YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

1937

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SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA

BY

William Weir
Secretary of the Tariff Reform Association
of 1858 and Government Agent for the
Exportation of American Silver
Coin in 1870.

We talk of friends and their fortunes.
And of -what they did and said;
TiU the dead alone seem living.
And the living alone seem dead."

Montreal :
JOHN LOVELL & SON
1903

Entered according to Act of Parliament of Canada, in the
year of our I/)rd, one thousand nine hundred and
three, by John I/OVell & Son, at the office of Agri
culture and Statistics at Ottawa.

INDEX TO CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION. Chapter I.

Early I>a,ys in Scotland.— The Reform Bill of 1832.—
The "Voluntary Movement."— The Chartist Agi
tation, Reminiscences, etc  9
Chapter II.
Arrival in Montreal, Sojourn in the Country, Tales of
1837-38.— Studied French, and Settled in Montreal. 17
Chapter III.
The Imperial Act Reuniting the two Provinces  Its
Peculiar Featur<es — Customs Duties Imposed by
the Imperial Government. — The Double Majority. —
Sick Governors, Overbearing Oificials.— Popula
tion of the Provinces, etc  22
Chapter IV.
The Ship Fever of 1847  26
Chapter V.
Lord_ Elgin's Arrival in 1847. — The Discontented Oppo
sition. — The "Rebellion Losses" Bill. — Unreason
able Complaints. — The Burning of the Parliament
House. — Assaulting the Governor-General, etc., etc. 27
Chapter VI.
Petitions _ for Lord _ Elgin's Recall.— "The British
American League." — The Kingston Convention,
etc., etc  32

IT INDEX.
Chaptkr VII.
OffideTs and Address of the British American League, zi
Chapter VIII4
The Glasgow Reciprocity Association  39
Chaftek IX. I
The Annexation Meeting.— The Speakers.— The Address
to the People of Canada — Signatures thereto.. .. 41
Chapter X.
The Philippic of Brittanicus. — Protest from Members
of Parliament and Others  80
Chapter XI,
The Movement for a Protective Tariff. — Early Protec
tionist Meeting (January 1849) — John Young De
fines "Free Trade." — His Partner on the other side. 98
Chapter XII.
History of the Tariflf Movement continued. — Much of
Grand Trunk and Great Western Railways Expen
diture go to United States. — Split in the Liberal
Party in 1854 — The Convention of 1858 and its Re
sults. — Petition in Favour of Protection  105
Chapter XIII.
The United States and Canadian Tariffs Compared. —
The Preference Tariff. — Hon. Joseph Chamberlain
on Free Trade. — Northwest Farmers' Complaints —
Reciprocal Pr'eference Tariff Suggested  119
Chapter XIV.
The Silver Nuisance. — History of Canadian Silver Cur
rency. — Causes which led to Silver Nuisance —
Correspondence with Sir Francis Hincks, who
Effected its Removal  I34

INDEX. y
Chapter XV.
Correspondence with Sir Francis Hincks continued. —
He Announces Plan of Procedure  New Canadian
Silver and Fractional Note. — Meeting in the Com
Exchange — Opposed by Brokers and Oppon
ents of the Government, John Dougall excepted. —
Complete Success of the Movement  151
Chapter XVI.
The Copper Currency. — Its Unsatisfactory Condition.
— Correspondence showing how it was dealt with
and the Successful Results. — John Dougall again
to the fore  i6i
Chapter XVII.
The United States and Canadian Silver Coins. — Re
marks and Suggestions on Gold and Silver Coins,
—The Mint, etc  ,  167
Chapter XVIII.
The Canadian Banking System — The Attempt to Intro
duce the National Banking System of the United
States. — Opposition of the Bankers — A Lively
Struggle.— The Bill Withdrawn.— Recent Amend
ments. — Letter to United States' President and
Congress on the National Banks.  169
Chapter XIX.
The Double ShufHe  180
Chapter XX.
Land Speculations.— The opening of Western Avenue. 184
Chapter XXI.
The Exchange Brokers' Board — Mr. Longbow's Un-
successful Speculation  i°9

¦n INDEX.
Chapter XXII.
The Great Fire of 1852  194
Chapter XXIIL
Hon. C. C. Colby, M.P., on the National Policy; one
of the Greatest Speeches ever delivered in Parlia
ment  I  ipfl
Chapter, XXIV.
The St. Albans' Raid. — Speeches of Council. — The
Judges Charge Discharging Prisoners  212
Chapter XXV.
Hon. Joseph Howe and his Great Speech at Detroit
International Convention  225
APPENDIX.
Lord Elgin's Last Visii* to Montreal  24s
The Brown Family  248
Montreal Board of Trade and Silver Nuisance. . 251
The Weir Family  2SS
Handwriting Experts  256
The Cat in the Pulpit  259
A Court of Justice  260
The Hon. Isaac Buchanan  260
The Manufacturers' Memorial (1903)  262

Introduction.
In view of my long and somewhat eventful life, I
have thought it would be of public interest to put on
record matny events which have come under my
notice, and with some of which I have been closely
identified, so that the present generation might have
a clearer view of the struggles of their fathers and
grandfathers in laying the foundations of the con
stitution and institutions which Canada enjoys to-day.
Sixty years ago the statesmen of England had but
a dim idea of administering the affairsiof the Colonies
which her prowess and ambition had acquired.
Through this lack of knowledge their grandfathers
had lost the United Statesi, and yet their, lesson re
mained unlearned. In Canada there was a double
problem to solve, and neither Downing Street nor the
House of Commons knew how to adlve it. Nor has it
been altogether solved to this day. Not only had the
French Colonists become a large body, but Western
Canada was being rapidly filled up with an enter
prising English-speaking and mostly Protestant
population, with advanced ideasi of constitutional
government and church establishments. The attempt
to rule the two Provinces from Downing Street had,
owing to the domineering spirit of Government
officials and their friends, led to rebellion in both
Provinces in 1837 and 1838, and in 1840 a measure
for the re-union of tbe two Provinces had been
carried.

8 INTRODUCTION.
There can be no doubt that the object of this
measure was, by filling up the Eastern Townships
and the Ottawa Valley with English-speaking settlers,
to swamp the French. But the race that settled in
England under William the Conqueror, and that ex
plored this country from Tadousac to Netw Orleans,
is not easily swamped. The only wonder is that they
did not adopt the English language also, for then
they would have acquired the commercial as well as
the political control of the Metropolitan city, if not
of the whole country.
At all events, the French Colonists did not oppose
this measure, as they did a similar proposal in 1823,
feeling, evidently, that they would be safer with
their fellow colonists than under thosie whom Eouis
Joseph Papineau described as " those haughty domin-
ators who came among us to deny us the use of our
laws, ftnd customs, and our religion."
When I came to Canada in 1842, this Union was
only being put into shape. It hiad hardly reached the
experimental stage, in which it continued for a
quarter of a century, expiring in 1867
"Unwept, unhonoured, and unsung,"
Although it is difficult to see what form of gov
emment would have suited them better, except the
Federal Union, which came in due time; and, even
that, had it come earlier, would probably have also
been a failure.

CHAPTER I.
My Early Days.
As this seems to be the proper place to speak of my
early days in Scotland, those who are anxious to learn
only of Canada had better turn down this chapter.
I was bom at Greenden, in the parish of Farnell,
Forfarshire, on the 28th October, 1823, and, after
receiving a good education, went to Brechin as a
shop-boy in my fourteenth year, where I remained for
over three years. In 1841 I was one of the! enumer
ators appointed to take the census of that year. The
same year I was engaged as a clerk in Forfar, where
I remained till the spring of 1842, coming to Canada
with an elder brother.
Long before leaving home, I had taken a lively
interest in matters of public concern, the first event
I can remember being the general election in 1833,
after the passing of the Reform Bill of 1832. Sir
James Carnegie, the father of the present Earl of
Southesk, whose tenants we were, was the " Tory "
candidate, the " Whig " candidate being Captain
Ross, of Rossie. We were, of course, all Tories!, and
wore blue ribbons, while the Whigs wore red, our
side carrying the day. Oh how we did shout " Sir
James for ever," against the " Rossi for ever " of
those Brechiners', and if we could not silence them
with our voices, tried to silence them with our fists.

10 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
I have a vivid recollection of a bloody nose in one of
these efforts, and of that strange feeling which ac
companies .such an accident, worse than diving under
water for the first time. That was the era of cock-
fighting, and the big boys, more than now, encouraged
the little boys to fight We boys ascribed our success
to the fact that Sir James' agents threw half-crowns
and shillings amongst the crowd, while " Rossie's "
agents threw only sixpences and pennies. Of course,
these handfuls of money only paid for the cheering,
and had little to do with the result; for that much
vaunted measure, which was only carried by the aid
of William the Fourth creating a sufficient number of
new peers, only gave votes to landed or household
proprietors, or to tenants who paid at least fifty
pounds a year rent in the counties, and ten pounds a
year in the boroughs, while the general run of trades
men and labourers' rents waisi from five pounds to two
pounds ten shillings a year.
My father was a well-known Tory, and a firm sup
porter of the Established Church, of which, like his
ancestors and most of his brothers, he Wcis an elder;
and nearly all our people being either farmers or
ministers, and opposed to the repeal of the Corn
Laws, were Tories by interest as well as by training.
For the landlords and farmers were not alone in
supporting the Corn Laws ; the stipends of the Estab
lished Church clergy were, and still are, fixed by the
average prices of grain, for John Knox and his; fol
lowers were as careful of the Church's Revenues aa
the Pope himself.
The agitation, having for its object the disestab-

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. H
rishment of the State Church, and known as the
"Voluntary Movement," was at its height in 1837-8.
The Secession and Relief Churches hald become
powerful bodies, with able leaders, who challenged
the Established Church clergy to public discussions,
which these were not slow to accept. These discusi-
sionsi, being held in the evenings, were to me- a great
intellectual feast, besides furnishing me with " vol
untary " arguments to overwhelm my Tory father
when visiting home on Sunday, for, like nearly all
young people, I soon espoused the Liberal cause.
In 1838, these discussions gave pla.ce to the Chartist
agitation, which was still under discussion when I
left for Canada, but was being overshadowed by Cob-
den and Bright's agitation for the repeal of the Com
Laws, which resulted in their repeal in 1846, or
rather 1849, for it was not till the latter period that
that measure went into full effect.
The reforms aisked for by what was known as the
"Peoples' Charter" were universal suffrage, an
nual Parliaments, vote by ballot, equal representation,
no property qualification, and payment of members.
The Chartist agitation s,pread over England, Scot
land and Wales, and at one time threatened serious
trouble. The Chartists, like the French Canadians
of 1837, were divided into two classes, knov^m as
Moral Force and Physicial Force Chartists. These
latter could not be restrained by their peace-loving
brethren, and seditious meetings and open drilling
were quite common. Many arrests were made, and
State trials were the order of the day. At Newport,
in Wales, an important rising took place, headed by

12 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
John Frost, the mayor of the town, who, with
Williams and Jones, were sentenced to be hanged
and quartered, but whose sentences were commuted
to banishment to Botany Bay, then a penal settlement,
where they became peaceful, and, I believe, prosper
ous citizens-
While many of the Chartist leaders were, like
Fergus O'Connor, violent Irishmen, the Irish people,
so far as I remember, took little interest in the move
ment. Their hearts, then, as now, were set on repeal,
and surely such devotedness will soon meet its
reward. The great trouble seems to be the people of
the North- But why not annex the North to Scot
land, and give the rest of Ireland their Parliament on
College Green?
It is worth noting that while the Peoples' Charter
is no more spoken of, the suffrage is now almost
universal, voting is by ballot, property qualification
of members is abolished, annual Parliaments are not
wanted, while representation by population is grad
ually being effected. Looking back sLxty-four years,
I cannot help comparing Fergus O'Connor and the
Northern Star with George Brown and the Ghhe.
And, no doubt, George Brown derived much of his
fiery zeal from the agitations, political and religious,
of his early days.
In 1837 I W'^ ^'^ Brechin when the news of the
death of William the Fourth reached the city, and
listened to the tolling of the big bell of the parish
church to announce his decease. Then al merry peal,
as the accession of Queen Victoria was proclaimed
at the Market Cross. In 1838 I walked in the prcv-

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. ^3
cession at the Coronation, carrying, like other lads
of my age, laburnum branches, then in flower.
I forgot to mention that in my school days there
were no school boards nor school inspectors, other
than the ministers of the Presbytery, three or more
of whom examined the schools from time to time,
while the Established Church minister was understood
to have the supervision of the parish school. The last
time I passed an examination at school, the exam
ining clergyman was the Rev. Dr. Brewster, of Craig,
a brother of the celebrated Sir David Brewster &ind
of the Reverend Patrick Brewster, of Paisley, an
eloquent preacher, but a black sheep among his
brethren, owing to his advocacy of the People's
Charter. No doubt the distress at that time among
the " Paisley Weavers " led the kind-hearted parish
minister to think of their condition, and to believe
that a reform in the constitution would bring them
relief, and, in the light of subsequent events, one
cannot help paying a tribute to his memory.
In my early days there were no county constabu-
lalry, and beggars were as numerous as they were in
the Province of Quebec ten years later, although
none of them drove their horse and cart as I have
seen them do in this paradise of beggars. The great
difficulty was to find lodgings for them at night, for
few fairmers liked to refuse them a night's quarters,
the farmers because they feared their ill-will, and
their wives because they feared that their cows would
be bewitched and refuse to let down their milk. Their
usual quarters were the barn or byre; their flint and
steel taken from them till the moming, as the greatest

14 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
danger was from fire, and it was a great relief to the
farmers when begging was done away with.
Shortly after my going to Brechin, two events
attracted a good deal of attention, one of general
interest, the other more of a parish matter. The sub
ject of general interest was the total abstinence
movement, which was attracting a giood deal of
attention both in Ireland and Scotland. The friends
of the movement in Brechin had engaged a Mr. Law
to lecture on the temperance question, and to the
surprise of many had secured the use of the parish
church, the only place conisidered large enough to
hold the crowd likely to attend ; for it was announced
that Mr. Law would distil the ordinary brewers' ale
and convert it into whiskey. To those who under
stood brewing and distilling, this was no great
miracle, but to the uninitiated it was something to
talk about. The parish church was, and is, one of the
few Roman Catholic cathedrals left standing at the
time of the Reformiaition, which, if it reformed the
Creed, certainly did not reform the church buildings.
It is a large building with massive stone pillars and
galleries all around like Notre Dame Cathedral, in
Montreal. On this occasion a platform had been erected in
front of the pulpit, on which was placed Mr. Law's
miniature distillery, the church being crowded to the
doors. The lecturer proceeded without interruption till
the ale put in the little still began to boil, and in the
formi of steam to pass into the condenseT, once more
taking the liquid form in the shape of a pretty strong
whiskey, for alcohol, being lighter than water, comes

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 15
off first As soon as the whiskey began to flow and to
be tasted by some of the audience, a couple of
gangers from Glen Cadam distillery made their ap
pearance, one of whorn climbed up to the platform,
and, in the Queen's name, seized the innocent little
still ; but much amusement was caused by his want of
thought in laying his hand on the hot pipe, from
which it was quickly withdrawn. Calling to his aid
his assistant, with a view of removing the "illicit
still," Mr. Law took from his pocket a large docu
ment which he put in the ganger's hands, having
examined which that gentleman took his departure,
amid the jeers and hootings of the crowd. The
paper, Mr. Law explained, was authority from the
Revenue Department to use the still in the course
of his lectures- The object of the ganger was,
however, probably attained in preventing the church
being granted a second time for a similar purpose.
Miany signed the pledge tliat night, myself among the
number, Mr. Law pointing out that the best time for
young men to sig^n was before and not after they had
formed the drinking habit.
The parish event of which I have spoken had
reference to the vacancy in the parish church, caused
by the death of the Rev. James Burns, the parish
minister, a brother of the Rev. Dr. Robert Bums,
the first principal of Knox College, Toronto, and an
uncle of the well-known missionary, William Burns.
The parish, being large, had two endowed ministers,
and, as the stipends were liberal, there were several
candidates in the field, which narrowed down to a
choice between Mr. Norval, of Kerriemuir, and young

16 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
James McCosh, then an assistant minister in
Arbroath, and who afterwards became the well-
known principal of Princeton College, U. S. I
heard the latter preach one of his " trial " sermcxns.
He was very nervous, with a voice not equal to so
large a building, and did not captivate his hearers as
did his competitor, who was much more eloquent
and, of course, the favourite.
Unfortunately for Mr. Norval, he had been so
attracted by a sermon then just published that he
borrowed largely from it, and this corning to the ears
of a friend of Mr. McCosh, the affair was brought
before the Presbytery, and Mr. Norval, not only lost
Brechin, but Kerriemuir also, having joined the
Church of England, where it was said to preach a
borrowed isertnon was not considered a serious
offence. Before leaving Scotland, I heaird not a few eloquent
Chartist and Aniti-Com Law lecturers, as well as
several eminent divines, including Dr. Thomas
Guthrie, who belonged to BrecKin, Dr. Wardlaw, of
Glasgow, and the eloquent George Gilfillen, of Dun
dee. Also the far-famed astronomer and philanthro
pist, Thomas Dick, of Broughty Ferry, a venerable
gentleman with white hair and a fine countenance
that bespoke his character. His subject was : " The
Benefit of Inventions to the Working Classes." He
claimed that by new inventions none would be de
prived of occupation, but that the hours of all would
be shortened, and that the time would come when the
working man would earn more in six hours than he
did then in twelve-

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 17
But these reminiscences of my boyhood and
youth must be hurried over or I shall never get where
it was my intention to begin. Let me just say thait
nearly forty years after I heard Dr. McCosh preaich
in Brechin, it was my fortune to meet him at
Cacouna, where the venerable Principal was enjoying
a holiday. Here I had an opportunity of hearing him
preach once more, and of comparing the timidity of
youth with confidence and dignity of age,
Sailing from Dundee early in April, 1842, we
reached Montreal at the end of May, the voyiage
having occupied seven weeks and four days- And
here begins the story of my " Sixty Years in Canada."

CHAPTER II.
On my arrival at Montreal I proceeded to Lachute,
where my paternal uncle (who had come out twenty
yearsi before had established a distillery and
brewery. Here, in the absence of anything better, I
became tutor to my uncle's large family, but soon
found a posiition as a teacher in one of the district
schools in the neighbouring township of Chatham,
then well settled, mostly by the descendants of U.E.
Loyalists, with a few English, Irish and Scotch
families. The salary was twenty pounds a year from
the Government and about as much more from school
fees. There was then a more liberal feeling between
Catholics and Protestants than exists to-day. Dr.
Meilleur was superintendent of both Roman
Catholic and Protestant schools; a grand old man,
whom it was a pleasure to meet. The few Roman
Catholic children in the district came to my school
till 1844, when a zealous cure at St. Andrews caused
their withdrawal, probably owing to the arrival of
the Swiss Protestant missionaries, who were making
a great stir just then.
The books in use at that time were Mavor's
Spelling Book, the Old and New Testament, the
English Reader, Reid's Geography, Walkinghame's
Arithmetic and Lennie's English Grammar ; the
latter, to my mind, the best grammar for elementary

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 19
schools ever published, although McCulloch's had
taken its place in many schools in Scotland before I
left. Young as I was, I felt the need of :a treatise
on agriculture, and spoke to Dr. Meilleur on the
subject, but nothing was done, and even now there is
room for improvement in this matter. True, there
is an American treatise on Agriculture used in some
of our academies, but nothing in the common
schools, and now that we have men like Professor
Robertson, who have made a special study of soils,
manures, drainage and fruit trees, there should be
no trouble in securing a valuable treatise on these
subjects for our common schools, for it is in these
that three-fourths of our young farmers receive their
education. My principal object in going to the country was
to acquire a knowledge of the French language,
which was then necessary in order to secure a good
situation. During my two years in Chatham, I had
given my spare time to the study of French, and, after
a short course at St. Therese College, obtained a
situation in the office of Daniel McDonald, who then
kept a large wholesale and retail store at St. Larurent,
where I remained till the spring of 1847, when I
found a situation in Montreal, commencing business
on my own account as a commission merchant and
exchange broker two years later.
I was not indifferent during those early years to
the political movements going forward. There was
much ill-feeling betweten the two races, but the
English were mostly to blame. The French were

20 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
polite and gentle, while the English, or it woul4 be
more correct to ^ay t\\e English-speaking people,
were, lais a rule, ^ude and overbearing towards their
French-spewing neighbours. This does not refer
to those who lived in the French villages, for th^
greatest good-wiU existed between the two races,
but to the English-speaking settlements. At
Lachute I had heard of the volimteers going out
infantry and coming back cavalry, hawing carried off
the poor Frenchrnen's horses; while at Grand Brute
I was told that whole families of women and
children took to the woods when they heard the
soldiers were coRiing, and mpre than one mother, with
her children around her, were found frozen under the
trees when the snow melted. Of course, those who
urged on the war were rnuch to blame, but those who
provoked the war were to blame also.
The change from Imperial rule to responsible
govemment was not effected without niuch ill-feeling.
It must be remembered that the Public Works De
partment, the Post Office Department and the
Customs Department weye all under Imperial control,
and the appointees to the principal offices were held
by nominees of Dowuiing Street. And, not only so,
but the clergy reserves were in, the hands of the
English church cletgy or controHed by thew. so that
there was a strong body opposed, tO the changes which
Ipcal rule -yvas, liljely tp, bripjg abaU|t., It was no easy
task to be a Qcxvenjtor-General or Prime Minnister iii
those days; anH' yet it woulti appear that the Imperial
Goyernmenit coiftsidered Canada ^ " health resort,"

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 21
and sent out sick men to administer the Govemment.
My intercourse with the French inhabitants during
those early years in Canada had led me to see things
from the French Canadian standpoint, and I had no
sympathy with those whose violent and unreasonable
agitation led to the destruction of the Pariia
ment buildings and the loss to Montreal of the sdat
of Governmeht.

CHAPTER III.
The Imperial Act of 1840, which re-united the
two Provinces, had one clause which provided that
any Act giving one Province more representatives
than another required to be carried by a two-thirds'
vote. This was a protection to the British settlers,
who were then in the minority, but in time favoured
Lower Canada, when the Upper Canadians came to
be in the majority and demanded " representation by
population." Another clause, in the framing of which
it was said John Strachan, Bishop of Toronto, had a
hand, provided that any Bill respecting the Clergy
Reserves should be approved by the House of Com
mons before becoming law. That clause really
rendered an Imperial Act necessary before these
Reserves could be dealt with. But the most anoma
lous part of British Colonial Government was, that
after nearly fifty years of local govemment, the
Imperial Government imposed the duties on imports,
and it was not till 1846 that that right was transferred
to Canada. It is evident, however, that after the
Union, Great Britain limited her action in respect to
tariffs, for in 1842 the Canadian tariff imposed by the
Imperial Parliament had reference only to good's,
wares and mechandise imported from foreign coun
tries, leaving Canada to deal with imports from
Great Britain and her Colonies.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 23
Shortly after the Union a most extraordinary
understanding seems to have been arrived at, known
as the Double Majority. This understanding was
defined in a letter written by Mr. Caron to Mr.
Draper in connection with the formation of a Cana
dian Ministry. The letter be^rs date the 17th
September, 1845 ¦ —
" It has been assumed, as a principle, that the
direction of affairs should be in the hands of the two
prevailing parties in each section of the Province;
that the administration ought no more to govern
Lower Canada by means of a majority obtained in
Upper Canada than it ought to govern Upper Canada
by means of the aid that Lower Canada should give
it; and that no administration whatever ought to last
any longer than it shall be sustained by each section
of the Province respectively."
This curious agreement brought about strange
combinations, and seemed a fulfilment of the prophecy
that the lion and the lamb should lie down together.
It, however, continued to be respected till 1858, when,
after a three nights' debate, it was condemned by a
large majority. What with the opponents of the
Clergy Reserves in Upper Canada and the leaning of
the Catholic clergy in Lower Canada the other way,
the cry for protection in Lower Canada, and for
free trade in the Upper Province, the Governor-
General and the Ministers of the day had their hands
full; and, in addition to all this, there was the ill-
feeling between the races, for which the English-
speaking people were mainly to blame, through the

24 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
control which the Family Compact in Upper Canada
strove to maintain, to say nothing of Papineau's
" dominators " in the Lower Province. Such was
the state of affairs when Lord Metcalfe came to King
ston in 1843. Is it to be wondered at that, with his
British and Indian training, he should lean towards
the Family Compact and the State Church, and
against those, who, a few years before, had taken up
arms against the Queen? Lord Metcalfe was more
accustomed to guide his advisers than to be guided
by them. He was not accustomed to have important
matters decided without being consulted, and affairs
finally reached a point which forced the resignation
of his ministers. An appeal to the country followed,
in which, rightly or wrongly, the Governor-General
was sustained.
But death had laid its. hand upon that noble man, who
never should have been sent to Canada, and, suffering
from cancer, he left the country in 1845, and died
in 1846.
At the Union of the Provinces in 1840, Lower
Canada had a population of 661,380, and the Upper
Province a population of 465,367, and to have given
Upper Canada the same number of representatives
was clearly unfair to the Sister Province. On the
other hand, no provision was made for a change irt
the future, and as the population of Upper Canada
was increasing much faster than that of the Lower
Province, it was clear that the advantage would
soon be the other way.
Since my arrival in the country three Governors-

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 25
General had come to Canada. Lord Metcalfe in 1843,
Lord Cathcart in 1845 and Lord Elgin in 1847,
making, with Sir Charles Bagot, who was Governor-
General on my arrival, four Governors-General
within five years. The first three were in poor
health and went home to die. Of the last I shall
have more to say in due time.

CHAPTER IV.
The year 1847 was the year of the fatal ship
fever. I was then in Montreal, and shall never forget
the sights daily witnessed. The records show that
from the early part of the season to the first of No
vember, 9,634 deaths had occurred from that fatal
disease. Large sheds were erected in a field at Point
St. Charles, where the emigrants were conveyed from
the ships, the saddest sight being to see the nuns, at
the risk of their own lives, carrying the sick women
and children in their arms from the ships to the
ambulances to be taken to the sheds, the majority to
be laid in the trenches in rough deal coffins. I
visited the sheds one Sunday aftemoon. They formed
a large square with a court in the centre, where the
coffins were piled ; some empty, awaiting for the dead,
and some full, awaiting burial. I tried the weight of
one coffin standing above another which appeared to be
empty, but on lifting the lid found a skeleton within.
On another ocoaision I saw the Mayor (John E.
Mills) and Lord Elgin visiting the ships on horse
back, and afterwards riding towards the sheds. Later
in the season the mayor fell a victim to the fatal
disease, as did many nuns, clergymen and others
whose duties brought them in contact with the
afflicted sufferers. I have often wondered why so
many thousands of starved and perishing people were
allowed to leave Ireland, but that unfortunate country
was on the eve of the rebellion of 1848, which
required all the power of the Government to control.

CHAPTER V.
The advent of a man of Lord Elgin's high character
and gentie and noble bearing would, under ordinary
circumstancess have been welcomed by all parties, but
the circumstances were not ordinary, as it soon
appeared that those who had promoted the Union of
the Provinces would only be satisfied as long as that
Union kept them in office. Seeing that every four
English-speaking voters had as many votes as six
French-spejiking voters, surely the former had no
reason to complain, but, claiming to be the loyal
party, par excellence, they set at nought all considera
tions of constitutional government, and when, on the
25th of April, 1849, Lord Elgin assented to what was
known as " The Rebellion Losses' Bill," a disloyal
mob of so-called " Loyalists " burned the Parliament
House, assaulted the Governor-General, and really
forced Parliament to leave Montreal, never to return.
And this incalculable loss to the real capital city of
Canada was brought about because a sum of four-
hundred thousand dollars (not half as much as was
given to help the creditors of the Bank of Upper
Canada) was voted to meet the losses of those who
had been innocent sufferers through the rebellion of
1837-8. This, of course, was only a pretext, for
when the short-lived victory of Lord Metcalfe's con
servative friends had come to an end by a new
election, and the Liberals were again in office, the most

28 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
bitter feelings existed between the " ins " and the
" outs." And not only in the Legislative Assembly,
but in the Legislative Council, did this feeling exist.
I, myself, heard Peter McGill speak in the Council
against the Bill; although a just and honourable man.
his feelings had carried him away.
The burning of the Parliament House took place
on a Wednesday evening, and I happened to be at a
lecture in the basement of Dr. McGill's church ort
St. Helen street, near the scene of the fire, and the
moment the fire-bells rang joined the crowd of men
amd boys, fire-engines and water-carts that were
hurrying down McGill street to the scene of the fire.
The wooden and glass structure at the west end of
the building facing McGill street was already on
fire. It contained stationary and books of reference,
and reached the top of the second story, or Legisla
tive Assembly Rooms. One engine was already at
work, but the engines of those days were poor affairs,
the water being partly supplied by the pUhcheOhs of
water-carriers and, such wells in the neighbourhood
as could be reached. The hose was leaking badly;
some said they were cut, but I saw no sign of siicH
being the case. In five minutes the Whole Woodeil
structure was in a blaze, and soon the fire entered the
lower story of the stone building, under the Assetnbly
Rooms', occupied by the departmental offices* and iii
a quarter of an hour had reached the itikih entrance,
half-way to the east end of the buildlftg. At this tirhe
I made my wa|y to the east end, as if Was said a hUtfi-
ber of people were still in the building, and thdt only

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 29
means of escape was by that end. A wooden gallery,
fifteen or twenty feet wide, extended eastward, on
which the members of the Legislative Council used to
promenade. On this gallery there were quite a
munber of gentlemen who had been shut up when
the fire reached the main entrance, and had no means
of escape except by climbing over the railing and
sliding down the wooden pillars that supported the
gallery, which many did, one stout gentleman losing
his hold and falling heavily on the platform below.
There still remained a small crowd on the gallery,
when one gentleman who had not lost his presence
of mind called out " a ladder for Sir Allan
McNab," when more than one ladder soon reached
the gallery, and, like St. Paul's fellow travellers, all
were soon safely landed. Of course, Sir Allan
had left by the centre door, but his friends did not
know that, while all knew that he was nursing a
gouty foot, and could not, to save his life, have got
over the railing or down the pillars.
It was never known who set fire to the building.
No one was near the west end when I reached the
scene, and the whole programme to set the fire below
and assail the members in the house above must have
been pre-arranged. The causes which preceded and
led up to the burning of the building were, it is well
known, the meetings held on the Champ de Mars, at
which inflammatory speeches were made by the leaders
of the crowd, and in connection with which J. Moar
Ferres, W- Gordon Mack, Alfred Perry, H. E.
Montgomrie and Augustus Howard were arrested.

30 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
but never brought to trial- The most blameworthy
of all was, no doubt, J. Moir Ferres, then editor
of the Montreal Gazette, an aristocratic-looking gentle
man with a wooden leg, whose speeches and articles
were such as to arouse the bitter feelings of the
unreasoning crowd. How Augustus Howard ever
became mixed up with such a crowd I cannot tdl.
He was, I think, brought up in the Bank of Montreal,
whose officers are all supposed to be gentlemen, but
when the president (Peter McGill) encouraged the
riotersi, who can blame those brought up under his
care ?
It was soon seen that any efforts to save the Parlia
ment buildings were useless, and the fire-engines were
directed to save the Grey Nunnery, situated in a yard
on the south side and near the east end of the bum-
ing buildings. A cordon of men was formed to bring
water from the river in buckets by handing them
from hand to hand. I worked at one of those
engines till one o'clock in the morning, and went
home unable to lift my arms-
Next evening another meeting was called on the
Champ de Mars, and I went there to see what was
going on. When I heard the crowd calling "to
Hincks's," I ran the shortest way to Beaver Hall,
where Mr. Hincks then lived, and gave the alarm
to the family, and assisted in putting valuable paint
ings and furniture out of danger, helping the coach
man to carry a large mirror across the field (now
Miss Dow's garden) to a house still standing. I did
not know Mr. Hincks then except by sight, and he

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 31
never knew who helped to save his mirror till after
the Silver Nuisance, when I told him I had been
well paid for my services on that occasion.
A week later it was rumoured that Lord Elgin was
attending a meeting of the Executive Council in the old
Chateau de Ramsay, then the Executive Council Cham
ber, having arrived unexpectedly without interruption.
A crowd soon gathered, extending from the west end
of the court house to St. Denis street. I was there,
of course, and remember seeing the big figure of
Colonel Gugy going round with his overcoat over his
arm, exhorting the crowd to conduct itself peaceably.
It struck me then that his advice came late, seeing
that he was one of those who had fanned the flame.
On retiring from the Council Chamber the Govemor-
General ordered his carriage to turn eastward and
up St. Denis street, thus escaping the bulk of the
crowd, which, however, ran up St. Lawrence street to
the corner of Sherbrooke street, where it attacked
the carriage; but the Governor, wishing to avoid
bloodshed, for he had a good mounted body-guard,
ordered his carriage to tum up St. Lawrence street,
and to proceed to " Monklands " by the mountain
roads.

CHAPTER VI-
The agitation did not end here. Petitions were
got up praying for the recall of Lord Elgin on no
stronger grounds than that he had acted the part of
a constitutional ruler, and, instead of throwing the ill-
feeling upon the Imperial Government by reserving
the measure for the approval of the Queen, took the
responsibility upon himself. As will appear later
on, the free trade measures of the Imperial Govem
ment had strained the relations between the Home
Government and her North American Colonies, and
Lord Elgin was clearly unwilling to strain them still
more. The fact wasi, the malcontents were out of
office, with no hopes of a speedy return, and the
agitation was continued.
A convention was called to meet at Kingston, and
met there on the 25th of July, 1849, to the number
of 140 delegates from 80 different constituencies,
being mostly self-elected. This was a remarkable
assembly, and, like the cave of Adullam, all that had a
grievance were there; but the thought uppermost
in their minds seemed to be how to get rid of what
they were pleased to call "French domination."
Most of the delegates declared against annexation,
which they saw would not help them, while nearly
all favoured a union with the Lower Provinces,
which they believed would " swaimp " the French
vote.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 3m
Among those present were Hon. George Moffatt,
W. Aiken, E. H. Parsons, Henry Corby, G. C. Bogr
ert, George Crawford, F. W. Powell, Alexander
Monro, Ogle R. Gowan, Wm. Gamble, J, W, Pope'
and John A. Macdonald (afterwards Sir John).
These gentlemen, and many others, all well known
fifty years ago, elected as their chairman the Hon.
George Moffatt, of Montreal, a fine looking gentle
man, whose dignified bearing added much to the
appearance of the whole assembly and to the de
corum of the whole proceedings. The convention sat
for several days, and rejected many crude and ill-
considered resolutions- From those that were adopted,
a Committtee evolved the following address : —
British American League.
President:
Hon. George Moffatt.
Vice-Presidents :
Hon. W. Allen, Toronto,
John Young, Hamilton,
John R. Forsythe, Kingston,
Thomas Wilson, Quebec,
John Prince, Sandwich,
Hon. Wm. Morris, Montreal,
W. Gordon Mack, Cor.-Secretary,
J. H. Isaacson, Recording-Secretary,
H. E. Montgomery, Treasurer.
3

34 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
Address
To the Inhabitants of Canada, adopted 31st My,
184P, in General Convention at Kingston :
Fellow countrymen:
Events so momentous as those which have given
birth to this great Provincial Association have been
hitherto unparalleled in the history of this Colony.
From the earliest settlement of the United Empire
Loyalists in this Province until a recent period, its
people have evinced an attachment to the Parent
State unsurpassed by that of any other Colony of
ancient or modern times. During a long period,
checked by adversity and prosperity, the people of
this Colony have in war rallied round the flag of their
forefathers, and in peace have endeavO'Ured to cement
the union with the fatherland by the strongest ties
of amity and interest. In return for the devotion,
the British Government had extended to this Colony
a commercial preference in her markets-
The harmony which so long existed, interrupted
by an open rebellion, was again restored at its close,
and the progress of the Colony became almost un
exampled, under the fostering influence of a wise
Imperial legislation. But, unhappily for Great
Britain, an Empire whose Colonies are the strong arm
of her power, she has recently opened her ports to
foreign nations upon equal terms with her Colonies,
thus virtually excluding us from her markets by
throwing us into a ruinous competition with those to
whom her ports are more immediately and cheaply

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 35
accessible. In her promulgation of free trade
principles she has lost sight of the interests of her
Colonies with the view of obtaining from all nations
reciprocal free trade, and thereby inundating the
world with her manufactures. This new policy of the
Empire has recently produced in Canada its inevit
able results. Unprotected by an adequate: tariff, we
have continued to consume a vast amount of B:ritish
manufactures, whilst our produce, the principal
source upon which we rely for their payment, have
rarely entered the British markets except at a
sacrifice. The result has been a monetary pressure, extensive
bankruptcy and general distress.
Coincident with these disastrous circumstances, a
storm arose in our political horizon which had
threatened, and still threatens, to shake the founda
tions of our social fabric. The Legislature, ruled by
a faction (which for the retention of place and
power), has kindled afresh the animosity of rival
races, has legalized the principle of rebellion, and has
prepared to increase the public debt at a moment of
grdat financial embarrassment, by a provision for the
traitors of 1837-8.
These grievances aroused thousands from a state
of torpor and inaction. Your fellow subjects con
vinced that a crisis had arrived when it behoved
every inhabitant of Canada to exert himself for the
regeneration of his country, and rescue it from com
mercial and political thraldom, met, and, by com
bined action, established the British American League.

36 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
Inhabitants of Canada.
You are nominally enjoying the privileges of a
free constitution; you are in reality chained down by
circumstances which wrest from you the exercise of
those privileges. You are told that you are fostered
by a liberal and prudent Govemment — ^in reality your
efforts for the encouragement of home industry
have been checked, in too many instances, by hasty
and inconsiderate legislation.
After a plea for a carefully adjusted protectionist
tariff, the address continues : " The present tariff is
utterly inadequate to produce results so manifestiy
essential to the interests of our country. The present
Government is pledged to Free Trade principles-"
Then follows the charge of extravagance, the
usual stock charge of every opposition. Then comes
the combined resolution of the Parliament House
burners, as follows : —
" A law has been passed by the present Ministry,
so monstrous in principle that it has excited strong
abhorrence and disgust in the minds of the loyal
people of this Colony. That measure, in its naked
deformity, has met .with no approval. It has been
carried merely because the British members of the Gov
ernment dared not to oppose the determined will of the
French leader. By sanctioning that measure, His
Excellency, the Earl of Elgin, has brought the Royal
Authority into contempt, has disturbed public tran
quility, and it is our firm opinion that his continu
ance in his high position cannot conduce to public
peace or prosperity.****

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 37
" Three subjects among those which have engaged
our deliberations stand prominently forth demanding
your earnest attention.
" By the first of these — a union of the North Ameri
can Provinces — it has been proposed in this connec
tion to lay the foundations for making this country
a great nation upon a solid and enduring basis.
" Impressed with the weight of such a proposal, but
uncertain as to the sentiments of the Sister Colonies,
this Convention has proposed a conference with those
Provinces, by a delegation of some of its members;
meantime, it recommends this great question to your
mature deliberation.
" The second great movement in which we invite
your co-operation is that for retrenchment and
economy in the public expenditure.
" The third is that still more great and vital move
ment we are prepared to mal<e in favour of protection
to home industry."****
After an appeal to their patriotism, in the usual
grand, eloquent style, the Address, concludes: —
" Rouse yourselves then to action, organize —
agitate these questions — and rescue your country
from present and impending evils.
George Moffatt, Chairman.
Wm. Gordon Mack, 1 . . „ , .
W. Brook, ; ¦^'^^^ Secretaries.
Kingston, 31st July, 1849."
With W. Gordon Mack as one of the secretaries,
the address smelt too much of fire to be well re-

38 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
ceived in the Lower Provinces, the newspapers there
ridiculing the idea of taking Canada's nuts out of the
hre. Besides, they were but tyros in statesmanship,
who would have mixed up their appeal to the Lower
Provinces with any declaration of principles, which
might not meet the views of those Provinces. The
Convention, to please every one that had a grievance,
included Ogle R. Gowan's fiery attack on the French
Canadians, and W. H- Parson's protectionist views,
with which many Liberals in Lower Canada agreed.
But all this was calculated to render null and void
the effort to accomplish the greater purpose of a
union of the Provinces, and one wonders that a man
of George Moffatt's ability and shrewdness would
have put his name to such a document.

