-¦I !)()().' 0/111 .' /A.\

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Gift of
U. B. Phillips

"./r . -yi.

//rr .

HISTORY

WAR OF THE INDEPENDENCE

r NITED STATES OF AMERICA-

BY CHARLES BOTTA.

TRANSLATED FROM THE ITALIAN,
BY GEORGE ALEXANDER OTIS, ESQ.

TENTH EDITION, IN TWO VOLUMES, REVISED AND CORRECTED.

VOL. 1.

B T: F F A L O :
PUBLISHED BY PHINNEY & CO.

18-52,

Entered according to act of Conffrees, in the Year 1848, by Geokge Alex
ANDER Otis, in the Clerk'.s Office of the District Court of the District of
Massachusetts.

C. l A, ! ¦ 9 (iJ \

TO THE
AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY,
HELD AT
PHILADELPHIA, FOR THE PROMOTION OF
USEFUL KNOWLEDGE,
This fourth edition of " Otis's Botta," is dedicated, in token of
acknowledgment for the distinction conferred upou the Translator,
on the appearance of the first edition.
This honor was not the less flattering for having been; imparted
early, and in 1821, before the public voice had been declared upon
the merit of the work. " Gloria est consentiens laus bonorum, in-
currupta vox bene judicantium de excellenti virtute." The writer
has not been unmindful of his obligations as a member of this So
ciety, whose objects are the most noble that man can have in view ;
but has now in manuscript, a careful translation of Cicero's Offices,
Old Age and Friendship, comprising the best system of moral Phi
losophy, by common consent of the wiser part of mankind, for two
thousand years, that the world has ever seen ; and of which there
has never been an American edition by any other author
Boston, January 9, 1834.

NOTICE OF THE AUTHOR.

There will be found, in the course of this history, several dis
courses of a certain length. Those I have put in the mouth of the
different speakers have really been pronounced by them, and upon
those very occasions which are treated of in the work. I should
however, mention that I have sometimes made a single orator say
what has been said in substance by others of the same party. Some
times, also, but rarely, using the liberty granted in all times to histo
rians, I have ventured to add a small number of phrases, which ap
peared to me to coincide perfectly with the sense of the orator, and
proper to enforce his opinion ; this has appeared especially in the
two discourses pronounced before congress, for and against indepen
dence, by Richard Henry Lee and John Dickinson.
It will not escape attentive readers, that in some of these dis
courses are found predictions which time has accomphshed. I af
firm that these remarkable passages belong entirely to the authors
cited. In order that these might not resemble those of the poets,
always made after the fact, I have been so scrupulous as to trans
late them, word for word, from the original language.

PREFACE TO THE NINTH EDITION.

The fourtii of a century, and an entire generation have
passed away since the first edition of this work was published
by the Translator, at his own hazard and expense ; and not
only without the aid of book-sellers^ but contrary to their
most eai'nest dissuasions, and even to the remonstrances of
literary friends. Tlie Hon. John Quincy Adams alone en
couraged him to the enterprise, and his encouragement alone
decided its execution. The Book however was greeted with
a cordial welcome ; and with the most enthusiasm by the
survivors, and principal actors in the great scenes it com
memorates. The population of tlie United States was then about seven
millions, and the numberof copies printed but one thousand.
Tlie wide circulation and growing demand for it since is
well known; and the prediction of Mr. Jefferson appears to
be accomplished, "that it would become the common manu
al of our Revolutionary History."
In addressing the present edition to a younger growth of
his fellow citizens, who probably exceed twenty millions in
number, it will perhaps require no apology for thus retracing
the difficulties which were encountered in the effort to furnish
ihem with a picture of the patriotic struggles of their forefa
thers, and an eternal monument to their glory.
GEORGE ALEXANDER OTIS.
Boston 1st March. 1845.

TRANSLATOR'S NOTICE TO THE SECOND EDITION.

The translator of this history, in laying before his fellow-citizens
a second edition of it, would offer them his sincere acknowledg
ments for their favorable reception of the first ; a reception the more
gratifying, as, rtotwithstanding his own high value of the work, it
surpassed his most sanguine expectations. It evidently appeared
that Botta, like all his great predecessors in the march of immortality,
was greeted with the most enthusiasm and admiration by those who
were, doubtless, the most conscious of being his fellow-travelers on
the road to posterity. How warmly was he welcomed by the sur
viving patriots who had distinguished themselves the most eminently
in the great scenes he describes ! The venerable John Adams, on
receiving the second volume of the translation, expres.sed himself
in the words following : ' I unite with many other gentlemen in the
opinion that the work has great merit, has raised a monument to
your name, and performed a valuable service to your country. If it
should, not have a rapid sale at first, it will be, in the language of
booksellers, good stock, and will be in demand as long as the Ameri
can Revolution is an object of curiosity. It is indeed the most clas
sical and methodical, the most particular and circumstantial, the
most entertaining and interesting narration of the American War,
that I have seen.' In Hke manner, the hand that penned the De
claration of American Independence, on receiving the first volume
of the translation, having already for some years been possessed of
the original, addressed the translator the words of encouragement
which are here set down : ' I am glad to find that the excellent his
tory of Botta is at length translated. The merit of this work has
been too long unknown with us. He has had the faculty of sifting
the truth of facts from our own histories with great judgment, of
suppressing details which do not make part of the general history,
and of enlivening the whole with the constant glow of his holy en
thusiasm for the liberty and independence of nations. Neutral, as
an historian should be, in the relation of facts, he is never neutral in
his feelings, nor in the warm expression of them, on the triumphs
and reverses of the confheting parties, andof his honest sympathies
with that engaged in the better cause. Another merit is in the ac
curacy of his narrative of those portions of the same war which
passed in other quarters of the globe, and especially on the ocean.

viu TO THE READER.
We must thank him, too, for having brought within the compass of
three volumes every thing we wish to know of that war, and in a
style so engaging, that we cannot lay the book down. He had been
so kind as to send me a copy of his work, of which I shall manifest
my acknowledgment by sending him your volumes, as they come
out. My original being lent out, I have no means of collating it
with the translation ; but see no cause to doubt correctness.' On
receipt of the second volume of the translation, Mr. Jefferson re
news his eulogies of the history, in the expressions which follow :
I 'join Mr. Adams, heartily, in good wishes for the success of your
labors, and hope they will bring you both profit and fame. You
have certainly rendered a good service to your country ; and when
the superiority of the work over every other on the same subject
shall be more known, I think it will be the common manual of our
Revolutionary History.' Mr. Madison is no less decisive in his ap
probation of the undei taking. He writes the translator on receiv
ing his first volume : ' The literary reputation of this author, with the
philosophic spirit and classic taste allowed to this historical work
justly recommended the task in which you are engaged, of placing a
translation of it before American readers ; to whom the subject must
always be deeply interesting, and who cannot but feel a curiosity to
see the picture of it as presented to Europe by so able a hand. The
author seems to have the merit of adding to his other qualifications
much industry and care in his researches into the best sources of
information, and it may readily be supposed that he did not fail to
make the most of his access to those in France, not yet generallv
laid open.' &.c. Thus cotemporary witnesses, and the most promi
nent actors in some of the principal events recorded in these vol
umes, have authorized and sanctioned the unexpected indujo-ence
with which they were received by the American people. Grateful
for such high approbation, and content with having been the first to
present his countrymen, at his own peril, with however imperfect a
copy of so inimitable an original, the translator will always be hap
py to congratulate them on the appearance of a better.

7lt'^rc:tfi,,iyX^c^,^ /(^^

FAC-KIMTLR EXTRACT FROM LETTER OF PRESIDENT MADISON.

sa ' rrurrxOLi^Me JuJ4f <r. rLC.
FACSIMILE EXTRACT FROM LETTER OF PRESIDENT JEFFERSON.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

BOOK FIRST.
ScMHARv.— Opii.ions, manners, customs, and inclinations ofthe inhabitants of tlie
Knglisli colnni as in America. Mildness of the British government towards its coloniats.
Seeds of discontent between the two people. Plan of colonial government proposec'
by the colonists. Other motives of diseontent in America. Justification of ministers.
Designs and instigations of the French. All the states of Europe desire to reduce the
power of England. New subjects of complaint. Stajnp duty projected by the minis
ters and proposed to parliament. The Americans are alarmed at it, and make remon
strances. Long and violent debates between the advocates of the stamp act and the
opposition. The stamp act passes in parliament.
BOOK SECOND
Summary. — Troubles in America on account of the stamp duty. Violent tumult at
Boston. Movements in other parts of America. League of citizens desirous of a new
order of things. New doctrines relative to political authority. American associations
against English commerce. Admirable constancy of the colonist's. General congress
of New York and its operations. Effects produced in England by the news of the ta-
mults in America. Change of ministers. The new ministry favorable to the Amer
icans. Tliey propose to parliament the repeal of the stamp act. Doctor Franklin is
interrogated by the parliament. Discourse of George Grenville in favor of the tax.
Answer of William Pitt. The stamp act is revoked. Joy manifested in England on
this occasion. The news is transmitted with all dispatch to America.
BOOK THIRD.
SuMMART. — Extreme joy ofthe colonists on hearing ofthe repeal of the stamp act.
Causes of new discontents. Deliberations of the government on the subject of the
opposition of the Americans. Cliange of ministry. The new ministers propose to
parliament, and carry, a bill imposing a duty upon tea, paper, glass, and painters' col
ors. This duty is accompanied by other measures, which sow distrust in the colonies.
New disturbances and new a.ssociations in America. The royal troops enter Boston.
Tumult, with effusion of blood, in Boston. Admirable judicial decision in the midst
of so great commotion. Condescendence of the Englisii government ; it suppresses
the taxes, with the exception of that on tea The Americans manifest no greater sub
mission in consequence. The government adopts measures of rigor. The Araericans
break out on their part ; they form leagues of resistance. The Bostonians throw tea
overboard. The ministers adopt rigorous counsels. Violent agitations ir. Americg,.
Events which result from them, New confederations. AU the provinces determine to
hold a general congress at Philadelphia. BOOK FOURTH
Summary. — Confidence of the Americans in the general congress. Dispositions of
minds in Europe, and particularly in France, towards the Americans. Deliberationa
of congress. Approved by the provinces. Indifl'erence of minds in Enrfand relative
to the "quarrel with America. Parliament convoked. The ministers will have the m-
iiabitanls of Massachusetts declared rebels. Oration of Wilkes against this proposi
tion. Oration of Harvey in support of it. The ministers carry it. They send troops
to America. They accompany the measures of rigor with a proposition of arrange-
ment, and a promise of amnesty. Edmund Burke proposes to the parliament another
plan of reconciliation ; which does not obtain. Principal reason why the ministers will
hearken to no proposition of accommodation. Furv of the Americans on learning that
the inhabitants of Massachusetts have been declared rebels. Every thing, in America
takes the direction of war. Battle of Lexington. Siege of Boston. Unanimoua rcEO
iution of the Araericans to take arms and enter the field.

CONTENTS.

BOOK FIFTH.
Summary.— Situation of Boston. State of the two armies. The provinces make
preparation for war. Taking of Ticonderoga. Siege of Boston. Battle of Breed g
Hill. New congress in Philadelphia. George Washington elected captam-general.
Repairs to the camp of Boston. The congress make new regulations for the army.
Eulogy of doctor Warren. The congress take up tho subject of finances. Endeavor
to secure the Indians. Their manifesto. Religious solemnities to move the people.
Address of the congress to the British nation. Another to the king. Another to the
Irish people. Letter to the Canadians. Events in Canada. Resolutions of congress
relative to the conciliatory proposition of lord North. Articles of union between the
provinces proposed by the congress. The royal governors oppose the designs *of the
fiopular governors. Serious altercations which result from it. Massachusetts begins to
abor for independence. The other provinces discover repugnance to imitate the exam
ple. Military operations near Boston. Painful embarrassments in which Washington
finds himself. General Gage succeeded by sir William Howe, in the chief command of
the English froops. Boldness of the Americans upon the sea. DifKculties experienced
by Howe. Invasion of Canada. Magnanimity of Montgomery. Montreal taken.
Surprising enterprise executed by Arnold. Assault of Quebec. Death of Mont
gomery. BOOK SIXTH.
Summary. — State of parties in England. Discontent of the people. The ministers
take Germans into the pay of England. Parliament convoked. Designs of France.
King's speech at the opening of parliament. Occasions violent debates. The ministers
carry their Address. Conrmissioners appointed with power of pardon. Siege of Bos
ton. The English are forced to evacuate it. New disturbances in North Carolina.
Success ofthe American marine. War of Canada. Praises of Montgomery. De
signs of the English against South Carolina. They ftiriously attack fort Moultrie.
Strange situation of the American colonies. Independence every day gains »ew parti
sans ; and wherefore. The congress propose to declare Independence. Speech of
Richard Henry Lee in favor of the proposition. Speech of John Dickinson on the
other side. The congress proclaim Independence. Exultation ofthe people
BOOK SEVENTH.
Summary. — Immense preparations ofthe British for the reduction of America. Con
ference fbr an arrangement. The Americans lose the battle of Brooklyn. New con
ferences. The troops of tlie king take possession of New York. Forts Washington
and Lee fall into their power. The English victoriously overrun New Jersey. Danger
of Philadelphia. The royal armv pause at the Delaware. General Lee is made pris
oner. War with the Indians. Campaign of Canada. Firmness of Washington ahd
of congress in adverse fortune ; and their deliberations to re-establish it. Dictatorial
power granted to Washington ; in what manner he uses it. Overtures of comrress to
the court of France. Franklin sent thither. His character. The fortune of America
regains at Trenton. Prudence and intrepidity of Washington. Howe, afler various
movements, abandons New Jersey. Embarks at New York to carry the war into
another part. BOOK EIGHTH.
Summary. — Designs ofthe British ministry. Expedition of Burgoyne. Assembly
of the savages. Proclamation of Burgoyne. He puts himself in motion. The Ameri
cans prepare to combat him. Description of Ticonderoga. Capture of that fortress ¦
operations which result from il. Burgoyne arrives upon the banks of the Hudson!
Siege effort Stanwix. Affair of Bennington. Embarrassed position of Burgoyne.

HISTORY

OP

THE AMERICAN WAR,

BOOK FIRST
America, and especially some parts of it, having been discovered
by the genius and intrepidity of Italians, received, at various times,
as into a place of asylum, the men whom political or reUgious dis
turbances had driven from their own countries in Europe. The
security which these distant and desert regions presented to tbeir
minds, appeared to them preferable even to the endearments of
country and of their natal air.
Here they exerted themselves with admirable industry and forti
tude, according to the custom of those whom the fervor of opinion
agitates and stimulates, in subduing the wild beasts,, dispersing or
destroying pernicious or importunate animals, repressing or subject
ing the barbarous and savage nations that inhabited this New World,
draining the marshes, controlling the course of rivers, clearing the
forests, furrowing a virgin soil, and commi-tting to its bosom new and
unaccustomed seeds ; and thus prepared themselves a climate less
rude and hostile to human nature, more secure and more commo
dious habitations, more salubrious food, and a part of the conve
niences and enjoyments proper to civilized life.
This multitude of emigrants, departing principally from England,
in the time of the last Stuarts, landed in that part of North America
which extends from the thirty-second to the forty-fifth degree of
noith latitude ; and there founded the colonies of New-Hampshire,
Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island, which took the gene
ral name of New England. To these colonies were afterwards join
ed those of Virginia, New York, Pennsylvania, Delaware, New Jer
sey, IMaryland, the two Carolinas, and Georgia. Nor must it be
understood, that in departing from the land in which they were

12 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.
born, to seek in foreign regions a better condition of life, they aban
doned their country on terms of enmity, dissolving every tie of
early attachment.
Far from this, besides the customs, the habits, the usages and man
ners of their common country, they took with them privileges, granted
by the royal authority, whereby their laAvs were constituted upon the
model of those of England, and more or less conformed to a free
government, or to a more absolute system, according to the charac
ter or authority of the prince from whom they emanated. They
were also modified by the influence which the people, by means of
their organ, the parliament, were found to possess. For, it then
being the epoch of those civil and religious dissensions which caused
English blood to flow in torrents, the changes were extreme and
rapid. Each province, each colony, had an elective assembly, which,
under certain limitations, was invested with the authority of parha
ment ; and a governor, who, representing the king to the eyes of the
colonists, exercised also a certain portion of his power. To this
was added the trial, which is called by jury, not only in criminal
matters, but also in civil causes ; an institution highly important, and
corresponding entirely with the judicial system of England.
]3ut, in point of religion, thd colonists enjoyed even greater latitude
than in their parent country itself; they had not preserved that ec
clesiastical hierarchy, against which they had combated so strenu
ously, and which they did not cease to abhor, as the primary cause
of the long and perilous expatriation to which they had been con
strained to resort.
It can, therefore, excite no surprise, if this generation of men not
only had their minds imbued with the principles that form the basis
of the English constitution, but even if they aspired to a mode of
government less rigid, and a liberty more entire ; in a word, if they
were inflamed with the fervor which is natuisally kindled in the hearts
of men by obstacles which oppose their religious and pohtical opin
ions, and still increased by the privations and persecutions they have
suffered on their account. And how should this ardor, this excite
ment of exasperated minds, have been appeased in the vast solitudes
ofAmerica, where the amusements of Europe were unknown, where
assiduity in manual toils must have hardened their bodies, and in-
c reased the asperity of their characters ? If in England they had
shown themselves averse to the prerogative of the crown, how as
to this, should their opinions have been changed in America, where
scarcely a vestige was seen of the royal authority and splendor ?
where the same occupation being common to all, that of cultivating
the earth, must have created in all the opinion and the love of a gene •

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAS. 13
ral equahty ? They had encountered exile, at the epoch when the
war raged most fiercely in their native country, between the king
and the people ; at the epoch when the armed subjects contended for
the right of resisting the will of the prince, when he usurps their lib
erty ; and even, if the public good require it, of transferring the crown
from one head to another. The colonists had supported these prin
ciples ; and how should they have renounced them ? they who,
out of the reach of royal authority, and, though still in the infancy
of a scarcely yet organized society, enjoyed already, in their new
country, a peaceful and happy hfe ? the laws observed, justice
administered, the magistrates respected, offences rare or unknown ;
persons, property and honor, protected from all violation ?
They believed it the unalienable right of every English subject,
whether freeman or freeholder, not to give his property without his
own consent ; that the house of commons only, as the representative
ofthe English people, had the right to grant its money to the crown ;
that taxes are free gifts of the people to those who govern ; and that
princes are bound to exercise their authority, and employ the pubhc
treasure, for the sole benefit and use of the community. ' These
privileges,' said the colonists, ' we have brought with us ; distance,
or change of climate, cannot have deprived us of English preroga
tives ; we departed from the kingdom with the consent and under
the guarantee of the sovereign authority ; the right not to contribute
with our money without our own consent, has been solemnly recog
nized by the government in the charters it has granted to many of
the colonies. It is for this purpose that assemblies or courts have
been established in each colony, and that they have been invested
with authority to investigate and superintend the employment of the
public money.' And how, in fact, should the colonists have relin
quished such a right ; they who derived their subsistence from the
American soil, not given or granted by others, but acquired aHd
possessed by themselves ; which they had flrst occupied, and which
their toils had rendered productive ? Every thing, on the contrary,
in English America, tended to favor and develop civil liberty , every
thing appeared to lead towards national independence.
The Americans, for ths most part, were not only Protestants, but
Protestants against Protestantism itself, and sided with those who in
England are called Dissenters; for, besides, as Protestants, not
acknowledging any authority in the affair of religion, whose decision,
without other examination, is a rule of faith, claiming to be of
themselves, by the light of natural rea,son alone, sufficient judges of
reUgious dogmas, they had rejected the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and
abolished even the names of its dignities ; they had. in short, divested

1^4 THE AMERICAN WAE. BOOK 1.
themselves of aU that deference which man, by his nature, has for
the opinions of those who are constituted in eminent stations ; and
whose dignities, wealth and magnificence, seem to command respect.
The intellects of the Americans being therefore perfectly free upon
this topic, they exercised the same liberty of thought upon other
subjects unconnected with religion, and especially upon the affairs of
government, which had been the habitual theme of their conversation,
during their residence in the mother country. The colonies, moro
than any other country, abounded in lawyers, who, accustomed to
the most subtle and the most captious arguments, are commonly, in
a country governed by an absolute prince, the most zealous advocates
of his power, and in a free country the most ardent defenders of
liberty. Thus had arisen, among tlie Americans, an almost universal
familiarity with those sophistical discussions which appertain to the
professions of theology and of law, the effect of which is often to
generate obstinacy and presumption in the humim mind ; accordingly,
however long their disquisitions upon pohtical and civil liberty, theiy
never seemed to think they had sifted these matters sufficiently. The
study of polite literature and the liberal arts having already made a
remarkable progress in America, these discussions were adorned with
the graces of a florid elocution ; the charms of eloquence fascinated
and flattered on the one hand the defenders of bold opinions, as, on
the other, they imparted to their discourses greater attraction, and
imprinted them more indelibly on the minds of their auditors.
The republican maxiins became a common doctrine ; and the
memory of the Puritans, and of those who in the sanguinary con
tentions of England had supported the party of the people, and per
ished for its cause, was immortalized. These were their apostles,
these their martyrs : their names, their virtues, their achievements,
their unhappy, but to the eyes of the colonists so honorable, death,
formed the continual subject of the conversations of children with
the authors of their days.
If, before the revolution, the portrait of the king was usually seen
in every house, it was not rare to observe near it the images of
those who, in the time of Charles I. sacrificed their lives in defense
of what they termed English liberties. It is impossible to express
with what exultation they had received the news of the victories of
the republicans in England ; with what grief they heard of the resto
ration of the monarchy, in the person of Charles II. Thus their incli
nations and principles were equally contrary to the government, and
to the church, which prevailed in Great Britain. Though naturally
reserved and circumspect, yet expressions frequently escaped them
which manifested a violent hatred for the pohtical and religious

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 15
estabUshments of the mother country. Whoever courted popular
favor, gratified both himself and his hearers, by inveighing against
them ; the pubUc hatred, on the contrary, was the portion of the
feeble party of the hierarchists, and such as favored England. All
things, particularly in New England, conspired to cherish the germs
of these propensities and opinions. The colonists had few books ;
but the greater part of those, which were in the hands of all, only
treated of political affairs, or transmitted the history of the persecu
tions sustained by the Puritans, their ancestors. They found in these
narratives, that, tormented in their ancient country on account of
their political and religious opinions, their ancestors had taken the '
intrepid resolution of abandoning it, of traversing an iinmense ocean,
of flying to the most distant, the most inhospitable regions, in order
to preserve the liberty of professing openly these cherished princi
ples ; and that, to accomplish so generous a design, they had sacrifi
ced all the accommodations and dehghts of the happy country where
they had received birth and education. And what toils, what fatigues,
what perils, had they not encountered, upon these unknown and
savage shores ? All had opposed them ; their bodies had not been
accustomed to the extremes of cold in winter, and of heat in sum
mer, both intolerable in the climate of America ; the land chiefly
covered with forests, and little of it habitable, the soil reluctant, the
air pestilential ; an untimely death had carried off most of the first
founders of the colony .' those who had resisted the cUmate, and
survived the famine, to secure their infant estabhshment, had been
forced to combat the natives, a ferocious race, and become still more
ferocious at seeing a foreign people, even whose existence they had
never heard of, come to appropriate the country of which they had
so long been the sole occupants and masters. The colonists, by their
fortitude and courage, had gradually surmounted all these obstacles ;
which result, if on the one hand it secured them greater tranquillity,
and improved their condition, on the other it gave them a better
opinion of themselves, and inspired them with an elevation of senti
ments, not often paralleled.
As the prosperous or adverse events which men have shared to
gether, and the recollections which attend them, have a singular
tendency to unite their minds, their affections and their sympathies ;
the Americans were united not only by the ties which reciprocally
attach individuals of the same nation, from the identity of language,
of laws, of chmate, and of customs, but also by those which result
from a common participation in all the vicissitudes to which a people
is liable. They offered to the world an image of those congregations
of men, subject not only to the general laws of the society of which

16 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.
they are members, but also to particular statutes and regulations, to
which they have voluntarily subscribed, and which usually produce,
besides an uniformity of opinions, a common zeal and enthusiasm.
It should not be omitted, that even the composition of society in
the English colonies, rendered the inhabitants averse to every spe
cies of superiority, and incUned them to liberty. Here was but one
class of men ; the mediocrity of their condition tempted not the rich
and the powerful of Europe, to visit their shores ; opulence, and
hereditary honors, were unknown among them ; whence no vestige
remained of feudal servitude. From these causes resulted a general
opinion that all men are by nature equal ; and the inhabitants of
America would have found it difficult to persuade themselves that
they owed their lands and their civil rights to the munificence of
princes. Few among them had heard mention of Magna Charta ;
and those who were not ignorant of the history of that important
period of the English revolution, in which this compact was con
firmed, considered it rather a solemn recognition, by the king of
England, of the rights of the people, than any concession. As they
referred to heaven the protection which had conducted them through
so many perils, to a land, where at length they had found that
repose which in their ancient country they had sought in vain ; and
as they owed to its beneficence the harvests of their exuberant fields.
the only and the genuine source of their riches ; so not from the
concessions of the king of Great Britain, but from the bounty and
infinite clemency of the King of the universe, did they deriv e every
right ; these opinions, in the minds ofa religious and thoughtful peo
ple, were Ukely to have deep and tenacious roots.
From the vast extent of the province occupied, and the abundance
of vacant lands, every colonist was, or easily might have become, at
the same time, a proprietor, farmer, and laborer.
Finding all his enjoyments in rural life, he saw spring up, grow,
prosper, and arrive at maturity, under his own eyes, and often by the
labor of his own hands, aU things necessary to the life of man ; he
felt himself free from all subjection, from all dependence; and
individual liberty is a powerful incentive to civil independence -
Each might hunt, fowl and fish, at his pleasure, without fear of
possible injury to others ; poachers were consequently unknown in
America. Their parks and reservoirs were boundless forests vast.
and numerous lakes, immense rivers, and a sea unrestricted inex
haustible in fish of every species. As they Uved dispersed in the
country, mutual affection was increased between the members ofthe
same family ; and finding happiness in the domestic circle, they had
no temptation to seek diversion in the resorts of idleness, where men

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 17
too often contract the vices which terminate in dependence and
habits of servility.
The greater part of the colonists, being proprietors and cultivators
of land, lived continually upon their farms ; merchants, artificers, and
mechanics, composed scarcely a fifth part of the total population.
Cultivators of the earth depend only on Providence and their own
industry, while the artisan, on the contrary, to render himself agree
able to the consumers, is obliged to pay a certain deference to their
caprices. It resulted, from the great superiority of the first class,
that the colonies abounded in men of independent minds, who,
knowing no insurmountable obstacles but those presented by the very
-nature of things, could not fail to resent with animation, and oppose
with indignant energy, every curb which human authority might
attempt to impose
The inhabitants o/ the colonies were exempt, and almost out of
danger, from ministerial seductions, the seat of government being at
such a distance, that far from having proved, they had never even
heard of, its secret baits.
It was not therefore customajy among them to corrupt and be
corrupted; the offices were few, and so little lucrative, that they
were far from supplying the means of corruption to those who were
invested with them.
The love of the sovereign, and their ancient country, which the
first colonists might have retained in their new establishment, grad
ually diminished in the hearts of their descendants, as successive
generations removed them further from their original stock ; and
when the revolution commenced, of which we purpose to write the
history, the inhabitants of the English colonies were, in general, but
the third, fourth, and even the fifth generation from the original
colonists, who had left England to establish themselves in the new
regions of America. At such a distance, the affections of consan
guinity became feeble, or extinct ; and the remembrance of their
ancestors lived more in their memories, than in their hearts.
Commerce, which has power to unite and conciliate a sort of
friendship between the inhabitants of tiie most distant countries,
was not, in the early periods of the colonies, so active as to produce
these effects between ihe inhabitants of England and America. The
greater part of the colonists had heard nothing of Great Britain, ex
cepting that it was a distant kingdom, from which their ancestors
had been barbarously expelled, or hunted away, as they had been
forced to take refuge in the deserts and forests of wild America, in
habited only by savage men, and prowling beagts, or venomous and
horrible serpents.
VOL. I. 2

IS THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOE 1.
The distance of government diminishes its force ; either because,
in the absence of the splendor and magnificence of the throne, men
yield obedience only to its power, unsupported by the influence of
illusion and respect ; or, because the agents of authority in distant
countries, exercising a larger discretion in the execution of the laws,
nispire the people governed with greater hope of being able to es
cape their restraints.
What idea must we then form of the force which the British gov
ernment could e.xercise in the new world, when it is considered,
that the two countries being separated by an ocean three thousand
miles in breadth, entire months sometimes transpired, between the
date of an order, and its execution ?
Let it be added also, that except in cases of war, standing armies,
this powerful engine of coercion, were very feeble in England, and
much more feeble still in America; their existence even was con
trary to law.
It follows, of necessity, that, as the means of constraint became
almost illusory in the hands of the government, there must have
arisen, and gradually increased, in the minds of the Americans, the
hope, and with it the desire, to shake off the yoke of English supe
riority. All these considerations apply, especially, to the condition of the
eastern provinces of English America. As to the provinces of the
south, the land being there more fertile, and the colonists conse
quently enjoying greater affluence, they could pretend to a more
ample liberty, and discover less deference for opinions \\'hich differ
ed from their own. Nor should it be imagined, that the happy fate
they enjoyed, had enervated their minds, or impaired their courage.
Living continually on their plantations, far from the luxury and se
ductions of cities, frugal and moderate in all tlieir desires, it is cer
tain, on the contrary, that the great abundance of things necessary
to life rendered their bodies more vigorous, and their minds more
impatient of all subjection.
In these provinces also, the slavery of the blacks, which was in
use, seemed, however strange the assertion may appear, to have in
creased the love of Uberty among the white population. Having
continually before their eyes, the living picture of the miserable con
dition of man reduced to slavery, they could better appreciate the
liberty tiiey enjoyed. This liberty they considered not merely as a
right, but as a franchise and privilege. As it is usual for men, v/hen
their own interests and passions are concerned, to judge partially an<l
inconsiderately, the colonists supported impatiently the superiority
of the British government. They considered its pretensions as tend-

BOOK 1. THE AMERICAN WAR. 19
ing to reduce them to a state little different from that of their own
slaves ; thus detesting, for themselves, what they found convenient
to exercise upon others.
The inhabitants of the colonies, especially those of New England,
enjoyed not only the shadow, but the substance itself, of the English
constitution ; for in this respect, little was wanting to their entire
independence. They elected their own magistrates ; they paid
them ; and decided all affairs relative to Internal administration.
The sole evidence of their dependence on the mother country, con
sisted in this ; that they could not enact laws or statutes, contrary
to the letter or spirit of the English laws ; that the king had the pre
rogative to annul the deliberations of their assemblies ; and that they
were subject t-o such regulations and restrictions of comnierce, as the
parliament should judge necessary and conducive to the general
good of the British empire. This dependence, however, was rather
nominal than actual, for the king very rarely refused his sanction ;
and as to commercial restrictions, they knew how to elude them
dexterously, by a contraband traffic.
The provincial assemblies Vv'ere perfectly free, and more perhaps
than the parliament of England itself; the ministers not being there,
to diffuse corruption daily. The democratic ardor was under no
restraint, or httle less than none ; for the governors who intervened,
in the name of the king, had too httle credit to control it, as they re
ceived their salaries, not from the crown, but from the province
itself ; and in some, they were elected by the suffiages of the inhab
itants. The religious zeal, or rather enthusiasm, which prevailed
among the colonists, and chiefly among the inhabitants of New Eng
land, maintained the purity of their manners. Frugality, tempe
rance, and chastity, were virtues peculiar to this people. There
were no examples, among them, of wives devoted to luxury, hus
bands to debauch, and children to the haunts of pleasure. The
ministers of a severe religion were respected and revered ; for they
gave themselves the example of the virtues they preached. Their
time was divided between rural occupations, domestic parties,
prayers, and thanksgivings, addressed to that God by whose bounty
the seasons were made propitious, and the earth to smile on their
labors with beauty and abundance, and who showered upon them
so many blessings and so many treasures. If we add, further, that
the inhabitants of New England, having surmounted the first obsta
cles, found themselves in a productive and healthful country, it will
cease to astonish, that, in the course of a century, the population of
the American colonies should have so increased, that from a few
destitute families, thrown by misfortune upon this distant shore,
should have sprung a great and powerful nation.

20 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.
Another consideration presents itself here. The fathers of fami
hes, in America, were totally exempt from that anxiety, which in
Europe torments them incessantly, concerning the subsistence and
future establishment of their offspring. In the new world, the in
crease of families, however restricted their means, was not deemed a
misfortune : on the contrary, it was not only for the father, but for
all about him, that the birth of a son was a joyful event. In this
immensity of uncultivated lands, the infant, when arrived at the age
of labor, was assured of finding a resource for himself, and even the
means of aiding his parents ; thus, the more numerous were the chil
dren, the greater competence and ease were secured to the household.
It is therefore evident, that in America, the chmate, the soil, the
civil and religious institutions, even the interest of families, all con
curred to people it with robust and virtuous fathers, with swarms
of vigorous and spirited sons.
Industry, a spirit of enterprise, and an extreme love of gain, are
characteristic qualities of those who are separated from other men,
and can expect no support but from themselves ; and the colonists
being descended from a nation distinguished for its boldness and ac
tivity in the prosecution of traffic, it is easily conceived that the in
crease of commerce was in proportion to that of population. Posi
tive facts confirm this assertion. In 1704, the sum total of the com
mercial exports of Great Britain, inclusive of the merchandise des
tined for her colonies, had been six millions five hundred and nine
thousand pounds sterling ; but from this year to 1772, these colonies
had so increased in population and prosperity, that at this epoch they
of themselves imported from England to the value of six millions
twenty-two thousand one hundred and thirty-two pounds sterling ;
that is to say, that in the year 1772, the colonies alone furnished the
mother country with a market for a quantity of merchandise almost
equal to that which, sixty-eight years before, sufficed for her com
merce with all parts of the world.
Such was the statc of the English colonies in America, such the
opinions and dispositions of those who mhabited them, about the
middle of the eighteenth century. Powerful in numbers and in
force, abounding in riches of every kind, already far advanced in the
career of useful arts and of liberal studies, engaged in commerce
with all parts of the globe, it was impossible that they should have
remained ignorant of what they were capable, and that the proo-res-
sive development of national pride should not have rendered the
British yoke more intolerable.
But this tendency towards a new order of things did not as yet
menace a general combustion ; and, without particular irritation,

EOOK 1. THE AMERICAN WAK. 21
would still have kept within the bounds which had ahead)' so long
sufficed to restrain it. During a century, the British government
had prudently avoided to exasperate the minds of the colonists : with
parental solicitude, it had protected and encouraged them, when in a
state of infancy ; regulating, afterwards, by judicious laws, their
commerce with the mother country and with foreign nations, it had
conducted them to their present prosperous and flourishing condition.
In effect, in times immediately following the foundation of the colo
nies, England, as a tender mother, who defends her own children,
had lent them the succor of her troops and her ships, against the
attacks of the savage tribes, and against the encroachments of other
powers ; she granted immunities and privileges to Europeans who
were disposed to estabhsh themselves in these new countries ; she sup
plied her colonists, at the most moderate prices, with cloths, stuffs,
linens, and all necessary instruments as well for their defense against
enemies as for the exercise of useful professions in time of peace,
and especially such as were required for clearing the lands, and the
labors of agriculture. The English merchants also assisted them with
their rich capitals, in order to enable them to engage in enterprises of
great importance, such as the construction of ships, the draining of
marshes, the diking of rivers, the cutting of forests, the establishing
of new plantations, and other similar works.
In exchange for so many advantages, and rather as a necessary
consequence of the act of navigation, than as a fiscal restriction, and
peculiar to commerce, England only rcouired the colonists to furnish
her with the things she wanted, on condition of receiving in return
those in which she abounded, and of which they had need. The
Americans were therefore obliged to carry to the English all the com
modities and productions which their lands abundantly supplied, and,
besides, the fleeces of their flocks for the use of her manufacturers.
It was also prohibited the colonists to purchase the manufactures of
any other part of the world except England, and to buy the produc
tions of lands appertaining to any European people whatever, unless
these productions had been first introduced into the English ports. —
Such had been the constant scope and object of a great number of
acts of parliament, from 1660 down to 1764 ; in effect, establishing
a real commercial monopoly, at the expense of the colonies, and in
favor of England : at which, however, the colonists discovered no
resentment ; either because they received in compensation a real pro
tection on the part of the government, and numerous advantages on
that of individuals, or because they considered the weight of this de
pendence as an equivalent for the taxes and assessments to which
the inhabitants of Great Britain were subjected, by laws emanating
from parliament.

