legislation indeed ! If it was intended to give a death blow to
the canal, no more effectual mode could have been adopted ;
if an attack was made in this covert manner against the com
pany or its officers, it is very certain that no eA'idence of mal
versation could exist, where no work had been done, and
little action entered upon ; but perhaps the secret of this
suicidal course of legislation, may be found in the conflict of
local interests, and the desire to veil an open hostility against
the canal, under the cover of an attack against the canal
company and its officers ; the northern improvements, parti
cularly that of the Fox River were already in contemplation,
and its friends were active, and hostile to the canal. A loan
of $50,000 only, was to be raised by this act, and all the
pledges are given for its redemption, which might be offered
to secure a loan of ten times this amount ; thereby lessening
the probabilities of obtaining future loans, by making the
securities for redemption secondary in their value. The loan
of $50,000, although to be raised on the strength of canal
securities, and to be repaid by the sale of canal lands, might,
by the terms of this act be diverted from its proper destina
tion, the construction of the canal, and appropriated and ex
pended in any manner the legislature might direct ; and the
proceeds of the sale of the canal lands were placed in the
same situation. Surely the confliction of these provisions

374 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY
with the provisions of the act of Congress making the grant
of lands, must have been apparent even to the enemies of the
Canal. One important matter at least, was accomplished by the
passage of the act of February 26th, 1839. The Territory
of Wisconsin accepted the trust created by the act of Con
gress of June 18th, 1838 ; the use for which the trust was
created was formally defined, and the trustee designated the
manner in which, and the agents by whom, portions of the
trust were to be executed. The contract of three parties was
herein acknowledged, and fully established ; the United States,
the Territory of Wisconsin, and the Milwaukee and Rock
River Canal Company Still, in this very act, which ought to
have been the foundation of the life, and future prosperity
of this great work of public improvement, the seeds of its
destruction were most fatally sown ; and all after-legislation
on this subject, sheds no honour on the Territory of Wiscon
sin, either in regard to the wisdom of her legislatures, or the
preservation of her unbroken faith in her fiduciary character.
On the contrary, the canal is abandoned, the means of its
completion are trifled with, the acts of the territory are arbi
trarily repealed, and made to operate with deadly injustice ;
and to crown all, the funds of the canal company arising
from the sale of its lands, are seized upon by the trustee, and
converted to her own use, and to purposes altogether foreign
to the terms and purposes of the grant itself, and in direct
violation of the trust, which had been delegated by Congress,
and accepted by the territory.
Under this act, the governor of the Territory, on the 4th
of March, 1839, appointed Hans Crocker, Register, John H.
Tweedy, Receiver, Lemuel W. Weeks, Acting Commissioner,
and Alexander M. Mitchell, Chief Engineer.
During the spring, an engineer party was organized, and
on the 6th of May, 1839, a report was submitted to the direc
tors, of a final location of the canal, together with a plat of
the line of canal and its connection with the corners of the
land surveys, as required by the act of Congress. This loca-

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVEB CANAL. 375
tion was adopted, and established by the Board of Directors,
on the same day.
Plats of the line were forwarded to the governor, and com
missioner of the general land office ; the lands granted to the
Territory were designated and set off by the commissioner,
agreeably to the act of Congress, being alternate sections,
ten miles wide, and extending from one end of the canal to
the other ; or from Lake Michigan to Rock River, and lying
equally on both sides of the canal.
On the 17th of July, 1839, the governor issued his pro
clamation, reserving certain rivers and streams of water for
the uses of the canal, and declaring all purchases of land bor
dering on such streams subject to diversions of such streams
for the said purposes.
In the annual message of the governor to the Legislature,
delivered December 3d, 1839, he states : that, under the
provisions of the act of February 26th, 1839, he had issued
Territorial bonds to the amount of $50,000, on the 5th of
August, 1839, in fifty bonds, each for the sum of $1,000,
bearing an interest of six per cent, per annum, and payable
twenty years thereafter. That Mr. Tweedy, the Receiver,
was appointed the agent to make sale of the same, and that
the Bank of America, in the city of New York, was desig
nated as the depository of the funds. That Mr. Tweedy had
made report, that there was a great depression of all, even
the most favourable stocks, in the money market, and conse
quently the Territorial bonds could not be sold according to
the terms of the law, and the canal loan could not then be
effected. The governor states that, according to the report of the
chief engineer, (which is submitted,) the estimated cost of the
construction of the canal is less than $1,200,000. He speaks
in high terms of commendation of the canal and its objects,
and recommends the propriety of memorializing Congress to
permit settlers, and occupants of the lands reserved to the
United States, along the canal route, to enter their lands at

376 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
the minimum price of public lands, and to possess the right
of pre-emption.
The memorial of the president and directors of the Canal
Company was presented to the Legislature on the 23d of De
cember, 1839, in which they set forth their claims and their
grievances, and respectfully point out remedies, and ask for
a protection of their rights, and that legislative action be
had immediately, so as to ensure the speedy accomplishment
of the contemplated work. They also offer to surrender the
charter, together with a voluntary relinquishment of all the
advantages resulting from it, provided a full assurauce be
given that the work would be completed in any other manner
than under the charter. They claim no rights or privileges,
which are not open to the people of the whole Territory, and
they invite the co-operation of the friends of the canal,
wherever to be found, in investing their money, and sharing
in the benefits of the work ; they extend this invitation even
to its bitter enemies and assailants, and offer all their privi
leges to them, if they will but invest their means, and carry
on the work to completion. This memorial is a candid and
straight-forward document, and well deserved the profound
attention of the Legislature.
The canal commissioners also made their annual report at
this session, in which they state, that, having opened their
office for the hearing and reception of the applications for
registry, on the 27th of May, 1839, and kept the same open
until the day of the first land sale, they registered for sale,
as occupied and improved lands, proved to be such within
the meaning of the law, 43,677 yVt; acres ; that, on the
days for sale, the total number of acres sold was 43,447 Ty\,
acres, and that the lands were all sold at the minimum
price of $2.50 per acre, amounting in the whole to the sum
of $108,617 -j-Vtf. Two pieces of land, in the whole 230
acres, remained unsold. The amount paid on the sales, was
$12,377 to7u~> a little more than the ten per cent, required by
law. The commissioners report the whole number of acres
granted by Congress, to aid in the construction of the canal,

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 377
to be 139,190 acres and T<$, ; of these, 43,447 /„% acres
have been sold, leaving 95,743 T8B°o- acres subject to the future
action of the Legislature.
The commissioners state that the first and immediate object
of the canal law, to wit, the protection of the settlers upon
the canal lands, has been happily accomplished, beyond even
the most sanguine hopes of the settlers themselves.
They state that the lands sold, constitute more than one-
fourth in quantity, and nearly one-half in value, of the whole
grant; that, although sold for $2.50 per acre, they were pro
bably worth, and properly husbanded might have been sold
for treble that price ; and that the actual value of the lands
remaining unsold, will depend on the progress of the work of
the canal. At the present time, a large portion of them
could not be sold at the minimum price of $2.50 per acre ;
but were the canal already commenced, with every prospect
of an early completion, the present and prospective value of
these lands would be greatly enhanced. A wise and just
policy would dictate that those lands should be so husbanded
as to swell the canal fund to the highest amount, consistently
with a due regard to the early and prosperous settlements of
them, and the land in the vicinity.
The commissioners propose two courses of policy to be
pursued by the Territory, either to apply the proceeds of the
lands, as fast as they arise, to the construction of the work,
or to raise an amount of money equal to their prospective
value, on the pledge of the faith of the Territory, and to re
serve the proceeds of the lands, as a sinking fund for the
payment of the interest, and the redemption of the principal
of the loan, or bonds, that may be made. The lands alone,
unaided by the faith of the Territory, will not be available in
a distant market, for more than one hundred, or one hundred
and fifty thousand dollars, although, if properly managed, the
proceeds thereof may, in time, amount to four hundred thou
sand, or five hundred thousand dollars.
The several documents in relation to the canal, were re
ferred to a select committee of the House, of which Mr. Shew,

378 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
of Milwaukee, was chairman, and a report was received from
this committee, on the 28th of December, 1839, to the follow
ing effect : « That the prosecution of the work on the canal
is, at present, inexpedient, because the embarrassed state of
the currency renders a loan on Territorial bonds difficult to
be obtained, without a sale of them at a discount.
" That to go on, and expend the proceeds of the canal lands,
to aid in its construction, would make the Territory either
liable to the General Government for the repayment of the
money, or to incur a much heavier debt for the completion of
the work.
" That the answers of the President of the Canal Company,
to certain questions in relation to the affairs of the company,
were not satisfactory.
" That injustice was done to some of the settlers on the
government lands, in the location of the canal.
" That, as to the proposition of the Canal Company, to
surrender their charter, on condition that the Territory would
prosecute and complete the work, the committee believe it
would be improper to bind the Territory to perform certain
things with her own means." (These means, called her own,
are the lands belonging to the canal !) ,
Deeming it unnecessary to give any reasons, more sufficient
than the above, the committee report a bill, " To amend an
act to provide for aiding in the construction of the Milwaukee
and Rock River Canal," approved February 26th, 1839.
This bill proposed to repeal the act of February 26, 1839,
in every part, except sections 10, 11, 12, and 13. These sec
tions related exclusively to the sale of the canal lands. It
also proposed that a receiver should be appointed, who should
take possession of the books of the canal commissioners, re
ceive all the moneys now in the hands of the present receiver,
and also receive all moneys that shall or may become due to
the Territory for lands sold under the provisions of the act to
which this act is amendatory, and collect the same under the
10th, 11th, 12th, and 13th sections of said act, and he shall
safely keep all moneys he shall receive by virtue of his office.

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 379
The Governor of the Territory is required to withdraw, take
up, and cancel the bonds of the Territory, issued by him under
the act of February 26, 1839.
The report and bill are anomalous specimens of political
sagacity, legislative justice, and the protection which a govern
ment ought to afford to its own citizens, in view of their rights
and their interests. The wisdom of the committee was not
responded to by the action of the House ; for the honour of
the Territory, in her character as trustee, the principles set
forth in the preceding report and bill were rejected, and the
following law was passed, on the 11th of January, 1840, being
the same bill as finally amended.
" An act to amend an act to provide for aiding in the con
struction of the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal."
This act provided, that in case a loan shall not be effected
on or before the first of September following, all moneys then
belonging to the canal fund shall be applied to the construc
tion of the canal, in the same manner as any money to be
obtained by loan is authorized to be applied by law, until a
loan shall have been effected ; after which, all payments for
land, falling due, and all sums received on account of sales
of canal lands, shall be applied to the payment of interest,
and liquidation of loans.
The legislature were to elect the canal commissioners an
nually, and reports of all matters in relation to the canal
were to be made annually to the legislature.
Under this act, George H. Walker was appointed Acting
Commissioner ; John Hustis, Register ; John H. Tweedy,
Receiver. The governor appointed Increase A. Lapham,
Chief Engineer.
At a special session of the Legislature, held in August,
1840, a resolution of the House, asking for information rela
tive to the canal loan of $50,000 as authorized by the act of
February 26, 1839, was answered by a communication from
the governor.
In this it appeared that Byron Kilbourn had been ap
pointed agent to negotiate the loan in question, and the Bank

380 DOCUMENTARY HISTORl.
of America in the city of New York, an agent to receive on
deposit, said loan. That the agent, Mr. Kilbourn, had re
ceived a proposal on the subject, containing three proposi
tions. 1st. To negotiate at present, only one half of the loan
authorized. 2d. To make payment in advance for the inter
est for four years. Sd. To give assurance of applying the
first money received, in payment or liquidation of the princi
pal. That the propositions had been submitted to the go
vernor, who did not feel authorized to draw on the canal fund
for the payment of four years interest in advance. That the
board of directors of the canal company earnestly desired a
compliance with the terms proposed for the loan, as the vital
interests of the canal demanded a prosecution of the work
during the present season. That the company will reimburse
the territory for any loss or deduction, for the interest so paid
in advance. The whole subject is submitted to the Legislature.
The Legislature took no action on this communication,
highly important as it was to the work, that it should be im
mediately commenced ; but a resolution was introduced " That
the interest due the Territory of Wisconsin from the purchasers
of canal lands for the year 1840, being the first year's interest
accruing upon bonds heretofore given to the Territory, is
hereby remitted and discharged."
i (The adoption of this resolution would have been a violation
of the trust, on the part of the trustee. The political hobby of
suspension and remission of interest, begins to be rode at this
session.) A bill was also introduced entitled " A bill to provide for
staying the interest on the sale of the canal lands." The
foregoing resolution was offered by Mr. Wells of Milwaukee
as a substitute for the bill, and it having been amended, so
as to read, « That the interest now due, or which may become
due the Territory of Wisconsin from the purchasers of canal
lands, shall be and the same is hereby remitted and discharged,
until the loan authorized by the territory is effected, and the
work on the canal commenced," it was adopted, and then
the whole bill was laid on the table until December follow-

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 381
ing, -which was, in fact, an indefinite postponement of the
subject. The session of 1840-41, was an important one in relation
to the affairs of the Canal Company, and it is morally certain,
that if the spirit of the enactments of this session had been
cultivated and_persisted in, the canal would have been carried
on to a most profitable completion. Reports were made by
the company, and the canal commissioners.
The annual report of the company exhibited much highly
interesting matter. Portions of the work had been put under
contract in June, 1839 ; more in September following ; the
dam across Milwaukee River, and one mile of canal from the
dam to the point of entrance into the river, in town, had been
put under contract. Work had been done and estimated (up
to October 31st,) amounting to $1952. Operations on the
dam were expected to commence early in the ensuing spring.
The full amount of stock authorized by the act of incorpo
ration had been subscribed, viz., $100,000; and eight per
centum' had been paid on the instalments. The expenses of
the company up to September 30th, for surveys, &c, and for
work done was $12,476 76. It Avas confidently believed that
with due legislative aid, the company could, next season, com
plete the line under contract, which would bring into use a
water poAver of great value to Milwaukee, and extend the
navigation of the river three miles from the town, or about
five miles from the termination of the canal, being one twelfth
of the whole length of the line. It was also contemplated
and believed that it was practicable to complete within the
next season, seven or eight miles of canal at the Avestern ter
mination, affording a fine hydraulic power on Rock River,
and opening to that market, a region of as fine timber as is
to be found in the Territory.
The difficulties of obtaining loans, it was believed, might
to an extent be obviated by increasing the interest from
six, to seven per cent., and providing that the money might
be received at any place Avhere the bonds should be nego
tiated ; still requiring the bonds to be sold at par. It was