CHAPTER VIII.
The Glasgow Reciprocity Association.
The " canny Scotchmen '' of Glasgow must needs
have their fingers in this Canadian pie. They estab
lished a Glasgow Reciprocity Association, the object
of which was declared to be " to obtain free trade
with foreign States on the basis of a true and equit
able recriprocity, and to adopt all reaisonable and
legitimate means to promote the interests of British
and Colonial industry." These Scotchmen maintained
that "it was the duty of the British Legislaiture to have
established free trade with the Colonies to the utmost
extent warranted by the state of the revenue before
proceeding to give to our foreign rivals the unre
stricted, untaxed, unreciprocated privilege of com
peting in the British markets with heavily taxed
British industry."
The Glasgow Association evidently feared that the
British American League would go over to the
Annexationists, for it exhorts them to be true to
their allegiance, and reminds them of their great
inheritance in North America, adding, " and that to
the North American Colonists, aided by England,
belong, by way of the St Lawrence and lakes, the
trade of the far west, a trade only yet in its infancy,
and capable of such extention as defies calculation."

40 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
These " Glasgow bodies " continue : — " The Colonists
ought to consider well the advantages they possess;
to sympathise and co-operate with their countrymen
at home in obtaining reforms and just concessions
from the Imperial Legislature rather than counten
ance any party, who, to serve private ends, may
suggest separation from the protection and wealth
and power of Britain, in order to begin a com
petition with the rival States of the Union."
These warnings so far as Montreal was concerned,
passed unheeded, for the question of peaceable an
nexation with the United States was being freely
discussed and generally approved, particularly by the
shipping interests and mercantile community gener
ally, which had suffered severely by recent Imperial
legislation .
An address to the people of Canada had been
drawn up and signed by a large number of merchants
and others in the fall of 1849, and it was decided to
hold a meeting to bring the question more fully
before the public. As this meeting and the annexa
tion address are now of historic interest, I abridge
from the newspapers of the day the first, and, includ
ing its adjournment, the last annexation meeting in
Montreal-

CHAPTER IX.
The Annexation Meeting.
Pursuant to requisition, a meeting of the signers
of the Address to the people of Canada in favour of a
peaceable separation from Great Britian and of an
nexation to the United States was held in the
Temperance H^l, St Miaiurice Street, on the 12th
December, 1849, for the purpose of forming an
association for pro'mo'ting that object.
Benjamin Hart, Esq., proposed that John Redpath,
Esq., do take the chair, which was carried by ac
clamation. " Mr- Redpaith, therefore, assumed the chair, and
Messrs. John Glass and J. B. E. Dorion were ap
pointed secretaries. After some introductory
remarks, the chairman said : " The Parliament of
Great Britian had thought fit to change the policy of
the Empire from a protection to a free trade system.
This change had been ruinous to this country. We
had no right, however, to question the propriety of
the change, if it was made to promote the prosperity
of England. If the new system was adopted for the
purpose of giving cheap bread to her thirty millions
of people, even although it should prove injurious to
the million and a half of people in this country, we
had no right to question the propriety of the change.
They thought it would prove advantageous to the

42 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
Empire, and the English statesmen had a right to
adopt it. We could not now expect that they would
ever return to the policy which they had abandoned.
But although he did not question the wisdom of the
Imperial Parliament, we could not shut our 'eyes to the
fact that this change of policy had brought this country
to min. Most of us had already proposed separation
from Great Britain and annexation to the United
States. This was no mere theoretical remedy. If
they looked across the line they saw the agriculturists
getting 20 per cent, more for their produce than the
farmers on this side- They saw property one half
more valuable there than here, mechanics getting
more wages, and people contented and happy. He
hoped nothing would ever be done except by peace
ful means, for he could never be a party to any
other. The League would not listen to annexation
at its first meeting, but now many members are
disposed to support it. They are going a round
about way, while we were going straight forward.
After continuing in the same strain for some time,
it was moved by Hugh Taylor, Esq., and resolved : —
" That it is expedient, under the evils that afflict
our country and the depression of its material
interests, that all animated by a desire for its welfare
should associate with the view to the attainment of
a remedy, and we do, therefore, form ourselves into
an association for that purpose ; and, to promote the
social amelioration of Canada, we adopt the sentiments
of ' The Address to the people of Canada,' published
in the journals of the city in October last."

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 43
Jacob de Witt, Esq., M.P.P., seconded the reso
lution, and said : —
" I feel that we are called upon to come forward
and propose some remedy for our suffering country.
Although I can only expect to aid her a feather's
weight, yet, sir, I do no* feel at liberty to withhold
that feather's weight. We find the industrious classes
leaving the land. We cannot induce our children to set
tle and cultivate the land in Canada, because the pro
duce will hardly pay the labour of cultivation, the land,
in many cases, placing the proprietors of the soil in
a woirse position than the hired labourer-
" I would appeal to you why it is that so many
wealthy, moral and industrious people who emi
grate from the British Isles come to New York and
settle in the United States, and many of them, after
passing through Canada, proceed to the Western
States, thus enriching that country by their fortunes,
their experience, their skill, their labour and their
example. If Canada formed two States of the
American Union, I believe a large part of those
people would settle with us, as we should have free
trade from Gaspe through all the States and Terri
tories to the Pacific Ocean. We should have ten
times as many ships at Quebec as we have now.
Look at the steamboats leaving New York daily with
their 500 passengers and compare them with ours
at Quebec. Sir, we work for our country, and not
for party, or pension, or place. La Patrie avant tout."
After some further remarks, Mr. de Witt closed as
follows : —

44 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
" Sir, I trust when this Province separates from the
parent State, the children may retain their affection
and respect for the parent, and receive the father's
blessing." The resolution was unanimously carried. Ben
jamin Holmes, Esq., M.P.P., moved the second
resolution, as follows: —
" That our state of Colonial dependence can only
be prolonged at the sacrifice of our most valuable
interests, and that this meeting, considering the social,
commercial and political difficulties of Canada, and
feeling the W'cight of the evils that oppress our society,
believe that the only attainable measure capable of
permanently improving our condition consists in a
peaceable separation from Great Britain, with her
consent, and the annexation of Canada to the United
States of America."
In moving the adoption of the resolution, Mr.
Holmes', after some preparatory remarks, said: —
If I believed it possible to maintain our existing
connection, and at the same time had a reasonable
hope that our country would not thereby be doomed
to poverty ,aind ruin, I, for one, would oppose what
I now advocate — a peaceable and friendly severment
of the political connection between Canada and Eng
land and annexation to the United States. We are
told by those who have protested against the address
that the evils we complain of may be overcome by
legislative enactments, but do not tell in their wis
dom what those legislative enactments are to be.
No, that is left to fancy. On looking over the list of

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 45
signers to the protest, we discover among the few
well-known names the salaried officers of the Govem
ment, a number of their clerks and dependents, some
twenty or thirty known monopolists and protection
ists, with five or six names hitherto known as the
strenuous advocates of free trade. It is admitted on
almost all hands that Canada must eventually become
a part of the great American Republic; but it is said
by those who affect to be exclusively loyal that we
ought to make every effort to induce Great Britain to
return to her protective policy before making any
other move. Some affect to believe that, for fear of
losing Canada, England may be induced to again
enact the Com Laws, and again consign her working
millions to the starvation from which they have lately
escaped by the repeal of those odious laws — laws
which ground the labouring classes to abject misery,
to increase the revenues of a landed aristocracy.
There may be some who deplore the abrogation of
the Com Laws in England — he trusted there were
few in Canada. The industrious classes of this con
tinent, thank God, are not yet so debased as to rejoice
at, or seek to impose a protection tax on the food of
the poorer classes of England."
Mr. Holmes continued, at some length, to point out
the advantages to Canada which would result from an
nexation to the United States. Wheat, which was sell
ing in Canada at 3s. 9d., or 75s-, was across the line at
5s-, or $1.00. Superfine flour was worth in Montreal
20s. 6d. ; across the line was worth 26s. Our farmers
were selling their oats at is., or 20c. the minot; at

46 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
Burlington they were worth 36c. Peas, selling in
Canada at 2s., or 40c., were worth in New York 75c.
to 80c. We may admire, we may love England,
but our people cannot starve for the honour of her
protection- Here it is the fashion to raise a revenue
out of the pockets of the poorer classes. We tax
sugar, teai, coffee, rice and tobacco from 25 to 75
or 90 per cent. The people of the United States
pay no tax on those articles, except on sugar, and
that they raise at home, or, if imported, it is subject
to a duty of 2s. 6d. per cwt., but here the duty is
IIS. 6d- to I2S. 6d. per cwt. The poor man is taxed
30 per cent. ; the rich man, for his superfine coat,
I2>^ per cent.
After pointing out the benefits to the lumber trade
and to the great water powers of the Province of
Lower Canada, and to its intelligent, but unemployed
population, Mr. Holmes moved the above resolution,
which was seconded by William Molson, Esq., and
carried without a dissenting voice.
Robert Mackay, Esq-, moved and A. A. Dorion
seconded the third resolution, fixing the nam.e of the
association as the Annexation Association of Montreal,
and setting forth its by-laws-
John Rose, Esq., moved the fourth resolution: —
" That we bind ourselves towards each other
(burying in oblivion all past dissensions), cordially
to co-operate in such means as may best promote the
objects of the association; and we invite the people
of Canada generally to form similar associations in
the same fraternal spirit."

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 47
In moving the resolution, Mr. Rose said: —
"It is easy to raise an inconsiderate cry of treason
and disloyalty, but from the time the Province was
conquered to the present day, we find abundant justi
fication for our course in the declarations of many of
the leading statesmen of England with respect to the
continuance of that connection, whose advantage and
disadvantage to us we are now called upon dis
passionately to investigate. Was there treason in the
opinion of Lord St. Vincent expressed to Lord
Shelburne on the signing of the peace of 1793?
' How can you hope to keep Canada with an English
Republic established in its sight ? It is impossible,
and rely upon it, you only retain a running sore, the
source of endless disgust and expense. Nothing but
difficulty in keeping it or resigning it will be known-"
But the declaration from so able a statesman does
not stand ailone. Lord Brougham described the same
acquisition as " Loading the policy of England with
a burden not yet shaken off, and which is every day
more difficult to bear." Lord Ashburton, too, in a
recent debate, uttered a corresponding sentiment : —
" As long as the Canadians were content to remain
in their present condition, under the protection of this
country, it was well that they 'so continue, but if they
demand to be separate, to take on themiselves a national
character, then it appeared to him that it would be
the wisest course, the most liberal, and the most con
sistent with sound policy, to shake hands with them
and let them join the North Americans, if they so
thought fit- If the grandeur of England should

48 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
fade, and her prosperity decay, the greatest monu
ment of glory would remain in her Colonies-
" Were it necessary, I could quote citation on
citation to prove that England considers, and has for
years considered, our present relations to her both
burdensome and unprofitable ; and, if this be true, are
we to be unmanly and ungenerous enough to seek to
perpetuate that burden ? Has she not sought to
train us to self-reliance and fit us for self-govern
ment ? Has not the policy towards us been dictated
by that considerate and maternal regard for our
future destiny which demands our gratitude, while it
exacts our co-operation ?
" There cannot, to my mind, be a grander, a more
sublime thought, than that the parent State, after
training her Colonial subjects to self-reliance, should,
with feelings of kindred affection and pride, seek to
elevate them to a position among the nations of the
world, to perpetuate her institutions and secure
allies, on whose affection and duty she might rely
and look for succour in time of need. Had the
separation of the old Colonies been consummated in
this spirit, would not their relations to the Parent
State have been such as I am now depicting ? And,
notwithstanding the irritating circumstances which
accompanied their separation, time has buried much
in oblivion; and who will deny that England regards
with a feeling of pride the position which her off
spring now occupies among the nations of the earth?
The possibility of a change is, no doubt, so repugnant
to some, whose early associations have connected

sixty YEARS IN CANADA- 49
them iiitimately with England, that they would
sooner relinquish all earthly possessions than the
heritage of being Englishrrten. This chivalrous and
impassioned devotion I admire and respect. It
emanates from the same feeling which actuates us
to show our attachment to her institutions and laws,
and that freedom and independence the possession
of which is our birthright To my own feelings I
do not hesitate to avow that the idea of a change is
repugnant and forbidding. But if is our duty to sink
these personal considerations in deciding on so
momentous question as the present. There is no
need to quench that attachment and affection that
binds us to the land of our birth ; no, it will bum
more brightly as we feel ourselves in the full pos
session of those privileges which we conceive will
flow upon us.
" I have but one other consideration to bring under
your notice, and it is this — there is a strong, almost
universally prevailing conviction, even among those
who oppose us, that sooner or later the change we
contemplate must take place. If this be true, on
what grounds should we desire to continue the state
of transition ? To protract is cruelty; and we are
unmanly enough to leave, as a legacy to our children,
a task from the performance of which we shrink our
selves-" Mr. Laberge seconded the resolution, which was
carried unanimously.
F G. Johnson, Esq. (afterwards Sir Francis) ,
moved : —

60 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
That this meeting do now adjoum to this day
week in this place at noon, then to meet for the
election of officers, and that the following gentlemen
be a committee to nominate a ticket for considera^
tion : — R Mackay, A. A. Dorion, D. Torrance, H-
Mulholland and J. Ostell — Carried.
Benjamin Hart then moved that Mr. Redpath leave
the chair, that Wm. Molson, Esquire, do take it, when
the thanks of the meeting were given to the chairman,
and the meeting adjourned.
Annexation Association of Montreal.
The meeting for the election of officers was held
on Thursday, in the Temperance Hall, St- Maurice
street, and was occupied upwards of three hours in
the ballot, and scrutinizing thereon.
Mr. Redpath was called to the chair by acclama
tion, and Mr- John Glass and Mr. A. A. Dorion
named secretaries and scrutineers, who declared the
result as follows : — President:
John Redpath.
Vice-Presidents :
B. Holmes, Jacob de Witt, W. Workman,
L. H. Holton, T. B. Anderson, D- E. Papineau.
P. Drumgoole and John Donegani, Esqs.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 51
Councillors:
D. Kinnear, H. Stephens, Wm. Molson,
John Rose, Jos. Papin, R. Laflamme,
John Bell and John Ostell, Esqs.
Treasurer:
David Torrance.
Secretaries:
Robert Mackay, A. A- Dorion, Esqs.
The secretaries then issued the following ad
dress, which speaks for itself, accompanied by a
copy of the address to the People of Canada, which
had now attached to it over i,ooo signatures.
Circular of the
Committee of the Annexation Association
of Montreal.
Office of the Annexation Association, Montreal,
December 7, 1849.
The Montreal Annexation Association, desirous of
urging upon the people of Canada the question of
peaceable separation from Great Britain, and of an
nexation to the United States, have instructed us to
forward to you a copy of the Address to the people
of Canada, already published, tO'gether with other

52 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
documents showing the steps that have been taken
by the Association in this city. They have done this
in the hope that you are favourable to the cause for
which this Association has been founded, and dis
posed to co-operate with them by exertion in your
own neighbourhood- This might be done by the
organization of similar Associations for counties,
townships or parishes throughout Canada, or by
other means which may suggest themselves to you
as most suitable for your own locality.
We are directed at the same time to request from
you any information which you may be disposed to
communicate, and which may be of advantage to
the cause, and to state that this Association will be
happy to furnish you with similar information Cal
culated to promote our mutual object, as it is im
portant that regular communication should be kept
up among the friends of the cause throughout the
country. R. Mackay, ) ^
A. A. Dorion ] Secretaries.
To THE People of Canada.
The number and maignitude of the evils which
afflict our country, and the universal and increasing
depression of its material interests, call upon all per
sons animated by a sincere desire for its welfare, to
combine for the purpose of inquiry and preparation,
with the view to the adoption of such remedies as a
mature and dispassionate investigation may suggest.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 63
Belonging to all parties, origins and creeds, .but
yet agreed upon the advantage of co-operation for
the performance of a common duty to ourselves and
our country, growing out of a common necessity,
we have consented, in view of a brighter and happier
future, to merge in oblivion all past differences of
whatever character, or attributable to whatever
source. In appealing to our fellow Colonists to unite with
us in this, our most needful duty, we solemnly con
jure them, ELS they desire a successful issue and the
welfare of their country, to enter upon the task at
this momentous crisis in the same fraternal spirit.
The reversal of the ancient policy of Great Britain,
whereby she withdraws from the Colonies their
wonted protection in her markets, has produced the
most disastrous effects upon Canada. In surveying
the actual condition of the country, what but ruin
or rapid decay meets the eye? Our Provincial Gov
ernment and civic corporations embarrassed, our
banking and other securities greatly depreciated, our
mercantile and agricultural interests alike unpros^
perous, real estate scarcely saleable upon any terms,
our unrivalled rivers, lakes and canals almost un
used, whilst commerce abandons our shores, the
circulating capital amassed under a more favourable
system is dissipated, with none from any quarter to
replace it. Thus, without available capital, unable
to affect a loan with foreign States, or with the
mother country, although offering security greatly
superior to that which readily obtains money, both

.4 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
for "the United States and Great Britain, when other
than the Colonials are the applicants — crippled, there
fore, in the full career of private and public enter
prise, this possession of the British Crown, our
country, stands before the world in humiliating
contrast with its immediate neighbours, exhibiting
every symptom of a nation fast sinking to decay.
With superabundant water power anid cheap
labour, especially in Lower Canada, we have yet no
domestic manufactures, nor can the most sanguine,
unless under altered circumstances, anticipate the
home growth or advent from foreign parts of either
capital or enterprise to embark in this great source
of national wealth. Our institutions, unhappily, have
not that impress of permanence which can alone
impart security and inspire confidence ; and the
Canadian market is too limited to tempt the foreign
oaipitalist. Whilst the adjoining States are covered with a
network of thriving railways, Canada possesses but
three lines, which, together, scarcely exceed fifty
miles in length, and the stock in two of which is held
at a depreciation of from fifty to eighty per cent. — a
fatal sympton of the torpor overspreading the land.
Our present system of Provincial Government is
cumbrous and too expensive, so as to be ill-suited to
the circumstances of the country, and the necessary
reference it demands to a distant government, im
perfectly acquainted with Canadian affairs, and some
what indifferent to our interests, is anomalous and
irksome. Yet, in event of a rupture between two

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 55
of the most powerful nations of the world, Canadai
would become the battlefield and the sufferer, how
ever little her interests might be involved in the cause
of the quarrel, or the issue of the contest.
The bitter animosities of political parties and
factions in Canada, after leading to violence, and,
upon one occasion, to civil war, seem not to have
abated with time, nor is there at the present moment
any prospect of diminution or accommodation. The
aspect of parties become daily more threatening
towards each other, and under existing institutions
and relationsi, little hope is discernible of a peaceable
and prosperous administration of our affairs, but
difficulties will, to all appearances, accumulate until
government become impracticable-
In this view of our position, any course that may
propose to efface existing party distinctions and
place entirely new issues before the people must be
fraught with undeniable advantages.
Among the statesmen of the mother country —
among the sagacious observers of the neighbouring
republic in Canada and in all British North America,
amongst all classes there is a strong pervading con
viction that a political revolution in this country is
at hand- Such forbodings cannot readily be disf-
pelled, and they have, moreover, a tendency to realize
the events to which they point. In the meantime,
serious injury results to Canada from the effects of
this anticipation upon the more desirable class of
settlers, who naturally prefer a country under fixed
and permanent forms of government to one in a
state of transition.

56 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
Having thus adverted to some of the causes of
our present evils, we would consider how far the
remedies ordinarily proposed possess sound and
rational inducements to justify their adoption:
I. " The revival of protection in the markets of
the United Kingdo'm."
This, if attainable in a stifficient degree, and
guaranteed for a long period of years, would ame
liorate the condition of m.any of our chief interests,
but the policy of the Empire forbids the anticipations.
Besides, it would be but a partial remedy. The
millions of the mother country demand cheap food;
and a second change from protection to free trade
would complete the ruin which the first has done
much to achieve,
2. ¦' Protection to home manufactures.
Although this might encourage the growth of
a manufacturing interest in Canada, yet, without
access to the United States market, there would not
be a sufficient expansion of that interest for the want
of consumers to mark any result that could be
admitted as a " remedy " for the numerous evils of
which we complain-
3. " A Federal Union of the British American
Provinces." The advantages claimed for that arrangement are:
free trade between the different Provinces and a
diminished governmental expenditure. The attain
ment of the latter object would be problematical, and
the benefits anticipated from the former might be
secured by legislation under our existing system.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 57
The markets of our sister Provinces would not
benefit our trade in timber, for they have a surplus
of that article in their own forests ; and their demands
for agricultural products would be too limited to
absorb our means of supply, nor could Canada
expect any 'encouragement to her manufacturing
industry from these quarters. A Federal Union,
therefore, would be no rem'Cdy.
4. " The independence of the British North
American Colonies as a Federal Republic."
The consolidation of its new institutions from
elements hitherto so discordant, the formation of
treaties with foreign powers, the requirement of a
name and character among the nations, would, we fear,
prove an overmatch for the strength of the new
republic. And having regard to the powerful con
federacy of States conterminous with itself, the
needful military defences would be too costly to
render independence a boon, whilst it would not, any
more than a federal union, remove those obstacles
which retard our material prosperity.
5. " Reciprocal free trade with the United States
as regards the products of the farm, the forest and
the mine"
If obtained, this would be but an instalment of the
many advantages which might be otherwise secured.
The free interchange would not introduce manufac
tures to our country. It would not give us the
North American continent for our market- It would
neither so amend our institutions as to confer
stability, nor ensure confidence in their permanence,

58 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
nor would it allay the violence of piairties or in the
slightest degree remedy many of our prominent evils.
6. "Of all the remedies that have been suggested
for the acknowledged and insufferable ills with which
our country is afflicted, there remains but one to be
considered. It propounds a sweeping and important
change in our political and social condition, involving
considerations which demand our most serious
examination.'' The remedy consists of a friendly and peaceful
separation from British connection and a union upon
equitable terms with the Great North American Con
federacy of Sovereign States.
We would premise that towards Great Britain we
entertain none other than sentiments of kindness and
respect. Without her consent we consider separation
neither practical nor desirable; but the Colonial
policy of the parent State, the avowals of her leading
statesmen, the public sentiments of the Empire,
present unmistakable and significant indications of the
depreciation of colonial connection. That it is the
resolve of England to invest us with the attributes
and compel us to assume the burden of independence
is no longer problematical- The threatened with
drawal of her troops from other Colonies, the con
tinuance of her military protection to ourselves, only
on the condition that we shall defray the attendant
expenditure, betoken intention towards our country
against which it is weakness in us not to provide.
An overraling conviction then of its necessity, and
a high sense of the duty we owe to our country, a

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 59
duty we can neither disregard or postpone, impels us
to entertain the idea of separation; and whatever
negotiations may eventuate with Great Britain, a
grateful liberality on the part of Canada should mark
every proceeding.
The proposed union would render Canada a
field for American capital into which it would enter
as freely for the prosecution of public works and
private enterprise as into any of the present States.
It would equalize the value of real estate upon both
sides of the boundary, thereby probably doubling at
once the entire present value of property in Canada,
whilst, by giving stability to our institutions and in
troducing prosperity, it would raise our public cor
porate and private credit. It would increase our
commerce, both with the United States and foreign
countries, and would not necessarily diminish to any
great extent our intercourse with Great Britain, into
which our products would, for the most part, enter
on the same terms as at present. It would render our
rivers and canals thq highway for the immigration to,
and exports from, the West to the incalculalDle benefit
of our country. It would also introduce manufac
tures into Canada as rapidly as they have been intro
duced into the Northern States ; and to Lower Canada
especially, where water privileges and labour are
abundant and cheap, it would attract manufacturing
capital, enhancing the value of property and agricul
tural produce, and giving remunerative employment
to what is at present a comparatively non-producing
population. Nor would the United States merely

60 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
fumish the capital for our manufactures. They would
also supply for them the most exclusive market in
the world, without the intervention of the custotp
house officer. Railways would forthwith be con
structed by American capital as feeders for the great
lines now approaching our fronier, and railway
enterprise would doubtless be as attractive and pros
perous among us as among our neighbours. The
value of our agricultural implements, and many of
the necessaries of life, such as tea, coffee and sugar,
would be greatly reduced in price.
The value of our timber would also be greatly
enhanced by free access to the American market,
where it b.ears a high price, but is subject to an en
ormous duty. At the same time there is every reason
to believe that our shipbuilders, as well as at Quebec as
on the great lakes, would find an unlimited market in
all the ports of the American Continent. It cannot be
doubted that the shipping trade of the United States
must greatly increase. It is equally manifest that
with them the principal material in the construction
of ships is rapidly diminishing, while we possess vast
territories, covered with timber of excellent quality,
which would be equally available as it is now, since
under the free trade system our vessels would sell as
well in England after annexation as before.
The simple and economical State Government, in
which direct responsibility to the people is a dis
tinguishing feature, would be substituted for a system
at once cumbrous and expensive.
In place of war and the alarms of war with a neigh-

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 61
bour, there would be peace and amity between this
country and the United States. Disagrejements
between die United States and her chief, if not
only rival among nations, would not make the soil of
Canada the sanguinary arena of their disputes, as,
under our existing relations, must necessarily be the
case. That such is the unenviable condition of our
state of dependence upon Great Britain is known to
the whole world, and how far it may conduce to keep
prudent capitalists from making investments in the
country, or wealthy settlers from selecting a fore
doomed battlefield for the home of themselves and
their children, it needs no reasoning on our part to
elucidate. But other advantages than those having a bearing
on our material interests may be foretold- It would
change tiie ground of political contest between races
and parties, allay and obliterate those irritations and
conflicts of rancour and recrimination which have
hitherto disfigured our social fabric. Already, in
anticipation, has its harmonious influence been felt —
the harbinger, may it be hoped, of a lasting oblivion
of dissension among all classes, creeds and parties in
the country. Changing a subordinate for an independ
ent condition, we would take our station almong the
nations of the earth- We have now no voice in the
affairs of the Empire, nor do we share in its humours
or emoluments- England is our parent State, with
whom we have no equality, but towards whom we
stand in the simple relation of obedience, but, as citi
zens of the United States, the public service of the

62 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
nation would be open to us — s. field for high and
honourable distinction, upon which we and our pos
terity might enter upon terms of perfect equality.
Nor would the amicable separation of Canada
from Great Britain be fraught with advantages to us
alone. The relief to the parent State from the large
expenditure now incurred in the military occupation
of the country — ^the removal of the many causes of
collision with the United States which result from
the contiguity of mutual territories so extensive — the
benefit of the larger market which the increasing
prosperity of Canada would create, are considerations
which, in the minds of many of her ablest statesmen,
render our incorporation with the United States a
desirable consummation.
To the United States also, the annexation of
Canada presents many important inducements- The
withdrawal from her borders of so powerful a nation,
by whom, in time of war, the immense and growing
commerce of the lakes would be jeopardized — the
ability to dispense with the costly but ineffectual
revenue establishment over a frontier of many
hundred miles — ^the large accession to their income
from our customs, the unrestricted use of the St.
Lawrence, the natural highway from the Westem
States to the ocean are objects for the attainment of
which the most substantial equivalents would un
doubtedly be conceded.
Fellow Colonists.
We have thus laid before you our views and con
victions on a momentous question, involving a

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 63
change, which, though contemplated by many of us
with varied feelings and emotions, we all believe to
be inevitable; one which it is our duty to provide for
and lawfully to promote.
We address you without prejudice or partiality, in
the spirit of sincerity and truth in the interests
solely of our common country, and our single aim is
its safety and welfare.
If, in your judgment and reason, our object and
aim be at this time deemed laudable and right, we
ask an oblivion of the past dissensions, and from all
without distinction of origin, party or creed, that
earnest and cordial co-operation in such lawful, pru
dent and judicious means as may best conduct us to
our common destiny.
« Here follow the signatures:
Abbott, J. J. C. Atwater, Edwin,
Anderson, T. B. Atwater, N. W.
Alexander, Chas. Allen, Wilson B.
Alexander, Geo. Allen, John
Archhbold, Henry Allen, Wilson
Asselin, J.B. Atchison, Jas-
Aumond, Joseph Anderson, Peter
Allen, Robert Adams, Robt.
Ashley, Geo Adams, Geo.
Auger, E. Adams, J.
Archambault, Alex. Arconet, E.
Aspinall, Robt. Abill, C C.
Airde, Geo. Atkinson, Jno.

64

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

Austin, W. S.
Bonacina, J. M.
Bethune, John
Brazeau, F. Y.
Beaudry, J. L-
Barsalou, Joseph
Bernard, F. R.
Bissaillon, N.
Betournay, N.
Bell, Thos.
Browne, P- D-
Bills, Arch.
Boan, M.
Bridges, John
Boon, Wm.
Booth, Richd.
Bain, William
Beattie, Wm-
Bonner, John
Bowerbank, Thos.
Bourdon, Chas.
Bracken, Jas.
Bibaud, J. B., M. D.
Bertrand, Chas-
Blanchet P.
Berube, L. J.
Berube, A.
Brown, Jas.
Bulmer, H.
Badeaux, P. B.
Buck, Marshall A.

Barrfett, J. T.
Bryson, T. J.
Berry, Wm.
Blackwood, R-
Barry, John
Bergin, Wm.
Burns, Michl.
Bockus, Chas.
Brewster, Benj.
Bagg, Stanley
Bagg, Abner
Bryson, Alex.
Bryson, T. M.
Bell, John
Beers, Jas. C.
Brooks, Wm.
Barnard, Jas.
Boyd, John
Browne, Geo.
Birss, I. H.
Bent, Geo.
Bohl, H. S.
Bro'wn, John
Burroughs, A.
Barley, Vv^m.
Bryson, Edmond
Brodie, Eras.
Bude, Jas.
Eude, Nicolas
Butler, Jas.
Bernard, J.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-

65

Baylis, Jas.
Busseau, H.
Boyer, Louis
Bruneau, —
Blanchard, Louis
Brush, Geo.
Buck, M-
Benny, Jas.
Brewster, Hy.
Babcock, M.
Butters, J.
Benjamin, Saml.
Benjamin, Goodman
Beleveau, L. J.
Bourne, A.
Benson, H. E-
Baird, E-
Borbridge, Thos.
Borbridge, Wm.
Blanchard, Jerm.
Brennan, Patrick
Bayle, John
Blair, Jas.
Bertram, Alex.
Binmore, Geo.
Binmore, John
Brodie, John
Corse, R.
Corse, R. B.
Chapman, Henry
Carter, John

Crayk, Jas.
Clark, J. P.
Campbell, Robt.
Craig, Hugh
Chalmers, Robt.
Chalmers, Chas-
Carter, Edward
Collette, Michel
CoUette, Thos.
Cassidy, John
Cusson, Alexis
Carleton, Henry
Cook, A.,,
Cushing, J.
Cushing, L.
Cooper, P.
Cruikshank, A.
Chagnon dit Larose, -
Cinq-Mars, C. N.
Cinq-Mars, P. M. M.
Cousolles, Joseph
Collin, D.
Couillard, J. B. A.
Cowell, J.F.
Cross, Robt.
Clark, Z. B.
Campbell, Chas.
Clancey, John
Charles, James
Charles, John .
Charies, Walter

66

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-

Charles, Simon McT.
Clare, W. H.
Converse, John A-
Castie, G.
Clarke, Wm.
Craig, Hugh
Chedwick, John
Cowan, Wm.
Cowan, Hugh
Cowan, David
Carson, Robt.
Clark, H. N.
Clark, Joseph
Courtney, W. V.
Congrave, John
Cadotte, T.
Cadotte, A,
Collerette, P. N.
Courtney, W- B.
Cajetan, L-
Coderre, J. E., M.D.
Coursolle, Joseph
Campbell, John L.
Cheeseman, Wm.
Cousens, W.
Connor, John
Connor, MichL
Clifford, Patrick
Cavanlagh, Jno.
Clark, Geo.
Colgan, Jas.

Cunigan, Jos.
Cunigan, Robt B.
Campbell, Jno.
Cane, Patrick
Conroy, Owen
Cooper, Wm.
Clark, James
Carey, Danl.
Chester, John
Cole, Thos.
Chappie, Alf.
Cousens, Wm.
Crawford, W. N. .
Cathies, Jno.
Childs, Geo.
Chisholm, H-
Cauthens, Saml.
Cauthers, John
Carman, John
Curran, James
Caroll, Jas.
Caroll, John
Cutter, Geo.
Dewitt, Jacob, M. P.
De Breesy, Sabrevois
Dease, Peter W.
Dease, Chas.
Duclos, Fras.
Dier, Wm.
Donnelly, C.
De Witt, J. H.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

67

Duffield, Geo.
Doan, T. C.
Desmarteau, E. B.
Dupont, Dom.
Dubord, A. ,
Dansereau, C.
De Montigny, Jas.
De Montigny, Jean
De Montigny, F. X.
Derome, A. D.,,
Doherty, Chas.
Doherty, John
Dorwin, C.
Davy, S- H.
Douglas, Jas.
Davis, Nelson
Dunn Peter
Dumgoole, P.
Dufort, E. B.
Delorme, E. Lemay
Dagg, —
Donohue, T.
Dorion, W. P- V.
Dorion, A. A.
Dorion, J. B. E.
Desmarais, A., N.P.
Dufresne, A.
Dore, F.
Dubord, Antoine
Dubord, J.
Daniel, P. S.

Daniel, W. S.
Dow, Wm.
Duncan, John
Dobson, Wm-
Donovan, Danl.
Dunlop, Wm.
Dunlop, John
Drake, Robt.
Dunn, James
Donohue, Martin
Davis, Moses
Dedman, Thos.
Doherty, Jas.
Donnelly, John
- Deery, Henry
Donegani, John
Dalton, James
Dorten, John
Dunbar, Jas.
Day, John O.
Esdaile, Robt.
Esdaile, J.
Egar, J.
Evans, J. H.
Evans, W- C.
Escalome, J.
Easton, W.
Ennis, Thos.
Eager, D. W.
Eager, W. L.
Easton, George

68

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-

Eckart, Isaac R.
English, M.
Elliott, Andrew
English, Saml.
Froth ingham, John
Forsythe, Thos.
Fisher, John
Ferrier, Jas., jun.
Ferrier, G. D.
Fuller, Rinaldo
Froste, Robt
Farewell, A. (Oshawa)
Franchere, J. B.
Fresiault, H. A
Forbes, John
Fitz, C.
Foster, Thos.
Franklin, L.
Flynn, F.
Flynn, Jas.
Flynn, Edward
Fellers, Geo.
Ferguson, David
Ferguson, Arch.
Frost, Norman S-
Fleck, Alex.
Farrell, D.
Foley, Michl.
Fortier. L-
Footner, W.
Foumier, M. A.

Fournier, J. M.
Fournier, S.
Finny, Michl.
Feron, John
Fairon, Arthur
Baron, Martin
Glass, John
Gemmiil, Wm.
Green, T. J.
Groves, Geo.
Gnaeainger, Louis
Geddes, Chas.
Gunn, Wm.
Gregory, S- E.
Green, E- R-
Gadbois, J. B-
Gibson, T. E.
Grant, John
Gunn, James
Gravel, Jos.
Gagnon, J. A.
Gariepy, A.
Gadebois, J. B.
Griffard, Chas.
Gaignon, E.
Gillerd, Jas.
Gilmour, John
Gardner, Jno.
Gleeson Michael
Gowan, Edward
Gordon, James

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

69

Gordon, John
Graham, Robt.
Gallagher, C-
Groene, N. S.
Gordon, Thos.
Germain, J. B.
Guiidry, Jules
Grant, J.
Gilbert, E- E.
Graham, Jas.
Grant, John
Glassford, H. A.
Greig, John
Guimond, Ant.
Germain, J. B.
Gauthier, L-
Geroux, Jos- R.
Glen, Crawford
Glen, David
Greig, John
Giard, A.
Gall, Wm.
Gray, Geo.
Holton L. H.
Holmes, Benj.
Holmes, W. J-
Hart, Benj.
Henderson, John
Hutchison, Wm.
Hutton, Jas.
Harvey, Jas-

Hall, Geo.
Hall, T. D.
Hall, Jos. N.
Hart, Theodore
Haldimand, W. L-
Hagar, Geo.
Hagar, Chas'
Howard, Irvine
Hauselm.Bn, E.
Huston, C. W.
Healy, Christopher
Hall, F. T.
Haldane, Jas.
Hays, Andrew
Holland, Geo. A.
Hutchins, B-
Hutchins, Jas. R.
Howell, Ed.
Hudson, Pierre
Hibbard, Ashley
Hilton, John F.
Hilton, John
Hurst, Wm.
Hudson, Richard
Hlacket Thos.
Harrington, Wm.
Harkin, H.
Habin, Patrick
Harrison, J. W.
Hazen, J. J.
Harvey, S.

70

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-

Hagarty, P.
Henderson, John
Henderson, James
Hannon, John
Hamulty, Lawrence
Hannon, Patrick
Hutchinson, John
Hay, James
Haliday, James
Innes, R. W.
Irwin, Jas.
Inglis, James
Irvine, John
Ireland, H- W-
Johnson, F. G., Q.C.
Jones, Sydney
Jones, Thomas
Jones, R. (Cobourg)
Jones, Hon. R.
Jones, W. W.
Jacques, G. E.
Julien, J. B-, sen-
Julien, J. B., jun.
James, Thos.
Knowlton, P. H.
Kelly, Michl.
Kelly, C. M.
Kelly, John
Kearney, Matthew
Keenan, John
King, James

King, Waddle
Kerns, Dan.
Kennedy, Danl.
Kreagen, Jas.
Kerfoot, Thos.
Kiernan, Wm.
Kerr, John
Kirkup, Jos.
Kaldwell, Chas.
Kilpatrick, Wm.
Keimedy, W.
Keller, John
Knowlan, M.
Kilgour, Jos.
Kelly, John
Kelly, Michl.
Kean, Bernard
Kinnear, David
Knapp, Joseph
Kreighoff, C.
Kain, John
Kay, John
Kay, Thos-
Lyman, Theodore
Lyman, Benj.
Lyman, Henry
Lyman, S. Jones
Levinscourt, A. King
Leeming, John
Loughy, John
Lee, Joseph

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

71

Lalarme, E. D.
Lusignan, Alfred
Long, John
Linton, Sam.
Lamontagne, L- J-
Lindsay, Chas.
Latham, R.
Leitch, Angus
Locke, Forest
Lamoureux, Frs.
Laverdure, M.
Lachapelle, P.
Lawley, Wm.
Lewis, James
Lewis, David
Lefebvre, Chas.
Larue, Pierre
Lepage, Germain
Lemyre, Maxime
Lesperance, A.
Letourneux, T.
Le Sueur, P.
Larkin, P.
Logan, Jas.
Lamb, J. H.
Lavis, J. A.
Lavis, Jos-
Lessard, Pierre
Lepage, Oliver
Ludlam, W.
Letamore, John

Laflamme, L. A. G-
Laflamme, R.
Lazure, Louis
Lapierre, A.
L'aimontagne, H.
Lamontagne, Chas.
Lamontagne, L. J-
Lamontagne, C. H.
Laberge, Chas.
Lafontaine, L.
Labeau, N. M.
Lamoureux, Nap.
Laramie, S.
Longpre, Louis J.
Leclair, Jean
Leclair, Isidore,
Leclair, C. I. J.
Lapaillier, N.
Lavers, Wm.
Lothian, Adam
Lyon, John
Levey, John
Leprohon, J. L-, M.D.
Larkin, Patrick
Landreau, Henry
Lancelot, M.
Lenoir, J.
Lambert, Louis
Lemay. Louis
Lavoie, Gilbert
Lavigne, Thos.