22 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOpK I.
In all this space of tinie, parliamentary taxes formed no part of
the colonial system of government. In truth, in all the laws relative
to the colonies, the expressions sanctioned by usage in the pream
bles of financial statutes, to designate taxes or duties to be raised for
the use of government, were studiously avoided, and those only of
free gifts, of grants, and aids lent to the crown, were employed.—
The pariiament, it is true, had frequently imposed export duties upon
many articles of commerce in ihe colonies ; but these were considered
rather as restrictions of commerce, than as branches of public reve
nue. Thus, until the year 1764, the affair of taxation by authority
of parliament, slept in silence. England contented herself with
the exercise of her supremacy, in regulati-jg the general Interests of
her colonies, and causing them to concur vvith those of all the British
empire. The Americans submitted to this system, if not without
some repugnance, at least with filial obedience.
It appears evident thai, though they were not subjected to parha
mentary taxes, they were not useless subjects to the state, since they
contributed essentially, on the contrary, to the prosperity of the
mother country.
It cannot be asserted, however, that ill humors were not agitated,
at intervals, between the people of the two countries, by attempts
on the one part to inaintaln and even extend the superiority, and on
the other to advance towards independence. A year after the peace
of Aix-la-Chapelle, (1749,) a grant was made, near the river Ohio,
of six hundred thousand acres of excellent land, to some merchants,
whose association was called the Ohio Company. The governor of
Canada, at that time a province of France, having had intelligence
of this establishment, was apprehensive the English had the inten
tion of interrupting the commerce of the Canadians with the In
dians, called Tuigtuis, and of intercepting the direct communication
between Canada and Louisiana. He therefore wrote to thg govern
ors of New York and of Pennsylvania, to express his surprise that
the English nierchants had violated the French territory, in order to
trade wiih the Indians : he threatened that he would cause them to
be seized, wherever he could find them. This traffic, however, not
havingbeen discontinued, detachments of French and Indians made
prisoners of the EngUsh traders, at the commencement of the year
1751. The Indians friendly to England, indignant at the outrage their
confederates had sustained, assembled, and, scouring the forests fell
upon the French traders, whom they transported to Philadelphia. 
Not content with this vengeance, the inhabitants of Mro-inia dis
patched to M. de Saint l!'ierre, commanding, for the king ofFrance a

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 23
fort, situated upon the Ohio, major Washington, the same who com
manded afterwards the American armies, v.dth orders to demand an
explanation of these acts of hostility, and summon him to draw off
his troops. S;tlnt Pierre answered, that he could not comply with
the demands of the Enghsh ; that the country appertained to the
king of France, his master ; that the English had no right io traffic
upon those rivers ; that, consequently, in execution of the orders he
had received, he should cause to be seized and conducted to Cana
da, every Englishman who should attempt to trade upon the river
Ohio, and its dependencies.
This proceeding of the French greatly incensed the ministers of
Great Britain ; they could not endure to see their friends and con
federates oppressed. Their resolution was soon taken ; they dis
patched instructions to America, that resistance should be made, by
force of arms, to the usurpations of the French. This order ar
rived seasonably in Virginia ; hostilities immediately followed, and
blood flowed on both sides.
The Board, Vi^hlch in England superintends especially the interests
of commerce and the plantations, perceiving that the colonists, divid
ed among themselves, could not resist, without delay and disadvan
tage, the enterprises of an audacious and determined people, sup
ported by a great number of Indians, recommended io the different
provinces to choose deputies, to convene for the purpose of forming
a general confederation, and a formal alhance with ihe Indians, in
the name and under the protection of his Britannic majesty. It was
agreed that the assembly of the governors and chief men of each
colon}' should be convened at Albany, situated upon the Hudson
river. This convention, after having conciUated the affection of the
Indians of the Six Triises, by suitable presents, proceeded to delib
erate upon the most expedient m^ans of defending themselves and
their effects from the attacks of the enemy.
They came to the resolution, that it was of urgent importance to
unite all the colonies, by a general league. The conditions of it
were concluded on the 4th of July, 1 754. They purported, in sub
stance, that a petition should bo presented to parliament, to obtain
an act for the establishment of a general government in America ;
that under this government, each colony should preserve iis internal
constitution, with the exception of the changes introduced by the
same act ; that ihe generai government should be administered by a
president-general, appointed and paid by the crown, and by a grand
council, elected by the representatives of the people of the colonies ;
that the prcsidont-general should be invested wilh the right of nega
tive over the acts of the grand council, and authorized to put them

24 THE AMERICAN WAR

BOOK I.

in execution ; that widi the advice of the grand council, he should
have authority to conclude, and carry into effect, any treaties with
the Indians, in which all the colonies should have a common interest,
as also to make peace with them, or to declare war against the same ;
and to take the measures he might judge suitable for regulating the
traffic with these tribes ; that he should have power to purchase of
the Indians, and for account of the crown, lands, situated without
the territories of the particular colonies ; that he should have author
ity to establish new colonies upon the acquired lands, and to make
laws for the regulation and government of these colonies ; that he
should have power to levy and pay troops, to construct fortresses, and
to equip a fleet for the defense of the coasts, and the protection of
commerce ; and also, in order to accomplish these purposes, that he
should have power to impose such duties, taxes, or excises, as he
might deem most convenient ; that he should appoint a treasurer-
general, and a particular treasurer for the provinces in which it
might be thought necessary ; that the president-general should have
the right to appoint all officers of the service, fey land or sea; and
that the appointment of all civil officers should appertain to the
grand council ; and finally, that the laws passed by these two au
thorities could not be contrary, but should even be conformable to
the English laws, and transmitted to the king for approbation.
Such was the model of future government, proposed by the colo
nies, and sent to England for determination. The Americans at
tached great hopes to the success of their plan ; already every ap
pearance announced an open rupture with France, and the colonists
affirmed, that if the confederation was approved, they should be
quite able to defend themselves against the French arras, v^dthout
any other succor on the part of England.
It is not difficult to perceive how much an order of things, thus
constituted, would have impaired the authority of the British gov
ernment, and approached the colonies towards independence. By
this estabhshment, they would have obtained a local power, which
would have exercised all the rigtifs appertaining to sovereignty, how
ever dependent it might appear to be on the mother country. But
tnis project was far from being agreeable to the English ministry,
who saw with a jealous eye, that the confederation proposed, fur
nished a plausible pretext for a concert of intrigues in America, all
tending to the prejudice of British sovereignty : and, therefore, not
withstanding the imminent peril of a foreign war against a powerful
enemy, the articles of the confederation were not approved.
But the ministers of England were not disposed to let this occa
sion escape them, of increasing, if it was possible, the authority of

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 25
the government in America, and especially that of imposing taxes ;
a thing most of all desired on the qne side of the ocean, and detested
on the other. Instead, therefore, of the plan proposed by the
Americans, the ministers drew up another, which they addressed io
the governors of the colonies, to be offered by them to the colonial
assemblies. It was proposed by the ministers, ' That the governors
of all ihe colonies, assisted by one or two members of the councils,
should assemble, to concert measures, for the organization of a gene
ral system of defense, to construct fortresses, to levy troops, wiih
authority to draw upon the British treasury for all sums ihat might
be requisite ; the treasure to be reimbursed by way of a tax, which
should be laid upon the colonies, by an act of parliament.'
The drift of this ministerial expedient is noi difficult to bc under
stood, if it be considered that the governors, and members of the
council, were almost all appointed by the king. Accordingly, the
scheme had no success in America ; its motives were ably developed,
in a letter of Benjamin Franklin to governor Shirley, who had sent
him the plan of the ministers. In this letter, ihe seeds of the dis
cord which followed soon after, begin to make iheir appearance.*
The general court of Massachusetts wrote to their agent in Lon
don, to oppose every measure which should have for its object the
establishment of taxes in America, under any pretext of utility what
ever. On the contrary, the governors, and particularly Shirley, in
sisted continually, in their letters io the ministers, that the thing vvas
just, possible, and expedient.
These suspicions, this jealous inquietude, which agitated the
minds of the Americans, ever apprehensive of a parliamentary tax,
obtained with the more facility, as ihey found them already Imbitter-
ed by ancient resentments. They had never been able to accustom
themselves to certain laws of parliament, which, though not tending
to impose contributions, yet greatly restricted the internal commerce
of the colonies, impeded their manufactures, or wounded, in a thou
sand shai>es, the self-love of the Americans, by treating ihem as if
they were not men of the same nature with the English, or as if, by
clipping the wings of American genius, it was intended to retain
them in a state of inferiority and degradation. Such was the act
prohibiting ihe felling of pitch and white pine trees, not compre
hended within enclosures ; such was that which interdicted the ex
portation from the colonies, and also the intioduction from one colony
into another, of hats, and woollens, of domestic manufacture, and
forbade hatters to have, at one time, more than two apprentices ; also
? See Note I.

26 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK 1.
that passed to facilitate the collection of debts in the colonies, by
which houses, lands, slaves, and other real eflfects, were made liable
for the payment of debts ; and finally, that which was passed in 173!!,
at ihe instance of the sugar colonies, which prohibited the importa
tion of sugar, rum, and molasses, from the French and Dutch colo
nies in North America, without paying an exorbitant duty. To
these should be added another act of parliament, passed in 1750,
according to which, after the 24th of June of the same year, certain
works in iron could noi be executed in the American colonies ; by a
clause of the same act, ihe manufacture of steel was forbidden.
Nor should we omit another, which regulated and restricted the bills
of credii issued by the government of New England, and by which
it was declared, thai ihey should not have legal currency in the pay
ment of debts, that English creditors might noi be injured by the
necessity of receiving a depreciated paper, instead of money. This
regulation, though just, the Americans received w'.th displeasure, as
tending to discredit their currency. Hence originated the first dis
contents on the part of the colonists, and the first sentiments of
distrust on the part of the Enghsh.
Ai the same time it was pretended, in England, that if the colo
nists, on account of fhe commercial restrictions, so beneficial to the
mother country, had merely demanded to be treated with tenderness
and equity in the imposition of taxes, nothing would have been more
just and reasonable ; but that it could not be at all endured, that
they should refuse the European country every species of ulterior
succor; that England, in reserving to herself the commerce of her
colonies, had acted according to the practice of all modern nations ;
thai she had imitated the example of ihe Spaniards and of the Por
tuguese, and that she had done so v.dth a moderation unkno\\-n to the
governments ofihese nations. In founding these distant colonies, it
was said, England had caused them io participate in all the rishts
and privileges ihat are enjoyed by English subjects themselves
in iheir own country ; leaving the colonists at liberty to govern them
selves, according to such local la^^'s as the wisdom and prudence of
their assemblies had deemed expedient ; in a ^^¦ord, she had o-ranied
the colonies the most ample authority to pursue their respective in
terests, only reserving to herself ihe benefit of their commerce, and
a political connection under the same sovereign. The French and
Dutch colonies, and particularly those of Spain and Portugal, were
far from being treated with the same indulgence; and also, notwith
standing these restrictions, the subject of so much complaint, the
English colonies had immense capitals in their commerce, or in'their
funds; for besides the rich cargoes of the products of their lands

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAU. 27
exported in British ships which came to trade in their ports, the
Americans had their own ships, which served to transport, with an
incredible profit, their productions and merchandise, not only to ihe
mother country, but also, thanks io her maternal indulgence, to al
most all parts of the world, and to carry home the commodities and
luxuries of Europe at will. And thus, in the English colonies, the
enormous prices at which European merchandise is sold in ihe
Spenish and Portuguese establishments, were not only unusual, but
absolutely unheard of; it was even remarkable that many of these
articles were sold in the American colonies at the same, or even at a
lower price than in England itself. The restrictions imposed by
Great Britain upon the American commerce, tended rather to a just
and prudent distribution of this traffic, between all the parts of iis
vast dominions, than io a real prohibition ; if Enghsh subjects were
allowed to trade in all parts of the world, the same permission was
granted to American subjects, wiih the exception of the north of
Europe and the East Indies. In Portugal, in Spain, in Italy, in all
the Mediterranean, upon the coasts of Africa, in all the American
hemisphere, the ships of ihe English colonies might freely carry on
commerce. The English laws, for the protection of this commerce,
were wise and well conceived, since they were calculated to increase
the exportation of their own produce from the American ports, and
to facilitate, for the colonists, the means of clearing their forests and
cultivating their soil, by the certain vent of an immense quantity of
timber, with which their country is covered. They could not, ii was
admitted, procure themselves certain articles, except in ihe ports of
England ; but it was just to consider, that the American lands, from
their nature and vast extent, must offer sufficient occupation both for
the minds and the hands of the inhabitants, without its being neces
sary that they should ramble abroad in search of gain, like the in
habitants of other countries, already cultivated to perfection.
Besides, if England reserved to herself an exclusive commerce
in certain kinds of merchandise, how did this concern, or how Injure,
the Americans ? These objects appertaining for the most part to ihe
refined luxury of social life, in what country could they procure ihem
in greater perfection, or at a more moderate price, than in England ?
The affection and liberality of the British government towards its
colonies, had gone so far, as not only io abstain from imposing duties
upon English manufactures destined for theii ports, but even had
induced it to exempt foreign merchandise from all duties, when ex
ported by England to America ; thus causing it to become so com
mon in some colonies, as to be sold at a lower price than in certain
countries of Europe.

28 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK I.

It should not be forgotten, that the most entire liberty was grant
ed for the exchange of productions between North America and the
islands of the West Indies, a trade from which the English colonists
derived immense advantages. And in fact, notwithstanding the re
strictions laid upon the commerce of the Americans, did there not
remain amply sufficient to render them a rich, happy, and enterpris
ing people? Was not their prosperity known, and even envied, by
the whole worid? Assuredly, if there was any part of the globe
where man enjoyed a sweet and pleasant life, it was especially in
English America. Was not this an irrefragable proof, a striking
example, of the maternal indulgence of England towards her colo
nies ? Let the Americans corapare their condition with that of
foreign colonists, and they would soon confess, not without grati
tude towards the mother country, both iheir real felicity, and the
futility of their complaints.
But all these and other considerations that were aUeged by Eng
land, had not the eflfect to satisfy ihe Americans, and many discon
tents remained. The French, animated by the spirit of rivalship,
which has so long existed between their nation and the British, neg
lected no means of inflaming the wounds which the Americans had
received, or thought they had received, from their fellow citizens in
England. The flourishing state of the English colonies, was a spec
tacle which the French had long been unable to observe with indif
ference. They had at first the design of establishing others for
themselves, in some part of this immense continent, hoping to reap
from them the same benefits which the EngUsh derived from theirs ;
and to be able, at length, to give another direction to the commerce
of America, and of Europe. They Intended, by good laws, or by
the employment of their arms, to repair the disadvantages of soil and
of climate, observable in the countries which had fallen to their
share. But the French government being more inclined for arms
than for commerce, and the nation itself having a natural bias much
stronger in favor of the one than towards the other of these profes
sions, their resolutions were soon taken accordingly. And as their
cliaracter, also, disposes them to form vast designs, and renders
them impatient to enjoy without delay, they began immediately to
fortify themselves, and to enlarge their limits. Bastions, redoubts.
arsenals, and magazines, were established at every point, and in a
short time a line of French posts was seen to extend from one ex
tremity of the continent to the other; but military power can neither
supply population or commerce, nor develop the advantages of
either. These fortresses, these arms, these garrisons, occupied

BOOK I THE AMERICAN WAR. 29
desert or sterile regions. An immense solitude, impenetrable forests,
surrounded them on all sides.
The conduct of the English was very different ; they advanced
only step by step, restricting themselves to the cultivation of what
they possessed, and not seeking to extend themselves, until urged by
the exigencies of an increased population. Their progress was there
fore slow, but sure ; they occupied no new lands, until those they
had occupied at first were carried to the highest degree of cultiva
tion, and inhabited by a sufficient number of individuals. A method
so different, could not fail to produce effects totally contrary ; and
in effect, a century after the foundation of the English and French
colonies, the former presented the image of fertility and abundance,
while the latter exhibited but a sterile and scarcely inhabited region.
Meanwhile the French, reflecting that either from the rigor of the
climate, or the sterility of the soil, or from defect of industry, or of
suitable laws, they could not hope to direct towards their establish
ment the commerce of the English colonies, or at least to share iis
benefits ; convinced, on the other hand, that these colonies were an
inexhaustible source of riches and power for a rival nation, they re
solved to resort to arms, and to obtain by force what they had failed
to acquire by their industry. They hoped that the discontent of the
Americans would manifest itself, and produce favorable events ; or
at least, that they would be less prompt to engage in the contest.
They well knew that in the American arms, men, munitions, and
treasure, must consist all the nerve and substance of the war.
Proceeding with their accustomed impatience, without waiting till
their preparations were completed, they provoked the enemy, some
times complaining that he had occupied lands appertaining to them,
sometimes themselves invading or disturbing his possessions. This
the British government deeply resented ; and war between the two
nations broke out in the year 1755. But the effects little corre
sponded with such confident hopes ; the councils of England being
directed by William Pitt, afterwards earl of Chatham, a man, for the
power of his genius, and the purity of his hianners, rather single,
than rare ; the affairs of Great Britain succeeded so prosperously,
and her arms acquired so decided a superiority, by land and sea,
that her enemies, wearied, worsted, and having lost all hopes of vic
tory, accepted the conditions of the peace of Paris, which was con
cluded in 1763. It guarantied to the English the possession of the
vast continent of North America, from the banks of the Mississippi
to the shores of Greenland ; but the most important point for them,
was the cession made them, by France, of Canada.
England also gained, by this treaty, many valuable islands in the

30 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.
West Indies ; and so greatly was her power extended in ttie east,
and so solid were the foundations on which it reposed, that her
commerce and her arms soon reigned there almost without a com
petitor. The Americans, on their part, displayed so much zeal in sus
taining, with their arms and resources, the efforts of ihe common
country, that, besides the glory they acquired, they were deemed
worthy to participate in the advantages which resulted to England
from so many successes.
The French, renouncing the hope of reaping any advantage from
the chances of war, resorted to the means of address ; emissaries trav
ersed the American continent, saying to ah that would hear them,
' To what end have the Americans lavished their blood, encountered
so many dangers, and expended so much treasure, in ihe late war, if
the English supremacy must continue to press upon them with so
much harshness and arrogance ? In recompense of such fidelity, of
so much constancy, the Enghsh government, perhaps, has moderated
its prohibitions, has enfranchised commerce from trammels so preju
dicial to ihe Interests of America ? Perhaps the odious and so much
lamented laws against manufactures, have been repealed ? Perhaps
the Americans no longer need toil upon their lands, or traverse the
immensity of the seas, exclusively to fill ihe purses of English mer
chants ? Perhaps ihe government of England had shown a disposi
tion to abandon for ever the project of parliamentary taxes ? Is it
not, on the contrary, too evident, that, with its forces and power,
have increased its thirst of gold, and the tyranny of its caprices?
Was not this admitted by Pitt hirnself, when he declared, the wai
being terminated, he should be at no loss to find the means of draw
ing a public revenue from America, and of putting an end, once for
all, to American resistance ? Has not England, at present being mis
tress of Canada, a province recently French, and, as such, more pa
tient of the yoke, has she not ihe means of imposing it on her colo
nists themselves, by the hand of her numerous soldiery ? Is it not
time thai the Americans, no longer in a state of infancy, should, at
length, consider themselves a nation, strong and formidable of itself ?
Is it only for the utihty of England they have demonstrated, in the
late war, what they were capable of achieving ? And by what rif^ht
should a distalit island pretend to govern, by its caprices, an im
mense and populous continent ? How long must the partialities and
the avarice of England be tolerated ? Did ever men, arms riches
courage, climate, invite to a more glorious enterprise ? Let the Amer
icans, then, seize the occasion, with a mind worthy of themselves,
now they have proved their arms, now that an enormous public debt

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 31
overwhelms England, now that her name has become detestable to
all ! Araerica can place her confidence in foreign succors. What
could be objected to a resolution so generous ? Consanguinity ? But
have not the English hitherto treated the colonists more as vassals,
than as brothers ? Gratitude ? But have not the English strangled
it, under the pretensions of that mercantile and avaricious spirit
which animates them ?'
The general state of Europe was eminently favorable to the secret
designs of France. It is certain, that at this epoch, all ihe powers
concurred in considering the enormous increase of the strength of
the British nation, both upon land and sea, as imminently menacing
to the repose and liberty of Europe ; excessive prosperity but too
rarely permitting men to know where to limit their enterprises. Sup
ported with one hand upon her colonies of America, and witli ihe
other upon her possessions of the East Indies, England seemed to
press the two extremities of the globe, and to aspire at ihe entire
dominion of the ocean. From the day in which was concluded the
peace of 1763, England was viewed wiih the same jealousy which
France had inspired under Lewis XIV. She was the object of the
same umbrage, of the same distrusts. All desired to see her power
reduced ; and the more she had shown herself formidable in ihe pre
ceding war, the more ardently was it wished to take advantage of
the present peace, to humble and reduce her. These wishes were
much the most fervent with the maritime states, and especially in
Holland, to whora England, in these late times, had caused immense
losses. The English squadrons had often interrupted, and some
times by the most outrageous proceedings, the commerce, in the
munitions of war, which the Dutch carried on with France ; and,
on many occasions, the officers of the British navy made use of
this pretext to detain ships, laden with articles that could not really
be considered as munitions of war.
The kingdoms of the north reluctantly supported the prepoience
of England, and openly complained that she had presumed to harass
the commerce of neutrals, in tirae of war. It was evident they
were prepared to seize the first occasion to give her a check. But
France, raore than any other power, being of a martial spirit, was
inflamed with a desire to avenge her defeats, to repair her losses, and
reconquer her glory, eclipsed by recent discomfiture ; she was in
cessantly occupied with calculations which might lead to this object
of all her wishes ; and no means more efficacious could be offered
her for attaining it, than to lacerate the bosom pf her adversary, by
separating from England the American colonies, so important a part
of her power and resources.

32 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK 1
Excited by so many suggestions, the inhabitants of English Amer
ica conceived an aversion, still rr.ore intense, for the avaricious pro
ceedings of the British government. Already, those who were the
most zealous for liberty, or the most ambitious, had formed, in the se
cret of their hearts, the resolution to shake off the yoke of England,
whenever a favoi-able occasion should present. This design was en
couraged by the recent cession of Canada : while that province con
tinued a dependency of France, the vicinity of a restless and pow
erful nation kept the colonists in continual alarm ; they v ere often
constrained to solicit the succors of England, as those from which
alone they could expect protection against the incursions of the en
emy. But the French having abandoned Canada, the Americans
necessarily became more their own protectors ; they placed greater
reliance upon their own strength, and had less need of recurring to
others, for their particular security. It should be considered, be
sides, thai in the late war a great number of the colonists had re
nounced ihe arts of peace, and assuming the sword instead of the
spade, had learned the exercise of arms, inured their bodies to mili
tary fatigues, and their minds to the dangers of battle : they had, in
a -ivord, lost all the habits of agriculture and of commerce, and ac
quired those of ihe military profession. The being that has the con
sciousness of his force, becomes doubly strong, and ihe yoke he feels
in a condition to break, is borne with reluctance : ihus, the skiU
recently acquired in thfe use of arms, become general among the
Americans, rendered obedience infinitely raore intolerable io tliem.
They considered it a shameful and outrageous thing, that a minister,
residing ai a distance of three thousand miles from their countrv,
could oppress, by his agents, those who had combated with so much
valor, and obtained frequent victories over the troops of a powerful,'
brave, and warlike nation. They often reflected, that this prosperi
ty, in which England exulted, and which was the object of envy to
so many nations, was in great part the work of their hands. They
alledged that they had repaid with the fruit of their toils, and even
with their blood, the fostering cares with which the mother country
had protected and sustained them, in the infancy of their establish
ment ; ihat now there was a greater parity between the two nations,
and therefore they had claims to be treated on terms of greater
equality. Thus the Americans habitually discoursed, and perhaps
the less timid among them aspired to loftier things. The o-reater
number, however, satisfied with the ancient terms of connection with
England, were reluctant to dissolve it, provided she would abandon
all idea of ulterior usurpations. Even tho most intrepid in the de
fense of their privileges could not endure the thought of renounc-

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 3.3
ing every species of dependence on their legitimate sovereign. This
project they condemned the more decidedly, as they perceived that
in its execution they must not only encounter all the forces of Eng
land, by so many victories become forraidable to the universe, but
also must resort to the assistance of a nation, in language, manners
and customs, so different from themselves ; of a nation they had so
long been accustomed to hate, and to combat under the banners of
their mother country.
Notwithstanding the suggestions of the French, and the new im
pulse which their military essays had given to the minds of the
Americans, this state of things might have continued stiU for a long
time, if, after the conclusion of the peace of 1763, England had not
conceived the extravagant idea of new taxes, of new prohibitions,
of new outrages. The English commerce, about the close of the
war with France, having arrived at the highest point of prosperity, it
would be difficult to estimate the immense number of vessels which
brought the productions of all parts of the globe into the ports of
Great Britain, and received, in exchange, the produce, and especially
the manufactures, of the country, esteemed above all others in for
eign markets ; and, as these various commodities were subject
when introduced or exported, to duties, more or less considerable,
this commerce had become a source of riches for the public treasu
ry. But it soon appeared that, to the great prejudice of this reve
nue, the increase of smuggling was in proportion to that of commerce.
Government, desirous of arresting so pernicious a scourge, made a
regulation, in 1764, by which it was enjoined the commanders of
vessels stationed upon the coasts of England, and even those of ships
that were destined for America, to perform the functions of revenue
officers, and conform themselves to the rules established for the pro
tection of the customs ; a strange and pernicious measure, by which
those brave officers, who had combated the enemy wiih so much glo
ry, found themselves degraded into so many tide-waiters -and bailiffs
of the revenue. The most deplorable eflfects soon resulted from it ;
the naval coraraanders, little conversant with the regulations of the
custom-house, seized and confiscated promiscuously the cargoes pro
hibited, and those that were not.
This confusion was the occasion of manifold abuses, which, if they
were soon repaired in England, could not be remedied without ex
treme difficulty in America, frora the distance of places, and the for
malities required. Hence loud coraplaints were heard from all the
colonies against the law. It produced, however, consequences still
more pernicious. A commerce had been established, for a great
length of time, between the English and Spanish colonies, extremely
vol,. I. 3

34 THE AMERICAN WAR. B°0^ ^
lucrative to both the parties, and, ultimately, also to England. On
the part of the British colonies, tho principal objects of this trafiic
were the manufactures of England, which the Americans had ac
quired in exchange for their productions, and on the part of the
Spanish, gold and silver, in specie or ingots, cochineal, medicmal
drugs ; besides live stock, especially mules, which the Americans
transported to the islands of the West Indies, where they were de
manded at great prices. This commerce procured for the Americans
an abundance of these metals, and enabled them to make ample
purchases of EngUsh merchandise ; and furnished their own country,
at the same time, with a sufficient quantity of gold and silver coin.
This traffic, if it was not prohibited by the commercial laws of
England, was not expressly authorized. Accordingly, the new reve
nue officers believed it was their duty to interrupt its course, as
if it had been contraband ; and captured, without distinction, all
vessels, whether English or foreign, laden with merchandise of this
nature. Hence, in a short tirae, this commerce was destroyed, to
the great prejudice, not only of the colonies upon ihe continent,
but even of the English islands themselves, and particularly of
Jamaica. From the same cause proceeded the ruin of another very impor
tant commerce, which was exercised between the EngUsh colonies
of America on the one part, and the islands appertaining to France
on the other ; and which had been productive of the greatest recip
rocal utility. Its materiel consisted principally of such productions
and commodities as were superfluous to the one and totally wanting
to the other. It is, therefore, not surprising, that the colonists, at
the news of losses so disastrous, should have resolved not to pur
chase, in future, any English stuffs, with which they had been ac
customed to clothe themselves ; and, as far as possible, to use none
but domestic manufactures. They determined, besides, to give every
e.icouragement to those manufactories which wrought the materials
abundantly produced by their lands and animals. But in Boston,
particularly, a rich and populous city, where the luxury of British
merchandise had been extensively introduced, it is difficult to express
how extremely the public mind was exasperated, or with what
promptitude all the inhabitants renounced superfluities, and adhered
to the resolution of returning to the simplicity of early times : a re
markable example of which was soon observed in the celebration of
funerals, which began to take place without habuiments of mourning,
and without EngUsh gloves. This new economy became so general
at Boston, that, in the year 1764, the consumption of British mer
chandise was diminished upwards of ten thousand pounds sterling.

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 35
(Dther towns followed this example ; and, in a short time, all the
f colonists concurred in abstaining from the use of all objects of luxury,
produced by the manufactories, or by the soil, of England. Besides
this, and even of necessity, from the scarcity of money, the mer
chants of the colonies, finding themselves debtors for large suras to
the English, and having no reason to expect new advances, without
new payments, which they were not in a situation to make, resorted
also to the plan of non-consumption ; they renounced all purchase
and all expense, to the incredible prejudice of the manufacturers in
England. But the English government did not stop here ; as i not satisfied
with having excited the discontent of the colonists, i, desired also
to urge them to desperation. In the month of March, 1764, the
parliament passed a regulation, by which, if on the one hand a
traffic was permitted between the American colonies and the French
islands of the West Indies, and others appertaining to other Euro
pean powers ; on the other, such enormous duties were imposed on
merchandise imported from the latter, as to create, as usual, an
almost universal contraband, in every article, with immense disad
vantage to the commerce itself, and equal prejudice to mercantile
habits and probity. To crown so great an evil, it was ordered, by
the same bill, that the sums proceeding frora these duties should be
paid, in specie, into the treasury of England. The execution of
this ordinance raust have completely drained the colonies of the lit
tle money they had remaining, to be transported to Europe.
The secret exasperation redoubled, at the first intelligence of
measures so extraordinary. They remarked that they were even
contradictory ; ihat it was requiring a thing, and, at the same time,
withholding ihe means to perforra it ; since the government de
prived them of all faculty of procuring specie, and yet would have
thera furnish it, to be transported to a distance of three thousand
miles. But as if the ministry were afraid the terapest of indigna
tion, excited by these new laws, should be appeased too soon, they
wrested from the parliament another act, which appeared fiftv^en
clays after. It purported, that bills of credit, which might be issued
in future by the American colonies, should no longer have legal cur
rency in payments ; and that, as to those in circulation, they like
wise could not be received as legal payment, after the term prefixed
for their redemption and extinction. It is true, however, that all the
money proceeding from the duties above mentioned, was directed,
by other clauses of the bill, to be kept in reserve, and could only be
employed for expenses relative to the colonies ; it is true, also, that
4t the same time the act was framed concerning bills of credit, some

36 THE AMERICAN WAR. ^'^°^ !•
others were passed, to promote and regulate the reciprocal commerce
between the colonies and mother country, and between the colonies
themselves. But these regulations failed to produce the expected
effects : for they were necessarily slow in their operation ; while
those which restricted and attacked the external commerce of the
colonies, or shackled their domestic trade, were immediately opera
tive. Some also attempted to demonstrate, that the money carried
off by these duties must infallibly flow back into the colonies, for the
payment and support of the troops stationed there, to protect and de
fend them. But who would guaranty to the colonists, that the troops
should be quartered among them so long as the law might continue
in force ? If such was the intention of the legislator, why cause
this treasure to travel, with no little risk and expense, from America
to England, and thence back to the place from whence it came ; thus
imposing the necessity of passing ii through so many and so different
hands ? Perhaps, they said, in order that it raight have the honor
of visiting the British exchequer. And why was it not more expe
dient to employ it where it was found, without so many voyages
and circuits ? This plainly demonstrated, that it was but a pretext
for the most pernicious designs. Besides, for ¦(vhat purpose, for what
good, were so many troops raaintained in America ? External ene
mies at present there were none ; and for the repression of Indians,
ihe colonies were, doubtless, sufficient of themselves. But the fact
was, they continued, the ministers had formed a design to oppress
their liberty ; and for this purpose did they arm themselves with so
many soldiers, and incur such vast expense, in the midst of a
people abounding in loyalty and innocence.
All these new regulations, which succeeded each other with such
precipitation, were indeed but too well calculated to surprise and
alarm the inhabitants of North America. Such a proceeding on the
part of the government appeared to thera, and was in fact, both new
and inauspicious. They felt it profoundly ; and by their remon
strances, demonstiated how unjustly they were aggrieved, and de
manded incessantly to be restored to their former condition. But
they did not stop at bare complaints. When they found that their
remonstrances were ineffectual, they resolved to employ some more
efficacious means to convince the ministers of the error they had
committed. The resolutions taken against British manufactures;
which at first had been merely individual, now becam.e general, by
combinations to this effect, contracted in the principal cities of
America, which were observed with an astonishing constancy and
punctuaUty. Great Britain experienced from these associations an
immense detriment, and feared, not without reason, still greater • for

BOOK 1. THE AMERICAN WAR. 37
as they comprehended men of all conditions, they tended, by de
grees, to conduct the manufactures of the country to a certain de
gree of perfection, the more probable, as the abundance of raw
materials would permit their products to be sold at very moderate
prices. Finally, it was to be expected, that with the progressive
increase of industry, the manufacturers of the colonies might supply
with their fabrics the neighboring provinces of Spain and Portugal
But, without anticipating the future, it is certain that the interrup
tion alone of commerce between the American colonies and Eng
land, was extremely prejudicial to the latter ; for it is known, that the
colonies, without including the foreign merchandise they received
from the hands of England, annually purchased to the value of three
millions sterling, of English productions or m.anufactures. The pub
lic revenues suffered materially from the effects of ihis new policy ;
the duties upon the exportation of merchandise destined for America,
and those upon the importation of articles which foreign merchants
sent in exchange for the productions of the English colonies, expe
rienced a continual diminution. Henceforth began to germinate those
fatal seeds, which the British government, instead of extirpating,
seemed to take pleasure in cultivating, till they produced all the
ruin which followed.
But, although these unusual duties had excited a general discon
tent in America, and although the inhabitants complained of them
bitterly, as unjust and oppressive burdens, they considered them,
nevertheless, not as taxes or imposts, but merely as regulations of
commerce, which were within the competency of parhament. They
beUeved, indeed, that in this instance it had departed from that pa
rental benevolence which it had discovered towards them during
more than a century ; still they did not think it had transcended the
Umits of its authority. But the English ministers revolved in their
minds a design far more lucrative for the exchequer, and still more
prejudicial to the interests and liberty of the colonists. This was to
impose taxes or excises u'pon the colonies, by acts of parliament ;
and to create, in this way, a branch of public revenue, to be placed
at the disposal of parhament itself. This project, far from being
new, had long been fermenting in EngUsh heads. Some of those
schemers, who are ever ruminating new plans and expedients to filch
money from the pockets of the people, had already suggested, in
1739, during the Spanish war, to Robert Walpole, then prime min
ister, the idea of taxing the colonies ; but this man, no less sagacious
than profoundly versed in the science of government and commerce,
answered, with an ironical smile, ' I will leave this operation to some
one of my, suc';e.ssors, who shall have more courage than I, and

38 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK 1.
less regard for commerce. I have always, during my administration,
thought it my duty to encourage the commerce of the American
colonies ; and I have done it. Nay, I have even chosen to wink at
some irregularities in their traffic with Europe ; for ray opinion is,
that if, by favoring their trade with foreign nations, they gain fiic
hundred thousand pounds sterhng, at the end of two years, full two
hundred and fifty thousand of ii will have entered the royal coffers ;
and that by the industry and productions of England, who sells them
an immense quantity of her manufactures. The more they extend
their foreign commerce, the raore will they consume of our mer
chandise. This is a mode of taxing them, more conformable to their
constitution, and to our own.'
But, at the epoch in question, the power of England had arrived
at such a height, that it appeared impossible for the American colo
nies, though supported by all Europe, to resist her will. So much
glory and greatness, however, had not been acquired without enor
mous sacrifices ; and the public debt amounted to the prodigious
sum of one hundred and forty-eight millions sterling, or about six
hundred and fifty-seven millions five hundred thousand dollars. Thus
it had become necessary to search out every object, and every occu
pation, susceptible of taxes or contributions. It was, therefore,
thought expedient, and even necessary, to tax the colonies, for whose
security and prosperity, principally, a war so terrible had been
waged, such dangers encountered, so much blood and treasure ex
pended. As to the species of the tax, it was decided for that of
stamped paper, which was already established in England ; and it was
understood, so far as related to its nature, to be the least odious to
the Americans, provided, however, it was estabhshed by the president
and the grand council, according to the plan of colonial adrainistra
tion proposed by themselves, and not by authority of pariiament.
There were even found Americans, who, being then in London, not
only favored, but perhaps first suggested, this new mode of taxing
the colonies ; and, among others, it appears that a certain Huske, a
native of Portsmouth, in New Hampshire, was one of its principal
promoters. This proposition was received with eagerness, as are, commonly,
all the projects of those who are industrious to extort money from
the people. English ears could hear no sound more grateful than
this ; for if the people of England groaned under the weight of taxes,
both old and new, they were persuaded from what had been told
them, that in America there was a redundance of all good things.
' Shall our colonists,' they said, ' enjoy the magnificence of princes,
while we must drudge, and consume ourselves with effort to pro-

BOOK 1. THE AMERICAN WAR. 39'
cure a scanty subsistence? ' The officers, wlio had served in the colo
nies, painted, on their return, in vivid colors, the American pros
perity and affluence^
These details were not so much exaggerated as might be thought,
at the time of their residence in America. Money was then very
abundant in the colonies, the government necessarily remitting thither
considerable sums, for the support of the troops, and expenses of
the war. At that tirne, American productions were in great request,
and their coramerce very flourishing. The inhabitants, being natu
raUy courteous and hospitable, expended" generously, to render their
houses agreeable to strangers, then very numerous. The war termi
nated, all dangers averted, the power of an inveterate enemy, hither
to intrenched in the heart of the country, extinguished, the colo
nists conceived it a duty to offer the most honorable reception in their
power to those who had contributed so greatly to their present secu
rity and felicity.
The necessity of drawing a public revenue from the colonies, be
ing therefore no longer doubted, and the willingness of the colonists
to concur in it, by means of the duty upon stamped paper, being
presumed, as well as their ability to support it, the house of com
mons, on the 10th of March, 1764, voted a resolution, purporting
' that it was proper to charge certain stamp duties, in the colonies
and plantations.' This resolution, not being followed, this year, by
any other to carry it into effect, existed merely as an intention to be
executed the succeeding year.
If the stamp act had been carried into iramediate execution in the
colonies, they would perhaps have submitted to it, if not without
murmuring, at least without that open opposition which was mani
fested afterwards ; and it is known how much more easily the peo
ple are retained in quiet, than appeased when once excited. The
principal colonists would not have had time to launch into discus
sions, in which they predicted to their fellow-citizens the evils which
must result from their consent to this new tax ; and as evils inspire
more alarm at a distance than at approach, the colonists, not having
experienced from this sudden iraposition the prejudice apprehended
in the uncertain future, would probably have become tranquil ; they
certainly would not have had so much scope to inflame each other
against the duty, as they afterwards did; For no sooner was the
news of the impost in question received in any place, than it was
spread, as it were, in a moment, throughout the country, and pro
duced such an impression upon the minds of all, and especially of
the lower classes, that all orders of citizens, waving their ancient ri-
valships, difference of habits, and diversity of opinions in political
and religious matters, were unanimous in maintaining, that it was