382 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
confidently believed that the works would in three years yield
ten per cent., and that the canal lands would enhance in
value. It was also suggested that a very considerable saving
could be made in some sections of the canal, without detriment
to the work, by authorizing the construction of wooden locks
in place of stone ; and also by placing the care of the timber
on the canal lands, in the hands of the acting commissioner. '¦
The report of the canal commissioners, George H. Walker,
John Hustis, and John H. Tweedy, is an able, clear, and
satisfactory document. It states that the loan had not been
effected, and that the only available means in their hands was
the unexpended balance of receipts for lands, up to Septem
ber 1st, amounting to $6,427 78, and the sum of $23 38
received for lands since. Exhibiting a detailed statement of
receipts and expenditures, up to the 3d of December, 1840,
the balance on hand subject to be expended on the canal was
$2,664 10, and this sum would probably be expended in the
next three months, on contracts now in part finished.
They state with great satisfaction that the contract prices
of that portion of the work now in progress are forty per
cent, below the original estimates on the same work ; and that
the difference may be accounted for in the fact, that the costs
of subsistence and the wages of labour are now more than
forty per cent, lower, than when the estimates were made by
the engineer. That herein the public have cause to be satis
fied that their fears of under-rated estimates of the work are
unfounded. They assume, that if the estimates have been
uniform, and that a corresponding difference between estimates
and cost, will be found throughout the work (of which the
assumption is well warranted) then the actual cost of the
canal will be forty per cent, less than the estimated cost ; and
that instead of reaching the sum of $991,148 74 it will not
much vary from the sum of $555,043 22 being a difference
of $436,105 52. But adopting 25 per cent, as a safer cal
culation, the original estimate will he reduced to the sum of
$728,582 84 making a difference of $272,565 89. They
state that by the substitution of wooden locks for stone, wher&

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 383
such may properly be done, the cost of the work can in this
one item be diminished $3000 for each lock, and that it is
supposed the substitution might be advantageously made in
forty locks, thereby saving an expense of $120,000, and di
minishing the cost of the canal to $596,582 84. And even
if all the locks should be constructed of stone, the late dis
coveries of quarries along the line of the canal would cause
the estimates of the engineer, in this item, to be reduced
nearly one half in amount. Two items of expense in the
estimates were $23,760 for the construction of a tow-path
along the Milwaukee River, from the point of the connection
of the canal with the river, to its mouth ; and $1295 for
work at the harbour of Milwaukee ; both of these items were
considered as not forming a necessary part of the expense of
the canal ; consequently there would be a further reduction in
the same, of $25,055. Other items were calculated to be
materially diminished in expense, or perhaps entirely dis
pensed with in the progress of the work.
It was well and truly stated, that these estimates had not
been made for effect, but they had been exceedingly liberal,
and it might be said extravagant, so that the costs of the
whole work when completed, instead of swelling to millions,
beyond the resources and energies of the company and Terri
tory, could be reduced by a proper management and a rigid
economy, to a sum but little exceeding the means already in
the hands of the Territory, if rightly husbanded. It was
wisely urged, that the sum of $500,000 properly expended at
this time, would construct as many miles of canal, as could
have been constructed three years since, by the expenditure
of a million of money. For the last ten years, money had
ceased to be a true standard of value ; visionary speculating
schemes had absorbed the business capital of the country ;
thousands were lavished on a train of unnecessary officers,
who squandered the public money entrusted to them ; but a
reaction had taken place ; money, labour, necessaries of life,
and every commodity were fast settling to their proper levels,
and the change might correctly be considered as permanent.

384 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
The withholding of the canal lands from market was con
sidered imprudent and injurious, not only to the progress of
the work, but to the immediate and prosperous settlement of
the country ; the reasons given by the commissioners for en
tertaining such views, are sound and irrefutable. They
therefore recommend an early and gradual sale of the unsold
lands, on terms most favourable to their settlement ; and the
prosecution of the canal with such determination and energy
as will rouse the feeble and vacillating, silence opposition, and
cheer the desponding settlers with the hope that a part of the
exactions wrenched from the products of their toil, would
return to them through the channels of trade, and that they
will see the residue well invested in the common fund of the
general prosperity.
The commissioners truly state the whole case of the Canal
Company's affairs as connected with the Territory, and make
an appeal for the prompt action of the Legislature on these
matters, on considerations of interest, policy, imperious duty
and strict justice.
1. The canal lands were granted to the Territory in trust
for a specific use, the construction of the Milwaukee and Rock
River Canal.
2. The grant took effect and became operative by the loca
tion of the canal, and the designation of the canal lands by
the officers of the General Government. This contract hav
ing become absolute, Congress has no poAver to revoke, or
restrict the grant, or to vary the trust or use, except by ex
tending the time for the performance of the trust, or by waiving
or releasing any condition contained in the conveyance, for
her own security or benefit.
3. The Territory is a trustee ; as such she cannot surrender
the trust or lands, with or without the consent of Congress,
or change or vary the application of the funds.
4. The Territory, or future State, could decline to act,
could refuse or neglect to perform the duty of trustee, could
have suffered the reservation to remain an unbroken wilder
ness until the ten years limited for the performance of the

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 385
trust had elapsed, or until Congress had clothed some other
agent with the same powers. The assumption of the power
draws with it the assumption of the duty; if the Territory or
State assumed but in one instance to exercise the power, if
she but once touched the fund, she at that moment became
bound by every duty incident to the power; and if she failed
to discharge those duties, every party interested, the pur
chaser of land, the Canal Company, and Congress, would
have the same rights with every person in every other case
of an abuse, or perversion of a trust, to apply to the proper
tribunal for arrest of the injury and suitable relief.
5. The Territory has made her election, and has assumed
the trust ; she has chosen the path of duty and interest ; she
has sold part of the lands on just and generous terms ; she
has applied the proceeds, as in duty bound, to the construc
tion of the canal ; she has clothed herself with the character
of a disinterested and beneficial patron and guardian ; she
can have neither the power, nor the will to escape the obliga
tion which she should be proud to discharge.
6. The canal fund cannot be diverted ; Congress granted
140,000 acre3 of land to the Territory to construct a canal;
the lands were set apart by Congress along the route of the
canal, and their price doubled, because Congress thought the
canal Avould double their value ; the Territory has sold
43,000 acres of this land at this double price, in order to
construct this canal ; the Territory by this sale, made in
pursuance of her own law, has given a pledge, both express
and implied, to sacredly devote the proceeds of these sales
to the construction of the canal; on the condition of that
pledge, and of its performance, every acre was bid off, and
every dollar paid by the purchaser. Immutable truth and
justice would pronounce that every purchaser of these lands
has an equitable interest in every dollar of the canal fund,
whether or not his right could be protected, or enforced by
any earthly power or tribunal. The disposal of any portion
of the canal fund for any purpose but the canal itself, would
be an instance of a breach of trust, and violation of pledged
Vol. III.— 25

386 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
faith, unparalleled in the history of any government in our
country, as well as an act of the most flagrant injustice.
7. Apprehensions are by some entertained, that the Terri
tory in moving in this matter of the canal, will entangle her
self inextricably, and incur frightful responsibilities; and
cannot lend any aid to the canal, without becoming a surety
to Congress for its completion, by virtue of that provision of
the grant requiring the State to refund, in case the canal is
not completed within ten years. But such fears are unwar
ranted. If the canal fund will not of itself be adequate to
the completion of the canal, then certainly that part con
structed will be ample security for the borrowing, or ad
vancing through the company, or Territory, of a sum suffi
cient to complete it within the time limited. But Congress
would, if necessary, according to precedent, readily consent
to enlarge the time ; and, with the assurance of a faithful
application of the canal fund to its proper object, Govern
ment would act with a hitherto unknoAvn, miserly, and
ungenerous policy, if she would ever remind Wisconsin of
her obligations.
8. There is an opposition to the work, but it is not an
open and avowed hostility ; it is developed in the coldness
and indifference with which it is vieAved by many who have
not taxed their minds to comprehend its mighty results ; it
is found in the action of those who desire to be called friends
to the cause, but who do more than all others to retard and
embarrass its progress, by abetting a bitter and insidious
opposition to its present conductors, or to the manner of its
prosecution. But no serious cause of complaint against the
conduct of the company, in the management of the work,
has been seen or heard. The merit of the projection of the
canal, of procuring the charter and donation from Congress,
being the fruits of much labor, industry, and expense, is
certainly due to the company ; and it is no ground of censure
that they sought great advantages indirectly to themselves,
until they are found guilty of an attempt or design to absorb
the public fund in private speculation, or squander it in

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 387
improper and extravagant expenditures. But against such
attempts, should they ever be made, the fund is perfectly
secured by the present establishment.
9. It is stated that there is every probability of obtaining
a loan in a short time, provided the rate of interest is raised
to seven per cent., which is recommended ; as also that the
money borrowed may be deposited in some sound specie pay
ing bank, when it may be loaned, to be paid out as required
for the expenditures on the canal.
10. Every consideration of her own interest, her duties to
the people, and justice to the settlers, clearly point out the
path of duty and policy to the Territory, which is to embrace
the cause of the canal with her whole soul and energy. She
has already incurred all liabilities ; she cannot recede ; to
advance is easy and safe ; delay and vacillation alone are
dangerous. Doing her whole duty, the Territory will, in a
few short years, without a dollar of debt contracted, or a
dollar of liability assumed, or, if so, only when amply secured,
have achieved an enterprise which will enrich her Avith con
stant, copious streams of wealth, and shed an imperishable
glory on the rising State of Wisconsin.
Such was the excellent report of the canal commissioners.
The agent, to negotiate the loan of $50,000, Mr. Kilbourn,
also reported to the governor his inability to obtain the
same, and hopes of future success, provided the rate of
interest should be raised to seven per cent., and the amount
to be received at any specie-paying bank, wherever it would
best suit the convenience of the parties taking up the loan.
These reports and representations were not made in vain
to the Legislature ; an act was passed, February 12th, 1841,
entitled, " An Act supplementary to the several acts relating
to the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal."
This act provided : That wood locks might be substituted
for stone locks on the canal, whenever, in the opinion of the
chief engineer, approved by the canal commissioners, such
substitution shall be deemed expedient.
That the Governor of the Territory issue bonds in the

388 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
name of the Territory for a sum not exceeding $100,000,
bearing an interest of seven per cent, payable semi-an
nually. That all or any part of the money borrowed on
such bonds may be deposited in any sound specie-paying
banks Avhich shall be selected by the canal commissioners and
the Governor of the Territory. One-fourth of the money
borrowed shall be expended on the western termination of
the canal ; the bonds to be issued to an amount equal, in the
whole, together with the amount of bonds formerly issued
and negotiated, to $100,000 ; and in case the bonds formerly
issued have not been negotiated, they shall be recalled prior
to the issue and sale of bonds authorized by this act. Pro
vision is made for the sale of the canal lands. The commis
sioners are authorized to protect the canal lands from tres
pass and waste, and to prosecute for such offences, on behalf
of the Territory.
By another act of this session, the collection of interest
due on canal lands for 1840, and the interest hereafter to
become due on sales made heretofore of such lands, is post
poned until the Legislature shall provide by law for its
collection. This act passed December 24th, 1840; and by
a subsequent act, passed February 19th, 1841, the interest
due on the sales of canal lands is declared to be made paya
ble at the same time and times, when the interest on the
loans to be effected shall be due and payable, of which the
canal commissioners shall give due notice.
The governor, Henry Dodge, by commission, dated March
15th, 1841, in pursuance of authority vested in him, ap
pointed Byron Kilbourn, agent of the Territory, for the
purpose of negotiating and obtaining a loan of one hundred
thousand dollars. On the same day, the governor informed
the receiver, John H. Tweedy, of such appointment, having
been made in accordance with the law of the late session of
the Legislature. He also informed him that he had autho
rized the agent to make the deposit of the loan in any of the
safety fund banks of the State of New York ; and that he
had appointed Mr. Lapham, the engineer, to be the bearer

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 389
of the bonds to Mr. Kilbourn, to be delivered to him at
Columbus, Ohio. Mr. Lapham was also appointed on the
same day to take charge of one hundred certificates of stock,
numbered from one to one hundred inclusive, for one thou
sand dollars each, issued for the purpose of obtaining a loan
of one hundred thousand dollars, for aiding in the construc
tion of the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal; which certifi
cates of stock Mr. Lapham was to deliver to Mr. Kilbourn
at Columbus, Ohio, after having first received from Mr.
Kilbourn certificates of stock now in his possesion, issued in
the name of the Territory, on the 11th of March, 1840,
amounting to fifty thousand dollars, in certificates of one
thousand dollars each, numbered from one to fifty inclusive,
to be returned to the governor.
These bonds were delivered by Mr. Lapham to John Hustis,
register of the canal lands, and by him delivered on the 3d
of April, 1841, to Mr. Kilbourn, at Columbus, Ohio; Mr.
Kilbourn, at the same time, delivering up to Mr. Hurtis the
fifty thousand dollars of the old certificates.
On the 13th of May, 1841, Governor Dodge issued a
power of attorney to Byron Kilbourn, under the great seal
of the Territory attested by Francis J. Dunn, Secretary,
reciting the execution and delivery of the said one hundred
certificates of stock for the sum of one thousand dollars each,
and authorized Byron Kilbourn as agent to negotiate the
same ; also to fill up the blanks in the said certificates, with
the names of the persons to whom they may be made paya
ble, and the time and place when and where the loan shall
be re-imbursable ; and the said agent is authorized to deliver
any of the said certificates of stock, as soon as he shall
receive from any person a certificate of the cashier of either
of the safety fund banks in the State of New York, or any
specie-paying bank or banks, that the same amount of money
has been deposited, subject to the order of the receiver of
the canal funds. And that all the acts of said Byron Kil
bourn, done and performed in pursuance of the authority
herein vested, and of the acts of Congress and of the Legis-

390 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
lative Assembly aforesaid, shall be binding and obligatory
upon the Territory of Wisconsin, according to the provisions
of the aforesaid acts.
A change in the administration of the General Govern
ment had caused a change in the office of executive of the
Territory of Wisconsin, and on the 1st of September, 1841,
Governor James D. Doty recalled all the authority given to
Mr. Kilbourn, by Governor Dodge, on the 13th of May, 1841,
and revoked and annulled all authority in relation to the
transfer of certain certificates of stock; also demanded a,
return, forthwith, to the Executive Department, of all certi
ficates remaining on hand, together with a report of the acts
of the agent. j
As the utter prostration of all the well grounded expecta
tions of the company in the successful completion of the
canal, and the extinguishment of all patriotic hopes founded
on its prospective importance to the public welfare, take
their rise in the proceedings and acts of the Territorial Le
gislature of 1842, it becomes necessary to enter into a detail
of facts, in relation to the operating causes of these unfortu
nate events, as they are embodied and set forth by the com
pany, the loan agent, the canal commissioners, and the re
ports of the committees raised by the Legislature to enquire
into the same.
The Canal Company, in their annual report, stated, that
the work had not been prosecuted, during the past season, with
so much energy as had been hoped for, owing to the want of
funds, and consequently no new contracts for work had been
made, except in one instance, the guard lock at the dam in
the Milwaukee River, which was a necessary measure of
safety and protection to the dam itself.
The total amount paid by the company, up to this time, in
cluding all expenditures from the commencement of the first
survey, is $25,063,51.
The company come to a conclusion, as to the course to be
pursued during the ensuing year, which would tend most
effectually to carry forward the work, and meet the just ex- .