72

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

Lamothe, J. M.
Longpre Louis J.
Letourneux, C.
Lappare, H-, N.P.
Lappaire, Wilbrod
Labadie, J. E. O.
Labadie, Adolphe
Liaibadie, Edmond
Leslie, R. W.
Laverty, Jas.
Lyle, Walter
Low, John
Molson, John
Molson, Wm.
Molson, Geo. E.
Mackay, Robt.
Murray, William
McDonell, Allan
Muir, WilHam
Monk, John
MacDougall, D. L.
Maitiand, Edw.
McCulloch, M., M.D.
McFarlane, Walter
Murphy, Edward
Murphy, P-
Murphy, Alex.
Murphy, John P.
Murphy, A. A.
Murphy, P. A.
McFarlane, Arch-

McFarlane, Andrew
Mulholland, H.
Mahony, J.
Martin, P. P.
Martin, S.
Morland, Thos.
Moniland, Thos.
McCormick, Thos.
McPherson, D. L.
Mackenzie, J. G.
Mathewson, John
McGillis, John
McDougall, Wm.
Morton, Robt
Morton, Geo
Mullins, Fras.
McCoy, John
McDonald, Norman
McDonald, Wm.
McDonald, Alex.
McDonald, John
Mills, Robt
Milligan, D.
Miller, T.
McBean, Wm.
Mayo, Chas.
Maxwell, Edw.
Maxwell, James
Morison, Jas-
McCuaig, S. S.
Mathewson, Saml.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

73

Mcintosh, Neil
McArthur, John
Muir, Ebenezer
Muir, James
McDonel, M.
McLean, John
McGinnis, J.
McGinnis, W.
Miller, W- M.
McNally, Wm.
McDonell, A.
Moss, E.
McNiamee, Francis
McKay, R. W. S.
McKay, F. S. (N.P.)
McKay, Geo
Mann, And.
Mann, David
Mathews, Thos.
McCrib, Peter
Mack, Robt.
Mack, Saml.
McKeon, John
Moir, And.
Moir, James
McLaughlin, Jno,
McLaiughlin, Jas.
McLaughlin, Ed.
Michon, L.
Magnan, A.
Mathews, G-

McCrow, John
Merry, W. A.
Mills, E. Lyman
Mills, Ciphas
Moody, Wm.
Machrie, G.
Moore, Jas.
McLaughlin, Jas.
McQueen, Danl.
Moss, David
McGill, John
McGoun, Arch.
McArthur, Wm.
Maigill, Jer
Miller, A.
Muir, Jas.
Muir, David
Moody, John
McDonell, Fras.
McMillan, Miles
Mousseau, A.
Malhoit, J. E.
Merrill, C. H.
MacDonell, Rich.
Mitchell, Joseph
Macdonald, Jas.
Maher, Pat.
McCallum, D., M.D.
McCallum, John
McCallum, D.
McBean, A. S.

74

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

Morrison, John
McGinnis, W.
McK|erracher, Geo.
. . Mcintosh, Niel.
Macaise, L. C.
Magill, W.
Murphy, John
Murphy, Jer.
Murphy, Mich.
Murphy, P.
Murphy, Wm.
Madden, J. J.
Meagher, John
Murray, Ed.
Mechan, Mich.
McClary, Wm.
McGovern, L.
Mollowney, Jno.
Madden, D.
Miller, A. S.
Meighan, M.
Mooney, John
McMillen, Hugh
McMillen, D.
Muckle, Chas. F.
Mitchell, John
Mitchell, Robt.
McDougall, Geo.
McGregor, Alex.
Mead, Jos. H.
Munro, Hector

Miller, A.
Mclntire, N. G.
Mathewson, J. Adam
Mansfield, Edw.
Mcintosh, Angus
Mcintosh, Robt.
McGrath, Geo.
McGrath, Thos.
Maley, Patrick
McDonald, John
McKinlay, Wm.
McKlay, G. L.
McShane, James
McShane, Peter
Mclver, Geo.
McWaters, John, jun.
Murray, Patrick
Mathews, Wm.
Midgley, Chasi.
Murphy, Danl.
Neigle, Thos.
Noel, David
Nicholson, Robt.
Nolan, Wm-
Nolan, John
Nugent, Pat.
Noshen, I.
Odell, Loup.
Ostell, John
Orr, Jas. R.
Orr, John

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

75

O'Mara, John
Oilier, D.
O'Keefe, M.
O'Keefe, John
O'Hara, Domk.
O'Rielly, Thos.
O'Herrie, Jas.
O'Meara;, Jno.
Owen, H.
Ollendorff, M.
O'Connor, Danl.
O'Cormor, John
O'Connor, Edw.
O'Brien, Timothy
Pierce, Jason, C.
Pierce, Wilder
Phillips, Chas.
Peck, Thos.
Perry, G. (Cobourg)
Patterson, James
Philbin, Rich.
Potts, James
Pottsv Jos.
Peacock, Hen.
Prentice, Wm.
Papineau, P. G.
Pelletier, Roch
Prevost, Andre
Poulin, S.
Plinguet, Jas. A.
Papineau, D. E., N.P.

Papineau. C- E., N. P.
Papineau, A. C.
Prentis, Thos. B.
Poet, Jos.
Power, John
Power, N.
Pierce, John
Proctor, Chas. D.
Paton, David
Price, Jos. C.
Perkins, J. A.
Patton, James
Patton, Thomas
Poirier, N.
Poutre, P. B.
Paton, T. C.
Pollock, Alex.
Pepper, Thos.
Pleau, Isaie
Papin, J.
Reliant, Alexander
Pominville, F.
Pease, Orton
Peel, Thomas
Pennie, Robert
Penny, Ed. Goff
Patton, And.
Price, Martin
Park, Wm.
Parker Jas.
Parker, Wm.

76

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

Quevirion, C.
Quain, John
Redpath, John
Redpath, Peter
Rose, John
Routh, H. L.
Robinson, Rich.
Rivet, Edouard
Roy, Adolphe
Regnie, A.
Rice, Wm.
Ruston, Robins
Robinson, James
Roy, E.
Ryan, Joseph
Rafter, Thos.
Reeves, A. D.
Ready, W. W.
Ryan, Michel
Ryan, John
Redhead, Thos.
Ryan, Joseph
Rylan, Jeremiah
Ryan, Nicholas
Ryan, John
Ryan, Daniel
Ross, Donald
Ramsay, A.
Ramsa)'-, M.
Rolland, G. L.
Robertson, R. F.

Rogers, Geo.
Rogers, John
Ryan, Martin
Rocre, Maxime
Rodden, Wm.
Rae, David
Rollin, Janvier
Ronne, Danl. B.
Ramsay, Alex.
Reinhardt, Geo.
Reinhardt, G.
Robertson, Wm.
Sadlier, James
Sadlier, James
Shaw, Noah
Seymour, Chas.
Seymour, C. E.
Seymour, M. H.
Seymour, R. E.
Seymour, H.
Sinclair, John
Stephen Wm.
Smith, Ferdinand
Smith, Wm.
Stethem, W. G.
Sullivan, P. O.
Souvrier, C- S.
Scott, G.
Sanders, Jno. S.
Sparkes, Geo.
Scears, B. A.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

77

St. Martel, Honore
St. Jean, Fleury
Sauvageau, Z.
Sincennes, J. R.
Savage, Joseph
Sutherland, —
Shaw, C- D.
Stevenson, Adam
Springle, J. H.
Savage, Alfred
Sproston, John
Stewart, Dugald
Shipway, J. G.
Scott, Jas.
Scott, Jas. jun.
Slack, J.
Sculthorp, James
Scott, Walter
Simeon, Louis
Surgeon, Danl.
Syms, Hugh
Syms, John
Shepherd, Wm.
Smith, Wm.
Smitii, J. B.
Smith, H. B.
Skimmings, S.
St. Germine, D'U.
Sharpley, Rice
Swords, P.
Sloan, Thos. C

Sparks, Geo.
Seaver, W. R.
Stephens H.
Seary, James
Sanders, John
Stacy, Geo.
Sims, Thos.
Stevenson, And.
Stevenson, J.
Shaiw, Lawrence
Smith, Henry
Sanderson, E.
Sargisan, Jos.
Scott, W. R.
Smatii, W. P.
Sheney, Richd.
Shelly, Thos.
Sharpe, Edmd.
Stewart, James
Torrance, Jas.
Torrance, John
Torrance, David
Torrance, J. W.
Tully, John
Tobin, John M.
Taylor, Hugh
Torry, J. B-
Trudeau, Rom.
Trudeau, Joseph
Tuttie, E. C.
Thomson, J.

78

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

Tellier, A.
Telher, J. B. E.
Templeton, Thos.
Taylor, Jias.
Taylor, George
Taylor, Homer
Taylor, John
Thompson, Jas-
(Laprairie)
Thompson, Hugh
Taylor, E. T.
Taylor, James
(St. Armand)
Taylor, J. W.
Taylor, Thos. M.
Todd, Wm.
Terroux, J. H.
Tucker, Thos.
Thompson, John
Thompson, J. L.
Thorn, W.
Turner, Thos.
Tabb, W. R.
Tabb, Horatio N.
Thayer, Jesse
Tilton, S. P.
Tougeau, Geo.
Urquart, Alex.
Vennor, A.
Visenor, Jerry
Vass, David

Viger, J. Labreche
Vandal, H.
Vanbuskirk, Geo.
Venables, Joseph
Vincent, Jas.
Vennor, H.
Voligny, Louis
W6|y, Ed.
Wheeler, Geo. H.
Ward, Jas. H.
Watson, Geo.
Watson, Wm.
Williams, Chas.
Wray, H.
Wilkins, Chas.
Warren, Jas.
Winamian, Jas.
Wilson, Samuel
Wilson, Thomas
Warren, Geo. P.
Walker, Wm.
Welsh, John
Wishart, Robt.
Warner, Ed. A.
Warner, Robt.
Wardley, Sam.
Wardley, A.
Wright, Joseph
Wright, Robt.
Whitelaiw, Jas.
Wamisley, W.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

79

Windsor, Chas.
Wooly, James
Wallace, James
Wickens, James
Waldie, James
Waldie, John
Wood, Robt.
Weir, Wm.
Wamock, Hugh
White, Constant
Welsh, James
Workman, Wm.
Workman, Ben.
Workman, Thos.
Whitty, Thos.
Whitty, PhiUp
Whitty, Wm.
Whitty, John
Warren, D. H.

Warren, Francis
Warren, Chas.
Woodside, Thos.
Wallace, Alex.
Williamson, John
Weeks, Geo.
Ward, Joseph
Whitney, H. H.
Whitney, N. S.
Wilson, Andrew
Wright, Geo.
Wright, John
Watson, Wm.
White, John
Wrigley, W.
Yule, John, jun.
Yeoman, Thos.
Young, David

CHAPTER X.
The Philippic of Britannicus* and Liberal
Protests.
A counter Manifesto, signed by " Britannicus," and
dated at Niagara, 29th October, 1849, was issued, and
attracted general attention. It was widely circulated
by the friends of the Government, and, no doubt, did
much to arrest the progress of the annexation mania,
for the movement had assumed that appearance —
even the staid Montreal Witness joining in the cry, till
brought to book by Malcolm Cameron, one of its early
temperance supporters. Aside from its bitter lan
guage, the Manifesto is as true to-day as it was
fifty-three years ago, and may be read with profit by
any one liaving a longing for the flesh-pots' of Egypt.
Below is the principal portion of Britannicus's
letter :— " Annexationists of Montreal."
" Your long threatened Manifesto is at last issued
to the people of Canada, and, following your example
(in this only), I take the liberty of addressing
you with boldness equal to your own; and, with God's
help and a better cause, I trust to arraign you before
my ^ judging countrymen, to prove your falsehood,
malignancy and treachery, and convict you before
?"Britannicus," the author of this phlllippie, was the
now well-known Wm. Kirby, F.R.S.O., author of "Le
Chien d'Or," and is still living.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 81
heaven and earth as the most reckless, causeless,
unreasoning and selfish batch of revolutionists that
ever disgraced the calendar of political crime.******
Not since the rebellion of Korah and Abiram and
their two hundred and fi.fty adherents, your antitypes,
both in number and wickedness, has the world beheld
a peaceable and happy community threatened with
civil war for redress of grievances purely imaginary,
or for the acquisition of benefits so clearly inferior
to those already in possession.*****As the traveller
beholds the mirage of the desert, and fancies he sees
at a distance green fields and bright waters, which,
as he approaches, change into dreary realities of rock
and sand, so shall we discover the equally false and
delusive pictures of your Calif ornian Manifesto."
Having got all this, bile and considerable more off
his stomach, " Britannicus " proceeds : —
" But I am thatnkful that it is in my power to lay
aside the nobler weapons of moral argument and
belabour you to your content with the common cud
gel that best befits your desserts and understandings.
And, first, I would observe that your Manifesto is
built on such obviously false foundations, that argu
ment is most ridiculous on the subject. The very
keystone of your whole fabric consists of one huge
palpable and unmitigated lie. You assert that the
Province is in a staite of ' ruin and decay, our civil
corporations, banks, etc., greatly depreciated, mer
cantile and agricultural business unprospercus, canals
unused, and capital dissipated,' with more of ' hor
rible and awful' than I have patience to enumerate.
6

82 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
" What shall we say in Westem Canada, at least,
to such unblushing falsehood— tiie very father of lies
himself must have become incarnate in Montreal, and
the very drivellings of idiocy have possessed her
people, if they really circulate among themselves for
sterling coin such bogus .statements.
" Tmly, if those political shopkeepers have been no
more honest in their dealings than they are in their
statements, we need not wonder at their embarrass
ments. But when they saddle the free trade policy of
England with the sole blame of all this imaginary
distress, we can easily see that its imaginary exist
ence and cause are alike unfounded and maliciously
imputed. That there is great embarrassment in
Montreal is no matter of doubt , but it is confined
nearly to Montreal alone, and what is the real and
obvious truth regarding her ? While all must confess
that the political state of the city since last winter has
deeply aggravated the derangement of commercial
affairs, we shall find a simple explanation of her
retrograde position from oanses quite independent of
either free trade policy, riots or burnings.
" Montreal, until the last two or three years, was
always the entrepot of Canadian trade, whether for
imports or exports. Improved public works in the
States, our own unwise abolition of differential duties,
and the operation of the American drawback law,
have carried by far the greater portion of Westem
Canada's business to New York or Boston, while
the uninterrupted navigation of the St. Lawrence is
giving her merely a passing view of the loads of

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 83
freight which used to be landed on her wharves. The
consequence is, that Montred is left nearly to her own
resources, amd, instead of being the great port of a
country, she is dwindling into the mere market town
of a district. This fact alone, unalluded to by the
mendacious concocters of the Manifesto, though well
known to them, will account for, at least, three-fifths
of the diminution of her former trade — let her riots
and bumings anlswer for the rest. But Montreal is
no criterion of the Province, either politically, socially,
or morally — God forbid. And since her Manifesto
is intended to suit her own atmosphere, let us apply
the measuring-rod of annexation to her warehouses,
and note the result.
" Is it not plain that in case of incorporation with
the States, almost the entire trade of Western Canada
would be drawn to New York? The abolition of
Customs and Navigaltion Laws, the removal of that
patriotism which induces many to cling to their own
side in their dealings, and the abrogation of opposing
jurisdictions, would cement an intercourse, against
which Montreal would contend in vain.******It is
American competition, already commenced, that is
ruining Montreal. The incidental withdrawal of pro
tection, no doubt, aggravated the difficulty. But this
alone, without concurrent causes, would have been
felt but for a season, and its embarrassments soon
surmounted by the elastic energy and industry of a
country like ours ; and, in fact, the crisis is already
past, in proof of which let us leave Montreal and her
peculiar position out of view, and note what is the

84 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
present condition of Western Canada. While I admit
that a few small places, from local circumstances, do
not improve as fast as could be desired, what do we
find to be the general result ? The most recent index
we have on this subject are tiie addresses from men
of all parties, presented to the Govemor-General on
his late tour, occasions in which men are never back
ward to complain regarding their pecuniary interests.
And what do they say about the ' ruinous conditicai '
of the Province? Many of them make no allusion
whatever to the subject; none, I believe, utter a com
plaint. Toronto congratulates His Excellency that the
crisis is over, and hails the present abundant harvest
as the final step which is to raise her to her old level
of prosperity. Hamilton actually boasts of her thriv
ing condition, and assures us that she has felt nothing
at all of the late derangements of commerce, while
many of the rural addresses express their gratification
at the prosperous, happy and contented condition of
the people at large. Such are the declarations
Western Canada makes at the present moment. Nor
need we be surprised at such sentiments. Count up
our census for the last ten years ; has population in
any part of the world increased at an equal ratio?
Not a State in the American Union can show a more
rapid increase in agricultural wealth. Examine our
schools, little inferior to the vaunted institutions of
Massachusetts or Connecticut, fully equal to those of
New York and Ohio, and superior to what any other
part of the Staes can show, while under the superin
tendence of a man, whose genius and industry are

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 85
admired both in Europe and America.******But
as to the ground of your complaint, no one knows
better than yourselves that our present difficulties
have arisen among ourselves, through the operation
of responlsible Government, and from England's
desire that we should manage our own affairs with
as little reference to her as possible, consistent with
our duty as good subjects. And this indulgent desire
on her part you make the ground of the most flagrant
and wicked statement in your whole address. That
is, that the Govemment of Britain, her statesmen and
people, are resolved to force independence upon us,
to get rid of the trouble and expense of keeping us.
******If the British Govemment, by word or deed,
ever insinutated such a design, you might be excused ;
if political history, since the beginning of the world,
ever records such a thing as a great country voluntarily
stripping herself of a third of her richest possessions,
and quietly descending from the foremost into the
second rank among nationisi, you might find believers ;
but when all forsee that the abdidation of her au
thority would be but to bestow it upon her most jealous
rival, a rival which regards her with the most unceas
ing, malignant and irreconciliable hatred, one who
watches with diabolical eagerness every moment of
her difficulties, to press exaggerated claims, with all
the insult that malice can invent and vituperation ut
ter, and whose chief desire in annexing our Province
is to obtain the strength and courage through our aid
to begin that war of extermination against our kind
old mother country, which is the deep and pervading

86 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
aspiration of a great portion of the American people.
As to the summary and flippant manner in
which you dispose of ' protection ' ' Union of the Pro
vinces,' ' independence ' and ' reciprocity,' of course^
since you have embarked in the piratical galley of
annexation, they need not be discussed between us-
*****=^^=But I proceed. You say annexation will
equalize the value of real estate — so it would, but do
you take us for fools ? Real estate is now worth more
on an average in Canada than in the States, and I
aver, and can prove it, that farming property is held
at higher rates with us than land similarly eligible in
New York State.******You aver that annexation
would give us stability, and raise our credit ; if acting
the part of the most flagrant, moral and political
dishonesty would raise our credit, you may be right.
If joining partnership with repudiation, and corporate
and State fraud would give confidence to capitalists
abroad, your case is proved. ******You talk of
American capital and enterprise ; America has not
enough for her own works; and what is American
enterp'rise ? A fever fit of overtrading and speculation
with paroxysms of periodical ruin every four of five
years. ******As to our manufactures, sprung into ex
istence under a judicious tariff, what will become of
them under annexation? — and against whom is pro
tection most necessary to encourage and foster our
manufactures ? It is not by a ' high tariff ' against
England that they will be saved; for England hardly
competes at all with the plain domestic fabrics of our
artisans, but it is American competition we have to

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 87
fear. Manufacturing precisely the same articles as we
do, in greater abundance, and at cheaper rates, by
means of their larger establishments. ******Abolish
our protection and they will overwhelm us. Miser
able schemers of Montreal ! While you are dreamiing
of turning the French habitants into a nation of cotton
spinners, American manufacturers will suck the very
life out of your country and leave you to ruminate
at your leisure on the words and garbage of re
publican fraternity. You think annexation will bring
manufacturing capitalists into the Province ; it will
take them out of it. Under our present system many
do come in and carry on their business here in order
to avoid the duties. Take off the duties and they will
return home, where they can manufacture cheaper
juid send us their goods instead of their establish
ments." " Britannicus " continues :— " A thousandth
part of the exertions necessary to effect annexation
will open to our people the free and equal entre to tiie
very sanctuary of British power and authority. The
signs of the times already prognosticate that the voice
of represented Canada will, ere long, resound in the
Imperial Parliament, and the most honourable offices,
the richest emoluments, and the noblest dignities in
the universe, be offered to the free competition of our
people.******While the unhappy States, cloven asun
der by the hatchet of slavery, and enduring all the gory
of civil dissension and anarchy, will crave annexation
to us, to escape those awful calamities, which, sooner
or later, the retribution of God brings upon all na
tions which persist in perpetuating the bondage of his

88 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
fellow creature.******But what are your prospects of
success ? Your very citadel, Montreal, is divided ; your
party in the Eastern townships will be hamstrung at
home by the faithful and tru.e men along the borders.
Western Canada is almost wholly opposed to you,
and, lastly, the power of England is able to crush you
to atoms, were every man in Lower Canada an an
nexationist. But you hope to win the sympathy of the
French population — ^and are already intriguing with
the great coward of St. Denis, and boasting of your
alliance with the excommunicated infidels of the
Avcnir, and the red socialists of the school of Ledru,
Rollin and Louis Blanc. And who are they ? An in
finitely small section of Canadians, loathed and exe
crated by their countrymen, while the really brave
and influential leaders of the habitants, Nelson, La
fontaine, Tache and Marchasseau, are in the ranks of
your opponents.******The fact is admitted that prices
range higher at the present moment in the American
markets than in ours — and why? — ^and will this con
tinue? We can only judge of the future by the past;
and taking the past for our criterion, we learn that
until a couple of years ago Canadian produce always
commanded higher rates than American, so much so
that our farmers demanded and obtained a pretty
heavy protecion against the latter. The change has
arisen from the sudden opening of British ports to
the free admission of foreign grain, assisted by the
famine in Ireland. To meet this demand the Ameri
cans had no great supply, but being, like ourselves,
needy of money, they totally drained their own

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 89
markets to meet the English demand, until at one
time their products actually sold in Liverpool for
less than they were selling in New York. The con
sequence was they experienced a scarcity at home,
which, for the moment, has raised prices above those
of Canada, and this has been increased by poor crops
in the Western States — but prices will soon adjust
themselves, and we shall, no doubt, soon see both
countries on an equality in this matter."
After pointing out how our local taxes would be
increased when the import duties were carried off to
Washington, Britannicus concludes : — " But you will
not suffer yourselves to be undeceived till too late;
your mania is incurable; you are mostly Scotchmen,
and will understand me when I tell you you are fey; a
change so violent and sudden as you have unde!rgone
cannot but prognosticate your speedy destruction, as
you rush blind-mad upon the fate predestined for you.
Niagara, October 29, 1849. Britannicus."
This was indeed a strong address, but much weak
ened by its declamatory style, much of which I have
left out. The statement that the anneixationists were
mostly Scotchmen is incorrect. True, the president
was a Scotchman, but not one of the eight vice-
presidents, and only two of the eight councillors were
of that nationality. Britannicus was altogether
wrong in treating the signers of the Annexation
Manifesto as revolutionists. They were, with few ex
ceptions, the solid business men of Montreal, and their

90 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
action opened the eyes of Enghsh statesmen to the
fact thaft the chief city of British America held loyalty
to their families and to their country above loyalty to
their Queen, and put to silence those in England,
who favoured separating Canada from the mother
country. The Annexation Manifesto, which had been issued
with some three or four hundred signatures shortly
after the meeting of the British League, brought forth
other protests; one from the Liberal members of
Pariiament then in Montreal being as f ollov/s : —
" We the undersigned members of the Provincial
Legislature, residing in the city of Montreal and its
vicinity, have read, with astonishment and regret, a
certain Address to the People of Canada, recently
published by divers persons, with the avowed intention
of exciting in the midst of our population a movement
in favour of the separation of this Province from
Great Britain, and of its annexation to the United
States of America.
" Sincerely attached to the institutions which the
mother country has acknowledged, and convinced
that those institutions suffice, through a system of
wise and judicious legislation, to secure prompt and
efficient remedies for all the evils which this Province
can complain of, we consider ourselves urgently bound
to protest publicly and solemnly against the opinions
enunciated in that document.
" We deem it our duty at the 'same time, and without
awaiting the concurrence of the other members of the
Legislature, upon the approval of whom, with few
exceptions, we may, however, confidentiv relv to

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 91
appeal to the wisdom, the love of order and the
honour of the inhabitants of tiiis country, and to call
upon those to oppose, by every means in their power,
an agitation tending to subvert a Constitution, which,
after having been long and earnestly sought for,
was received with feelings of deep gratitude towards
the Metropolitan Government — an agitation, more
over, which can result in nothing beyond the continua
tion of the scenesi from which this city has already so
severely .suffered, the disturbance of social order, and
a renewal of the troubles, commotions and disasters
which we have had to deplore in times now past.
Montreal, 15th October, 1849.
J. Leslie, M. L. C.
Joseph Bouret, M.L.C.
A. N. Morin, M.P.P., Bellechasse
L. M. Viger, M.P.P., Terrebonne
Malcolm Cameron, M.P.P., Kent
I. H. Price, M.P.P., S. Riding, York
Louis T. Drummond, M.P.P., Shefford
N. Dumas, M.P.P., Leinster
Geo. E. Cartier, M.P-P., Vercheres
Pierre Davignon, M.P.P., Rouville
L. Lacoste, M.P.P., Chambly
Wofd. Nelson, M.P.P., Richelieu
A. Jobin, M.P-P., Montreal."
F At the same time there was left for signature at
the Exchange News Room, Mechanics' Institute,

92 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
Mercantile Library and at Mack's and Daly's, the
following protest, which was published later: —
" We, the undersigned, inhabitants of the City of
Montreal, owing and acknowledging allegiance to her
Majesty the Queen, having read a certain Address' to
the People of Canada, in which separation from
BRITISH connection, and a union with the United
States of America are recommended as presenting
the only practicable remedy for the evils which afflict
this Province, do hereby solemnly and deliber
ately RECORD OUR DISSENT from the precipitate and
ill-advised conclusions which the authors and signers
of that Address have arrived at.
"We believe there is nothing in the present de
pressed condition of Canada which may not be
promptly and effectively remedied by the adoption of
a well considered system of legislation, without having
resort to a meaisure revolting to our feelings, revo
lutionary in its character, and tending to the dis
memberment of the British Empire. These views we
are prepared to maintain by all constitutional means.
Anxiously alive to the importance of promoting the
material interests of this our native or adopted
country, and of preserving unanimity and good will
amongst all classes of our fellow citizens, we can
not but express an eamest hope that means maty
be devised, without delay, to restore prosperity to this
Province, cement the ties which have so long existed
with the mother country, and allay an agitation which
may otherwise prove formidable."

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

93

Allan, Hugh
Amoldi, F. J. C.
Adamson, W. A.
Armour, A. H.
Austin, T. (Chambly)
Aubertin, L.
Armour, Robert
Allan, Andrew
Anderson, Jas.
Auld, J.
Anderson, E. E.
Allan, Thos.
Allardice, John
Alexander, Jais.
Bethune, John, D.D.
Badgley, John T.
Breckenrige, —
Bernard, I. D.
Barry, John
Bidwell, Chas. R.
Berry, Wm.
Baillie, G. A.
Bolton, Jas.
Binmore, Henry
Brown, Jos.
Bums, John
Burnett, H.
Bay ley, J.
Benny, Walter
Bethune, Strachan
Barber, Jonathan

Benny, Walter, jun.
Brodie, Hugh
Baylis, H.
Bridge, Thos.
Bates, J.
Browne, J. Gordon
Bienvenue, B.
Bryson, Campbell
Buchanan, J. B.
Bristow, W.
Blackwood, Jas. M.
Browne, W. M.
Carey, Jos.
Gumming, Jas. W.
Cowan, And.
Gumming, W. B.
Cowan, Jals,. B.
Cusack C. J.
CrisjK), Wm.
Campbell, John
Cameron, N.
Cherrier, A.
Coffin, W. F.
Colquhoun, Walter
Cramp, J. M. (D.D.)
Collis, R. D.
Coyle, Ed.
Campbell, Rollo
Chambers, Robt.
Clarke, W. H.
Cousineau, P.

94

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

Cochrane, John
Dow, And.
Duncan, Cnris.
Demster, Geo.
Dyde, John
Dorion, Theo.
Dalton, Fred.
Dalton, Wm.
Derbishire, Hy.
Driscoll, Henry (Q.C)
Delisle, John
Dier, John
Daly, D. Gore
Davis, R.
Daley, Jas. H.
Dyde, R. S.
Durocher, Thos.
Dalbsn, T. A.
Drysdale, —
Duquette, D. F.
Duval, J. B.
Dominique, A. M.
Elliott, John
Evans, J. H.
Edmonstone, W.
Easton A.
Evans, Thos.
Evans, Wm., jun.
Elliott, Andrew
Fraser John
Fleet W. H.

Footvoye, Geo.
Footner, W.
Fleming, J. R.
Fuller, Logan
Glennon, J.
Grifi&n, F.
Gerrand, Richard
Guy, Joseph
Graham, J. M.
Gibson, John
Grant, John
Gibb, G. D. (M.D.)
Grenier, D.
Gilmour, James
Greenshields, Jas. B.
Grant, Jas.
Gibson, Solomon
Gettes, Wm.
Gillespie, Jas.
Gibb, A.
Grant, John L-
Greenshields, Samuel
Hannington, T. D.
Hayes, M. J.
Hogan, W.
Haig, T. (Brockville)
Hayes, Geo.
Haddock, —
Hallowell, John
Helliwell, Thos. L.
Howard, Thos.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

95

Hunter, —
Holland John
Houghton, C.
Hart, A.
Harding, J.
Hillock, John
Holmes, James
Hutchison, R. A.
Howell, Sam.
Irwin, J. (clerk)
Isaacson, J. H.
Ibbotson, W. E.
Isaacson, R. P.
Jordan, John
Jones, John
Joseph, J. H.
Johnston, James
Jamieson, W.
Knox, John J.
Kerr, Jas. M.
Kerr, Wm.
Knox, Jno.
Kershaw, J.
Kinloch, W.
Kingan, J.
Langlois, Chas.
Lamplough, H. T.
Leshe, P.
Levey, O.
Laberge, Aug.
Logan, C.

Lawrie, W.
Lillie, James
Larocque, F. A.
Leprohon, E. M.
Laiviscount, J. E.
Lovelace, R.
Lovell, Wm.
Lamoureux, Ed.
McArthur, John
Meredith, W. C, Q.C.
Moffatt, J. O.
Morris, W., M.L.C.
McGill, And.
McKean, And.
Mack, W. Gordon
Montgomerie, H. E.
Matthieson, Alex., D.D.
Murray, Donald
Mair, David
McDonald, John
Mclver, M.
Mathewson, Hugh
Middleton, T. W.
Mclndoe, Robt.
Maitiand, Jas. A.
McCallum, C. F.
Murray, J.
McDonald, Alex.
McDonald, D.
McNaughton, A.
McGrail, T.

96

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

Meeker, John
Morris, Robt.
Miller, S.
McAulay, D.
Mills, Thos.
McLachlin, W.
McGuire, Francis
Morrison, John
Muir, Wm., jun.
Morris, Alex.
Moore, Jas.
Moffatt, Geo., jun.
Mclnroe, Jas.
McFarlane, John
Mann, Geo.
McGrath, Thos.
McGibbon, Alex.
Muir, Robt.
Mclver, E.
McGinn, Thos.
Major, Jas. E.
Mackay, Edward
Martin, I. A.
McKenzie, Wm.
Macdonell, Eneas
Moir, David
Noad, F. B.
Nelson, Robt.
Nicholson, R.
Palmer, Francis
Piatt, Geo.

Payne, —
Palmer, Andrew
Palmer, John
Paterson, D.
Putnam, W.
Palsgrave, C. T.
Piatt J. C.
Prouse, G. F.
Popham, H.
Parent, Jos.
Perrault, O.
Ryan, Thos.
Rae, Wm.
Rattray, J.
Raphael, Thos. W.
Robertson, Chas.
Rees, Henry
Ramsay, Hugh
Radenhurst, C. B.
Ralston, N. J.
Robertson, Datvid
Rennie, John
Ross, David A.
Robertson, A.
Smith, Alex.
Solomons, M.
Smith, John
Scobell, Jos.
Sloane, J. S.
Stewart, Jas.
Stewart, A. B.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

97

Slack, W. G.
Shuter, Joseph
Stames, Henry
Snaitii, Wm.
Sabine, H. S.
Selby, Chas.
Smith, Robt.
Sutherland, —
Smith, James
Stewart, And.
Sutheriand, T. S.
Stanton, W. J.
Schmidt Sam. B., M.D.
Stevenison, A.
Sutherland, Jas.
Thompson, Johnston
Tumbull, Thos. R.
Turner, Jas. M. C.
Tobin, E.
Tyre, James
Templeton, Geo.
Torrance, John

Tiffin, John
Tiemey, G. de Laval
Vane, Fred. W.
Vane, A. J.
Weir, Robert
Watkins, Richard
Winn, J. J.
Wilson, I. (Quebec)
Wood, Robert
Wallace, Geo.
Walker, John
Whanton, Isaac
White, S.
Wood, Thos.
Wood, J.
Wright, Ed.
Wragg, Thos. R.
Walker, Alex.
Wells, J. H.
Watt, Alex.
Young, John
Yule, Wm.

CHAPTER XI.
The Movement for a Protective Tariff.
An Early Protectionist Meeting.
Before proceeding to give an account of the
tariff reform movem'ent of 1858, it may not be amiss
to give a report of the first protectionist meeting I can
remember. It was held in the Bonsecours Market
Hall, then a large open hall over the Bonsecours Mar
ket, where festivals and mass meetings were held, the
Mayor, Hon. Charles Wilson, occupying the chair.
On the platform were Jacob de Witt M-P.P., Dr.
Wolfred Nelson, M.P.P., Wm. Workman, Benjamin
Holmres, M.P.P., John Young, John Glass, L. H.
Holton, Louis Marchand, John Molson, John Fisher,
Harrison Stephens, Damase Masson, J. L. Beaudry,
Narcisse Valois, Pierre Jodoin, J. H. Jobin, M.P.P.,
J. B. Smith, J. H. Joseph, John Ostell, A. Prevost,
J. G. Mackenzie, Thomas Wilson, F. Leclaire, J. H.
Evans, L. Binsonneault, Wm. Dow, Ira Gould, Col.
Gugy, D. K. Lighthall, etc., etc..
The meeting was understood to be non-political,
but when Wm. Workman, who had headed the
requisition, rose to move the first resolution, John
Young, a well-known free trader, rose, and in a loud
voice, drowned Mr. Workman's remarks, and moved

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 99
a resolution which, as a definition of free tmde views,
it may be well to report. It read as follows : —
" That this meeting is of opinion that taxation is an
incident inseparable from social organization, that at
best it is an evil, only to be submitted to in order
to enable the people represented by their duly con
stituted authorities to protect the life and property of
all classes alike from foreign or domestic aggression,
and to undertake such public works and duties as may
be deemed for the general good — that, therefore,
taxes of every kind should be made as. light as pos
sible, with an efficient system of government, and
equally laid on, so ais to give the community who pay
them the least inconvenience in doing so."
Mr. Young insisted in speaking to his resolution
amidst great uproar. It was felt that while he might,
with propriety, have moved an amendment, he had no
right to assume control of a meeting with the calling
of which he had nothing to do. His motion was
finally voted down by an overwhelming majority,
Mr. Glass amd Mr Holmes being almost his only sup
porters. When Mr. Young and his supporters had taken
their departure, Jacob de Witt (a liberal M.P.P.)
moved the main resolution, as follows : —
" That this meeting is of opinion that the Canadian
Tariff, while being adjusted with a view to avoid all
duties of a prohibitory or oppressive character, the
revenue should be principally levied on imported
articles which compete with those of domestic pro
duction, and that the materials for manufacturing

100 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
purposes, not profitably produced in the Province,
should be admitted free, so as to give greater scope
to domestic manufactures, and thereby the extension
of the home market to the agriculturist."
Both Mr Workman and Mr. De Witt pointed out
that a protective tariff would give the farmers- cheaper
goods and more money to purchase them. Mr.
Workman said: —
" The farmers can no longer be cajoled with the
beautiful theories of a system which, while on the one
hand it has reduced the price of their produce, has,
on the other hand, compelled them to pay tribute to
foreign manufactures in the shape of thirty per cent.
on the utensils they use, and that, too, in gold, while
at the same time these same utensils and farming im
plements could, under a fair and equitable protection,
be manufactured at their own doors, at, I say, thirty
per cent, cheaper than they now pay for them. I am
prepared to show that under the system of protection
to home industry which the United Stateis have en
joyed, they have turned the scales against us. But
here I will be met by a class of political economists
who, although they cannot deny the facts, and
they don't like the facts, will, nevertheless, proceed
to quote from Adam Smith, and Mill, and
Say, and Bastiat to show that, although there is an
apparent advantage, there is no real advantage, that
twenty-five cents in Montreal will go as far as
sixty cents in Troy; it must, they say, go as far,
according to first principles. But, first principles or not,
what are the facts ? The American gets a higher price

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 101
for his oats, and can buy as many spades, shovels,
stoves or scythes for four dollars as the Canadian
farmer can buy for six. In other words, he can buy
as many agricultural implements for sixteen bushels
of oats as the Canadian farmer can buy for twenty-
four bushels. It has been asserted that the meaning
of protection is that the farmers shall pay double for
what they consume. If that is the case, pray, how is
it that United States protectionists are able to under
sell Canadian free traders in their own markets? I
know it is answered that the United States would
have made the same progress without protection.
Then, pray tell me how Canada, once so far before the
United States, is now so far behind in this respect,
that they are now buying from that country? No,
gentlemen, paradoxical as it may appear, such are the
benefits which their wise protectionist policy has
bestowed on the United States that they have turned
the scales. I say turtted the scales.
" Those acquainted with bygone days in Montreal
ma)'' remember the handsome share of American trade
Montreal enjoyed from the frontier inhabitants during
the free trade system in the United States. All the
frontier towns were customers in our markets for
stoves, ca.stings, spades, calicoes, grey cottons, etc-, etc.,
which Canada imported from England. Now, under
the protective system which they adopted later, all this
has been stopped, and they have become our sup
pliers. Look into any hardware store from Quebec
to Sandwich, and you will find the floors strewed over
with American v.rares, competing with, aye, and

102 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
underselling the free trade wares of Canada. I need
only mention one of a hundred places, the creation of
a protective policy : —
"In 1821, the ground on which stands the city of
Lowell was a common farm. In 1854 it had a popu
lation of 30,000. The annual cO'Usumption of cotton
was 61,000 bales, 12,500 tons of coal, 3,270 cords of
wood, 67,842 gallons of oil, 600,000 bushels of char
coal, 800,000 lbs. of starch. More than a million and
a half of dollars a year are paid in wages. The
profits are large, and about 9,000 hands are employed
the year through.
" These , gentlemen, are some of the advantages
that would flow to Canada from a wisely adjusted
protectionist tariff."
It was strange to see large importers like William
Workman and J- G. Mackenzie moving and seconding
protectionist resolutions, but these men regarded the
welfare of the country as som'ething far beyond any
personal consideration.
Jacob De Witt, one of the founders of La Banque
du Peuple, and representing a French constituency,
spoke with his usual array of arguments, in the same
strain as Mr. Workman, the meeting being wound up
by Harrison Stephens proposing a committee to draft
a petition to the Legis'lature embodying the vie*ws of
the meeting. Mr. Stephens, on appearing, was, greeted
with great applause, owing to the fact that his
business partner, John Young, was the leader of the
small free trade party.