40 THE AMERICAN WAR. HOOK 1.
impossible to submit to a law enacted in a mode so contrary to an
cient usages, to their privileges as colonists, and to their rights as
English subjects. Thus, for having chosen to warn before tbe blow,
the British government prepared in the colonies an unanimous and
most determined concurrence of opinion against one of its solemn
decrees ; and deprived itself of that docility resulting among the
people from their intestine divisions, and the diversity of their in
terests. The prime minister, Grenville, had been the author of this delay,
hoping the colonies, upon advice of the bill in agitation, if they dis
liked the stamp duty, would have proposed some other mode of rais
ing the sum intended to be levied by it. Accordingly, when ihe
agents of the colonies went to pay him their respects, he informed
them that he was prepared io receive, on ihe pari of the colonies,
any other proposal of a tax which would raise the sum wanted ;
shrev.'dly insinuating, also, that it was now in their power, by con
senting, to establish it as a principle, thai ihey should be consulted
before any tax whatever was imposed upon the colonies by authority
of parliament. Many in England, and possibly the agents them
selves, attributed this conduct of the minister to moderation ; but
beyond the Atlantic it found a quite different reception, all with one
voice exclaiming that this was an interested charity. For they
thought, that however civil his offers, the minister would nevertheless
exact, to a penny, the entire sum he desired, which in substance was
saying, that willingly or otherwise, they must submit to his good pleas
ure ; and, consequendy, his complaisance was but ihat of an ac
complished robber. It was known that he would not be satisfied
with less than three hundred thousand pounds sterling a year, the
sum considered necessary for the support of the army it was resolv
ed to maintain in the colonies for their defense. Not one of the
agents was authorized to comply. Two only alledged, they were
commissioned to declare that their provinces were ready to bear
their proportion of the duty upon stamps, when it should be estab
lished according to ancient useiges. Th3 minister, therefore, having
heard no proposal that appeared to him acceptable, resolved to pur
sue the design of a stamp act. Meanwhile, the fermentation in
America was violent, not only among private citizens, but also among
the members of public and corporate bodies ; and all were of one
mind, in asserting that the parliament had no right to tax the colo
nies. In aU places, political circles and clubs were formed ; the sub
ject of all conversations was the fatal tax. Every day, every hour,
diminished the respect and affection of the Americans towards the
British nation, and increased their disposition to resist. As it hap-

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 41
pens in all popular commotions, he that declaimed with the most
vehemence was the most applauded, and deemed the best citizen.
The benefits conferred by the mother country, during so long a pe
riod, were consigned to oblivion ; and it had become as frequent as
it was grateful to the people, to read the list of British vexations
These outrages were represented in the most odious colors by the
orators of the multitude, whose minds were continually exasperated
by similar harangues. The assemblies of representatives, and par
ticularly those of Massachusetts and Virginia, dispatched instruc
tions to their agents in London, to use all diligence, by all possible
means, to prevent the intentional act from being passed into a law.
They also addressed remonstrances to the king, and to the two
houses of parliament, all tending to the same end. Bui those of
the province of Massachusetts were the most energetic and vehe
ment. This province was particularly distinguished for the warmth
with which it had opposed the new and pernicious direction which
the ministers had for some time given io American affairs. The colo
nists acquired a still more determined resolution, when ihey learned,
that in the present contest they were not abandoned to themselves,
but that many were found in the mother country itself, even persons
illustrious by their rank, their merit, or iheir dignities, who, from con
viction, from the desire of renown, or from a wish to supplant the
ministers, were continually exclaiming, both in parliament and else
where, that ' Such was not the accustomed mode of conduct of the
English government towards its subjects ; that ii was a new tyranny,
which, if tolerated, would one day rebound from the shores of Amer
ica upon those of England ; the evil should be resisted in its princi
ples ; that governments in prosperity were but too much disposed to
arrogate an extension of povv^er ; there was much appearance that
the government of Great Britain inclined to imitate this usurpation ;
that it was iherefore essential to watch it with attention ; the desires
and the arts of Scottish favorites were sufficiently notorious ; that
America was the means or the instrument, but England the object.
And what occasion was there fer these new imposts? To protect
and defend America, or the conquered territories ? Was it to re
press the Indian tribes ? The colonists, with their light arms, and
divided into detachments, were more proper for this service than the
heavy English infantry. The Americans had all the courage requi
site to defend theraselves, and to succor, if necessary, the advanced
posts : they had given the proof of this, on numerous occasions.
There no longer existed a powerful enemy upon the American con
tinent ; whence, therefore, these continual apprehensions of an at
tack, when the vestige of an enemy is no where to be seen ? And

42 THE AMERICAN WAR. 1^"0K I.
what necessity was there for maintaining an army in America, the
expense of which must be extorted from the Americans ? Precious
fruits, truly, had already been gathered from this military parade !
the minds of the colonists exasperated, affection converted into
hatred, loyalty into a desire of innovation. In other times, had not
the ministers obtained from the colonics, by legitimate means, and
without such a display of troops, according to the exigency, all the
succors at their disposal ? Since they had been thought able to
furnish subsidies to the mother country, they had never been de
manded, except in the mode of requisitions on the part of the crown,
addressed by the governors to the different assemblies. By adhering
to this mode, the same subsidies might be obtained, without giving
offence, and without danger of revolt. But they would exact a ser
vile obedience, in order to introduce, in due time, into the very bo
som of the kingdom, the principles and government of the Stuarts !
Too certain indications had been remarked of this, the day George
GrenviUe ventured to produce his project of a bill to authorize offi
cers in the colonies to quarter iheir soldiers in the houses of the citi
zens ; a thing expressly calculated to strike the people wiih terror,
to degrade them by permitting themselves to be trampled upon, and
thus prepare ihem to receive the intended taxes with submission.
The murmurs which had arisen, from every quarter, against so shock
ing an enormity, had indeed alarmed the minister ; but it was time
to act more vigorously ; for it was the duty of every good citizen to
oppose these first attempts.
But the ministers were not to be diverted from their plan ; erther
because they were encouraged by the favrjrites concealed behind
them, or from personal obstinacy, or because they beheved, in defi
ance of all demonstration to the contrary, that the Americans would
be intimidated by the confusion and dangerous uncertainty which
would prevail in all their affairs, if, in their civil and coraraercial
transactions, they did not make use of stamped paper, and thus pay
the duty established. Hence the ministers were often heard to say,
that the measure proposed should be a law which would execute
itself. The memorials, the remonstrances, the petitions, the resolu
tions, of the American provinces, ^vere rejected . The bill for im
posing a stamp duty was therefore submitted to parliament, in its
session of 1765. It is easy to imagine with what animation it was
discussed. It may be doubted whether upon any other occasion,
either in times past or present, there has been displayed more vigor
or acuteness of intellect, more love of country, or spirit of party
or greater splendor of eloquence, than in these debates. Nor was
the shock of opinions less violent, without the walls of Westmmster.

BOOK 1. ' THE AMERICAN WAR. 43
All Europe, it may be said, and especially the commercial countries.
were attentive to the progi'ess, and to the decision, of this important
question. The members of parhament who opposed the bill, discovered great
energy. They cited the authority of the most celebrated poUtical
writers, such as Locke, Selden, Harrington, and Puffendorff, who
establish it as an axiom, that the very foundation, and ultimate point
in view, of all governments, is the good of society. Then, retracing
their national history, they alleged ;
' That it resulted from Magna Charta, and from all the writs of
those times relative to the imposition of taxes for the benefit of the
crown, and to the sending of representatives to parharaent, as well
as from the Declaration of Rights, and the whole history of the Eng
lish constitution, that no English subject can be taxed, except, in
their own phrase, 'per comrnu-nein- consensum parlia-menti,' that is,
by his own consent, or that of his representatives ; that such was the
original and general right which the inhabitants of the colonies, as
English subjects, carried with them, when they left their native land,
to estabUsh themselves in these distant countries ; that therefore it
must not be imagined their rights were derived from charters, which
were granted them merely to regulate the external form of the con
stitution of the colonies ; but that the great interior foundation of
their constitution was this general right of the British subject, which
is the first principle of British liberty, — that is, that no raan shall be
taxed, but by himself, or by his representative.
' The counties palatine of Chester, Durham and Lancaster,' added
tiiose orators, ' and the marches of Wales, were not taxed, except in
their own assemblies or parliaments, until, at different times, they
were called to participate in the national representation.
' The clergy, until the late period, when they were admitted to a
share in the general representation, always taxed themselves, and
granted the king what they called henevolences, or free gifts.
' There are some, who, extending the power of parliament beyond
all limits, affect to believe that this body can do every thing, and is
invested with all rights ; but this is not supported, and though true,
could only be so in violation of the constitution ; for then there would
exist in parhament, as might occur in the instance of a single individ
ual, an arbitrary power. But the fact is, that many things are not
within the power of parhament. It cannot, for example, make itself
executive ; it cannot dispose of the offices that belong to the crown ;
it cannot take the property of any man, not even in cases of enclo
sures, without his being heard. The Lords cannot reject a money
biU passed by the commons ; nor the commons erect themselves

44 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.
into a court of justice ; neither can the parliament of England tax
Ireland. •' It is the birthright of the colonists, as descendants of English
men, not to be taxed by any but their own representatives ; and so
far from being represented in the parliament of Great Britain, they
are not even virtually represented here, as the meanest inhabitants
of Great Britain are, in consequence of their intimate connection
with those who are actually represented.
' And if laws made by the British parhament to tax aU except its
own members, or even aU except such members and those actually
represented by them, would be deemed tyrannical, how much more
tyrannical and unconstitutional must not such laws appear to those
who cannot be said to be either actually or virtuaUy represented !
' The people of Ireland are much more virtually represented in
the parliament of Great Britain than the colonists, in consequence
of the great number of Englishmen possessed of estates and places
of trust and profit in Ireland, and their immediate descendants set
tled in that country, and of the great number of Irish noblemen and
gentlemen in both houses of the British parliament, and the greater
number still constantly residing in Great Britain. But, notwith
standing this, the British parliament has never claimed any right to
tax the people of Ireland.
' The first founders of the colonies were not only driven out of the
mother country by persecution, but they left it at their own risk and
expense. Being thus forsaken, if not wor.se treated, all ties, except
those common to mankind, were dissolved between them. They
absolved from all duty of obedience to her, as she dispensed herself
from all duty of protection to them.
'If they accepted of any royal charters on the occasion, it was
done through mere necessity ; and, as this necessity was not of their
own making, their charters cannot be binding upon them ; and even
allowing ihese charters to be binding, they are only bound thereby to
that allegiance which the supreme head of the realm may claim in
discriminately from all its subjects.
' It is extremely absurd to affirm that the Americans owe any sub
mission to the legislative power of Great Britain, which had not au
thority enough to shield them against the violences of the executive ;
and more absurd still, to say that the people of Great Britain can
exercise over them rights which that very people affirm they might
justly oppose, if claimed over themselves by others.
' The English people com.bated long, and shed much blood, with
a view of recovering those rights which the crown, it was believed,
had usurped over themselves : and how can they now, without be-

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 45
coming guilty of the same usurpation, pretend to exercise these rights
over others?
' But, admitting that, by the charters granted to the Americans at
the time of their emigration, and by them from necessity accepted,
they are bound to make no laws but such as, allowing for the differ
ence of circumstances, shall not clash with those of England, this no
more subjects them to the parhament of England, than their having
been laid under the same restraint with respect to the laws of Scot
land, or any other country, would have subjected thera to the parha
raent of Scotland, or the supreme authority of this other country ;
since, by these charters, they have a right to tax themselves for their
own support and defense.
' Whatever assistance the people of Great Britain may have given
to the people of the colonies, it must have been given either from
motives of humanity and fraternal affection, or with a view of being
one day repaid for it, and not as the price of their liberty ; at least
the colonies can never be presumed to have accepted it in that light.
' If it was given from motives of humanity and fraternal affection, as
the people of the colonies have never given the mother country any
room to complain of them, so they never will. If, finally, it v/as
given with a view of being one day repaid for it, the colonists are
willing to come to a fair account, which, allowing for the assistance
they themselves have often given the mother country, for what they
must have lost, and the mother country must have gained, by pre
venting their selling to others at higher prices than they could sell to
her, and their buying from others at lower prices than they could
buy from her, would, they apprehend, not turn out so much to her
advantage as she imagines.'
' Their having heretofore submitted to laws made by the British
parliament, for their internal government, can no more be brought
as a precedent against them, than against the EngUsh themselves
their lameness under the dictates of a Henry, or the rod of a
Star Chamber ; the tyranny of many being as grievous to human
nature as that of a few, and the tyranny of a few as that of a single
person. ' If hberty is the due of those who have sense enough to know
the value of it, and courage enough to expose themselves to every
danger and fatigue to acquire it, the American colonists are better
entitled to possess it than even their brethren of Great Britain ; since
they not only renounced their native soil, the love of which is so con
genial with the human mind, and all those tender charities insepara
ble from it, but exposed themselves to aU the risks and hardships
unavoidable in a long voyage j and, after escaping the danger of be-

46 THE AMERICAN WAR. ^^'^^ '•
ing swallowed up by the waves, encountered, upon those uninhab
ited and barbarous shores, the more cruel danger of perishing by a
slow famine ; which having com.bated, and surmounted, with infi
nite patience and constancy, they have, as if by a miracle of Divine
Providence, at length arrived at this vigorous and prosperous state,
so eminently profitable to those from whom they derive their origin.
' If, in the first years of their existence, some of the colonists dis
covered a turbulent humor, and all were exposed to the incursions
of the neighboring tribes, a savage and hostile race, which condition
required the interposition and assistance of the British parliament,
they have now arrived to such a degree of maturity, in point of polity
and strength, as no longer to need such interposition for the future ;
and therefore, since the proportions are changed which existed be
tween the two nations, it is proper also to change the terms of their
ancient connection, and adopt others, more conformable to their pres
ent respective power and circumstances.
' The present statutes, promulgated by parliament, do not b:nd
the colonies, unless they are expressly named therein ; which evi
dently demonstrates, that the English general laws do not embrace
in their action the American colonies, but need to be sanctioned by
special laws.
' The colonies, therefore, stand in much the same relation towards
England, as the barons with respect to the sovereigns, in the feudal
system of Europe ; the obedience of the one, and the submission of
the other, are restricted within certain limits.
' The history of colonies, both ancient and raodern, comes to the
support of these views. Thus the Carthaginians, the Greeks, and
other celebrated nations of antiquity, allowed their colonies a very
great liberty of internal government, contenting themselves with the
advantages they derived from their commerce. Thus the barbari
ans of the north, who desolated the Roman empire, carried with
them their laws, and introduced them among the vanquished, reiaui-
ing but an extremely slender obedience and submission towards the
sovereigns of their country.
' Thus also, in more recent times, the House of Austria had acted
in regard to its colonies of the Low Countries, before the latter to
tally withdrew themselves from its dominations.
' Such examples ought to apprize the English of the conduct they
should pursue, in respect to their colonies ; and warn them of what
they should avoid.'
' The colonies are already sufficiently taxed, if the restrictions up
on their commerce are taken into view. No other burden should
therefore, De laid upon the Americans, or they should be restored to

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 47
an entire liberty of commerce ; for otherwise they would be charged
doubly, than which nothing can be deemed more tyrannical.
' It is not argued, however, that the American colonies ought not
to be subject to certain external duties, which the parliament has
authority to estabUsh in their ports, or to some other restrictions,
which have been laid upon their commerce by the act of navigation,
or other regulations.
' They are in the same case as all other colonies, belonging to the
rest of the maritime powers in Europe ; from their first establish
ment, all comraerce with foreign nations has been prohibited them.
' What is spoken of are internal taxes, to be levied on the body of
the people ; and it is contended, that before they can be liable to
such ta.xes, they must first be represented.
' Even admitting, what is denied, that the British parliament has
the right to make laws for the colonies, still more to tax thera with
out their concurrence, there lie many objections against all the duties
lately imposed on the colonies, and more still, and weightier, against
that of the stamps lately projected by the ministers, and now pro
posed for the sanction of parliament. For, whereas these stamp
duties were laid gradually on the people of Great Britain, they are
now to be saddled, all at once, wdth all their increased Vveight, on
those of the colonies ; and if these same duties were thought so
grievous in England, on account of the great variety of occasions
in which they were payable, and the great number of heavy penal
ties, which the best meaning persons might incur, they must be to
the last degree oppressive in the colonies, where the people, in
general, cannot be supposed so conversant in matters of this kind,
and numbers do not even understand the language of these intri
cate laws, so foreign to their ordinary pursuits of agriculture and
commerce.* ' It should be added, that these laws, which savor too much of
their native soil, and bear too distinctly the character of that subtilty
for which the EngUsh ffiianclal system is distinguished, must be
viewed by foreigners as insidious snares, and tend to discourage
them from emigrating, with their families, to the American shores.
Need any one be told how prejudicial this would prove to their
growing population, and, by rebound, to the interests of England
herself? ' Finally, as the rnoney produced by these duties, according to the
terms of the bill proposed, is required to be paid into the English
treasury, the colonies, already impoverished by commercial prohibl-
*See Note II.

48 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.
tions must, in a short time, be drained of all their specie, to the ruin
of their commerce, both internal and external.'
On the part of the ministers, these objections were answered, as
follows :
' First of all, it is necessary to banish from the present question
all this parade of science and erudition, so pompously displayed by
our opponents, and which they have coUected from the books of
speculative men, who have written upon the subject of government.
AU these refinements and arguments of natural lawyers, such ass
Locke, Selden, Puffendorff, and others, are little to the purpose, in
a question of constitutional law.
' And nothing can be more absurd, than to hunt after antiquated
charters, to argue from thence the present EngUsh constitution ; be
cause the constitution is no longer the same ; and nobody knows
what it was, at some of the times that are quoted ; and there are
things even in Magna Charta, which are not constitutional now. All
these appeals, therefore, to the records of antiquity, prove nothing
as to the constitution such as it now is.
' This constitution has always been subject to continual changes and
modifications, perpetually gaining or losing something ; nor was the
representation of the commons of Great Britain formed into any
certain system, till the reign of Henry VII.
' Wiih regard to the modes of taxation, when we get beyond the
reign of Edward I. or king John, we are all in doubt and obscurity;
the history of those times is full of uncertainty and confusion. As
to the writs upon record, they were issued, some of them according
to law, and some not according to law ; and such were those con
cerning ship money ; to call assemblies to tax theraselves, or to com
pel benevolences ; other taxes were raised by escuage, or shield ser
vice, fees for knight's service, and other means arising frora the feu
dal system. Benevolences are contrary to law ; and it is weU known
how people resisted the demands of the crown, in the case of ship
money ; and were prosecuted by the court.
' Wiih respect to ihe marches of Wales, this privilege of taxino'
themselves was but of short duration ; and was only granted these
borderers, for assisting the king, in his wars against the Welsh in
the mountains. It commenced and ended with the reign of Edward
1 . ; and when the prince of Wales came to be king, they were an
nexed to the crown, and became subject to taxes, Uke the rest of the
dominions of England.
' Henry VIII. was the first king of England who issued writs for
it to return two members to pariiament ; the crown exercised the
right of issuing writs, or not, at pleasure ; from whence arises the

BOOK I. .THE AMERICAN WAR. 49
inequality of representation, in our constitution of this day. Henry
VIII. issued a writ to Caiais, to send one burgess to parliament ; and
one of the counties palatine was ta.xed fifty years to subsidies, be
fore it sent members to parliament.
' The clergy at no time were unrepresented in parliament. When
they taxed themselves in their assemblies, it was done with the con
currence and consent of parliament.
' The reasoning about the colonies of Great Britain, drawn from
the colonies of antiquity, is a ra.ere useless display of learning ; for
it is well known the colonies of the Tyrians in Africa, and of the
Greeks in Asia, were ' totally different from our systera. No na
tion, before England, formed any regular systera of colonization,
but the Roraans ; and their colonial systera was altogether railitary,
by garrisons placed in the principal towns of the conquered prov
inces ; and the jurisdiction of the principal country was absolute
and unlimited.
' The provinces of Holland were not colonies ; but they were
states subordinate to the House of Austria, in a feudal dependence.
And, finally, nothing could be more different from the laws and cus
toms of the English colonies, than that inundation of northern bar-
barians, who, at the fall of the Roman empire, invaded and occu
pied all Europe. Those emigrants renounced all laws, all protec
tion, all connection with their mother countries ; they chose their
leaders, and marched under their banners, to seek their fortunes, and
establish new kingdoms upon the ruins of the Roman empire.
' On the contrary, the founders of the English colonies emigrated
under the sanction of the king and parhament ; tlieir constitutions
were modeled gradually into^ their present forms, respectively by
charters, grants and statutes; but they were never separated from
the mother country, or so emancipated as to become independent,
and sui juris.
' The commonwealth parliament were very early jealous of the
colonies separating themselves from them ; and passed a resolution
or act, and it is a question whether it is not now in force, to declare
and establish the authority of England over her colonies. But if
there was no express law, or reason founded upon any necessary
inference from an express law, yet the usage alone would be suffi
cient to support that authority ; for, have not the colonies submit
ted, ever since their first estabhshment, to the jurisdiction of the
mother country ? Have they not even invoked it in many instances ?
In all questions of property, have not the appeals of the colonies
been made to the privy council here ? And have not these causes
been determined, not bv the law of the colonies, but by the law
4

50 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK ]
of England ? And have they not peaceably submitted to these de
cisions ?
' These cases of recourse, however, have been very frequent ,
New Hampshire and Connecticut have been in blood about their
differences ; Virginia and Maryland were in arms against each other.
Does not this show the necessity of one superior decisive jurisdic
tion, to which all subordinate jurisdictions may recur ? Nothing, at
any tirae, could be more fatal to the peace and prosperity of the col
onies, than the parhament giving up its superintending authority
over them. From this moment, every bond between colony and
colony would be dissolved, and a deplorable anarchy would ensue.
The elements of discord and faction, already diffused among them,
are too well known, not to apprehend an explosion of this sort.
' From this to the total annihilation of the present colonial sys
tem, to the creation of new forms of government, and falling a prey
to some foreign potentate, how inevitable is their career !
' At present, the several forms of their constitution are ver}' vari
ous, having been established one after another, and dictated by ihe
circumstances and events of the times ; the forras of government in
every colony, were adapted frora time to tirae, according to the size
of the colony, and so have been extended again from time io time,
as the numbers of the inhabitants, and their commercial connections,
outgrew the first model. In some colonies, at first there was only
a governor, assisted by two or three counsellors ; then raore were
added ; then courts of justice were erected ; then assembhes were
created. ' As the constitutions of the colonies are made up of different
principles, so they raust, from the necessity of things, remain de
pendent upon the jurisdiction of the raother country ; no one ever
thought the contrary, till this new doctrine was broached. Acts of
parliament have been made, not only without a doubt of their le
gality, but accepted with universal applause, and wiUingly obeyed.
Their ports have been made subject to customs and regulations,
which craraped and diminished their trade ; and duties have been
laid, affecting the very inmost parts of their commerce, and among
others that of the post ; and no one ever thought, except these new
doctors, that the colonies are not to be taxed, regulated, and bound
by parliament.
' There can be no doubt, but that the inhabitants of the colonies
are as much represented in parliament, as the greatest part of the
people in England are, among nine miUions of whom, there are
eight who have no votes in electing members of parhament • and
therefore, aU these arguments, brought to prove the colonies not

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAR. 51
bependent on parliament, upon the ground of representation, are
vain ; nay, they prove too much, since they directl)' attack the whole
present constitution of Great Britain. But the thing is, that a
member of parliament, chosen for any borough, represents not only
the constituents and inhabitants of that particular place, but he
represents the inhabitants of every other borough in Great Britain.
He represents the city of London, and all other the coraraons of the
land, and the inhabitants of all the colonies and dominions of Great
Br' tain, and is in duty and conscience bound to take care of their in
terests. ' The distinction of internal and external taxes, is false and ground
less. It is gi-anted, that restrictions upon trade, and duties upon the
ports, are legal, at the same time that the right of the parliament of
Great Britain, io lay internal taxes upon the colonies, is denied.
What real difference can there be in this distinction ? Is not a tax,
laid in any place, like a pebble falUng into and making a circle in a
lake, till one circle produces and gives motion to another, and ihe
whole circumference is agitated frora the center ?
' Nothing can be more clear, than that a tax of ten or twenty per
cent, laid upon tobacco either in the ports of Virginia or London,
is a real duty laid upon the inland plantations of A'irginia itself, an
hundred miles from the sea, wherever the tobacco grows.
¦ Protection is the ground ihat gives the right of taxation. The
obligation between the colonies and the mother countr}- is natural
and reciprocal, consisting of defense on the one side, and obedience
on the other ; and common sense tells, that the colonies must be de
pendent in all points upon the mother country, or else not belong to
it at all. The question is not what was law, or what was the con
stitution ? but the question is, what is law now, and ^\"hat is the con
stitution now ?
• And is not this law, is not this the constitution, is not this right,
which without contradiction, and for so long a time, and in number
less instances, as such has been exercised on the one part, and ap
proved by obedience on the other ?
' No attention whatever is due to those subtile opinions and vain
abstractions of speculative men ; as remote from the common expe
rience of human affairs, and but too well adapted to seduce and in
flame the minds of thpse, who, having derived such signal advan
tages from their past submission, ought for the future also to obey
the laws of their hitherto indulgent but powerful mother.
' Besides, is not the condition of the Americans, in many respects,
preferable to that of the EngUsh themselves ? The expenses of in
ternal and civil administration, in England, are enormous ; so incon-

53 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I.
siderable, on the contrary, in the colonies, as almost to surpasg
belief. ' The government of the church, productive of so heavy an ex
pense in England, is of no iraportance in Araerica ; there tithes,
there sinecure benefices, are unknown. Pauperisra has no existence
in the colonies ; there, according to the language of Scripture, every
one lives under his own fig tree ; hunger and nakedness are banished
from ihe land ; and vagrants, or beggars, are never seen. Happy
would it be for England, if as rauch could be affirmed of hei sub
jects on this side of the ocean ! But the contrary, as every body
knows, is the truth.
' What nation has ever shown such tenderness towards its colo
nies as England has demonstrated for hers ? Have they, in thdr ne
cessities, ever sought in vain the prompt succor of Great Britain ?
Was it for their own defense against the enemy, or to advance their
domestic prosperity, have not the most ample subsidies been grant
ed them without hesitation ?
' Independently of these benefits, what other state has ever ex
tended to a part of lis population this species of favor, which had
been bestowed by England upon her colonies ? She has opened
them a credit without which they could never have arrived at this
height of prosperity, which excites the astonishment of all that visit
them ; and ihis considered, the tax proposed must be deemed a very
moderate interest for ihe imraense sums which Great Britain has
lent her colonies.
' As to the scarcity of money, the declamations upon this head are
equaUy futile : gold and silver can never be wanting in a country so
fertile in excellent productions as North America. The stamp duty
proposed being not only moderate, but even trivial, could never with
draw from the country so considerable a quantity of specie, as to
drain its sources, especially as the product of this duty will be kept
in reserve in the treasury, and being destined to defray the ex
penses of the protection and defense of the colonies, must there
fore of necessity be totaUy reimbursed.
' This supremacy of England, about which such clamor has
been raised, amounts then, in reality, to nothing but a superiority of
pov>'er and of efforts to guard and protect aU her dependencies, and
aU her dominions ; which she has done at a price that has brought
her to the brink of ruin. Great Britain, it is true, has acquired in
this struggle a glory which admits of no addition ; but all her colo
nies participate in this. The Araericans are not only graced by the
reflected splendor of their ancient country, but she has also lavished
upon them the honors and benefits which belong to the members of

BOOK I. THE AMERICAN WAK. 53
the British empire, while England alone has paid the countless cost
of so much glory.'
Such were the arguments advanced in parliament, udtli equal
ability and warmth, on the one part, and on the other, in favor, and
against, the American tax. While the question was in suspense, the
merchants of London, interested in the commerce of America, tor
tured with the fear of losing or not having punctuaUy remitted, the
capitals they had placed in the hands of the Araericans, presented a
petition against the biU, on the day of its second reading ; for they
plainly foresaw that among their debtors, some from necessity, and
others with this pretext, would not fall to delay remittances. But it
was alledged, that the usage of the house of commons is not to hear
petitions directed against tax laws ; and this of the London raer
chants, was, accordingly, rejected.
Meanwhile, the ministers, and particularly George Grenville, ex
claimed ;
' These Americans, our own children, planted by our cares, nour
ished by our indulgence, protected by our arms, until ihey are grown
to a good degree of strength and opulence ; will they now turn their
backs upon us, and grudge to contribute their mite to relieve us from
the heavy load which overwhelms us ?'
Colonel Barre caught the words, and wiih a vehemence becom
ing in a soldier, said ;
' Planted h-y -your cares 7 No ! your oppression planted thera in
America ; they fled frora your tyranny, into a then uncultivated land,
where they were exposed to almost all the hardships to which human
nature is liable, and araong others, to the savage cruelty of the ene
my of the country, a people the most subtle, and, I take upon me
to say, the most truly terrible, of any people that ever inhabited any
part of God's earth ; and yet, actuated by principles of true Eng
lish liberty, they met all these hardships wiih pleasure, compared
wiih those they suffered in their own country, from the hands of those
that should have been their friends.'
' They -nourished up by your indulgence 1 They grew by your
neglect ; as soon as you began to care about them, that care was ex
ercised in sending persons to rule over them, in one department and
another, who were, perhaps, the deputies of some members of
this house, sent to spy out their liberty, to misrepresent their ac
tions, and to prey upon them ; raen, whose behavior, on many oc
casions, had caused the blood of these sons of liberty to recoil
within them ; men, promoted to the highest seats of justice, some
of whom, to my knowledge, were glad, by going to foreign countries,
lo escape the vengeance of the laws in their own.

54 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK I
' Thty protected ly your arms 1 They have nobly taken up arms
in your defense, have exerted their valor amidst their constant and
laborious industry, for the defense of a country, whose frontiers,
while drenched in blood, its interior parts have yielded, for your en
largement, the Uttle savings of their frugality, and the fruits of their
tolls. And believe -rne, remember, I this day told you so, that the
same spirit which actuated that people at first, will continue with
them StiU; but prudence forbids me to explain myself any further.
God knows, I do not, at this time, speak from motives of party heat ;
what I assert proceeds from the sentiments of my heart. However
superior to me in general knowledge and experience, any one here
may be, yet I claim to know more of America, having seen, and
been more conversant in that country. The people there are as
truly loyal as any subjects the king has ; but a people jealous of
their liberties, and who wiU vindicate them, if ihey should be vio
lated ; but the subject is delicate ; I will say no more.'
This discourse was pronounced by the colonel without prepara
tion, and wiih such a tone of energy, that all ihe house reraained,
as it were, petrified with surprise, and all viewed him with attention,
without uttering a word.
But ihe pride of the ministers would not permit ihem to retreat,
and the parliament could not hear, with patience, its authority to tax
America called in question. Accordingly, many voted in favor of
the biU, because they beheved it just and expedient ; others, because
the ministers knew how to make it appear such ; others, finally, and
perhaps the greater number, from jealousy of their contested au
thority. Thus, when the house divided on the 7th of February,
1765, the nays were not found to exceed fifty, and the yeas were two
hundred and fifty. The bill was, therefore, passed, and was ap
proved with great alacrity in the house of lords, on the Sth of
March following, and sanctioned by the king the 22d of the same
month. Such was this famous scheme, invented by the most subtle, by the
most sapient heads in England ; whether the spirit of sophistry in
which it originated, or the moment selected for its promulgation, be
tlie most deserving of admiration, is left for others to pronounce.
Certain it is, that it gave occasion in America to those intestine com
motions, that violent fermentation, which, after kindling a civil war,
involving aU Europe in its flames, terminated in the total disjunction
from the British empire of one of its fairest possessions.
If, in this great revolution, the arms of England suftered no dim
inution of splendor and glory, owing to the valor and gallantry dis
played by her soldiers throughout the war, it cannot be disguised that

BOOK I THE AMERICAN WAR. 55
her power and influence were essentially impaired among all nations
of the world.
The very night tne act was passed, doctor frankhn, who was then
in London, wrote to Charles Thompson, afterwards secretary of
congress, ' 27'e sun of liberty is set; the America-ns must light the
lamps of industry and economy.' To which Mr. Thorapson an
swered ; ' Be assured we shall light torches of quite another sort.'
Thus predicting the convulsions that were about to follow.

END OF BOOK FIRST.

NOTES TO BOOK L

NOTE I.  PAGE 25.

FRANKLIN'S LETTER.
' Excluding the people of the colonies from all share in the choice of the grand
council, would probably give extreme dissatisfaction, as well as the taxing them b}'" act
of parliament, where they have no represenlatitm,
' In matters of general concern to the people, and especially when burthens are to
be laid upon them, it is of use to consider, as well what they will be apt to think and
say, as wliat they ought to tliink ; I shall, therefore, as your excellency requires it of
me, briefly mention what of either kind occurs to me on this occasion.
' First, they will say, and perhaps with justice, that the body of the people in the col
onies are as loyal, and as firmly attached to the present constitution, and reigning
family, as any subjects in the king's dominions.
' That there is no reason to doubt the readiness and willingness of the representativea
they may choose, to grant, from time to time, such supplies for the defense of the coun
try, as shall be judged necessary, so far as their abilities allow.
' That the people in the colonies, who arc to feel the immediate mischiefs of invasion
and conquest by an enemy, in the loss of their estates, lives, and liberties, are likely to
be better judges of the quantity of forces necessary to be raised and maintained, forts
to be built and supported, and of their own abilities to bear the expense, than the par
liament of England, at so great a distance.
' That governors often come to the colonies merely to make fortunes \vith which they
intend to return to Britaj.i ; are not always men of the best abilities or integrity ; have,
many of them, no estates here, nor any natural connections with uSj that should make
them heartily concerned for our welfare; and might, possibly, be fond of raising and
keeping up more forces than necessary, from the profits accruing to themselves, and
to make provision for their friends and dependants.
' That the counsellors, in most of the colonies, being appointed by the crown, on the
recommendation of governors, are oflen persons of small estates, frequently dependent
on the governors for offices, and therefore too much under influence.
' That there is, therefore, great reason to be jealous of a' power in such governors
and councils, to raise such sums as they shall judge necessary , by drafts on the lords of
the treasury, to be afterwards laid on the colonies by act of parliament, and paid by the
people here; since they might abuse it, by projecting useless expeditions, harassing
the people, and taking them from their labor to execute such projects, merely to create
offices and employment, and gratify their dependants, and divide profits.
' That the parhament of England is at a great distance, subject to be misinformed
and misled by such govemors and councils, whose united interests might, probably,
secure them against the effect of any complaint from hence.
' That it is supposed an undoubted right of Englishmen, not to be taxed but by
their own consent, given through their representatives ; that the colonies have no
representatives in parliament.
' That to propose taxing them by parliament, and refuse them the liberty of choosing
a representative council, to meet in the co'onies, and consider and judge of the ne
cessity of any general tax, and the quantum, shows a suspicion of^ their loyalty to the
crown, or of their regard for their country, or of their comraon sense and undersland-
ing; which they have not deserved.

BOOK I. NOTES. 57
• That compelling the colonies to pay money without their consent, would bo
rather like raising contributions in an enemy's country, than taxing of Englishmen
for their own public benefit; that it would be treating them as a conquered people,
and not as true British subjects.
' That a tax laid by the representatives ofthe colonies might be easily lessened na
the occasions should lessen ; but being once laid by parliament, under the iiifluf iice of
the representations made by governors, would probably be kept up and continued
for the benefit of governors, to the grievous burthen and discontentment of the
colonies, and prevention of their growth and increase.
' That a power in governors, to march the inhabitants from one end of the British
and French colonies to the other, being z, country of at least one thousand five
hundred miles long, without the approbation or the consent of their representatives
first obtained, to such expeditions, might be grievous and ruinous to the people, and
would put thera upon a footing with the subjects of France in Canada, that now
groan under such oppression frora their governor, who, for two years past, has harass
ed thera with long and destructive marches to Ohio.
' That if the colonies, in a body, may be well governed, by governors and councils
appointed by the crown, without representatives, particular colonies may as well,
or better, be so governed ; a tax may he laid upon them all by act of parliament,
for support of government ; and their assemblies may be dismissed as an useless
part of the constitution.
' That the powers proposed by the Alliany plu.T of <:;r.ion, to be vested in a grand
council representative of the people, even with regard to military matters, are not
so great as those whieh the colonies of Rhode Island aed Connecticut are entrusted
with by their charters, and have never abused ; for by t'nis plan, the president-gen
eral is appointed by the crown, and c.ontrols all by his negative ; but in tiiose
governments, the people choose the governor, and yet allow him no negative.
' That the British colonies bordering on the French, are frontiers of the British
empire ; and the frontiers of an empire are properly defended at the joint expense of
the body of the people in such erapire : it vvould now be thought hard, by act of par
liament, to oblige the Cinque Ports, or sea coasts of Britain, to m-pantain the whole
navy, because they are more immediately defended by it, not allowing them, at the
eame time, a vote in choosing members of parliament ; and as the frontiers ofAmeri
ca bear the expense of their ovvn defense, it seems hard to allow them no share in
voting the money, judging of the necessity of the sum, or advising the measures.
' That besides the taxes necessary for the defense of the frontiers, the colonies
pay yearly great sums to the mother country unnoticed ; for,
1. Taxes paid in Britain by the land-holder, or artificer, must enter into and in
crease the price ofthe produce of land and manufactures made ofit, and great part
of this is paid by consumers in the colonies, who thereby pay a considerable part of
the British taxes.
9. We are restrained in our trade with foreign nations : and where we could bo
supplied with any manufacture cheaper from them, but must buy the same dearer
frora Britain, the difference of price is a clear tax to Britain.
3. We are obliged to carry a part of our produce directly to Britain ; and when
the duties laid upon it lessen its price to the planter, or it sells for less than it vvould
in foreign markets, the difierence is a tax paid to Britain.
4. Some manufactures we could make, but are forbidden, and must take them of
British merchants ; the -whole price is a tax paid to Britain.
5. By our greatly increasing demand and consumption of British manufactures,
their price is considerably raised of late years ; the advantage is clear profit to
Britain, and enables its people better to pay great taxes ; and much of it being paid
by us, is clear tax to Britain.
6. Ir. short, as we are not suffered to regulate our trade, and restrain the im-portation
and consumption of British superfluities, as Britain can the consumption of foreiga
superfluities, our whole wealth centers finally among the raerchants ond inhabitants
of Britain ; and if we raake them richer, and enable them better to pay their taxes,
it is nearly the same as being taxed ourselves, and equally beneficial to the crown.
' These kind of secondary taxes, however, we do not coraplain of, though vve have
no share in laying or disposing of them ; but to pay immediate heavy taxes, in the lay-
ing, appropriation, and disposition of which, we have no part, and which, perhaps, we
may know to be as unnecessary as grievous, must seem hard measures to Englishmen,
who cannot conceive, that by hazarding their lives and fortunes in subduing and set
tling new countries, extending the dominion, and increasing the commerce of the
motner nation, thev have forfeited the native rights of Britons, which they think

58 NOTES.

BOOK 1.

ought rather to be given to them as due to such merit, if they had been before m a
state of slavery.
' These, and such kinds of things as these, I apprehend will be thought and said
by the people,if the proposed alteration of the Albany plan should take place. Tlien
tiie administration of the board of governors and council no appointed, not having
the representative body of the people to a))prove and unite in its measures, and con
ciliate the minds ofthe people to them, will probably become suspected and odious:
dangerous animosities and feuds will arise between the governors and governed, and
every thing go into confusion.'
This was tne letter of Franklin.