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 391
pectations of the country ; that the present system offers but
little beneficial results, and that some different arrangements
in the control of the canal, or of the canal fund arising from
the sale of the canal lands, had better be devised by the
mutual assent of the parties interested. The control of both
in the same hands, would be more efficiently brought to bear
on the work, than to have them divided, as under the present
system. 1st. They therefore propose, "That the Territory take
the control of the work, and that it be conducted entirely by
territorial officers ; refunding to the company the amount
expended by them under the charter, and pledging the faith
of the Territory for the completion of the canal within the
time limited by the charter. Or,
2d. " That the Territory authorize the company to take
charge, and dispose of the lands granted to the canal, and
apply the proceeds to the construction of the canal; the
company giving security for the faithful application of these
funds, and to make annual reports to the Legislature, and be
at all times subject to have their transaction investigated by
authorized committees of the Legislature, or by other duly
authorized officers.
The loan agent, Mr. Kilbourn, made his report to the Le
gislature, December 12th, 1841. He states, that under the
provisions of the act of February 26th, 1839, contained in
sections one, and twenty, Governor Dodge appointed him loan
agent, on the 14th of March, 1840. That he failed to pro
cure any part of the authorized loan of $50,000. That he
communicated the fact to the governor, and suggested that
two obstructions in obtaining the loan might be removed, by
increasing the rate of interest on the bonds to seven per cent.,
and by receiving funds on the loan, deposited in "any specie
paying bank, wherever it would best suit the convenience of
the parties taking up the loan."
That an act, embodying the proposed modifications, was
passed, February 12th, 1841, authorizing a loan of $100,000,
bearing an interest of seven per cent, per annum, payable

392 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
semi-annually ; provided, that all, or any part of any moneys
which may be borrowed in pursuance of this act, may be depo
sited in any sound, specie-paying bank, which shall be selected
by the canal commissioners, and the Governor of the Territory,
subject to the draft of the receiver of the canal fund, when
ever the same may be required for expenditures on the canal,
but in all other respects conformable to the provisions of the
first section of the act of February 26th, 1839.
" That, under these provisions, and in pursuance of the
laws in force, the governor recalled the old bonds for $50,000,
then in the agent's hands, together with his authority to ne
gotiate them, and issued new bonds, for $100,000, of seven
per cent, stocks ; and, on the 13th of May, 1841, renewed
the authority to Byron Kilbourn, as loan agent, to negotiate
the new bonds, in accordance with the act of February 12th,
1841. " That the period was very unfavourable to obtaining loans,.
in consequence of the explosion of the Pennsylvania banks,
which affected the resumption of specie payments, at the time
when difficulties in the money market appeared to be over
come ; and the task of the loan agent appeared almost hope
less. That a proposition was made to him, by Mr. George
Reed, to take a considerable part of the loan, provided the
amount could be received in current funds of the best banks
in Ohio. That he accepted the proposition, believing it to be
strictly within the intent and meaning of the laAV, and con
ducive to the true interests of the Territory, and beneficial to
the citizens, who had purchased the canal lands at high prices,
under the implied pledge that the work would progress with
out unnecessary delay."
The loan agent entered into an arrangement with Mr. Reed,
at Cincinnati, for $30,000 of the bonds, to be paid through
the bank of the " Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Company,"
in funds bankable in that institution. This bank was selected
among others, by the canal commissioners, agreeably to law,
as a suitable place of deposit, and was not only a specie
paying bank, but one of the safest and soundest institutions

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 393
in the United States. This loan of $30,000 was to be paid
in the most choice and select funds which the currency of the
country would afford, for in such funds only did this bank deal,
in its receipts and its payments.
In addition to this loan of $30,000, the agent paid into the
same bank, in like funds, $1000, for which latter sum he for
warded a certificate of deposit to the receiver of the canal
funds, and took his receipt therefor.
Mr. Kilbourn then states, that these tAvo loans of $31,000,
payable in the kind of funds above stated, would have been
sufficient, when added to the means of the Canal Company,
to have completed the work now in progress, at the east end
of the line, and also the last level of the west end, embrac
ing about seven miles of canal at the western termination.
The agent found it impossible to obtain any loan, at par,
in New York ; and having learned that difficulties had been
thrown in the way of the disbursement of the funds at Cin
cinnati, he closed with the proposal of a small loan of $5000,
for which he paid a bonus of $1000, out of his own private
funds, and placed the whole amount of $5000 in deposit in
the Bank of America, for the same amount of bonds.
The agent proceeded to Albany, and to the interior of the
State; he closed an arrangement for $15,000, to be deposited
in the Bank of Vernon ; also one for $5000 more, to be de
posited in Albany, at par, for which he had to give his per
sonal guarantee for the punctual payment of interest and
principal by the Territory. These several arrangements would
have given the canal an available fund, within the year, of
$56,000, which, says Mr. Kilbourn, would have been sufficient,
when added to the mean3 of the company, to complete the
work now in progress at the eastern termination — the lower
level at the western termination, embracing about seven miles
of canal — the middle section, connecting the Nagawicka and
Namahbin Lakes, including two miles of canal, and about six
miles of lake navigation — and also that section of the canal,
from Weaver's Run to Redford's Run, including about two
miles of canal ; at all of which points, valuable water powers

394 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
would have been created, in the midst of beautiful and ex
tensive settlements, very much in need of such local improve
ments. It was the design of the Canal Company, to have
put these several portions of the canal under contract without
delay, had it not been for obstacles thrown in the way by a
part of the Board of Canal Commissioners, through means,
for which they have no legal sanction.
' Mr. Kilbourn says, that the difficulties thus interposed, have
arisen from an assumption of power on the part of the canal
commissioners, to interfere with, and dictate, unconditionally, as
to the loan, and the kind of funds which might, or might not be
received. Neither the act of February, 1839, nor the act of
February, 1841, confers any power whatever on the com
missioners to negotiate any loan, nor are they in any manner
authorized to direct the governor as to the manner in which
he shall discharge the official duties devolving on him by law,
or sit in judgment on his acts, whether they be right or
wrong. Certain duties were to be discharged by the go
vernor ; if he violates the law, he is responsible to the law and
the country, and not to the Board of Canal Commissioners ;
the law has not even named the commissioners in connection
with the negotiation of the loan, either as associating them
with the governor, or otherwise ; much less has it conferred
on them a dictatorial supervisory control, and absolute veto
of his acts. The duty of making the loan devolves entirely
and exclusively on the governor, under the provisions of the
above recited acts ; and this duty is to be performed either
by his own act, or through means of agents by him ap
pointed. The loan agent informed Mr. Tweedy, the receiver, June
23d, 1841, officially, that he had made a loan of $31,000, in
funds " bankable at the Life and Trust Company, Cincinnati,
as that institution, being itself a specie paying bank, is very
circumspect in the kind of funds it receives." The receiver
subsequently refused to receive certificates of deposit of this
loan, as they were payable in current funds and not in specie.
Mr. Kilbourn, as loan agent, and general agent of the Canal

MILWAUKEE AND^ ROCK RIVER CANAL. 395
Company, remarks, " that the law did not require the loan to
be made in specie, and it is fair to presume, it did not intend
any such thing ; but that, if nothing better could be done, the
Territory would receive and disburse such funds as are issued
for all the purposes of business throughout the Western
States, internal improvements of every kind included; and
admitting all that the most fastidious could claim, and accord
ing to the admission of Mr. Tweedy himself, those funds were
worth as much as specie, within five per cent. ; which was a
better loan than had been made by any Western State, within
the last four years." Subsequent events showed, that the
contractors on the canal were not only willing to receive these
funds in payment for work, and actually did take from Mr.
Tweedy, at par, the $1000 which he had accepted as a de
posit, but that they urged the receiver to take $3000 more
of that loan, when it was tendered to him, on the 31st of July,
being themselves willing and anxious to receive it. But he
refused to do it.
On the 17th of July, Mr. Tweedy wrote to Mr. Kilbourn,
informing him that he had written to the President of the
Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Company, desiring him to sus
pend the transfer of the bonds, &c; and soon after, Mr. Wil
liams, the president of the bank, informed the loan agent,
that he had received " an official letter from John H. Tweedy,
receiver of the canal fund, objecting distinctly to the sale of
the bonds for current bank notes, or any thing other than
legal currency, meaning, of course, coin. He objects to the
Trust Company certificates, because it is not payable in legal
currency, and he says that you were not authorized to sell
the bonds for any thing but legal currency," &c.
Mr. Kilbourn denies the right of Mr. Tweedy to open an
official correspondence of this nature, relative to the loan ;
and that he had no right to object distinctly to the sale of
londs, when he (Mr. Kilbourn) was acting under the separate
authority of the governor. That he had no right to pro
nounce that Mr. Kilbourn was not authorized to sell the bonds
for any thing but legal currency, that is, specie ; there is no

396 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
such requisition in the law, and if there had been, the law
did not constitute him (the receiver) the court of error, to
pronounce judgment.
The law provided, that, " whenever any loan shall be nego
tiated, &c, the interest due from purchasers of canal lands,
is to be called in, by the Board of Commissioners, in time to
meet the payment of interest on the bonds, and that three
months' notice is to be given, by advertisement, for at least
six weeks, of the time when the interest is to be paid. Mr.
Kilbourn notified the receiver of the negotiation of the loans,
and that the interest would fall due on the 20th of December
next, and, semi-annually thereafter, on the 20th of June and
20th of December, payable at the Bank of America, in NeAV
York. This notice was given by Mr. Kilbourn, on the 23d of
June, by duplicate letters, Avhich Mr. Tweedy acknowledges
he received, a week previous to the 17th of July, that is,
about the 10th of July ; but the canal commissioners delayed
making any call for the payment of interest, until after Mr.
Kilbourn had written on the subject to Mr. Hustis, the re
gister, on the 16th of August. The call was made, finally,
on the 31st of August, and although the commissioners knew
that the interest on the loans was payable in New York, on
the 20th of December, they call for the funds to be paid in
Milwaukee on the 23<^ of December. This is alleged to be a
gross dereliction of duty on the part of the commissioners ;
for, although the receiver had repudiated a. part of the loan
which had been negotiated, yet he had acknowledged another
part, by receiving and disbursing it ; and whether the acts of
the loan agent were legal or illegal, the interest had ,to be
provided for. It is extremely difficult to reconcile these acts
of the commissioners with any friendly feeling toward the
canal, or with a proper and legal consideration of their official
duties ; but the loan agent expressly charges the receiver
with hostility to the canal, although not openly avowed.
However, it is certain, that the obstacles thrown in the way
of the company's receiving the benefit of the loans negoti
ated, in their ultimate effect would totally defeat the canal.

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 397
Mr. Kilbourn states that, of the $56,000 of loans made,
$11,000 only had been actually deposited, and certificates
placed in his hands — that is, $1000 at Cincinnati, part of
the $31,000 negotiated ; $5000 at New York, and $5000
at Albany. The remainder of the Cincinnati loan, $30,000,
had been suspended ; and the bonds deposited at Vernon, for
$15,000, remained subject to the order of the persons making
the loan, until the 1st of August, 1842, according to agree
ment between the parties. Of the $11,000, he had paid
$1000 to the receiver, and he withheld the balance, being
satisfied that Mr. Tweedy would, on some technical plea,
refuse to disburse it, and consummate the overthrow of the
whole Avork. But Mr. Kilbourn had remitted funds to New
York, to discharge the interest on the loans, and had paid on
certificates of the engineer for Avork done, amounts, in the
whole, including contingent expenses in negotiating the loan,
reaching the sum of $10,041.87 — being $41.87 more than he
had received. These certificates are the proper vouchers, on
which the law makes it the duty of the register to draw his
checks on the receiver for payment. The register, Mr.
Hustis, refused to issue such checks, when demanded of him.
He is charged with a violation of his duty under the law, in
this refusal ; it does not appear that Mr. Hustis assigned any
reason for his action in this matter.
It is urged, that the Territorial officers adjust the payments
on the part of the canal fund and the funds received on loans ;
and it is stated that by the course pursued by Mr. Kilbourn, as
general agent of the company, the work has been successfully
progressing, and the contractors have been regularly paid ;
it is also claimed, that the loan agent has, in respect to all his
transactions, had the great object always in vieAV, of the faithful
discharge of his duties, the securing the success of the canal,
and the true interests of the Territory, as connected with it.
The loan agent, in his report made to the governor, De
cember 27th, 1841, sets forth his negotiation with Mr. Reed,
for a loan of thirty-one thousand dollars, to be deposited in
the bank of the Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Company, of

398 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
which one thousand dollars was deposited, and the certificate
forwarded to Mr. Tweedy ; and that the remainder was to be
deposited, in monthly instalments of three thousand dollars
per month ; but that this arrangement had been frustrated
by the action of the receiver. Also, that he had closed
an arrangement, in New York, for five thousand dollars, the
funds being deposited in the Bank of America ; another for
five thousand dollars, the funds to be deposited in the Albany
City Bank and State Bank ; both of which loans he had with
held from the receiver for the reasons as set forth in his report
to the Legislature; both of which amounts of funds he is
ready to pass over to any officer who shall regard the laAV
rather than his own will, as his rule of action. That he had
closed an arrangement for a loan of $15,000, to be deposited
at the Bank of Vernon, at any time prior to the 1st of Au
gust, 1842; in all, $56,000, in bonds numbered from one to
fifty-six, inclusive, and that the remainder of the bonds, for
ty-four in number, numbered from fifty-seven to one hundred,
inclusive, are subject to the disposal of the governor and the
Legislature. He also submits his account of expenditures,
including $385, remitted by him to pay the first instalment
of interest on $11,000 of loans.
The canal commissioners, in their annual report, regret
that their sanguine hopes of the vigorous and successful pro
secution of, the canal, by the aid of the act of the preceding
session, have not been realized, and that the loan of $100,000
has not been made ; but that the bonds issued by the Terri
tory sustain a higher value in the judgment of capitalists,
than do those of any of the Western States.
That the loan agent had informed them, during the months
of July and August, of the negotiation of several loans
amounting to $56,000, of which sum $1000, in certificates
of deposit in the Ohio Life Insurance and Trust Company,
had been received and expended ;, and that no evidence of the
deposit of any other money subject to the order of the re-*
ceiver had been presented to the commissioners.
They exhibit an account of receipts and expenditures, show-