SIXTY YEAES IN CANADA- 103
Mr. Stephens, in proposing the fifth resolution,
said : —
" I will not at this late hour take np much of your
time. We must all admit that whatever amount of
duties is collected upon imports to meet the detmandls
of the Govemment are, of necessity, a protection,
and all we ask in common justice is that this pro
tection shall be distributed in such a manner as to
give to Canadian manufacturers their ju'st and equit
able share. And to show you that the present tariff
is in direct opposition to this principle, it is only
necessary to point out that out of a revenue of
£386,000 collected last year upon imports, over
£200,000 was collected upon eight articles!, nealrly all
of common necessity, such as sugar, tea, coffee and
molasses, the former paying a duty of fully one
hundred per cent., while the manufactures that can
easily be produced in the country must be content
with a duty of only seven and a half per cent, for its
share of protection. Can this be just and equitable
towards the mlanufacturing interests of the country?
— .while the necessary demands of the Govemment
require an average duty of about fourteen per cent.
on the total imports. In this duty of seven and a
half per cent, are included wooden manufactures,
which, in this country of wood, should be manu
factured among ourselves, in place of drawing our
supplies of these articles, as we now do, from the
United States.
"I will merely add that we place this important
question before the country unconnected with politics.

104 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
The committee named in Mr. Stephen's resolution
included nearly all the gentlemen oni the platform,
besides the names of John Pratt, Jerome Grenier,
F. X. Brazeau, J. M. Ferres, B. H. Lemoine, Wm.
Lyman, T. S. Brown, Thomas Peck, Joseph Knapp,
and Thos. F. Miller, all well known names fifty years
ago, and many of whom invested their money in
manufactures when the tariff was changed, thus con
tributing largely to the growth of the city.
If may be well to note that in 1849 the duties were
raised from 7^ to I254 per cent.

CHAPTER XII.
The History of the Tariff Movement
Continued.
The British League and the Annexation Movement
having fallen flat, it became evident that Canada
" must bear the ills she had rather than fly to others
that she knew not of-" The energetic and Tarte-like
Francis Hincks had, in 1852, secured the building of
the Grand Trunk Railway, and two years later
the Treaty of Reciprocity with the United States,
and following these came the Crimean war, which
brought wheat up to two dollars a bushel, and
the farmers were in clover. It soon became
evident, however, that the United States was carry
ing off a large part of the money spent in build
ing the Grand Trunk and Great Westem Railways.
Owing to Canada's low tariff, American traders and
manufacturers were able to flood our markets with
their merchandise and manufactures ; the very spades
and shovels, axes and hammers, used by the workmen
and labourers being of American make. It was seen
that Canadian industries were starving in the midst
of plenty, and a cry for a better tariff became general.
In 1854 the split in the Liberal party, which united
one wing with the Conservatives, gave the advocates
of a more protective tariff hopes of a change, but it

06 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
wais not till 1858 that anything was accomplished. I
was then living in Toronto, and in active commimi-
cation with the protective associations of Montreal
and Toronto. A convention was called, as was then
the custom, to meet in Toronto before the budget was
brought down, it bdng considered the right time to
move, as more money would be required, and the idea
wag to get the tariff re-adjusted to meet the views
of the advocates of protection. A large number of
delegates and friends of the movement met and
named committees to report on the requirements of
the various branches of manufacture- These were in
vited to report to a central committee consisting of
W. B. Jarvis, Hon. Isaac Buchanan, Thomas Bruns-
kill, W. Rodden, D. C. Gunn, with myself as secretary.
The central committtee met in my private office, and,
from the reports sent them, drew up a scale of duties
to meet the views of the convention. The central com
mittee then drew up a series of resolutions, which,
after being approved at a public meeting of delegates
and others, were embodied in the following petition ; —
Petition
To the Honourable the Legislative Assembly of the
Province of Canada, in Parliament assembled : —
The memorial of the undersigned merchants, manu
facturers and others from the various sections of
the said Province, assembled in public meeting at
Toronto,

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 107
Humbly Sheweth
That your memorialists desire to call the attention
of your honourable House to the depression which all
branches of manufactures and commerce now suffer
in the Province, and to the necessity that exists for
a consideration of the causes to which this depression
is wholly or in part attributable.
That, in the opinion oi your memorialists, the diffi
culties now experienced by all classes of the com
munity are, in a large degree, the consequence of an
unfair competition to which the present tariff of the
Province exposes its various branches of industry,
and that, with a view to the promotion of general
prosperity, a re-adjustment of the scale of duties
levied upon imports has become an absolute necessity.
That the existing tariff is based on erroneous prin
ciples, inasmuch as it admits at low rates of duty the
manufactures of other countries, which are thus
brought into collusion with a class of labour now in
Canada not fitted for agricultural pursuits, and charges
high rates on articles that cannot be produced within
our boundaries.
That, apart from the prevailing depression, the
present Provincial tariff operates disadvanta,geously
by preventing the influx of capital, which, under due
encouragement, would be introduced and applied for
the development of our natural resources ; and, more
over, to limit the scope of industry as to offer im
pediments in the way of skill, and largely to lessen
the attractiveness of Canada as a field for im
migration.

108 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
That a re-adjustment of the tariff is governed by
principles in themselves just would materially benefit
every class in the community, without in any manner
crippling the custom's revenue.
That in the judgment of your miemoralists such a
re-adjustment should recognise as distinctive prin
ciples the admission duty free, or at low rates of duty,
of raw materials for manufacture not produced in
the Province. The admission, free of duty, or at low
rates, of articles entering largely into general con
sumption, and not competing with the natural products
of Canada, and the levying of higher duties upon
articles entering into competition with articles manu
factured, or which, with due encouragement, may be
manufactured by our people.
That your memorialists, representing diversified
industrial and mercantile interests, and having ample
opportunities of ascertaining the wants and con
victions of the classes with whom they co-operate,
urge upon your honourable House the expediency in
the change in the tariff sought, of proceeding upon
the following positions as guiding points in the work
of tariff reform : —
I. All raw material upon which there is but a small
amount of labour expended prior to its importation,
and having the larger proportion of labour to be per
formed in Canada, it is considered should be admitted
free, or at a duty not exceeding 2H per cent.
2. Articles entering largely into general consump
tion in this country, and which Canadai cannot
produce, such as tea, coffee, raw sugar, molasses, etc,

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 109
should not be charged with a high rate of duty, but
should be admitted free, or at the lowest possible rate
consistent with the requirements of the revenue.
3. Merchandise in the dry goods, hardware, or in
the crockery trades., being articles of luxury or for
use, and not likely for some time to be manufactured
in this country, and some of which are used to form
part of the goods and wares manufactured in
Canada, should be charged with a medium duty of
about fifteen per cent., or not to exceed twenty per
cent., but at the rate of about ten per cent, below what
may be charged on articles coming directly in com
petition with our own manufactured products.
4. All manufacturers of wood, iron, brass, copper,
leather, india-rubber, etc., competing with our indus
trial products, should be charged with a duty of about
twenty-five per cent.
Cottons and woollens, cordage, lines and twines,
about twenty per cent.; clothing and wearing ap
parel, thirty per cent.
Books, drawings, etc., ten to fifteein per cent.
That your memorialists, believing that the im
mediate effect of a revision of the tariff, according to
the scale now suggested, would be to mitigate the
despondency perceptible in every quarter, to create a
feeling of confidence in the minds of resident cap
italists, to attract the attention of foreigners to our
magnificent manufacturing resources, to stimulate
enterprise among our mechanics and artisans, and to
import freish vigour to our agricultural population.
That your memorialists, in conclusion, respectfully

no SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
pray that your honourable House would be plealsed to
give prompt consideration to the whole subject, and
adopt, without delay, such changes as may be found
essential to the promotion of the great public interests
that are involved, and as to your wisdom may seem
meet. And your memorialists will ever pray. .
Signed on behalf of the meeting,
W. B. Jarvis, Chairman
Isaac Buchanan
W. Rodden
Thos. Brunskill
D. C. Gunn
W. Weir, Secretary.
The public meeting referred to was held in the St.
Lawrence Hall, Toronto, on the 14th April, 1858,
and was largely attended, although the Leader (the
Government organ) stated to the contrary. The main
resolution recommending the scale of duties; was
moved by Wm. Rodden, of Montreal, at the conclusion
of whose address Mr. George Sheppard, then one of
the editors of the Leader, proposed the following
amendment : —
" That this meeting, recognizing the fact that in
every country Legislative protection has been deemed
and found essential to the creation of manufacturing
industry, and thlalt, under the operation of the present
Canadian tariff, the manufactures of Canada are
exposed to a competition as unjust as detrimental to
all concerned, this meeting urges on the Govemment

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 111
and Parliament the necessity of an immediate re
adjustment of the tariff in the direction) of protection,
con-vinced that the immediate effect of such an adjust
ment will be to attract foreign capital here, to
stimulate and develop our magnificent natural re
sources, to create a more steady demand for labour,
foster a more constant and remunerative market for
agricultural produce, and establish a more general and
enduring confidence than now exists in the minds of
the community in regard to the position and destiny
of the Province."
This resolution was seconded by Col. O'Brien.
In supporting his motion, Mr. Sheppard declared
he did not know whether this was a free trade or
protectionist meeting. If the gentleman who had so
ably supported the resolution had embodied his speech
in the resolution itself, he would not have moved an
amendment, but the resolutions simply recommended
a scale of duties without affirming any principle.
He (Mr. Sheppard) .wished an honest declaration in
favour of protection.
At this point Mr. Buchanan whispered to me in his
homely Scotch manner, " the fat's in the fire," but
neither he nor Mr. Sheppard knew Mr. Rodden as I
did, and I merely said "wait." It was not, however,
surprising that Mr. Buchanan should have been afraid,
for Mr. Sheppard was a fine speaker, with a tongue
almost as smooth as Sir Wilfrid Laurier's, and when
he sat down it looked indeed as if the " fat was in the
fire." Mr. Rodden rose amid silence, but with a smile on

112 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
his countenance. He was' glad to know that Mr.
Sheppard was a protectionist, but surprised that so
able a man, when he heard that his (Mr. Rodden's)
resolution proposed to raise the duties on manufac
tures competing with those of Canada from fifteen to
twenty-five per cent., could not make out whether this
was a free trade or protectionist meeting, while Mr
Sheppard's amendment might mean that they would
be sati'sfied with an increase of one per cent. " Yes,
gentlemen," said Mr. Rodden, " the Govemment
might increase the duties one per cent., and tell us, if
this amendment carried, that the change was in
accordance with our resolution."
At this point. Col. O'Brien withdrew his seconding
the amendment, when Mr. Hjarvey, of Peterborough,
took his place.
Mr. Sheppard'si eloquence, however, went for noth
ing. In five minutes, Mr. Rodden, who was a clever
debater, had the whole meeting with him, and, after
the amendment had been voted down, the resolution
was carried unanimously.
The last resolution named the following gentlemen
to prepare the petition to the Legislature, and to wait
upon the Government to press its prayer.
Isaac Buchanan, M.P.P. W. F. Harris, Montreal
James Crombie, Gait. D. F. Jones, Gananoque
W. B. Jamesi, Toronto W- Barber, Georgetown
G. Sheppard, Toronto J. Hilton, Montreal
W. Rodden, Montreal John Shaw, Kingston
D. McLeod, Port Hope J. Gaitshore, Dundas

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

113

W. Weir, Toronto
R. Hay, Toronto
E. Atwater, Montreal
T- F. Miller, Montreal
J. L. Mathewson, Montreal
R. McKinnon, Caledonia
M. Anderson, London
B. Clark, Hamilton
D. C. Gunn, Hamilton
E- Leonard, London
J. Cummings, Hamilton
J. Buntin, Hamilton
D. Smart, Port Hope
C. Brown, Montreal
D. Crawford, Toronto
J. G. Bowes., Toronto
T. Brunskill, Toronto
G. P. M. Ball, Louth
J. M. Williams, Hamilton
J. Helms, jun.. Port Hope

A. Drummond, Belleville
A. McNaughton, Newcastie
J. Keeler, Colboume
A. Buntin, Montreal
C. Brent, Port Hope
John Rankin, Dundas
J. E- Pell, Toronto
G. Towner, Merrickville
C. Garth, Montreal
H. O. Burritt, Ottawa
W. Parkyn, Montreal
C. W- Bangs, Ottawa
J. C. Pennock, Castleton
Jas. Hickie, Kingston
R. Patterson, Belleville
R. B. Colton, Brockville
M. Bowell, Belleville
Jas. Brown, Belleville
R. Colman, Lynn
R Featherston, Kingston

Many of the delegates had returned to their homes
before the meeting, and I regret that their names
have been lost- Many of those named above had also
left before the interview with the Government took
place, that event having been put off till the i6th of
April, when the newspapers tell us " a deputation
from the Executive Committee of the Tariff Reform
Association waited, by appointment, on the In
spector-General at the Council Office. The deputa-

114 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
tion consisted of the following members :— Hon.
Isaac Buchanan, W. B. Jarvis, W. Rodden, Thos.
Brunskill and J. E- Bell, accompanied by the follow
ing gentlemen : —
Hon. Chas. Wilson, J. H. Pope, M.P.P.
M.P.P. John White, M.P.P.
D. A. McDonald, M.P.P. J. G- Bowes
S. Bellingham, M.P.P. Edwin Atwater
T. M. Daly, M.P.P. J. L. Mathewson
J. M. Ferres, M.P.P. Charies Garth
John Carling, M-P.P. , Wm. Weir
T. D. McGee, M.P.P. T- F. Miller
W. Mattice, M.P.P. D. C. Gunn, and others.
John Cameron, M-P.P. W. Parkyn
With the Inspector-General (Hon. Wm- Cayley)
were the Premier (Hon. John A. Macdonald) and
Hon. Geo. E. Cartier.
Messrs. Jarvis, Rodden and McGee, having explain
ed the object of the interview, the Inspector-General
replied that the Government was disposed to carry
out the views of the deputation, as far as consistent
with the general interests of the country and the re
quirements of the revenue, and that measures would
be submitted during the present session, which, if
they did not meet their views in all cases, would, he
believed, be generally satisfactory.
Several gentlemen present entered into explanations
respecting the requirements of their several branches
of trade, and impressed upon the members of the Gov-

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 115
ernment present the necessity of immediate legislation
on this important question. In answer to a question
from Mr McGee, the Inspector-General replied that
the duties would certainly be adjusted with a view to
the encouragement of our home industries.
When Mr. Cayley brought down his budget, it was
found that he had kept his promise. The twenty per
cent, list included all manufactures of silk, wool, wood,
iron, brass, copper, silver, glass, leathers of all kinds'
and india-rubber manufactures. A strong effort was
made to include cotton manufactures, but as there
were then no cotton factories in the country, the im
porters argued that we did not want to protect an
industry that did not exist, and we had to give way,
leaving cottons at fifteen per cent. A strong effort was
also made by the im,porters to strike O'Ut woolens,
and Mr. Buchanan came to me (on the floor of the
House) and suggested our giving 'wlay, but I had
canvassed the members and knew we could carry our
point, ,and reminding him that a duty on woolens
meant protection for the farmers' wool. He went over
to Mr. Cayley, and after a short conference it was an
nounced that the duty on woolens would remain at
twenty per cent., and that the duty on boots and shoes,
harness and ready-made clothing would remain as
proposed, at twenty-five per cent. Thus, for the first
time, was the principal of protection applied to Cana
dian manufactures.
The effect of Mr. Cayley's tariff on the manufac
turing industries of the country was most marked,
and encouraged the Hon- A. T. Gait, in 1859, to make

Il6 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
a " new departure " and raise the whole unenumerated
list to twenty per cent., leaving boots, shoes, liiarness
and ready-made clothing at twenty-five per cent, as
before. By this bold measure, cottons, as well as
woolens, were placed on the twenty per cent list,
and our great cotton factories was the result. Mr.
Gait also legislated in favour of the St. Lawrence
route, much to the disgust of the Toronto and H^am-
ilton merchants, who were thus, for part of their
supplies, shut out of the New York markets, where a
much better selection could be made than in Montreal.
Never was there a greater contrast between two
men than between Mr. Cayley and Mr. Gait — the
former nervous, easily excited and easily put out, the
latter a big, broad-shouldered, good natured Scotch
(English) man, ready to cross swords with any one
willing to enter the lists against him. He was prob
ably the ablest Finance Minister of that period, and
clothed the " dry details " of his budget with an in
terest that drew crowds to hear him; even the ladies
leaving the theatres and other places of amusement to
hear him speak.
Mr. Gait's tariff, except for a few minor changes,
remained in force till Confederation, when the un
enumerated list, as well as the duties on boots, shoes,
harness and ready-made clothing, was reduced to
fifteen per cent, to meet the views of the Lower Pro
vinces, which were still in favour of a low tariff on
manufactures. This was a serious blow to Canadian
industries, and put the country back more than Con
federation had put it forward ; and it was not till the

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 117
country had been brought to the verge of ruin, that
our people realized the necessity of action, and carried
the National Policy at the polls in 1878. This policy
not only restored the duties of Mr. Gait's tariff, but
went beyond it, in many articles adopting the scale
of duties recommended by the Convention held in
Toronto in 1858, as will be seen by the memorial of
that Convention.
Of all the misconceptions by which the world hals
been deceived, none have been more baneful than to
call free imports free trade. Free trade implies reci
procity- Without reciprocity there can be no free
trade. But because England, after two hundred
years of protection, during which she had increased
her wealth, perfected her machinery, and, by the
repeal of the Com Laws, obtained cheap bread and
cheap labour, was able to open her ports to all nations,
we were told that the true policy was to follow her
example. It wa's while tiiis doctrine of so-called free trade
was being preached" in England that immigration into
Canada was at its height, and all those who came to
this country between 1835 and 1850 had become im
pressed with the belief that the true principles, of trade
had at last been revealed; whereas, all that had been
discovered was that England, by squeezing the land
lords and farmers, gave her workmen cheap bread,
and by reducing wages was able to compete with the
whole world in the sale of her manufactures. The
discoveries of gold in California and Australia at the
same time gave an impetus to commerce which was

118 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
believed to be the result of " free trade." Now that
other nations, by continuing to protect their industriels
are able to compete with England, that country will
soon be obliged, in her own defence, to return to her
old protective policy, unless she can persuade other
nations to give reciprocal advantages.
Since 1858 my only connection with tariff move
ments was to draft a memorial which the bankers
addressed to the Government in 1897. It wais. feared,
and even rumoured, that drastic measures wo'uld be
adopted in the direction of lower duties on manu
factures., and the late Wolferstan Thomas, being a
supporter of the Government, was asked by the
bankers to draw up a memorial pointing out the
danger of any hasty measures calculated to disturb the
industries of the country. This duty Mr. Thomas
entrusted to m.e, and a memo'rial, as drawn up by* me,
and signed by the presidents or general managers of
the Montreal banks, was presented through Mr
Thomas to the Federal Government, and it was
generally understood had considerable influence in
restraining rash legislation at that time.
Before closing this history of the Canadian tairiffs,
I propose, very briefly, to review the United States'
tariffs and to compare them with those of Canada.

CHAPTER XIII.
the united states and CANADIAN TARIFFS
COMPARED.
The tariffs of the United States is an object lesson
to Canadians. In 1779, three years after the De
claration of Independence, their tariff was almost
identical with the Canadian tariff of 1847, till which
time the British Government framed the tariffs of
Canada. The United States, however, advanced
much more rapidly to a protective tariff, for, by
I1824, that country had reached a tariff as high as
that of Canada to-day. Hence the early develop
ment of her manufactures.
The figures I have given in the following table are
principally those of non-enumerated articles, but in
some articles, such as woolen manufactures, there
were, and still are, so many enumerated articles, and
articles paying specific duties, that I had to strike an
average, which will be found nearly correct. This
remark will also apply to the Canadian tariff.
The student of history will have noticed the cry
raised by the Democrats in the United States against
the high tariff, largely to catch the Western votes,
a movement being repeated in Canada to-day. On
several occasions when the Democrats were in the
ascendency, the tariff was lowered, but always with
disastrous results.

120 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
It was not, however, till 1857, when one Democrat
succeeded another, that the folly of tampering with
the tariff was clearly seen. James Buchanan had
succeeded Franklin Pierce, and in March of that
year, a tariff largely reducing the duties on imports
was passed, and within six months the most disas
trous crisis that ever occurred in the United States
passed over the country. The results of that tariff
taught the country a lesson, and in 1861, when
Abraham Lincoln became President, the tariff was
nearly doubled, and has not since been seriously dis
turbed. The Democrats have talked, but, when
elected on some other issue, have not tried to lower
the tariff seriously a second time.
It is curious how history repeats itself. Scarcely
had the Canadian tariff of 1858 and 1859 started the
Canadian factories, when, to meet the views of Nova
Scotia and New Brunswick, at the time of Con
federation, the protective tariff of those years was
swept away, and by 1873 the country was again de
manding the old policy. But the Pacific scandal
had driven the Conservatives from power, and
Alexander Mackenzie, as full of Free Trade theories
as John Young or George Brown, became Premier.
The country was suffering, but Mr. Mackenzie and
his supporters could not see that more protection
was the true remedy. He was defeated in 1878, and
fell clinging nobly to what he believed to be the
teachings of Adam Smith, Mill and Say, and if not
a wise man, at least an honest one.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 121
Once more those who carried the tariff of 1858-9
were restored to power, and the National Policy was
the result. Every one who knows anything, knows
what that pohcy did for Canada. We have only to
look around us to see its effects to-day, for except
the British Preference Clause of 1898, the present
Government has maintained, and in some cases im
proved, the Conservative tariff.
Passing over for the moment the "Preferential
Clause" in the present Canadian tariff, let us look
at the progress of the United States tariff towards
its present development. The figures in the follow
ing table show the duties on imports at the respec
tive dates, bearing in mind that it is only an average
rate, and is not to be taken as a guide to the duty
on any specified articles.
It may be well to point out, so far as regards the
Canadian tariff, while cotton and woolen manufac
tures as well as leather manufactures appear in the
twenty per cent, hst in the tariff of 1859, ready-
made clothing and boots and shoes, were charged
twenty-five per cent. Hence the rapid growth of
these two great Canadian Industries.
It is also to be noted that by the preference clause
many articles are charged much below twenty per
cent., and these duties call for special revision.

THE UNITED STATKS TARIFFS FROM 1779 TO 1891.

Year.... 1778,

Articles.
Brass Manufactures . .
CottonFlax
Iron Leather
Paper
StonewareWoodenWoolen
Silk

per ct. per ct. per ct

10 ^
12J ^
1012Jm 7J

1808. 1824. 1842

ITJ 151'?*m15.
m1515
20

2525 2525
25 25
20
.30 3025

per ct,
30 30 25
30 25
2530
30
40 25

per ct. per ct. per ct

1846.

3025203030203030 3025

1857.

2419 15
24 2415242424
25

1866.

3535403535 3535 35
40 60

1870. 1891

per ct,
35 35
40 35
35 35
40 36
40 60

per ct.
4545 45
45 3535 6035
50 60

Co hi

to

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

123

Compared with the above, the Canadian duties
from 1847 to 1898 were as follows, bearing in mind
that these are only the average rates.

d

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0
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H fe fe:
124 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
Let us now look at this Preferential Clause of
1897, amended in 1898, to embrace Bermuda and the
West Indies, which every one knows; have no manu
factures to send to Canada, and what do we find?
A tariff which so far has only done harm, -and is cal
culated to do much more harm when the prosperous
times of the past few years have passed away, as
they will pass away in due time. It may well be
asked what has been or will be accomplished by this
Clause? It has already disturbed some branches of
trade and will in time disturb others, to say nothing
of the feeling of uncertainty which it has created.
Those who would enlarge their premises, or start
new industries, ask themselves, are we wise to put
our money in new buildings and machinery in view
of recent legislation and more recent events?
The present Government found the foundations
laid for a great future, and have built with energy
and judgment on that foundation. Let us hope they
will continue to build, not in one direction, but in all
directions, in spite of the foolish cries of unthinking
men who have learned nothing and forgotten much
in their journey through life.
To me, looking back over the last sixty years, it
appears that the true and only safe policy for Can
ada, is to adopt the United States tariff with such
minor changes as our different circumstances may
require. This would give a true National Policy to
one half the Continent of North America, and place

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 125
Canada on a level with her great neighbour to the
South. How many thousands of expatriated Can
adians, who still love their native country, would
such a policy bring back to their native land ? They
were banished through the stupidity of former Free
Traders, and will remain banished till our people
open their eyes to see what is required to make this
country rich and prosperous. Aye, and not only
our own people, but thousands of enterprising Amer
icans would come to a couWtry equal in every re
spect to their own with much more elbow room than
they have at home.
I know that the farmers of the Northwest com
plain that they can buy many things cheaper in the
United States than in Canada, but let them remem
ber that it was the high tariff that enabled the Amer
icans to manufacture cheaply, by giving them the
whole market. Give Canada the same tariff and the
result will be the same. Neither should they forget
that their wheat crops will not last forever. As in
the Richelieu Valley and in Ontario, the fly and the
rust will come, and a rotation of crops will become
necessary in the Northwest as elsewhere, and un
less, by a protective tariff, that large country is dotted
over with manufacturing towns and cities, where will
their farmers find a market for those bulky and
perishable articles produced by a rotation of crops,
but which cannot be exported. Surely they are not
the friends of the Northwestern farmer, who would
advise him to oppose the National Policy.

126 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
The history of England tells the story of an agri
cultural country. So long as she sold her raw
materials to the Dutchmen, and bought her manu
factures from them, she was the laughing-stock of
the prudent Dutch, who had a jest that "the Eng-
lis.hman sold the skin of the fox for fourpence and
bought back the tail for a shilling." But in time
England learned her lesson, and became the most
protective country in the world, even to forbidding
improved machinery or skilled workmen to be sent
abroad. It was only by these means, and by the
Repeal of the Corn Laws, which brought about cheap
bread and low vuages, that England was able to
invite the world to become free traders. That is,
now, nearly sixty years ago, but no nation has fol
lowed her example; and to all appearance she will
in time.be obliged to return to her ancient protective
policy. As to Americans being offended at Canada's rais
ing her tariff. Why should a tariff equal to their
own offend them? Canada would still be among
her best customers. The demand for raw cotton,
tobacco and anthracite coal must still be suppUed
by the United States, and in increased quantities as
Canada grows, so that the demand for three of their
leading staples would still come from this country.
We hear much of the progress of England under
Free Trade, but what of the greater progress of the
United States under protection, seeing th?t the one

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. U7
country began with the wealth of ages at its back,
and the other a poor struggling country like our
own. I wish the Liberals would return to their first love,
for it seems unnatural for me to belong to any other
party. Yet since 1854, when the Eastern Liberals
ViTent over to Sir Allan McNab, there has been no
choice. To many the secularization of the Clergy
Reserves was the bond of union, but the really more
important question of the National Policy forced
myself and many others to join the Liberal Conser
vatives, as we could not accept the Free Trade doc
trines of George Brown and his followers; the
wisdom of which Francis Hincks (up till then
Finance Minister), was beginning to doubt, and to
frame his tariffs on, protectionist lines. How well,
also, do I remember when Thomas D'Arcy McGee
came to my office with the late William Rodden and
discussed with us the tariff question. Then walking
by my side to plead with Government, with all his
eloquence for a protective tariff, voted against his
party in support of the Government measure.
A great mistake, which nearly all make, is to re
gard the Canadian manufacturer as no more worthy
of consideration than the British or American manu
facturer; whereas one factory in Canada is worth, to
the farmer as well as to the citizen, ten factories in
a foreign country. It is the Canadian manufac
turer's money that fills our stores and our markets
with customers, our houses with tenants, our schools

128 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
with children, and pays the farmer for those bulky
articles which he cannot send abroad. The manu
facturer's money circulates everywhere. Why
should we kill the hen that lays the golden egg?
I see the Canadian Manufacturers' Association
are to call upon the people to use home-made goods.
Benjamin Franklin did the same thing, so did Isaac
Buchanan in 1858, and I remember his entering the
House of Assembly in a suit of etoffe du pays (gray
homespun), to the great amusement of his fellow
members. , Fifty years ago we were told by the importers
that Canada could not make a yard of decent cotton
or woolen goods, a pair of india-rubber shoes, or
a side of patent leather. How many people, except
the swells, are using anything else to-day?
With the United States tariff in force in Canada,
a British Preference Tariff as suggested further on
could easily be arranged. Otherwise there will be
trouble. And why should those who have risked
their money and devoted their time to develop Can
adian industries be exposed to the blighting effects
of over-production in other countries?
I see the politicians of New England are again
talking reciprocity, but with them this means a
wider field for their manufactures. Canada has no
use for that kind of reciprocity. When the two
tariffs are equal then will be the time to discuss that
measure. Grant me once more the privilege of an old man

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 129
to look back. Sixty years ago the Liberals of Lower
Canada were all protectionists, except a few new
arrivals of the Cobden School. The farms were
cleared and the people called for a diversity of em
ployments to retain their sons and daughters at
home. But the great Province of Upper Canada,
while clearing her forests, did not wish to see a high
tariff placed upon her stoves, her axes or her potash
kettles. Every man, woman and child was fully
occupied and a diversity of employments was not
wanted. Now, with the forests cleared, and the
children grown up, many are found to have no taste
for agricultural pursuits, and finding no congenial
employment at home have gone to foreign lands,
so that there is scarcely a large family in Canada
to-day that has not one or more of its members
voluntary exiles. What was true of Lower Canada
fifty years ago is now true of nearly all the Pro
vinces of the Dominion. There should, therefore,
be little difficulty in persuading the great majority
of Canadians, for their own and their children's
sakes, to call for such changes as the future pros
perity of the country demands-
As I write it is stated that the Manufacturers' As
sociation is asking its members to report what changes
in the tariff they consider desirable at the present time.
This is all very well for the inform.ation of the Minis
ter of Finance, but creates the impression that the
movement is in the interest of a class instead of being
in the interest of the country at large. This was
9

130 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
carefully avoided in 1858, only two of the six (Wil
liam Rodden and D. C. Gunn), who drafted the
petition and scale of duties, being manufacturers, the
others, like Isaac Buchanan and Thomas Brunskill,
were only interested in promoting the general pros
perity. I would therefore earnestly urge upon all classes
the importance of co-operating with the manufactur
ers in securing the end in view. This united action
is rendered all the more necessary by recent events.
The British Preferential Tariff of 1898 is the most
serious blow that has fallen upon Canadian indus
tries since 1868, and its full effects will not be felt
till the tide of prosperity now prevailing all over the
world takes a turn. The only hope is, that having
heard Mr. Chamberlain's frank avowal, the Canadian
Parliament will, without delay, eliminate this clause
from the Canadian tariff now that it has accomplished
its purpose of causing the Imperial Government to
show its hand.
Mr. Chamberlain may talk of Reciprocal Free
Trade, but any British Ministry that would attempt
at the moment to tax the British people's bread beyond
the present nominal tax would find itself in the cold
shades of opposition very speedily. Canada might
offer to sacrifice every industry in the country for
the benefit of Manitoba farmers, whose rich lands
need no such sacrifice, but even that would not se
cure them a preference in the British markets. There
is, however, a large field for reciprocal trade between

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 131
Great Britain and her colonies, if gone about in the
right way. If this Preferential Tariff were set aside,
Canada could then unite with the other important
colonies in offering Great Britain a preference of, say,
ten per cent, on all British goods, in return for a like
preference to certain colonial articles to be mutually
agreed upon. This list need not be extensive at first,
as it could be increased from time to time as its bene
fits became apparent. There should be no great ob
jection to Great Britain putting a ten per cent, duty
on foreign mutton and pork, on fruits and vegetables
and on many kinds of canned goods, ais well as on many
manufactured articles now competing with British
labour, such as furniture, matches, leather and leather
manufactures. Indeed the list of articles which the
colonies can furnish to supply Britain's wants is now
large, and it needs only wise heads to arrange a tariff
to the advantage both of the mother land and of the
colonies of the Empire. Lord Onslow gave express-
sion to a great truth when he said at a recent meet
ing, "Times have changed since Cobden's day; then
the Empire produced little, now it produces almost
everything." As I close this brief review of the United States
and Canadian Tariffs, the full text of Mr. Chamb
erlain's remarks at the Colonial Conference is to hand,
from which I make two short extracts: —
"The very valuable experience which we have de
rived from the history of the Canadian Tariff shows,
that while we may most readily and most gratefully

132 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
accept from you a preference which you may be
willing voluntarilly to accord to us, we cannot bargain
with you for it, we cannot pay you for it unless you
go much further and enable us to enter your home market
on terms of greater equality."*********** "In my
mind whenever customs duties are balanced by excise
duties, or whenever they are levied on articles which
are not produced at home, the enforcement of such
duties is no derogation from the principles of free
trade as I understand it."
In plain words Mr. Chamberlain proposes that Can
ada should shut up her factories and raise her re
venue partly by taxing the farmer's horses and
waggons, his dogs and his guns, and partly by taxing
his tea, coffee, sugar, molasses and salt as in old
times when tea sold at a dollar a pound, refined sugar
at sixteen cents and molasses at double their present
price, the very duties which led to the American Re
volution and to the loss to England of her six mil
lions of colonists and half the continent of North
America in 1776.— No, no, Mr. Chamberiain,— this
may suit a rich country Hke England whose people are
living largely on their money, but will not suit a
country struggling to gain a foothold among its
neighbours. To open our doors to British manufactures would
mean the closing up of every factory in the country.
Millions of dollars of property rendered worthless.
Our Banks and investment companies ruined; our
towns and cities deserted, our enterprising citizens

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 133
driven to the United States, leaving the old and help
less behind.
Surely the Parliament of Canada, now free to
frame its own tariff, will never be guilty of such an
act of folly as to continue the downward career begun
in 1897, which has only been prevented from disas
trous consequences by the general prosperity every
where prevailing, the great crops of the North
West, and the mining industries of British Columbia
and the Yukon.
I trust the Government will not make this a party
question, but will leave it an open one for Parliament
to decide. Why should a Government which even
its opponents must admit has administered the affairs
of the country for the last six years with energy and
prudence (except in this Preference Tariff matter) ;
expose itself to defeat as it is sure to do by repeating
Premier Mackenzie's mistake because forty-five
years ago a section of the liberal party of which
scarcely one survives, inscribed Free Trade upon
its banners ? — a doctrine always oppoised by the Prov
ince of Quebec, as well as by a large part of the
Liberals of Ontario.
But the Governments of the great self-governing
colonies must be united. It is absurd for Canada
to offer this, Australia that, and New Zealand some
thing else. They must discuss the question together
and decide upon giving a preference to each other,
inviting Great Britain to join in this Imperial Pre
ference.