NOTE 11.  PAGE 47.
STAMP ACT.
Whereas, by an act made in the last session of Parliament, several duties vvere
granted, continued, and appropriated towards defraying the expenses of defending,
protecting, and securing the British colonies and plantations in America ; and where
as it is first necessary, that provision be made for raising a further revenue within y-oui
majesty's dominions in America, towards defraying the said expenses ; we, your ma
jesty's most dtrtiful and loyal subjects, the CoimnoTis of Great Britain, in parliament as
sembled, have therefore resolved to give and grant unto your majesty the several rights
and duties hereinafter mentioned ; and do most humbly beseech your majesty thatit
may be enacted. And be it enacted by the king's most excellent majesty, hj and
with the advice and consent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, in this
present parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, That from and aiter
the first day of November, one thousand seven hundred and sixty-five, there shallbe
raised, levied, collected, and paid unto his majesty, his heirs, and successors, through
out the colonies and plantations in America, which now are, or hereafter may be,
und^r the dominion of his majesty, his heirs and successors,
1. For every skin of vellum or parchraent, or sheet or piece of paper, on which shall
be engrossed, written, or printed, any declaration, plea, replication, rejoinder, demur
rer, or other pleading, or any copy thereof, in any court of law within the British
colories and plantations in Araerica, a stamp duty of three pence.
2. For every'' skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any special bail, and appearance upon
such bail in any such court, a stamp duty of two shillings.
3. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which may be engrossed, written or printed, any petition, bill or answer, claim, plea,
replication, rejoinder, demurrer, or other pleading in any court of chancery or equity
within thu said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of one shilling and six pence.
4. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall bo engrossed, written, or printed, amj copy of any petition, bill, answer,
claim, plea, replication, rejoinder, demurrer, or other pleading, in any such court, a
stamp duty of three pence.
5. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any monition, libel, answer, allegation,
inventory, or renunciation, in ecclesiastical matters, in any court of probate, court
of the ordinary, or other court exercising ecclesiastical jurisdiction witliin the said
colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of one shillinir.
6. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any copy of any will, (other than the
probate thereof,) monition, libel, answer, allegation, inventory, or renunciation in
ecclesiastical matters, in any such court, a stamp duty of six pence. '
7. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper on
which shall be engrossed, written or printed, any donation, presentation, collation or
Institution, of or to any benefice, or any writ or instrument for the like' purpose, or
any register, entry, testimonial, or certificate of any degree taken in any university
academy, college, or serainary of learning, within the said colonies and plantations'
a stamp auty of two pounds.

BOOK I. NOTES 59
8. For every skin or piece of vellurn oi parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any raonition, libel, claim, answer,
allegation, iniiyfmation, letter of request, execution, renunciation, inventory, or other
pleading in any admiralty court within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp
duty of one shilling.
9. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which any copy of any such monition, libel, claim, answer, allegation, information,
letter of request, ^ecution, renunciation, inventory, or other pleading shall be en
grossed, written, or printed, a stamp duty oi six pence.
10. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchraent, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any appeal, writ of error, writ of dower,
ad quod damnum, certiorari, statute merchant, statute staple, attestation, or certificate,
by any officer, or exemplification of any record or pro.; ceding, in any court whatso
ever within the said colonies and plantations, (except appeals, writs of error, certiorari,
attestations, certificates, and exemplifications, for, or relating to the removal of any
proceedings from before a single justice of the peace,) a stamp duty of ten shillings.
11. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any writ of covenant for levying fines,
writ of entry for suffering a comraon recovery, or attachment issuing out of or returnable
into any court within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of five shillings.
12. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any judgment, decree, or sentence, or
dimission, or any record o{ nisi prius ov postea, in any court within the said colonies
and plantations, a stamp duty ot four shillings.
13. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any affidavit, comraon bail, or appear
ance, interrogatory, deposition, rule, order or warrant of any court, or any dedimus
potestatum, capias suhpana, suraraons, corapulsory citation, commission, recognizance,
or any other writ, process, or raandate, issuing out of, or returnable into, any court,
or any office belonging thereto, or any other proceeding therein whatsoever, or any
copy thereof, or of any record not herein before charged, within the said colonies
audpiantations, (except warrants relating to crirainal matters, and proceedings there
on, or relating thereto,) a stamp duty ot one shilling
14. For every skin cr piece of vellum or parchraent, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written,. or printed, any note or bill of lading, Vi'hich shall
be signed for any Kind of goods, wares, or merchandise, to be exported from, or any
oocket or clearance granted within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty
of four pence.
15. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, letters of mart or commission forprivate
ships of war, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty ofticenty shillings.
16. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any grant, appointment, or admission
of or to any public beneficial office or eraployraent, for the space of one year, or any
lesser time, of or above twenty pounds per annum sterling raoney, in salary, fees, and
perquisites, within the said colonies and plantations, (except commissions and ap
pointments of officers ofthe army, navy, ordnance, or militia, of judges, and of jus
tices ofthe peace,) a stamp duty often shillings.
17. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchraent, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which any grant of any liberty, privilege, or franchise, under the seal or sign raanu
al of any governor, proprietor, or public officer, alone, or in conjunction with any other
person or persons, or with any council, or any council and assembly, or any exempli
fication of the same, shall be engrossed, written, or printed, within the said cobnies
and plantations, a stamp duty ot six -pounds.
18. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any license for retailing of spirituous
liquors, to be granted to pay person who shall take out the same, within the said
colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of twenty shillings.
19. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any license for retailing of vyine, to be
granted to any person who shall not take out a license for retailing of spirituous li
quors, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of four pounds.
20. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any license, for retaihng of wine, to be
granted to any person vvho shall take out a license for retaihng of spiritous liquors,
within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of three pounds.

60 NOTES.

BOOK I

21. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which .-hall be engrossed, written, or printed, any probate of will, letters of administra
tion or of guardianship for any estate above the value of twenty pounds sterling money,
within the British colonies and plantations upon the continent of America, the islands
belonging thereto, and tho Bermuda and Bahama islands, a stamp duty of five shU
hngs. 22. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or pii:ce of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such probate, letteis of administra
tion or of guardianship, within all other parts ofthe British dominions in America, a
stamp duty of ten shillings.
23. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any bond for securing the payment of
any sum of money, not exceeding the sum often pounds, sterhng money, within the
British colonies and plantations upon the continent ofAmerica, the islands belonging
thereto, and the Bermuda and Bahama islands, a stamp dxity of six pence.
24. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any bond for securing the payment of
any sum of money above ten pounds, and not exceeding twenty pounds, sterling
money, within such colonies, plantations, and islands, a stamp duty of one shilling.
i&. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any bond for securing the payment of
any sum of money above twenty pounds, and not exceeding forty pounds, sterling
money, within such colonies, plantations, and islands, a stamp duty of one shilU-ng
and si-x pence.
26. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any order or warrant for surveying or
setting out any quantity of land, not exceeding one hundred acres, issued by any
governor, proprietor, or any public officer, alone, or in conjunction with any other
person or persons, or with any council, or any council and assembly, within the Brit
ish colonies and plantations in America, a stamp duty of sixpence.
27. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such order or warrant for surveying
or seUing out any quantity of laud above oue hundred and not exceeding two hun
dred acres, within t^he said colonies and plan'ations, a stamp duty of one shillivg.
'i-i. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such order or warrant for surveying
or setting out any quantity of land above two hundred and not exceeding three hun
dred and twenty acres, and in proportion for every such order or warrant for survey
ing or setting out eveiy other three hundred and twenty acres, within the said colo
nies and plantations, a stamp duty of one shilling and six pence.
29. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any original grant or any deed, mesne
conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity of land, not ex
ceeuingonc hundred acres, shall be granted, conveyed, or assigned, within the British
colorues and plantations upon the continent of America, the islands belonging thereto,
and the Bermuda and Bahama islands, (except leases for any term not exceeding the
term of twenty-one years) a stamp duty of one shilling and six pence.
:'/). For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written.or printed, any such original grant, or any such deed,
mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity of land,
above one hundred and not exceeding two hundred acres, shall be granted, conveyed,
or assigned, within such colonies, plantations and islands, a stamp duty ofa™ shillings.
31. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such original gran.t, or any such
deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity of
land, above two hundred, and not exceeding three hundred and twenty acres, shall
be granted, conveyed, or assigned, and in proportion for every such grant, deed, mesne
conveyance, or other instrument, granting, conveying, or assigning, every other three
hundred and twenty acres, within such colonies, plantations and islands, a stamp duty
of two shilUngs and six pence.
32. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, oo
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or anv such
deed, mesne oonveyauDe, or other instrumi nt wliatsoever, by which any quantity of
land, not exceeding one Imndred acres, shall be granted, conveyed, or assio-ned within
all other parts of the Britioh dominions in America, a stamp duty of tliree shilUngs.

BOOK 1. NOTES. 61
33. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, ou
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such
deed, mesne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity of
land, above one hundred and not exceeding two hundred acres, shall be grajited, con
veyed, or assigned, within the same parts ofthe said dominions, a stamn duty of four
shillings. 34. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchraent^ or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such original grant, or any such
deed, raosne conveyance, or other instrument whatsoever, by which any quantity o''
land, above two hundred and not exceeding three hundred and twenty acres, shall be
granted, conveyed, or assigned, and in proportion for every such grant, deed, mesne
conveyance, or other instrument, granting, conveying, or assigning every olher three
hundred and twenty acres, within the sarae parts ofthe said dominions, a stamp duty
of fi-oe shillings.
35. For every skin, or piece of vellum or parchraent, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any grant, appointment, or admission, of
or to any beneficial office or employment, not herein before charged, above the value
of twenty pounds per annum sterling money, in salary, fees, and perquisites, or any
exemplification of the same, within the British colonies and plantations upon the con
tinent of America, the islands belonging thereto, and the Bermuda and Bahama
islands, (except commissions of officers of the army, navy, ordnance, or militia, and of
justices ofthe peace,) a stamp duty of four pounds.
36. For every skin or piece of vellura or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any such grant, appointment, or ad
mission, of or to any such public beneficial office or employment, or any exemplifica
tion ofthe same, within all other parts ofthe British dominions in America, a stamp
duty of six pounds.
37. For ever}' skin or piece of vellura or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
v/hich shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any indenture, lease, conveyance, con
tract, stipulation, bill of sale, charter party, protest, articles of apprenticeship, or cove
nant, (except for the hire of servants not apprentices, and also except such other mat
ters as herein before charged,) within the British colonies and plantations in America,
a stamp duty of tico shillings and six pence.
38. For every skin or piece of vellum or paEchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
vvhich any warrant or order for auditing any public accounts, beneficial warrant, order,
grant, or certificate, under any public seal, or under the seal or sign manual of any gov
ernor, proprietor, or public officer, alone, or in conjunction with any other person or
persons, or with anj' council, or any council and assembly, not herein before charged,
or any passport or letpass, surrender of office, or policy of assurance, shall be engrossed,
written, or printed, within the said colonies and plantations, (except warrants or orders
for the service ofthe army, navy, ordnance, or militia, and grants of offices under twen
ty pounds per annum, in salary, fees, and perquisites,) a stamp duty of five shiU/ngs.
39. For every skin or piece of vellura or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any notarial aot, bond, deed, letier of
attorney, procuration, mortgage, release, or other obligatory instrument, not herein be
fore charged, within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of ttco shillings
and three pence.
40. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any register, entry, or enrollment of any
grant, deed, or olher instruraent whatsoever, herein before charged, within the said
colonies and plantations, a stamp duty of three pence.
41. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which shall be engrossed, written, or printed, any register, entry, or enrollment of any
grant, deed, or other instrument whatsoever, not herein before charged, within the
said colonies and plantations, a stamp duly of two shillings.
42. And for and upon every pack of playing cards, and all dice, which shall be sold
or used within the said colonies and plantations, the several stamp duties following;
(that is to say ;)
43. For every pack of such cards, one shilling.
, 44. And for every pair of such dice, ten shillings.
45. And for and upon every paper called a pamphlet, and upon every newspaper
containing public news, or occurrences, which shall be printed, dispersed, and made
public, within any ofthe said colonies and plantations, and for and upon such adver
tisements as are hereinafter mentioned, the respective duties following ; (that is to say ,)
46. For every such pamphlet and paper, contained in a half sheet, or any lesser piece

62 NOTES. BOOK 1.
of paper, which shall be oo printed, a stamp duty of one half-penny for every printed
eopy thereof.
47. For every such pamphlet and paper, (being larger than half a sheet, and not ei-
ceediug one whole sheet,) which shall be so printed, a stamp duty of one penny for
every printed copy thereof
48. For every pamphlet and paper, being larger than one whole sheet, and not ex
ceeding six sheets in oclavo, or in a lesser page, or not exceeding twelve sheets in
quarto, or twenty sheets in folio, which shall be so printed, a duly after the rate of one
shilling for every sheet of any kind of paper which shall be contained in one printed
copy thereof.
49. For every advertisement to be contained in any gazelle, newspaper, or other
paper, or any pamphlet which shall be so printed, a duty of two st-illings.
50. For every almanac CT calendar for any one particular year, or for any time less
than a year, which shall be written or printed on one side only of any one sheet, skin
or piece of paper, parchment, or vellum, within the said colonies and plantations, a
stamp duty of two pence.
. 51. For every other almanac, or calendar, for any one particular year, which shall be
written or printed within the said colonies and plantations, a stamp duly of four pence.
52. And for every almanac or calendar, written or printed in the said colonies and
plantations, to serve for several years, dutifs lo the same amount respectively shall
be paid for every such year.
53. For every skin or piece of vellum or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper, on
which any instrument, proceeding, or olher matter or thing aforesaid, shall be engross
ed, written, or printed, within the said colonies and plantations, in any other than the
English language, a stamp duty of double the amount ofthe respective duties before
charged thereon.
54. And there shall be also paid, in the said colonies and plantations, a duty of six
pence for every twenty shillings, in any sum not exceeding fifty pounds sterling
money, which shall be given, paid, contracted, or agreed for, with or in relation to
any clerk, or apprentice, which shall be put or placed to or with any master or mis
tress, to learn any profession, trade, or employment. II. And also a duty of one shilling
for every twenty shillings, in any sura exceeding fifty pounds which shall be given,
paid, contracted, or agreed for, with, or in relation to, any such clerk or apprentice.
55 Finally, the produce of all the aforementioned duties shall be paid into his njajes-
ty's treasuiy; and there held in reserve. to be used, from tirae to time, by the parlia
ment, forthe purpose of defraying the expenses riecessary for the defense, protection,
and security of the said colonies and plantations. [1765. Statutes at Large.
Pickering's edition, i, 5, George III. Vol.' XXVI. Chap. XII. page 179."]

BOOK U. TIJE AMERICAN WAR. 63

BOOK SECOND.
1765. It is difficult to describe the effervescence excited in
America, by the news that the stamp act had been adopted in
parliament. The minister, Grenville, knowing how odious it was to the Ameri
cans, and foreseeing the tumults it might cause, had endeavored to
mitigate its severity, by strictly avoiding to employ, as collectors of
the duty, any individuals born in England ; but this precaution
proved ineffectual to abate, in the least, the tempest of indignation
with which it was received.
The American gazettes began to be filled with complaints of lost
liberty ; the most influential citizens declai'ed openly, that this was
a manifest violation of their rights, which proceeded from no tran
sient error of the English government, but from a deliberate design
to reduce the colonies to slavery ; ' This,' they exclaimed, ' is but the
commencement of a system of the most detestable tyranny.'
Such as opposed the schemes attributed to the government either
to contract a stricter union by a common name, or to render them
selves more agreeable to the people, alluding to the words of colonel
Barre in his speech before parliament, assumed the specious title of
son* of liberty. They bound themselves mutually, among other
things, to march at their own expense to any part of the continent,
where it should be necessary to maintain the English constitution
in America, and to use all their efforts to prevent the execution of
the stamp act.
A committee of correspondence was organized, to address circular
letters to the principal inhabitants of the country ; exhorting them
to adopt the same principles and the same resolutions. These meas
ures gave a powerful activity to the opposition, and to the tumults
which soon followed. The people were prepared for insurrection,
tlie moment an occasion, or a signal, should be given them.
The Virginians, again at this time, were the first to give it. The
29th of May, 1765, the house of burgesses of Virginia, upon the
motion of George Johnson and Patrick Henry, came to the follow
ing resolutions :
' Whereas the honorable house of commons in England, have of
late drawn into question, how far the general assembly of this colo
ny hath power to enact laws for laying taxes and imposing duties,
payable by the people of this his majesty's most ancient colony ; for
settling and ascertaining the same to all future times, the house of

64 THE AMERICAN WAK. BOOK U
burgesses of this present general assembly, have come to the several
following resolutions •
' That the first adventurers and settlers of this his majesty's colony
and dominion of Virginia, brought with them and transmitted to their
posterity, and all other his majesty's subjects since inhabiting in this
his majesty's colony, all the privileges and immunities that have at
any time been held, enjoyed and possessed by the people of Great
Britain. That by the two royal charters granted by James I., the
colonists aforesaid are declared entitled to all privileges cf faithful,
liege and natural born subjects, to all intents and purposes, as if they
had Ijeen abiding and born within the realm of England.
' That his majesty's hege people of this his most ancient colony,
have enjoyed the right of being thus governed by their own assem
bly, in the article of taxes and internal police, and that the same
have jiever been forfeited, or any other way yielded up, but have
been constantly recognized by the king and people of Great Britain.
' That consequently the generai assembly of this colony, together
with his majesty, or his substitute, have in their representative capaci
ty the only exclusive right and power to lay taxes and impositions
upon the inhabitants of this colony ; that every attempt to vest such
a povifer in any person or persons whatsoever other than the general
as::cjn'ijly aforesaid, is illegal, unconstitutional, and unjust, and has a
manifest tendency to destroy British, as well as American freedom.
That his majesty's liege people, the inhabitants of this colony, are
not bound to yield obedience to any law or ordinance vihatsoever,
designed to impose any taxation whatsoever upon them, other than
the laws and ordinances of this general assembly. That any person
who shall by speaking or writing, maintain that any person or per
sons, other than the general assembly of this colony, have rny right
or power to impose or lay any taxation whatsoever upon this people,
sliall be deemed an enemy to this his majesty's colony.'
These resolutions were passed on this day, by an immense ma-
jctrity ; but the day following, the assembly being more fiill, as many
of the older and more prudent citizens attended, the subject ^vas re-
consitlered ; and by their influence and representations, the lest two
articles were retrenched. M. Fauquier, the lieutenant-governor,
being informed of these debates, dissolved the assembly ; bnt this
iiieasure had little success, for when the new elections took plac?,
ihose who did not assent to the resolutions were excluded, and all
ihose who did were re-elected. Meanwhile, the resolutions circu
lated from hand to hand, not as they had been modified, but in
their original form.
The members of the confederacy, called the so7is of liberty, were

BOOK n. -THE AMERICAN WAR. 65
especially active in comL->unicating them from one to another, and
in a short time they were dispersed every wher^, and every where
perused and reperused with .?qual avidity and enthusiasm.
But in New England, and pcrticularly in the province of Massa
chusetts, the warm advocates of American privileges were not con
tent with these marks of approbation, but to propagate them the
more rapidly among all classes of people, caused them to be printed
ill the public journals, which was the principal occ,asion of the tu
mults that shortly ensued.
Very early on Wednesday morning, the 1 4th of August, and it is
believed at the instigation of John Avery, Thomas Crafts, John
Smith, Henry Welles, Thomas Chase, Stephen Cleverling, Henry
Bass, and Benjamin Edes, all individuals extremely opposed to the
pretensions of England, and zealous partisans of innovation, two
effigies were discovered hanging on a branch of an old elm, near the
southern entrance of Boston, one of which, according to the label
that was attached to it, represented a stamp officer, the other a jack
boot, out of which rose a horned head, which appeared to look
around. This spectacle attracted the curious multitude, not only
from the city, but as the rumor spread, from all the adjacent
country. As the crowd increased, their minds, already but too much heated,
were inspired with a spirit of enthusiasm by this strange exhilaition,
and the day was immediately devoted to recreation. About dusk,
the images were detached from the tree, placed on a bier, and car
ried in procession with great solemnity. The people follov/ed, stamp
ing, and shouting from all quarters, ' Liberty and property forever —
no stamp.' Having passed through the town house, they proceeded
with their pageantry down King street, and into Kilby street ; when
arrived in front of a house owned by one Oliver, which they sup
posed was designed for a stamp office, they halted, and without
further ceremony, demolished it to the foundation. Bearing oft', as
it were in triumph, the wood of the ruined house, with continually
increasing shouts and tumult, they proceeded to the dwelling of Oli
ver himself, and there having beheaded his effigy, broke all his win
dows in an instant. Continuing to support the two figures in pro
cession, they ascended to the summit of Fort hill, where, kindhng
with their trophies a bonfire, they burnt one of them, amidst peals
of universal acclamation. Not satisfied with this, the populace re
turned to the house of Oliver, with clubs and staves ; the garden,
fences, and all the dependencies of the edifice were destroyed.
OUver had fled, to avoid the popular fury, leaving only a few friends
to use their discretion, for the prevention of further damage. But
VOL. I. 5

66 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK II.
some imprudent words of theirs having exasperated the rage of the
multitude, they broke open the doors, entered the lower part of the
house, and destroyed the furniture of every description. At mid
night they disbanded. The next day, Ohver, finding himself thus
the object of public detestation, and apprehensive of a second visit,
notified the principal citizens that he had written to England, re
questing the liberty of being excused from the office of distributor
of stamps. In the evening, the people re-assembled, erected a pyra
mid, intending another bonfire, but upon hearing of Oliver's resigna
tion, they desisted, and repaired to the front of his house, gave three
cheers, and took their departure without damage.
Meanwhile, a rumor having got abroad, that Hutchinson, the heu
tenant-governor, had written to England in favor of the stamp du
ties, the multitude immediately repaired to his house, and could noi
be persuaded to retire till they were assured, that this gentleman had
even written to dissuade from the bill. Upon which their cries of
rage v/ere followed by shouts of acclamation ; they kindled a bonfire,
and quietly returned to their respective habitations. But far more
serious were the disorders of the 26tli of the same month. Some
boys were playing around a fire they had kindled in King street ; the
fire ward coming to extinguish it, he was whispered, by a person un
known, to desist, which he not regarding, received a blow on liis arm,
and such other marks of displeasure, as obliged him to withdraw.
Meanwhile, a particular whistle was heard from several quarters,
which was followed by innumerable cries of ' Sirrah ! Sirrali !' At
this signal advanced a long train of persons disguised, armed with
clubs and bludgeons, who proceeded to invest the house of Paxton,
marshal of the court of admiralty, and superintendent of the port,
who had time to escape ; and, at the invitation of the steward,* the
assailants accompanied him to the tavern, were pacified, and the
house was spared. But their repeated libations having renewed
their frenzy, they salhed forth, and assaulted the house of William
Story, register of the vice-admiralty, opposite the court-house, the
lower part of which, being his office, they broke open, seized and
committed to the flames the files and public records of that court,
and then destroyed the furniture of the house. , Nor did the riot
end here. The mob, continually increasing in numbers and intoxi
cation, stimulated by the havoc already committed, rushed onwards
to the house of Benjamin Hallowell, collector of the customs, the
furniture of which they soon destroyed. They renewed their pota
tions, in the cellar ; and what they were unable to drink, they wast-
entenahimenT''^ ""'•*' '^ '®"^"' ' *^ °^^"^' °^ '''^ ''°"^^' '^' ^^'""^r ^^q., gave the

BOOK n. THE AMERICAN WAR. 67
ed ; they searched every corner, and carried off about thirty pounds
sterling in money. They are joined by fresh bands. In a stale bor
dering on madness, they proceed to the residence of Hutchinson,
the lieutenant-governor, about ten o'clock at night ; they invest it,
and em.ploy every means to enter it by violence. After having sent
his children, as yet of tender age, to a place of safety, he barricaded
his doors and windows, and seemed determined to remain ; but, un
able to resist the fury of the assailants, he was constrained to quit
the place, and take refuge in another house, where he remained con
cealed till four in the morning. Meantime, his mansion, perhaps
the most magnificent and the best furnished house in the colony,
was devoted to ruin and pillage. The plate, the pictures, the furni
ture of every kind, even to the apparel of the governor, were car
ried oflT, besides nine hundred pounds sterling in specie. Not con
tent with this, they dispersed or destroyed all the manuscripts which
the governor had been thirty years in collecting, as well as papers,
relating to the public service, deposited in his house ; an immense
and irreparable loss.
It appears that Hutchinson had become the object of a hatred so
universal, because he was accused of having been accessory in lay
ing on the stamp duties ; which imputation, however, was absolutely
false ; for it is ascertained, on the contrary, that he had always op
posed that measure, in his letters to the government. Hence it is
Been how erroneous are often popular opinions ; and that those who
govern should propose to themselves a nobler object, in the per
formance of their duty, than that of pleasing the multitude, who
are more often found to fawn upon their oppressors, than to applaud
their benefactors.
The next morning was the time for holding the assize and the su
preme court of judicature. Hutchinson, who was its president, was
obliged to appear on the bench in the dress of a private citizen, while
the other judges, and the gentlemen of the bar, were in their re
spective robes. This contrast was observed with grief and pity by
the spectators. The court, to evince with what indignation they re
ceived the affront they had sustained in the person of their presi
dent, and how much they detested the scenes of anarchy which the
preceding day had witnessed, resolved to abstain from all exercise
of their functions, and adjourned to the 15th of October.
Some individuals who had been apprehended, refusing to de
nounce the authors of the tumult, were committed to prison ; but
one of them effected his escape, and the rest were released soon af
ter ; for it was seen distinctly, that the people were not disposed to
tolerate any further proceedings against the dehnquents.

BOOK n. THE AMERICAN WAR. 69
and parleyed with, by a gentleman, who persuaded them to desist
and disperse.
At Providence, the principal city of Rhode Islaqd, a gazette ex
traordinary was published, on the 24th of August, with ' V ox Pop
uli, vox Dei,' in large letters, for the frontispiece ; and underneath,
' Where the spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty. St. Paul.' It
congratulated the people of New England, on the glorious ac
counts, from all parts, of the laudable commotions of the people
in the cause of liberty ; and on the lawful measures adopted to pre
vent the execution of the stamp act, not hesitating to treat as
such these blamable excesses of the populace. The writers ex
tolled to the skies the zeal cf the Bostonians, who, they said, had
not degenerated from their fathers, but had preserved entire that
spirit of freedom which had already rendered them so celebrated
throughout the world. Pasquinades, farces, satires, and popular
railleries were not spared, in the public prints. The effigies of
such as were the objects of popular displeasure, were dreigged, with
halters about their necks, through the streets, hung to gibbets, and
afterwards burnt.
In Connecticut, Ingersoll, the principal stamp officer, having
appointed for his deputy an inhabitant of Windham, wrote him to
come and receive his commission at New Haven. The inhabitants
of Windham, on hearing of this, demanded the lefter of Ingersoll,
and warned him not to accept the office ; which, preferring the less
evil, he consented to renounce. Ingersoll himself was reduced to
the same extremity, at New Haven. He wrote a letter, which was
afterwards pubhshed, in which he declared, that since the inhabit
ants had such an aversion to stamped paper, he would not compel
them to use it. He hoped, however, that if they should change
their minds on further consideration, or from a conviction of ne
cessity, they would receive it from him. This declaration was
much applauded ; but the people having conceived new suspicions
of his sincerity, they surrounded his house, and he was informed
that he must decide immediately, either for or against the resigna
tion of his office. He answered, that this choice was not in his
power. They next demanded, whether, when the stamped paper
arrived, he would deliver it to them, to make a bonfire ? Or —
have his house pulled down ? He then rephed, and witb evident
reluctance, that when the stamps arrived he would either reship
them to be sent back ; or when they were in his house, he would
leave his doors open, that they might then act as they thought
proper. Similar tumults also took place in the town of Norwich, and that

70 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK tt.
of Lebanon ; but in the latter the ceremony of a mock trial was
added, by which the effigies were condemned, in due form, to be
hung and burnt.
The next morning the same scenes were repeated, with the ex
ception of the trial ; but the deputy collector of the stamp duty
had already resigned.
In New Hampshire, Messerve, another stam.p officer, was com
pelled by the multitude to renounce the exercise of his functions.
In Maryland, Flood, principal distributor of stamped paper, was
menaced in property if he refused to resign ; he fled for refuge,
first to New York, and afterwards to Long Island. But the mul
titude, having unexpectedly crossed the strait, constrained hun not
only to renounce his employment, but to confirm his resignation
upon oath before a magistrate.
At New York, the stamp act was held in such contempt, that it
was printed and cried through the country as the Folly of England
a-nd Ruin ofAmerica. The stamp officers in this quarter perceived
they could not resign too promptly. Similar scenes took place
in the other American provinces.
To foment the general excitement, and encourage tbe people to
persevere in the opposition commenced, their leaders took care to
multiply satirical pamphlets and pasquinades ; epigrams and popular
jests were incessant in the pubhc prints. At Boston, among others, a
newspaper was pubhshed, under the following title ; ' The Constitu
tional Courant ; containing matters interesting to Liberty, and no
wise repugnant to Loyalty.' The frontispiece represented a serpent
cut into eight pieces ; on the part of the head, were the initial let
ters of New England ; and on that of the body, the initials of the
other colonies, as far as South Carolina ; and over it, ' Join ob Die,'
in large letters.
In many places, the advocates, attorneys and notaries, held meet
ings, in which the query was proposed. Whether, when the stamps
should arrive, and the day prefixed for using them, they would agree
to purchase stamped paper for their legal writings ? The negative
was decided unanimously : they protested, however, in strong terms,
against all riotous and indecent behavior, and pledged themselves to
discountenance it, by every means in their power ; their sole inten
tion being, by the refusal of the stamps, and other quiet methods,
to endeavor to procure the repeal of the law.
The justices of the peace for the district of Westmoreland, in Vir
ginia, published, that, on account of the stamp act, they had discon
tinued their functions ; unwiUing, ihey said, to become instruments

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAK. 71
of the destruction of the most essential rights, and of the liberty of
tlieir country.
Thus, while the frantic populace rushed headlong into the most
odious excesses, men of reputation only testified their resistance by
moderate acts, but not less, and perhaps even more, efficacious, to
obtain the repeal of a law they abhorred, and to re-establish Amer
ican liberty. Thus the spirit of independence, originating at first in
Virginia and Massachusetts, was progressively propagated in the
other provinces ; and passed from the populace to the middle classes,
and from these to the most eminent citizens.
Meanwhile the time drew nigh, when the stamped paper destined
for America was expected to arrive from England ; and the day was
no longer distant, when, by the terms of the law, the stamp act was
to go into effect : it was the first of November.
The Americans already viewed it as a day of sinister presage, and
the harbinger of future calamities to their country. On the Sth of
October, the ships which brought the stamps, appeared in sight of
Philadelphia, near Gloucester Point. Immediately, all the vessels
in the harbor hoisted their colors half-staff high ; the bells were muf
fled, and ' tolled for the rest of the day ; and every thing appeared
to denote the most profound and universal mourning. At four in
the afternoon, several thousands of citizens met at the State House,
to consult on proper measures to prevent the execution of the stamp
act. Upon the motion of William Allen, son of the president of the
court of justice, it was agreed to send a deputation to John Hughes,
principal officer of the stamps for the province, to request he would
resign his office ; to which, after long resistance, and with extreme
reluctance, he at length consented.
The tumult continued many days ; during which Hughes was ac
tive in barricading his house, and securing the succors of his friends,
apprehensive, notwithstanding his resignation, of being attacked ev
ery moment. Amidst this general effervescence, the quakers, who
are very numerous in Philadelphia, maintained a perfect calm, and
appeared disposed to submit to the stamp act. The same also was
the conduct of the episcopal clergy ; but they were few in number.
The stamped paper arrived at Boston the 10th of September.
The governor immediately wrote to the assembly of representatives,
requesting their advice, Oliver having j-esigned his office. The as
sembly rephed, that this affair was not within their competency ; and
therefore the governor, they hoped, would excuse them, if they could
not see their way clear, to give him either advice or assistance. The
representatives thus avoided the snare, and left the governor alone,
to extricate himself as he could. He finally caused the bales of

72 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK II.
Stamped paper to be lodged m the castle, where they could be de
fended, if necessary, by the artillery.
But on the first of November, at dawn of day, all the bells of
Boston sounded the funeral knell. Two figures, of immense pro-
portions, were found suspended on the elm, of which we have spo
ken before. This tree, since the date of the first tumults, had ac
quired the name of ' the tree of liberty.' Under its shade the pat-
riot» ::ssembled to confer upon their aflTairs ; and thence arose the
custom of planting, in every town, or naming those already planted,
trees of liberty. The Bostonians poured into the streets in throngs,
and all was uproar. At three in the afternoon, the two effigies were
detached from the tree, in the midst of universal acclamations, car
ried round the city, hung to a gallows, and afterwards cut in pieces,
and thrown to the winds. This executed, the people withdrew to
their habitations, and tranquillity seemed re-established. But the
agitators, soon after, proceeded to a highly blamable excess. Oh
ver, who had long since resigned his employment, was dragged with
violence to the foot of the tree of liberty, through th? tumultuous
crowd, and there compelled, a second time, to renoum e upon oath ;
as if any importance could be attached to these oaths, extorted by
coercion ! They attest the tyranny of those who exact them, not
the will of him that takes them.
In many places, over the doors of the pubhc offices, was seen this
inscription : ' Let him that shall first distribute or employ stamped
paper, look well to his house, his person, and his furniture. Vox
Populi.' The people went armed ; the friends of stamps were iu-
timidated. Nor less serious were the disorders in the city of New York.
The stamped paper arrived there about the last of October. Mac
Ever, who had been appointed distributor, having resigned the of
fice, the lieutenant-governor, Colden, a person Uttle agreeable to the
multitude on account of his political opinions, caused the paper to
be lodged in fort George; and having taken, some precautions for
its security, the people began to suspect some sinister intention on
nis part.
In consequence, on the first of November, towards evening, the
populace assembled in great numbers, and rushed furiously to the
citadel. The governor's stables were forced, his coach taken out,
and drawn in triumph through the principal streets of the city. A
gaUows having been erected in the grand square, the effigy of the
lieutenant-governor was there hung, with a sheet of stamped paper
in the right hand, and the figure of a demon in the left. It vvas af
terwards taken down, and carried in procession, the coach in the van.