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 399
ing a balance on hand, of thirty-nine cents ; no money had
been expended on contracts, since the 14th of July, 1841.
Since that time, the Canal Company have been prosecuting the
work at Milwaukee with its own funds, and appearances indi
cate, that the canal dam, the guard lock, and that portion of
the canal extending from the dam to the point of its junction
with the Milwaukee River in the town, will be finished early
in the ensuing season.
That the work, as completed on the canal, is constructed in
the most substantial manner, and will compare favourably
with the best works of that character in the United States.
They allege that it would be impolitic and unjust, to
demand an immediate payment of interest from the purchasers
of canal lands, while no loans have been made, requiring any
considerable amount of interest to be paid on them. For the
purpose of giving the Legislature an opportunity to legislate
on the subject, they deferred the call for interest until the
last of August, and fixed the time for its payment on the 23d
of December. They say that, under the present circumstances,
the practical result is so absurd and unjust, as to impose upon
the commissioners an imperative duty, which they cannot
escape, to compel the payment of one and a half years' inter
est, amounting to $11,000, for the purpose of paying the six
months' interest on a loan, possibly of but $1000. The
report is dated December 24th, 1841, and signed by
George H. Walker, \ C 1
John Hustis, y n
TT m ' ( Commissioners.
John H. Tweedy. J
By resolution of the council, a committee was raised, to
whom was referred all the communications and reports in re
lation to the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal, and to this
committee, Mr. Tweedy, being himself a member of the coun
cil, made a communication, explanatory of his official conduct
as receiver of the canal funds, and confessedly in reply to the
communication of Mr. Kilbourn.
In this communication there is much recrimination, and
personal remark directed by the receiver upon the statements,

400 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
the powers, and the actions of the loan agent, called forth, as
is stated, by the charges preferred by the loan agent, against
" the abuse of trust, the arbitrary assumption of power, de
reliction of duty, and wilful violation of law, on the part of
the register and receiver of the canal fund; all evincing a
design, steadily pursued, and successfully accomplished, to
arrest and entirely defeat the progress of the canal." Mr.
Tweedy assumes, that the governor had the authority to ap
point a loan agent, although, he says, such authority is denied
by many ; he then proceeds to present the facts of the case.
1. That the act of February 12th, 1841, authorizing the
issue of bonds to the amount of $100,000, provides that all
or any part of the moneys which may be borrowed may be
deposited in any sound specie paying banks which may be
selected by the canal commissioners and the Governor of the
Territory, subject to the draft of the receiver of the canal
fund, whenever the same shall be required for expenditures
on the canal.
2. The letter of authority of May 13th, 1841, executed by
the governor, authorized Byron Kilbourn "upon receiving
from any person or persons a certificate of the cashier of any
of the safety fund banks of the State of New York, or any
specie paying bank which the said agent may select, that he
¦or they have deposited with the said cashier any specified
amount of money subject to the order of the receiver of the
canal fund, as mentioned in the act of February 12, 1841, to
deliver over to such person or persons so many of the certifi
cates of stock as shall not exceed in amount the sum de
posited. The said agent was authorized to fill the blanks in
the bonds with the time and place when and where the prin
cipal of the loan should be reimbursable, and the names of
the persons to wdiom the same should be made payable, so as
to correspond with the loan which should be made.
3. The canal commissioners, by letter, under their hands
and seals, selected any of the specie paying safety fund
banks of New York, "the The Ohio Life Insurance and
Trust Company of Cincinnati," and two specie paying insti-

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 401
tutions of Columbus as proper banks for the deposit of any
moneys borroAved by the loan officer.
4. The loan agent was merely a special agent or attorney
ef the governor, entrusted with a few simple and limited
powers. He could exercise no discretion, assume no respon
sibility, but could only do a particular act in a particular
manner. 5. Mr. Tweedy says, "it may be an unsettled question
which the committee may be called on to decide, whether, if
the loan agent has in any case transcended his powers, and
has bargained or transferred any of the bonds in any manner
not warranted by laiu, such bargain and transfer is not a
nullity, and the bond so transferred, any thing better than
worthless parchment." With this gratuitous hint of a legal
opinion to the committee, he admits that it might be another
question whether if such bonds have been bona fide negotiated
to innocent purchasers, for valuable consideration, although
not in pursuance of the law, the territory should not in
honour and justice feel bound to recognize their validity.
The distinction Avhich the receiver makes between the two
cases is certainly very obscure, at the least.
6. That the funds to be deposited on certificates should be
subject or payable to the order of the receiver of the canal
fund ; that the law required the deposits to be made in money;
and the term money means specie or legal currency, or its
equivalent ; and the bills of specie paying banks, always con
vertible into specie are considered as money; and such was
the character of the funds required by law.
7. All the material facts relative to the time, manner and
places of Mr. Kilbourn's loan negotiation^, and the available
funds for which the loans were contracted by him, as set forth
in Mr. Kilbourn's communication, are stated by Mr. Tweedy to
be correct ; and upon all these facts he enters into an argu
mentative defence of his course of conduct in regard to his
refusal to accept of the certificates of the Ohio Life Insur
ance and Trust Company; his acceptance of a part of the
same ; his repudiation of the loans ; his duties and powers as
Vol. III.— 26

402 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
receiver to judge of the duties and powers of the loan agent
and of the availability of the funds in which the loans were
made ; and the reasons why the interest on purchases of canal
lands was not called for according to law.
The communication which Mr. Tweedy thus submits to the
legislature, may be considered more in the nature of a retort
upon the charges of the loan agent, by a plausible argument
casting censure on his actions, than as a sufficient defence of
his own official conduct.
In the first place, each and all of his predicates, are in the
shape of a petitio principii ; they must each be admitted as
correct, before his conclusions are acknowledged. These
positions assume, that the just and legal power and authority
conferred on him, as receiver, by law, has been alone exer
cised by him ; that he alone was the judge of the intentions
of the legislature in making the law authorizing the loans ;
that he, as receiver, had the right to judge and determine on
the ability to pay, of the person taking the loan ; that the
payments to be received on the loans, in future, would not he
equal to specie, because such payments were to be in current
bank notes ; in fine, that he, the receiver, was constituted the
judge of the acts of the governor, in delegating his power
and authority under the law to the loan agent ; of the acts
of the loan agent under such authority ; of the meaning of
the law, implied, not expressed ; of the ability of a lender on
the loans ; of the future action of depositories in their issues,
and the value of the funds to be issued on the loans ; and of
the propriety of conforming, or non-conforming to the law
in relation to calling for the payment of interest on the sales
of the canal lands.
Requiring the correctness of such positions to be admitted,
the receiver claims not only to be justified in all his acts in
relation to the loans, but he asserts, that the loan agent was
alone derelict in duty. At this day it is not a difficult course
of reasoning that arrives at conclusions very different from
those of the receiver.
,'. The loans as negotiated were known and acknowledged to

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 403
be the best in all respects that could be effected. The loan
agent under the power of attorney given by the governor, had
the power of selecting the bank of deposit, provided it was a
specie paying bank ; the receiver acknowledges that he had
this power, and he also acknowledges that the Ohio Life In
surance and Trust Company, was one of the banks selected
by the canal commissioners. The laAV does not exact that
the loan shall be paid in specie, it requires the moneys loaned
to be deposited in specie paying banks ; and the bank selected
was so considered. The law requires the bonds to be sold at
par ; they were sold for their value on the face, neither at a
discount, nor for a premium, but at an equivalent in amount,
payable in current funds, which was all that was required by
the law, unless it he conceded, as contended, that money
means specie, and nothing else. If there was a derangement
in the money market ; if the recent resumption of specie pay
ments by banking institutions had received a check, and sus
tained a temporary revulsion, by reason of recent bank explo
sions, how couldit be expected in the minds of statesmen or
financiers, that the bonds would sell for any thing better than
the current funds of the country ? If specie commanded a
premium, and was thus quasi above par, how could a loan
have been effected in specie, unless the purchaser paid
more for the bond than its nominal value ? And in such
case, would not the purchaser, at the time the loan was reim
bursable, inevitably lose the amount of the premium he
had paid, because no more than the nominal amount of the
bond would be paid when it became due? It cannot be
well presumed that the Legislature contemplated that the
bonds would command any thing better in the money market
than dollar for dollar of the current circulation of the coun
try ; if specie commanded five per cent, premium, or, in other
words, if current funds were five per cent, less in value than
specie, was it ever supposed that the Territorial bonds could
be sold for one hundred and five dollars, when the promise
of re-payment was only one hundred dollars? And such
would be the effect on a sale of the bonds according to the-

404 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
views of the receiver; the purchaser must pay a premium on
the bond according to the value of specie in the money mar
ket, when he buys, and lose the amount of the premium when
the bond is redeemed; or at any sale of it in the mean time,
whenever specie payments should be resumed by the banks.
It may also be remarked that although specie may at times
command a premium, and consequently, be considered as
above par, yet it does not follow that the current funds, the
circulating medium, ceases to represent a par value ; the tem
porary suspension of specie payments, as a conservative mea
sure on the part of banking institutions, does not carry the
conclusion that the paper of such banks will not be redeemed ;
such paper may nevertheless serve all the purposes of a cir
culating medium, and at all times purchase specie, except
when there is an inflated demand for the precious metals.
A great objection on the part of Mr. Tweedy to receiving
the loans, is, that the certificates of deposit Avere not payable
to the order of the receiver, but to the loan agent. The weight
of this objection is more in form than substance, as the offer
of these certificates to the receiver by the loan agent, showed
that the funds were at the disposal of the receiver if he would
accept them. He accepted one thousand dollars of such cer
tificates, and rejected thirty thousand dollars, because current
funds did not in his opinion meet the requisitions of the law,
however they might subserve the purposes for which the loan
Avas negotiated, in a business point of view. That such funds
Avould have served all the purposes of the desired loan; that
the work on the canal would not only have been success
fully carried on, but that every step of its progress would
have added to the wealth of the country, the confidence of
the people, and the facilities of obtaining means in future for
its completion, were matters distinctly apparent; and at this
day it may appear strange, that by some, Avho had influence
and power, and professed every friendly feeling towards the
canal, they were unseen and unheeded.
Truth is the daughter of time. It must now be conceded,
and it cannot justly be defended, that the conduct of many

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 405
individuals in their opposition.to the canal, was as much influ
enced by personal considerations in regard to its friends and
supporters, as by an attention to the interests of the public at
large. The latter is often made the pretext for great private
injustice, Avithout an equivalent benefit resulting to itself, for
the infliction of irreparable injury. A strict adherence to
the law of the land is the paramount duty of the citizen;
the faithful performance of a duty imposed and undertaken,
or solicited and granted, is not only imperative on the en
trusted agent, but the approbation which might be awarded to
his acts need not be expressed, as such performance of duty
is always expected, and in this meets its own reward. But
the manner of its performance, the spirit in which the work
is done, the resulting effects of the act, are all, in justice, to
be taken into consideration, whenever a question arises be
tween the delegating power ; nd the agent. No one pretends
•to say that the loan agent had not at heart, and in constant
view, the ultimate prosperity of all the canal operations ; no
one denies that his intentions in executing his trust under the
powers and authorities conferred on him by the governor, were
strictly consonant with his duties as an honourable man, and
a patriotic citizen. But all his efforts were rendered nuga
tory, and the effects of his operations totally destroyed by
the action of other public agents, who claimed the same ap
probation to be awarded to the faithful discharge of their
several trusts. And yet, on an examination of the several
transactions in relation to the loans, and the action of the
several officers on the deposits, and the acceptance of them,
it may readily be perceived that the letter of the law Avas
more considered than its spirit, and meaning ; that judicial
powers were assumed by ministerial officers ; that zeal over
stepped the line of duty ; and that a present positive good
was absolutely thrown away, lest a doubtful evil might in
future arise from the acceptance of it.
But the fiat had already gone forth, delenda est Carthago;
the inimical feelings had commenced in the very birth of the
Canal Company as a corporate body, in a personal opposition

406 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
*
to individuals, deeply interested in the work, because its loca
tion might be more beneficial to them than to others. It was
even urged as an objection to the canal that, because a valu
able water power would be created in the town of Milwaukee
on the west side of the river, it must of necessity be injurious
to that part of the town on the east side of the river. It was
attempted to turn the grant of land to political account ; first
in an agitation relative to pre-emption rights ; and that ground
being removed, then in complaints of the price of the land.
Next, a resort to all expedients to impede the work, whereby
the purchasers of canal lands, being deprived of expected
advantages, might be disposed to join in the cry of disparage
ment. The interests of rival improvements then in contem
plation, were brought to bear against it ; the phantoms of
state liabilities and great public debt, were raised up, to deter
honest legislators from the fulfilment of public duties, by
providing for the discharge of a sacred trust ; and when un
usual efforts were made to carry that trust into effect, they
were all compelled to yield to an assumption of official pow
ers, exercised under (at least) a doubtful construction of laws,
and only in accordance Avith a strict and pertinacious adhe
rence to technicalities.
In February, 1841, the law authorizing the loan was passed.
In May, 1841, Governor Dodge conferred authority on the
loan agent to effect the loans.
In June, 1841, the loan agent effects a loan, and so in
forms the receiver, who refuses to accept of it, for reasons
adjudged by himself to be consonant Ayith the law and his
duties. In August, 1841, the loan agent informs Governor Doty,
the successor of Governor Dodge, that he had negotiated a
part of the authorized loan.
On September 1st, 1841, Governor Doty informs Byron
Kilbourn, loan agent, that all authority conferred on him by
the poAver of attorney, granted in May, 1841, by Governor
Dodge, his predecessor, is revoked and annulled ; and he is
thereby required to return forthwith to the executive depart-

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 407
ment, all certificates of stock remaining in his hands, and a
report of his acts under his authority.
On September 2d, 1841, Governor Doty issues a public
notice that Byron Kilbourn is not authorized to sell or dis
pose of any bonds or certificates of stock made by the late
executive of the Territory of Wisconsin under the act, &c,
&c, as no authority was given by said act, or any other act,
to said Kilbourn to negoitate a loan upon the said bonds or
certificates of stock.
The deputation of authority was thus recalled; but no
further attempts were made by the government to carry into
effect the law authorizing the loan ; and, at the session of the
Legislature, in December following, the governor presented
the matter of the loan before them, in his annual message ; a
committee was raised on the subject, and the development
took place in the various communications, as has been stated
herein. On the 3d of February, 1842, this committee, by their
chairman, Morgan L. Martin, made a report, with accom
panying resolutions ; the report is a tissue of reasoning,
founded on these premises : —
1st. That the committee do not concede that according to
the several acts of the Legislative Assembly, the power to
appoint an agent to negotiate the loan of 1841 was vested in
the governor, or that Mr. Kilbourn became in any manner
legally authorized to enter into any negotiation for a loan on
behalf of the Territory.
2d. That the act of the receiver, in refusing the deposits
of the amount of the bonds in bankable funds, in the Life
Insurance and Trust Company, was proper.
3d. That the loans of $5000 in New York, and $5000 in
Albany, are yet in the agent's hands, and have not come into
the power of the receiver.
4th. That the Bank of Vernon, in which the prospective
loan of $15,000 is to be deposited in August next, according
to agreement, is not a safety fund bank.
5th. The agent contracted for the future delivery of bonds