CHAPTER XIV.
The Silver Nuisance.
I now come to the American Silver Nuisance, for
which I deserved the least and received the greatest
credit. So true are the Psalmist's words that "Men
will speak well of thee when thou dost wdl to thy
self." In order to understand this question thoroughly,
it will be necessary to glance at the condition of the
Canadian currency at that time. At the Union in
1840, the British sovereign was a legal tender at
twenty-four shillings and four pence, Halifax cur
rency, and the British shilling and sixpence at
twenty-five cents and twelve and a half cents respec
tively. A premium of nearly three per cent was thus
offered for importing British silver, and a surplus of
that silver was the result. Later, Legislation made
this silver a legal tender at twenty-four shillings and
four pence to the pound, or about three-tenths of
a cent less than twenty-five cents, but it continued
to circulate at the old rate, but was not received at
the banks nor at the post-offices at over twenty-four
cents. In the absence of a twenty-five cent coin, the
Bank of British North America offered, if the
merchants resolved to pass the Britiish shilling
at twenty-four cents, to import United States
silver to supply the want, as these coins were re-

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. I35
ceived freely by the banks and the Govemment.
Before this time the silver currency consisted largely
of Spanish and old United States silver, but these
coins, having gone to a premium, rapidly disappeared.
In 1847-8, the firm with which I was engaged sold, in
New York, considerable quantities of old Spanish and
United States silver coins at three and four per cent.
premium. These coins were drained from the Unite(d
States as well as from Canada, so that in 1853 that
country reduced the weight of its isilver coins to re
tain them in circulation.
It was not till 1858, on the Government deciding
to keep its accounts in dollars and cents, that Canada
had a silver coin of its own. In that ye!ar the Gov
ernment of Canada ordered from the Royal Mint.
$80,000 in 20 cent pieces
60,000 " 10 " "
60,000 " 5 " "
40,000 " bronze cents.
Many, myself amo.ngst them, objected strongly in
the Press to the issue of a twenty instead of a
twenty-five cent piece, and the Toronto Leader (the
Govemment organ) had this to say in reply: —
"A correspondent thinks the list incomplete, and
pleads hard for the quarter dollar pieces. The
quarter dollar may be a convenience of habit, it may
be acceptable because we are accustomed to it, but
it is no necessary part of the decimal system. It has
been grafted on the decimal system of the United
States, but that of France has refused to be disturbed

136 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
b}' it, and the franc, which represents twenty sous,
as nearly as possible twenty cents, may be taken
as the equivalent of the twent}' cent piece, which is
about to appear in our currency. The French system,
which, in this respect we are copying, is not less
convenient than that of the United States. The only
difficulty is that we have been accustomed to the
Am>erican quarter dollar, that it is still in circulation
among us, and tliat it does not fit so exactly as might
be to the currency we are adopting. Not that there
is any discrepancy further than a question of four or
five to the dollar, and a difference in size.
" We are accustomed to the twenty cent piece, for
we have it in the Halifax shilling, though we have it
now for the first time in a tangible coin. The only
question is whether in ridding ourselves of the Hali
fax currency, and in trying to banish from our
minds its fractional parts, it is quite consistent to
retain the equivalent of the Halifax shilling, with
the additional disadvantage of deviating from the
American division of the dollar. But the twenty-
five cent piece can be coined later, if wanted."
I never heard what fool in the Finance Department
suggested the twenty cent piece, for in spite of the
special pleading of the Leader, every one saw it was
a mistake; even the Leader damned it with faint
praise. When Jefferson recommended the dollar to the
Americans as the unit of exchange, as the Spaniards
had adopted it hundreds of years before, he recom
mended also their following the same nation in the
sub-division into halves and quarters, although he

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 137
also went ahead of the Spaniards in dividing the
dollar into one hundred cents, thus forming the
decimal system which Canada followed in 1858.
These new coins' were only used at the post-offices
and when required to make legal tender payments,
the great bulk of the silver currency being United
States coins and British shillings and sixpences, the
latter two coins still circulating at twenty-five and
twelve and a half cents respectively. Such was the
state of the Canadian silver currency at the outbreal<
of the Southern war in 1861- Towards the close of
that year the United States virtually suspended
specie payments, but it was not till the Sth of July,
1862, that gold went to a premium of ten per cent, in
New York, which carried silver also to a premium,
and as the United States, like England, had coined
its silver above its intrinsic value as compared with
gold, the former sold at from three to five per cent.
below the price of gold in New York, the price
fluctuating according to the demand from Canada,
South America and the West Indies, where these
coins still circulated at par. The banks and brokers all
over the United States, of course, sent their gold and
silver to New York to be sold at a premium, and
silver soon fell to a discount of five per cent., when
large shipments were made to Canada, where it was
still current at retail transactions, as well as for the
purchase of grain and cattle, and for the payment of
Wfljges. It was, however, refused at the banks, and,
ais a consequence, the merchants, both wholesale and
retail, had to sell their receipts to the brokers, who
sold it over again to the grain buyers and manufac-

138 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
turers, it being estimated thait for 'several years there
changed hands in the city of Montreal alone, not less
than eighty thousand dollars a day, not fewer than
thirty brokers deriving the principal part of their
income from this source.
This state of affairs soon led to meetings and dis
cussions as to how the silver should be dealt with,
and resolutions were carried recommending its being
received at four per cent, discount, but, except in the
city of Toronto, this agreement was never carried
out. The merchants of the Lower Provinces had
more sense, for they put the coins to eighty cents on
the dollar, which saved them from further trouble.
Montreal tried to follow Toronto, but the compe
tition amongst the retail trade rendered all efforts
nugatory, and large houses like Henry Morgan &
Co. paid on an average forty dollars' discount on
their daily receipts.
Appeals were finally made to Parliament to deal
with the question, and in 1868 Sir John Rose, then
Finance Minister, exported one million dollars
through the Bank of Montreal, having previously
prohibited its importation by a duty of twenty per
cent. This shipment had little effect, and the mer
chants began to realize that the amount in circula
tion must be much larger than was generally sup
posed- Early in 1869 I made arrangements with the
principal merchants throughout Canada to export
two million dollars at rates which, at the then price
of silver in New York, would have yielded me a fair
profit. Unfortunately, the Cuban war broke out, and

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 139
the discount on silver rose from 2% per cent, to 6 per
cent., and my movement fell through. Later in tlie
season I resumed the shipments with better relsults,
for the discount had again fallen to 2^ per cent.
That is, silver which was worth 94 cents, in gold in
the spring Was worth 97^ cents in the fall of 1869.
At this time a series of events led to more im
portant results than I had anticipated. The Hon.
John Rose, having failed to carry his Banking Bill
(perhaps it would be more correct to say his and
E. H. King's Banking Bill), which would have
changed the whole Canadian banking system and
crippled the banks, resigned his pdsition to become
the London partner of the banking firm of Morton,
Rose & Co. Meantime, Sir Francis Hincks, who had
returned to Canada, was offered, and had accepted
the position of Finance Minister, he being rightly
considered the most capable man in Canada to deal
with the questions of banking and currency, ques
tions then requiring a master mind to deal with them.
When in Hamilton in connection with my own
shipments, I had occasion to call upon Mr. Adam
Hope, who had formerly been the London (Ont-),
partner of Buchanan, Harris & Co., but had re
moved to Hamilton and taken over the hardware
branch of thlat firm's business. Mr. Hope was an
old friend of Sir Francis Hincks, and told me to
take his compliments to that gentleman and tell him
that he had sent me, and that the whole mercantile
community looked to him to back me up in rid
ding the country of the Silvef Nuisance. Taking
Adam Hope's advice, I returned to Montreal and

140 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
wrote to Sir Francis, asking an interview. He did
not wait to answer the letter, but sent me a telegraim,
asking me to come to Ottawa at my earliest conveni
ence, and to report my arrival. I left by the first
train, but as we had to travel by Prescott and the
slow-going Ottawa and Prescott Railway (which still
keeps up its reputation for slowness), the joumey
occupying nearly three times as long as it does now,
I did not arrive till nearly eleven o'clock, and having
sent in my card to Sir Francis, who, his secretary
told me, had been waiting for me some time. I hiad
not seen Sir Francis for over twenty years, and
found him much changed; but the high forehead,
sharp countenance and bright eye remained. The
crisp, grey hair, almost white, with spectacles placed
near the top of his head, told of the ravages of time
on the iron frame of that once impetuous and fiery
politician, who had been described to Lord Metcalfe
" as the ablest man in the Cabinet, with a tongue that
cut like a sword, and no discretion to keep it in
order." Being introduced to Sir Francis, he broached at
once the subject I had come to discuss, by remarking
that he thought we had taken a wrong course in
moving to reduce the discount on an article we
wished to drive out of the country. I told Sir
Francis that the mercantile community were not
bl!n,l to this apparent anomaly, but, except in the city
of Toronto, all efforts h^ failed to bring the retail
trade to receive and pay the United States silver coin
at a rate lower than its face value, so that we hlaid
been trying to alleviate a disease we could not cure.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 141
He admitted the justness of my remark, but told me
the Government could not temporize in that way, and
seemed to think that his predecessor had made a
mistake in shipping a million dollars. I replied that
till then no one had any idea of the quantity of
United States silver coin in Canada, but that Mr.
Rose had paved the way for a more effective measure
that Parliament had authorized the Government to
deal with the question and to fix by Proclamation
the rate at which United States silver coin could be
declared a legal tender. I explained that I was then
exporting from twenty-five to thirty thousand dollars
per week from as many cities and towns in Ontario
and Quebec, that I had committees of the leading
merchants assisting me, who would support any
reasonable Govemment measure likely to remove the
evil. Sir Francis then asked me to meet him at nine
o'clock next moming, as, it being one o'clock, he
had to attend a meeting of the Treasury Board.
Accustomed to the easy ways of those who bask
in the sunshine of office, I found myself inside the
Parliament grounds at ten minutes past nine, won
dering how long I would have to wait for the
Minister's arrival. To my surprise he was already
at his desk, and, looking at his watch, remarked that
I was ten minutes late. Acknowledging my fault,
we continued to discuss the details for another hour,
when he dictated the following letter to his secretary,
a copy of which was handed to me as my authority
for communicating with the banks and with those
who were in correspondence with me on the subject.

142 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
" Finance Department,
Ottawai, 14th Jany., 1870.
" Sir, " With reference to the applicaion made by you
both to my predecessor and myself for the assistance
of the Government in the removal from circulation
of the American silver coin, which has caused such
seriousf inconvenience to the public during the last
few years, I have, after giving my best consideration
to the subject in connection with the resolutions adopt
ed by the House of Commons during the last Session,
arrived at the conclusion that if the co-operation of
the banks and of the mercantile community can be
secured, the removal of the American silver can be
effected at a very moderate cost, which the Govern
ment may fairly be called upon to bear.
You are aware that my predecessor was deterred
from continuing the purchase of American silver
owing to the serious loss entailed on the Government
by the first operation.
"You are likewise, I have no doubt, aware that the
House of Commons did not concur in that part of the
report of the Select Committee which recommended
that the plan adopted by the Government in 1868,
' or any other plan which the Government may deem
proper,' be ag^in put in operation and carried on
until an amount equal to $5,000,000 shall have been
withdrawn from circulation.
" It is true that the House concurred in the resolu
tion reported by the Committee that the ' intervention

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 143
of the Government had become necessary to remove
the American silver from circulation,' but I should
not, without the sanction of Parliament, feel dis
posed to adopt the course followed in 1868, even if
I believed it would prove an effectual remedy for the
evil complained of.
" I entertain no doubt in my own mind that the
exportation of American silver, as hitherto carried on,
can only mitigate, in a very trifling degree, the evil
which is felt by the public.
" The only effectual remedy will be the substitution
for the present depreciated silver currency of Cana
dian silver coins to be a legal tender to an amount
not exceeding ten dollars. If such coins were is-
used in excess of the requirements of the public,
they likewise would become depreciated, and there is
a wide difference of opinion asi to the amount which
would be required to supply the void which would
be created by the exportation of the American silver.
" I am prepared to recommend the Govemment to
take immediate steps to procure from, the Royal
Mint a Canadian silver currency to an amount not
exceleding $1,000,000 in coins of 50 and 25 cents, to
be a legal tender to the amount of ten dollars.
" It will take time to produce these coins, and it may
be desirable, both as ai test of the amount actually
required, and to save time, that a fractional Domin
ion note currency should be issued, to be used in the
purchase of American silver to whatever extent the
public may choose.
"As these fractional notes would be redeemable in

144 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
gold, they could not suffer depreciation, nor could
any excess remain in circulation. The actual re
quirements of the Dominion would be tested by the
amount of fractional notes retained by the public,
and to that extent the new silver coin might be in
troduced. " It would be necessary, concurrently with the
adoption of this measure, to declare by Proclamation,
that after a certain day to be named, American silver
would be a leg'al tender to the amount of ten dollars
at reduced rates — probably twenty per cent, under
its nominal value; and that, in the meantime, the
Government would purchase all that might be offered
at a moderate discount, which should not be less than
four per cent.
"As you have been in communication on this sub
ject, as well with the banks as with the commercial
classes as with the Government, you will probably
be able to ascertain whether the above proposal
would be acceptable to them, and whether their co
operation could be relied on in carrying it into effect.
" It would be absolutely necessary that the exact
cost should be settled before commencing operations ;
and, as you will ha[ve to confer with the banks,
through one or more of which the operation would
have to be carried out, you may be able to ascertain
whether, in the event of a fractional note currency
being resorted to, it should be in notes of 50 and 25
cents, or only in the latter denomination-
" I would likewise be glad to learn the opinion of

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 145
those best capable of judging whether the silver
coins should be in me following proportions: —
50 cents  $600,000
25 "  $400,000

$1,000,000

I am. Sir,
Your obedient servant,
F. Hincks.
W. Weir, Esq.,
Montreal."
Having, on receipt of the above letter, interviewed
the banks, as well as consulted my principal commit
tees, I proceeded to Ottawa on the 26th of January
and handed to Sir Francis the following reply, which,
I suppose, must still be among the letters of the
Finance Department. " Montreal, 26th January, 1902.
" Sir, " I reply to your letter of the 14th instant. I have
the honour to state that the results of my conver
sations and communications with the banks and with
those who have heretofore taken the most lively in
terest in the movement for the removal of the de
preciated silver currency have been as follows: —
" I. That the principal banks as well as the smaller
institutions will, to the extent require!d, co-operate
with the Govemment in removing the depreciated
10

146 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
silver coin to the extent of receiving, counting, paying
for and forwarding to New York the said coin, at a
nominal commission, not exceeding one-quarter of one
per cent., payment to be made in gold on delivery in
New York, the Govemment paying the freight on
the silver.
" 2. That the rate of discount at which the Govern
ment would be willing to receive the silver coin is
regarded as of minor importance, the individual loss
being so small. The great point in the eyes of the
commercial community being to get the machinery for
its removal set in motion, and a legal tender currency
put in its place.
"3. That if such legislation is secured as will secure
general conformity to the Proclamation, reducing the
current value of the silver coin, Government may,
if they choose, remove the depreciated currency with
out any charge upon the public treasury; but it
would be more satisfactory to the country, and would
greatly promote the success of the Government
measure, if at least a portion of the coin was^ pur
chased from the public, at a rate of discount not ex
ceeding five per cent.
" 4. That a fractional note is generally distafeteful
to the banks, several of whose managers seem to
think that no remedy can be applied to the Silver
Nuisance till the return of specie payments in the
United States. The same gentlemen readily admit
thlat it would be a rash and dangerous act to attempt
the removal of the large volume of United States
silver coin now circulating in Canada, without
making provision for the probable, but at the present

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 147
unascertained requirements of trade, probably far
beyond any sum which the Govemment would be
justified in coining.
" 5. That the mercantile community is so desirous
to secure the removal of the depreciated silver coin
that any necessary measure not requiring the issue
of an unredeemable or depreciated currency will re
ceive their hearty support.
¦" 6. That whether the fractional notes issued be of
one or two denominations is not considered of much
moment, "but it is the general desire that they should
be larger than the United States fractional notes, and
have more the appearance of a bank note.
" 7. That the relative quantity of half .and quarter
dollars, proposed to be coined, is considered correct
by every banker and merchant to whom I have sub
mitted the figures.
" 8. That it is the opinion of all with whom I have
conversed on the subject that some stringent mea
sure will be required to insure the general adoption
of the terms of the Proclamation proposed to be
issued, fixing the legal tender value of United States
and British silver coins.
" I have the honour to be,
Your obedient servant,
W. Weir."
" Hon. Sir Francis Hincks, C.B.,
Minister of Finance,
Ottawa."

148 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
At our second interview, when I pointed out to
Sir Francis the probability of the large exports from
Canada causing a decline in the price of silver in
New York, he asked me if there was any way this ex
penditure could be met so as to reduce the cost to the
Govemment, as the Lower Provinces might justly
complain of any large expenditure to remove a
nuisance which they had had the sense to avoid. My
reply was to let the Government assume the ond and
two dollar note issue, and they would be amply re
couped for any expense incurred. He told me that
Mr. Jack, of Halifax, had made the same suggestion,
but he feared the banks would object. I replied,
why should they object? They have no one and two
dollar note circulation since the silver came in, and
the removal of the United States silver would largely
increase their note circulation. Later on he told me
the bankers had agreed to relinquish the one and two
dollar notes on the understanding that the Govern
ment would abandon the one per cent, tax on the note
circulation. I do not know if this was a wise arrange
ment for the Government, but it looked so then, as
the bank circulation was under ten millions. .
As other detailis were left in my hands, I told Sir
Francis the shipments must not begin till between
one and two million dollars of one and two dollar
notes, one million of silver coin and at least half a
million of fractional notes had been prepared, point
ing! out to him the panic caused in England when the
old silver was called in, so graphically described by
Macaulay. I found the Minister of Finance had not been idle

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 149
since my first visit. The silver had already been
ordered from the Royal Mint, and the bank note en
gravers were engaged on the plates for the fractional
note. When we came to fix the date at which the ex
portation of the coin should begin. Sir Francis sent
for Mr. John Langton, then Auditor-General, and
asked him how long it would take to sign one
million dollars of one and two dollar notes. After
some mental calculation, the Auditor repied: —
" It would take a clerk so many weeks," when Sir
Francis, who introduced his next question with siome
highly ornamental words, which I need not repeat
(for he could swear as beautifully as the ladies of
Queen Elizabeth's court) , exclaimed, " could you not
employ fifty clerks, if necessary?" The slow-going
Auditor having got this through his wool, it was
found that all could be arranged for the end of
March, and Sir Francis proposed to beginl on the first
of April to receive the silver. But a strong oppo
sition existed in Montreal of brokers and opponents of
the Government, who hoped, by defeatingi
the isilver measure, to destroy the Finance!
Minister's prestige. I pointed out that nothing would
expose us to more ridicule than to be called April
fools, and he fixed the date at the fifteenth of April.
(I should here make an exception of the Montreal
Witness, which, although supporting the other side,
gave the Govemment measure its hearty support, and
I am only sorry that, in spite of its founder's respect
for that great protectionist, Horace Greeley, it stiU
holds heretical views on the tariff question.)

150 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
Some of the views expressed at that time would
fumish curious reading to-day, but I have only room
tp give in the appendix the letter of the Montreal
Board of Trade, under the presidency of J. H. Winn.
Under what inspiration the Board was hoaxed to
publish such a letter I never inquired, being too busy
with more serious matters.
But to resume my history. When all details were
airrayed. Sir Francis dictated another letter, which he
addressed to the banks and Boards of Trade, and
which called forth the foolish letter of the Montreal
Board. This letter read as follows : —

CHAPTER XV.
"Circular.
" Finance Department, Ottawa,
27th January, 1870.
" Sir,
" Mr. William Weir, of Montreal, has, for some
time back, been in correspondence both with my pre
decessor and myself, on the subject of obtaining the
assistance of the Governm-ent in the removal from
circulation of the American silver coin, which has
long been the cause of considerable loss to the public.
Mr. Weir has assured me that several of the leading
banks will be prepared to co-operate with the Gov
ernment in any well considered measure which they
may adopt for effecting the object, and you are
doubtless well aware that the intervention of the
Government was authorized by the House of Com
mons during the last Session of Parliament. I have
this day acquainted Mr. Weir with the arrangements
which, in my judgment, will be necessary in order
to effect the permanent removal of the American
silver coin.
" I propose that a Proclamation should be issued,
declaring that, after a day to be fixed, American silver
shall be a legal tender in amount not exceeding ten
dollars at rates considerably below the real value of
the coin, viz. : — 50, 25, 10 and 5 cent coins, at the
respective rates of 40, 20, 8 and 4 cents.
" The day to be fixed will be sufficiently distant to

152 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
enable the public to get rid of the coin by exportation,
and the Government itself will receive three million
dollars at the following rates of discount, viz., five
per cent, on the first million, five and one-half on the
second million, and six per cent, on the third million.
" It has been proposed that a penalty should be im
posed on all persons who shall pay Am.erican silver
after the date of the Proclamation at higher rates
than those authorized by the law. This, of course,
would require legislation, and one reason, among
others, for acting promptly in the matter is, that the
effect of the Proclamation may be experienced before
the close of the approaching Session of Parliament.
I think it better at present merely to observe that the
question of legislating with ai view of preventing any
imposition on the labouring classes will not fail to
engage the attention of the Government.
" In order to supply the void which will be caused
by the removal of the American silver, it has been
determined that a new Canaidian coinage should be
struck at the Royal Mint, and application has already
been made for the coinage of fifty and twenty-five
cent pieces to the extent of one million dollars.
" As, however, it is undesirable to order more silver
than is necessary to supply the requirements of the
public, and as it is difficult to estim.ate the extent of
those requirements, as, moreover, the coin cannot be
delivered for a considerable time, I propose recom
mending the temporary issue of Dominion fractional
notes of twenty-five cents, which, of course will be re
deemable, like other Dominon notes, in gold, when
presented in sum's of five dollars. No effort will be

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. i53
used to force these notes/ into circulation, but ample
¦ facilities be given to the public for obtaining them,
and equally ample facilities will be given for replac
ing them with the fractional silver coins, whenever
these .shall have been received from England.
" Mr. Weir has assured me that some of the leading
banks have already promised their co-operation in
carrying the foregoing arrangements into effect, and
that they will undertake for a commission of a quarter
of one per cent, to receive from him, or his agents,
American silver in sums of from $50 to $1,000, and
to deliver it in sums to the purchaser, in exchange for
gold, all charges for freight to be paid by the Govern
ment. " I presume the banks which may enter into the ar
rangement will have no objection to receive on
deposit, at their various agencies, the fractional notes
for distribution to the postmasters or other Govern
ment agents who may be employed to supply the
requirements of the public.
" Mr. Weir has assured me that he will communicate
with the various banks which may afford their co
operation, and make all the necessary arrangements
to prevent their being subjected to inconvenience in
receiving and delivefring the silver.
" I shall feel obliged by your acquainting me at your
earliest convenience whether the bank which you
represent will consent to co-operate on the terms
stated, in the removal of the American silver.
" I have the honour to be. Sir,
Your obedient servant,
F. Hincks,
Minister of Finance."

,754 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
On my return to Montreal I called a meeting of
those interested in the removal of the depreciated
silver coin, which was held in the Corn Exchange
building on the ist of February, 1870, Mr. Ira Gould
in the chair.
I explained to the meeting that in discussing the
question with the Finance Minister I had kept three
things constantly in view: —
1st. The removal of the depreciated silver coin.
2nd. Supplying its place with a sufficient but not
redundant supply of Canadian silver made a legal
tender to the extent of ten dollars : —
3rd. To effect the changes proposed in the currency
without disturbing, to any serio-us extent, the busi
ness of the country. That the only points on which
opinions differed were the fractional note and that
of legislation to enforce the Proclamation. I ex
plained that there need be no trouble about the
fractional note, as it would be merely held in reserve
and not called into circulation unless the supply of
the new silver coin proved insufficient. As to legis
lation, I explained that tlie Finance Minister had pro
mised, if necessary, to provide that the wages of
labour should not be paid in the United States silver
coin, except at its legal value of eighty cents to the
dollar, but, that he did not think that would be neces
sary, although most people thought differently.
My friends were of course delighted at the pros
pect of getting rid of the silver trouble, but, thinking
the victory won, only between thirty and forty mer
chants attended the meeting ; on the other hand, there
was a large attendance of brokers and political

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 155
opponents of the Government bent on destroying
Sir Francis , Hincks' prestige as Minister of Finance,
and the majority of the meeting was against us. At
this point John Dougall, founder of the Witness,
who never allowed his political leanings to get above
good sense, rose in the midst of much noise, and in
his usual quiet and earnest manner made such a
clear and sensible appeal to the good sense of the
meeting as seemed to meet general approval. He
then moved, seconded by Henry Thomas, head of
the firm of Thomas Thibaudeau & Co., and a dir
ector of the Bank of Montreal : " That this meeting
is glad to learn that the Dominion Government
propose to grapple with the question of the depre
ciated currency, and, having heard the proposal of
the Finance Minister, expresses its general approval
of the same without committing itself to all the
details, and recommends the commercial public to
co-operate with the Government in carrying out
any well digested plan for bringing our whole cur
rency to a gold basis."
Our opponents were evidently bent on mischief,
but after Mr. Dougall's speech evidently changed their
tactics, and only found fault with the penal clause,
the fractional notes, and my connection witli the
movement, which was a sore point with several
hangers-on of the Government. Mr. Thos. Work
man's amendment, drawn and seconded by a broker,
read as follows:
"That while generally approving of the importance
of adopting just and proper measures for the re
moval of the superabundance of American silver.

1&6 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
this meeting must express its entire dissent from
some of the modes proposed by the Hon. the
Finance Minister to attain that end, namely, the
penal clause and the proposed issue of fractional
notes ; and this meeting would suggest that the
banks communicate directly with the Government
on the whole subject."
This amendment was put after some further dis
cussion, and there was difficulty in deciding whether
it was lost or carried, the chairman finally deciding
that it was carried, and after a vote of thanks to the
chairman and to myself the meeting adjourned.
But the battle \\as not }-et won, so far as' Montreal
was concerned, for the brokers and their friends held
meetings and formed an organization to buy up all
the silver offered at lower than the Government rate;
hoping by that means to prevent the coin from being
delivered to the Government at five per cent, dis
count. Meantime I was not idle. A liberal allow
ance had been made me for advertising, and in
addition to advertising in the leading newspapers,
that, after the fifteenth of April, the legal rate of
Lnited States silver would be 8oc. per dollar, 40c. per
half dollar, 20c. per quarter dollar, 8c. per dime
and 4c. per h,alf dime- I issued some 40,000 cir
culars to be posted up in Hotels, Railway Stations
and other places of public resort, stating the same
thing. At the same time Sir George E. Cartier, the
joint leader of the Government, had asked the Roman
Catholic Bishops to notify their people through their
clerpy of the Government's proclamation. Ten banks
and sixty bank agencies were engaged to attend to

SIXTY YEAR.:, IN CANADA. 157
receiving and shipping the coin. Strong hand-made
linen bags and even tag strings and sealing wax
were furnished to each agency, with printed instruc
tions so plain that they could not be misimderstood.
Arrangements were made with the express com
panies to carry the coin to New York, and with the
agents of the Bank of Montreal to store and dispose
of it. The banks handling the silver received each
a deposit of from $50,000 to $100,000 from the Gov
ernment, so as not to be out of their own funds while
the coin was in transit, were paid for the coin
on delivery in New York, besides one-quarter of
one per cent, commission, and the additional ad
vantage of paying for a large part of it in their own
notes, so that the bank note circulation, which stood
under eight million dollars when the shipments
began, had gone $15,000,000 at their close.
Meantime, the brokers continued their efforts to
defeat the action of the Government. The proposal
to issue a fractional note commonly called a shin-
plaster was seized upon to raise a popular outcry
against the Government, and placards headed
"shinplasters" were posted at every corner. "Who is
the man ?" Hincks ! ! " Smother him in his dirty
shinplaisters'" etc. Then an agreement was got up,
signed by a few wholesale and a large number of
retail dealers, agreeing to take United States silver
at par in spite of the Government's proclamation.
As the fifteenth of April drew near there was
great anxiety in my family, fearing that I might be
kidnapped or worse, as I had to be out late answer
ing telegrams from outside points, as shipments

158 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
were to be made at every place of importance be
tween Sarnia and Quebec. Mr. Andrew Robertson,
head of the firm of Robertson, Stephen & Co., offer
ed me an asylum at his residence on Dorchester
street till the danger was over, but I declined his
kind offer, not only because I did not wish to leave
my own family, but also because telegrams asking
for instructions often came to hand during the night,
and I do not think that a single message night or
day found me absent from my post. This may seem
an exaggeration, but will be understood when it is
remembered that nearly thirty brokers were living
principally by this silver nuisance, and that many
manufacturers and grain cattle buyers were making
from fifty to one hundred dollars per week by using
silver. On and after the fifteenth of April, the coin began
to flow freely into the banks at all points east and
west of Montreal, but for a week at least the bro
kers in Montreal managed to keep the discount
under five per cent., and while the principal houses
delivered the coin for exportation, many retail dealers
sold to the brokers. When I learned how the de
liveries were being made at outside points I had no
fear of the result, and told my friends not to be
uneasy, for when the Roman Catholic Bishops and
John Dougall pulled together, success was certain.
And so it happened. Those who had bank accounts
only called at my office for warrants and delivered
the coin at their own banks, while those who had
no bank account delivered the coin at my office,
where it was promptly counted and paid for. Very

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 159
soon the habitants got alarmed, and by seven in the
morning their carts extended for fifty yards on each
side of our office. It was all up with the brokers,
who found themselves with over two hundred thou
sand dollars of silver coin on hand which nobody
wanted, while Government shipm.ents had closed the
New York market against them. After paying in
terest on this silver for some months I issued war
rants through a couple of mutual friends for the
Government to take it over, the owners not caring,
under the circumstances, to deal with me directly.
When the shipments had reached the limit of three
millions, the Government decided to continue the
exportation for a limited time, at the old rata, before
advancing the discount to six per cent., and the
supply became exhausted when a little over five
million dollars had been sent in for export. This
was all in half and quarter dollar pieces. The
smaller coins, amounting to over half a million dol
lars, I exported at my own risk, and as business in
Cuba had been resumed, these coins were sold at a
good profit. I also exported to England a con
siderable quantity of English shillings, which yielded
little profit, but was effected without loss.
When nearly three million and a half dollars
had been sent to New York, that market was glutted-
and the balance was shipped to England and sold
as bullion, the price of silver at that time being such
that this was effected without much loss.
The total cost to the Government in handling,
storing and selling the United States silver coin,
including my commissions, all expenses for bad and

160 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
defaced coins, etc., etc., was in round figures $ii8,-
ooo, which was soon made up by the profits on the
new coinage, which profits have been doubled and
trebled since silver bullion fell from $1.40 to under
60 cents an ounce.
My reason for recommending that the Govern
ment should assume the one and two dollar notes
was that these notes were generally in the hands of
poor and ignorant people who created "runs" on
the banks on the slightest alarm, and the results
have shown the wisdom of the step.

CHAPTER XVI. ¦
the copper currency.
After the silver questio.n had been settled,, it was
in order to deal with the copper currency, which
was also in a most unsatisfactory condition. Except
a small amount of Canadian cents, used to pay post
age and some new British copper coinage used for
the same purpose, the whole copper currency in use
consisted of bank pennies and half pennies which
were current at the rate of sixty and one hundred
and twenty pieces to the dollar respectively. There
were also in circulation a large quantity of mixed
copper coins of almost every country in Europe and
America, besides tokens of all kinds down to brass
buttons, which, if not in too great numbers, also
passed current. How to deal with this mixed cur
rency was the question to be solved, for it was
surely absurd, after the decimal currency had been
established for twelve years, that the copper coinage
should still be reckoned in pence and sihillings, re
quiring one hundred and twenty coppers instead of
one hundred cents to the dollar.
Sir Francis wrote to me stating that the Gov
ernment had on hand a large quantity of copper
coin which it had taken over with the other assets
of the Bank of Upper Canada, and suggesting that
these and the copper coins issued by the Bank of
Montreal, the City Bank and La Banque du Peuple
11

162 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
should pass as cents for the pennies, and half cents
for the half pence. I replied strongly opposing such
a step and telling Sir Francis that farthings had
gone out of use almost everywhere, and that even
the close-fisted people of Aberdeen were getting
ashamed of anything below a halfpenny. I sug
gested instead that all the halfpenny bank tokens
should pass as cents and the penny tokens as two
cents, which would increase instead of diminish the
value of every one's holdings, including what the
Government itself held, all coins not accepted as
cents to be treated as spurious and refused. Sir
Francis saw at once that my plan was the better one
and intimated his willingness to assist in carrying
it out by seeing that the Post-Office and Custom
House authorities would co-operate with the gen
eral public to that end.
My next move was to get wood cuts made of the
coins which were to be received as cents and two
cents, which I sent to the leading newspapers of
Ontario and Quebec. All were to be benefited by
the change and willingly lent their aid. Here again
the Montreal Witness took the lead, not only print
ing the wood cuts in its columns, but throwing off
and distributing thousands of flysheets which were
used everywhere, and familiarized the public with
the new order of things.
As no one had an interest in opposing this change
in the copper currency, the proposed changes went
into operation without friction and without one
dollar's expense to the Government, for the wood
cuts were paid for by me, and the newspapers in-

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 163
serted them without charge. Thus passed away the
last remnant of the Halifax pounds, shillings and
pence currency and the trente sous became a thing of
the past.
On the first page of the Witness, on the first of
October, 1870, appeared a conspicuous advertisement,
publishing the two following letters with the wood
cuts mentioned in the text: —
" Ottawa, 9th September, 1870.
" Sir, " The Government has had under its consideration
for some time back, the great inconvenience felt by
the public owing to the state of the copper currency.
While the public accounts are ke|pt in dollars and
cents and all duties of customs, ex:cise and stamps
collected in that currency, a great portion of the
copper coins in circulation are bank tokens issued
under the authority of law, but not a legal tender,
and passing generally current as pennies and half
pennies of the old currency. It was deemed ex
pedient to delay taking action regarding the copper
currency until after the receipt of a sufficient quantity
of the Canadian silveir coins of ten and five cents.
That supply having been obtained, it has been de
cided by the Government, pending the action, of
Palrliament, to authorize the various receivers of the
public revenues to take the copper tokens of the
various chartered banks issued under the authority of
law, at one and two cents respectively, in sums not
exceeding 25 cents, and I have to express the
hope that the chartered banks and several Boards.
of Trade and the mercantile community generally

164 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
will co-operate with the Govemment in their en
deavour to secure a uniform copper currency.
"I may observe that other copper coins are in gen
eral currenc}^, the circulation of which is forbidden
by the law under penalties. With these coins it is
impossible to deal without the authority of Parlia
ment and it is not probable that, even if they should
be called in at public expense, they would be paid
for at more than Va or Yz cent each. The Govern
ment cannot authorize the reception of these coins
at any rate, and the propriety of issuing a procla
mation warning the public of their illegality has
been under consideration. It has, however, been
deemed expedient to await the action of ParHament
on the subject, and I venture to suggest, either that
these base coins should be refused altogether, or
received only as fractional parts of a cent. I avail
myself of this opportunity to request the co-opera
tion of the banks and the public in withdrawing
from circulation the 20 cent, silver coin, all of which
the Government are prepared to redeem, it having
been ascertained that the 25 cent, coin is more con
venient for the public.
I am. Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
F. HINCKS,
Minister of Finance."
W. WEIR, ESQ.,
Montreal.
Montreial, 281th Sept., 187a
" Dear Sir,
"A very general desire having been expressed

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 165
that Govemment would take steps to put the copper
currency in harmony with the decimal system now in
general use, the Hon. the Finance Minister has
addressed a circular to the banks and Boards of Trade
(a copy of which is herewith sent), by which it will
be iseen that it is proposed to effect the desired change
in a very simple .and expeditious manner.
" On and after, the first of October next, the peimy
and half-penny tokens issued by the banks will be
current at the post-offices, custom houses and other
Government offices, to the extent of twenty-five cents,
at the rate of two cents and one cent respectively,
and I believe there is no doubt that the banks will
adopt the same regulations. It only remains for the
mercantile community to support heartily and
promptly this measure of the Government in order to
effect the removal of the last remnant of al de
preciated currency.
" I would, therefore, respectfully suggest that the
mercantile community in various parts' of the
country should take immediate steps, either by public
meetings or otherwise, to act in unison with the
Govemment and the banks in this matter.
" It will be seen that it is not the intention of the
Government to purchase at any price the old foreign
and colonial copper coins which will not hereafter be
taken by the banks or public offices. Any small loss
on these coins will, therefore, have to be borne by
the holders. As, however, about three-fourths of the
copper coins in circulation will be taken at loo instead
of I20 to the dollar, as heretofore, the loss on the
rejected pieces will be very small.

166 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
" I need scarcely say that the complete success of
the recent effort to secure a uniform decimal copper
currency will greatly depend upon the co-operation
of the public in refusing all copper coins not received
by the Govemment and the banks. If these coins
continue to be given and received in change, the
object of the Govemment will be partially defeated.
It is also to be hoped that those mercantile estab
lishments which continue to keep their accounts in
pounds, shillings and pence will at once change their
system of dollars and cents. For the benefit of those
not familiar with the copper tokens to be used as
cents, I have procured fac-similes. of these tokens.
I am, yours respectfully,
W. WEIR."
I bought up at the price of brass and sent to the
melting-pot a considerable quantity of the rejected
copper currency, but the great bulk of it soon found
its way to the countries to which the coins belonged.

CHAPTER XVII.
The United States and Canadian Silver
Coins. i
The United States silver coin now in circulation
in Canada has become considerable, and will, in time,
require to be dealt with. But as tlie Government
is the only sufferer, nobody else need move in the
matter. It may, however, be v/ell to point out that
at the present price of silver bullion the American
quarter dollar is only wo.rth about ten cents, and as
it is redeemable at the sub-Treasury in New York
in gold, there is a chance for Mr. Fielding to make
some m.oney by calling it all in and replacing it with
Canadian silver.
And this brings up the question of dealing with
the Canadian coins. Some time ago Mr. Clouston,
of the Bank of Montreal, expressed a fear' that
Canadian silver might become redundant, and in view
of the fact that the quantity in circulation varies
largely at different seasons of the year, this re
dundancy will, no doubt, be felt before many years.
This, however, is a matter easily remedied. All the
Govemment has to do is to follow the example of
the United States and redeem its silver on demand.
Even if this were done very little would be sent in
for redemption, as the banks would hold it as. part
of their reserves. The fact that it could be re
deemed on presentation would prevent the banks from

168 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
refusing it, and so relieve the public of the danger of
its going to a discount. In any cast the Government
will soon have to deal with worn and defaced coins,
as is done in the United States, and now that the
Mint is being established there can be no excuse for
delay. As I have been dealing in exchange for over fifty-
five years, it may be supposed that my views on a
Canadian gold coinage would be of value.
As there is no profit in coining gold, the only
question seems to be whether Canada can afi^ord to
add to her dignity and national importance by hav
ing her own coinage. As the United States gold
dollar is the unit of our currency, the Canadian gold
coinage would require to be ea.gles and double
eagles, the smaller coins being no longer wanted.
The precise weight in gold of the coinage would
require to equal that of the United States, v.'ith ten
per cent, alloy, as in the American coins, instead
of seven per cent., as in the sovereign. The sovereign
and United States coins might still remain a legal
tender as at present.
As this volume goes to press, I see it is stated that
the Canadian' Mint is to be a Branch of the Royal
Mint. Whether it will confine itself (as, in Australia)
to coining sovereigns and half sovereigns, I do not
know, but, if so, it will be of little value to Canada
beyond creating a demand for some Canadian gold,
which would be just as valuable in bullion as in coin,
the profits on the silver and bronze coinage being the
only items to yield a revenue, either to the Mint or to
the Canadian Government-

CHAPTER XVIII.
The Canadian Banking System.
The attempt to change the Canadian banking
system began in 1866, when an Act was passed pro
viding that Canadian banks could deposit Canadian
securities with the Government and receive an equal
amount of Govemment notes, having the name of
the bank to which such notes would be issued
stamped upon them, and which notes the bank would
redeem and treat as its own notes ; and being paid
by the Government a commission not exceeding five
per cent., or such smaller remvinera.tion as might be
agreed upon. The Bank of Montreal alone took
advantage of this Act, and relinquished its own cir-
lation for that of the Govemment; so that by 1868
almost its entire circulation had been withdrawn.
The other banks not following suit, a more drastic
m_easure was brought before Parliament in 1869, by
the then Minister of Finance, Hon. John Rose
(afterw.ards Sir John Rose), by which it was pro
posed to introduce a banking measure similar to
the national banking system of the United States.
Mr. Rose introduced his banking measure o-n the
14th May, 1869, .and in doing so referred to the
several banking lav/s of the Provinces of Canada,
Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, and to the necessity
of a uniform Act covering the whole Dominion — tp
the unsatisfactory system existing in the Unite?!

170 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
States before Chase introduced the National Bank
Act of 1863, before which time some fourteen hun
dred banks were issuing notes, and peoiple had to
be constantly referring to a detector before accepting
the notes of distant States to discover their value.
He then referred to the National Bank currency of
that country, and explained that the Government
proposed gradually to introduce a similarly secured
currency into Canada. Pie proposed that in 1872
the banks should convert twenty per cent, of their
circulation into notes secured by a deposit of a like
amount of Government bonds, and twenty per cent.
every year thereafter, so that in 1876 the whole cir
culation would be secured-
Such was the measure that set the banking
"heather on fire." The Bank of Montreal, cautious
and non-committal as usual, said no-thing, although
it was generally believed that E. H. King assisted
Mr. Rose in preparing the measure. It was under
stood that the conservative, Mr. Pajton, of the Bank
of British North America, favoured the Bill, although
his bank had not adopted the Act of 1866. It bad,
however, availed itself of a previous Act to issue one
and two dollar notes, which it could not do under its
Imperial charter.
'The other banks, many of which had just begun
their careers, alive to the threatened danger, were up
in arms against this revolutionary measure which
they considered uncalled for and ill-adapted to the
condition of the country. Meetings were held,
newspapers interviewed and letters written to the
Press against this radical interference with the

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 171
privileges of the banks. Members of Parliament
were interviewed and told if such a measure passed
they and their constituents would be called upon to
meet their notes at maturity, which few of them ex
pected or were able to do.
An important meeting of bankers was held in the
Merchants' Bank, Montreal, on the fourteenth of
April, at which Plon. John Simpson, with Messrs.
Lewin, Stevenson, Jack and Hague, were appointed to
wait upon the Finance Minister and lay the views of
the bankers generally before him. Another meeting
wasi held at Ottawa on the 1st of May, 1869, at which
were present: —
George Hague, of Bank of Toronto
Wm. McMaster, of B.ank of Commerce
Thos. Woodside, of Royal Canadian Bank
S. Stevenson, of Quebec Bank
Mr. Tache, of Molson's Bank
Mr. Lewin, of Bank O'f New Brunswick
Peter Jack, of Bank of Nova Scotiai.
The Merchants' Bank and the other Montreal
banks were represented by the gentlemen mentioned
above. These gentlemen drew up a series of resolu
tions pointing out that the ability of the Canadian
banks to assist their customers would be largely im
paired by the proposed changes, and that no necessity
existed calling for such a drastic measure.
Mr- Rose, clever lawyer that he was, made out a
pretty strong case, but it was no use. The Scottish
banks, after which those of Canada were modelled.