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 73
to the gates of the fortress, and finally to the counterscrap, under
the very mouths of the cannon, where they made a grand bonfire of
the whole, amidst the shouts and general exultation of many thou
sands of people. But this irritated multitude did not stop here.
They soon repaired to the residence of major James. It vvas dis
tinguished for its rich furniture, a library of great value, and a gar
den of singular beauty. In a moment all was ravaged and destroy
ed. They kindled also the accustomed bonfire ; exclaiming, Such
are the entertainments the people bestow on the friends of stamps !
The coftee-houses had become a species of public arena, and
schools for political doctrines, where the popular orators, mounting
the benches or tables, harangued the multitude, vvho commonly re
sorted to these places in great numbers. In a very crowded con
course of this sort, an honest citizen of New York arose and exhort
ed the people to a more regular and less blamable conduct. He
entreated the inhabitants even to take arms, in order to be prepared
to repress the factious on the first symptoms of tumult. His dis
course was received with great approbation. But captain Isaac
Sears, who had commanded a privateer, and was violently opposed
to the stamps, urged the people not to give ear to these timid men,
who take alarm at cobwebs ; let them follow him, and he would
soon put them in possession of the stamped paper.
He is joined at first by a few popular chiefs ; all the rest follow
their example. A deputation is sent to the heutenant-governor, to
inform him that he will do well to deliver up the stamped paper.
He endeavored at first to gain time, alleging that the governor, Hen
ry Moore, was expected shortly, and would determine what was
proper in this conjuncture. The answer was by no means satisfactory.
It was represented more imperiously to the lieutenant-governor, that,
peaceably or by force, the people must have the stamped paper ;
an.d that a moment's delay might cause the effusion of blood. To
avoid, therefore, a greater evil, he consented to put it in their hands ;
and they, with great exultation, deposited the same in the City-Hall.
Ten bales, however, which arrived afterwards, were seized by the
populace and burnt.
Notwithstanding all the disorders committed in New York by the
lower classes, citizens of a more quiet character abounded in this
city ; vvho, if, on the one hand, they were averse to the pretensions
of the British parhament, and especially to the stamp act, on the
other, felt an equal abhorrence for these excesses of popular inso
lence ; well knowing, that they are only excited by the worthless
and desperate, who alone can be gainers by anarchy. Believing,
therefore, it was no longer advisable to leave the headlong multitude

74 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK II.
without a check, but, on the contrary, that it was essential to direct
their movements towards the object proposed by themselves, they
convoked a general meeting of the people, in the fields adjacent to
the qity. It was there proposed to appoint a committee of persons
of known patriotism, to correspond with the friends of liberty in
other provinces, and communicate intelligence of all occurrences ;
in order to enable the people of the different provinces to move, if
requisite, all at once, and as it vvere in a single body. This meas
ure, however, was not without danger, since it inclined towards an
open rebellion, if not even already of this character.
Many, therefore, who had been nominated members of the com
mittee, excused themselves upon various pretexts ; but finally, Isaac
Sears and four others of distinguished intrepid'ty, offered themselves,
and were approved by the multitude. They commenced their labors
immediately, subscribing the letters with all their names. They re
quested their correspondents of Philadelphia, to transmit their dis
patches to the more southern colonies ; and the Bostonians, to those
of the north. This produced, as it were, a second generation of the
Sons of Liberty, who, by means of regular couriers, were enabled
to reciprocate intelligence, and to form a league in opposition to par
hamentary taxation. But if the utility of a regular correspondence
was recognized by all the party, they vvere not long in perceiving
that it was insufficient to accomplish their views. They saw that it
was requisite to determine all the principles of the association, and
cause them to be accepted by all its members, in order that each
might know his duty, and the counsels to be pursued. The authors
of this plan beUeved, also, that as the articles of confederation were
to be solemnly subscribed, m.any even of the adverse party vvould
not dare to oppose it, and would tlierefore give their signatures :
they would thus have been rendered accessaries, and their future
support consequently secured. The articles were soon drawn up,
and accepted by the Sons of Liberty in the two provinces of New
York and Connecticut ; and afterwards, passing from hand to hand,
hy those of the other colonies.
In the preamble to this league, vvhich was composed very ably,
the confederates affirmed, that perverse men had formed a design to
alienate the mmds of the loyal and affectionate American subjects
from his majesty's person and government, and therefore they pro
fessed and declared their fidelity and allegiance to the kino- to be
immutable ; that they would defend and support the crown vvith all
their forces ; that with the greatest promptitude they submitted to
its government, and this in conformity to the British constitution,
founded upon the eternal principles of equity and justice • that

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 75
every violation of this constitution was at the same time a high of
fense against Heaven, and an audacious contempt of the people,
from whom, under God, all just government proceeds ; that they
were therefore resolved to unite all their endeavors, their vigilance
and their industry, to defeat these criminal designs. ' And since,'
they added, ' a certain 'pamphlet (thus designating a law passed by
the parliament of Great Britain) has appeared in America, under
the form of an act of parliament, and under the name of the stamp
act, although it has not been legaUy published nor introduced ; by
which the colonists would be divested of their dearest rights, and
especially that of taxing themselves ; in order to preserve these
rights entire, and to defend them as well as every other part of the
British constitution, we bind ourselves, and promise to march vvith
aU our forces, and at our ovvn expense, upon the first advice, to the
succor of those who shall be menaced with any peril whatever, on
account of any thing done in opposition to the stamp act. We will
attentively watch all those, who, by commission or of their own ac
cord, shall endeavor to introduce the use of stamped paper, which
would be the total subversion of the English constitution, and of
American liberty. We will reciprocally designate to each other all
persons of this sort that we may discover, whatever shall be their
rank or their names, and will endeavor, with all our power, by every
lawful means, to bring these traitors to their country to condign
punishment. We will defend the liberty of the press from all ille
gal violation, and from every impediment which may result from the
stamp act ; the press being the only means, under Divine Providence,
of preserving our lives, liberty, and property. We will also defend
and protect the judges, advocates, attorneys, notaries, and similar
persons, against all penalties, fines or vexations, they may incur by
not conforming to the act aforesaid, in the exercise of their respec
tive avocations.'
Such was the league of New York, which increased the ardor
and concert of the parties, then fermenting at every point of the
American colonies.
Meanwhile, the seeds of the new doctrine, in respect to govern
ment, were rapidly propagated in the province of New York ; the
public journals offered them to the daily consideration of their read
ers. It was every where asserted, that the colonies ought not to
have any other connection with Great Britain but that of living un
der the same sovereign ; and that all dependence ought to cease, as
to legislative authority.
These opinions, supported with equal ardor and ingenuity, were
daily acquiring new roots ; they were disseminated in the other col-

76 THE AMERICAN W.VR. BOOK II.
onies, and insensibly prepared the minds of the people for the new
order of things, towards which the multitude advanced without sus
pecting it, but its leaders, vvith deliberate purpose — a revolution,
for which England, with quite opposite views, had herself paved the
way, and j)repared the most favorable circumstances.
Tlic merchants of New York resorted to another mode of oppo
sition, very efficacious, and well adapted to obtain the repeal of the
act. They entered into reciprocal iigrceinents, not only to order no
more goods from Great Britain, until the act was re[)e;de(l, and to
withdraw all the orders already given, and whieh should not b(^ e.Tc-
cuted previous to the 1st of January, 1766, but also, not even to
permit the sale of any English mcrehanilise, which should bc shipped
after this date. According to the ordinary progress of minds once
agitated, which become continually more bold in their opinions, the
merchants added, that they would persevere in these resolutions,
until the acts relative to sugar, molasses, and bills of credit, were
also revoked. The same resolutions were voluntarily adopted also
by the retail traders, vvho agreed not to buy or sell any English mer
chandise, that should be introduced into the country in contraven
tion of these stipulations.
The merchants and traders of Philadelphia also assembled, and
entered into an agreement ; but not with the same unanimity. The
Quakers refused their concurrence. They tliought it was prudent,
however, to conform to circumstances ; and wrote to England, re
questing that no more goods might bc sent them. The Philadelphi-
ans went still further, and prohibited any lawyer from institutino- an
action for moneys due to an inhabitant of England ; and no Ameri
can was to make any payment for the benefit of a subject of thai
kingdom, until the acts should bc repealed. At Boston, although a
Uttle later, similar associations were formed ; and the example of
these principal cities was imitated by neariy all the other cities and
commercial towns of English America.
From these measures, England experienced, in her manufactures,
an mcalculabic prejudice ; while Inland, on the contrary, derived
an immense advantage from their effbcts ; for the Americans resort
ed to the latter country, to obtain such articles of mcrchandi.se as
they considered indispensably necessary, and carried, in exchan-re
immense quantities of the seed of flax and of hemp. But the colo
nists were desirous also to withdraw themselves frorn this necessity.
A society of arts, manufactures and commerce, was formed at New
York, after the model of that in London. Markets were opened in
dift'erent places, forthe sale of articles manufactured in the country •
to which were brought, in abiind.tnee. cloths and hnens, stufls of

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR 77
wool and of flax, works in iron, ofa tolerable quahty, though a lit
tle rough, spirits, distilled from barley, paper stained for hangings,
and other articles of general utihty. That the first materials of
fabrics in wool might sustain no diminution, it was resolved to ab
stain from eating the flesh of lambs, and also from buying meat, of
any sort, of butchers who should kiU or offer for sale any of those
animals. Every citizen, even the most opulent, the most ostentatious, con
forming to the general mode, prefer|Ved to wear clothing made in
the country, or their old clothes, to using EngUsh manufactures.
Thus a general opinion obtained, that America could suffice to her
self, without need of recourse to the industry and productions of
England. And, as if these wounds, inflicted upon the conuiierce
of tlie mother country, were not sufficiently severe, it was proposed,
in Virginia and South Carolina, to suspend all exportation of tobac
co to any pert of Great Britain ; from vvhich the latter must have
sustained a very serious detriment, not only by the diminution of
public revenue, consequent to tliat of the duties upon importation,
but by the diminution of commerce itself; for the English suppUed
foreign markets with great quantities of tliese tobaccos.
On the first of November, the day prefixed by the law for the
emission of stamped paper, not a single sheet of it could have been
found in all the colonies of New England, of New York, of New
¦Jersey, of Pennsylvtmia, of iMaryland, and of the two CaioUnas.
It had either been committed to the flames during the popular com
motions, or sent back to England, or faUen into the hands of the
partv' in opposition, who guarded it carefully. Hence originated a
sudden suspension, or rather a total cessation, of all business that
could not be transacted without stamped paper. The printers of
newspapers only continued their occupation ; alledging for excuse,
that if they had done otherwise, the people vvould have given them
such admonitions as they little coveted. None vvould receive the
gazettes coming from Canada, as they were printed upon stamped
paper. The courts of justice vvere closed ; tlie ports were shut ;
even marriages were no longer celebrated ; and in a word, an ab
solute stagnation in all the relations of social life was established.
The governors of the provinces, though bound by their oaths,
and the severest penalties, to cause the stamp act to be executed,
considering, on tlie one hand, the obstinacy of the Americans, and,
on the otlier, tlie impossibility of finding any stamped paper, in the
greater part of the towns, considering also the incalculable detri
ment that must result, as weU to the pubhc as to individuals, from a
total stagnation of all civil transactions, resolved to grant letters of

b

78 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK II.
dispensation to such as requested them, and particularly to ships
about to sail from the ports ; for the captains, without this precau
tion, would have been liable to heavy penalties, in other ports of the
British dominions, for not having conformed to the stamp act. The
lieutenant-governor of South Carolina, the governor being absent,
alone obstinately persisted in exacting a strict execution of the law,
and never consented to grant dispensations. Nor is it easy to con
ceive how great was the damage sustained, in aU civil transactions,
by the inhabitants of this opulent colony, in consequence of the
obstinacy shown by the two parties.
But the province of Massachusetts, the most populous of all, and
that in which the opposition to the designs of England was the most
determined and the most universal, took another resolution, of ex
treme importance, which was soon adopted by all the others. The
leading patripts of Massachusetts reflected that popular commotions
are c-ommonly of little duration ; and that governments, to preserve
their dignity, are more disposed to punish their authors, than to re
move their causes ; and consequently, that both reasons of state,
and the wounded pride of those they had braved, vvould be united
against them. They reflected, also, that the regular correspondence
established between the Sons of Liberty in the different provinces.
although of great importance to diffuse and uphold a common
opinion, vvas still but a correspondence of private men, acting by no
public authority ; and that, although the assemblies of representa
tives of each province, had opposed the late laws by suitable de
liberations, yet these acts were but the remonstrances of particular
provinces, which did not represent the entire united body of the
English colonies. They resolved, therefore, to take measures pre
Uminary to the formation of a general congress, to vvhich each of
the provinces should send its deputies, for the purpose of concluding
a general and public confederacy against the laws of vvhich America
complained. They hoped that England vvould pay more regard to
the opposition and remonstrances of such a body than to those of
private individuals, or of the provincial assemblies, separated one
from another. Perhaps they also hoped, as they probably already
meditated the design of independence, that, by means of this con
gress, the colonies would become accustomed to act in concert, and
consider themselves as a single and united nation. The first au
thors of this deliberation were the Otises, father and son, and
James Warren, who took a more active part than others in affairs
of this nature.
The proposition having been submitted to the house of assembly,
it was immediately adopted by passing aresolution, thpt it was high-

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 79
ly expedient to form a congress without delay, to be composed of
all the deputies that should be sent by the houses of representatives
or burgesses of the different colonies, to consult together respecting
the present occurrences, and to form and transmit to England the
remonstrances which might be deemed proper. It was decided, that
this congress should be convoked in the city of New York, on the
first Tuesday of October.
This vvas the first general congress held in the colonies since the
commencement of the tumults ; it served as a model to the other.
which governed the affairs of America during the course of the war
which broke out some time after. The other colonies addressed
their acknowledgments to the province of Massachusetts, for its zeal
in the common cause ; and sent their deputies to the congress of
New York — a memorable example ! The same councils vvhich
tended to establish a law by the divisions supposed to have resulted
from the conflict of interests, produced, on the contrary, an univer
sal combination against this law ; and where it was expected to find
general obedience, an unanimous resistance was encountered^ — ^a
manifest proof, that where no powerful armies exist, to constrain the
opinion of the people, all attempts to oppose it are fraught with
danger. The rulers of free states ought to show themselves their
administrators, rather than masters ; they should be capable of guid
ing, without frequent use of the curb, or of the spur.
On Monday, the 7th of October, 1765, the delegates of the
American provinces convened in the city of New York. The bal
lot being taken, and the votes examined, Timothy Ruggles was elect
ed president. The congress, after a long preamble, full of the ordi
nary protestations of affection and loyalty towards the person of the
king, and the English government, inserted a series of fourteen arti
cles, vvhich were but a confirmation of the rights claimed by the
Americans, both as men and as subjects of the British crown, of
which we have already made frequent mention ; concluding with
complaints of the restraints and impediments to their commerce,
created by the late laws.
They afterwards drew up three petitions, or remonstrances, ad
dressed to the king, to the lords in parliament, and to tlie house of
commons. They enlarged upon the merits of the Americans, in
having converted vast deserts, and uncultivated lands, into populous
cities and fertile fields ; inhospitable shores into safe and commodi
ous ports ; tribes of ignorant and inhuman savages into civilized
and sociable nations, to whom they had communicated the knowl
edge of things, divine and human; and thus had greatly advanced
the glory, power, and prosperity of the British nation.

80 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK II.
' We have always enjoyed,' they said, ' the privileges of Englisli
subjects : to these we are indebted for the happy life we have led
for so long a time. We cannot, we ought not, to renounce them ;
none has the right to tax us but ourselves. We have been aggrieved
and injured, beyond raeasure, by the late commercial restrictions ;
but especially by the new and extraordinary act for imposing stamp
duties. The peculiar circumstances of the colonies render it impos
sible to pay these duties ; and, though it were possible, the payment
would soon drain them of all their specie. The execution of these
laws vvould, by reaction, becoma extremely detrimental to the com
mercial interest of Great Britain. The colonies owe an imm.ensely
heavy debt, as well to England for British manufactures, as to their
own inhabitants, for advances made by them for the public service ,
in the late war. It is evident, the more the commerce of the colo
nies is favored, the more also that of England is promoted and in
creased. In such a country as America, where the lands are ex
tremely divided, and transfers of property very frequent, where a
multiplicity of transactions take place every day, the stamp act is
not only vexatious, but altogetlier insupportable ; the house of com
mons cannot, at so great a distance, be acquainted with our wants
or with our faculties ; every one knows the distinction between the
jurisdiction of parliament, in regulating the affairs of commerce in
all parts of the empire, and colonial taxation ; for the latter object.
the provincial assemblies have been expressly instituted in the colo
nies, which would become altogether useless, if the parhament
should arrogate the right of imposing taxes ; the colonists have never
obstructed, but have always promoted, to the extent of their power,
the interests of the crown ; they bear a filial affection towards the
government and people of England ; they love their opinions, their
manners, their customs ; they cherish the ancient relations, which
unite them ; they hope, therefore, that their humble representations
will be heard ; that their deplorable situation will be taken into a
just consideration ; that the acts which have oppressed their com
merce and their property, vvith such grievances, wiU be repealed, or
that the B-itish government will otherwise relieve the American peo
ple, as in its wisdom and goodness shaU seem meet.'
But, as if they feared being called to participate in the generai
representation in parliament, by sending their delegates also, they
inserted in their petitions an assertion entirely new, which was, that,
considering the remote situation, and other circumstances of the col
onies, it would be impracticable that they should be otherwise repre
sented, than by their provincial assemblies. Another of their com
plaints was directed against the clauses of the late laws, by which

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 81
the penalties and forfeitures, that might be incurred by the violation
of the late regulations, and of the stamp act, were not to be decided,
as in England, by the ordinary tribunals, but, at the election of the
informer, by one of the courts of admiralty. Thus, they affirmed,
at the good pleasure of the first suborner, they were liable to be car
ried, for trial, from one end of the continent to the other ; while, at
the same time, they would be deprived of the right, so dear to all,
of being tried by a jury ; their fortunes, their characters, would be
in the hands of a single judge.
The 24th of October, it was determined by congress, that the pe
titions should be preferred in England, with the requisite solicita
tions, by special agents, to be appointed for this purpose by the
several provinces, and indemnified for aU their expenses. The day
following, having accomplished the objects for vvhich it was con
vened, the congress dissolved itself.
The news of the disturbances excited in America, by the stamp
act, being arrived in England, the mnnds of aU were deeply but dif
ferently affected, according to their various opinions and interests.
The merchants, foreseeing that the sums they had lent the Ameri
cans could not be reimbursed, censured and detested the extraordi
nary law which had interrupted the ancient course of things. The
greater part of them did not blame, but even appeared to approve
the resolution taken by the Americans, to discontinue all remittances
to England, persuaded that the new duties had deprived them of
the means. The manufacturers, finding their orders diminished,
and their business rapidly declining, were reduced to the greatest
straits, and many to ruin. Some abandoned themselves to dejection
and despondency, others manifested a lofty indignation at the ex
cesses committed by the Americans. Disputations and controversies
were without number. Pamphlets were daily published, written
upon different, and even opposite principles. In some, the Ameri
cans were extravagantly extolled, and praised as the defenders of
liberty, the destroyers of tyranny, the protectors and supporters of
all that is dear to man upon earth ; in others, they were acrimoni
ously accused of ingratitude, avarice, turbulence, suspicion, and
finally, of rebellion.
Those who in parliament, or elsewhere, had promoted the late
lavvs, were disposed to employ force, and constrain the obedience
of the Americans at all hazards ; and to inflict condign punishment
upon the authors of such enormities; Those, on the contrary, who
had opposed the act, declared for more lenient measures ; they af
firmed, that all other means should be tried before resorting to force ;
tliat an attempt should first be made to soothe the minds ofthe colo
VOL. 1. 6

82

THE AMERICAN WAI.. ^°^^ "•

nists, as it was nevei too late to employ coercion ; that the signal of
civil war once given, the first blood once shed, it was impossible to
foresee the consequences, or the termination of the contest. ^
It was beUeved, at the time, that lord Bute, who had the kings
entire confidence, and, concealed behind the scenes, was the prompt
er of all, had strongly advistd to trample down all obstacles, and to
use the promptest means to subdue all opposition. The gentlemen
of the royal household, who in their ambrosial Ufe are ignorant of
human miseries, would have winged the dispatches (o America ,vith
fire and sword. The members of the episcopal clergy itself, for
getting the clemency of their character, professed the same senti
ments ; perhaps they already imagined that the Americans being
reduced to submission, and the petulance, as they said, of their spirits
brought under the curb, to prevent the return of similar disorders,
it would be determined to introduce in the colonies the English hi
erarchy. It vvas also known that the king was inclined to enforce
the execution of the stamp act, but that if this could not be eflfected
without bloodshed, he wished its repeal.
aiean while, the ministry, who had been the authors ol the restraints
imposed on American commerce, and of the stamp act, had received
their dismission. In appearance, and perhaps in reaUty, this change
took place on account of the coldness with which they had proposed
and supported the regency biU, before the two houses of pariiament;
such at least was the general opinion ; but it is not improbable that
it was occasioned by the alarming commotions raised in England by
the silk-weavers, who complained of the declension of . their manu
facture ; the cause of which was imputed, by some, to the intro
duction of an unusual quantity of foreign silks, and particularly those
of France, but the real or principal cause, was the diminution of
purchases for American account. Perhaps, also, the government
already suspected, or was apprised of the tumults in America. But
it was given out and circulated with much industry, that the change
of ministry ought to be attributed solely to the statute of regency.
The government thus sheltered itself from the blame incurred by the
new direction given to the affairs of America, and left the people at
liberty to throw it upon the late ministry. For it is a salutary prin
ciple of the English constitution, that when, in conset|uence of a
false or unfortunate measure, the stato is menaced vvith serious, dan
gers, (as this measure could not, however, be renounced without pre
judice to the dignity of government,) some occasion of a nature quite
foreign, is eagerly sought as a pretext for dismissing the ministers.
Then, without other accusation, the censure attaches to them ; the
atfair is again brought under deliberation, and the plan of conduct

BOOK II. THE AEMRICAN WAR. 83
is entirely changed. Thus it is seen, that what, in other govern
ments, where the sovereign is absolute, could only be obtained by
his abdication, or otherwise would expose the state to the most disas
trous events, and perhaps total ruin, is easily obtained in England,
by a simple change of ministers. In this manner the wishes of the
nation are gratified without impairing the dignity of the throne, or
the security of the state. But, as in aU human things evil is always
mingled with good, this procedure has also its inconveniences, and
the new ministers are placed in a situation full of embarrassment ;
for to march in a direction altogether opposite to that of their pred
ecessors, would be giving a complete triumph to the factious, to in ¦
surgents, to enemies, domestic or foreign, and would tend to ani
mate them with new audacity. On the other hand, to follow tame
ly the same track, would be continuing in evil, and doing precisely
that which it is desired to avoid. It happens, therefore, too often,
that the new ministers are obliged to pursue a certain middle course,
which rarely leads to any desirable end ; a remarkable example of
which is exhibited in the history of the events we retrace.
The marquis of Rockingham, one of the wealthiest noblemen of
the kingdom, and much esteemed by all for the vigor of his genius,
and especially for the sincerity of his character, was appointed first
lord of the treasury, in the room of George Grenville ; the other de
partments of the ministry passed from the friends of the latter to
the friends of the former. The greater part were, or at least pro
fessed to be, friendly to the American cause. One of them, general
Conway, had been appointed secretary of state for the colonies ; and
no choice could have been more agreeable to the Americans. The
new ministers soon turned their attention to the state of the colo
nies, which they resolved to meliorate, by procuring the abroga
tion of the laws which had caused such bitter complaints, and par
ticularly of the stamp act. But this they could not do at present,
without a great prejudice to the dignity of government ; it was also
necessary to wait for the regular meeting of parliament, vvhich is
usually convened at the close of the year ; finally it was requisite to
take, at least in appearance, sufficient time to acquaint themselves
thoroughly vvith the state of affairs in America, and to weigh them
with much deliberation, in order to lay them before parliament vvith
all due precision and illustrations. They endeavored in the mean
time to soothe the minds of the Americans, and bring them back to
reason, by pruning from the odious acts aU the conditions that coukl
be removed by an extreme laxity of interpretation ; by speaking,
in their correspondence with the governors of the colonies, with
great indulgence of the American disturbances : and by encourag-

84 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK 11.
ing the colonists themselves to hope that their grievances would be
redressed. The boai 1 of treasury decided that all the produce of the Ameri
can stamp duties should be paid, from time to time, to the deputy
paymaster in America, to defray the subsistence of the troops, and
any military expenses incurred in the colonies.
The members of the board of trade, Jiaving taken into considera
tion the energetic resolutions of the assembly of Virginia, were ur
gent in their representations to the king, that he should notice them,
ly a declaration of the royal disapprobation, and send instructions
t J the agents of the crown in Virginia, to enforce the strict execution
of the stamp act, and all other laws proceeding from the legitimate
authority of parliament. But all this was but a vain demonstration,
for they well knew that their opinion would not be approved by the
king's privy council. In effect, the council decided that the present
matter could not be determined by the king in his privy council, but
was within the competency of parliament.
The resolutions of the other colonial assemblies having been de
nounced to the king, the privy council made the same answer in
respect to them. Thus it was apparent, that a disposition existed
to discourage all dehberations directed against America.
The secretary of state, Conway, found himself in a very difficuh
situation. He could not but condemn the excesses to vvhich the
Americans had abandoned themselves ; but, on the other hand, he
detested the thought of procuring, by force, the execution of a law
which had been the cause of such commotions, and was considered
by the new ministers, and by himself, perhaps, more than any other,
if not unjust, certainly, at least, unseasonable and prejudicial. He,
therefore, had recourse to temporizing and subterfuges ; and dis
played in all his conduct a surprising address.
In the letters addressed to the lieutenant-governor of Virginia, and
to the other colonial governors, he expressed a fuU persuasion of the
attachment of the mass of the Virginians to the mother country;
that the violent proceedings of some among them, had in no degree
diminished the confidence his majesty had always placed in his good
colony of Virginia ; that neither the crown nor its servants had any
intention to violate the real rights and liberties of any part of his
majesty's dominions ; that, on the other hand, fhe government vvould
never endure that the dignity of parliament should be made a sac
rifice to certain local and anticipated opinions. He therefore ex
horted the governors to maintain, with all their power, but by all
prudent measures, the just rights of the British government, (without,
however, explaining what rights were intended.) He recommended

86 THE AJIERICAN WAK. BOOK 11
dispositions they beUeved conducive to the object in view. On the
Other hand, the late ministers, and all their adherents, had strenu
ously exerted themselves, in making preparations to defend a law
they had ushered into being, and the darling object of their solici
tude ; fully apprised, apart from partiality for their ovvn opinion,
what dishonor, or at least what diminution of credit, they must sus
tain from its abrogation. But, whatever might have been the mo
tives, deducible from reasons of state, for the maintenance of the
law, the prejudice which must result from it to the commerce of
Great Britain, was already but too evident.
Accordingly, as if the merchants of the kingdom had leagued for
the purpose, they presented themselves at the bar of parliament,
with petitions, tending to cause the repeal of the act. They
represented how much their commerce had been affected in
consequence of the new regulations and new laws concerning
America. ' At this moment,' they said, ' we see accumulated or perishing
in our warehouses, immense quantities of British manufactures,
which heretofore have found a ready market in America; a very
great number of artisans, manufacturers, and seamen, are without
employment and destitute of support. England is deprived of rice,
indigo, tobacco, naval stores, oil, whale fins, furs, potash, and other
commodities of American growth, that were brought to our ports
in exchange for British manufactures. The merchants of Great
Britain are frustrated of the remittances, in bills of exchange and
bulUon, which the Americans have hitherto procured them ; and
which they obtained in payment for articles of their produce, not
required for the British market, and therefore exported to other
places ; already, many articles are wanting, heretofore procured by
the Americans with their own funds, and with EngUsh manufac
tures, and which tliey brought eventually to the ports of England.
From the nature of this trade, consisting of British manufactures
exported, and of the import of raw materials from America, it must
be deemed of the highest importance to the British nation ; since,
among other advantages, it tended to lessen its dependence on for
eign states ; but it is henceforth annihilated, without the immediate
interposition of parliament. The merchants of Great Britain are
in advance to the colonists for the sum of several millions sterlinjr,
who are no longer able to make good their engagements as they
have heretofore done, so great is the damage they have sustained
from the regulations of commerce recently introduced ; and many
bankruptcies have actuaUy occurred of late in the colonies  a thin"
almost without example in times past.' The petitioners added, that

BOOK n. THl AMERICAN WAR. 87
their situation was critical ; without the immediate succors of
parliament, they must be totaUy ruined ; that a multitude of manu
facturers would likewise be reduced to the necessity of seeking sub
sistence in foreign countries, to the great prejudice of their own.
They implored the parliament to preserve the strength of the nation
entire, the prosperity of its commerce, the abundance of its reve
nues, the power of its navy, the immensity and wealth of its navi
gation, (the sources of the true glory of England, and her strong
est bulwark,) and finaUy to maintain the colonies, from inclination,
duty and interest, firmly attached to the mother country.
The agent of Jamaica also presented a petition, in which were
detailed the pernicious effects produced, in that island, by a stamp
law, which had originated in the assembly of its own representa
tives. Other petitions were presented by the agents of Virginia
and Georgia. All these were got up at the suggestion of the min
isters. The representations of the congress of New York vvere
not admitted, because this assembly was unconstitutionally formed.
Not trusting to these preparatives, the ministers, passionately
desirous of obtaining the revocation, resolved to employ the name
and authority of Benjamin Franklin, the man who enjoyed at that
time the greatest reputation. He vvas therefore interrogated, dur
ing the debates, in the presence of the house of commons. The
celebrity of the person, the candor of his character, the recol
lection of all the services he had rendered his country, and the
whole human race, by his physical discoveries, roused the attention
of every mind. The galleries were crowded with spectators, ea
ger to hear so distinguished an individual speak upon a subject
of so much moment. He answered with gravity, and with extreme
presence of mind. ' The Americans,' he said, ' already pay taxes
on all estates, real and personal ; a poll tax ; a tax on all offices,
profefsions, trades, and businesses, according to their profits ; an
excise on all wine, rum, and other spirits ; and a duty of ten pounds
per head on all negroes imported ; with some other duties. The
assessments upon real and personal estates amount to eighteen
pence in the pound ; and those upon the profits of employments to
half a crown. The colonies could not in any way pay the stamp
duty ; there is not gold and silver enough, in all the colonies, to
pay the stamp duty even for one year. The Germans vvho inhabit
Pennsylvania are more dissatisfied with this duty than the native
colonists themselves. The Americans, since the new laws, bave
abated much of their affection for Great Britain, and of their re
spect for parhament. There exists a great difference between in
ternal and external duties ; duties laid on commodities imported

88 THE AMERICAN BOOK II.
liave no other effect than to raise the price of these articles in the
American market ; they make, in fact, a part of this price ; but it
is optional with the people efther to buy them or not, and conse
quently to pay the duty or not. But an internal tax is forced
from the people without their own consent, if not laid by their own
representatives. The stamp act says, we shall have no commerce,
make no exchange of property vvith each other, neither purchase,
nor grant, nor recover debts, we shall neither marry, nor make our
wills, unless we pay such and such sums ; and thus it is intended
to extort our money from us, or ruin us by the consequences of re
fusing to pay it. The American colonists could, in a short time,
find in their own manufactures the means of sufficing to themselves.
The repeal of the stamp act would restore tranquiUity, and things
would resume their pristine course.'
Thus spoke Franklin ; and his words were a powerful support to
the ministers. But the advocates of the law were not inactive ; and
they marshaled all their strength to obstruct their repeal. The
disquisitions and debates had continued with equal warmth on both
sides, and the moment of decision approached ; when George Gren
ville, the same who, being prime minister, had first proposed the
stamp act in parliament, a man whose influence was extensive, and
his adherents very numerous, arose in his place and spoke in the
following terras ; ' If I could persuade myself that the pride of
opinion, the spirit of party, or the affection which man usually bears
to things done by himself, had so fascinated my intellectual sight
and biased the faculties of my mind, as to deprive me of all power
to see and distinguish that which is manifest, I certainly, on this
occasion, should have intrenched myself in silence, and thus dis
played, if not my zeal for the public service, at least my prudence
and discretion. But, as the affair now before us has been the sub
ject of my most attentive consideration, and of my most deliberate
reflection, at the period when the general tranqujllity was uninter
rupted by scandalous excesses; and as from a contingency for
which I claim no merit, it appears that to my honor and reputation
the honor and dignity of this kingdom are attached, my prudence
might be reputed coldness, and my discretion a base desertion.
' But where is the public, where is the private man, whatever may
be his moderation, who is not roused at the present dangers vvhich
so imminently threaten the safety of our country ? Who does not
put forth all his strength to avert them ? And who can help indulg
ing the most sinister anticipation, in contemplating the new coun
sels and fatal inactivity of the present servants of the crown } A
solemn law has been enacted in parliament, already a year since It

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 85
was, and stiU is, the duty of ministers to carry it into effect. The
constitution declares, that to suspend a law, or the execution of a
law, by royal authority, and without consent of parhament, is felo
ny ; in defiance of which, this law has been suspended, — has been
openly resisted, — ^but did I say resisted ? Your delegates are insult
ed, their houses are piUaged ; even their persons are not secure
from violence and, as if to provoke your patience, you are mocked
and braved under the mouths of your artillery. Your ears are as
sailed from every quarter, with protestations that obedience cannot,
shall not, ought not, tobe rendered to your decrees. Perhaps other
ministers, more old fashioned, would have thought it their duty, in
such a case, to lend the law the aid of force ; thus maintaining the
dignity of the crown, and the authority of your deliberations. But
those young gentlemen who sit on the opposite benches, and no one
knows how, look upon these principles as the antiquated maxims of
our simple ancestors, and disdain to honor with their attention mere
acts of riot, sedition, and open resistance. With a patience truly
exemplary, they recommend to the governors lenity and moderation ;
they grant them permission to call in the aid of three or four soldiers
from general Gage, and as many cock-boats from lord Colvil ; they
commend them for not having employed, to carry the law into effect,
the means which had been placed in their hands.
' Be prepared to see that the seditious are in the right, and that
we only are in fault ; such, assuredly, is the opinion of the minis
ters. And who could doubt it ? They have declared it themselves,
they incessantly repeat it in your presence. It is but too apparent
that, much against their will, they have at length laid before you the
disorders and audacious enormities of the Americans ; for they be
gan in July, and now we are in the middle of January ; lately, they
were only occurrences — they are now grown to disturbances, tumults
and riots. I doubt they border on open rebelhon ; and if the doc
trine I have heard this day be confirmed, I fear they will lose that
name, to take that of revolution. May Heaven bless the admirable
resignation of our ministers ; but I much fear we shall gather no
fruits from it of an agreeable relish. Occasion is fleeting, the dan
ger is urgent ; and this undiscipUnable people, the amiable object of
their fond solicitude, of their tender care, are forming leagues, are
weaving conspiracies, are preparing to resist the orders of the king
and of the parliament. Continue then, ye men of long suflTering, to
march in the way you have chosen ; even repeal the law ; and see
how many agents you will find zealous in the discharge of their du
ty, in executing the laws of the kingdom, in augmenting the reve
nues and diminishing the burthens of your people ; see, also, how

90 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK II
many ministers you wiU find, vvho, for the public service, vvill op
pose a noble and invincible firmness against the cabals of malignity,
against the powerful combination of all private interests, against
the clamors of the multitude, and the perversity of faction. In a
word, if you would shiver all the springs of government, repeal
the law.
' I hear it asserted, from every quarter, by these defenders of the
colonists, that they cannot be taxed by authority of parliament, be
cause they are not there represented. But if so, why, and by what
authority, do you legislate for them at all ? If they are represent
ed, they ought to obey all laws of parliament whatsoever, whether
of the nature of taxes, or any other whatever. If they are not,
they ought neither to submit to tax laws nor to any other. And if
you believe the colonists ought not to be taxed by authority of par
hament, from defect of representation, how wiU you maintain that
nine tenths of the inhabitants of this kingdom, no better represent
ed than the colonists, ought to submit to your taxation ? The Ameri
cans have taken a hostile attitude towards the mother country ; and
you would not only forgive their errors, dissemble their outrages,
remit the punishment due, but surrender at discretion, and acknowl
edge their victory complete ! Is this preventing popular commo
tions ? Is this repressing tumults and rebellion ? Is it not rather to
foment them, to encourage them to supply fresh fuel to the confla
gration ? Let any man, not blinded by the spirit of party, judge and
pronounce. I would freely hsten to the counsels of clemency, I
vvould even consent to the abrogation of the law, if the Americans
had requested it in a decent mode ; but their modes are outrages,
derision, and the ways of force ; pillage, plunder, arms and open re
sistance to the vvill of government. It is a thing truly inadmissible,
and altogether new, that, at any moment, whenever the fancy may
take them, or the name of a law shall happen to displease them,
these men should at once set about starving our manufacturers, and
refuse to pay what they owe to the subjects of Great Britain. The
officers of the crown, in America, have repeatedly solicited, and
earnestly entreated, the ministers, to furnish them with proper means
to carry the law into effect ; but the latter have disregarded their
instances ; and, by this negligence, the American tumults have taken
the alarming character we see. And shall we now suffer the minis
ters to come and alledge the effects of their own neglect, to induce
us to sacrifice the best interests of this kingdom, the majesty, the
power, and even the reputation of the government, to an evil over
grown indeed, but not past cure, the moment a suitable resolution is
demonstrated to bring this infatuated multitude to a sense of duty?