408 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
on deposits to be made in future, which he was unauthorized
to do.
6th. Specie has not been received, nor has specie funds, for
any of the bonds now outstanding.
Under this view of the facts, the committee arrive at a
conclusion, that the Territory has not incurred any legal
liabilities in the negotiation of the loan of one hundred
thousand dollars, authorized by act of February 12th, 1841 ;
that the government would be bound by a fair and natural
exercise of discretion, by its general agent lawfully ap
pointed, although she has failed to reap the advantages from
his acts, she might have had reason to expect; that in the
absence of positive proof of gross violation of duties or of
fraud in the discharge of them, the government is legally, as
well as morally, bound by the exercise of the discretion of
her general agent, though it might result in a failure of the
object intended to be accomplished, and thus involve the
government in loss. But, in this case, Mr. Kilbourn was a
special agent, and his reasonable discretion, as to all subor
dinate acts incident to the main business entrusted to him,
was excluded by the express limitations of his power. A
violation of these limitations taints the whole transaction
with fraud, which renders his acts void in law. Nor can any
subsequent holder of securities surreptitiously obtained, even
without notice of the circumstances under which they were
first issued or delivered, escape the consequences of the fraud.
Believing this to be the correct view of this matter, the com
mittee express the opinion that the fifty-five bonds of $1000
each, said to have been negotiated by Mr. Kilbourn, have
been illegally and fraudulently disposed of, and the Territory
is not liable for their resumption.
The committee, by their reported resolutions, deny the
authority of the agent ; declare that the bonds have been
issued without A'aluable consideration ; that the bonds nego
tiated by the loan agent are null and void ; and that there is
not, nor can be, any obligation, either legal or equitable,
resting upon the Territorial government to reimburse the

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 409
amount of said bonds or certificates, or any part thereof.
They except one bond, which is declared valid, because the
receiver accepted the funds arising from its negotiation.
This report, and these resolutions, and the spirit in which
they are founded, may well be judged from the predicates
which they present ; that the governor had no authority to
appoint an agent; that, nevertheless, the governor did
appoint Mr. Kilbourn ; that, in view of the facts relative to
the loan negotiations, the agent acted fraudulently ! The
soundness of such a conclusion is equal to the justice by
which the Territory is to be guided in repudiating her bonds.
Two acts of the Legislature immediately followed this
report; one was passed February 14th, 1842, by which it
was enacted, That all interest moneys due to the Territory
of Wisconsin, prior to the 22d of December, 1841, from
purchasers of the canal lands, be, and the same are hereby
absolutely remitted and discharged, and all and every pur
chaser, their representatives, and assigns, is and are hereby
released from every obligation incurred to pay the whole or
any part of said interest moneys. And all interest moneys
which might have, or shall become due from any purchasers
of canal lands, in pursuance of any act of the Legislative As
sembly, except so much as shall be required by the canal com
missioners to meet the interest on any loan Avhich may have
been made according to law, and so much as may be required
to meet expenses in collecting, &c, not exceeding three hun
dred dollars, be, and the same are hereby absolutely remitted
and discharged. No more interest shall be collected by the
canal commissioners from the purchasers than shall be suffi
cient to meet the interest on any loan, and the amount to be
collected shall be duly apportioned among the purchasers of
canal lands.
In this manner did the Territory discharge the trust which
she had assumed on herself. The canal lands, and the pro
ceeds of their sales, belonged exclusively to the canal — the
Territory, as a trustee for this use, sold the lands — the
interest money was a fund belonging to the canal, and when

410 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
the trustee, by her deliberate act, discharged the purchasers
from the payment of any part of this interest money, she
thereby acknowledged the receipt of the same, and became
instantly indebted to the canal for so much money arising
from the trust fund, and now come to the hands of the
trustee. On the 18th of February, 1842, an act was passed repeal
ing the first, sixteenth, and seventeenth sections of the act
of February 26th, 1839; also the fourth section of the act
of January 11th, 1840, and the second and third sections of
the act of February 12th, 1841.
By the operation of this law, the authority to negotiate a
loan was repealed ; the power of the acting commissioner to
approve of all contracts for material and labour on the canal
was taken away ; the authority of the register and receiver
to pay for work done and materials furnished on the canal,
on checks drawn and based upon the certificate of the chief
engineer, was destroyed ; the power to apply the canal funds
to the construction of the canal, in case a loan should not be
effected, was taken from the commissioners; the pledges
given by law for the redemption of the loans are wholly
resumed. The balance of the laws referred to, which con
tinued in force, chiefly related to the canal lands, and the
sale of them under the regulations of the trustee.
That so important a bill as this, in which the fate of a
great public work was involved, and the integrity of the
Territory, in fulfilling her voluntarily assumed trusts, was
necessarily a matter in question, should be passed with a
haste which absolutely negatives the least idea of deliberation
upon it. is almost incredible ; and, for the honour of legisla
tion, it is to be hoped that its singularity will ever so remain.
Let the journals of the session speak the history of the bill.
At seven o'clock in the evening of the 18th of February,
1842, Mr. Martin obtained leave of the council to introduce a
bill, entitled, "A Bill to repeal parts of the several acts
relating to the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal," which
bill was read a first and second times; and, on motion

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 4H
of Mr. Tweedy, the council went into committee of the
whole on the bill, which was reported by the said committee
without amendment; and, pending the question on ordering
the bill to be engrossed for a third reading, on motion of
Mr. Tweedy, the rules were suspended, and the bill was read
a third time, passed, and the title agreed to. The ayes and
noes were not called for.
The same night, the bill is sent to the House of Repre
sentatives, and the example of industry is not lost here ; a
few minutes after it has been presented for concurrence, it is
taken up, read a first and second times, and passed through
a committee of the whole, without amendment. It is then
laid on the table for a few minutes, taken up, and amended,
so as to repeal that part of the act, which provides for the ap
pointment of a territorial engineer ; and, by special order of
the House, the bill is then read a third time, passed, and
the title agreed to. No yeas and nays are called for.
The same night the bill is carried back to the council, and
the amendment of the House is concurred in. It is imme
diately afterwards reported as correctly enrolled ; again, it is
reported as presented to the governor for his signature ; the
bill finally receives the approval of the governor on the same
night of the 18th of February, 1842.
The passage of this bill, together with other proceedings
of the Legislature at this session, sealed the fate of the canal ;
all hopes of its completion were despaired of by its most
sanguine friends ; the confidence of the people, in the ability
of the Canal Company to resist the power raised up against
the work, was destroyed ; and the Legislature dealt a final
blow by endeavouring to repudiate her trust, and calling on
Congress to repeal the grant, take back her lands, and make
provision by law, that all purchasers of canal lands, who had
bought for two dollars and fifty cents per acre, should have
the excess of one dollar and twenty-five cents per acre re
turned to them.
It is proper to be remarked, in viewing the action of the
Legislature at this session, that the relations between the Ter-

412 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
ritory and the Canal Company were not regarded in the light
that strict justice demanded ; the following facts should be
borne in mind throughout all the proceedings of the Legisla
ture. The grant of land Avas obtained through the sole agency
of the Canal Company, without any aid or co-operation what
ever on the part of the Territory, so tha? whatever interest
the Territory might have in that grant, was conferred upon it
as a gratuity, through tho unaided exertions of the Canal
Company. The grant was made hy Congress for the express purpose
of aiding the construction of "The Milwaukee and Rock
River Canal, and for no other purpose whatever."
The canal was to be under the sole direction and control
of the Canal Company, agreeably to the provisions of the act
of incorporation, expressly sanctioned, and the rights of the
company expressly recognized, by the act of Congress making
the grant. No right of property in the said lands is con
ferred upon the Territory, nor can any title to said lands ever
vest in the State which might thereafter be admitted, unless
the State shall accept of such title, subject to all the condi
tions of the grant, by an act to be duly passed by the Legis
lature of the state, expressly assenting to such conditions.
All the necessary expense, labour and trouble of obtaining
the grant was incurred by the company, without aid of any
kind from the Territory, not even a memorial asking for it, on
part of the Territory. The explorations, surveys, locations
of line, and construction, were made on expenditures from the
private means of the company, and on the faith of expendi
tures to be made by the Territory, of funds to be derived from
those very same lands which had been placed at its disposal
by the Canal Company.
The Territory, as such, had not at any stage of the pro
ceedings expended a dollar, either towards procuring the
lands, or in the construction of the canal, nor had it expended,
for any beneficial purpose, out of the proceeds of those lands,

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 413
but little more, if so much, as the Canal Company had from
their private funds.
On the passage of the law of Congress making the grant
of lands, three parties were created, grantor, trustee, and
testui que trust; the United States grantor, the Territory
grantee and trustee, and the Canal Company for Avhose use
the grant was made, and the trust created. The Territory
might have then refused to accept of the trust — she did not,
but of her own volition accepted it; and having so done, she
was bound to carry the trust into effect — she could not repu
diate it, or relinquish it, Avithout the consent of all the parties
concerned. And it may here be said that there was another party to
the trust, springing from the execution of it; the purchasers
of the lands contained in the grant, Avho Avere either settled
upon them before the grant was made, or had subsequently
purchased, at sales made under the trust, with the expecta
tion that the Avork on the canal would be prosecuted with all
promptitude and vigour.
Simultaneously with the passage of the repealing law at
this session, resolutions were adopted, declaring that the trust
was imposed on the Territory without her consent ; that she
had done all that prudence required, to execute the trust
beneficially; that she had made repeated efforts for three
years to borrow money on the pledge of her faith, and of the
grant ; that all the Territory had been able to expend on the
canal, was $1000 borrowed, and the sum of $13,604 40 re
ceived from the sales of land, and the entire sum expended
hy the canal is but a few thousand dollars; that all hopes of
the construction of the canal are abandoned by its friends ;
and it is now clearly seen, that the Avork is far beyond the
resources ofthe Canal Company or of the Territory ; therefore
the Territory is Avithdrawn from a further discharge of its du
ties as trustee ; all connection with the Canal Company dis
solved, all prosecution of the work on the canal abandoned,
Congress requested to repeal the canal grant, take back her
lands, and make provision for returning the excess of pur-

414 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
chase money to the purchasers ; and that this preamble and
resolutions be transmitted to our delegate in Congress with in
structions to introduce and urge the passage of a bill to carry
these resolutions into effect.
These resolutions were of course transmitted to Congress,
and the Canal Company addressed a remonstrance to that
body, in which their undoubted rights are plainly set forth,
and their claims to mere justice confidently asserted. All
the matters were referred to the committee on the public
lands ; from which committee, on the 10th of May, Mr. How
ard made an able and full report, spreading out the history
of the canal, the grant, the acceptance of the trust on part
of the Territory, her action under the trust, and the legal and
equitable rights and consequences, accruing to the parties,
and flowing from the trust. The committee of Congress deny
the positions assumed by the Legislature of the Territory, in
every important part — they deny their inferences — they can
scarcely believe that the Territory will refuse to execute the
trust which was not imposed on her, but was voluntarily assumed
by her ; and they say, that such an act of bad faith as the
revocation of the trust, might possibly leave the company
without remedy by ordinary process of law, but it could not
strip them of their rights under the grant. The principles of
justice endure, though the forms of positive law may be chang
ed ; and although governments, having entered into solemn com
pacts with private individuals, may not be required to answer
for supposed delinquencies at any judicial tribunal, yet this
exemption has never been construed as implying an absence
of obligation in their contracts, or any power to infringe or
impair the vested rights of those with whom the engagement
was contracted. Such a principle is justly abhorrent to the
moral feelings of men, and if practised by governments justly
exposes them to the condemnation and scorn of the world.
The committee report a resolution, that Congress ought not
to interfere with the act of cession, without the consent of
the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal Company.
In accordance with the principles set forth in this report

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 415
of, Mr. Howard, and in the true spirit of the appended reso
lution, Congress has never yet, in any shape interfered with
the act of cession, as the consent of the cestui que trust has
never yet been given for such interference in any manner
whatsoever ; and the efforts of the Canal Company to accom
modate and settle her differences with the Territory and sub
sequent State, have hitherto been wholly unsuccessful. .
Viewing the causes set forth in the preamble to the resolu
tions of the Legislature of 1842, as the reasons on which
those resolutions are based, to be erroneous, it is difficult to
assign a just and adequate motive for the difference of action
exhibited by the same individual, at two periods, within the
term of one year ; at one time officiating as Canal Commis
sioner on behalf of the Territory, and making an able and
legal report to the Legislature on the subject of the canal
lands ; and at another, and subsequent time, as a member of
the Legislature, supporting and voting for a preamble and
resolutions, at total variance with the principles of such re
port, and wholly abnegating the duties of the Territory to
carry into effect her voluntarily assumed responsibilities. A
retrospective view of the report of George H. Walker, John
Hustis and John H. Tweedy, canal commissioners appointed
by the Territory, laid before the Legislature in December,
1840, presents the following able and truthful remarks on the
duties and obligations of the Territory as a trustee under
the act of Congress :
" The canal lands were granted to the Territory in trust
for a specific use — the construction of the Milwaukee and
Rock River Canal. The conveyance having thus become ab
solute, Congress has no power to revoke or restrict the grant,
or vary the trust or use, except by extending the time of the
performance of the trust. The Territory is a trustee ; as
such, she cannot surrender the trust or lands, with or without
the consent of Congress, or change, or vary the application
of the funds. * * * The power in every such case draws
with it the duty. * * * * The Territory has made her
election. * * * * She has chosen the path of duty and

416 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
interest. * * * You cannot assume the power, without
assuming the duty. And if the Territory or State assumed
but in one instance to exercise the power, if she but once
touched the fund, she at that moment became bound by every
duty incident to the power; and if she failed to discharge
those duties, every party interested, the purchaser of land,
the Canal Company, and Congress would have the same rights,
as every person in every other case of an abuse or perversion
of a trust, to apply to the proper tribunal for arrest of the
injury and suitable relief."
The commissioners in an emphatic manner say, that "the
sentiments of a great portion of the community are crude
and unsettled on the subject of the canal lands, and many
men of influence and intelligence labour under misapprehen
sions so strange and inconsistent, as to require serious notice."
They proceed : " There are many, strange as it may seem,
who have, and do now speculate seriously on the policy and
expediency of diverting this fund to the construction of some
other work, railroad, or enterprise. * * * A conception
it would seem (even if the Territory had the power to carry
it into execution) too monstrous to be harboured for a mo
ment. ***** rpne disposal of any portion of the
canal fund for any purpose but the canal itself, would be an
instance of breach of trust, and violation of pledged faith,
unparalleled in the history of any government in our country,
as well as an act of most flagrant injustice."
This argument of the State officers was doubtless correct;
but in February, 1842, Ave find one of these officers, in his
legislative capacity, advocating a change of policy, and voting
for a preamble and resolutions, to the effect that "all connec
tion of the Territory with the Milwaukee and Rock River
Canal Company ought to be henceforth dissolved; that all
prosecution of the work of the canal by the Territory, ought
to be henceforth abandoned ; and that the Territory ought not
to proceed to execute the office of trustee imposed upon her
\>y the act of Congress."
We have seen that the first step in legislation, under this