172 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
had not abandoned their note issues, and why should
Canada, be asked to do so? It was fortunate for
Canada that she had men like Mr. Hague and Mr.
Stevenson to stand in the breach. The defects of the
United States' national currency have long been felt,
whilst Canadian banks have expanded with and
largely assisted the growth of the country. And her
currency to-day is felt to be as secure as that of the
United States.
A draft of the measure had been furnished to the
banks some time before its introduction, as will have
been seen by the date of the bankers' meetings, and,
when Mr. Rose introduced his measure, Mr. L. H.
Holton moved, seconded by Alexander Mackenzie : —
"That such radical changes in the long established
banking system of the country as are proposed n
the resolution now before the House should not be
made without mature deliberation in Parliament and
an opportunity being offered for full consideration
by the country, but inasmuch as it is not con
templated that the proposed changes should take effect
before the ist of July, 1871, it is expedient to postpone
the further consideration of the Gubject v.ntil next
Session." As this resolution expressed the views of a
majority of the House, and exposed the Government
to another doiible shuffle, a Government supporter
miOved an amendment to the amendment : " That this
House recognizes the importance of a uniform
system of currency, but inasmuch as immediate uni
formity cannot be obtained, it is exj>edient to extend

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 173
the charters of the banks abO'Ut to expire for such a
period as Parliament may decide."
The discussion was continued on this amendment
and finally adjourned till the 15th of June, when Mr.
Rose announced the v/ithdrawal of his resolutions.
" The House," he said, " would remember that when
the resolutions were introduced the Govemment
stated that they were desirous of giving every oppor
tunity, both to the House and to the community, to
correctly judge and appreciate their beairings. The
Government believCKi then, as they believe now, that
the opinion of the country was in favour of a uniform
and safe currency. They had no desire to force the
consideration of the resolutions upon the House
during the present Session, but rather toi allO'W the
country to consider them maturely, believing that the
country would come to the same co.nclusions as the
Govemment. All they would do now would be to
extend some charters which expired in January to
the end of June- and thereafter to the end of the
next Session of Parliament. He then announced the
withdrawal of his resolutions. Thus by the timely
and energetic action of the banks was the country
saved from what would have been the greatest dis
aster that could have befallen it at that time.
But Mr. Rose's prestige was gone; he had de
clined to take further action to remove the depreciated
silver, and had introduced a banking measure to
make baid worse. The country, particularly the
Province of Ontario, had become sick of such help
lessness, and Mr. Rose, being, like Mr. Cayley, a proud
and sensitive man, soon retired from the Government,

174 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
to become the London partner of the banking house
of Morton, Rose & Co.
As already stated. Sir Francis Hincks became
Minister of Finance in the autumn of 1869- The
whole scheme of a national currency was set aside',
the Bank Act renewed with but little change beyond
the Governmeht's assuming the one and two dollar
notes, and waiving the one per cent, tax on the cir
culation. Thus' within one year of his return to Canada, that
wonderful man, in addition to his former services,
swept away the banking muddle and the silver and
copper nuisances, and yet no monument has been
erected anywhere to his memory. Where is the
merchant poet of Hamilton who promised him a
silver monument if he removed the silver nuisance?
Ah ! How soon past services, are forgotten ?
The bank charters have been thrice reneweid since,
but the only important changes have been to provide
a fund to secure the circulation, and the still more
important measure which places the affairs of ai sus
pended bank under the supervision of the Bankers'
Association, a measure which, haid it been adopted
sooner, would have saved many thousands of dollars
to unfortunate shareholders and depositors, as well
as to the Government in prosecuting the innocent
with the guilty.
In connection with the reference to the United
States' national bank currency, it may not be out of
place to quote a letter addressed by me ito the, presi
dent and members of Congress of the United States
nine ye'ars ago. The letter read as follows : —

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 175
" To the President, the Honorable Members of the
Senate and Members of the House of Represen
tatives of the United States:
"Gentlemen, — Having had business relations with
the people of the United States during the last forty-
four years, I trust it will not be considered out of
place for me, an outsider, to discuss the financial
situation now existing in your country, and to pro-
¦ pose changes in your banking system, which, in my
judgment, would go far to relieve your money
market and restore confidence even before the silver
question had been finally disposed of.
"It is a remarkable fact that .the United States
which has ever been distinguished for the readiness
with which it adopts all kinds of improvements in
industrial pursuits, dings to a system of banking
under which no other country that I know of could
carry on its business. Your National Bank Act,
originated under entirely different conditions, is. now
wholly unsuited to the requirements of your com
merce of to-day. The basis of your bank currency
is being continually contracted, while your business
calls for continual expansion ; and, even if there were
no Sherman Act and no Free Coinage Act to dis
turb your finances, the very cast iron and non-elastic
nature of your banking system would perio'dically
create a scarcity of money whenever the demands of
the West or of the South called for currency to
handle the crops.
" I am aware that in the memory of the people of
the United States painful recollections of the in-

176 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
secure character of the old State Bank currency still
linger. But the example of Canada, a much poorer
country, should be sufficient to satisfy your people
that a more elastic note circulation can by prudent
safeguards be made perfectly secure. Canada,, under
her admirable banking system, experiences no extra
pressure when currency is required to handle her
crops. The bank circulation expands, and there is no
strain upon the resources of the banks to buy bonds
on which to base the circulation. In fact, the greater
the demand for currency, the easier the money mar
ket, and, as the circulation returns, its redemption is
met by the realization of the products for which it
was advanced.
" I state, without fear of contradiction by any ex
perienced Canadian banker, that if Canada to-day
were placed under the National Bank Act of the
United States, our financial condition would be worse
than that of the United States, although we have no
silver question to disturb our finances.
"Without furhter introduction, I would suggest
ais a measure of immediate relief that Congress pass
an amendment to its Bank Acts, even before coming
to a decision on the silver question, of which the
following should be the leading features :
" All chartered banks in the United States, whose
capital and surplus amount together to $1,000,000
and upwards, shall be declared to be banks of issue,
and be authorized to issue circulating notes of the
denominations of five, ten, twenty, fifty and one hun
dred dollains to the extent of half their capital and
surplus, such issues to be a first lien upon the assets

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 177
of the bank in case of its suspension, the issue to be
free from any Federal or State Tax, but to be liable
to an assessment of not more than one per cent, per
annum, should such be required to redeem the notes
of a suspendeld bank.
" Banks of issue to be obliged to keep one-half their
aajsh reserves in Treasury notes of the United States
— that is to say, the Treasury note reserves shall
always be equal to the gold and silver reserves of
such^ banks of issue. This latter obligation, which
exists in Canada in a modified form, would add
largely to the gold reserves of the United States
Treasury, without in any way impairing the strength
of the banks of issue.
" A third provision should authorize banks of issue
to establish branches in various parts of the country
if they deemed it advisable so to do, limiting the
number of branches to one for each hundred thousand
dollars of capital and surplus.
" A careful revision of the Canadian Bank Act is
made every ten years, and while amendments are in
order at any Session of Parliament, no important
change of the law is favoured except at the decennial
revision. The Act which I suggest might be for a
shorter period, but should be of sufficiently long
duration to warrant the banks in making the change.
" The immediate adoption of such a measure
would, in my judgment, remove within twenty-four
hours the present stringency in your money market
and the difficulty of obtaining currency as effectually
as the suspension of the English Bank Act limiting
12

178 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
the issues of the Bank of England has on more than
one occasion allayed the panics in the London market.
" While this would be a measure of immediate
relief, it is not on this ground alone that I recommend
its adoption. The want of elasticity in your present
system causes dear money, when cheap money to
handle the crops is more than ever required.
" The adoption of this policy would not necessarily
involve the repeal of the National Bank Act, nor
call for any interference with it whatever, but would,
no doubt, as was the case in Canada, lead to the
gradual reduction of the issues under that Act,
while I have no doubt that many of the 'smaller
National Banks would, in time, be absorbed as
branches of the banks of issue, thus strengthening
the whole banking system of the United States.
" Twenty years ago some of the most eminent
financiers of Canada, including the late Sir Francis
Hincks, favoured the establishment of banks with
small capital, but that gentleman later in life admitted
publicly, and to myself personally, that his opinion
on this point had entirely changed, and, by the
Canadian Bank Act of 1890, no bank can go into
operation without a subscribed capital of $500,000
and a bona fide paid-up capital deposited with the
Govemment of $250,000- When the bank has
appointed its directors and is prepared to commence
operations, this capital is handed over to its manage
ment. I need scarcely add that the adoption of an
Act such ais I suggest would leave Congress in a

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 179
position to discuss the silver question more leisurely
and dispassionately than can well be done under the
pressure that now exists.
I have the honor to remain,
Mr. President and gentlemen.
Your most obedient servant,
W. WEIR."

CHAPTER XIX.
The Double Shuffle.
I have already referred to and explained what
was understood by the " Double Majority," and it is
now in order to explain what is meant by the " Double
Shuffle" To enable Ministers of the Crown to change
from one portfolio to another without being obliged
to resign their seats and go before their constituents
for re-election, a law was passed over fifty years ago
by which Ministers could change places in the Cabnet
within so many days without being obliged to resign
their seats. The value of this law was' lately seen in the
case of the recently appointed Minister of Public
Works. This change might be called a shuffle, but
it was not a double shuffle. It required a genius like
the " Wizard of the North," Sir John A. Macdonald,
or Sir George Cartier, to execute that shuffle grace
fully. After the adjustment of the Tariff of 1858, there
still remained the Seat of Government Question to
be disposed of, or rather the confirmation of the
Queen's decision in favour of Ottawa. When this
question came before the House, Mr. Piche, a jolly-
looking little Frenchman, who represented Berthier,
moved that the House did not approve of Her
Majesty's decision in favour of Ottawa, which the

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 181
Govemment had recommended the House to accept.
On a vote being taken, it was found that both the
East and the West voted against Ottawa, and the
Government was defeated by a vote of 64 to 50.
Mr. Brown, the leader of the Opposition, immediately
moved the adjoumment of the House, as a want of
confidence motion, but the House did not regard the
vote in that light, and defeated Mr. Brown's motion
by a vote 61 to 50.
The Government, however, considered itself
bound to sustain the Queen's decision, and next
morning tendered their resignations to Sir Edmund
W. Head, then Governor-General.
Here two gentlemen blundered. The Governor-
General should not have called upon Mr. Brown as
he did, without deciding to grant him a dissolution'
and Mr. Brown, seeing that a majority of the House
was algainst him, should not have accepted the task
of forming an Administration until assured of a dis
solution. Who was most to blame has often been discussed.
For my part, I think His Excellency was most to
blame, and in this view I only follow the example of
the wise Caliph, who, when two offenders were
brought before him, one charged with saluting a
handsome young lady, and the other with a similar
offence against an old and plain one, discharged the
one who had been tempted by the young lady'is
beauty, but punished him who had done wrong
without temptation. Mr. Brown had a strong in
ducement to accept the task- The Governor had no
such excuse, and unless he intended to grant a

182 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
dissolution, should have sent for Mr. Gait at once,
as he afterwards did- But all this is not explaining
the double shuffie. Have patience, reader, I am just
coming to that. When George Brown and his
Ministers were sworn in and the Govemor-General
had refused them a dissolution, the House declared its
want of confidence in the new Ministry, and, after three
days in office, it resigned. Mr. Gait was called upon
to form a Ministr\% and, of course, called upon the
members of the old Ministry to resume their places
in the new combination. But there was a difficulty.
To have taken their old places would have involved
their going to the country for re-election, and this
they wished to avoid. The thirty days during which
they could change places not having expired, they
decided to accept other portfolios, and having been
sworn into one office, did not wait even for a day to re
sign and be again sworn into their old places, all except
Mr. Gait, who, having taken Mr. Cayley's place,
had to go before his constituents for re-election. It
was this double swearing that constituted the double
shuffie. It may have been legal, but was, neverthe
less, disgraceful, but George E- Cartier, who had
become Premier, faced the House as bravely as his
namesake had faced the Atlantic Ocean, and an
nounced the changes without a blush or a smile.
William Lyon Mackenzie, his fellow " patriot " of
1838, created considerable amusement by exclaiming,
" Never was a farce better played." Mr. Cartier's
remarks were, however, well received, particularly
when he announced that " the operations of the new
tariff would be closely watched and re-adjusted from

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 183
time to time, with a view to maintain the public
revenue, to uphold the Provincial credit, and in
cidentally to encourage native industry and domestic
manufactures." This was the first time the policy
of protection was recognized by any Canadian Gov
emment, for politicians were still on the fence watch
ing which way the (political) cat would jump.
Nobody regarded, or indeed could regard, the
double shuffle as anything but disgraceful, but as the
whole proceedings of the Governor-General and
George Brown were looked upon as little else than
a farce, this second farce, as Mackenzie called it,
was but lightly regarded in many quarters, although
it furnished a good subject for the Opposition papers
to dwell upon for many a day.

CHAPTER XX.
Land Speculations — The Opening of
Western Avenue.
.In 1873, before the "land boom" struck Montreal,
I bought ninety thousand feet of land on Metcalfe
Avenue at seven cents a foot. I was induced to make
this purchase by a clear headed Irishman from Boston,
who had made the tour of the city and had come to
the conclusion that any one investing money in the
West End would double it in a short time, and so it
turned out-
Metcalfe Avenue then extended from Sisson's
Lane (now St. Catherine Street), halfway to the
Cote St. Antoine Road, with two solitary houses
upon it near the upper end. The Uppdr Lachine Road
could only be reached by going up St. Antoine Road
and turning down St- Luke Road near the church at
Notre Dame de Grace.
A year after my purchase, the real estate " boom,"
having exhausted itself in Toronto, struck Montreal,
and I could have sold my small block at three times
its cost, but did not do so. West of Green Avenue
the Grey Nuns sold to the Voligny Drummond
Syndicate a large block at twenty-five cents a foot,
having some years before sold the more valuable
land on Green Avenue at ten cents.
West of the Nun's property, the late John Monk
sold to W. A. Curry a property for eighty thousand

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 185
dollars, for which he had paid some four thousand
some years before. On this property Mr- Curry
laid out Kensington Avenue down to my property,
but had no outlet. Further West, Mr. Francis Dolan
purchased the St. Germain property, and , laid out
Dolan Avenue, now Lansdowne Avenue.
Then Mr. E. Hudon bought a property and opened
Victoria Avenue, and next to Mr. Hudon, Messrs.
Bryson and Warminton bought the large Hurtu-
bise farm, and laid it out in streets running east and
west to Claremont Avenue. Nearly all these
properties ran from, above the Cote St Antoine Road
to the brow of the ridge overlooking St. Henri, and
farmed a large part of the plateau now Westmount.
As these new avenuels had no outlet except St.
Antoine Road, their owners, who had bought on
speculation, were naturally anxious to secure an out
let at or near the south or lower end of their
properties, and when Mr. Curry found me disposed
to favour an avenue running west from Greene Avenue
to the Upper Lachine Road, he interviewed the prin
cipal proprietors on the proposed line of road which
would, when built, form a grand westem entrance
into the city on the upper level.
The result was the formation of the Cote St.
Antoine Road Company, of which I became president.
The line decided upon was that now known as
Westem Avenue, the name being chosen at my sug
gestion. I interviewed personally most of the non-
speculative proprietors, some of whom, were opposed
to having their nice farms and orchards broken up.
The Grey Nuns, with that sound judgment which

186 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
marks all their actions, offered the land to continue
St- Catherine Street, instead of allowing it to be
turned into Sisson's Lane, as was then proposed and
afterwards effected. This would have suited me
better, as my neighbours to the south would gladly
have given their quota of land, which one of my
nieghbours on the Western Avenue line would not do,
and I had to contribute more than my share. As the
St. Catherine Street line, however, would have been
blocked at the deep ravines, and every one wanted
a straight avenue, the Nuns finally consented to the
Western Avenue line, but only to the width of sixty
feet. This was got over by getting their consent
to sixty feet French measure, which our contractor
explained was about sixty-six feet English, which the
other proprietors had agreed to give-
Western Avenue as planned was to be two miles
long, but by the time the road was opened to Cote St.
Luke Road, a little over two-thirds of that distance,
the " boom " had collapsed, and the western portion
was never opened, except about ai hundred yards at
the west end, where Mr. Hudon had another property.
This now forms part of the Upper Lachine Road, a
landslide having sent that road north to the line of
Western Avenue.
The story of this, the most disiaistrous land " boom "
Montreal and its suburbs ever experienced, would fill
a volume, but can only be briefly referred to here.
The Volip.ny-Drummond Syndicate, after expending
over thirty-six thousand dollairs, gave the Nuns back
their land. Mr. Curry, after paying Mr. Monk a first
instalment on his eighty thousand dollar purchase.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 187
and paying many thousand dollars to open Kensing
ton Avenue, transferred it back to Mr Monk, with
the mortgages on the lots he had sold, and although
Mr. Monk treated him with great considerajtion,
both Mr. Curry and his wife died of broken hearts,
owing to their heavy losses- Francis Dolan, a popu
lar and wealthy retail dry goods merchant, who, as
already mentioned, opened Lansdowne Avenue, and
had spent money building cottages, wais also obliged
to transfer land and improvements back to the St.
Germain Estate. Ephraim Hudon, who opened
Victoria Avenue, was no less unfortunate, while the
largest and most important of all these operators in
real estate, Messrs. Warminton and Bryson, also lost
heavily. They purchased and laid out in streets
what was known as the Hurtubise property, which
later became the property of La Banque du Peuple,
and was purchased by the late T. C. Bulmer, at about
six cents a foot, thirteen years ago. All these would
have been good investments had the parties been able
to hold, but they had bought more than they could
carry- My land was paid for, and I sold it some
years ago at forty-five cents a foot. This looks like
a large profit, but deducting twenty-two thousand feet
to open Western Avenue, and, adding interest and
taxes to the cost, the profit on the transaction was
very small.
I must not omit to mention the most ambitious of
all these speculators in real estate and would-be
millionaires, Mr. Thomas F. O'Brien, who had made
a considerable fortune as a butter merchant and dealer
in oleomargarine, which then sold as butter. He

188 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
was the founder of Mount Royal Vale, and his am
bition was to own land running from the St Law
rence to the Back River, in which he partly succeeded,
for his property extended from the Upper Lachine
Road to near St. Laurent village, and from that
village to the Back River Road ; he owned a farm of
four hundred acres, on which he had opened, graded
and fenced a wide avenue. But the hard times and
the question of selling oleomargarine for butter came
together to upset Mr. O'Brien's plans. Finally his
mind became unbalanced, and he got into difficulties
which ca,used him to leave the country.
Another speculation of that time or couple of
years after may be worth recording, although not
occurring at Cote St. Antoine. The question of en
larging the Lachine canal was on the tapis, and a
number of gentlemen who thought they had the
"inside track" bought from A. R. Hubert ninety
arpents of land which lay alongside the Lachine
Canal for $180,000, paying fifty thousand dollars on
account. The land was mostly a swamp, but the
purchasers thought a swamp good enough to make
a canal, and expected to make a handsome profit by
re-selling to the Government. But " the best laid
schemes o' mice and men gang aft agley." Alexander
Mackenzie was seated on the " strong box," and all
the speculators in Canada could not move him. The
land was not bought, was returned to Mr. Hubert,
and afterwards sold to Mr. Burland for seventeen
thousand dollars.

CHAPTER XXI.
The Exchange Brokers' Board.
Mr. Longbow's Speculation.
The suspension of specie payments in the United
States led to important changes in Canada's m'Cthod
of dealing with that country. As the bulk of our
sales to, and purchases from, the United States were
to be paid for in the unredeemable and fluctuating
currency of the latter, it became necessary for the
merchant to buy his bill of excliange when he bought
his goods, so as to establish their cost in Canadian
currency or gold. This was lia.rgely done through
the banks and exchange brokers, and lead to the
formation of a Brokers' Board, where large amounts
of New York exchange and " greenbacks " changed
hands daily.
Thus, an importer purchasing a cargo of grain in
Chicago, to be paid for ion delivery in Montreal,
bought his exchange the same day, either from his
bank, or from a broker in good standing, who, in tum,
covered the transaction at the Brokers' Board for
future delivery. This led to many time transactions.,
and, of course, to much speculation up to 1879, when
specie payments were resumed. The Brokers' Board
also dealt largely in United States silver coin until
1870, when the action of the Govemment removed
that coin from Canada, as" already recorded.
During the existence of this Board of Brokers,

190 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
which disappeared with the resumption ot specie pay
ments, an extraordinary event took place which may
be worth recording. A young broker, who, for the
sake of those bearing his name, we will call Mr.
Longbow, was admitted to the Board, and having
married al well-to^do farmer's daughter, was known
to have considerable means, and, in consequence,
enjoyed good credit. Mr- Longbow had bought from
five or six members of the Board many thousand
dollars of United States currency or " greenbacks,"
to be delivered on a, certain day at noon, to be paid
for by cheque, good an hour later, as was' the custom
of the Board, no member* having at the time any idea
of the extent of Mr. Longbow's transactions. About
half past twelve, when deliveries had been made, his
clerk, on returning from lunch, found his employer ly
ing bleeding on the floor of his office and the " green
backs" gone. Two brokers who had delivered over ten
thousand dollars between them to Mr. Longbow
called to see how soon their cheques would be good,
and found him in the condition described. I was third
on the scene and found his forehead and arm cut and
bleeding. As soon as he was lifted to his feet and his
face wiped, he explained that the customers who had
contracted for his greenbacks were two Amerioainis,
whom he described, but who, instead of paying for
them, had knocked him down and made off with the
whole At the request of the other brokers interested, I
got him into a cab and took him to the Central Police
Office, still bleeding, where he described his assailants,
and officers were sent to watch all the outgoing trains
and steamboats. Returning with me to his office, he

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 191
examined his money-drawers, where several hundred
dollars in silver and Canadian currency remained, un
touched. Then he looked into his safe, where several
thousand dollars of United States bonds were also
found intact. Putting the silver and Canadian money
into the safe, he locked up the whole in presence of
the brokers, who still lingered about his office, stated
that he would close up, get some lunch, and do what
he could to assist the detectives- By this time his
wounds, which did not appear to be very severe, had
ceased to bleed.
About four 'o'clock a former employer of Mr.
Longbow told a broker, who was in for six thousand
dollars, that he did not like the looks of things, and
getting into Mr. Longbow's office by a side door,
began a search, not for gold, but for " greenbacks."
Nor was the search in vain, for never did a Klon-
diker's eyes open wider, nor with more reason, on
finding a rich nugget, than did the broker and his
friend, when on pulling out from under the large
safe a large parcel wrapped in a newspaper and tied
with a strong cord, they found the missing green
backs amounting to thirty-two liiousand five hundred
dollarsi A few minutes later the broker and his
friend passed up the street followed by a crowd of
children, the broker carrying the parcel of the green
backs in his arms as tenderly as if it had been an infant
to be baptized, and the other broker, who was old and
lame, holding on to his confrere's coat-tails, for fear
of once more losing sight of his share of Uncle Sam's
paper money.
In this order the procession marched past my office

192 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
on its way to the Merchants' Bank (now the Royal
Insurance building), where it was lodged with Mr.
Jackson Rae, the cashier, to be dealt with later.
The closing part of this business romance was
nearly as dramatic as the opening. It had been
arranged that Mr. Rae should meet the brokers
interested in the evening, to decide upon their
course of action. When all were present, that
gentleman laid the greenbacks On the table, a large
parcel more than a solid foot in size. One broker
largely interested proposed to open the parcel and
give each what belonged to him, when his old confrere,
who had held on to the finder's coat-tails, and had but
a small amount at stake, being well posted in legal
quibbles, raised the question whether this was a fail
ure or a robbery. Because, said he, if it is a failure,
the money must be put into the hands of a guardian,
and, if a robbery, into the hands of the Court.
This was a serious matter for iseveral of those present,
who saw all their capital on the table, and some even
more, and unless the greenbacks could be got at and
placed to their credits, their cheques would be dis
honoured. At this crisis the broker already mentioned as
largely interested, and whose s.on is to-day a well-
known member of the Stock Exchange, took out his
penknife, cut the cord that tied the greenbacks and the
gordion knot at the same time, as with a bland smile he
told his friend that the question of failure or robbery
was not what they wanted to know just then, but
whose greenbacks were in the parcel. Then opening
the parcel he threw each broker the amount he had

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 193
delivered to Mr. Longbow, for all were just as they
had been handed in, carefully put up, showing the
amount and the broker's staimp- When the last
package disappeared from the cashier's table, every
one had got his own, and nearly the whole was left
in Mr Rae's charge, to go to the different accounts
in the moming, for the leading brokers kept their
accounts in the Merchants' Bank-
It only remains to be told how Mr. Longbow came
out of this extraordinary affair.
When the greenbacks were discovered, a warrant
was taken out for his arrest, and a detective placed in
his' office to await his return. It was late in October,
and about six o'clock, when it was getting dark, a key
was put in the lock of Mr. Longbow's front door.
When the detective demanded who was there, he was
told the proprietor, and when the door was. opened
he found himself under arrest, charged with an
attempt to defraud. He was tried and acquitted, but
his defence cost him over two thousand dollars,
having engaged the late Bemard Devlin, the leading
criminal lawyer of his time. Nor, indeed, could it well
have been otherwise, for there was no evidence to show
that it was he and not the mythical robbers who hid
the money. When all was over he admitted that the
Devil had tempted him to the mad act, that the wound
on his forehead was caused by knocking it against
the safe, and that he cut his arm with the shoemaker's
knife he used to cut the strings when tying up pack
ages of silver. 13

CHAPTER XXII.
The Great Fire of 1852.
The greatest fire that ever occurred in modern
Montreal began about nine o'clock on Thursday mom
ing, the 8th of July, 1852, on St. Lawrence street,
above Dorchester street, and, with a west wind, was
driven eastward, spreading upwards and downwards
with great rapidity, and by the time it reached St.
Denis street had extended down to Lagauchetiere
street and up to beyond St. Catherine street, con
suming the fine church near the comer of St. Denis
and St. Catherine streets, with the bishop's palace
adjoining. Lord Mark Ker and other officers of the
Twentieth Regiment worked like heroes to. stay the
flames, and the late Alfred Perry was said to have led
a gang of men which saved the General Hospital.
When the fire had reached Viger market, beyond
Viger square, it was thought to have exhausted itself,
as there was little more to bum in that direction;
unfortunately, some sparks had reached Dalhousie
square, now occupied by the car-sheds behind the
Place Viger hotel, and the Hlays' house, a fine new
hotel and theatre caught fire, and fell a prey to the
flames, carrying the fire to the Quebec suburbs. The
whole of St. Mary street (now Notre Dame street
east) was burned to the ground, as. far as tbe jail,
except the Molson's brewery, foundry and granaries,
which were saved by the exertions of the men on the
premises- Over twelve hundred houses were burned.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 395
and nearly ten thousand people left without house or
home. The large level field below Sherbrooke street east,
as well as the Champ de Mars, was covered with
tents like a Scottish fair-
My brother-in-law (Mr. Somerville) and I worked
all day assisting tlie unfortunate people to remove the
furniture to a place of supposed safety, but the
fire reached much of it a second time, till the open
field seemed the only place of safety.
We went down to Dalhousie square at night to
look upon the scene of devastation. As the houses
were nearly all wooden, nothing but chimneys were
visible, the whole scene looking like a forest through
which the fire had passed-
I remember the moming of the fire very well- I
was walking down town with the late M. H. Gault,
who then represented several fire insurance com
panies, and when the fire-bells rang he left me at
the comer of St. James and Bleury streets, running
down the latter street to discover where the fire was
located. All the insurance companies suffered
heavily, particluarly the local companies, which then
did a much larger proportion of the insurance business
than at present.
On Sunday I visited the tents which had been
largely supplied by the military authorities. Such a
motley crowd; it looked as if all the gypsies in the
world had been brought together on that field. Still,
being mostly French, they bore their misfortunes
with that cheerfulness which is the characteristic of
their race-

CHAPTER XXIII.
Hon. C. C. Colby, M.P., on the National
Policy.
On Hon. Mr. Cartwright's motion to go into supply
early in March, 1878, Mr. C. C. Colby, of Compton,
maide one of the ablest speeches ever delivered in the
House of Commons; and, the Ottawa Citizen pro
posing to publish it in pamphlet form, Mr. Colby
addressed the following letter to its proprietor- The
letter and speech afterwards appeared in pamphlet
form,, and did much to bring about the National
Policy. I cannot find room for the whole speech,
but give Mr. Colby's le-tter and the leading features
of his address : — House of Commons'-
1 2th March, 1878.
"To C. H. Mackintosh,
Editor, Ottawa Citizen-
" My dear Sir,
* * * I fully appreciate the efforts your journal
has put forth in advocaicy of a National Fiscal Policy.
The speech upon tariff revision lately delivered by
me in the House of Commons you are quite at
liberty to use in any way you deem proper. Had I
anticipated the extended publication you intend
giving it I would have arranged it with greater care-
" You will recollect I entered the field of debate

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 197
as a tardy gleaner, having little reason to expect that
I would be able to gather even a respectable sheaif .
" As the tariff question must exercise a large in
fiuence at the coming election, I think it important
that there should be an accurate definition of re
spective party beliefs. No one of the Conservative
party having dissented from my exposition of its
platform, and the Finance Minister, and the Hon-
Mr. Mills having manifested their assent, as step by
step I laid down what I understood to be the
Ministerial planks, the country may, I think, accept
my definition as substantially correct. I endeavoured
to prove that the declaration of the Hon. Mr. Mac-
Kenzie, 'that if a p^jrticular trade was to be pro
tected, it could only be done at the expense of some
other trad£ or industry,' is historically, and in fact
untrue. The above declaration is the major premises
of the free trade arguments as applied to Canaida.
If it fails the superstructure must fall.
" I endeavoured to show that the carefully stated
announcement by the Finance Minister in his Budget
speech, of the mode of taxation, in vindication of
which he and his associates are ' prepared to fight to
the death,' is, when analyzed, a pointed and' emphatic
declaration, that even the mildest form of incidental
protection is ' legalized robbery.' Neither the
Finance Minister, the Hon- Mr. Mills, nor any mem
ber of the Government, although challenged, pre
sumed to deny that the following dictum of John
Stewart Mill is a true exposition of the mode of
taocation, for the adoption of M'hich the Govemment
is prepared to ' fight to the death.'

198 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
" Customs duties are caeteris paribus much less
objectionable than excise duties, iDut they must be
laid only on things which either cannot, or at least
will not, be produced in the .country itself, or else
their production there mulst be prohibited (as in
England is the case with tobacco), or subjected to an
excise duty of an equivalent amount.
" I pointed out that there is nothing to prevent the
adoption in Canada of this mode of raising revenue — if
Ministers are retained in power and have the courage
of their declared convictions — but that its adoption
would cause the immediate overthrow of nearly all
the manufacturing industries. / endeavoured to show
that the vaunted free trade of England is a novel and
most ingenious form of protection, anid that it was so
intended, and that it was given to English manu
facturers at a time when (they having entire control
of the home market) protective duties were
nugatory, and when the removal of duties from raw
material and breadstuff s afforded them the most
efficient aid and protection that Parliament had poivcr to
give. " I intended to urge as essential to success in any
industry which requires the employment of large
capital, that the policy of a Government must be such
as to inspire confidence and a feeling of .security in
the minds of capitalists. It has been well said that
men do not embark their capital and skill in enter
prises liable at any time to be destroyed by inconsider
ate or unfriendly legislation. A staple order of things
and a well founded confidence in the future are all

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.

199

essential conditions of manufacuring success. Such
stability and such confidence the English manu
facturers, have always enjoyed. Alike in peace and in
war, under all administria'tionis, he has been able to
rely upon the steady and enlightened co-operation of
his Govemment, to protect, encourage and extend
the manufactures of Great Bratain, has been the wise
and uniform policy of her statesmen for at least a
century, and the result is seen in a manufacturing
prosperity that is without parallel. What confidence
or security can Canadian manufacturers be expected
to feel when the Government which shapes the fiscal
policy of the country lacks faith in the possible success
of their enterprises., and declares that they can be
' fostered only at the expense of other industries,' and
that any form of protection to them is ' legalized
robbery'-' " I intended also to call attention to the following
remarkable words of the Hon. the Finance Minister's
speech at Fergus; Mr. Cartwright said: — 'After all
said, and done, the three great sources of our wealth
are our farms and their products, our forests and our
fisheries and ships. I do not say that our manu
factories should be abolished- I do not undervalue
their importance, nor do I say that there are not
valuable sources of v.-ealth in our mines ; but at
present the wealth of Canada must proceed mainly
from those three great sources named.' If the Fi
nance Minister lacks faith in the success of the other
industries, it may be fairly assumed that during his
financial administraton those other industries will not
succeed in Canada. I will not say it is unpatriotic,

200 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
but surely it is unwise, by such discouragement,, to
chill the hopes and energies of our people. Such
words, even were they true, do not tend to make a
nation great and prosperous. Mr. Cartwright seems
always to ignore that fruitful source of wealth and
prosperity which lies in the energy and capability of
a people, if by any means these forces have ai fair
field for activity and development.
" For illustration, see how the sons of New Eng
land — educated in the thorough training schools of
her diversified industries — ^have diffused peculiar
energy, ingenuity, invention, skill, thrift and practi
cal knowledge of affairs, so that it may cdmost be
said that the blood of Newi England is the' life of the
progress of the United States.
" Finally, I think, we are bound to accept the
recent utterances of Ministers as declaratory, not only
of their belief in the efficacy of fr^ trade for Canada,
but also of their intention to give effect to their
views so far and as fast as they can influence public
opinion in that direction. The collapse of the sugar
refining business, and the embarrassment of various
industries which they refused to foster clearly in
dicate what must follow the adoption of such a
policy. " No one having the remotest confidence in their
honesty and consistency can believe that they intend
to practice protection while they profess free trade.
Such a belief would be an imputation of insincerity
and duplicity. It would, in effect, charge them with
the deliberate purpose of giving countenance to free
trade views in sections, where free trade dogmas are

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 'Ml
popular, and ait the same time reserving to them
selves the advantage of being able to state in other
sections that, as in the past, so in the future, the ex
igencies of the revenue will necessitate a high tariff.
"Their protectionist followers must indeed cherish
a dismal hope if it has no better foundation than a
belief in the insincerity of their leaders-
"I have the honour to be, Sir,
Your obedient servant,
CHAS- C. COLBY-"
Sir John A. Macdonald's Amendment.
On the I2th March, 1878, the House resumed the
debate on Mr. Cartwright's proposed motion:
" That the speaker now leave the chair for the House
to go again into supply " — and the motion of Sir John
A. Macdonald, in amendment thereto, " that all the
words aifter the word ' that ' be left out and the fol
lowing be inserted instead thereof, ' It be resolved
that this House is of opinion that the welfare of
Canada requires the adoption of a National Policy,
which, by a judicious readjustment of the tariff, will
benefit and foster the agricultural, the mining, the
manufacturing and other interests of the Domin-
inion; that such a policy will retain in Canada thou
sands of our fellow countrymen now obliged to
expatriate themselves in search of the employment
denied them at home; will restore prosperity to our
struggling industries, now so sadly depressed ; will
prevent Canada from being made a sacrifice market;
will encourage and develop an active interprovincial

202 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
trade; and moving (as it ought to do), in the
direction of a reciprocity of tariffs with our neigh
bours, so far as the varied interests of Canada may
demand, will greatly tend to procure for this country
eventually a reciprocity of trade.
Speaking to this amendment, which, it will be seen,
is taken largely from the resolutions of 1858, Mr.
Colby said: —
" I deem it a fortunate circumstance, and I think
the country will hail with (satisfaction the fact that
the two great political parties have at last found an
important, living and vital issue upon which they
can fairly and honestly divide, and upon which they
can rest their respective claims to public confidence-
I think I am not wrong in saying that for the first
time since we became a Dominion has such an issue
arisen- In the main, the two great political parties
have been in unison upon those great measures which
have been initiated and carried on since the Con
federation of the Provinces. There were differences,
for instance, v.'ith respect to the construction of the
Intercolonial Railway, but not with regard to the
principle involved, both parties agreeing that that
railway was a necessity. There were differences
with regard to the acquisiton of the Northwest
Territories, but theiy were differences of detail,
differences as to the terms upon which they should
be acquired, not as to the policy of their acquisition.
So with respect to the acquisition of British Col-
umbia.*****It is a matter of regret that the parties
which have been arrayed against each other have r",'t
found better and greater questions upon which c'j

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 20-
e:>cercise their ability. As a consequence of this, our
politics often descend to pensonal issues, and to un
worthy attacks on the characters of public men, for
which neither of the great parties is entirely blame
less.
The New Party Issues.
But we have at last a great question, an economical
question, a question upon the solution of which will
largely depend the future of the Dominion. It is
not, I believe, as was stated by the Hon. the Minister
for the Interior, in one of those picnic speeches, of
which we have a voluminous record, a contest between
knowledge and ignorance; it is not a contest between
a generous spirit and selfishness ; it is not, as has been
stated by the Premier, a question in which the views
of one party savoured of barbarism and the barbar
ous age, but it is a question upon either side of which
the best minds of all civilized countries have been
for many years engaged. It is a question on which
a certain claiss of thinkers, able, intelligent, acute,
thoughtful men I admit them to be, hold certain
theories and views which they believe are applicable
to all conditions of affairs, in which I will freely
admit they are fortified by prestige of the great
manufacturing and commercial success of England
since she started upon the policy which they so loudly
applaud. But, on the other hand, it must be remem
bered that while the doctrinaires are so strengthened by
that illustrious example, they are opposed by the
statesmanship of every country with the exception
of England. That the leading public and influential

204 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
men who controlled the fortunes of France, Germany,
Russia and the United States, and every other civil
ized country, so far from having accepted the views
of these doctrinaires, have acted upon a dift'erent policy,
which is recognized as that of the Opposition in this
House to-day, the policy which is affirmed by the
amendment proposed by the Right Hon. Member for
Kingston. * * * *
The amendment before the House is compre
hensive, though concise. It implies that it is the duty
of every nation to adjust its customs tariffs to its own
special needs ; that the impossible task is not imposed
upon any country of looking after the interests of
every other nation, but a duty devolving upon each
nation to adjust its own tariff with special reference
to its own peculiar needs, having in view, also, its re
lations to other countries. Every customs tariff should
aim at developing the maximum of production of
which the country is capable. In framing a tariff we
should consider all the resources of the country, all
its dormant and unused energies and capabilities ; the
wealth which lies below the soil in our mines, as much
as the wealth of the soil, and the wealth above the
soil in our lumber. We should also consider the
resources of the country with reference to its capa
bility of becoming a successful manufacturing nation ;
and more than that, we should consider the capacity
and aptitude of the people, and aim at framing the
tariff so as, in the largest degree, to develop the
varied powers of all the people, and give them an op
portunity of engaging in that calling or department of

SIXTY YEAR.:, IN CANADA. 205
business to which they may have B>pecial aptitude
or inclination. We do not believe in the views pro
pounded by gentlemen opposite, that it is not the
business of the Government to care for any of these
things, that Govemment is a mere taxation and re
venue distributing machine which should move
according to certain fixed laws and ultimate principles.
The supporters of this amendment claim, on the con
trary, that the financial policy of a country should not
be based on any ultimate principle of free trade or
protection, but that it should be specially adaptive
to the conditions of the country to which it is applied.
A True National Policy.
Mr. Charlton's Views in 1876.
We believe that every customs tariff should have
a distinct and definite purpose and intelligent aim ;
that it should be based upon a correct estimate and
appreciation of all the varied resources and capabili
ties of the country, and should shape them in the
direction of the best possible developmiefnt. The
general views affirmed in this amendment have been
more than once stated in this House by many able
and thoughtful members, clearly and distinctly, yet
the House will pardon me for stating that the expo
sition of my honourable friend, the member for North
Norfolk (Mr. Charlton), in 1876, then a protectionist,
but now a free trader, was the clearest and best that
has been given. I do not propose troubling the
House with a recital of the Hon. gentleman's speech.