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 91
But, again, if the colonists are exempted, by their constitutions, from
parliamen'ary taxes, as levies of seamen have been either prohibited
or restricted in America, by different acts of parliament, it foUows,
of necessity, that they are not bound either to furnish men for the
defense of the common country, or money to pay them ; and that
England alone must support the burthen of the maintenance and
protection of these her ungrateful children. If such a partiality
should be estabhshed, it must be at the hazard of depopulating this
kingdom, and of dissolving that original compact upon which all
human societies repose.
' But I hear these subtle doctors attempting to inculcate a fantas
tical distinction between external and internal taxes, as if they were
not the same as to the eflfect— that of taking money from the subjects
for the public service. Wherefore, then, these new counsels? When
I proposed to tax America, I asked the house if any gentleman would
object to the right ? I repeatedly asked it ; and no man would at
tempt to deny it. And tell me when the Americans were emanci
pated. When they want the protection of this kingdom, they are
always very ready to ask it. This protection has always been aflTord-
ed them in the most full and ample manner ; and now they refuse
to contribute their mite towards the public expenses. For, let not
gentlemen deceive themselves, with regard to the rigor of the tax ;
it would not suffice even for the necessary expenses of the troops
stationed in America ; but a peppercorn, in acknowledgment of the
right, is of more value than millions without. Yet, notwithstanding
the slightness of the tax, and the urgency of our situation, the Ameri
cans grow sullen, and instead of concurring in expenses arising from
themselves, they renounce your authority, insult your officers, and
break out, I might almost say, into open rebellion.
' There has been a time when they would not have proceeded
thus ; but they are now supported by ministers more American than
EngUsh. Already, by the artifice of these young gentieraen, in
flammatory petitions are handed about against us, and in their favor.
Eyen within this house, even in this sanctuary of the laws, sedition
has found its defenders. Resistance to the laws is applauded, obsti
nacy encouraged, disobedience extolled, rebeUion pronounced a vir
tue ! Oh more than juvenile imprudence 1 Oh blind ambition of the
human mind ! But you give a fatal example ; you will soon have
ample cause to repent your own work.
' And thou, ungrateful people of America, is this the return for
the cares and fondness of thy ancient mother ? When I had the
honor of serving the crown, while you yourselves were loaded vvith
an enormous debt, you have given bounties on their lumber, on their

92 THE AMERICAN WAR. ^OOK U.
iron, their hemp, and many other articles. You have relaxed, in
their favor, the act of navigation, that palladium of the British
commerce ; and yet I have been abused, in all the public papers, as
an enemy to the trade of America. I have been charged with
giving orders and instructions to prevent the Spanish trade. I dis
couraged no trade but what was illicit, what was prohibited by act
of parliament.
' But it is meant first to calumniate the man, and then destroy his
work. Of myself, I wiU speak no more ; and the substance of my
decided opinion, upon the subject of our debates, is briefly this ; let
the stamp act be maintained ; and let the governors of the American
provinces be provided with suitable means to repress disorders, and
carry the law into complete effect.'
WiUiara Pitt, venerable for his age, and still more for the services
he had rendered his country, rose to answer this discourse ; ' I know
not whether I ought most to rejoice, that the infirmities which have
been wasting, for so long a time, a body already bowed by the weight
of years, of late suspending their ordinary violence, should have al
lowed mc, this day, to behold these walls, and to discuss, in the pres
ence of this august assembly, a subject of such high importance,
and which so nearly concerns the safety of our country ; or to grieve
at the rigor of destiny, in contemplating this country, which, within
a few years, had arrived at such a pinnacle of splendor and majesty,
and become formidable to the universe from the immensity of its
power, now wasted by an intestine evil, a prey to civil discords, and
madly hastening to the brink of the abyss, into which the united
force of the most powerful nations of Europe struggled in vain to
plunge it. Would to Heaven that my health had permitted my at
tendance here, when it was first proposed to tax America ! If my
feeble voice should not have been able to avert the torrent of ca
lamities which has fallen upon us, and the tempest which threatens
us, at least my testimony vvould have attested that I had no part
in them.' It is now an act that has passed ; I would speak with decency of
every act of this house, but I must beg the indulgence of the house
to speak of it with freedom. Assuredly, a more important subject
never engaged your attention, that subject only excepted, when,
near a century ago, it vvas the question whether you yourselves were
• to be bound or free. Those who have spoken before me, with so
much vehemence, would maintain the act because our honor de
mands it. If gentlemen consider the subject in that light, they leave
all measures of right and wrong to follow a delusion that may lead
to destruction. But can the point of honor stand opposed against

BOOK n. THE AMERICAN WAR. 93
justice, against reason, against right ? Wherein can honor better
consist than in doing reasonable things ? It is my opinion that Eng
land has no right to tax the colonies. At the same time, I assert
the authority of this kingdom over the colonies to be sovereign and
supreme, in every circumstance of government and legislation what
soever. The colonists are the subjects of this kingdom, equally en
titled with yourselves to all the natural rights of mankind, and the
peculiar privileges of Englishmen ; equally bound by its laws, and
equally participating of the constitution of this free country. The
Americans are the sons, not the bastards, of England. Taxation is
no part of the governing or legislative power. The taxes are a vol
untary gift and grant of the commons alone. In legislation, the
three estates of the realm are alike concerned ; but the concurrence
of the peers and the crown to a tax, is only necessary to close with
the form of a law. The gift and grant is of the commons alone ;
now this house represents the commons, as they virtually represent
the rest of the inhabitants ; when, therefore, in this house, we give
and grant, we give and grant what is our own. But in an American
tax, what do we do ? We, your majesty's commons of Great Brit
ain, give and grant to your majesty, what ? Our own property ?
No. We give and grant to your majesty the property of your com
mons of America. It is an absurdity in terms. It was just now
affirmed, that no difference exists between internal and external
taxes, and that taxation is an essential part of legislation. Are not
the crown and the peers equally legislative powers with the com
mons ? If taxation be a part of simple legislation, the crown, the
peers, have rights in taxation as well as yourselves ; rights which they
will claim, which they will exercise, whenever the principle can be
supported by power.
' There is an idea in some, that the Americans are virtually rep
resented in this house ; but I vvould fain know by what province,
county, city, or borough, they are repiesented here ? No doubt by
some province, county, city, or borough, never seen or known by
them or their ancestors, and which they never wiU see or know.
' The commons of America, represented in their several assem
bhes, have ever been in possession of the exercise of this, their con
stitutional right, of giving and granting their own money. They
would have been slaves if they had not enjoyed it.
' I come not here armed at all points, with law cases, and acts of
parliament, with the statute book doubled down in dog's ears, as my
valiant adversary has done. But I knovv, at least, if we are to take
example from ancient facts, that, even under the most arbitrary reigns,
parUaments were ashamed of taxing a people without their consent,

94 THE AMERICAN WAE. BOOK IJ
and aUowed them representatives ; and in our own times, even those
who send no members to parliament, are all at least inhabitants of
Great Britain. Many have it in their option to be actually represent
ed. They have connections with those that elect, and they have in
fluence over them. Would to Heaven that all were better represent
ed than they are ! It is the vice of our constitution ; perhaps the
day will arrive, and I rejoice in the hope, when the mode of repre
sentation, this essential part of our civil organization, and principal
safeguard of our liberty, will be carried to that perfection, which
every good Englishman must desire.
' It has been asked. When vvere the Americans emancipated ? But
I desire to knovv when they were made slaves.
It is said, that in this house the signal of resistance has been
given, that the standard of rebellion has been erected ; and thus it
is attempted to stigmatize the fairest prerogative of British senators,
that of speaking what they think, and freely discussing the interests
of their country. They have spoken their sentiments with freedoni,
against this unhappy act ; they have foreseen, they have predicted
the perils that impend ; and this frankness is imputed as a crime.
Sorry I am to observe, that vve can no longer express our opinions
in this house, without being exposed to censure ; vve must prepare
for a disastrous futurity, if we do not oppose, courageously, with
our tongues, our hearts, our hands, the tyranny with vvhich we are
menaced. I hear it said that— America is obstinate, America is almost
in open rebellion. I rejoice that America has resisted. Three mil
lions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty, as voluntarily
to submit to be slaves, would have been fit instruments to make
slaves of ourselves. The honorable member has said also, for he is
fluent in words of bitterness, that America is ungrateful ; he boasts
of his bounties towards her ; but are not these bounties intended,
finally, for the benefit of this kingdom ? And how is it true that
Am.erica is ungrateful ? Does she not voluntarily hold a good cor
respondence with us ? The profits to Great Britain, from her com
merce with the colonies, are two millions a year. This is the fund
that carried you triumphantly through the last war. The estates
that were rented at two thousand pounds a year, seventy years ago,
are at three thousand pounds at present. You owe this to America.
This is the price she pays for your protection. I omit the increase
of population in the colonies ; the migration of new inhabitants
from every part of Europe ; and tlie ulterior progress of American
commerce, should it be regulated by judicious laws. And shall vve
hear a miserable financier come vvith a boast that he can fetch a pen-
percorn into the exchequer, to the loss of millions to the nation ?

BOOK II. THE AMERICAN WAR. 95
The gentleman complains that he has been misrepresented in the
public prints. I can only say, it is a misfortune common to all that
fill high stations, and take a leading part in public affairs. He says,
also, that when he first asserted the right of parliament to tax Amer
ica, he was not contradicted. I know not how it is, but there is a
modesty in this house, which does not choose to contradict a minis
ter. If gentlemen do not get the better of this modesty, perhaps
the coUective body may begin to abate of its respect for the repre
sentative. A great deal has been said without doors, and more than
is discreet, of the power, of the strength, of America. But, in a
good cause, on a sound bottora, the force of this country can crush
America to atoms ; but on the ground of this tax, when it is wished
to prosecute an evident injustice, I am one who will lift my hands
and voice against it.
' In such a cause, your success would be deplorable, and victory
hazardous. America, if she fell, vvould fall like the strong man.
She would embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down the con
stitution along with her. Is this your boasted peace r — not to
sheath the sword in its scabbard, but to sheath it in the bowels of
your countrymen ? Will you quarrel with yourselves, now the
whole house of Bourbon is united against you ? — while France dis
turbs your fisheries in Newfoundland, em.barrasses your slave trade
with Africa, and withholds from your subjects in Canada their prop
erty stipulated by treaty ? — while the ransom for the Manillas is de
nied by Spain, and its gallant conqueror traduced into a mean plun
derer ? The Araericans have not acted in all things with prudence
and temper. They have been wronged. They have been driven to
madness by injustice. Will you punish them for the madness you
have occasioned ? Rather let prudence and benignity come first
from the strongest side. Excuse their errors ; learn to honor their
virtues. Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the house what is
really my opinion. I consider it most consistent with our dignity,
most useful to our liberty, and in every respect the safest for this
kingdom, that the stamp act be repealed, absolutely, totally, and im
mediately. At the sarae time, let the sovereign authority of this
country over the colonies be asserted in as strong terms as can be
devised, and be made to extend to every point of legislation what
soever ; that we may bind their trade, confine their manufactures,
and exercise every povver wnatsoever, except that of taking their
money out of their pockets without their consent.'
These words, pronounced in a firm and solemn tone, by a man
of so great authority, acted with extreme force upon the minds of
the hearers.

96 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK II.
Tliey StiU retained, however, a deep resentment, on account ofthe
excesses committed by the Americans ; and perhaps the repeal of
the act would not have taken place, if, at the same time, the minis
ters had not accompanied it with the declaration of which we shall
speak presently. Some also are of the opinion, that the affair was
much faciUtated by the promise of an early repeal of the cider tax,
which was, in effect, afterwards debated, and pronounced in the
month of April. The members frora the counties where cider is
made, all voted for the repeal of the stamp act. However the truth
of this may be, the question being put, on the 22d of February,
whether the act for the repeal of the stamp act should pass ? it was
carried in the affirmative ; not, however, without a great number of
contrary votes ; two hundred and sixty-five voting in favor, and one
hundred and sixty-seven against. It was approved in the house of
peers ; one hundred and fifty-five votes were in favor, sixty-one
were contrary. At the same time was passed the declaratory act,
purporting that the legislature of Great Britain has authority to make
laws and statutes to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. On
the 19th of March, the king, having repaired to the house of peers,
gave his assent to the act of repeal, and that of the dependence of
the colonies towards Great Britain. The American merchants at
that time in London, vvent, in a body, to testify their joy and grati
tude upon this occasion. The ships which lay at anchor in the
Thames, displayed their colors in token of felicitation. The houses
were illuminated in all parts of the city ; salutes were heard, and
bonfires were kindled, in all quarters. In a word, none of the pub
lic demonstrations, usual on simUar occurrences, were omitted, to
celebrate the goodness of the king, and the wisdom of pariiament.
Couriers were immediately dispatched to Falmouth, to spread
throughout the kingdom, and transmit to America, the tidings ofa
law, which, to appearance, must, on the one hand, by appeasing
irritation, put a stop to all further tumults ; and, on the other, dis
sipate the alarms produced by the losses the manufacturers had
sustained.

END OF BOOK SECOND"

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR 97

BOOK THIRD.
The Americans, generally, either weary of the present disorders,
annoyed by the interruption of commerce, or terrified at the aspect
of the future, which seemed to threaten the last extremities, receiv
ed with great exultation the news of the revocation of the stamp act.
, With infinite delight, they found themselves released from the
necessity either of proceeding to the last resort, and to civil blood
shed, a thing horrible in itself, and accompanied with innumerable
dangers, or of submitting their necks to a yoke equally detested,
and which had become the more odious from the efforts they had al
ready made in resistance. It is easy to imagine, therefore, how great
were, in every place, the demonstrations of public joy. Even the
assembly of Massachusetts, either from a sentiment of gratitude, or
to confirm itself in opposition, for among its members were many of
the most distinguished citizens of the province, ^,11 firmly resolved to
maintain the dependence of America towards Great Britain, unani
mously voted thanks to be addressed to the duke of Grafton, to
William Pitt, and to all those members of the house of peers, or of
coinmons, who had defended the rights of the colonies, and procured
the abrogation of the odious law. In like manner, the assembly
of burgesses of Virginia resolved that a statue should be erected to
the king, in acknowledgment and commemoration of the repeal of
the stamp act ; and an obelisk, in honor of those illustrious men who
had so efficaciously espoused their cause. William Pitt, especially,
had become the object of public veneration and boundless praises,
for having said the Americans had done well in resisting ; little heed
ing that he had recommended, in terms so strong and remarkable,
the confirmation of the authority of parliament over the colonies,
in aU points of legislation and external taxation. But they saw the
consequences of these measures only in the distance ; and considered
the assertion of certain rights of parliament merely as speculative
principles thrown out to spare its dignity, to soothe British pride,
and facilitate the digestion of so bitter a morsel. Besides, to justify
past events, and perhaps also to authorize their future designs, the
colonists were glad to have the shield of so great a name. They
received vvith the same alacrity the declaratory act, which the secre
tary of state transmitted to America at the same time with that for
the repeal of the stamp act.
Notwithstanding this expression of universal exultation, the pub
lic mind was not entirely appeased. Secret grudges, and profound
VOL. I 7

&8 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK HI.
resentments, stiU rankled under these brilliant appearances. The
restraints recently laid upon commerce, had caused a disgust no
less extreme than the stamp act itself, particularly in the northern
provinces ; and the success of the first resistance encouraged ulte
rior hopes.
During the late disturbances, men had become extremely conver
sant with political disquisitions ; every charter, every right, had been
the subject of the strictest investigation ; and the Americans rarely,
if ever, pronounced against themselves. From these discussions
and debates, new opinions had resulted upon a great number of
points,- and some of them strangely exaggerated, respecting the
rights of the Americans, and the nature of their relations with Great
Britain. The irritation and inflexibiUty of their minds had in
creased in the same proportion. In this state of excitement, the
shadow of an encroachment upon their pohtical or civil liberty,
would have caused a sudden insurrection ; and the attentive ob
server might easily have perceived, that the reconcihation betvv^een
the colonies and the raother country was more apparent than real;
and that the first occasion would be seized, to break out afresh in
discord and revolt.
The occasion of new dissensions, and the elements of a new com
bustion, originated in the provinces of Massachusetts and of New
York. The assembly of the former bore ill will to the governor.
Sir Francis Bernard, for being, as they believed, a foe to the cause
of America ; and having chosen for their speaker James Otis, one of
the warmest advocates of liberty existing in America at that period,
the governor refused to confirm the choice ; at which the represen
tatives vvere highly exasperated. Otis, meanwhile, to retaliate, suc
ceeded in causing to be excluded from the assembly the officers of
the crown, and the members of the superior court of judicature,
who were Hutchinson and Oliver. The governor, much incensed,
pronounced, on his part, the exclusion of six of the proposed can
didates for the speaker's chair. Thus the spirit of division was re
ciprocally fomented. But the patriots went further stiU ; and pro
cured a resolution of the assembly, that their debates should be pub
lic, and that galleries should be constructed, for the accommodation
of such as might wish to attend them ; this was promptly executed.
The intervention of the public at their deliberations encouraged the
partisans of liberty, and disheartened the friends of powei ; the for
mer were sure of increasing their popularity, by warmly advocating
the privileges of the colonies ; the latter, of incurrino- o-reater aver
sion, and more universal hatred, in proportion tc their zeal in sup
porting the cause of the government. Hence, numbers were de'.er-

BOOK m. THE AMERICAN WAR. 99
red from taking part in the debates. The first had, besides, a pow
erful advantage over them ; for it sufficed to render their adversa
ries odious to the people, to reproach them, true or false, with hav
ing favored the stamp act. The secretary of state, along with the
aot repealing the stamp act, had also sent the governors of the prov-^
inces a resolution of the house of commons, purporting, ' That all
persons, who, on account of the desire which they had manifested
to comply with, or to assist in carrying into execution, any acts of
parliament, had suffered any injury or damage, ought to have full
compensation made to them, by the respective colonies in which
such injuries or damages were sustained.' The secretary had also
recommended to the governors, to be particularly attentive that such
persons should be effectually secured from any further insult or dis
gust ; and that they might be treated with that respect and justice
which their merits towards the crown, and their past sufferings, un
doubtedly claimed.
It was principaUy in the province of Massachusetts, that these dis
orders had taken place ; and the governor, Bernard, lost no time in
communicating to the assembly the resolution of the house of com
mons ; but this he did in such intemperate language as gave great
offense to the representatives, and greatly imbittered, on both sides,
the misunderstanding already existing between them. Much alter
cation ensued; in which the assembly armed itself sometimes with
one excuse, and sonjetimes with another, for not granting the indem
nifications required ; till at length, resuming the further considera
tion of the subject, and reflecting, on the one hand, that in any
event the parliament would have the power to raise the sum neces
sary for the compensations, by imposing some new duty on the mari
time ports, and on the other, that this new resistance might render
tbem odious in the eyes of prudent men, as the refractory spirit of
Massachusetts had already been greatly censured, they resolved, that
the indemnifications should be made, at the expense of the province ;
and accordingly passed an act for granting compensation to the suf
ferers, and general pardon, amnesty and oblivion, to the offenders ;
to which the king afterwards refused his sanction ; denying the au
thority of the colonial assembhes to grant acts of general pardon.
Meanwhile, the indemnifications were made ; and the offenders were
not prosecuted. The assembly of New York appeared to receive
tho act of compensation more favorably ; and the greater part of the
suflerers were indemnified. Colden, the lieutenant-governor, was
alone refused compensation ; the assembly alledging, that if the peo
ple had risen against him, hc; had brought it upon himself by his
misconduct.

100 THE AMERICAN WAR. ^°°K HI.
But, in the same province, another dispute soon arose, v\lxicli
manifested how imperfectly the seeds of discord were extinguished.
General Gage was expected at New York with a considerable body
of troops ; in consequence of which, the governor addressed a mes
sage to the assembly, requesting it to put in execution the act of
pariiament called the mutiny act, which requires, that in the colo
nies where the royal troops are stationed, they shaU be provided
vvith barracks and other necessary articles. The assembly compUed
only in part with this requisition, and with evident repugnance.
They passed a bill for providing barracks, fire-wood, candles, bed
ding, and utensUs for the kitchen, as demanded ; but they refused to
grant salt, vinegar, and cider or beer ; saying, it was not customary
to furnish these articles to soldiers when in quarters, but only when
they are on the march.
The governor thought it prudent to acquiesce in this decision.
And here is presented a striking example of the mildness of the
British ministers at this epoch ; for, instead of resenting and chas
tising, as some advised, this new disobedience, they contented them
selves with procuring a law to be passed, by vvhich it was enacted
that the legislative power of the general assembly of New York
should be totally suspended, until it fully complied vvith all the terms
of the requisition. The assembly afterwards obeyed ; and thmgs
were restored to their accustomed order.
The same disputes were renewed in Massachusetts. Towaids
the close of the year, some companies of artiUery were driven, by
stress of weather, into the port of Boston. The governor was re
quested to lodge them, and procure them the necessary suppUes;
the council gave their consent ; and the money was drawn from the
treasury, by the governor's order. MeanwhUe, the assembly met;
and, desirous of engaging in controversy, sent a niessage to the
governor, to inquire if any provision had been made for his majes
ty's troops, and whether more vvere expected to arrive, to be quar
tered also in the town ? The governor repUed by sending them the
minutes of the council, with an account of the expenses incurred ;
and added, that no other troops were expected. They had now
ample matter for discussions. They exclaimed, that the governor,
in giving orders for these supplies, upon the mere advice of his coun
cU, had acted, in an essential point, contrary to the statutes of the
province. They added, however, some protestations of their readi
ness to obey the orders of the king, when requested according to
estabUshed usages.
This obstinacy of two principal provinces of ./America, this dispo
sition to seek new causes of contention, sensibly afflicted those per-

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 101
sons in England who had shown themselves favorable to American
privileges ; and furnished a pretext for the bitter sarcasms of their
adversaries, who repeated, every where, that such were the fruits of
ministerial condescension, — such was the loyalty, such the gratitude
of the colonists towards the mother country !
* Behold their attachment for public tranquillity ! Behold the re
spect and deference they bear towards the British government ! They
have now thrown off the mask ; they now rush, without restraint,
towards their favorite object of separation and independence. It is
quite time to impose a curb on these audacious spirits ; they must be
taught the danger of contending with their powerful progenitors, of
resisting the will of Great Britain. Since they are thus insensible to
the indulgence and bounty she has shown them in the repeal of the
stamp duty, they must be made to pay another ; both to maintain
the right, and compel them to contribute directly to the common de
fense of the kingdom.'
These suggestions were greatly countenanced by the landholders
of the British islands ; who persuaded themselves, that the more
could be raised by a tax laid upon the colonies, the more their own
burthens would be lessened. These opinions were also flattering to
British pride, which had been hurt to the quick by the revocation of
the stamp act, and still more profoundly stung by the repugnance
of the Americans to any submission. The king himself, vvho, with
extreme reluctance, had consented to the repeal of the act, mani
fested a violent indignation ; and lord Bute, always his most inti
mate counsellor, and generally considered as the author of rigorous
counsels, appeared anew much disposed to lay a heavy hand upon
the Americans. Hence, about the last of July, an unexpected change
of ministry was effected. The duke of Grafton was appointed first
secretary of the treasury, in the place of the marquis of Rocking-
Jiam ; the earl of Shelburne, secretary of state, instead of the duke
01 Richmond ; Charles Townsend, a man of versatile character, but
of brilliant genius, chancellor of the exchequer, in the room of Wil
Uam DowdesweU ; and finafly, WilUam Pitt, who had recently been
created viscount Pincent, and earl of Chatham, was promoted (1767)
to the charge of keeper of the seals. The new ministers, with the
exception, however, of the earl of Chatham, who was prevented by
his infirmities from taking part in the councils, resolved to impose
certain duties on tea, glass, and paints, upon their introduction into
the colonies of America. The bill was drawn up to be submitted
to parliament. No sooner was it conveiied, than Charles Townsend
began, vauntingly, to vociferate in the house of commons, that he
knew a mode of drawing a revenue from the colonies, without -i-'o-

102 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK UL
kting their rights or opinions. GrenviUe caught at the words, and
urged the minister to deciare what it was, and to promise, that he
would bring it before parhament without delay. A short time after,
in eff-ect, the chanceUor of the exchequer moved in the house of
commons, to impose duties on tea, glass and colors, imported from
England into the American colonies ; he proposed, also, to suppress
the duties on teas that should be shipped from England, intended
for America ; and impose a duty of three pence per pound, upon
their introduction into the American ports. These two bills were
passed without much opposition, and approved by the king.
In the preamble it was declared that the produce of the duties
should be appUed to defray ithe expenses of the government and
administration of the colonies. In one article it was provided, that
in each province of North America should be formed a genera]
civil list, without any fixed limit ; that is, that from the produce of
the new duties, a public fund should be composed, of which flie
government might dispose immediately, even to the last shilUng, for
the salaries and pensions to be paid in America. The ministers
were authorized to draw this money from the treasury, and employ
it at their discretion ; the surplus vvas to remain in the treasury, sub
ject to the disposal of parliament. It was also enacted, that the
government might, from the same funds, grant stipends and salaries
to the governors and to the judges, in the colonies, and determine
the amount of the same. These last measures were of much
greater importance than the taxes themselves, since they were en
tirely subversive of the British constitution.
In effect, since the time of Charles II. , the ministers had many
times attempted, but always without success, to estabUsh a civU list,
or royal chamber, in Am.erica, independent of the colonial assem
blies ; and yet Charles Townsend, vvith his shrewd and subtle ge
nius, thus obtained, as it were, while sporting, this difficult point;
and obtained it, while the remembrance of American opposition, in
a matter of much less importance, was still recent ; while the traces
of so great a conflagration were still smoking ! These new meas
ures produced another change of great importance ; the governors
and the judges, being able to obtain, through the ministers, their re
spective eiholuments, from funds raised by an act of parliament,
without the intervention, and perhaps against the wiU of the colo
nial assemblies, became entirely independent of the American na
tion, and of its assemblies ; and founded aU their future hopes.
on the favor of the general government alone, that is, of the British
ministers. The act imposing the new duties was to take efi'ect on
the 20th of November; but as if it was apprehended in England

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 103
that the new tax would be too well received by the colonists • and
purposely to irritate their minds, by placing before their eyes the im
pressive picture of the tax gatherers to be employed in the collec
tion of these duties, another act was passed, creating a permanent
administration of the customs in America. And, to crown such a
measure, the city of Boston was selected for the seat of this new es
tablishment ; for such a purpose, less proper than any other ; for no
where were the inhabitants more restless or jealous of their privi
leges ; which they interpreted with a subtilty peculiar to themselves.
They were, besides, not accustomed to see among Ihem an order
of financiers, lavishing in the refinements of luxury, the large emol
uments to be defrayed with the money of the colonies, while they
were themselves constrained to observe the limits of an extremely
narrow mediocrity. From these causes combined, it resulted that
many commotions were excited anew among the Americans. The
recent disturbances had given them a more decided inclination
towards resistance ; and their political researches had increased the
pretensions of rights, and the desire of a liberty more ample. As
this was an external tax, if more tranquil times had been chosen for
its introduction, and without the combination of so many circum
stances, which wounded them in their dearest interests, the people,
perhaps, would have submitted to it. But in such a state of things,
what could have been expected from a tax, the produce of vvhich
was destined to form a branch of the pubhc revenue, and which ex
ceeded the limits of a commercial regulation, a thing which had
already furnished the subject of so much controversy ? It was too
manifest that the British government had resolved to renew its an
cient pretensions, so long and firmly disputed, of establishing a
public revenue in the colonies, by the authority of parliament.
Resistance, therefore, was every where promptly resolved ; and as
the passions, after being compressed for a time, when rekindled in
the human breast, no longer respect their ancient limits, but com
monly overleap them with impetuosity ; so the political writers of
Boston began to fill the columns of the public papers vvith new
and bold opinions respecting the authority of parliament. Already
intimations were thrown out, allusive to independence ; and it was
asserted, 'that freemen ought not to be taxed, any more than gov
erned, without their consent, given by an actual or virtual repre
sentation. The legislative power of the parliament over the colonies was not
made the subject of doubt, but denied. Adopting the opinion of
those who in the two houses had opposed the repeal of the stamp
act, the patriots affirmed that all distinction between internal and

l04 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK III
external taxes was chimerical, and that pariiament had no right to
impose the one or the other ; that it had no power to make laws to
bind the colonies ; and, finally, they went so far as to maintain, that
not being represented in parliament, they were exempted from every
sort of dependence towards it.
The rights which the colonists pretended to enjoy, were explained
with great perspicuity, and a certain elegance of style, in a pamphlet
entitled. Letters from a Pennsylvania Farmer, to the Inhabitants of
the English Colonies. They were received vvith great and universal
favor; the author was John Dickenson.
The e-xcitement soon became general. New associations vvere
formed against the introd action of British manufactures, and in fa
vor of those made at home. A paper to this effect was circulated
in Boston, for such to subscribe as were disposed to become parties
to the confederacy ; they bound themselves by it not to purchase
certain articles of commerce, after the last day of December.
But on the other hand, James Otis, from a motive unknown,
whether from levity of character, or because the most ardent are
frequently the least constant in their opinions, or because he really
was apprehensive that the colony of Massachusetts would be left
alone in the present controversy, passing from one extreme to the
other, pronounced a long discourse in favor of government. Not
withstanding which, the league was approved at Providence, at
Newport, and in all Connecticut. The affair of these combinations,
however, advanced very slowly this time, in spite of all the efforts
of the most zealous patriots.
1768. The assembly of Massachusetts opened their session at
the commericement of the year 1768, and immediately took into
consideration the subject of the new taxes; a very elaborate letter
was addressed to Dennis de Berdt, their agent at London, instruct
ing him to make remonstrances. They protested their aflfection
towards Great Britain, and condemned all idea of independence ; they
gloried in the English name, and their participation in the British
constitution. ' The design,' they observed, ' to draw a public reve
nue from the colonies, without their consent, is manifest ; a thing
absolutely contrary to the establisiied laws, and to our rights.
Though men are known sometimes to disregard life, and even to
contemn liberty, they are always at least inviolably attached to their
property ; even those who ridicule the ideas of right and justice,
who despise faith, truth and honor, and every law, divine and hu
man, will put a high value upon money ; the savages themse.ves,
who inhabit the forests, knovv and admit the right of property • they
are as strongly attached to the bow, the arrow, and the tomahawk,

BOOK in. THE AMERICAN WAR. 105
to their hunting and fishing ground, as other nations can be to gold
or sUver, and the most precious objects. The Utopian schemes of
leveling, and a community of goods, are as visionary and impracti
cable, as those which vest all property in the crown, are arbitrary
and despotic. Now, what property can the colonists be conceived
to have, if their money may be granted away by others, without
their consent ? ' They added a long enumeration of their rights,
and of the commercial advantages accruing to Great Britain, from
her colonies ; they affirmed, that stipends and salaries, granted by
the crown to governors and judges, were things of a nature to alarm
the freemen of America ; that a more solid foundation for tyranny
could not be laid, since the judges in America hold their places, not
as in England, during good behavior, but during pleasure ; that the
colonists were ready to supply the subsidies necessary for the public
service, without the intervention of parliamentary authority ; that a
standing army was unnecessary in America ; that the inhabitants had
an aversion to these armies, as dangerous to their civil liberties ;
that England herself, considering the examples of ancient times,
ought to fear lest these large bodies of mercenary troops, stationed
in a country so remote, might occasion another Csesar to arise, and
usurp, at length, the authority of his sovereign. They also com
plained of the new board of customs, as tending to create a swarm
of pensioners ; a race ever obnoxious to the people, and prejudicial
to the rectitude and purity of manners. ' Can any thing be more
extraordinary than the suspension of the assembly of New York ?
Liberty has no longer an existence, and these assemblies are useless
if, willing or not wiUing, they must conform to the mandates of par
liament. And supposing also, what we deny, that the new laws are
founded in right, it is not the less certain that a real prejudice to
the two nations will be their result, and that the confidence and af
fection which have hitherto united them, will experience, from their
continuance, a signal diminution. These are points which merit the
serious consideration of a good government. The colonists are
not insensible that it has become fashionable in England, to speak
vvith contempt of the colonial assembhes ; an abuse from which the
EngUsh have more to apprehend than the Americans themselves ;
for only a few reigns back, the habit also prevailed of contemning
the parliament ; and it was even an aphorism with king James I.,
tJiat the lords and commons were two very bad copartners with a
monarch, in aUusion to the ancient proverb, that supreme power de
clines all pp-ticipation ; and these attacks, though at present aimed
at the colonial assembhes, wifl one day be directed against the par
liament itself.

106 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IU.
They concluded by recommending to their agent to exert his ut
most endeavors to defeat the projects of those who persisted with
obstinacy in their attempts to sow dissensions, and foment jealousy
and discord between the two parts of the realm ; dispositions, vvhich,
if not promptly repressed, it was to be feared, would lead to irrep
arable mischief.
The assembly of Massachusetts wrote in similar terms to the earl
of Shelburne, and to general Conway, secretaries of state ; to the
marquis of Rockingham, to lord Camden, to the earl of Chatham,
and to the commissioners of the treasury. These letters, as usual,
recapitulateil the rights of the colonies, and their grievances ; those
to whom they were addressed, were styled the patrons of the colo
nies, the friends of the British constitution, the defenders of the hu
man race. The assembly of Massachusetts also addressed a petition
to the king, with many protestations of loyalty, and strenuous re
monstrances against the grievances already raentioned. But not
content with these steps, and wishing to unite all the provinces in
one opinion, they took a very spirited resolution, that of writing to
all the other assemblies, that it was now full time for all to take the
same direction, and to march in concert towards the same object.
This measure gave the ministers no little displeasure, and they een
sured it, in their letters to the governors, with extreme asperity.
The governor of Massacliusetts, not without apprehensions from
the refractory spirit of this assembly, dissolved it. Nor should it be
omitted, that for a long time, there had existed an open breach be
tween these two authorities, which proceeded frora no defect of ge
nius or experience in affairs, on the part of the governor, who pos
sessed, on the contrary, an ample measure of both ; but he was re
puted a secret enemy to American privileges, and it vvas believed
that in his letters to the earl of HUlsborough, he had prompted the
government to acts of rigor, and exaggerated the colonial disturb
ances. On the other hand, the representatives were of a lofty spirit,
and devotedly attached to their prerogatives. In this state of recip
rocal umbrage and jealousy, the smallest collision led to a dissen
sion, and few were the affairs that could be concluded amicably. In
eflfect, it cannot be doubted, that the animosity which subsisted be
tween the assembly of so capital a province, and governor Bernard,
was one of the principal causes of the first commotions, and event
ually, of the American revolution.
The gov(5rnment of Great Britain, continually stimulated by tlie
exliortations of the governor, — dissatisfied with the Bostonians and
the inhabitants generally of the province of Massachusetts, was ap
prehensive of new tumults ; and resolved to provide eflfectuallv for

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 107
the execution of the laws. Orders were dispatched to general
Gage, to send a regiment, and even a more considerable force, if he
should deem it expedient, to form the garrison of Boston. It was
also determined, that a frigate, two brigs, and two sloops of war,
should be stationed in the waters of Boston, to aid the officers of
the customs in the execution of their functions.
At this same epoch, a violent tumult had occurred in this city.
The Bostonians, wishing to protect a vessel suspected of ilUcit traffic,
had riotously assailed and repulsed the officers of the revenue.
Informed of this event, general Gage detached two regiments in
stead of one, to take up their quai-ters in Boston. At this news,
the inhabitants assembled, and sent a deputation to the governor,
praying him to inform them, if the reports in circulation, relative to
a garrison extraordinary, were true ; and to convoke another assem
bly. He answered, that he had indeed received some private inti
mation of the expected arrival of troops, but no official notice ; that
as to the convocation of an assembly, he could take no resolution
without the orders of his majesty.
He flattered himself, that the people would become more submis
sive, when, left to themselves, they should no longer have a rallying
point for sedition in the colonial assembly. He endeavored, there
fore, to gain time ; inventing, every day, new motives for delaying
the session of the assembly. But this conduct produced an effect
directly contrary to his anticipations. The inhabitants of Boston,
having received the answer of the governor, immediately took an
unanimous resolution, sufficiently demonstrative of the real nature
of the spirit by which they were animated ; it was resolved, that, as
there was some probabUity of an approaching war with France, all
the inhabitants should provide themselves with a complete military
equipment, according to law ; and that, as the governor had not
thought proper to convene the general assembly, a convention should
be convoked of the whole province. These resolutions were trans
mitted, by circulars, to every part of Massachusetts ; and such was
the concert of opinions, that out of ninety-seven townships, ninety-
six sent their deputies to the convention of Boston.
They met on the 22d of September. Wishing to proceed with
moderation, they sent a message to the governor, assuring him that
they were, and considered themselves, as private and loyal individu
als ; but no less averse to standing armies, than to tumults and se
dition. They complained, but in measured terms, of the new laws,
and the imputations of disloyalty with which they had been traduc
ed in England. Finally, they entreated the governor to convoke
the general assembly, as the only constitutional remedy that could

108 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK III.
be resorted to in the present calamities. The governor answered
haughtily, as the troops already approached. The convention, after
having communicated what had occurred to De Berdt, the agent at
London, dissolved itself.
The day preceding their separation, the soldiers destined for the
garrison, arrived, on board a great number of vessels, in the bay of
Nantasket, not far from Boston. The governor requested the coun
cU to furnish quarters in the city. The council refused ; alledging
that castle William, situated on a small island in the harbor, was suf
ficiently roomy to receive the troops. But the commanders of the
corps had orders to take their quarters in the town. Meanwhile, it
was given out, that the Bostonians would not suffer the soldiers to
land. This menace, and especiaUy the resolution of a general ar
mament, inspired the commanders of the royal troops with much
distrust. Consequently, general Gage, whose intention, it appears,
had been at first to land one regiment only, gave orders to colonel
Dalrymple, to disembark the two, and to keep a strict guard in the
city. Accordingly, on the first of October, every preparation hav
ing been made, the squadron, consisting of fourteen ships of war,
began to move, and took such a position as tO command the whole
city ; the ships presented their broadsides, and the artillery was in
readiness to fire upon the town, in case of any resistance. The
troops began to disembark at one o'clock in the afternoon, without
receiving any molestation ; they iraraediately entered the town, with
their arms loaded, a suitable train of artillery, and all the mUitary
parade usually displayed in such circumstances. The selectmen of
Boston being requested, in the evening, to provide quarters for the
soldiers, peremptorUy refused. The governor ordered the soldiers
to enter and occupy the State House. Thus stationed, the main
guard vvas posted in front of this edifice, with two field pieces point
ed towards it. The Bostonians were naturally much shocked at
these arrangements. They could not see, without extreme indigna
tion, the palace of the public councils, the ordinary seat of their gen
eral assembhes, and the courts of judicature, occupied by so many
troops, and on all sides surrounded by such a display of arms. The
streets were full of ,tents, and of soldiers, continually coming and
going to relieve the posts ; who ehallenged at every moment the citi
zens as they passed. The divine services were interrupted by the
continual beating of drums and the sound of fifes ; and all things
presented the image of a camp. The inhabitants experienced the
most insupportable constraint from a state of things not only extra
ordinary, but even without example, in the protince of Massachu
setts. Cries of displeasure resounded from every quarter against

BOOK ra. THE AMERICAN WAR. 109
these new orders of the governor. The soldiers beheld the citizens
with an evU eye, believing them to be rebels ; the citizens detested
the soldiers, whom they looked upon as the instruments of nn odious
project to abolish their rights, and sent to impose on them the yoke
of an unheard of tyranny. The most irritating language frequently
passed between them, and thus exasperated their reciprocal ani
mosity. It is true, however, that this display of military force so repressed
the multitude, that for a considerable space of time tranquUlity vvas
preserved. 1769. But in England, the parliament having been convoked
about the close of the year 1768, the obstinacy of the Americans,
in refusing obedience to its new laws, determined the governraent to
adopt rigorous measures against the colonies, and especiaUy against
the province of Massachusetts, where sedition had acquired the
profoundest roots. The parhament condemned, in the severest
terms, all the resolutions taken by this province. They approved
that the king should employ force of arms for the repression of the
disobedient ; and declared, that he had the right to cause the chief
authors of the disorders to be arrested, and brought to England
for trial, according to the statute of the 35th year of the reign of
Henry VIII.
But these new measures of the English encountered a very ill re
ception in America. The assembly of Virginia immediately took,
in the strongest terms that could be devised, the resolutions they be
Ueved the most proper to secure their rights. They also drew up a
supplication to be presented to the king, vvith a view of exciting his
compassion towards an unfortunate people. He was conjured as
the father of his subjects, and as a clement king, to interpose his
royal intercession, and avert the evils which menaced and already
oppressed them ; his pity was implored, that he would not suflfer the
colonists, who had no powerful protection, to be forced from their
firesides, wrested from the embraces of their families, and thrust into
dungeons, among robbers and felons, at the distance of three thou
sand miles from their country, to linger until judges whom they
knew not should have pronounced their fate. A condition so deplor
able would leave them no other wish, no other prayer, but that re
lenting death might soon deliver them from so many miseries. These
proceedings incurred the displeasure of the governor, who dissolved
them, with a severe reprimand. But they assembled in another
place, as private individuals ; and having chosen for their moderator
Peyton Randolph, a man of great influence in the province, they
lesorted, more strenuously than ever, to the ordinary reipedy of as-

110 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK 111.
sociations against the introduction of British manufactures. The
articles of the league, having been circulated for the purpose, were
soon invested with all the signatures, not only of the asserably, but
of the entire province. The other colonies followed the example,
and adhered to the confederacy upon oath. The inhabitants of
Charieston, the capital of South Carohna, even discontinued all
commerce with those of Rhode Island and of Georgia, as well be-
cause they had refused to join this combination, or the preceding,
as because they had exercised an extensive contraband traffic. But
at length, these provinces also concurred vvith the others ; Georgia,
in Septeraber, Providence and Rhode Island, a month later.
In order to prevent the contraventions vvhich avarice, or a secret
opposition, might have produced, committees of inspectors were
created, to examine the cargoes of all vessels arriving from England,
aud to stigmatize with the censure specified in their regulations,
those who should violate their corapact, by publishing their names
in the public papers, and declaring them enemies to the country;
and, as the people were always ready to take those in hand who
should be thus denounced, the decrees of these committees were re
ceived with general obedience, as if they had proceeded from the
authority of government. All were emulous to make use of the
manufactures of the country ; even the women, hitherto so decided
in their taste for English merchandise, not only renounced it, but
took a laudable pride in adorning themselves with objects of do
mestic manufacture.
It is not to be understood, however, that in the midst of this gen
eral zeal and enthusiasm, there were no examples of persons, who,
governed by interest and a thirst of gain, these powerful motives of
the human breast, sought to make their profit of circumstances ; ex
tolling, in public, the magnanimity of the American people, but de
riding it in their hearts, they addicted themselves to a secret com
merce in the merchandise proscribed. Even among those who
preached liberty, and affected to be called by its name, even among
those who with the most forwardness had embraced the league, there
was more than one individual who clandestinely bought and sold.
The patriots had declared with so much violence against tea, that, in
several provinces, neariy all the inhabitants abstained from the use
of it ; but this first ardor having abated vvith time, many, either in
secret, or even openly, regaled themselves vvith this beverage, giving
it some other name. The British officers themselves, aflfecting a
military contempt for the civil laws, but not less than others mindful
of private interest, ordered merchandise from England in their own

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. Ill
names, as if destined for the use of their troops, which they secretly
introduced into the country.
Notwithstanding these infringements ofthe general compact, men
of integrity, as always happens, faithful to their public professions,
persisted in the retrenchments exacted by their pledge, from which
there eventually resulted an incalculable prejudice to the English
commerce. The assembly of Massachusetts, having met, about the last of
May, immediately resumed the ancient controversy, and sent a mes
sage to the governor, purporting that whereas the capital of the
province was invested with an armed force by land and sea, and the
gates of the State House occupied with cannon by a mihtary guard,
the assembly could not deliberate with that freedom and dignity
which became them ; that they hoped, therefore, this hostUe appa
ratus would be removed from the city and port. The governor an
swered, briefly, that he had no authority over his majesty's ships
that were moored in the port, or over the troops which occupied the
city. The assembly repUed, that this display of armed force was
contrary to law ; and, no power being superior to that of arms, they
asked, what privUege, cr what security, vvas left to the house ? that,
where arms prevail, the civil laws are sUent ; that, therefore, the as
sembly had resolved to abstain from all deliberation whatever, until
it should be re-estabhshed in all its authority. The governor ad
journed it to Cambridge, a town at a short distance from Boston ;
and addressed it a requisition for a supply of money for the troops.
Without noticing this demand, the assembly answered with new res
olutions, vvhich discovered the extreme exasperation of their minds.
They represented that the discontent vvhich had been excited in the
province by the tax laws, the expectation of more troops, the ap
prehension that they were to be quartered in private houses, and the
people reduced to desperation, were things which demonstrated the
necessity of new conventions ; that the presence of a standing army
in the province in time of peace, vvas a violation of their natural
rights, tmd imminently perUous to public liberty ; that governor Ber
nard, in his letters to the earl of Hillsborough, had recommended
new modes of tyranny ; that general Gage, in writing that there was
no longer a government at Boston, had written the truth ; but that
this ought not to be attributed to an innocent and loyal people, but,
in justice, to those who had violated the laws, and subverted the
foundations of the constitution. At length, the governor having re
turned to the charge for subsidies to subsist the troops, the assembly
declared, that, for their own honor, and the interest of the province.
they could not consent to grant them. South (IJarohna, Maryland,

112 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK UI.
Delaware, and New York, following the example of the provinces
of Massachusetts and Virginia, took the same resolutions, and
refused obedience to the mutiny act.
Meanwhile, the EngUsh government, willing to give some indi
cation of a better spirit towards its colonies, announced to them its
determination to propose, at the next session of parliament, the re
peal of the duties upon glass, paper, and colors ; thus maintaining
only the duty on tea. This new mUdness did not suit the Ameri
cans ; the exception of tea, and the declaration that the law should
be abrogated as contrary to the regulations of comraerce, persuad
ed them that it was intended to maintain the right ; and this in
reality vvas the truth. They were apprehensive that the affair might
be revived when the present heats were dissipated ; and that the
government, then proceeding with more address and vigor, might
renew its attempts to establish the authority of taxation forever.
The assembly of Virginia protested in stronger terms than at first.
Combinations were again formed, as weU in this province as in Mas
sachusetts and the greater part of the others ; but they were this
time upon the point of being dissolved, by the defection of New
York ; this province authorized the importation of every species of
English merchandise, except such as were charged with some duty.
Governor Bernard was at length succeeded. He departed, with
out leaving any regret ; which should be attributed to circum.stan
ces. He was a man of excellent judgment, sincerely attached to
the interests of the province, and of an irreproachable character ;
but he was also a defender of the prerogatives of the crown, and
wanted the pliancy necessary in these difficult times ; ardent, and
totally devoid of dissimulation, he could never abstain from declar
ing his sentiments ; qualities, none of which, however laudable, can
fail to prove unprofitable, or rather pernicious, as well to him that
possesses them, as to others, in the political revolutions of states;
for the multitude is either indulged without profit, or opposed with
detriment. MeanwhUe, at Boston, things assumed the most serious aspect.
The inhabitants supported vvith extreme repugnance the presence of
the soldiers ; and these detested the Bostonians. Hence, mutual
insults and provocations occurred.
1770. Finally, on the morning of the 2d of March, as a soldier
was passing by the premises of John Gray, a ropemaker, he was as
sailed with abusive words, and afterwards beaten severely. He
soon returned, accompanied by some of his comrades. An affray
ensued between the soldiers and the ropemakers, in which the lat
ter had the worst.