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 417
new policy, and most untenable doctrine, wras taken by the
passage of the repealing act of February 18th, 1842. We
proceed to examine subsequent acts of the Territorial Legis
lature, and joint resolutions, in relation to the canal lands,
and the disposition of canal funds, which, according to old
received opinions of law and justice, (perhaps, now, too anti
quated,) ought ever to have been considered as inviolate in
the hands of a trustee, and sacred from even a single thought
of a perversion of the trust.
We give, then, a condensed view of the several acts of the
Territorial Legislature, from this period, 1842, to the adop
tion of the constitution, and the formation of State govern-
ment. By the second section of the act of February 19th, 1841,
it was declared, " that if any purchaser of canal lands shall
not file his bond and mortgage, as required by law, within six
months thereafter, and shall not pay interest and principal
becoming due on such land, at the time when the same should
become due, such purchaser shall forfeit all legal and equit
able right to such land."
This section was repealed by the act of March 25th, 1843.
By act of January 25th, 1844, it was declared : " That the
payment of all principal and interest money, which now is,
or which hereafter may become due to this Territory, from
purchasers of lands granted by Congress to said Territory, to
aid in the construction of the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal,
be, and the same hereby is indefinitely postponed ; and no suit
shall be instituted, at law or in chancery, upon any bond,
mortgage, or other security, given for any such principal, or
interest money, until such times as the Legislature shall here
after determine ; and in case any such bond, mortgage, or
other security, shall not be paid or discharged until such
time as the Legislature shall prescribe, the same, or the con
dition thereof, shall not for that cause be deemed to have
become forfeited: Provided, that nothing herein contained
shall affect the right of the Legislature, at any time hereafter
to require the payment of said interest and principal moneys,
Vol. III.— 27

418 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
at such times, or on such conditions as they may provide, not
inconsistent with the contracts of such purchasers.
By act of February 24th, 1845, entitled, "An act to
authorize a further sale of the canal lands, and for other pur
poses," it was provided: "That so much of the canal lands
as remained unsold at the passage of this act, should be
brought into market, and offered for sale, on the second Tues
day of April, 1846, in the town of Milwaukee, unless such
sale shall be hereafter prohibited by act of Congress. Four
months' notice of the sale to be given by the register and
receiver. § 3. Such lands shall be sold, in all cases, to the highest
bidder, at not less than one dollar and twenty-five cents per
acre. § 6. Purchasers of lands formerly sold, may avail themselves
of the provisions of this act, by paying ten per centum of the
balance due on such lands, without including any interest,
and estimating the original purchase at one dollar and twenty-
five cents per acre, on or before the first Monday of July,
1845; and the remainder between the first Monday and the
second Tuesday of April, 1846. Bonds and mortgages exe
cuted by the original purchasers of such lands, to be cancelled
and released by the receiver.
§ 7. Out of the proceeds of such sales, the receiver is
authorized and required to pay to sundry persons named in
the act, sundry enumerated sums of money, amounting in the
aggregate to the sum of two thousand six hundred and fifty-
four dollars and twenty-five cents ; the same to be paid out
of the instalments of ten per cent.
§ 10. All moneys (except such appropriations) paid to the
receiver under the provisions of this act, shall be deposited
by him in the Bank of America, in the city of New York, to
the credit of the Territory of Wisconsin, and to be drawn
out only in such manner as the Legislative Assembly shall
hereinafter direct.
§ 17. If Congress disapprove, or fail to approve of this
act, then the said lands to be sold at the minimum price of

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 419
two dollars and fifty cents per acre — one-half of which bid, to
be paid on the day of sale.
At the same session, (24th February, 1845,) the Legisla-
lature addressed a memorial to Congress, on the subject of
the canal lands. In this memorial, it is set forth and
acknowledged, that the Territory, having accepted the grant
of the canal lands, became a trustee, bound to apply the
proceeds of said grant to aid the Canal Company in the con
struction of the canal, and accountable to the United States
for such proceeds in case the canal should not be completed
within a limited time.
It is stated that the project of constructing said canal is
believed to be far beyond the available resources of the com
pany and of the Territory, and has long since been abandoned
by its friends, by the company, and by the Territory.
It is stated, as a belief, that the canal grant has been a
serious injury to the settlers upon it, and to those counties
of the Territory in which it lies. That it has retarded the
settlement and improvement of a large region of the finest
country • that only a small part of the lands have been sold,
and that the price is excessively high.
It states the amount of sales of the canal grant to be
43.527 10Th acres.
The whole amount of receipts on sale to be $13,624 49
Also the amount of a Territorial bond, (canal
loan,) - - ... 1,000
Outstanding direct liabilities of the Territory,
on account of the canal, amounting to - 15,059 43
The Canal Company claim to have expended on
account of the canal, over and above all
receipts, - - - - 46,573 84
The Legislature, in order to afford relief to the settlers
on these lands, and extricate the Territory from the difficul
ties of its position, feel sensibly the necessity of early pro
viding, by law, for the sale of the canal lands, and effecting

420 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
a settlement with the Canal Company, by which all fconnection
between it and the Territory may be dissolved. This, thoy
say, they have done.
They ask Congress to pass a law authorizing the Territory
to effect a final settlement with the Canal Company, and to
purchase the canal, with all its privileges, to be paid for out
of the proceeds of the sales of the canal lands, and that the
same may be granted to the Territory.
They also ask that the canal lands, or the balance of the
proceeds thereof, may be donated to the Territory, to be
appropriated to public uses ; to pay the debt incurred for
completing the Capitol, and to build a penitentiary ; also, to
establish a Normal school, and the balance, for such beneficial
purposes as the Legislature may deem proper. The estimate
for the payment of the Capitol debt is $50,000 — for building
the penitentiary, $20,000.
They request a reduction of the price of the canal lands,
both of the odd, and even numbered sections.
This memorial presents some features worthy of notice, as
contrasted with the action of the Legislature at previous
periods. It acknowledges that the Territory accepted the trust,
and became bound to apply the proceeds of sales of canal
lands, to aid in the construction of the canal. It admits that
the Territory is liable to the United States for the proceeds
of the sales, in case the canal is not completed in ten years.
It states that the canal grant had been a serious injury to
the settlers upon it ; and that it has retarded the settlement
of the country, although it is in the finest region, and that
the price is excessively high ; a small part only of the lands
had been sold. Perhaps it might have truly been stated,
that, although the price of the lands had been reduced by the
Legislature to the minimum price of other public lands, the
absence of settlement, sales, and prosperity of this region of
country, was owing to the action of the Legislature in relation
to the canal, and not to the grant made by Congress, or the
conditions contained in it.

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 421
The memorial acknowledges the necessity of a speedy
settlement, on the part of the Territory, with the Canal Com
pany, and asks permission from Congress to purchase the
residue of the canal lands remaining unsold, for the purpose
of making such settlement ; after such settlement has been
made, a donation of the balance of lands and money to the
Territory is requested. This does not appear to be in strict
accordance with other acts of the Legislature, wherein the
rights of absolute ownership of the canal lands had been exer
cised, detrimental to the interests of the canal, and at vari
ance with the terms of the grant, and acceptance of the trust.
On the 3d day of February, 1846, a resolution was adopted
by the Legislature, entitled, "Joint resolution in relation to
canal funds." It orders : —
" That the receiver of the canal lands shall pay over to
the Treasurer of the Territory all moneys which may arise
from any sale of the canal lands, after deducting the expenses
of such sale.
" That the money thus received into the treasury of the Ter
ritory shall be liable for all debts due from said Territory ;
and the said treasurer is hereby authorized to pay and dis
charge the same in the same manner, and for the same pur
poses, as any other money in said treasury.
"That the money so received shall be liable to be, and so
much thereof as shall be necessary, is hereby appropriated
to the payment of the expenses of holding the Convention to
form a Constitution for the State of Wisconsin, the current
year, and may be paid out in such manner as the convention
shall provide.
" That the faith of the Territory and future State of Wis
consin is hereby pledged to repay to the said canal fund the
sum which shall be diverted in pursuance of the above reso
lutions to the purposes aforesaid, whenever the same shall be
required to be repaid for the purpose of executing the trust
created by Congress in making the ' canal grant ;' and all
laws contravening these, are hereby repealed."
" It is evident by these resolutions that the Legislature, in

422 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
laying hands on the canal funds, declared that it borrowed
the same for certain temporary uses of the Territory and
State, for the payment of debts and expenses for which no
other provision had been made, and pledged the public faith
to refund the same when required. It is an unequivocal
admission that the "canal fund" did not belong to the Terri
tory, and that it designed only to make a temporary use of it.
By an act passed 8th February, 1847, it was provided,
" That the register and receiver (of canal lands) shall cancel
and release all mortgages in their hands, executed by any
purchaser of canal lands, and no mortgage shall be required
to be given by any purchaser, (under the act to authorize a
farther sale of the canal lands,) either upon lands heretofore
sold, or upon those which hereafter may be sold. Patents
shall issue to purchasers, and all mortgages executed to the
territory under acts passed prior to the year 1845, shall be
cancelled and released, on payment of one dollar and twenty-
five cents per acre on the lands embraced in said mortgages,
including payments heretofore made thereon.
"The register and receiver shall proceed to sell all the
lands granted to the Territory of Wisconsin, (canal lands,)
which remain unsold."
So much of the first section of the act of February 24th,
1845, as relates to the prohibition of a sale by act of Con
gress, is repealed ; the seventeenth section of said act, which
fixes the minimum price at $2 50 per acre, in case Congress
fail to approve of said act, is also repealed, whereby the
lands were authorized to be sold at $1 25 per acre.
On the 11th of February, 1847, the Legislature again
memorialized Congress to reduce the minimum price of the
even numbered sections of the canal lands, to $1 25 per acre.
It is also asked that the surplus money be refunded to those
persons who entered lands on the even numbered sections, at
$2 50 per acre.
There is in this memorial a reiteration of the assertion,
that the project of constructing a canal was found to be far
beyond the available resources of the company, and of the

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 423
Territory, and has long since been abandoned by both. That
large numbers of settlers, invited by the prospective improve
ment of the country by the construction of the canal,
located upon these lands, and made valuable improvements
thereon, awaiting the time when they should be offered in
market at the enhanced price of $2 50 per acre placed on
them. That the abandonment of the work has been to all
these enterprising and meritorious individuals a source of
deep disappointment and irreparable injury, after many years
of anxious suspense ; the Legislature has given relief to the
settlers on the odd numbered sections, by authorizing a sale
of all the unsold lands at one dollar and twenty-five cents
per acre.
Perhaps questions might occur, on perusing this memorial
to this effect : How does it appear that the construction of
the canal was far beyond the available resources of the
company ? The very contrary fact has been shown, at the
earliest days of active operations on the canal. Who
caused the abandonment of the work on the canal ? Were
the settlers on the canal lands, who made valuable improve
ments in view of the construction of the canal, silent on the
subject of the perpetual war waged by the Legislature against
the Canal Company ? Or were the acts of the Legislature
at variance with the wishes and sentiments of the people on
that subject ? What portion of the people of the Territory
were always most clamorous for the abandonment of the
canal ? and whose representatives were those members of the
Legislature, who were most active and efficient in the work
of destruction? Did the settlers and purchasers of the
canal lands give their aid towards the completion of the
canal, or did their repeated, and, perhaps, concerted action,
not only retard its progress, but finally result in its abandon
ment by the Legislature ? Had the contemplated reduction
of the price of valuable lands in the finest region of country,
any bearing on the action of the representatives of the people,
in legislating on the affairs of the Canal Company ?
On the 9th of February, 1848, the Memorial of Byron

424 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Kilbourn, President of the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal
Company, was presented to the House of Representatives;
it prayed for a final settlement of the affairs of the company
with the Territory, and proffered a surrender of its charter,
and an extinguishment of its rights, on principles of equity
and justice. This memorial was referred to a select com
mittee of seven, four of whom made a majority report on
the 19th of February, and three made a minority report on
the 28th of February.
In the mean time, by a resolution of the House, the Attor
ney-General of the Territory was called on, to examine the
said memorial, and all laivs and resolutions of the Territorial
Legislature upon that subject, together with the charter of
the Canal Company, and the act of Congress donating the
land, &c, and report to the committee his opinion in regard
to the present situation of the affairs of said company, the
powers and liabilities of the Territory upon that subject, and
such other information as he may deem important to the
adjustment of all matters relating to the same.
A public meeting was held in Milwaukee on this subject of
a settlement, and its proceedings forwarded to the Legisla
ture ; remonstrances against any settlement with the Mil
waukee and Rock River Canal Company, and a petition of
327 citizens of Milwaukee County on the subject of such
settlement, were also presented for the consideration of the
House. All these furnished strong evidences of an existing
excitement on this subject, kept alive and occasionally stirred
up by characters, influential in certain portions of the
Territory. The opinion of the Attorney-General was furnished to the
committee on the 16th of February, 1848, and, after reciting
the various acts of Congress and of the Territorial Legisla
ture in relation to the Canal Company, and the canal grant,
he arrives at the following conclusions, as to the legal rights
and obligations of the Territory, and Canal Company re
spectively : —
" The lands were granted to the Territory to aid in the

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 425
construction of the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal, and
for no other purpose ; they Avere granted on the petition of
the company, acting under the authority of the Legislature ;
the grant clearly specified its object.
" The Territory accepted the grant, and entered upon the
execution of the trust ; she became a trustee of the fund
with a full knowledge of her duties towards the company.
" Out of this act, the law implies a contract on her part,
faithfully to discharge those duties, and she was legally
bound in good faith to apply the funds arising from the sale
of the lands granted, to the object intended by the grantor.
" From this obligation thus voluntarily assumed, and par
tially performed, she could not escape by her own act, but to
enable her to do so, must have the assent of all the parties
in interest in the trust, both grantor and cestui que trust.
"In part compliance with her duties, she has paid to the
company, and for her benefit, about thirty thousand dollars
of the trust fund. The Canal Company on its part, by
accepting the act of incorporation, undertook to commence
the canal within three years, and complete it within ten
years. " There was then, existing between the Territory and the
company, a contract equally binding on each side, which
neither could disregard without suffering its legal conse
quences. If, on the one hand, the company fail, the Terri
tory could enter upon the unfinished work, dispose of it, and
thus re-imburse her treasury. If, on the other hand, the Terri
tory failed to apply the balance of the fund to its legitimate
object, the law will afford her no remedy to recover from the
company that portion already paid to it ; as well that, lost
by her failure to comply with her duty as trustee, as that
which has been diverted from its proper use. These princi
ples of law, applicable to the transactions of individuals,
apply also to governments and companies, although the same
remedies do not always exist against governments. Apply
these principles to the facts of the case, and how stands the
controversy ?