206 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
but will submit an analysis of its main propositions
in their consecutive order. I aim at perfect fairness,
and beg the ho.nourable gentleman to correct me if I
make mis-statements. This reference to the speech is
not made for the purpose of placing the honourable
gentleman at any disadvantage, or because he has
since changed his opinions, but becaiuse it is the most
careful, the best considered, the most clear and con
cise statement of the views now held by the Oppo
sition that has yet been given on this much debated
subject. The honourable gentleman laid down ais his
first (i) proposition, that a Government could be
paternal and yet be free. In this he directly contrcv-
verted the position taken by his leader, the Finance
Minister, in his Budget Speech last year, and vindi
cated one of the cardinals in the platform of the Oppo
sition. His next proposition (2) was, that no nation
had attained greatness in mainufactures or commerce
without having imposed exactions £uid restrictions.
This was a plain statement of an historical fact, upon
which the Opposition lay great stress, and its truth
fulness was clearly demonstrated by the honourable
gentlen-jan in his speech on the subject. Tlie next (3)
proposition was, that protection was especially neces
sary in a new country — and ours is a new country — ^to
enable it to compete with countries where manufac
tures are established. The honourable gentleman re
cognized in speech the fact that the cheap money, the
acquired skill and the prestige of older manufacturing
countries would take the lead in the race, and, as ad
mitted by John Stuart Mill, and other free traders,
the countries that had the lead, all things being equal,

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 207
would keep it ; he held that . this advantage an old
manufacturing country had, must be counteracted
by restrictions in order to enable the new country to
get a start in these industries. The next (4) propo
sition was, that judicious protection benefited the
nation at large, and especially the farming interest;
that it created for the farmer a home market,-, and that
the purchasing power of labour was increased. The
Opposition believed equally with the honourable
gentleman, that protection did benefit the agricul
tural interest, and it believed also that the purchas
ing, power of the farmer's labour would be vastly
enihanced by the creation and proximity of home
markets, as was cleairly stated by that honourable
gentleman. Again he laid down the fifth (5) propo
sition, that the experience of the United States, under
a protective policy, was a' clear and marked illustration
of the benefits of protection. If this was true when
the honourable gentleman stated it, it is equally true
now ; and before I sit down, I will adduce ai few facts
in corroboration. The honourable gentleman next
(6)^ said that the tendency of protection was not to
increase, but to cheapen prices to the consumer-
This is an uncontrovertible proposition. Protection ife
merely a defence of the markets of a nation to the
people of that nation. It simply gave a fair field to
competitive skill, industry and capital, where the
highest prizes are for those who supply the best and
sell the cheapest products. The honourable member
for North Norfolk cited the iron and cotton manu
factures of the United States as indisputable proof
of the fact that the tendency of protection is to

308 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
cheaipen prices. And he went further than even
the amendment. He stated the fact, which, I think,
he was justified in stating, that protection had
been beneficial to the shipping interests of the
United States as well; so that he covered the whole
range of industries which come under the tariff, and
he stated so emphatically, lucidly and concisely, the
various propositions upon which this amendment is
predicated, that his speech was not only the most
convenient method of formulating these propositions,
but it was more effective, perhaps, than I could
myself have given, but for that memorable delivery.
The honourable gentleman has changed his views,
but I have nothing to say to that at the present mo
ment.***** The Ministerial Policy.
The counter propositions are equally distinct
They are the ordinary staple free trade dogmas, which
we have had frequently in this House from the
lips of men who have, thoroughly studied them. One
of the first distinct intimations of a new pK>licy with
which we have been favoured is in a speech delivered
in 1876, by a gentleman who stood very high in his
party, and who then foresaw that these propositions
might become a party issue. I refer to my honourable
friend the member for North York (Mr. Dyond).
He said in this House, in 1876 particularly, address
ing his honourable friends in this House, that the
good old word, reform, had served a good purpose in
its day, but that the time had happily now arrived

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 209
when there, was perhaps very little to reform, that it
was important for the success of the Liberal party
that they should take a new departure, and take a
new watchword, that they should place upon their
banner a new motto, and the motto he gave them
wag one very dear to himself (for he was brought
up at the very feet of Gamaliel, and had imbibed
frete trade with his mother's milk). The motto
which he proposed to substitute for reform, and
around which reformers shall hereafter rally, was
the words " free trade." My honourable friend
(Mr. Dyond), having uttered the word, seemed
to think that perhaps he had gone too far, and
that it was hardly fitting in him to lay down a
platform fo'r the party. Casting his eyes across the
House, he caught the anxious loo'k of the member for
Hamilton, and dropping his voice to a scarcely
audible undertone, repeated " free trade, as it is
understood in Canada." His clarion notes, pro
claiming free trade, had reached away down to Nova
Scotia, but his cautious undertone was intended only
for the ear of the honourable member for Hamil
ton and their friends, the manufacturers. The "motto,"
ais modified, was calculated to serve the double purpose
of rallying the free trade party around a grand ban
ner, and at the same time of quieting his honourable
friends from Hamilton, who were a little restive that
the free trade nag should be trotted out so promi
nently. That was the first note, but my honourable
friend was cautious not to place himself in a position
where it would be impossible to retract, provided it
should be found that he had gone too far.*****
14

210 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
The Corner Stone Laid by the Premier.
One would not be justified in fixing tlie respon
sibility of any set of views upon a party based upon
the utterances of any individual supporter of that
party, however high they might stand in that party's
ranks. I find the Hon. the Premier, however, making
use of these words, and they may be accepted as
authoritative : —
"The mere passage of an Act of Parliament would never
esiablish any trade; and would never foster any industry,
unless it were to change from one pocket to another the
proceelds of the industries of the country. If a particular
trade or industry were to be fostered, it could only be done
at the sacrifice of some other trade or industry. There was
no theory more consonant with the dark ages of the world
t>an that which protection afforded."
Now, this was a cardinal of free trade; it was the
essential principle of free trade. It proceeds upon
the assumption that if protection is given to any
industry, it is- necessarily done at the expense of some
other industr}' of the country, and consequently, that
protection must be wrong — wrong in its very essence,
for the country must be injured by it. What did this
doctrine do? Preached among the people, it made
them believe that every industry in the country was
the enemy of ever}- other industry; it taught them
to be jealous of the growth of every indtistry except
the particular one in which they themselves were
engaged. The Opposition, on the other hand, be
lieve in the sisterhood of the great industries'; they
believe that these industries are all of the same
family, co-workers, independently, yet inter-depend-

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 211
ently, working out the prosperity of the country.
They do not believe in the principle that because one
industry prospers, it does so, necessarily, by fattening
on another induistry; or that the growth of one in
volves the destruction of another. Here is a point
upon which these honourable gentlemen on ' the
Treasury B.enches, and those who do not concur in
their views, differ essentially. Here is the very point
where the roads diverge. The Opposition believe
thajt the promotion of one industry betters another.
Benjamin Franklin's Opinion.
Mr. Colby then referred to Dr. Franklin's opinion,
and quoted from his writings the following passage : —
" Here it is well known and understood that where-
ever a manufactory is established which employs a
number of hands, it raises the value of the land in
the neighbouring country all round it, partly by the
greater demand near at hand for the produce of the
land and partly from the plenty of money dtiawn by
the manufacturers to that part of the country. It
seems, therefore, the necessity of all our farmers and
owners of land to encourage our young manufac
tures in preference to foreign ones imported among
us from foreign countries."

CHAPTER XXIV.
The St. Albans' Raid.
On the 19th October, 1864, about twenty young
men, cliaiiming to be a part of the army of the
Southern States, and said to have escaped from an
island in Lake Erie, where the Northerns had placed
their prisoners', reached Montreal, and from thence
made a raid upon the town of .St. Albans, in the
State of Vermont, and, according to the charge laid
against fourteen of their number who were arrested,
"on the oath of JMarcus Wells Beardsley and others,
for that he, the said William Hutchinson (and
others) , on the nineteenth day of October, 1864, at the
town of St. Albans, in the State of Vermont, one of
the United States of America, being there armed
with a certain offensive weapo'U and instrumietnt, to
wit, a pistol, commonly called a revolver, loaded, with
powder and balls', and capped, in and upon one,
Marcus Wells Beardsley, felonously did make an
assault upon him, the said Marcus Wells Beardsley,
in bodily fear and danger of his life, then and
there did put a certain sum of money, to wit,
to the amount of seventy-six thousand dollars, cur
rent money of the United States of America, and
of the value of seventy-six thousand dollars,
currency money, aforesaid, of the moneys and pro-

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 213
perty of the Franklin County Bank of St. Albanis^
aforesottd, against the will of the said Marcus Wells
Beardsley, and in his presence, then and there felon
ously and violently did steal, take and carry away,
against the form of the statutes of the said State of
Vermont." This charge came before Judge Coursol, J-S-P.,
but was dismissed by him on the ground that he had
no jurisdiction. The case was then brought before
Judge Smith, of the Superior Co.urt. The array of
counsel composed the leaders of the Montrelai Bar,
including Mr. J. J- C. Abbott, Mr. B. Devlin, Mr.
F. G. Johnson, Mr. M. Edwards, of Vermont, Mr.
Strachan Bethune, Hon. John Rose, Mr. Edward
Carter and Mr. Ritchie, Q.C.
The circumstances connected with the St. Albans'
raid are clearly shown in the speeches of the leading
counsel. Mr. Laflamme, on behalf of the prisoners,
said : —
" The prisoners are accused of having rO'bbed one
Breck in St. Albans on the nineteehth of October last
of $300. What are the facts of the case, as disclosed
by the evidence adduced before your honour ? In the
month of September last, Bennet H. Young, a
lieutenant in the Confederate Service, being in
Chicago for some political object, calculated to ad
vance the cause of his country, finding it impossible
to carry out his plan, determined to fulfil the in
structions which he received from his Government,
to raise ;a| body of twenty men of escaped Confederate
soldiers, he was) commissioned for special duty; they,
as soldiers, were bound to join and obey. The plan

214 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
was organized, then, in the enemy's territory. They
were enrolled by him for the purpose of making an
attack upon and sacking the town of St. Albans. All
of these men were risking their lives by their pre
sence in the enemy's country. The bare fact of their
organizing there was, of itself alone, a bold and
daring act. Their allegiance was to the Confederate
States. Be the unfortunate contest right or wrong,,
they were actuated by the most noble, the moot
disinterested and patriotic motives ; every one of them
had already imperilled their lives in their country's
cause. Feeling as they did for the injuries com
mitted against their native land, they thirsted for
revenge. Called by their superiors to inflict punish
ment on their enemies, by burning and plundering,
the town of St. Albans, they cheerfully obeyed; they
proceeded to carry out that plan so far as was in
their power. They left Chicago, some four or five
coming through Canada, and twenty meeting in the
town of St- Albans, inhabited by over five thousand
inhabitants, at a distance of eighteen miles from the
frontier. In open daylight they collected together,
armed with revolvers', took possession, of their banks,
in the name of the Confederate States, sacked them,
set fire to the town in three places, and, from the
beginning, stated that they were Confederate soldiers.
The prisoners went through the town, made prisoners
of all they met, provided themselves with horsies
taken from the people, and, after making, perhaps,
double their number of prisoners, they left the place,
pursued by an armed band of citizens, who kept close
fire upon themj They, however, succeeded in making

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 215
their escape into Canada, where fourteen of them were
arrested at the request of the United States au
thorities." Mr. Kerr, iii defence of the prisoners, said: —
" That this is one of the most important cases ever
presented for the consideration of our Courts will
not be denied — that! it has already produced a greater
effect upon the pas'sio'iis and prejudices of men, both
in Canada and the former United States, than any
other cause celebre in this Province, will readily be ad
mitted. It has already been a moving cause of at call
to arms within the Colony. It may justly be looked
upon as the o-rigin of those fears which culminated
in the denial of asylum to political refugees by our
Provincial Parliament. From it the careful observer
can trace the origin of the pressure brotight to bear
upon our Judges, to induce them to degrade the
palladium of the law into the minister of the tem
porary passions of the Govemment and the servile
instrument of the United States. The very papers
produced by the prisoners were bought by the price
of blood, for one of the messengers despatched to
Richmond to obtain information for your honour,
but the day before yesterday, expiated the crime of
being a loyal soldier, a true friend and a gallant
paitriot, on the gallows of Johnson's Island. Your
honour can read in the treatment of the messenger
the certain fate of those who sent him on this errand."
In conclusion, Mr. Kerr said : — " No American
statesman, nor any writer of moment, has ever
asserted that these men should be extradited. They
have complained o.f the v/ant of sufficient prevention

216 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
on our part of such outrages. They claimed that the
offenders should be punished for the violation of our
soil, for the abuse of our hospitality by the Southern
refugees', but none have dared to assert as a legal
proposition that they are entitled to obtain the ex
tradition of the prisoners. Our Government has
complied fully with their demand by passing the Alien
Bill, and I trust that will be considered sufficient
satisfaction." ;\Ir. Strachan Bethune, Q-C, on behalf of the
United States Govemment, said: —
" It has been a matter of much surprise to m}self
and I have no doubt has also been to your honour,
that in neither of tlie addresses of the two learned
counsel who have spoken on behalf of the prisoners,
has there been any attempt, either by argument or
authorit}'. to prove that what was done on the
occasion here in question was a legitimate act of
war. To supply the place of argument or authority,
we have been favoured with citations from books to
the effect that in general it is lawful for one belliger
ent nation to kill members of the other bellige-ent
nation, and to seize or capture their property, and
with the assertion oft repeated, that in all that
occurred at St. Albans on the 19th of October !ast,
the prisoners acted under lawful authority."
After quoting authorities., i\Ir. Bethune continr.ed:
"These authorities establish that, according to the
recognized rules of modern warfare, the property of
private persons or non-combatants is exempt from
seizure or confiscation, except in the special cases of
penalty for military offences, of forced contribution

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 217
for an invading army, or as an indemnity for the
expensies of maintaining order and affording pro
tection to the conquered inhabitants, and of taking
property on the field of battle, as in storming a
fortress or town. And in all these excepted cases,
the action of armies or parties of men openly acting
in the character of armed enemies is alone con
templated. " Now in the present case, the facts disclose merely
that the prisoners and their associates secretly intro
duced themselves into an unarmed town, at a point
far removed from the scene of hostilities, and there,
in the garb of citizens, entered certain, banks in open
day ; and when all others but themselves had retired,
and suddenly displayed firearms and robbed the banks
and the individual Breck, who happened at the time
to seek admission into one of them for the purpose
of retiring a note. It is true that, in acting as they
did, they clairncd to be Confederate soldiers, and that
in the streets they affected to take prisoners, and dis
charged their fire-arms, wounding one man ia,nd kill
ing another; but, once the booty was secured, they
all decamped on the horses which they had also stolen,
leaving their so-called prisoners free. In all this we
see nothing of the characteristics of war, and fail to
discover any other object than robbery and plunder,
under pretence of war. No one could seriously con
tend that such an act, per se„ is an act of war. The
only pretention that can be urged is, that in conse
quence of the alleged commission and instructions
produced by the prisoners' counsel, the act was
constructively one of legitimate warfare.* * * *

218 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
" The next point I have to submit is, that all the
prisoners are proved to have resided in Canada for
months previous to the raid, and their chieftain
(Young) had, in the fall of 1863 and winter of 1864,
been attending the University of Toronto, they all
being escaped prisoners from Camp Douglas. As a
matter of law, then, the prisoners, by making Canada
an asylum, had ceased to be belligerents ; and, inas
much as the expedition started from neutrail terri
tory', and returned thereto with their spoil imme
diately after its accomplishment, the expedition was
absolutely uiilazuful, and under am- circumstances
created a forfeiture of the neutral protection of this
country." Mr. Frank G. Johnson, Q.C-, then Crown Prose
cutor, was equally explicit. In the course of his
remarks, he asked : —
" \\'hat is the natural consequence of robbing Mr.
Breck? Is it that the national power of the United
States is prostrated, or in the remotest manner
affected by it? The natural consequence is that Mr.
Breck loses his money ; but it requires a great deal of
imagination to conceive, and a good deal of ingenuity
to explain, how that fact tended to exhaust the
national resources, or to attack in any manner the
national existence. *****
" I gather from some part of the testimony — I for
get whether it was in the case of Breck, or in some
previous proceedings — ^that there was, at or near
St. Albans, an arsenal or some such national struc
ture, and in the town itself, one, and only one, soldier.
These opportunities of glory and destruction are.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 219
however, neglected. The arsenal and the soldier are,
strange to say, both untouched, and poor old Mr.
Breck is made to play a part in the history of a
modem war which must have surprised him as much
as it has surprised me and the rest of the world, who
had formed different views' of warlike achievements
and martial glory."
In closing, Mr. Johnson said: —
" Our duty is not confined to affording a sanctuary
within our territory under all circumstances for those
who call themselves political offenders.
" The further duty of seeing that the privilege of
asylum is not abused to the injury of a friendly
power is equally imperative. We are bound to con
sider whether the neutral is only resorted to because
it offers a safe and convenient resting-place in the
intervals of warfare, and as the readiest means of
inflicting with impunity injury in any other shape on
the friendly power; whether, in fact, the acts of
public hostility or private wrong wO'Uld ever have
been undertaken and committed but for the prox
imity of the supposed asylum — whether they are not
in reality attributable to and prompted solely by the
facilities which our territories afford both for attack
and escape. We must enquire whether the animus
in which it is sought is to obtain peace and security,
and whether the party fleeing comes in the light of
an exile. If we are satisfied of the contrary, then
we must say that this neutral ground cannot, under
the name of an asylum, he used as a vantage ground,
and that the party fleeing from territory hostile to
him has, by his own acts, forfeited the security which

¦220 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
nations usually accord. He has no right to abuse the
only privilege which our soil confers — that of being
safe so long as he is passive."
In spea'king for the prisoners, Mr. J. J. C- Abbott
said : —
" The view I desire to submit is one allied to, and
}'et different from, the merely legal and technical
arguments' which may be used with regard to this
case. I contend that we have ai right to look at the
spirit of the Treat}-, and of the statutory enactments
based upon it, and that we cannot forget and have no
right to overlook the changes which war has pro
duced in the States with which we made that Treaty,
and in our relations with that State. *****Now the
treaty was made to promote the transmission for trial
from one part of this continent to another, of persons
who had committed crimes of the darker class, re
specting the character of which North and South
agreed with ourselves — crimes -^^hich Vermont and
Georgia alike prohibited, atnd which it was impossible
alike for them and for an)- other civilized State or
people to approve of, or even to tolerate. There was
no intention on the part of the United States, when
the treat)' was passed, to stipulate for the extradition
for trial as criminals in Vermont, of persons who
were regarded in Georgia as daring and devoted
patriots, and for actsi which Georgians held to be
praiseworthy, if not heroic. Tlie Northern and
Southern States were alike parties to that treaty
through their general Government; they agreed to
reciprocal extiia'dition for the same offences — ^and the
offences that so formed the subject matter of their

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 221
and our agreement, were offences which they and we
united in regarding with abhorrence, and as deserv
ing of extraordinary exertions for their punishment
in the interest of our respective communities. Now,
what is the position of these men, and the light in
which their acts are regarded by the parties to that
treaty? The North regards them as robbers. They
press their demand with unparalleled vehemence, and
so violent and unmeasured are they in their wrath
that their Legislature, their press, and even their
pulpits, resound with opprobious epithets, which are
heaped upon the prisoners. *****In one word, one
section of tiie nation with which we made the Ash
burton Treat}' denounces them as robbers, while the
other extols them as patriots. Twenty millio-ns of
men under an organized Government demand them as
felons; but ten millions under another organized
Government existing de facto claim them as meri
torious soldiers. And it was with these thirty millions
of men then constituting but one community that we
nmde our treaty.
" These seem to me to be subjects for your
honour's grave consideration. These men are de
manded for trial. For trial by whom and how? Is
it is for such a trial as it would be presumed an
ordinary criminal would have in ordinary times? —
when justice is administered in the United States by
judges second to none in learning and impartiality;
by juries composed of educated and independent
men; and when the rules by which they are guided
are the humane and just principles upon which their
and our criminal laws are alike based? Your Honour

222 SIXTY YEARS IX CANADA.
knows — ever)- one knows, that no such trial awaits
these prisoners. It is before judges like Judge Nel
son, who must declare their defence inadmissible
in law. who must decide that the Sovereign State of
which they acknowledge themselves the subjects is
not entitled to their allegiance.
"Is it to a tribunal thus composed that these men are
to be trusted? Is it from such judges and such
juries that these men are to receive a fair, calm, and
impartial trial? *****! implore your honour well
and truly to weigh tiiese things. I cannot and ¦\\-ill
not believe it possible tiiat such a cruel injustice will
be done to these unfortunate men. as to permit of
their delivery to their enemies, with the certaint)- of
an ignominious and degrading death. I feel that my
advocacy of their cause has been insufficient, though I
have devoted to it my best energies; but I know that
my deficiencies will be supplied by your honour's full
appreciation of the whole case. And in that confi
dence I leave it in your hands, certain that your
honour's decision will be such as will be dictated by
justice and tempered with mercy."
Judge Smith delivered judgment on the 13th
December. 1864, which occupied three hours and a
half in deliver)-. In summing up the Judge said : —
" I am. therefore, constrained to hold that the attack
on St. Albans was a hostile expedition authorized
both expressly and impliedly by the Confederate
States, and carried out by a commissioned officer of
their army in command of a party of their soldiers, and,
therefore, that no act committed in the course of, or
as incident to, that attack, can be made the ground

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 223
of extradition under the Ashburton Treaty. And
that if there had been any breach of neutrality in its
inception, upon which point I state no opinion, it does
not affect this application, which must rest entirely
upon the acts of the prisoners within the territory of
the State demanding their extradition, and upon their
own status and authority as belligerents.
" I am bound to scrutinize with a greater degree
of caution the circumstances of any case which
appears to possess a political character, or which
seems to grow out of the struggle which is now pro
ceeding- And I must be the more scrupulous in
weighing the pretensions of the prisoners as to their
justification by their possession of a belligerent
or political character, when I know that the defence
arising out of such a character, which England would
recognize as valid, if sustained, would not even be
received or listened to in the United State's as being
sufficient in law, however fully substantiated. This
question was discussed in the United States during
the trial of the ' Savannah ' case ; and the defence of
the prisoners that they were commissioned belliger
ents was ignored by the dictum of Judge Nelson,
charging the jury, as a matter of law, that neither he
nor they could take that defence into consideration at
all until the belligerency or independence of the
Southern States wais recognized. It behoves us,
therefore, to be satisfied that the offence of robbery,
according to our interpretation of the position of the
Confederates, has really been committed before I con
sent to order these prisoners to be remitted for a trial
of the issue they raise in their defence, to a tribunal

224 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
which would ignore that defence as insufficient in law,
however satisfactorily established.
" With this view of my duty, I have gone care
fully, and, perhaps, at unnecessary length into this
matter. I have considered it proper to enter at
greater length into the examination of some ques
tions, which, perhaps, in themselves, admit of no
great doubt, but upon which, in my humble judgment,
erroneous views have been entertained, and urged
with great earnestness at the bar. I have endeavoured
to guide myself by what is recognized as law by the
civilized Vv'orld, instead of suffering myself to be
swayed by popular cries, or the passions and influ
ences which the proximity of this lamentable con
vulsion has stirred up among us.. And I have come
to the conclusion that the prisoners cannot be extra
dited, because I hold that what they have done does
not constitute one of the offences mentioned in the
Ashburton Treaty, and because I have consequently no
jurisdiction over them. I am of opinion, therefore,
that the prisoners are entitled to their discharge."
It was understood that the Canadian Govemment
would prosecute the prisoners for breach of the Neu
tral Laws, and that the United States would with
draw its suit. Ndthing, however, was done; the
property of the raiders was restored to them, and our
Govemment settled with the St. Albans' banks, the
United States currency at that time being worth less
than fifty cents on the dollar.

CHAPTER XXV.
Joseph Howe.
My work would be incomplete did I fail to notice
that great Canadian, perhaps I should say Nova
Scotian, Joseph Howe, who had been compared to
Lord Beaconsfield, but whom it would be more cor
rect to call the Canadian Gladstone. Truly the cool
breezes of the Atlantic Ocean have given to us our
greatest orators, if not our greatest men. The son of
a United Empire Loyalist, his chief characteristic
was loyalty to his Sovereign and to his country,
both of which he was ready to defend with an
eloquence rarely equalled, and never surpassed. His
great speech at the Detroit International Convention
in 1865 will be long remembered for its eloquence,
its patriotism and its kindly, yet independent bearing
towards our American neighbours. No other Cana
dian could have told the 'same plain truths without
giving offence, for his heart and the heart of Nova
Scotia was always in sympathy with the United
States, and this was well known to that vast as
sembly. Bom in 1804, Mr. Howe died in 1873, having
scarcely reached the scriptural limit of "three score
years and ten-" Having filled almost every position
open to him in his native country, he died shortly
after assuming the Governorship of his native Pro
vince. A brief synopsis of his Detroit speech is all
the notice I can afford of that wonderful man.
15

226 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
Called upon to speak for his fellow Colonists before
nearly five thousand public and business men, Mr.
Howe introduced his remarks as follows : —
" I never prayed for the gift of eloquence till now.
Although I have passed through a long public life,
I never, was called upon to discuss a question so im
portant in the presence of a body of men so large. I
see before me merchants who think in millions, and
whose daily transactions would sweep the harvest
of a Greek island or Russian principality. I
see before me the men who whiten the ocean and the
great lakes with the sail of commerce — who own
the railroads, canals and telegraphs, who spread
life and civilization through this great country, mak
ing the waste plains fertile, and the wilderness to
blossom as the rose. I see before me the men whose
capital and financial skill form the bulwark, and
sustain the Govemment in ever)' crisis of affairs. On
either hand I see the gentlemen who control and
animate the press, whose laborious vigils mould
public sentiment, whose honourable ambition I can
estimate from my early connection with the profes
sion. On those benches, sir, or I mistake the intelli
gence to be read in their faces, sit those who will yet
be governors or ministers of state. I may well feel
awed in the presence of an audience such as this; but
the great question which brings us together is worthy
of the audience and challenges their grave considera-
tion- " What is that question ? Sir, we are here to
determine how best we can dra.'w together, in the
bonds of peace, friendship and commercial prosperity.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 227
the three great branches of the British family.
(Cheers.) In the presence of this theme all petty
interests should stand rebuked — we are not dealing
with the interests of a city, a Province, or a State,
but with the future of our race in all time to come.
Some reference to ' elevators ' has been made in
your discussions. What we want is an elevator to
lift our souls to the height of this great argument.
Why should not these three great branches of the
family flourish, under the different systems of govern
ment, it may be, but forming one grand whole, proud
of a common origin and of their advanced civilization?
We are taught to reverence the mystery of the
Trinity, and our salvation depends upon our belief.
The clover lifts its trefoil to the evening dew, yet they
draw their nourishment from a single stem. Thus
distinct, and yet united, let us live and flourish. Why
should we not? For nearly two thousand years we
were one family. Our fathers fought side by side at
Hastings and heard the curfew toll. They fought in
the same ranks for the sepulchre of our Saviour in
the earlier and later civil wars. We can wear our
white and red roses without a blush, and glory in the
principles those conflicts established. Our common
ancestors won the great Charter and Bill of Rights,
established Free Parliaments, the Habeas Corpus and
trial by Jury. Our jurisprudence comes down from
Coke and Mansfield to Marshall and Story, rich in
knowledge and experience, which no man can divide.
From Chaucer to Shakespeare, our literature is a
common heritage. Tennyson and Longfellow write
in one language, which is enriched by the genius

228 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA'
developed on either side of the Atlantic. In -the great
navigators from Cottereal to Hudson, and in all
'moving accidents in flood and field,' we have a
common interest. On this side of the sea we have
been largely reinforced by the Germans and French,
but there is strength in both elements. The Germans
gave to us the Sovereigns who established our freedom,
and they gave to you industry, intelligence and thrift ;
and the French, who have distinguished themselves
in arts and arms for centuries, now strengthen the
Provinces which the fortunes of war decided they
could not control. But it may be said we have been
divided by two wars. What then? The noble St.
Lawrence is split in two places — by Goat Island and
by Anticosti — but it comes down to us from the same
springs in the same mountain sides ; its waters sweep
together past the pictured rocks of Lake Superior,
and enrich in their loving embrace the shores of
Huron and Michigan. They are divided at Niagara
Falls, as we were at the Revolutionlairy war, but they
come together again on the peaceful bosom of Ontario.
Again they are divided on their passage to the sea;
but who thinks of divisions when they lift the keels
of commerce, or, when drawn up to Heaven, they
form the rainbow or the cloud? It is true that in
eighty-five years we have had two wars — but what
then ? Since the last we have had fifty years of peace,
and there have been more people killed in a sinsjle
campaign in the late civil war than there were in the
two national wars between this country and Great
Britain. The people of the United States hope to
draw together the two conflicting elements and m.ake

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 229
them one people. And in that task I wish them God
speed! (Cheers). And in the same way I feel that
we ought to rule out everything disagreeable in the
recollection of our old wars, and unite together as one
people for all time to come. (Cheers.) I see around
the door the flags of the two countries. United as' they
are there, I would ever have them draped together,
fold within fold, and let their varying tints unite, and
form in Heaven's light one arch of peace." (Ap
plause.) After thanking the Board of Trade and
the people of Detroit for the hospitality extended to
the delegates, he continues as follows: —
"The most important question to be considered at
this great meeting involves the relations that are to
subsist between the inhabitants of the British Empire
and the citizens of the United States. Before we can
deliver a rational judgment upon this question, it
becomes us to consider what those relations are now.
The British Government controls the destinies and
regulates the trade of 250,000,000 people; distributed
over the four quiarters of the globe, and in the British
Isles alone, the machinery in constant running order,
does the work of 800,000,000 more- Now, in what
spirit has the British Government, controlling this
great Empire, dealt in commercial matters with the
United States? It has extended to them all the
privileges of the most favoured nation, and has
opened up to them, on the most easy terms, the con
sumption for everything that they can produce, of all
these people. Millions of emigrants and htmdreds of
millions of money have flowed in here without any
unwise laws to dam up the streams of industry and

230 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
capital. Leaving those of her Provinces that have
Legislatures, free to regulate their own tariffs. Great
Britain restrains them from discriminating as against
the productions of this country, even in favour of
her own. Though burdened with an enormous debt,
and always compelled to confront the military mon
archies of Europe with a powerful force by land and
sea, the people of England prefer to pay direct taxes
to burdening commerce with heavy impwrt duties.
Year by year the highest financial skill of the nation
has been employed to discover how its tariff could
be simplified, port charges reduced, obsolete royalties
removed; and, year by year, as trade expands and
revenue increases, taxes are reduced or abolished
upon articles of prime necessity consumed by the
great body of the people. I notice that some writers
in the West complain that wheat is sent into this
country from Canada, duty free; but it should be
remembered that the surplus of all the cereals, ground
or unground, is not only admitted to the British
Islands duty free from the United States, but to
almost, if not to all, the ports of our widely extended
Empire. It is sometimes said that because this
country admits breadstuffs from Canada, manu
factures free of duty should be taken in return. But
Great Britain and the Provinces take annually an en
ormous quantity of breadstuffs and meat from this
country, but do not ask from you the privilege that
some persons would claim from us.
" In the departments of economic science. Great
Britain has made advances far outstripping in liber
ality the policy of this or any foreign country. France

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 231
and the United States continue to foster and extend
their fisheries by high bounties, but Britain leaves
her people without any special encouragement to
meet on the sea and in foreign mairkdts the unfair
competition to which they are subjected by this
system. Great Britain throws open to the people of
this country the coasting trade of 'the entire Empire.
***** I assert that Great Britain, with a liberality
which would do honour to any Government, has
thrown open this whole trade without any restrictio'ii-
She says to us, if not in so many words, 'you are all
children of mine and are dear to me. You are all
on the other side of the Atlantic, possessing a common
heritage; make the best of it. (Hear, hear.) Your
vessels are permitted to run to Halifax, from! Halifax
to St. Jo.hn, from St. John to British Columbia, and
from British Columbia to England, Scotland or Ire
land. They are allowed to go coasting -around the
British Empire until they rot. But you do not give
us the privilege of coasting from one end of your
Atlantic coast to the other. And now I hope that our
friend from Maine will acknowledge that in grant
ing this privilege, with nothing in return, Great
Britain gave you a pretty large slice." (Cheers and
laughter.) " When the civil war broke out, one-half of the sea
board of the United States was blockaded, and all
the advantages of the Reciprocity Treaty, so far as
the consumption of the ten millions of people in the
Southern States was a benefit^ to the Provinces, were
withdrawn. Assuming that the treaty runs over ten
years, it will be seen that for the whole of that period

232 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
the people of this country have enjoyed all the benefits
for which they stipulated, while the British Ameri
cans, for one of ten, have derived no benefit
at all, and for four entire years have lost
the consumption of one-third of the people with
whom, by the treaty, they were entitled to trade.
Recognizing the political necessities of the period,
British subjects have made no complaints of this ex
clusion, but it ought to be borne in mind now that
the whole subject is about to be revised. ***=;= *
" J\Ir. Chairman, let me now tum your attention to
some of the topics touched upon by other gentlemen
in the course of three days' debate. Some gentle
men seem to be apprehensive that if this treaty is re
newed it would lead to illicit trade along the frontier.
For a long time your duties were lower than ours.
Mr. Sabine said he was once a smuggler. At that
time he could not carry on business at Eastport and be
anything else, 'i'he traders on the whole coast of
Maine were engaged in the same business, and so
was Massachusetts; and small blame to them. The
.smuggler is a check upon the extravagance of the
Governments, or the increase of taxation- (Cheers.)
Any country that raises its tariff too high, or
increases its taxation too far, will be kept in check
by smugglers. The boot was formerly on your leg;
now it is, perhaps, on the other. You have been
driven into a war which has created a large expendi
ture and increased your taxation. It would perhaps
pay at this moment to smuggle some articles from the
Provinces into this country. You are entitled to
defend vourselves against it. But at the same time

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 233
bear this in mind, that one of the main objections in
the Maritime Provinces to this treaty was, that it gave
to your people the power of smuggHng. And that
power you possess, and may use to any extent you
please. (Laughter.) Over thousands of miles of coast
we cannot afford to keep revenue officers. Down come
cutters from Maine, with flour, pork, salt, etc., but
we cannot tell what they have in the salt. (Great
laughter.) Why, sir, we sometimes laugh at Yankee
notions; one of those is what is called white-eye in
the Provinces — a life-destroying spirit which these
coasters bring and deluge our coasts with, and it
comes in the salt. (Laugher.) So in like manner with
the tea, tobacco and manufacturesi Why, a fisher
man can land on any part O'f our 8,000 miles of coast,
and when challenged by our custom house officers,
he can answer that he has a right to land there. The
custom house officer withdraws, and the white-eye is
landed. And I tell you what we do to adapt our
selves to the circumstances. We are free traders,
and we maintain O'Ur Government, have an over
flowing treasury, and carry on our public works with
a tariff of ten per cent. The only way we can keep
out smuggling is to keep our tariff so low as to make
it not worth while for any one to smuggle.
" Let me now draw your attention for a moment to
the value of these North American Fisheries. You
have behind and around you here, boundless prairies,
which an all bountiful Creator annually covers with
rich harvests of wheat and corn. The ocean is our
prairies, and it stretches away before and around us,
and Almighty God, for the sustenance of man,

234 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
annually replenishes it with fish in myriads that can
not be counted, having a commercial value that no
man can estimate. The ficundity of the ocean may
be estimated by the fact that the roes of thirty cod
fish annually replace all the fish that are taken by the
British, French and American fishermen on the Banks
of Newfoundland. In like manner the schools of
mackerel, herring and all other fish that swim in the
bays and trim around the shores are replaced year
by year. These great storehouses of food can never
be exhausted. But it may be asked, does not the free
competition which now exists lower the prices? No,
codfish have never been higher in the markets of the
world than they were last summer. Herrings are
now selling in Baltimore at $13 a barrel. Thirty
years ago I used to buy No,, i mackerel in Halifax
at $4 a barrel. They now cost $18, and I have seen
them selling since the Reciprocity Treaty was signed
at $22. The reason of this is, that relative to all other
employments, fishing is a perilous and poor business,
and that, with the progress of settlement and growth
of population in all these great States and Provinces,
to say nothing of the increased consumption in Spain,
the Mediterranean, the Brazils and the West Indies,
all that your fishermen and ours can catch will
scarcely supply the demand. I placed before the
committee a paper signed by two American merchants
carrying on trade in Prince Edward Island, which
proves that, under the Treaty, your mackerel fishery
has flourished and expanded to an extent unex
ampled in its former history. Taking two years prior
to the existence of the Treaty, and contrasting them

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 235
with the last two years, they show that the vesseils
employed had increased from 250 to 600. That the
tonnage had increased from 18,150 tons to 54,000
tons, that the value! had increased from $750,000 to
$4)567>Soo, and that the men employed had increased
from 2,750 to 9,000- The herring fishery has been
equally prosperous. I have seen two American seine
boats on the coast of Labrador take 500 barrels of
herrings (wortii, at Baltimore prices, $6,500) in a
single aftemoon. The net fishing is also profitable.
These fisheries, sir, are sufficient for us all. The
French, who are anxious to build up a powerful navy,
maintain 10,000 men by their bounties in these North
American waters, and it is most creditable to our
fishermen, that in the face of these bounties and of
yours, they have been able, by strict economy and
hardy endurance, to wrestle for a S'hare of these ocean
treasures, to maintain their families and increase
their numbers."
Mr. Howe, after dealing in the same able manner
¦with the coal and lumber interests, closed as follows :
" I must now touch upon a subject of some delicacy
and importance. It has been urged by Mr. Morrill,
in Congress, and by the people of the United States,
that the treaty ought not to be renewed, because it
had bred no friendship towards them across the lakes
— that in their struggle the sympathies of the Pro
vinces were against them. Well, if that were true in
its fullest extent, which it wais not, if they had not had
one sympathizer among the native people' and B.ritish
residents of the Provinces, it could fairly be pleaded
in response that when Great Britain was at war with