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR 113
The people became greatly exasperated ; and, on the 5th of the
same month, between seven and eight o'clock in the evening, a vio
lent tumult broke out. The multitude, armed with clubs, ran
towards King str(;et, crying, ' Let us drive out these ribalds ; they
have no business here.' The soldiers who were lodged in the bar
racks of Murray, were eager to fall upon the populace ; and their
officers had the greatest difficulty in restraining them. ^Meanwhile,
it vvas cried that the town had been set on fire ; the bells pealed
alarm, and the crowd increased from all parts. The rioters rushed
furiously towards the custom house ; they approached the sentinel,
crying, ' Kill him ! Mil him ! ' They assaulted hira with snow balls,
pieces of ice, and whatever they could lay their hands upon. The
sentinel in this conjuncture, having called the guard, captain Pres
ton detached a corporal and a few soldiers to protect this raan, and
die chest of the customs, from the popular fury. They marched
with their arms loaded, and the captain himself followed ; they en
countered a band of the populace, led by a mulatto named Attucks,
who brandished their clubs, and pelted them with snow baUs. The
maledictions, the imprecations, the execrations of the multitude,
were horrible. In the midst of a torrent of invectives from every
quarter, the military was challenged to fire. The detachment was
surrounded ; and the populace advanced to the points of their bayo
nets. The soldiers appeared like statues ; the cries, the bowlings,
the menaces, the violent din of bells, still sounding the alarm, in
creased the confusion and the horrors of these moments ; at length
the mulatto and twelve of his companions, pressing forward, envi
roned the soldiers, and striking their muskets with their clubs, cried
to the multitude ; ' "Be not afraid, they dare not fre ; why do you
hesitate, why do you not Jcill them, ivhy not crush them at once ? '
The mulatto lifted his arm against captain Preston, and having turned
one of the muskets, he seized the bayonet with his left hand, as
if he intended to execute his threat. At this moment, confused
cries were heard, ' The ivretches dare not fire.' Firing succeeds ;
Attucks is slain. Two other discharges follow. Three were kiUed,
five severely wounded ; several others slightly ; the greater part,
persons that were passing by chance ; or quiet spectators of this
scene. Eight soldiers only fired, and none more than once. The
populace dispersed, but returned soon after to carry oflf the dead
and wounded.
Meanwhile, the whole city was become a scene of incredible con
fusion, the crowd was seen hurrying through aU the streets. The
sound of drams, and cries to arms, were heard from every quarter.
The citizens flocked together by thousands. The lieutenant gover-
VOL. I. 8

114 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK UI.

I

nor, Hutchinson, being arrived upon the spol, said in a menacing
tone to captain Preston, ' Why have you fired without the orders of
the civil magistrate 1 ' The other answered, ' We have been insulted.'
But no more was said, either by the one or by the other ; this being
neither the proper time, nor place, for an inquest.
Hutchinson made his way through the press of the multitude, and
they were persuaded, by his efforts, to disperse.
The following morning, at a very early hour, the people re-assem
bled. A message was dispatched to the governor, declaring in the
name of all the inhabitants, that without the imraediate removal of
the soldiers, it would be impossible to restore the tranquillity of the
city, or to prevent the effusion of blood. After repeated menaces,
on the one part, and many evasions on the other, the troops were
removed to castie WiUiara. Captain Preston, with aU the detach
ment he commanded, were committed to prison.
It was resolved to celebrate the obsequies of the slain, in the most
public and solemn manner ; not that they were persons of note, but
to testify and excite the regrets and compassion of the people,
towards those who had perished miserably by the hands of British
soldiers, in open ^violation of civfl liberty. On the morning of the
Sth, the shops were closed ; all the beUs of Boston, of Charlestown,
and of Ro.xbury, towns of the vicinity, were tolled. The proces
sions, attending each corpse, proceeded to King street, and met in
the same place, where, three days before, the individuals whose
memory they honored thus had received their death. Whence the
funeral train, foUowed by an imraense multitude of people, and a
long file of coaches, belonging to the most distinguished citizens,
moved, in profound silence, and with every mark of grief and indig
nation, through the main street, to the place of sepulture, where the
bodies were deposited in the same tomb.
The trial of captain Preston, and the soldiers, was afterwards
taken up. John Adams, and Josiah Quincy, two principal chiefs of
the opposition in Massachusetts, and lawyers of the greatest celebri
ty, made their defense, vvith singular eloquence and ability. The
captain and six of the eight soldiers accused were acquitted ; two
were declared guilty of homicide, wfthout premeditation. A thing
truly remarkable, that in the midst of such a commotion, and at the
moment when the effervescence of minds was so extreme, this
judgment, so little conformable to the wishes of the multitude, should
have been pronounced. So admirable were the judicial regulations
established in these countries, and so firm was the resolution of the
judges to obey the law, in defiance of aU influence whatsoever!
Adams and Quincy lost by their magnanimity something of their fa-

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. Il5
vor, at the time, with the people. Notwithstanding the issue of the
trial, the greater number persisted in beheving that the wrong was
on the part of the soldiers, and that their conduct was the more bar
barous, as it had not been provoked. Thus, at least, the leaders of
party had an interest that it should be supposed. These opinions
contributed not a Uttle to foment and even exasperate the hatred and
animosities already so intense in all parts of America.
While the minds of the Americans were thus excited to greater
unanimity, and rage fermented in every heart, those half resolutions
were taken in England, which were the evident cause, on her part,
of the fatal issue of this crisis. Several causes contributed, at once,
to produce this result ; the prejudices and the incapacity of the min
isters ; the unfaithful reports of the agents of the state, in America ;
and, perhaps, it vyas no less the work of Benjamin Franklin, who,
residing at London, as the agent of the colonies, deceived the min
isters, as he used to say, by telling them the truth. So corrupt, he
added, were the men in povver, that they reputed his sincerity artifice,
and the truth deception. Hence, they blindly abandoned them
selves to illusions, that made them see things different from what
they were in reality, and with a bandage over their eyes, they trod
incessantly upon the brink of a precipice.
The Sth of March, lord North, who had been appointed by the
king, prime minister, proposed, in a speech to the house of com
mons, the repeal of taxes, excepting that upon tea. Nowithstand-
ing the opposition of many members, who insisted that the Ameri
cans would not be satisfied with this partial repeal, the proposition
was finally approved by a great majority. The predictions of the
minority were but too well verified in America ; the continuance
of the duty on tea had the effect to keep alive the same discon
tents. Tlie combinations were dissolved, however, so far as related
to the importation of merchandise not taxed ; the article of tea
alone continued to be prohibited. The fermentation maintained
itself principaUy in the province of Massachusetts, the local authori
ties of which were incessantly engaged in altercations with the offi
cers of the crown.
On the whole, how many motives combined to create in Araerica
an insurmountable resistance to the designs of the governraent ! On
the one hand, the obstinacy inherent to man, rendered still more in
flexible by obstacles, and the blood which had flowed, as also by
the love of liberty ; on the other, the species of triumph already ob
tained by perseveraiice, and the opinion resulting from it, tiiat not
from any spirit of indulgence, but a consciousness of inferior force,
the government had consented to revocations. The Americans

] 16 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK III.
were, besides, persuaded that the rumors which daily increased, of a
war with France, would lay the British ministers under tbe necessity
of conceding all their demands ; and finally, they well knew they
had powerful protectors, both within and without the waUs of parlia
ment. Such were the public occurrences in the colonies during the
year 1770. ,
1771. In the course of the following year there happened few
that are worthy of raeraory ; only the ordinary altercations contin
ued between the assembly of Massachusetts and Hutchinson, who
had been appointed governor. All the provinces persisted in open
resistance to laws of taxation and of commerce ; smuggling was no
longer secretly but openly transacted. The officers of the customs
had fallen into utter coritempt. In Boston, a tidesman of the cus
toms, having attempted to detain a yessel for breach of the acts of
trade, was seized by the people, stripped, and carted through the
principal streets of the city, besmeared with tar, and then covered
with feathers. There was some tumult, also, at Providence; the
inhabitants having plundered and burnt the king's ship Wasp.
, 1772. The government then reflected, that in such a distempered
state of rainds, it could not hope to repress the boldness of the
Americans, and secure the observation of the laws, without resorting
to some more effectual means. It resolved, among others, to ren
der the officers of tho crown totally independent of the colonial as
sembhes ; to effect this, it decided that the salaries and stipends of
the governors, judges, and other principal officers of the colonies,
should, in future, be fixed by the crown, and paid without the inter
vention of the colonial assemblies. Immediately new commotions
broke out in America, and particularly in the province of Massachu
setts, where it was declared that those vvho should consent to be paid
by the crown, independently of the general assembly, should be
deemed enemies to the constitution, and supporters of arbitrary gov
ernment. Thus, all measures taken in England, to vanquish re
sistance, and re-establish submission in America, not being sustained
by an armed force sufficient to coerce, tended to a result absolutely
contrary. And if the government meditated the display of greater vigor,
the Americans were occupied with the same thoughts. They were
not ignorant, that in popular agitations, nothing tends more directly
to the desired object, than having chiefs to direct the movements,
ascertain the opinions of all the members of the confederacy, and
act with concert in their respective operations. Accordino-ly, the
inhabitants of Massachusetts, foHowing the suggestion of Samuel
Adams and James Warren, of Plymouth, formed a council of tiie

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN IVAR. 117
partisans of a new order of things, and established a species of po
litical hierarchy, by creating committees of correspondence in all the
cities and towns of the province ; all referring to the central commit
tee of Boston. The chiefs were six in number, each of whom
commanded a division ; the chiefs of a division, in like manner,
commanded a subdivision, and a movement being given by the first,
was communicated progressively, and without delay, to the whole
province. These committees, or clubs, were composed of individu
als of different characters ; some entered them mechanically, and
because they saw others do it ; some from attachment to the public
cause ; others to acquire authority, to gratify their ambition, or their
avarice ; others, finally, because they believed the general good is
the supreme law, and that all the maxiras of private morals should
bend to this sovereign rule. All were resolved, or said they were
resolved, to secure the liberty of their country, or part vvith life in
the glorious attempt.
The governor affirmed, that the greater part of them were athe
ists, and contemners of all religion ; which made him wonder, he
said, to see deacons, and other members of the church, who pro
fessed a scrupulous devotion, in league vvith characters of such a
description. This new political order, instituted by the few, was soon adopted,
by the whole province ; and every city, village, or town, had its
committee, which corresponded with the others. Their dehber
ations and decrees were considered as the will and voice of the
people. The minds of the inhabitants were thus regularly inflamed and
prepared for a general explosion. The other provinces imitated
this example.
The first occasion to act was offered to the committee of Boston,
by the determination of the government, to charge itself with the
salaries of the judges. Very spirited resolutions were framed, and
distributed profusely throughout the provinces. The committee ac
companied them with a vehement letter, in which they exhorted the
inhabitants to rouse from their long slumber, to stand erect, and
shake off indolence ; ' now while,' as it was said in the turgid style
of that epoch, ' the iron hand of oppression is daily tearing the
choicest fruits from the fair tree of liberty.' The effervescence
became as extreme as universal.
1773. MeanwhUe, an event occurred, which supplied fresh fuel
to this fire, which already menaced a general conflagration. Doc
tor Franklin, agent at London of several colonies, and particularly
of Massachusetts, had found means, it is not known ha^, to obtain.

118 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK in.
from the office of state, the letters of governor Hutehinson, of heu-
tenant-governor OUver, and of some others adhering to the party of
government in America. In these dispatehes, they acquainted die
ministers with all that passed in the colonies ; and dehvered their
opinions with great freedom. They represented, that the raembers
of the American opposition vvere generally persons of httie weight,
audacious and turbulent, but few in number ; that they were even
without influence with the multitude ; that the mildness and for
bearance of the government had been the sole cause of their bold
ness ; that if it should take vigorous measures, aU would return to
their duty ; they recommended, especiaUy, that the pubUc officers
should receive their stipends from tiie crown. Franklin transmitted
these letters to Massachusetts ; they were printed and distributed
copiously in aU parts of the province. It is easy to imagine the
ebullition they produced.
AVhUe the inhabitants of the colonies vvere thus exquisitely sensi
ble to whatever they deemed hostile to their rights, resenting with
equal indignation the most trivial as the most serious attack, a reso
lution was taken in England, which, if it had been executed, would
have given the victory to the governraent, and reduced the Ameri
cans to the condition for vvhich they demonstrated such an extreme
repugnance. Their obstinacy, in refusing to pay the duty on tea,
rendered the smuggling of it very frequent ; and their resolutions
against using it, although observed by many with little fidehty, had
greatly diminished the importation into the colonies of this com
modity. MeanwhUe, an immense quantity of it was accumulated in
the warehouses of the East India company in England. This com
pany petitioned the king to suppress the duty of three pence per
pound upon its introduction into America, and continue the six
pence upon its exportation from the ports of England ; a measure
which would have given the government an advantage of three pence
the pound, and reheved the Americans from a law they abhorred.
The governraent, more soUcitous about the right than the revenue,
would not consent. The company, however, received permission
to transport tea, free of aU duty, from Great Britain to America;
and to introduce it there, on paying a duty of three pence.
Here it was no longer the small vessels of private merchants, who
went to vend tea, for their own account, in the ports of the colo
nies, but, on the contrary, ships of an enormous burthen, that trans-
jported immense quantities of this commodity, which, by the aid of
the public authority, might easily be landed, and amassed in suitable
magazines. Accordingly, the company sent to its agents at Boston,
New York, and Philadelphia, six hundred chests of tea, and a pro-

BOOK III. .THE AMERICAN WAR. 119
portionate numoer to Charleston, and other maritime cities of the
American continent.
The colonists were now arrived at the decisive moment, when
they must cast the die, and determine their cause in regard to par
liamentary taxes ; for if the tea was permitted to be landed, it vvould
be sold, and the duty consequently paid. It was therefore resolved
to exert every effort to prevent the landing. Even in England, in
dividuals were not wanting vvho fanned this fire ; some from a desire
to baffle the government, others from motives of private interest, and
jealousy at the opportunity offered the East India company to make
immense profits to their prejudice. They wrote, therefore, to Amer
ica, encouraging a strenuous resistance. They represented to the
colonists, that this would prove their last trial ; and if they should
triumph now, their liberty was secured forever ; if they should yield,
they must bow their necks to the yoke of slavery ! The materials
were too well prepared and disposed not to kindle. At Philadel
phia, those to whom the teas of the company were intended to be
consigned, were induced by persuasion, or constrained by menaces,
to promise not in any mode to accept the proffered consignment. At
j.'few York, captains Seers and Macdougall, daring and enterprising
men, .effected a concert of will between the smugglers, the merchants
and the Sons of Liberty. Pamphlets, suited to the conjuncture, were
daily distributed ; and nothing vvas left unattempted, by tho populaj
leaders, to obtain their purpose. The factors of the company were
obliged to resign their agency, and return to England. In Boston,
the general voice declared the time was come to face the storm.
' Why do we wait ?' they exclaimed ; ' soon or late, we must engage
in conflict with England. Hundreds of years may roll away, be
fore the ministers can have perpetrated as many violations of our
rights as they have committed within a few years. The opposition
isformed ; itis general ; it remains for us to seize the occasion. The
more we delay, the more strength is acquired by the ministers. Do
you not see how many arrogant youths they send us, to exercise the
offices of the revenue, to receive enormous salaries, and to infect ua
with their luxury and corruption ? They will take American wives,
and vvill become powerful instruments of ministerial tyranny. This
is the moment to strike a decisive blow, while our cause is strong in
hope ; now is the time to prove our courage, or be disgraced with our
brethren of the other colonies, who have their eyes fixed upon us,
and wiU be prompt in their succors, if we show ourselves faithful
and firm.'
The factors were urged to renounce their agency ; but they re
fused, and took refuge in the fortress. Immediately after, captain

120 THE AMERICAN WAR. . BOOK III.
HaU arrived in port, with a cargo of more than an hundred chests
of tea. The people instantiy assembled, in great fury, and sent
notice to Rotch, the consignee of this cargo, that if he valued his
safety and interest, he must abstain from receiving the tea, and cau
tion captain Hall against attempting to land it. They also placed a
guard on Griffin's wharf, near which the ship was moored. It was
agreed, that a strict watch should be kept ; that, in case of any in
sult during the night, the bell should be rung immediately ; that
some persons should be alvvays in readiness to bear the intelligence
of what niight occur to the neighboring towns, and to call in the
assistance of the country people.
The committee of correspondence perforraed their duty with
activity. Captain Bruce and Coffin having arrived, with other car
goes of tea, they were ordered to cast anchor near captain Hall.
The people frora the country arrived in great numbers ; the inhab
itants of the town assembled. Rotch was requested to demand a
certificate of clearance, that captain HaU might put back to sea with
his ship.
Things appeared hastening to a disastrous issue. In this conjunc
ture, Josiah Quincy, a man of great infiuence in the colony, of a
vigorous and cultivated genius, and strenuously opposed to min.iste-
rial enterprises, wishing to apprise his fellow citizens of the impor
tance of the crisis, and direct their attention to results, demanded
sUence, and said, ' This ardor, and this impetuosity, which are mani
fested within these waUs, are not those that are requisite to conduct
us to the object we have in view ; these may cool, may abate, may
vanish, like a flitting shade. Quite other spirits, quite other efforts,
are essential to our salvation. Greatly wiU he deceive himself, who
shall think, that with cries, with exclamations, with popular resolu
tions, we can hope to triumph, in this conflict, and vanquish our in
veterate foes. Their malignity is implacable, — their thirst for ven
geance insatiable. They have their aUies, their accompUces, even
in the midst of us, — even in the bosom of this innocent country ;
and who is ignorant of the power of those who have conspired our
ruin ? — ^who knows not their artifices ? Imagine not, therefore, that
you can bring this controversy to a happy conclusion, without the
most strenuous, the most arduous, the most terrible conflict. Con
sider attentively the difficulty of the enterprise, and the uncertainty
of the issue. Reflect and ponder, even ponder weU, before you
embrace the measures which are to involve this country in the most
perUous enterprise the world has witnessed.'
The question was put, whether the landing of the tea should be
opposed? and carried in the affirmative unanimously. Rotch was

BOOK HI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 121
then requested to demand of the governor a peimit to pass the cas
tle. The latter answered, haughtily, that for the honor of the laws,
and from duty tojvards the king, he could not grant the permit until
the vessel was regularly cleared. A violent commotion immediately
ensued. A person disguised after the manner of the Indians, vvho
was in the gallery, shouted, at this juncture, the cry of war ; the
meeting was dissolved in the twinkling of an eye. The multitude
rushed in mass to Griffin's wharf. About twenty persons, also dis
guised as Indians, then made their appearance ; all either masters of
ships, carpenters or calkers. They went on board the ships laden
with tea. In less than two hours, three hundred and forty chests
were staved, and emptied in the sea. They were not interrupted ;
the surrounding multitude on shore served them as a safeguard.
The affair was conducted v ithout tumult ; no damage was done to
the ships, or to any other effects whatever. When the operation
was terminated, every one repaired to his own habitation, either in
the city or in the country.
In New York and in Philadelphia, as no person coufd be found
that would venture to receive the tea, the ships of the company,
which had arrived in these ports, returned, vvith their cargoes, to
England. In the former city, however, captain Charaber, having
on board his ship some chests of tea for account of a private mer
chant, they were thrown into the sea. At Charleston, the tea was
permitted to be landed; but, having been deposited in certain
humid cellars, it perished.
1774. The news of these events having come to the ears of the
ministers, they determined to take more vigorous measures. The
province of Massachusetts, and especially the city of Boston, had
always stood foremost in resistance, had been the scene of the great
est disorders, and appeared the head-quarters of sedition. The
ministers therefore resolved to distinguish them by the first marks
of their displeasure. They hoped that the principal agitators being
thus repressed, the rest would voluntarily return to submission.
Considering, also, that the city of Boston was very flourishing ; that
it was accounted not only one of the most commercial cities of the
continent, but even considered as the emporium of all the provinces
of New England ; it is not surprising that they should have taken
the resolution to deprive it entirely of its commerce, by means of a
rigorous interdict, and turn it all towards some other maritime city
of this coast. It was thought, Ukewise, that the civil magistrates,
' who, according to the statutes of the province, were chosen by the
people, ought, for the future, to be appointed by the government ;
that, placed thus entirely under its influence, they might no longer

122 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK III
be inclined to favor the popular tumults, but become, from duty as
weU as inclination, interested to suppress them, by requiring the ne
cessary assistance from the military authorities ; fbr it was seen that
the late tumults owed their origin and alarming increase to the inac
tivity of the military, which, according to the established laws, could
not interfere without the requisition of the civil magistrates, from
which they had purposely abstained. It was also in deliberation to
pass a law for enabling the soldiers to execute with perfect security
the orders they might receive for the suppression of tumults, without
any fear of consequences. The rainisters expected thus to create
divisions, to render the civil magistrates absolutely dependent on the
government, and to re-establish the soldiery in that independence
which is essential to the complete exertion and efficacy of their
force. But whoever has a competent share of natural capacity, and
a slight acquaintance with political affairs, wiU readily see how wide
were these resolutions of the British ministers from corresponding
with the urgency of circumstances. Is it not surprising, that a govern
ment like that of England, which at all times had exhibited the evi
dences of an extreme abUity, and of singular energy, having before
its eyes the example of the revolutions of Switzerland and of Hol
land, well knowing the inflexible pertinacity inherent to the Ameri
can people, and the astonishing unity of sentiments they had recent
ly manifested in aU their movements, is it not even astonishing that
this government could have brought itself to beUeve, that the block
ing up a port and change of some old statutes, things that tended
more to irritate than coerce, would suffice to curb such headlong fury,
vanquish such unyielding obstinacy, dissolve a league so formidable,
and re-establish obedience where rebellion had already commenced
its impetuous career? The display of a formidable force, and not the
reforms of charters, presented the only mode of promptiy termi
nating the contest, maintaining the ancient order of things, and re
storing tranquillity in America.
The ministers ought to have been the more prompt in their military
preparations, as they should not have been ignorant that France se
cretly encouraged these commotions, and was no stranger to their ul
timate object. Arms were not wanting ; they abounded. Due fore
cast, or the requisite vigor, were indeed wanting in the British coun
cils. Twenty or thirty thousand men, sent to America immediately
after the commencement of the disorders, would indubitably have
surmounted all resistance, and re-established obedience ; which it
was idle to expect from a few modifications of the laws. England,
in this instance, appeared to have forgotten the familiar aphorism,
that wars, to be short, must ne vigorous and terrible.

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 123
Nor could it be alledged, that the principles of the British constitu
tion would not have permitted the sending of a regular army into a
British province, and in time of peace ; for, if the parliament sub
verted the fundamental statutes of the province of Massachusetts,
and destroyed the most essential bases of the constitution itself, by
the laws it was about to enact, it could also have authorized the
presence of an efficient standing army. But lord Bute, the favorite
counsellor of the king, and author of most of the secret resolutions,
was a man whose passions were more remarkable thali his sagacity ;
and lord North, the prime minister, was rather an accurate and la
borious financier, than a statesman. He had formed about hira a
council of the most celebrated lawyers of the kingdom, to have their
advice upon the present state of affairs ; and too many examples
attest, what is to be expected from these doctors, when, with their
schemes, and sophistical refinements, they undertake to interfere in
the government of states, and to direct the revolutions of nations
Good armies, large and vigorous measures, are the only means of
success in such circumstances. In critical moments, the direction
of affairs should be confided to men of firmness and decision, not to
those whose cautious timidity can venture only half raeasures, and
who are incapable of embracing a magnanimous policy.
Lord North, on the 14th of March, proposed in the house of com
mons a bill, of the following purport ; that, dating from the 1st of
June, 1774, it should be prohibited to land or discharge, lade or em
bark, any goods, wares, or merchandise, whatsoever, at the town or
within the harbor of Boston ; and that the officers of the customs
should be transferred immediately to the port of Salem. The min
ister remarked, that this law was no less necessary than just ; as
from this city had issued all the mischief which disturbed the colo
nies, and all the venom that infected Araerica.
' Thrice already have the officers of the customs been prevented
from discharging their duty. At the epoch of the disorders, the in
habitants, instead of interfering to appease them, maintained regular
guards, day and night, to prevent the landing of tea and other Brit
ish merchandise. Nay, more ; stiU fearing it might be landed, with
an excess of popular insolence, absolutely unheard of, they have
thrown into the sea the tea of the East India company. The meas
ure proposed is more severe in appearance than in reality ; for the
Bostonians may cause it to cease, by yielding due respect to the laws.
A few frigates stationed at the entrance of the harbor, wiU be suffi
cient to carry it into effect, without calUng in the aid of the military
' It is now quite time to assume a firm attitude, and to take such
vigorous steps as shaU ultimately persuade the Americans that Eng-

124 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK III
land has not only the power, but also the wiU, to maintain tiiem m
obedience ; in a word, that she is unalterably determined to pro-
tect her laws, her commerce, her magistrates and her own dig-
nity.' The project of the minister was opposed by the agent ot Massa
chusetts, named BoUan, and by several orators of the house of com
mons, among whom Burke and DowdesweU appeared the most
animated ;
' It is wished, then, to condemn the accused without a hearing,—
to punish indiscriminately the innocent with the guUty ! You will
thus irrevocably alienate the hearts of the colonists from the mother
country. Before the adoption of so violent a measure, the principal
merchants of the kingdom should at least be consulted. The biU is
unjust ; since it bears only upon the city of Boston, while it is noto
rious that all America is in flames ; that the cities of Phikdelphia,
of New York, and all the maritirae towns of the continent, have ex
hibited the same disorders. You are contending for a matter which
the Bostonians will not give up quietiy. They cannot, by such
means, be made to bow to the authority of ministers ; on the con
trary, you wiU find their obstinacy confirmed, and their fury exasper
ated. The acts of resistance in their city have not been confined to
the populace alone ; but men of the first rank and opulent fortune,
in the place, have openly countenanced them. One city in pro
scription, and the rest in rebellion, can never be a remedial measure
for general disturbances. Have you considered whether you have
troops and ships sufficient to reduce the people of the whole American
continent to your devotion ? It was the duty of your governor, and
not of men without arms, to suppress the tumults. If this officer has
not demanded the proper assistance from the railitary commanders,
why punish the innocent for the fault and the negligence of the offi
cers ofthe crown? Who is ignorant that certain foreign powers wait
only for an occasion to move against England ? And will England
now offer them this object of their desires ? The resistance is general
in all parts of America ; you must therefore let it govern itself by its
own internal policy, or make it subservient to aU your laws, by an
exertion of aU the forces of the kingdom. These partial counsels
are well suited to irritate, not to subjugate.'
Notwithstanding all these arguments, the ministers obtained an
immense majority of the suffiages ; and the bUl passed, almost with
out opposition.
A few days after, lord North proposed another law, which went
to subvert entirely the fundamental statutes of Massachusetts, by
investing the crown with the power to appoint the counseUors, judges

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 125
and magistrates of aU denominations ; vvith the clause that each
should hold his office during the pleasure of the king. Thus the
people of Massachusetts no longer had authority to interfere, either
directly or by their representatives, in the administration of the
province, which became, therefore, completely dependent on the
government ; as the latter controlled, at will, the measures of all the
civil authorities.
The ministers aUedged that in doing this, no more was attempted
than to place that province on the same footing as several others ;
that the government did not, at present, possess a sufficient share of
power, — too much being lodged in the hands of the people ;
' If such a state of things be suffered to continue, it will no longer
be possible to repress the seditious, and prevent the repetition of dis
orders. The magistrates, so long as they are chosen by the people,
wUl never attempt to resist them ; but, on the contrary, will endeavor
to flatter their caprices, than |Which nothing can be imagined more
fatal, or more contrary to the pubhc repose. In this province, all is
confusion and uproar. In desperate cases, the most active remedies
are necessary. Such is the crisis of the moment, that we must either
renounce all supremacy over America, or curb with more effectual
means these unruly spirits ; and, in such an extremity, what is the
use of cavils and subtile distinctions ?'
But the members of the opposition, and the agents of Massachu
setts, represented, on their part, that the measure proposed was
flagrantly tyrannical ; that this alone, setting aside the affair of
taxation, was more than sufficient to excite the greatest commotions
in America.
' What can the Americans believe, but that England wishes to de
spoil them of all liberty, of all franchise ; and, by the destruction of
their charters, to reduce them to a state of the most abject slavery ?
It is a thing of no little peril, however, to undertake the reformation
of charters. The princes of the house of Stuart found it so ; who
lost the crown in attempting to gratify so fatal an ambition. Great
Britain has always held similar proceedings in just abhorrence ; and
how can she now herself pretend to imitate them ? Hitherto the
Americans have only complained of the loss of one of their immu
nities ; but at present it is proposed to usurp them aU. The other
colonies wiU beUeve, that what is commenced in Massachusetts wiU
soon be introduced in each of them ; and thus, it cannot be doubted,
they wiU aU combine to oppose such attempts in the outset. As
the Americans are no less ardently attached to Uberty than the Eng
lish themselves, can it even be hoped they will submit to such ex
orbitant usurpations, — to such portentous resolutions ?'