426 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
" The company has on its part, at all times, as appears by its
acts, been ready to comply with its part of the contract, and
apply the fund to the construction of the canal.
"What has been the course of the Territory? Let her
records answer.
"At the session of 1842, she repudiates the bonds issued by
the authority of Congress, on the pledge of the proceeds of
the canal lands.
" At the same session, she declares, by joint resolution, hav
ing all the force of law, ' that all connection of the Territory
with the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal Company ought to
be henceforth dissolved ; that all prosecution of the work of
the canal, by the Territory, ought to be henceforth aban
doned ; that the Territory ought not further to proceed to
execute the office of trustee, imposed upon her by the act of
Congress.' " By the act of 1843, she suspends the further sales of the
canal lands.
"By the act of 1844, she indefinitely postpones the payment
of all principal and interest moneys due, or to become due,
from purchasers of lands granted by Congress to aid in the
construction of the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal.
" By sundry subsequent enactments, she orders further sales,
and diverts the trust funds to her own use.
' "She has not only refused, but voluntarily placed it beyond
her power, to comply with her part of the contract with the
company. " The Territory then, has no legal claim against the company
for moneys advanced ; and having by her own act prevented
the progress of the work, she cannot, under the right of entry
reserved, take possession of the unfinished work, and dispose
of it, for governments cannot legally, more than individuals,
take advantage of their own wrong.
" The Territory must choose between two evils ; forfeit to the
company thirty thousand dollars, heretofore advanced to it,
or pay to the company such sum as shall be found justly due
to it for moneys expended, and take the property, with the

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 427
assent of the company ; for without that assent it cannot be
taken." Such was the opinion of Attorney General A. Hyatt Smith,
as submitted to the committee ; its correct statements, and
legal deductions, will not admit of sound contradictions.
On the 19th of February, 1848, the majority of the com
mittee made their report to the House, in which they set forth
the organization of the Canal Company ; the grant made by
Congress ; the creation of the trust, and the acceptance of the
same by the Territory, as trustee ; the commencement of the
work on the canal, and the completion of a portion of it,
through the means of the company, aided by the proceeds of
the sales of a portion of the canal lands ; the failure to pro
cure adequate loans to complete the canal ; and the change of
policy in the Legislature, in 1842.
The committee proceed to state the several acts of the
Legislature, in their effects detrimental to the canal company,
and the work on the canal.
I. Remitting the interest due from purchasers of lands, which
had been previously specifically appropriated to carrying
on the work of the canal, in the event that a loan should
not be effected ; and simultaneously,
II. Rejecting a loan which had been made.
III. Withdrawing the Territory from a further discharge of
its duties as trustee, declaring that such duties had been
imposed upon it by Congress, without its consent.
IV. Requesting Congress to take back the grant of land,
declaring, in substance, that the work was impracticable,
and beyond the means of the Territory, or company, to
accomplish.
V. That it would no longer act as trustee, or aid by any
means of said grant, the further prosecution of said Avork.
The committee state that Congress did not, and could not,
approve of the action of the Legislature, refusing to assent
to a retrocession of the canal lands, as requested by the Le
gislature, and cite the able report of Mr. Howard, from the

428 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Committee on Public Lands, in which it is conclusively shown
that the canal lands had become a trust estate, and that Con
gress could not make any other disposition of them, without
the consent of the Canal Company, as a party interested in
the grant. The committee refer to the following resolution
reported by Mr. Howard :
" Resolved, that Congress ought not to interfere with the
act of cession, without the consent of the Milwaukee and
Rock River Canal Company."
And further observe : Neither did Congress approve the
action of the Legislature in rejecting the bonds which had
been negotiated on account of the canal fund, but, on the con
trary, a report was submitted by the Committee on Territories,
in which they declare, that, " after due examination of the
case, * * * * they are unable to see any satisfactory
grounds why the Territory of Wisconsin should persist in
pronouncing said bonds to be null and void, and they are
therefore persuaded to believe, that some arrangement will be
made, a3 they think it certainly ought to be, for the payment
of the same, either out of the proceeds of former sales, or out
of the lands yet remaining to be sold.
The committee state, that this adverse and illegal action of
the Legislature had effectually arrested the progress of the
canal. Nor was this action of the Legislature founded upon
any improper action of the Canal Company, either evident or
imputed. It never had been, nor was it then charged or pre
tended, so far as your committee can learn, that the company
had not faithfully discharged all the duties and trusts devolv
ing on it. Yet, although no fault had been imputed to the
company, this unlooked-for action of the Legislature worked
a serious injury to it, and to the tract of country bordering on
the line of the canal. It had exhausted its own means in the
commencement of the work, relying upon the canal fund for
the means of its further and successful prosecution. This
being cut off, there was no alternative but to arrest the work,
as it was the main reliance for so far completing the work, as
to induce private capital to embark in it.

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. ^29
The Legislature resumed its office of trustee ; it assumed
full jurisdiction and control over the lands; authorized a sale
of the same, and provided for the appointment of a register
and receiver to sell the same, and to receive and keep the
revenues arising from such sale; it reduced the minimum
price to $1,25 per acre, to be paid in cash, instead of giving
a long credit, as in the former act, subject, however, to the
approval of Congress.
The committee cite the joint resolutions of February 3d,
1846, whereby the canal funds were appropriated to pay the
debts of the Territory, and the expenses of holding a con
vention to form a constitution ; and that the faith of the Ter
ritory and State of Wisconsin was pledged to repay the same
to the canal fund, whenever the same shall be required for
the purpose of executing the trust, &c. Also, the act of
February 8th, 1847, whereby the minimum price of the land
was reduced to $1.25 per acre, unconditionally, and bonds
and mortgages were to be discharged by payment of the same
amount per acre ; by which act, all the power over the dis
posal of said lands was exercised, that Congress could have
done, if the grant had never been made.
In pursuance of the above recited acts and resolutions, a
large amount of the land had been sold, and the proceeds
deposited in the territorial treasury ; the same has been paid
out, in discharge of the debts of the Territory, to an amount,
it is believed, of some $25,000, to $30,000, of indebtedness,
and also to defray the expenses of two conventions, to the
amount of some $50,000, or upwards, in the aggregate some
$80,000, which, by the terms of said acts and resolutions,
the State of Wisconsin will be indebted to the canal fund,
and which her faith stands pledged to refund.
From these facts, the committee draw the following con
clusions :
" 1. The Territory has entire control over the canal lands
and canal funds, as trustee.
« 2. The Canal Company is the legal owner of the canal and

430 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
all its works, and is the only party interested, that in the
present posture of affairs can demand a further execution
of the trust.
"It is therefore desirable for the Territory and future
State, to obtain a surrender of the company's charter, thereby
extinguishing the interest of the only party that can demand
a further execution of the trust, or at present require a
repayment of the sums loaned, of the canal fund.
"The committee assign reasons for a prompt settlement
ivith the Canal Company.
" 1. The State of Wisconsin cannot act as trustee, but
solely as principal; and it can only become principal by
expressly assenting to the terms of the grant, by which terms
alone, it can acquire these lands in fee, and the proceeds
arising from them, as owner, for a specified object, and for no
other purpose whatever. By section five of the act of Con
gress, it is provided : ' Whenever the Territory of Wisconsin
shall be admitted into the Union as a State, the lands hereby
granted for the construction of said canal, or such part
thereof as may not have been already sold and applied to that
object, under the direction of the Territorial government,
shall vest in the State of Wisconsin, to be disposed of under
such regulations as the Legislature thereof may provide, the
proceeds of the sale to be applied to the construction of the
said canal, or of such part thereof as may not have been
completed.' Provision is made in this section, that the State
shall have an interest in the canal, equal to the amount of land
sold, and applied to its construction.
"2. By section 6, it is further provided, that 'the said
State of Wisconsin shall be held responsible to the United
States, for all moneys received upon the sale of the whole, or
any part of the said land, if the said main canal shall not be
commenced within three years, and completed within ten
years,' &c.
" 3. By section 7 it is provided : ' In order to render effec
tual the provisions of this act, the Legislature of the State

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 431
to be erected, or admitted, out of the Territory now comprised
in Wisconsin Territory, east of the Mississippi, shall give
their assent to the same, by act to be duly passed.'
"4. The state, from these enactments, can in only one way
become interested in the lands, and acquire any control over
the subject of the canal, either in regard to its management,
or the disposal of the land, or of the funds derived from the
sale of the same ; and that is by an unconditional acceptance
of the grant, subject to all the conditions above recited.
"5. It is now impossible for the State to accept said grant
according to its conditions, as two of those conditions cannot
now be complied with. One of these is, that the land should
not be sold for less than $2 50 per acre ; and inasmuch as a
large proportion of said land has been sold for $1 25 per
acre, this condition cannot be complied with. The other is,
that the canal should be completed in ten years from the date
of the act, or the State be liable to the United States for the
price for which the land was sold, not less than $2 50 per
acre ; which is now also impossible, as the ten years will ex
pire on the 18th of June next, only a few days after the
meeting of the first State Legislature. • It is therefore clear
that the State cannot accept the grant, and cannot therefore
acquire any interest in the canal, nor in the canal lands, nor
in the canal funds.
6. The Company would acquire the absolute ownership of
the canal, and be clothed with full power to compel the pro
per application of the remaining lands, through some other
trustee, that might be appointed by the United States, or
some proper judicial tribunal, and to require of the State,-
upon its plighted faith to repay to the canal fund the money
borrowed therefrom for territorial and State uses. The State
would be compelled by the Constitution now about to be
adopted, to provide for the payment of that debt, within five
years from the time of its adoption.
7. Nothing short of a surrender or extinguishment of the
Canal Company's charter, can release the State from its obli
gation thus to pay this acknowledged debt to the canal fund ;

432 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
and this, the State has no power to effect. In the event of
such surrender or extinguishment, the State would be released
from such existing obligation, and would be accountable only
to the United States.
" 8. Three parties were primarily interested in the canal
fund ; the United States, the Territory or State of Wiscon
sin, and the Canal Company. With the termination of the
Territorial government, its powers will cease ; and these pow
ers cannot be taken up by the State government, for the rea
sons already given. The only remaining parties will be the
United States, and the Company. If however, previous to
the termination of the Territorial government, the Legislature
shall obtain a surrender of the Company's charter, the Com-'
pany will no longer remain a party ; and the only remaining
party will be the United States.
" 9. By such surrender, the rights of the Canal Company
will be extinguished ; the canal fund, and lands, and all the
canal property will revert to the General Government — all %
obligations relative to the canal, will be obliterated on the
part of the original parties, and the whole subject will be
disencumbered of all the difficulties that now surround it."
The committee adduce other cogent reasons for a speedy
settlement by the Territory with the Canal Company, and
refer to a statement of the accounts of expenditures on the
canal, as exhibited by the President of the Canal Company, in
obedience to a resolution of the House, as follows :
The Avhole amount expended on the canal in
cluding superintendence, up to December
31st, 1847, is  $56,745 33

Of this amount there has been paid by the Territory, out
of the canal funds the following sums :
Paid by Canal Commissioners on contracts up
to December 4th, 1841, (see report of corn-
committee on internal improvements H. of
R., February 1st, 1845, page 6,) . . . . 6,720 70

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 433
Paid by appropriation to John Anderson, Feb.
10, 1847  $10,000 00
Territorial Bonds, payable in 1851 .... 10,000 00
Water rents up to December 31st, 1847 . . 5,156 27

$31,876 97
Amount paid by Canal Company .... 24,868 36

In conclusion, the majority of the committee express the
opinion, that it is an act of justice and of true policy, for the
Territory and State of Wisconsin to effect at this time a set
tlement with the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal Company,
with a view to obtain a surrender of their charter and pro
perty, and an extinguishment of all their rights. They, there
fore, report a bill to that effect, and recommend its passage.
This report is signed by James Holliday, Isaac P. Walker,
Levi P. Drake, and George Reed.
The report of the. minority of the committee was made on
the 28th of February, and exhibits their views of the matter
submitted to them, and their reasons for differing in opinion
with the majority. It lays down some singular positions,
and draws thence, some equally singular conclusions, which
may be adverted to, if only for the purpose of exhibiting the
different manner in which the relations existing between the
Territory and the Canal Company, were viewed by those who
had legislative control over the whole matter.
The minority of the committee, (admitting the Territory
to be a trustee,) say, that in a due exercise of a sound discre
tion she ought not to have advanced funds for the prosecution
of the work, any faster than the Canal Company did ; taking
into consideration the whole probable cost of the work, and
the probable amount of the grant when sold. * * * Tne
grant was made by Congress not as the principal fund for
the construction of the canal, but, in the language of Con
gress to aid in its construction. * * * The company was
to be organized on the subscription of $50,000 of capital
stock ; this condition was complied with ; they were autho-
Vol. III.— 28

434 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
rized to increase their capital stock to one million of dollars.
* * * Has any exertion been made to increase the amount
of stock ? Has the fifty thousand dollars been expended, or
even paid in ? * * * The company has expended some
twenty-four thousand and some hundred dollars, and the
trustee has paid out, for the prosecution of the work some
thirty-one thousand and some hundred dollars. * * *
Whenever the Territory saw that it Avas the intention of the
Canal Company to use up the funds of the trustee, without
making any exertion to increase their capital stock, as they
were empowered to do, or pay in and appropriate the amount
of stock already subscribed, as it was the duty of the com
pany to do, it became a duty which the Territory owed to the
grantor, to stop expending the trust fund for that purpose ; or
if she saw that with all the means at the command of the
company, together with the canal grant, that the work could
not be completed in the time limited by law, it became her
duty to pause, and prevent a perversion of the trust fund.
These views of the minority of the committee on the recip
rocal duties of the Trustee, and the cestui que trust, are not
only extraordinarily singular, but might be considered as
given without a foundation, if the committee had not ex
pressed the following opinion, as one which generally governs
their whole report. " Now it occurs to us, that if the legal
and equitable interest of the fund arising from the grant made
by Congress, was to vest in the Canal Company, and it was
to have the entire control of the proceeds, and the Territory
was merely a trustee, obliged to obey the dictates of that
company, that the company as the cestui que trust, and not
the Territory or future State of Wisconsin, should have been
held responsible to the General Government for the final
completion of the canal.
" Then in what relation does the Territory stand to the
Canal Company ? Our answer is, She is a Trustee for the
future State of Wisconsin, if the intentions of Congress are
carried out ; and as such, holds an interest in the canal, so
far as the same has been completed, to the amount of funds