236 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
Russia, the sympathies of the American people were
very generally with the latter country. I was in the
United States at the time, and was perfectly astonished
at the feeling. Russia was at that time a country full
of slaves, for the serfs had not been emancipated,
and England was at war with her to prevent her
aggressions upon, and making slaves of the weak
neighbouring countries. How the American people
could sympathize was a perfect puzzle at first sight,
and could only be explained in the same manner that
much of the sympathy for the South on the part of
the British subjects could be explained. And when
the Canadians once had a rebellion within their bor
ders, where were the sympathies of the American
people then? Were they with the Canadian Govern
ment, or were they with the rebels? Why they (the
Americans) not only sympathized with them, but I am
sorry to have it to say, they gave them aid along the
frontier in many ways, and to a very large extent.
"I am happy to have it to say that during the whole
four years of the late rebellion in the United States
there has not been developed a particle of evidence to
show that a single citizen of any British North Ameri
can Province has put a hostile foot upon your soil.
(Loud applause.) Everything of which complaint
could be made has been the act of your own rebellious
people, in violation of the hospitality and right of asy
lum everywhere extended to them on the soil of Great
Britain and her dependencies. I make these remarks
in no spirit of anger or of excitement, but to show
how unfair it is to hold any Govemment or people
responsible for the actions of a few evil disposed in-

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 237
dividuals, as how natural it was for sympathy to be
aroused in the minds of people on one side or
another. In our rebellion, when its attention was
called to their acts, the United Staltes Government
exerted itself to keep its own citizens within bounds,
and all that could have been asked of the Provincial
authorities has been freely done to prevent any
cause of complaint against them. It is something to
be able to say that during the four long disastrous
years of the war just ended, not a single act of which
complaint could be made has been committed by a
Canadian. Notwithstanding the false reports that
were circulated, I do not believe there is a single in
telligent citizen, of my Province at least, who did
not believe that the capture of the 'Chesapeake ' off
the coast of Maine, by rebellious citizens of the United
States, was nothing less or more than an act of piracy.
And so of the St Albans' raid. The Government of
Canada acted most promptly and nobly in connection
with that affair; and has repaid the money which
rebellio,u:s citizens of the United States had carried
into their territory from the States banks. (Hear,
hear.) As to their harbouring the rebels, and ex
tending to them the right of asylum, is there a single
American here who would have his Government
surrender that right? There was not an Englishman,
nor an Irishm.an, nor a Scotchman, nor any Ameri
can who would not fight three wars rather than give
up that sacred right. (Applause.) How man)' ex
cellent citizens of the United States were there among
them at this moment, and how many were there who
had helped them to fight their battles, who dare not

238 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
go back to their own native lands across the ocean
on account of political offences? The American
people would not give up these refugees to their right
spective Governments and thus surrender their right
of asylum; 'they would, every man of them, fight
first. (Applause.) It is very proper that criminals
should be given up, and a treaty for that purpose
has been made between England and the United
States. They could sympathize with political of
fenders, but need not sympathize with criminals.
" When Abraham Lincoln fell by the hand of an
assassin, the act was reprobated throughout the Pro
vinces as well as throughout the British Empire.
(Hear.) But admitting, that a large number of
people in the Provinces sympathized with the rebels,
what of that? Did not a large number in the
Northern States sympathize with them? Nobody ever
saw two dogs fighting in the street or two
cocks fighting in a back yard without having
his sympathies aroused, he scarcely knew why, in
favour of one or the other of the combatants, and
generally the weakest. (Laughter.)
"Suppose a good deal of feeling wa!s excited in some
portions of the British Provinces, was that any good
reason for refusing to allow us to trade with our
brethren south of the lakes ? The sympathy expressed
for the South ought to be well balanced by the young
men whom they had drawn from the Colonies with
their conflict- (Hear, hear.) For one ton of freight
sent to the Southerners, and for one young man sent
to aid their cause, we have sent fifty tons and fifty
able bodied sioldiers to the North. The people of the

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 239
Provinces might lay the charge against you of having,
seduced their young men away from their homes,
and left their bodies bleaching on southern plains, or
rotting in southern prisons. Only al'short time ago
I met no fewer than thirty British-Americans going
home on a single vessel, after having served three
years in the war, and having left scores of their com
panions behind to enrich the soil. At Washington
I met a brave son of one of my colleagues in the
Legislature of Nova Scotia, who held the rank of
lieutenant in a Massachusetts regiment, with only
one leg to take back to his home, instead of two.
(Loud cheers.) I met another veteran from my Pro
vince who had fought in twenty battles, and was on
his way home. In my own family and person I have
suffered not a little by this unhappy rebellion. I
have five boys, and one of tliem took it into his head
to enter your army. He has now been for nearly two
years in the 23rd Ohio regiment, and has fought in
all the battles in which that regiment has been en
gaged during that period. He was in both the great
battles under Sheridan, in which Early's forces were
scattered and the Shenandoah Valley was' cleared.
(Loud and long continued applause.) All the personal
benefits that I have derived from the Reciprocity
Treaty, or hope to derive from its renewal will never
compensate me or that boy's mother for the anxiety
we have had with regard to him; but when he pro
duced the certificates of his commanding officers
showing that he had conducted himself like a gentle
man, and had been faithful and brave, it was some
compensation for all our anguish to know that he

240 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
had performed his duty." (Enthusiastic applause,
during which the speaker's feelings nearly overcame
him; as this subsided, a gentleman proposed "Three
cheers for the boy," which was given with great
vivacity.) " I know that it has been aisserted by some, and I
have heard it uttered since I came to the Convention,
that if the Reciprocity Treaty is annulled, the British
Provinces will be so cramped that they will be com
pelled to seek annexation to the United S'tates. I beg
to be allowed to say on that point that I know the fetel-
ing in the Lower Provinces pretty thoroughly, and
believe I am well enough acquainted with the Cana
dians to speak for them also, and I speak for them all,
with such exceptions as mtist be made when speaking
for any entire population, when I make the assertion
that no consideration of finance, no question of
balance for or against them, upon interchange of
commodities, can have any influence upon the loyalty
of the inhabitants of the British Provinces, or tend
in the slightest degree to alienate the affections of
the people from their country, their institutions, their
Government, and their Queen. There is not a loyal
man in the British American Provinces, not a man
worthy of the name, who, whate\'er may happen to
the trea'ty, will become any the less lo.yal, any the less
true to his country on that account. There is not a
man who dare, on the abrogation of the treaty, if
such should be its fate, take the huskings and appeal
to anv constituency on annexation principles through
out the entire domain. The man who avows such a
senti^-nent will be scouted from societv bv his best

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-

241

friends. What other treatment would a man de
serve who should tum traitor to his Govemment
and violate all obligations to the country which gave
him birth? You know what you call Copperheads,
and a nice life they have of it (Laughter.) Just
such a life will the man have who talks treason on
the other side of the lines. (Applause.) The very
boy I have alluded to as having fought! manfully for
the ' Stars and Stripes,' would rather blow out his
own father's brains than haul down the honoured
flag under which he has been bom, the flag of his
nation and his fatherland. (Cheons.) I do not
believe there is a young Canadian in the American
army who does not honour his own flag as you
honour yours, and they would be worthy of being
despised if they did not.
" If any member of the Convention harbours the
idea that by refusing reciprocity to British America,
they will undermine the loyal feelings of the people
of those Provinces, he is labouring under a delusion,
and fostering an imputation upon the character and
integrity of a great and honourable people of the
most dastardly kind that can by any possibility
receive a lodgment in his breast- (Loud and con
tinuous applause.) Some gentlemen from Maine
asked me if we were not building fortifications in the
Provinces. Well, after so many threats from North
em newspapers, that so soon as the rebellion had been
put down, and Mexico attended to, the face of the
army would be turned towards Canada, it was not to
be wondered at that the mother country should be
come a little anxious about her children so far from
16

242 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
home, and send out an experienced officer to report
upon the situation. The officer did not report any army
in sight, but reported that, if they did come, Canada
was in a very poor condition to. receive them; and it
was resolved to build some further fortifications at
Quebec, and there has been some talk about places
further westward, but no action has been taken. But
what do we see on the other hand ? I passed down
the Penobscot a few weeks ago, and what did I see
there? A great frowning fort of the most approved
pattern, looking as new and pretty as if it had just
come from the mint. At Portland also, I observed
some extensive fortifications. But! I have no faith in
fortifications. I do not rely on military defences.
Our country needs no bulwarks.
No towers along the steep.
Our march is o'er the mountain wave.
"And our homes are in the mart, on the mountain,
and the prairie, wherever there is good work to be
done, and God's gifts to be appropriated. I have
faith in our common brotherhood — in such meetings
as this — in 'such social gatherings as we all enjoyed
so much last night. I sincerely hope that all thought
of forcing annexation upon the people of Canada
will be abandoned, and, if not, that you will seek a
more pleasant sort of annexation for your children
and children's children- It was a novel mode of at
taching them that the people of Detroit adapted in
lashine a fleet of their steamers together, and getting
up such a grand entertainment, and there was no

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 24^
question that it had a strong tendency to promote one
kind of annexation, especially among the young
people. As a measure of self-protection, I put myself
under the care of a pretty little New Bruns.wick
woman, and charged her to take good care of me
until we got safe a;shore. (Laughter and applause.)
"I fear I am detaining you too long." (Cries of "go
on," from all parts of the house.) " In conclusion,
let me say, that in dealing with this subject I have
spoken in an open manner, and kept back nothing
that ought to be said upon it, considering the limited
time at my disposal. My friend, Mr. Hamlin, wished
us to ' show our hands '" ; we have done so, and shown
our hearts also in all sincerity. The subject is of
vast importance to us all. Though living away down
East, I take a deep interest in the great West, and I
trust God will spare my life long enough to explore
its vastness more thoroughly than I have yet been
able to do, that I may the better discuss the great
interests created by its commerce. British America
has a great West, as yet almost entirely undeveloped ;
out of which four or five states or provinces may yet
be formed, to pour their wealth down the great
Huron into Canada, and through the straits past the
city of Detroit, to the ocean, while the manufactures
of the United States, of England and of the Pro
vinces go back to supply the wants. The moment
Providence gives me opportunit)', I will return to the
West and examine its resources and understand its
position, in order that I may lay before my own
people and the people of the provinces generally, and
the capitalists of the mother country, an adequate

244 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
idea of its importance, with a view of promoting a
more active settlement and development of the terri
tory on both sides of the boundary line, for the trade
would be as valuable to the world on the one side as
on the other."
It is needless to say that Mr. Howe resumed his
seat amid great applause, but this he has omitted in
his revised speech.

APPENDIX.
LORD ELGIN'S VISIT TO MONTREAL.
Before Lord Elgin left Caniada, the perambulating
Pariiament had moved to Quebec, and it was after the
great Liberal victory of 1854 that the party split in
two, the Lower! Canadians uniting with a part of the
Westem Liberals in forming the McNab-Morin
Government, and originating what is known to this
day as the Liberal-Conservative party. It, therefore,
fell to the " gallant knight " to move the Address to
the Governor-General, recognizing his great services
to the Province, a task rather humiliating; in view of
his course in 1849, but pohticians sometimes do curious
things. But Sir Allan was not alone in recognizing
the Governor's services. At London, Hamilton,
Toronto, Kingston, Montreal and other places, he
met the most enthusiastic reception, and it is little
wonder when he reached Montreal that his heart was
overflowing. I was present in the parlour of the Donagana
hotel when he bade Montreal good-bye. He was then
in his fourty-fourth year, but looked like a man of
sixty. He read his farewell address, although he was
a fluent speaker, and the reporters said he was one of
the few whose speeches could be reported verbatim.
He became greatly excited towards the close of his
address, and when he came to say, "I shall forget,''
he threw aside his manuscript and almost in tears
exclaimed, " but no, what I might have had to for-

2J6 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
get is already forgotten, and, therefore, I cannot tell
you what I shall forget." He then shook hands with
the crowd who were present, myself among the
number. I have often wondered whether his part
ing words were those he had written. They seemed to
have come to him on the spur of the moment. His
closing words were as follows : —
"I shall remember, and remember with gratitude,
the cordial reception I met with at Montreal when I
came a stranger among you, bearing with me for my
sole recommendation the commission of our Sovereign.
I shall remember those early months of my residence
here when I le&rned in this beaiutiful neighbourhood
to appreciate the charms of a bright Canadian winter
day, and to take delight in the cheerful music of
your sleigh-bells. I shall remember one glorious
afternoon — an afternoon in April — when looking
down from the hill at Monklands, on my return from
transrcting business in your city, I beheld that the
vast plain stretching out before me, which I had
always seen clothed in the white garb ol winter, had
assumed, on a sudden, and, as if by enchantment,
the livery of spring, while your noble St. Lawrence,
bursting through its icy fetters, bad begun to sparkle
in the sunshine, and to murmur its vernal hymn of
thanksgiving to the bounteous Giver of light and heat.
" I shall remember my visit to your Mechanics'
Institute and Mercantile Library Associations, and
the kind attention with which the advice I tendered
to your young men and citizens was received by
them. I shall remember the undaunted courage with
which the merchants of this city, while suffering

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 247
under the pressure of a commercial crisis of almost
unparallelled severity, urged forward that great work
which was the first step towards placing Canada in
her proper postition in this age of railway progress.
"I shall remember the energy and patriotism which
gathered together in this city specimens of Canadian
industry from all parts of the Province for the
World's Fair, and which has been the means of ren
dering this magnificent conception of the illustrious
consort of our beloved Queen more serviceable to
Canada than it has perhaps proved to any of the
other countless countries which have been represented
there. "And I shall forget, but no, what I might have had
to forget is already forgotten, and, therefore, I can
not tell you what I' shall forget."
In writing to Earl Grey in 1848, Lord Elgin
said: —
¦' You may perhaps Americanize, but, depend upon
it, you cannot, by methods of this kind, Anglicise
the French inhabitants of this Province Let them
fed, on the other hand, that their religion, their
habits, their prepositions, their prejudices, if you
will, are more considered and respected here thah in
other portions of this vast continent, who will venture
to say that the last hand which waves a British flag
on American ground may not be thlat of a French
Canadian." Lord Elgin incidentally referred to singing the
Rebellion Losses' Bill, when he spoke of returning
from the city at the end of April.

248 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
THE BROWN FAMILY.
In 1856 I removed with my family to Toronto, and,
in addition to doing an exchange business, estalb-
lished the Canadian Merchants' Magazine, ai monthly
periodical in which I advocated the development of
Canadian industries- This brought me into communi
cation with the public men of the day, many of whom
were contributors, to my periodical. We found a
house in the .same terrace in which Peter Brown land
his family resided, and our families soon became ac-
quainitied. Mr. Brown was a " grand old man," wholse
family consisted of two sons, George and Gordon, two
married, and one unmarried daughter, Catherine, the
latter a great favourite in Toronto, and known to
almost every one. The Globe haid then been estab
lished for twelve years, was the organ of the Liberals,
and its proprietor, George Brown, the leader of the
Liberal party in Parliament, then sitting in Toronto-
George Brown was a very tall, broad-shouldered,
sandy-haired Scotchman, nearly forty years of age,
unmarried, and living at home, a gentle and much
loved son and brother, and the idol of his family. In
political life he was altogether a different individual.
Refusing to believe in the sincerity of any one who
differed from the Globe, then known in the West as
Brown's Bible, he was unscrupulous in his attacks
on political opponents, many of the most honourable
men in Canada being singled out in black letters as
traitors to their country, or worse, because they could
not see eye to eye with the controller of the Globe.
It was during our three years' residence in

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 249
Toronto that an accident occurred in the Brown
family, that it is no exaggeration to say threw all
Toronto into mourning. Catherine Brown, while ac
companying her aged father to New York to consult
a specialist regarding her father's health, was killed
near Syracuse in a railway accident, the old gentle
man escaping with a few slight bruises.
Another incident in the Brown family may be of
interest. Before Peter Brown left Scotland, he had
met with heavy losses in business, and when he came
to this country was considerably in debt. To this a
young member of Parliament had the bad taste to
refer, when George Brown's defence of his father
was unconsciously a greater tribute to himself than to
his father, for every one knew that it was George's
money that was discharging his father's obligations.
Mr. Brown's reply toi 'this, attack was as follows: —
" It is true that my father was a merchanii in Edin
burgh, and through unfortunate investments failed in
1836- ' It is also true that he held a public office, the
funds of which got mixed up with those of his
general business to the extent of £2,800, for which his
friends were responsible, and which they paid. Part
of that money has been paid, the rest will be paid
shortly. I was then seventeen years of age, and was
in no way responsible, but I felt then, as I feel now,
the obligation that was laid upon me, and I vowed
I should never rest till every penny had been paid.
There are those present who have known my every
action since I set foot in this country ; they know that
I have not eaten the bread of idleness, but they did
not know the great object of my labour, the one end

250 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
of my desire for wealth was, that I might dischargje
those debts of my father's- I have been accused of
being ambitious, I have been charged with aspiring
to be Prime Minister of this great country ....
but I only wish I could make my opponents under
stand how infinitely surpassing all this, how utterly
contemptible in my thoughts have been all such
considerations in the comparisons with the one long
ing desire to discharge those debts of honour, and
vindicate those Scottish principles instilled into me
since my youth. . . But why, asked the person
who made the charge, has he sat silent under it?
Why, if the thing is so false, has he endured it for
so many years? What sir, free myself from blame
by inculpating one so dear? Say it was not I that
was at fault, but my father! Rather would I have
lost my right arm than utter such a word. No,
sir, I waited the time when the charge could be
met as it only could be fittingly met, and my
only regret even now is that I have been compelled
to speak before these debts have been entirely li
quidated. But it is due to my aged father to explain
that it has not been with his will that these impu
tations have been so long pointed at me, and it hais
only been by eamest remonstrance I have prevented
him vindicating me in public long ere now,. . -.
The member for Carleton now pretends that he did
not mean to insinuate anything against my father ;
that he has ? high respect fcr his character; I thank
him not for the acknowledgment. No man in Toronto
is perhaps better known in the communit}-, and
I thi-k T could appeal even to his political opponents

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 251
to say if there is a citizen of Toronto at this day more
thoroughly respected and esteemed. With a full
knowledge of all that has passed, and all the conse
quences that have followed from a day of weakness, I
will say that an honester man than Peter Brown does
not breathe the air of heaven, that no man feels prouder
of his father than I do to-day ; and that I would have
submitted to the obloquy and reproach of his every
act, not fifteen years, but fifty — aye, have gone down
to the grave with the cold shade of the world upon me
— rather than that one of his grey hairs should be in
jured." To how many who have helped, or are helping their
parents, do these noble words appeal?
THE MONTREAL BOARD OF TRADE ON
THE SILVER NUISANCE.
Not wishing to lengthen the story of the silver
nuisance by the insertion of this remarkable letter in
its proper place, I give it the benefit of a place in the
Appendix. The letter read as follows : —
" Sir, "I am directed by the Council of the Montreal
Board of Trade to acknowledge, with thanks, your
circular of the 27th January, 1870, respecting the
silver currency, and respectfully to offer for your
consideration their views thereon. The Council
having carefully considered the subject of the present
silver circulation in the Dominion of Canada, whilst
admitting the hardship and loss entailed on those who

252 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
held American silver when the discount was first
deducted, would respectfully point out that the present
holders of these coins having become possessed of
them at a depreciated rate, and daily exchanging them
for labour and commodities, both of which are now by
custom settled on a silver basis, have no ground what
ever either for complaint or relief.
"That in every store in the city and district of
Montreal (whatever custom may exist in other parts
of the Dominion) goods are invariably priced for cur
rent funds, or for silver with a discriminating value
accordingly .
" That the convenience and simplicity of the present
use of American and English silver greatly counter
balance, if they do not outweigh, any evils arising
therefrom. "That the poorer classes would not gain; on the
contrary, would lose greviously by the withdrawal of
this silver currency, and the introduction of a frac
tional paper currency so likely to be lost or destroyed
in their keeping, and so exposed to forgery.
" That the British shilling is now, to the extent of
ten dollars, a legal tender at twenty-four shillings
and four pence currency for twenty, or say about
twenty-four and three-tenth cents each.
" That any legislative enactments, with a penal
clause to forbid the interchange of any coin or cur
rency whatever, though it were even on African
Cowrie, either above or below its nominal value,
would be unworthy of a mercantile community, and
would tend greatly to obstruct the freedom of inter
change in cash and commercial commodities, which

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 253
is so much needed in a progressive and rising
country such as Canada aims to be considered-
" 'That no objection is made to the proposed intro
duction of additional Canaidian silver coinage ; on the
contrary, it will supply the void created by the recent
heavy exports of silver, thus tending to increase the
stability of the finances of the country, as the heavy
quantity of silver afloat at the time of the suspension
of the Commercial Bank in 1867, having contracted
the circulation of the smaller bank bills, was greatly
the means of averting that panic which would, doubt
less, then have occurred had the labouring classels then
held bank bills to the extent they did in former years.
" It is, however, to be borne in view that the
quantity of silver required for use in Canada varies
greatly at different times; that Canadian silver coin,
if made the chief small currency of the country, would
at times be very inconveniently deficient ; at other times
equally redundant, which, when scarce, it could
nowhere be procured, and when too abundant it could
not be sent anywhere outside of Canada except at a
ruinous loss, whereas, British and American silver can
always be promptly procured, or disposed of abroad,
at a comparatively moderate expense.
"That the rates at which the Govemment propose
to receive the silver are too much below its fair and
current value, that the loss thus entailed on some
is far beyond what is either reasonable or politic for
any Government to exact.
" Looking at these objections to the plan suggested,
and the probability that all the inconveniences
attendant on the use of American silver will, ere long,

254 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
be removed, by a return to specie payments in the
United States, the Council respectfully suggest that
action on this matter should be deferred.
I have the honour to be,
Sir Francis,
Your obedient servant,
(Signed) W. J. PATTERSON, Secretary."
Hon. Sir Francis Hincks,
Minister of Finance, Ottawa.

Sir Francis replied to this communication in a very
long letter, quoting Macaulay as to the panic caused
in Engla'nd while the new silver was being coined,
and stating his belief that the people would respect
the Governor's Proclamation, and that to discuss
penal legislation was quite premature, and concluding
as follows : — " I am unaware of any facts which
justify the O'pinion arrived at by the Council of the
Board of Trade, that ' the inconvenience attendant
on the use of American silver will, ere long, be re
moved by a return to specie j>ayments in the United
States,' "
It was nine years after this correspondence before
the United States resumed specie payments. The
letter to the Board of Trade set at naught the well-
known principle, that an inferior currency will drive
a superior out of circulation.

SlXi y YEARS IN CANADA.
THE WEIR FAMILY.

1:55

Those of our name who take an interest in heraldry
will be interested to learn that the Weirs were barons
five hundred years ago, as is shown by the History
of the Somervilles, edited by Sir Walter Scott, and
published in 1815. On the death of the second Lord
Somerville, 1434 (page 178, vol. I.), it is re
corded that at the inquest held before Sir Hendrie
Prestoune, of Craigmillar, Sheriff Principal and Pro
vost of Edinburgh, " There was present those gentle
men whose names follow :— William Baillzie of Lea
mington, John Gerdoune of Aplegarth, Henrie Weir
of Blaickwood, John Lauder of Hatton, Robert
Logane of Restallrig, Sir John Edmontoune of
Edmontoune, Sir William Borthwick of Borthwick,
William Fairlie of Braid, James Fallsyde of that ilk,
William Moubray of Barne-Bougill, Sir Alexander
Damahoy of that ilk, Lindsay of Calvingtoune, and
Roger Killpatrick of Closseburne." This account,
written by the Right. Honourable John, Lord Somer
ville, 1679, goes on to say: Thir gentlemen being
barrones, hes ther scales appended to this retour,
upon red wax enclosed in white as the culstome then
was-" The same history (page 197) goes on to say, " In
that year ( 14.117) Lord Somerville contracts his eldest
daughter Marie to Ralph Weir, and gives in portion
with her 2,000 marks-
It may be well tr^ explain that at that time, when a
nobleman or estated gentleman died, an inquest was
held by his neighbours, and the death certified to as
mentioned above.

256 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
HANDWRITING EXPERTS.
To be a good judge of handwriting" is ai part of the
business training of an exchange broker, and this was
particularly the case before the era of greenbacks
and national currency, when over fourteen hundred
banks were in existence in the United States, all
issuing notes and bills of exchange, the signature of
whose presidents and cashiers the Canadian exchange
broker was required to know. Books were to be
had with the fac-similes of the isignatures of the
principal hank presidents and cashiers, and were con
stantly being referred to as occasion required.
Exchange brokers thus became par force experts in
handwriting, and were often appealed to when
charges of forgery were in question. In this con
nection a case occurred just thirty years ago, which
showed the danger of relying upon expert testimony,
as, but for the timely confession of the real culprit, an
innocent man would have been ruined.
Shortly before a general election, the Hon. John
H. Pope was in Montreal, it was understood arrang
ing about candidates, when a letter addressed to him
by Sir John A. Macdonald, instead of reaching its
destination, found its way into the hands of the Hbn.
John Young, then spoken of as a candidate for Par
liamentary' honours. It reached Mr. Young in an en
velope addressed 'to him with a slip inside, on which
were written the wordsi: " For the information of the
Hon. John Young." As the letter referred to the
coming election, its publication' by Mr. Young created
great excitement, and gave great annoyance to Sir

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 257
John and Mr. Pope, as they naturally concluded
that therd was a traitor in the camp, and made great
efforts to discover his identity.
Experts were engaged to compare the handwriting
of the post-office clerks with that of the writing on the
slip. Two American and two Canadian " experts "
expressed the opinion that the words " for the infor
mation of the Hon. John Young " were in the hand
writing of a popular young man who occupied a
responsible position in the post-office, and who was at
once suspended. Fac-similies of the handwriting were
published in the papers, and to me there appeared no
similarity between the writing of the suspected clerk
and that of the slip sent to the Hon. John Young-
I was co'nfirmed in my opinion by that of some of my
confreres, and expressed my opinion, before the com
mission that had been named to investigate the matter.
Some of my confreres, I believe, were also examined,
and gave similar testimony, but at first it looked blue
for the unfortunate clerk, when a Boston, "expert"
of great reputation was backed by two solemn look
ing Montreal gentlemen with serious faces and mag
nifying glasses, who expressed their opinion with an
assurance almost incredible that the handwritings
were the same.
When asked by the chairman of the commission
what experience I had had as an " expert," I replied,
over twenty years' familiarity with Canadian hand
writing, whereas, to the Boston gentleman almost all
Canadian writing would look alike, just ais all French
and German writing look alike to us- That he saw
the national likeness, but not the family differences;
17

258 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
just as all Chinamen look alike to us, but all appearing
different to each other. As to our local men with
their magnifying glasses, it was like giving a mother
a magnifying glass to identify a long absent son,
while she would tell him better by taking in his
whole figure.
The clerk was remanded for trial, and bail taken
for his appearance, but before his trial the truth be
came known to his entire exoneration, the facts
being as follows : —
Captain Pope, who was in command on the Island,
was in the habit of sending daily for any letters: for
himself or his men, and the Pope-Macdonald letter
had, by error, been placed in Captain Pope's mail-
bag. The captain's servant, seeing the mistake, opened
the letter, and, instead of re-addressing it to J. H.
Pope, sent it to the Hon. John Young, as already
stated ; but the tempest he had raised alarmed him,
and he quietly gave up his place and left for the
United States ; but, seeing that an innocent man was
likely to suffer, he had the grace to write to the au
thorities explaining the whole affair, in the same
handwriting as the slip addressed to the Hon. John
Young, a fac-simile of which letter may still bei seen
in the papers of that time.
I mention this incident merely to show the dangler
of relying upon expert testimony, which is only valu
able when the witness is thoroughly familiar with the
handwriting in question, and is otherwise thoroughly
reliable, and having no interest in stating what is not
true.

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 259
THE CAT IN THE PULPIT.
When I went to Chatham, the Presbyterian Minis^
ter was the Rev. William Mair, a fine old gentleman,
in rather delicate health for a parish which he de
scribed as "extending twelve miles on the Ottawa and
as far back as he could win."
He was unmarried, owndd hils manse and glebe,
and kept a man and his wife to look after his affairs.
His dogs and cats were great pets, one dog in par
ticular following him into the pulpit, and, if he
happened to miss hils master, wo'uld be seen trotting
up the isle and scratching! at the pulpit door till
admitted. On one occasion the cat found her way into the
church, and, seeing the minister in the pulpit, went up
the pulpit stair and made a spring for the book -board,
where she landed in good style, while the minister
was reading the first' lesson. Here she went "purr
ing " over the bible, in happy ignorance of the
" risabilities " of the congregation. At last the minis
ter was made aware of her presence when s'he at
tempted to catch the leaf which he was turning over,
and without a smile on his countenance, he looked
over the pulpit and quietly asked, " Will somebody
put out the Cat, giving the C the broad sound with
which every one who ever heard an elderly Scotch
man read Latin is familiar. Of course, pussy was
handled as she handles her own kittens, and igno-
miniously removed.

260 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
A COURT OF JUSTICE.
As my schoolhouse in Chatham was situated near
the centre of the township, a Magistrate's Court was
held there at regular intervals, the magistrate's at that
time being Mr. Greece, of Stonefield, Mr. Cushing, of
Chatham, and Mr. Brown, of Brownsburgh.
The cases brought before that court weire sometimes
of an interesting] and amusing character. On one
occasion a defendant brought Mr. Jones, a lame
lawyer (who drove in a low carriage) from St.
Andrews, who brought with him as big a bag of law
books as if he were to plead before the Supreme
Court. When he had spread out his books with his
quotations carefully marked, and had begun his argu
ment, Mr. Greece, a blunt but well educated English
man (the very picture of John Bull), stopped him
short by remarking: "Mr. Jones, this is not a court
of Law, but a court of Justice. If you have anything
to say as to the justice of your client's case, we will
hear you; but as for your law books we will not
listen to them." Mr. Jones persisted for some time.,
but it was no use, and he finally bundled his books
into his bag and took his departure in very ill
hum'our.
HON. ISAAC BUCHANAN.
When I began the publication of the Canadian
Merchants' Magazine, in 1857, many who had a
panacea for Canada's ills contributed to its pages;
among others Isaac Buchanan, of Hamilton, then
one of the largest importers in Canada, and head
of the firm of Buchanan, Harris & Co., of Montreal,
Hamilton and London. He was then an advocate

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
of that covert Annexation Movement known as the
American Zollvcrcin, which had then many advocates.
He was also a supporter of an irredeemable cur
rency, known afterwards as the "Rag Baby." I
managed to convince him that the proposed
Zollverein was only Annexation in disguise and that
England would never consent to it; and as regards
an irredeemable currency, whatever its merits,
it was not then a live issue — the only question
being a more protective tariff. Shortly afterwards
he ran for Hamilton on the protectionist ticket, was
elected, and became the leader of the Protectionists
in the House. He stood by increased duties on
manufactures till that pohcy was victorious; stating
frankly that his stake in the country was so large
that its prosperity would do him more good than
any increase in duties would do him harm. Next
year, however (1859), during a liberal convention,
he wrote as follows : "Let it therefore be resolved
that, for our commercial system the principle should
be adopted by Canada of an American Zollverein,
in other words. Free Trade with America, but not
with Europe. Hon. A. T. Gait, however, reported
against the proposal, and there it ended.
The last heard of this covert Annexation move
ment was Sir Richard Cartwright's motion of the
19th March, 1889, "That in the present condition of
affairs and in view of the recent action of the House
of Representatives of the United States, it is ex
pedient that steps, should be taken to ascertain on
what terms and conditions arrangements can be
effected with the United States for the purpose of
securing full and unrestricted reciprocity of trade
therewith." This motion was lost by a vote of 121
nays to yy yeas.

262 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
THE xAlANLtACTURERb' MEMORIAL.
I think it will be a fitting "Finis" to this volume
to give the Memorial of the Manufacturers' Asso
ciation lately presented to the Canadian Govemment.
There can be no greater mistake than to take it for
granted that the manufacturers would be the only
gainers by revising the tariff. In fact, they would
in many cases be the losers, for by shutting out the
Americans they would bring their factories into Cana
da in order to supply their customers, so that we would
soon have cheaper instead of dearer goods. Below
is the Memorial : —
" For some time past we have urged that in the
interests of Canada her tariff question should be
removed entirely from politics, and be viewed as a
national business problem. As time passes, and the
tariff wars of nations multiply, we are more than ever
convinced that in this we are correct; and we believe
it to be the duty of the Govemment of the day,
irrespective of an}- party watchword or tradition, to
immediatel}' aidopt that policy which will best defend
the interests of our citizens, and not only secure for
Canada the development of her vast resources', but
preserve and foster within our borders those great
industries which provide industrial opportunities for
her people. In recommending an immediate and
general revision of the tariff, this is our sole purpose,
and we believe we need no other.
General Revision, Necessary.
" Six years have now elapsed since a general re
vision was made. During that time Canada and her
resources have come to be better known, and the

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 263
rapid development of a young country such as ours
demands a periodical revision in order to meet the
changes in our industrial conditions, which are becom
ing more marked with each succeeding year. And,
further, while we appreciate the importance of tariff
stability, we are certain that you will agree that our
own invested capital, the interests of our employees,
and our desire for the general prosperity of our
country, will forbid any recommendations on our part
which might prove detrimental to the welfare of all
concerned. Permit us, then, to call to your attention,
in addition to what we have already pointed out, to a
few general conditions which are affecting us seri
ously at the present time, and which afford un
answerable arguments for general tariff revision.
United States Denomin.\tion.
" Our most natural market, geographically, the
United States, is meeting uis in every branch of in
dustry and at every opportunity with a closed door.
Even in products of the soil, where \\'(t might expect
to produce for their consuming millions, they pur
chased from US' last year only $8,000,000 worth, while
our scattered and less protected population of one-
fifteenth their number patronized their farmers to tiic
extent of $25,000,000. Nor does the difference in our
tariffs affect us in this respect alone. The Canadian
tariff in many items' is so low, and the methods of
competition and undervaluation of our United States
competitors are so successful, that they are able to
supply a large portion of the goods wliicli vve consume,
and which, in order to benefit all cases, where the
Canadian tariff would appear to be reasonably ade
quate, they can use us to their advantage and to our

264 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
own destruction by making" our market the dumping-
ground for their surplus products. We have stood
by and watched their, successful campaign. We have
seen' our imports from the United States grow during
enormous sum of $120,000,000. Surely it is a sig-
000,000 in 1896, until last year they reached the
enormous sum of $120,000,000. Surely it is a sig
nificant fact for all Canadian producers that, while
we pride ourselves upon advancements made during
the last six years, yet that during that time, with all
our splendid resources, and our almost unlimited
capacity for production, our imports from the United
States increased nearly three times as much aa they
did during the preceding thirty years. Of the $120,-
000,000 worth we bought from them last year, $65,-
000,000 was made up of manufactured goods alone,
or more than the value of the wheat grown last year
in our whole Northwest. True, we may congratu
late ourselves upon the expansion of our great North
west, but what does it profit Canada if we give the
whole of our Northwest crop in the encouragement
of United States industries as opposed to our own,
and enhance for the United States' farmer the value
of his market, which excludes at every point the
farmers of Canada? British Competition.
" Turning to the more distant but friendly mar
kets of Great Britain, we find that the motherland
purchased from us last year only $117,000,000, as
compared with $631,000,000 which she purchased the
previous year from the producers of the United
States- We purchased from Great Britain, in turn
only $49,000,000, or about one-third of the amount

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA. 265
supplied to us from the United States, and this in
spite of the fact that we have given a preference of
one-third of the entire duty to the products of the
mother country. The Preferential Tariff.
" Your honourable Govemment will bear witness
to the fact that our association has consented and
supported rather than objected to the preferential
tariff; and yet you must be aware that many of our
industries are suffering to-day from the competition
of the British manufacturer, with his tremendou|s
output and his cheaper capital and labour. Ihis
grievance is aggravated by the fact that the prefer
ential provisions are taken advantage of by manu
facturers of Germany, and other countries, who
have their goods practically transhipped from
Britain, and thus obtain a preference in our mar
kets, which they are not entitled to — a preference
which is nothing short of an injustice to the manu-
factur'iers of this country. We are desirous that Great
Britain and our sister Colonies should still be given
a preference in this market, but who will defend the
Canadian Govemment in continuing that preference
to the detriment of Canadian capital and workingmen,
especialb' when the Canadian producer receives no
compensatinj;^ preference in the markets of Great
Britain ? Our Position To-Day.
" From this brief outline, the whole situation in
Canadian industrial development is apparent. Many
of our industries have been comparatively prosperous
18

266 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA-
during recent years. This has been due largely to the
abnormal prosperity which the world at large has
enjoyed, the partial protection afforded by the pre
sent tariff, the growing excellence of the products of
Canadian factories, and especially to the fact that the
demands of the United States market, where indus
tries are encouraged, have taxed the output of the
United States manufacturers to its fullest capacity.
This home demand has been so great that, recognizing
the im.portance of their own market, they have
sacrificed their export trade, and, speaking generally,
have confined their attention largely to their own
country. But even in spite of this it is quite clear that
any ground gained by the manufacturers of Canada
has only been by persistent struggle, and in face of the
keenesit competition from the United States, Great
Britain and Germany and other countries. If such
has been our experience during a period of prosperity,
what may we expect when depression comes and our
manufacturers are forced to compete against those
gigantic aggregations of capital which control the
specialized industries of the United States, and which,
as our imports prove, have already changed the trend
of business in many lines of manufacture ? It is quite
true that some of our most important industries are
suffering to-day; but even those who are enjoying a
measure of prosperity look into the future with
grave apprehension, knowing by experience the ruin
which will certainly sweep over us when the wave of
prosperity begins to subside, and the first signs of
a depression are felt in the great republic to the
south- That this change is not far distant has already

SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA- 267
been pointed by some of the highest commercial
authorities and some of the keenest minds in the
United States.
A Note of Warning.
"In view of all these facts, we believe it is our duty
to sound the note of warning in Canada, and we believe
that only a careful revision of the tariff can protett
in any degree the industrial interests of our country
if such conditions arise. While the reasons' already
cited refer more specifically to the needs of the manu
facturing industries of our land, it is the earnest
desire of our association that those tariff items
affecting the products of our farms, our mines and
our fisheries, should also be revised from the same
national business standpoint, and such changes made
as will ensure to Canadian producers the adequate
defence of their industries in the home market."
The Resolution Adopted.
After the adoption of the foregoing memorial, the
following resolution was carried by the meeting: —
"Resolved, That this meeting reaffirms the position
taken by the association in itS' resolutions passed at
the last annual meeting, held in Halifax, N. S., 13th
of August, 1900, viz. : ' That the changed conditions
which now obtain in Canada demand the immediate
and thorough revision of the tariff upon lines which
will more effectually transfer to the workshops of
our Dominion the manufacture of many of the
goods which we now import from other corntries.'
That in any revision of tariff the interest of all sec-

268 SIXTY YEARS IN CANADA.
tions of the community, whether of agricultural,
mining, fishing or manufacture, shall be fully con
sidered, with a view not only to the preservation, but
to the further development of all those great natural
industries, and would especially recommend that in
view of the fact that great quantities of farm pro
ducts that could be grown in Canada are at present
imported, the tariff on all such products should be
sufficiently increased to give Canadians ample pro
tection against their foreign competitors. Further,
that this meeting reaffirms the position talcen by the
association at its Halifax meeting, that while the
tariff should primarily be framed for Canadian inter
ests, it should nevertheless give a substantial prefer
ence to the mother country, and also to any other part
of the British Em.pire with which reciprocal prefer
ential trade can be .arranged, recognizing always that
under any conditions the minimum tariff' must afford
adequate protection to all Canadian producers- And
be it further resolved, that this meeting do now pro
ceed to appoint a special committee to proceed to
Ottawa at the earliest possible moment, there
to urge upon the Government, in the name of the
association, the absolute necessity of undertaking, at
the present Session of Parliament, a thorough re
vision of the customs tariff upon the lines set forth in
this resolution."

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