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 435
expended by her, as such trustee, in the prosecution of the
same." " The 5th section of the act of Congress, as by us con
strued, intends the whole grant for the benefit of the State
>f Wisconsin. In this view, the Territory, if a trustee at all,
.9 a trustee for the future State."
The minority of the committee say they differ from the
majority, in these two particulars : first, as to whether the
State of Wisconsin was, under the act of Congress made the
cestui que trust, or the Canal Company ; secondly, as to whether
the company can compel the Territory or future State to
refund the money used by the Territory. They come to the
following conclusion :
" The Territory has no claim upon the Canal Company for
what she has already expended towards completing the work;
neither has the company any legal claim upon the Territory
for what is claimed to be a perversion of the grant fund ; and
the company are the owners of the completed portion of the
work, subject only to the interference of the State, which
contingency, in all human probability, can never occur, as
the interference of the State would in a moment subject her
to an enormous liability to the General Government, or at
any rate, to a payment of all the company claims, with an
increase of interest."
The minority of the committee had stated in the outset of
this report, that the subject had been to them, one of the most
difficult and perplexing, that they had ever been called upon
to investigate ; however, it appears that they have freely used
the ancient means of undoing the Gordian knot, in the
anomalous conclusions to which they arrive ; what becomes
of the balance ofthe trust fund, and ofthe duties ofthe trustee
to the grantor, after thus summarily disposing of the recipro
cal claims of the Canal Company, and the trustee, upon each
other, up to the present time, does not appear ; but it is sug
gested that,
" If the resolution appended to the Constitution should be
agreed to by Congress, and the lands vest in the State for

436 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
school purposes, the State might then interfere, and claim a
right to the completed portion of the work, although it is
impossible for us to divine any motive that could operate as
an inducement for her to do so."
We extract one more reason which the minority of tho
committee give, for the opinion that the Canal Company and
the Territory, have no further claims on each other, in relation
to the trust fund.
" It is claimed by the company that the Territory has used
some $80,000 that she never ivould have had to use, if it had not
been for the company. This is true : by the act of Congress
the company had the power, by withholding their pwn aid
from the completion of the work, to prevent the object of
the grant ; and by throwing so many, and great liabilities
and difficulties around the matter, as to prevent the State,
the actual cestui que trust, from ever claiming the benefit of
the donation, become itself the owner of the whole grant.
But, at the same time, the trustee had the power to divert the
trust fund, and entangle the company in the very difficulty
of Avhich they now so bitterly complain. The Territory did
interfere, and by an act of legislative rascality, equal to that
of which the company might have availed themselves — and
of which they have been accused — put the money into her
own pocket, where, as we believe, no power can reach it.
Upon this score, ought not the Territory and company be
willing to cry quits, shake hands and become friends ? Both
had an opportunity of deriving greater benefits from the
grant than has been derived by either, and each has gouged
the other slightly !"
We pursue this singular and strange report no further ; the
views entertained by the minority of the committee do not
appear to be in accordance with the terms of the canal
grant, the legal duties of the trustee, the rights of the cestui
que trust, nor the remedies secured to her by operation of
law. The assertion of the State being the real trustee, and
the suggestion of settlement between the Canal Company
and the Territory, by each keeping what it has already

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 4g7
received and crying quits, is remarkable for its novelty.
Equally novel and singular is the idea thrown out, that the
Canal Company had it in its power to prevent the object of
the grant, by throwing difficulties in the way of completing
the canal, .so as to prevent the State, the actual cestui que
trust from claiming the benefit of the donation.
But enough on this extraordinary report. It concludes
with reporting a bill to settle the affairs of the Canal Com
pany in accordance with the principles of honesty and fair
dealing, as between the Territory and the company. It is
signed by M. M. Cothren, E. T. Gardner, and 0. Pole.
It is of little importance at this day to inquire into the
provisions of the two bills as reported by the majority and
minority of the committee, as they were both considered in
committee of the whole, on the 4th of March, 1848, and
both reported back to the House, amended, by "striking out
all after the enacting clause, in each ;" they were then laid
on the table, and never afterwards disturbed. Thus termi
nated the last attempt at a settlement during the existence
of the Territorial government.
On the 13th of March, 1848,- a joint resolution was adopted
by both Houses, " That the register of canal lands should
ascertain the number, and names of all persons who have
purchased lands on the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal
Grant prior to January 1847, and paid to the Territory for
the same, a sum exceeding one dollar and twenty-five cents
per acre. And if he shall ascertain that any person has
so paid a greater sum than $1 25 per acre, he shall certify
the fact to the receiver of moneys for the sale of canal
lands, whose duty it shall be to repay such person the amount
paid by him, over and above the sum of one dollar and
twenty- five cents per acre."
The following is the action of the Legislature under State
government in relation to the canal, and canal lands.
The State Constitution was adopted on the second Monday
in March, 1848. It contained an appended resolution, re
questing Congress so to alter the provisions of an act of

438 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
Congress, entitled, " An act to grant a quantity of land to
the Territory of Wisconsin, for the purpose of aiding in
opening a canal to connect the waters of Lake Michigan
with those of Rock Rivrer," and so to alter the terms and
conditions of the grant made therein, that the odd numbered
sections thereby granted, and remaining unsold, may be held
and disposed of by the State of Wisconsin, as part of the
five hundred thousand acres of land to which said State is
entitled by the provisions of an act of Congress, entitled,
" An act to appropriate the proceeds of the sale of the public
lands, and to grant pre-emption rights, approved the fourth
day of September, eighteen hundred and forty-one." It was
also asked of Congress, that all these lands be devoted to
purposes of education.
By the act of Congress for the admission of the State into
the Union, Sec. 2, the assent of Congress is given to tho
said resolution, Avith this proviso : " That the liabilities
incurred by the Territorial government of Wisconsin, under
the act entitled, < An act to grant a quantity of land to the
Territory of Wisconsin, for the purpose of aiding in opening
a canal to connect the waters of Lake Michigan with those
of Rock River,' shall be paid and discharged by the State
of Wisconsin."
At the first session of the State Legislature, held in June,
1848, their attention was directed to the subject of the canal
lands, and a report of a committee on resolutions relative
thereto, together with the Message of the Governor on the
same subject, exhibited the following statement : —
The quantity of land granted by
Congress, in aid, &c  139,190,89T^o acres.
From that quantity has been sold . 104,491,49T5(j «

Leaving unsold  34,699,401^ acres.
Amount of sales, as per reported quantity sold
at $1 25 per acre  $130,614 36
Amount paid to Treasurer (Territorial) . . . 95,761 42

MILWAUKEE .AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 439
Deficits to be accounted for by the officers
charged with the fiscal concerns of said
lands  $34,852 94

The committee recommend that the offices of register and
receiver of canal lands be abolished.
This was accordingly done by act of July 25th, 1848 ; and
by the act of March 26th, 1849, The secretary and
treasurer of the State of Wisconsin were authorized to
assign and transfer all interest of the State in and to any
of the lands mortgaged to the Territory of Wisconsin in
pursuance of any law of the Legislature of the Territory to
provide for the sale of lands granted by Congress "for the
purpose of aiding in opening a canal to connect the waters
of Lake Michigan with those of Rock River," to any person
applying for such assignment, upon the payment to the
treasury of this State, the full amount due upon any such
mortgage, estimating the same as provided in the act to
which this is supplemental. By act of March 27th, 1849,
patents to purchasers were authorized to be issued by the
governor of the State.
By act of February 8th, 1850, the Governor, Secretary of
State, and Treasurer were authorized and empowered to settle
with, and audit the accounts of David Merrill, receiver of
canal lands, and to ascertain the balance due from said
Merrill to the State of Wisconsin.
After such balance is ascertained, the said Merrill imme
diately to pay over the same in full to the state treasurer,
and to deliver over to the said officers all books, papers,
vouchers, bonds, and mortgages, which may have come into
his hands as such receiver ; the said treasurer to receipt for the
same ; and the said Merrill and his sureties shall thereby be
discharged from all claims, and liabilities to the State of Wis
consin for or on account of his acts as receiver, &c. Provided
such settlement shall be effected before the first day of July,
1850.

440 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
By act of February 9th, 1850, the interest of the State
in the canal dam across Milwaukee River, and hydraulic
power, with their appurtenances, created by the State, or by
the Milwaukee and Rock River Canal Company, or by both,
on or near said river, and also the interest of this State in
the said company or its stock, shall be sold under the direc
tions of the governor of this State at public auction to the
highest and best bidder, at such time and place, and on such
terms of payment as the governor shall direct. Provided that
he may refuse to accept such bid, if he shall be of opinion
that the price offered is too small.
By act of April 2d, 1853, any person indebted to the
Territory or State of Wisconsin for the purchase- of canal
lands, who shall have executed a mortgage to secure the pay
ment of the purchase-money, or any part thereof, or become
liable to pay the same by subsequent purchase or assignment
from the original purchaser, may, before the first day of
January, 1854, discharge the same by payment to the State
treasurer of the amount of the principal, without interest, com
puting the land at the rate of one dollar and twenty-five
cents per acre.
Several efforts have been made by the Canal Company to
obtain a final settlement with the State of all their affairs,
but hitherto without success. At the session of 1849, a bill
passed both houses, to provide for such final settlement, but
it was returned by the governor with his veto, for the reasons,
that it exempted certain property from taxation, and there
fore contravened the Constitution, which declares that " the
rule of taxation 6hall be uniform;" also that the bill was
unconstitutional, and in derogation of the ordinance of 1787,
and the act of Congress authorizing the formation of State
government, inasmuch as the common highway of the Mil-
wauke River, would be obstructed by the enactments in the
bill. The bill did not pass by the constitutional majority, on
being reconsidered.
Another attempt was made for a final settlement in 1850$,
but the bill was negatived in the Senate.

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 441
A bill authorizing a final settlement with the Canal Com
pany, by the appointment of commissioners to settle and
adjust all matters on legal and equitable principles, with the
right of an appeal from their award to the Supreme Court,
was introduced in the Senate at the session of 1854, and was
passed by that body, but in the House of Assembly it was
negatived. The long withheld rights of the Canal Company;
the justice due to it on part of the State ; the attitude in
which it stands, seeking the most amicable adjustment and
final settlement of its claims ; the wise policy of government,
in having all questions of legal controversy between the ruling
power and the party governed, immediately disposed of, as a
protection to the weak, and a satisfaction to the complaining
party; all imperiously demand a speedy settlement between
the State and the Canal Company.
From the history of the company, as above given, the fol
lowing conclusions appear fully established :
1st. That the Territorial Legislature did incorporate the
Canal Company, and clothe it with full authority to " con
struct and maintain" a canal from Milwaukee to Rock River,
giving it complete and entire jurisdiction over said work, or
so much thereof as should be completed within ten years,
from the date of the act ; and that the powers aud privileges
of the company are perpetual, unless voluntarily surrendered.
2d. That these powers and privileges were fully confirmed
by Congress.
3d. That the Legislature did authorize said company to
apply to Congress for an appropriation of land to aid in the
construction of the canal.
4th. That the company, in pursuance of such authority,
did apply to Congress, and did obtain the grant of land com
monly known as the canal grant.
5th. That, in making said grant, Congress confided to the
Legislature, as trustee, the disposal of the land, and the
application of the proceeds thereof to the construction of the
canal, and for no other purpose whatever.
6th. That the Legislature did undertake to perform the

442 DOCUMENTARY HISTORY.
duties of trustee, in pursuance of the act of Congress, and
did sell a considerable part of said land, and did apply a
part of the proceeds thereof in payment of work done on the
canal. 7th. That, after having undertaken and exercised the duties
of trustee, and having given countenance and aid to the
canal for about four years, the Legislature did refuse to apply
the further proceeds of said land in aid of said canal, and did
refuse further to perform the duties of trustee in that behalf.
8th. That the Legislature did appropriate the funds arising
from the sale of said land, in the nature of a loan, to purposes
other than in aid of said canal, viz., to the payment of debts
contracted by the Territory, and to pay the expenses of two con
ventions to form a constitution, amounting to $80, 000, or up
wards, and for other purposes, required by the necessities of the
Territory, until the amount of some $120,000, or $130,000 of
the proceeds of the lands sold, was disbursed for public purposes.
not contemplated by the act of Congress, but in clear viola
tion of its provisions. For the repayment of a great portion
of these moneys to the canal fund, the faith of the Territory
and State have been solemnly pledged.
9th. That $31,876 97 have been paid the Legislature out
of the canal fund, in aid of the canal.
10th. That the Canal Company have paid on the canal,
$24,868 36.
11th. That provision is made in the act of Congress, to vest
in the State of Wisconsin in fee, the said land, or so much
thereof as shall remain unsold at the time of its admission,
subject to certain conditions, viz., that the proceeds shall be
applied to the canal : that the land shall be sold at not less
than $2 50 per acre : that the canal shall be completed within
ten years from the date of the grant, (June 18th, 1838,) or
that the State shall pay the price for which the land was sold;
but that, to make effectual these provisions, (to secure the
benefits offered, and to incur the liabilities imposed,) it was
necessary that the State should make a formal acceptance of
the grant by act of the Legislature, after its admission.

MILWAUKEE AND ROCK RIVER CANAL. 443
12th. The acceptance of the grant by the State was rendered
impossible, because more than half of the land had been sold
at $1,25 per acre, and because the time for completing the
canal expired in June, 1848, a few days after the meeting of
the first State Legislature under the constitution. By the
provisions of that constitution, the unsold canal lands have
been appropriated to the endowment of common schools.
13th. It having, then, been rendered impossible for the State
to accept the grant unconditionally, which was necessary to
give the State control over it, it follows that no power over
the subject can be exercised by the State ; consequently, two
only of the three original parties to the grant now remain,
viz., the United States and the Canal Company, the Territory
having merged in State government.
14th. A settlement made with the Canal Company will
quiet their claims for reimbursement of the moneys of the
canal fund, appropriated for other purposes by the Territory,
which the faith of the State is pledged to repay; and should
such canal fund and the canal charter be surrendered, then
the only party to the canal grant remaining, will be the United
States. 15th. The United States then, being the sole creditor of
the State in such an event, there is little cause to doubt that
any debt which shall have been incurred by the Territory, or
State, or which has devolved on the State, in relation to tho
canal grant, will be cancelled by Congress, whenever the
request is made by the State Legislature.
The State has accepted of the residue of the canal lands
under the constitution, and the conditions prescribed by Con
gress, and has gone into possession of them, in common with
the other lands embraced in the grant, of 500,000 acres. It
cannot be presumed that the Legislature will ever desire to
evade any just responsibility on the part of the State, and
therefore a prompt and efficient settlement with the Milwau
kee and Rock River Canal Company may with confidence be
relied on. END OF THIRD VOLUME.

m