126 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IH.
These, with other considerations, were advanced by those who
advocated the American cause ; but all was in vain. The biU was
passed, by an immense majority.
Lord North then proposed a third, by which it vvas provided, that
in case any individual should be questioned, in the province of Mas
sachusetts, for homicide, or other capital offense, and it should ap
pear to the governor, that the act vvas done in the execution of the
law, or in assisting any magistrate to suppress tumults, and that a
just and impartial trial was not to be expected in the province, the
same governor should have authority to send the accused to take
his trial in another colony, or, if expedient, even in Great Britain.
This act was to be in force, for the term of four years.
The minister insisted in his discourse, that without the measure
proposed, those whose office it vvas to enforce the execution of the
laws, would be very remiss in the discharge of this duty, having no
hope to find, in case of need, an impartial tribunal to judge them.
' It is impossible, without inconsistency, to commit the trial of such
persons to those against whora, in obedience to the laws, they may
have acted. The bill now submitted wiU crown the resolutions
taken with respect to the colonies ; your work, without this, vvould
remain unfinished and defective. We must consider, that every
thing we have, that is valuable to us, is at stake ; and the question
at issue is very shortly this, Whether the Americans shall continue
the subjects of Great Britain or not ? I feel assured of a good
result, when all these new arrangements shall be carried properly
into execution.'
But colonel Barre, and Edmund Burke, opposed the minister
with great warmth ; and spoke, in substance, as follows : ' This is
indeed the most extraordinary resolution that was ever heard in the
parliament of England. It offers new encouragement to military
insolence, already so insupportable ; which is the more odious, in
the present case, as the soldiers are expected to act against their own
feUow citizens ! By this law, the Americans are deprived of a right
which belongs to every human creature,— that of demanding justice
before a tribunal composed of impartial judges. Even captain
Preston, who, in their own city of Boston, had shed the blood of
citizens, found among them a fair trial, and equitable judges. It is
an idea so extravagant, this of taldng the trial over the Atiantic seas,
three thousand mUes, to Great Britain, where the prisoner may call
upon and subpoena as many witnesses as he pleases, that it is hard
to conceive how it Could have entered the brain of any man in his
senses. Instead of stimulating the audacity of regular troops, on
the contrary the provincial militia should be encouraged, that they

128 THE AMERICAN WAR. ¦ BOOK 111,
ment that is estabUshed ; but the alteration of a civil one, oy which
it is made conformable to existing circumstances. If peace, if obe
dience to the laws and legitimate authorities, are still to be re-estab
lished in the province of Massachusetts, this is the only measure that
can conduct us to a result so desirable.'
The question being put, it was resolved in the affirmative ; an
hundred and twenty-seven voted in favor of the bUl, and only
twenty-four against.
Notwithstanding the resolutions recently taken, which were to
produce such salutary effects in the colonies, the government re
flected that the Americans might possibly proceed to the last e.t-
tremities, and thus render it necessary to use open force to reduce
them ; the ministers therefore thought it might be well to secure a
place near the colonies, where they could make the necessary prep
arations, and disembark, upon occasion, their troops and munitions
of war, without obstacles, without discontent on the part of the in
habitants, and, especially, without these eternal complaints of the
violation of rights and of statutes. For such a purpose, no prov
ince appeared more suitable than Canada, vvhich, from its situation,
was well adapted to overawe the colonies where the late tumults had
arisen. But, to facilitate this design, it was requisite to satisfy the
Canadians, who, till very lately, having been French, were not yet
accustomed to the laws of their new masters, and vvere even much
inclined to detest thera. The Canadian nobility, heretofore possessed
of great authority in their province, complained that they had no
longer so considerable a part in public affairs, as they had enjoyed
under the French dorainion. The people, professing generally the
Catholic religion, were dissatisfied because they were not permitted
to partake of all the privileges and civil advantages enjoyed by
Protestant subjects.
These motives determined the government to extend the author
ity of the nobility, and establish a perfect equality of rights between
the Catholics and Protestants. Accordingly, upon the motion of
lord North, the parliament passed an act, establishing, in the prov
ince of Canada, a legislative council, invested vvith all powers, ex
cept that of imposing taxes. It was provided, tiiat its members
should be appointed by the crown, and continue in authority during
its pleasure ; that the Canadian subjects professing the CathoUc faith,
might be called to sit in this council ; that the Catholic clergy, with
the exception of the regular orders, should be secured in the enjoy
ment of their possessions, and of their tithes towards all those vvho
professed the same rehgion ; that the French laws, without jury,
should be re-estabhshed, preserving, however, the English laws, with

BOOK IU. THE AMERICAN WAR. 129
trial by jury, in criminal cases. It was also added, in order to fur
nish the ministers with a larger scope for their designs, that the limits
of Canada should be extended so as to embrace the territory situ
ated between the lakes, the river Ohio ahd the Mississippi. Thus, it
was hoped, that being flanked by a province reduced to a state of
absolute dependence on the government, and with this bridle, as it
were, in the mouth, the Americans would no longer dare to renew
their accustomed sallies.
In the last place, a biU was proposed and passed, which author
ized, in case of exigency, the quartering of soldiers in the houses
of citizens.
These new laws were received in England with universal applause ;
as a general and violent indignation had been excited there, by the
insolence and enormities of the Americans. The bill of Quebec,
however, as that of Canada was called, found a much less cordial re
ception. It even occasioned much murmuring among the EngUsh
people. ' The other laws,' it was said, ' are just and proper, because
they tend to establish English authority over the seditious ; but this
is an attempt against the national liberty and religion.'
Governor Hutchinson, become odious to the Americans, vvas suc
ceeded by general Gage, a man rauch known, and highly respected,
in America. He was invested with the most ample authority, to
pardon and remit, at discretion, all treason or felony, and even all
murders or crimes, of whatever denomination, as also aU forfeitures
and penalties whatsoever, which the inhabitants of Massachusetts
might have incurred.
An universal curiosity prevailed, to know the result of the new
measures taken by the English ministers, and what would be the
issue of a contest, in which all the authority of a most ancient and
powerful kingdom, formidable even from the terror of its name, and
the recent glory of its arms, combated against the obstinacy of a
people naturally headstrong, and attached to- their privileges almost
to infatuation. Nor did the course of events remain long in doubt.
For, upon the arrival in Boston of the news of the port bill, a meet
ing of the inhabitants was immediately caUed ; in which, the act was
declared to be unjust and cruel ; they made their appeal to God and
to the world. A vast number of copies of the act were printed and
dispersed throughout the colonies ; and, to make the deeper impres
sion on the multitude, the copies were printed on raourning paper,
bordered with black Unes ; and they were cried through the country,
as the ' barbarous, cruel, sanguinary and inhuman m,urder.' In
many places, it was burnt witii great solemnity by the assembled
multitude VOL. I. 9

130 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK III.
In the midst of this effervescence, general Gage arrived at Bos
ton ; where, notwithstanding the general agitation, be was received
with distinction.
The committee of correspondence perceived all the importance-
of uniting in a common sentiment the committees of the other cok)-
nies ; but they also felt the constraint of their present position, since
the particular interests of Boston were now especially concerned.
They wrote, therefore, vvith a modest reserve, and their letters mere
ly expressed a hope, that the city of Boston would be considered as
suffering for the common cause.
The flames of this combustion were soon communicated to all
parts of the continent ; there was not a place that did not convene
its assembly, that did not dispatch its letters, animated with the
same spirit ; the praises, the congratulations, the encouragements,
addressed to the Bostonians, were without end. The province of
Virginia vvas also on this occasion prompt to give the signal and the
example ; its assembly was in session when the news arrived of the
Boston port bill. It was immediately resolved, that the first of
June, the tirae prefixed for the law to take effect, should be observed
by all as a day of fasting, prayer and humiliation ; that on this
day, the divine mercy should be suppUcated, that it would deign to
avert the calamities vvhich threatened the Americans vvith the loss of
their rights, and a civil war ; that it would inspire all hearts and all
minds with the same affections and with the same thoughts, that they
might effectuaUy concur in the defense of their liberty. The other
cities followed this example. The popular orators in the pubhc
halls, and the ministers of religion in the churches, pronounced dis
courses adapted to inflame the people against the authors of the
usurpations, and all the evils of which the Bostonians were the
victims. The governor thought it prudent to dissolve the assembly
of Virginia. But prior to their separation, they contracted a league,
by which they declared, that the attempt by coercion, to induce one
of the colonies to consent to an arbitrary tax, was to be considered
as an outrage common to all ; that in such a case, it was just and
necessary that all should unite, with one consent, to oppose such
pernicious, such detestable counsels. Not content with tiiis, they
adopted a resolution, vvhich was the most important of all ; it pur
ported that all the colonies should be invited to choose deputies, to
convene every year, in a general congress, to deliberate in common
upon the general interests of America.
In Boston, the general assembly of the province having met, the
new governor informed the house, that on tiie first of June, in con
formity to the port bUl, tiieir sittings must be traniferred to Salem.

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 131
But perceiving, that, to avoid this translation, they hastened to ter
minate the affairs in dehberation, he adjourned them himself to Sa
lem, for the 7th of June. When re-assembled in this place, the
house immediately took into consideration the events of the day.
The leaders, among whom Samuel Adams was the most active, had
prepared the resolutions. The assembly decreed that a general
congress should be convoked ; they elected the deputies that vvere
to represent the province in the same, and made provision for their
expenses. Maryland held its assembly at Annapolis ; South CaroUna, at
Charleston ; Pennsylvania, at Philadelphia ; Connecticut, at New
London; Rhode Island, at Newport; and, in a word, all the provinces,
from New Hampshire to South Carolina, pursued one course ; all
adhered to the meas-ure of holding a general congress ; and elected
their deputies accordingly. No province sent less than two, or more
than seven representatives. The city of Philadelphia, being rich,
flourishing and populous, and forming a central point between the
provinces of the north and those of the south, was chosen for the
seat of the general congress.
The associations against British commerce were also resumed vvith
great spirit ; the provincial assemblies, the town meetings, and the
coramittees of correspondence, all co-operated with admirable effect,
in promoting the same object. Had it been possible to increase the
animosity and indignation already kindled by the Boston port bill,
they must have redoubled at the news of the two other acts, con
cerning the civil administration of Massachusetts, and that of Que.
bee. The Boston committee of correspondence originated a mo
tion, upon this occasion, of great moment ; it was to form a general
combination, which should be called, ' The League and Covenant'
in imitation of the leagues and covenants made in the times of civil
wars in England. The covenanters vvere required to obligate them
selves, in the presence of God, and promise in the most solemn and
religious manner, to cease all commerce with England, dating from
the last ofthe ensuing month of August, untU the late detestable acts
should be repealed, and the colony reinstated in all its rights, fran
chises, Uberty and privileges ; not to purchase or use, after this term,
any British goods, wares or merchandise whatsoever ; and to abstain
from all commerce or traffic whatever with those who should
use or introduce them, or refuse to enter into the solemn league.
Finally, a menace vvas added, which, in a period of such universal
excitement, was sufficient to intimidate, that the names of those
should be published who should refuse to give this authentic proof
of their attachment to the rights and liberty of their country. If

132 THE AMERICAN JVAR. BOOK Ul.
the resolution was bold, its execution was not tardy. The articles
of the league were transmitted, by circulars, to the other provinces,
with invitation to the inhabitants to annex their names. Either Vol
untarily or out of fear, an infinite number subscribed in all the prov
inces, and particularly in those of New England. The citizens of
Philadelphia alone discovered a repugnance to the measure ; not that
they felt less abhorrence for the proceedings of England, or were
less attached to their privileges ; but a total suspension of commerce
with Great Britain, appeared to them a thing of so great importance,
and so prejudicial to many industrious inhabitants of their city, that
they could not but hesitate as to its adoption. They desired, there
fore, to leave it for the determination of the general congress ; prom
ising to execute, scrupulously, whatever raight be the resolutions of
that assembly.
General Gage, astonished and inflamed at the very name of league,
a name so full of dread for the ears of an officer of the crown of
England, issued a proclamation, declaring it to be an illegal and
criminal combination, and contrary to the allegiance due to the king.
But these were mere words. The people of Massachusetts pubhsh
ed, on their part, that the declaration of the governor was of itself
tyrannical ; they contended, that no authority could prevent the
subjects from consulting together, and forming conventions for the
maintenance of their rights, in cases of oppression.
Thus the laws upon which the British ministers had rested their
hopes of dividing the counsels, appeasing the tumults, securing
obedience, and re-establishing tranquiUity in America, were those
which originated more union, greater commotions, more open revolt,
and a more determined spirit of resistance. Nor should it be im
agined, that so much agitation was excited only by men of obscure
condition, or a few party leaders ; on the contrary, men of all ranks
engaged in the work ; and among the foremost, numbers remarkable
for their opulence, their authority or their talents. The landholders,
especially, were exasperated more than all others, and manifested a
more vehement desire to triumph over the ministers ; whom they
called wicked, and whom they detested so mortally.
Meanwhile, on the first of June, at mid-day, all business ceased
in the custom house of Boston, and the port was shut against every
vessel that offered to enter ; and, on die 14th, permission to depart
was refused to all that had entered before. This day was observed
as a day of calamity at WiUiamsburg, the capital of Virginia ; and
as a day of general mourning in all the other cities of the°continent.
At Philadelphia, aU business ceased, and all tradesmen, excepting
the Quakers, closed their shops; the bells sounded the funeral knell.

BOOK III. THE AMERICAN WAR. 133
But the Bostonians excited pity ; their city, lately so rich, so pros
perous, so distinguished for the number and courteous character of
its inhabitants, now presented, in every part, only the iraages of deso
lation and despair. The rich, in having lost the rents of their build
ings, were becoming poor ; the poor, deprived of employment, had
fallen into indigence. Each sustained his share of the general ca
lamity. A malignant soldiery, parading through the city, seemed
also inclined to insult their miseries.
The inhabitants of the province of Massachusetts, and of all the
others, came, indeed, to their succor; subscriptions went i-ound.
in Philadelphia, to procure some relief for those Bostonians, who,
by the effect of the new law, were deprived of subsistence. But
how inadequate were these succors, to satisfy the exigencies of such
distress ! Many of these unfortunate sufferers were reduced to the
last extreme of penury. If the miseries, however, they experienced,
were extreme, so also were the resignation and the fortitude with
which they supported them. It may well be supposed, they perus
ed with singular attention the pages of ancient and raodern story,
which have recorded the sufferings of the apostles of liberty, either
to pubUsh thera, as they did, in a style often of virulence, and more
often of emphasis, in the public journals, or to repeat them in
popular assemblies, and paragon with such illustrious examples,
the tribulations of the Bostonians, whose constancy they magnified
with boundless encomium. They were styled the living martyrs
of liberty, — the generous defenders of the rights of man ; they
were pronounced the worthy descendants of their virtuous and
heroic ancestors. '
The government had persuaded itself, that, the port of Boston
being shut up, the inhabitants of the neighboring towns would en
deavor to avail themselves of it by drawing to their own ports the
commerce hitherto transacted in that city. But things took a direc
tion very wide of its expectations. The inhabitants of Marblehead,
a small seaport, at a few miles distance from Boston, and even those
of Salem, offered the Bostonians their ports, wharves, and ware
houses, free of all expense or remuneration.
During these occurrences, most of the civil magistrates had sus
pended the exercise of their functions ; for those who had been ap
pointed under the new laws, had either decUned acceptance, or were
prevented by the people from acting in their several offices. The
council only which assisted the governor, was permitted to dispatch
some affairs, as, out of thirty-six new counseUors, who had been ap
pointed, only two had decUned ; but the others, having been de
nounced tc the public as enemies to the country, and the multitude

134 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK UI.
collecting in fury about their houses, the greater part resigned. The
courts of justice were suspended, because their members refused to
take the oath prescribed bv the laws, or to conform, in any shape, to
its provisions. The attomeys who had issued writs of citation, were
compelled to ask pardon in the public journals, and promise not to
expedite other, untU the laws should be revoked, and the charters
re-established. The people rushed in a throng to occupy the seat of
justice, that no roora might be left for the judges ; when invited to
withdraw, they answered, that they recognized no other tribunals,
and no other raagistrates, but such as were estabUshed according to
ancient laws and usages.
The greater part of the inhabitants, persuaded that things must,
finally, terminate in open war, diligentiy provided themselves with
arms, and exercised dafly, in handling them. They succeeded in
this with extreme facility, being naturally active, accustomed to fa
tigue, and experienced huntsmen. They excelled particularly in
the use of the rifle, which they leveled with unerring aim. In all
places, nothing was heard but the din of arms, or the sound of fifes
and of drums ; nothing was seen but multitudes intent upon learning
the military exercise and evolutions ; young and old, fathers and
sons, and even the gentie sex, all bent their steps towards these mar
tial scenes ; some to acquire instruction, others to animate and en
courage. The casting of baUs, and making of cartridges, were be
come ordinary occupations. AU things offered the image of an
approaching war.
The arrival of general Gage, at Boston, had been foUowed by that
of two regiments of infantry, with several pieces of cannon. These
troops had been 'quartered in the city ; they were re-inforced by
several regiments, coraing from Ireland, from New York, from Hali
fax, and from Quebec ; all directed upon this point, to smother the
kindling conflagration. The inhabitants beheld this with incredible
jealousy, vvhich was still increased by an order of the general, to
place a guard upon the isthmus, vvhich connects the peninsula, where
Boston is situated, with the main land. The pretext assigned was,
to prevent the desertion of the soldiers, but the real motive of this
step was to intimidate the inhabitants, that they might not so freely
as they had done heretofore, transport arms from the city into the
country. Every day gave birth to new causes of contention between
the soldiers and the citizens. Popular rumors were circulated rap
idly, and heard with avidity ; at every moment the people collected
as if ripe for revolt.
The governor, attentive to this agitation, and fearing some unhap
py accident, resolved to fortify the isthmus, and proceeded in tl»e

BOOK HI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 135
works with great activity. The inhabitants of Boston, as well as
those of the country, were extremely exasperated by it ; they ex
claimed, that this was an act of hostility on the part of the general,
and a manifest proof that it was resolved to make every thing bend
to military authority. Many conjectures were in circulation among
trie people, and violent menaces were thrown out. General Gage,
apprehensive of an explosion, detached two companies of soldiers
to seize the powder that was deposited in the magazine at Charles
town, near Boston. He considered this the more prudent, as the
time vvas now approaching for the annual review of the militia ;
when, if any hostile designs were in agitation, they might probably
be put in execution.
The rage of the people had now reached its acme. They assem
bled from all quarters, and hastened with arms, to Cambridge. The
-nore prudent had great difficulty to prevent them from marching
.ariously to Boston, to demand the restitution of the powder, or in
case of refusal, to fall immediately upon the garrison.
But soon after, and probably by a secret device of the patriot
chiefs, to let the British soldiers perceive, that, if they should ven
ture to offer the shadow of violence, a signal to the inhabitants of
the province would suffice to make them repent of it, a report was
circulated among this exasperated multitude, that the fleet and gar
rison had commenced hostilities, that their artillery was firing upon
the town, and that the Bostonians were hard pressed to defend
themselves. The rumor was spread with incredible rapidity through
the whole province ; in a few hours, above thirty thousand men
were under arms ; they proceeded towards Boston with the utmost
speed, and made no halt tiU they had fuU certainty that the alarm
was premature.
This movement gave origin to many others ; and it became an
almost daily custom to attack the houses of such as either had ac
cepted the new offices, or in any way had shown themselves favor
able to English pretensions, or opposed to American privileges. No
longer, therefore, able to find safety except within the city itself, the
commissioners of the customs, and those under their authority, as
well as all other public officers, who had removed to Salem for the
exercise of their functions, went back to Boston. Thus, in the
space of a few months, the regulations were annihilated, which the
ministers had designed to introduce by means of the port bill.
The province of Massachusetts was not the only theater of popu
lar commotions ; all had a part in this general convulsion. The in
habitants, at many points, fearing the governor might get the start
of thera in respect to seizing the powder, as he had done at Charles-

136 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK 111.
town, flew to possess themselves of what lay in the forts and pow
der magazines of the king. Thus it happened at Portsmouth, in
New Hampshire, where the provincials stormed the fort, and earned
off the powder and artillery. The inhabitants of Rhode Island did
the same ; the people of Newport rose, and took possession of forty
pieces of cannon, which defended the harbor.
The removal of the powder at Charlestown, and the fortifications
carrying on at Boston, together with the popular agitations, occa
sioned a meeting of delegates from the different towns and boroughs
of the county of Suffolk, of which Boston is the capital. They
took very spirited resolutions ; purporting, that no obedience was
due to the late acts of parliament, but, on the contrary, hatred and
execration, since they were attempts to enslave America ; that the
appointment of public officers by virtue of these acts, was contrary
to constitutional statutes and principles ; that the country would in
demnify the subordinate officers, who should refuse to execute the
orders of their superiors, appointed under the new laws ; that the
collectors of the public money should retain it in their hands, and
make no payment, untU the ancient laws of the colony should be
re-established, or until it should be ordered otherwise by the pro
vincial congress ; that those who had accepted the new offices must
resign them before the 20th of September ; and if not, they should
be declared enemies to the country ; that officers of the militia should
be chosen in every town, selecting, for this purpose, individuals skill
ful in arms, and inflexibly attached to the rights of the people ; that,
as it had been reported it was in contemplation to apprehend cer
tain persons of the county, if this menace should be executed, the
royal officers should be immediately seized, and detained as hos
tages ; that the people should be exhorted to maintain tranquUlity,
and merit, by their moderation, by their steady, uniform and perse
vering resistance, in a contest so important, in a cause so solemn,
the approbation of the wise, and the admiration of the brave, of
every country, and of every age.
Another assembly, but of the entire province of Massachusetts,
was held at Salem. The governor not choosing to sanction it by his
presence, they formed themselves into a provincial congress, and
elected Hancock president. After having addressed their complaints
to the governor of the fortifications ofthe isthmus, they took extraor
dinary measures for the defense of the province. They prepared
munitions of war, they filled magazines with provisions, they enrolled
twelve thousand of the mihtia, whom they called minute men ; that
is, soldiers that must hold themselves in readiness to march at a
minute's notice. The decrees and recommendations of the provm-

BOOK IU. THE AMERICAN WAR. 137
cial congress were executed with the same exactness as if they had
emanated from a legitimate authority.
Thus, the plans of the British ministers produced, in America,
effects contrary to their intentions. Already, every appearance
announced the approach of civil war.
In the midst of this agitation, and of apprehensions inspired by
the future, the general congress assembled at Philadelphia ; it was
composed of delegates frora all the American colonies.

EHD OF BOOK THIBD.

138 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.

BOOK FO URTH.
1774. The deputies of the different colonies arrived in Philadel
phia on the 4th of September, except those of North Carolina, who
delayed their appearance untU the 1 4th of the same month. All
were men of note, and distinguished by the public favor. Far from
being persons destitute of the goods of fortune, they vvere all landed
proprietors, and some possessed even great opulence. Several had
been instructed by their constituents, to exert their utmost endeavors
to secure the liberty of America, by the most suitable means, and to
restore the ancient course of things vvith England ; others, to vote
for resolutions relative to the exercise of commerce, calculated to
induce the English government to embrace milder counsels towards
the colonies ; others, finally, were invested with unlimited authonty
to do whatsoever, in the present circumstances, they should judge
most conducive to the public good.
Having met on the Sth, they resolved that their deliberations
should be kept secret, until the majority should direct them to be
published ; and that, in determining questions, each colony should
nave but one vote, whatever might be the number of its deputies
They elected for president, Peyton Randolph, of Virginia ; and for
secretary, Charles Thomson. They were in number fifty-five.*
For a long time, no spectacle had been offered to the attention of
mankind, of so powerful an interest as this of the present American
congress. It vvas indeed a novel thing, and as it were miraculous,
that a nation, hitherto almost unknown to the people of Europe, or
only known by the commerce it occasionally exercised in their ports,
should, alt at once, step forth from this state of obUvion, and, rous
ing as from a long slumber, should seize the reins to govern itself;
that the various parts of this nation, hitherto disjoined, and almost
in opposition to each other, should now be united in one body, and
moved by a single wiU ; that their long and habitual obedience
should be suddenly changed for the intrepid counsels of resistance,
and of open defiance, to the formidable nation whence they derived
their origin and laws.
There had been observed, at intervals, it is true, in the vast domin
ions of Spain in America, some popular agitations ; but they were
easily repressed by th 3 government. In the colonies of Portu oral, the
pubhc repose had never been interrupted. France, in Uke manner
• See Note 1,

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 139
had always found her American subjects inclined to a wiUing sub
mission. It was reserved for the English colonies to afford the first
example of resistance, and of a struggle to separate themselves from
the parent state. Such, however, was the necessary consequence
of the constitution of England, and of her colonies ; of the opinions
which prevailed in the latter ; of the memory of ancient revolutions ;
and of the discontents which, from time to time, had manifested
themselves in America, but which now, for the first time, menaced
an inevitable, and not distant explosion ; for the congress of Albany
had presented nothing illegal in its character, since it had been con
voked by the legitimate authorities. It had manifested no tendency
towards a new order of things ; though perhaps the secret counsels
of those who composed it, eventually aspired at independence ; but,
in effect, nothing was regulated by that assembly, except the interests
of the English colonies with regard to the Indian nations of the vi
cinity. When the congress of New York was convened, the excite
ment of men's minds was not yet so extreme, the popular disorders
had not taken so alarming a character, nor had the government then
displayed so much rigor, nor prostrated so many colonial statutes.
On the other hand, the members of this congress, though possessed
of much, had not so entire an influence with the American people
as those of the congress of Philadelphia ; nor did they excite such
pubhc expectation of future events as the latter assembly. The col
onists looked upon it as a convention of men who, in some mode
or other, were to deliver their country from the perils that menaced
it. The greater part believed that their abihty, their prudence and
their immense influence with the people, would enable them to ob
tain from the government the removal of the evils that oppressed
them, and the re-establishment of the ancient order of things. Some
others cherished the belief, that they would find means to conduct
the American nation to that independence which was the first and
most ardsnt of their aspirations, or rather the sole object of that in
tense passion which stung and tormented them, night and day. The
confidence they had placed in the congress, was equal to the aver
sion they had conceived to the new laws. The generality of peo
ple, usuaUy ignorant what obstacles must be encountered in great en
terprises, deem their grievances already removed, when they have
confided to a few the interests of aU ; the colonists, accordingly, at
tributing to their new delegates greater power than they in reaUty
possessed, were generally elated with the most flattering hopes.
They knew that a union of minds is the most efficacious instrument
of success; and their concord was prodigious; all were ready to sac
rifice their lives and their fortunes to the triumph of their cause.

140 the AMERICAN WAR. BOOK It.
Not that there existed none of another mind, who would gladly
have held a quite different course ; but they were few, in this first
impulse, and they were reduced to sUence by the consent and en
thusiasm of aU the others. No other government, however consoli
dated by the lapse of ages or the force of arms, ever experienced so
much promptness and punctuality of obedience as the American
congress. The colonists were disposed to receive its deliberations,
not only as the useful and salutary laws of a good government, but
as the revered precepts and oracles of raen consecrated and gener
ously devoted to the salvation of their country.
Such was the posture of affairs in America at the epoch of the
convocation of congress. But in Europe, the novelty of circum
stances had excited strong emotions in the minds of all ; in some,
creating fear, — in others, hope, — in all, astonishment. In England,
the ministerial party declaimed with vehemence against the audacity
of the Americans, who were called rebels ; and the most rigorous
counsels were already proposed. They could not comprehend how
a people like that of America, divided, as they had always been, by
a sectarian spirit, into various schisms and parties, should now be
capable of a concord so entire, as to present but one only sentiment,
and but one same will ; — how, laying aside the mutual rancor result
ing from the diversity of their opinions and interests, they should
all, at the present moment, have concurred in a resolution to de
fend and maintain what they considered their rights, against England.
' Is it conceivable, that a nation which subsists by its commerce,
that has no naval armament, and whose principal cities are exposed
to the vengeance of a maritime enemy, that is unprovided with reg
ular and veteran troops, should have the hardihood to dispute the
will of the British nation, powerful in arms, radiant with the glory of
its recent achievements, inexhaustible in puLUc and private resources,
strong in a government cemented by the hand of time, formidable
for the prodigious number of its ships, and abounding in experi
enced commanders, both of land and sea ? '
But it was answered on the other side :
' Wherefore this astonishment at the resolution of the Americans ?
Even though it were true, that, as to the means of sustaining war,
they were thus inferior to Great Britain, who is ignorant that men
inflamed by the zeal of political opinions do not descend to nice
calculations, or spend time in weighing the probabUities of the future ?
And has not England herself many difficulties to surmount ? Is she
not divided, even upon this question of America, by the spirit of par
ty ? Opinions are so much at variance on this subject, thai a great
number, it is clear, would march against the colonists with extreme

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 141
repugnance. A vast ocean separates from us the countries in whicb
the war must be carried on ; this circumstance alone will, of neces
sity, cause an incalculable expense, an enormous waste of miUtary
stores, a frightful sacrifice of men, the most fatal delays, and a
frequent defect of correspondence between measures and exigencies
The finances of England are exhausted by the exorbitant debt con
tracted in times past, and especially during the late war ; the reve
nue falls far short of meeting the ordinary expenditure ; and so pon
derous an increase of burthen as the disbursements of this new war
must involve, would absolutely crush the resources of the state.
Besides, what country is better adapted than America for a long
defense? It is covered with trackless forests, fortified by lakes,
rivers, and mountains ; it has few passable roads ; and abounds in
strong defiles, and fords, which are only known to the in
habitants.' Nor should it be omitted, that the recollection of past events must
have acted with great force upon the minds of those who directed
the counsels of England. They were abandoned to doubt and un
certainty ; for this was the same cause which in the preceding cen
tury had been contested in England, and which, after so many ef
forts, and so much blood, had produced a total revolution, and placed
the British scepter in the hands of a nev^ line of princes. But
even this reflection was calculated to excite, in the members of the
government, a certain indignation, but too proper to pervert their
reason, and alienate them from the counsels of moderation and pru
dence. Assuredly, since the epoch of this revolution, the British
cabinet never had a more difficult enterprise to conduct ; it had
never witnessed a crisis of such fatal augury, or that menaced, with
a wound so deadly, the very heart of the state. Nor was it possible
to dissemble, that the Americans would not be destitute of foreign
succors ; for, although the European powers, who possessed colo
nies in America, could not, but with certain solicitude, contemplate
these commotions in the British provinces, viewing them as a danger
ous example for their own subjects, vvho, if success should attend
the designs of the Americans, might, they apprehended, indulge
pernicious thoughts, and contrary to their allegiance, yet they were
greatly re-assured, by reflecting tbat their colonists were far from
cherishing the same political opinions that prevailed among the in
habitants of the EngUsh colonies. And, on the other hand, their
vehement desires to see the power of England reduced, prevented
them from perceiving the danger, or caused them to despise it ; for
this danger was remote and uncertain ; whereas the advantage of
the humiliation of England, which was expected to result from the

142 the AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.
American war, was near at hand, and, if not certain, at least ex-
tiemely probable.
But, among the various nations of Europe, all more or less favor
able to the cause of the Americans, and equally detesting the tyr
anny of England, none signalized themselves more than the French.
The desire of vengeance, the hope of retrieving its losses, the re
membrance of ancient splendor, the anguish of recent wounds, all
stimulated the French government to side with the Araericans. It
waited only for the raaturity of events, and a propitious occasion, to
declare itself. These dispositions of the rainistry were not unknown
to the nation ; and, as no people are more susceptible of impres
sions from those in povver than the French, the cause of the Ameri
cans found among them the most ardent and the most inge
nious advocates. Many other causes, no less evident, concurred to
the same effect. The people of France, though accustomed to live
under a very absolute system of government, have unifoiTnly testified
a particular esteem for such men, and for such nations, as have
valiantly defended their liberty against the usurpations of tyranny;
for, when they are not led astray, and as it vvere transported out of
themselves, by their exorbitant imagination, their character is natu
raHy benevolent and genti ". ; they are always disposed to succor the
oppressed, especially when they support their ill fortune with con
stancy, and contend, with courage to surmount it ; in a word, when
their enterprise presents an aspect of glory and of greatness. Such
was, or appeared to be, the cause of the Americans ; and such were
the general sentiments of the French towards them.
It should also be added, that, at this epoch, the writers who had
treated political subjects, in aU countries, and especiaUy in France,
had manifested themselves the advocates of a more liberal mode of
government; and thus the opinions vvhich prevailed, at that time,
were extreraely propitious to civU liberty. These writings vvere in
more eager request, and these opinions were still more rapidly dis
seminated, at the news of the commotions which agitated America;
than vvhich nothing could more evldentiy prove what was the spirit
of that epoch. In aU social circles, as well as in numerous publica
tions which daily appeared in France, the Americans were the objects
of boundless praise ; their cause was defended by the most spe
cious arguments, and justified by a multitude of illustrious exara
ples. And if, at the epoch when France, after the cession made by
the republic of Genoa, likd undertaken the conquest of Corsica, ma
ny were found, among the French, who professed themselves flie
apologists of those islanders, and ventured openly to condemn the
determination of their own government to subdue them, it may well

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 143
be thought, the partisans of the Americans were far more numer
ous, and demonstrated an enthusiasm stiU more ardent. It would
be difiicult to express what joy and what hopes were excited by the
intelUgence of the convocation of the American congress. The
names of the deputies were extolled to the skies ; ' Let them has
ten,' it was said, every where, ' to shake off the yoke of English
despotism, to sever these bonds of servitude ; let them establish
civil liberty in their country ; and let them serve as a perpetual ex
ample that pruices cannot, without peril, violate the fundamental
laws of their states, nor attack vvith impunity the privileges and im
munities of their subjects.' Thus the French excited continually by
new motives and plausible arguments, the already exasperated minds
of the Americans ; and irritated those wounds which had already
the appearance of canceration, in order to render them absolutely
incurable. Thus the congress saw united in its favor, not only the opinions
of the American people, but also those of all the European nations,
and even of their governments ; as likewise of no small part of the
inhabitants of Great Britain itself. So great was, at this epoch,
either the spirit of innovation, or the love of liberty, or the desire to
shake off the restraints of all authority whatsoever ! Meanwhile all
minds were suspended with expectation, for the issue of so important
a contest ; and all eyes were attentive to see what measures the
American convention would first adopt to sustain it.
It was natural, that the first thoughts of congress should have
turned towards the province of Massachusetts, and the city of Bos
ton. The resolutions of the assembly of Suffolk having been the
most vigorous, and the most important, it was determined to confirm
them. They accordingly resolved, that they deeply felt the suffer
ings of their countrymen, of the province of Massachusetts, under
the operation of the late unjust and cruel acts of the British parlia
ment ; that they much approved the wisdom and fortitude which the
people of Massachusetts had displayed, in opposing such wicked
measures ; they exhorted them to perseverance, and recomraended
the complete execution of the resolutions taken by the assembly of
Suflblk ; they expressed their confident hopes that the united efforts
of North America; would so persuade the British nation of the im
prudence, injustice, and danger of the policy of the present minis
ters, as quickly to introduce better men, and wiser measures ; and
finally, they recomraended, that the contributions vvhich had been
commenced, in all the colonies, should continue to be coUected, for
*he relief and support of the Bostonians. And as those who are
inclined to war, generally affect the most earnest desire of peace,

144 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.
congress addressed a letter to general Gage, praying him to put a
stop to the hostile preparations, which might provoke a pacific peo
ple to have recourse to arms, and thus prevent the endeavors of the
congress, to restore a good understanding with the parent state, and
involve the nation in all the horrors of a civil war. He was espe
ciaUy requested to discontinue the fortifications of Boston, to repress
mUitary license, and to restore a free communication between the
city and country.
Although the congress was not, constitutionally, a legitimate as
sembly, general Gage, desirous of testifying his disposition to pre
serve peace, answered, that no troops had ever given less cause for
complaint, than those that were then stationed in Boston, notwith
standing the insults and provocations daily given to both officers and
soldiers ; that the communication between the city and country had
been always free, and should remain so, unless the inhabitants should
constrain him to take other measures. The congress also decreed
that if it should be attempted to carry into execution, by force, the
late acts of parliament, in such case, all America ought to support
the inhabitants of Massachusetts in their opposition ; that in case it
should be judged necessary to remove the citizens of Boston into the
country, the injury they might thereby sustain, should be repaired at
the public expense ; and that every person whomsoever, vvho should
. accept of any commission, or authority, emanating from the new
laws, should be held in universal detestation and abhorrence.
The congress also deemed it useful and necessary to resort to the
accustomed confederacies against English commerce ; the merchants
of the colonies vvere therefore requested to suspend all importation
of merchandise from Great Britain, until the congress should have
published its intentions, touching the course to be pursued for the
preservation of the liberties of America. The agreement vvas prompt
ly and universaUy contracted, according to its desires ; and it was
further stipulated, that all exportation of raerchandise to Great Brit
ain, Ireland and the West Indies, should cease after ihe 10th of
September, 1775, unless the wrongs of which the Amei leans com
plained, were redressed prior to that period. The league vvas ob
served, this time, with an astonishing consent.
There still remained an affair of the last importance ; '.hat of de
termining what were the pretensions of America, and the 1 3rms upon
ivhich she would consent to resurae her ancient relations of amity
vvith Great Britain. To this effect the congress published an elabo
rate declaration, entitled, a Declaration of Rights. This paper com
menced with very bitter coraplaints, that the parliament had, of late
years, undertaken to tax the colonies ; to establish an extraordinary

GOOKIV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 145
board of customs ; to extend the jurisdiction of the courts of admi
ralty ; to grant salaries to the judges, without the concurrence of the
colonial assemblies ; to maintain a standing army in times of peace ;
to ordain that persons charged with offenses, affecting the state,
should be transported to England for trial ; to annul the regulations
of the government of Massachusetts, respecting the prosecution of
those who should be questioned for acts committed in the execution
of the laws, and in opposition to tumults ; and, finally, to abolish
the English laws in Canada, and to grant in that province extraordi
nary favor to the CathoUc religion. Which acts of the parliament
were pronounced impolitic, unjust, cruel, contrary to the constitu
tion, most dangerous and destructive of American rights. They
continued with saying, that whereas the legal assembhes of Ameri
ca, which had peaceably convened to deliberate on grievances, and
remonstrate against unjust and oppressive laws, had been frequently
dissolved, and their petitions and supplications treated with contempt
by the ministers of the king; the Americans had, therefore, deter
mined to convoke this congress, in order to vindicate and secure
their rights and liberties.
Then followed the enumeration of these rights, such as life, lib
erty and property ; which, they affirmed, no povver could dispose of
without their consent. To these were added the rights peculiar to
English subjects, as, for example, to participate in the legislative
council ; and as the inhabitants of the colonies were not, and, from
local and other circumstances, could not be represented in the Brit
ish parliament, they were entitled, it was asserted, to enjoy this right
of legislation in their respective assemblies, consenting cheerfully,
however, to the operation of such acts of parliament as were, bona
fide, restrained to the regulation of commerce, excluding every idea
of taxation, internal or external. They claimed, in like manner, ihn
right of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, and that of peace
ably assembUng and addressing their petitions to the king. It was
also declared, that the keeping a standing army in the colonies, in
times of peace, without the consent of the respective colonial assem
blies, was altogether contrary to law. The congress here recapitu
lated' the acts of parliament which had violated the foregoing rights,
affirming that the Americans could not submit to such grievous acts
and measures, nor in any mode return to the former state of things,
without their revocation.
It was hoped, that their fellow citizens of Great Britain, would,
on the revision of these laws, see the necessity of repealing them, and
thus restore the Americans to that state of happiness and prosper
ity, which they had enjoyed in times past ; that, in the meantime,
VOL. I. 10

146 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV,
and for the present, they were resolved to enter into a non-importa
tion, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement, in respect to
all articles of commerce with Great Britain. They determined, also,
to prepare an address to the people of Great Britain, and a memo
rial to the inhabitants of British America, as also another to the king,
in conformity to resolutions already taken.
By the first, their design was to conciliate the English people, and
to appease the resentment which they apprehended vvould be ex
cited by the effect of the American combinations against their com
merce. This they executed with singular address ; on the one hand,
flattering the self-love of the British, and on the other, averring that
it was with repugnance, and compeUed, as it were, by invincible ne
cessity, they were induced to embrace these prejudicial associations.
They were ready, they added, to dissolve them the moment the
government should have restored them to their original condition.
We transcribe a part of this address of the American congress to
the English people, as it is peculiarly proper to demonstrate what
were the prevailing opinions at this epoch ; with what ardor and in
flexible resolution the Americans supported their cause ; and the
great progress they had raade in the art of writing with that elo
quence which acts so irresistibly upon the minds of men. The three
members of congress who composed it, were, Lee, Livingston, and
Jay ; the last, it is generally believed, was the author. It was con
ceived in the following terms :
' When a nation, led to greatness by the hand of liberty, and pos
sessed of all the glory that heroism, munificence and humanity can
bestow, descends to the ungrateful task of forging chains for her
fri|nds and children, and instead of giving support to freedom, turns
advocate for slavery and oppression, there is reason to suspect she
has either ceased to be virtuous, or been extremely neghgent in the
appointment of her rulers.
' In almost every age, in repeated conflicts, in long and bloody
wars, as well civU as foreign, against many and powerful nations,
against the open assaults of enemies, and the more dangerous treach
ery of friends, have the inhabitants of your island, your great and
glorious ancestors, maintained their independence, and transmitted
the rights of men, and the blessings of liberty, to you their posteri
ty. Be not surprised, therefore, that we, who are descended from
the same common ancestors ; that we, whose forefathers participated
in aU the rights, the liberties, and the constitution, you so justiy
boast of, and who have carefuUy conveyed the same fair inheritance
lo us, guarantied by the plighted faith of government, and the most
solemn compacts with British sovereigns, should refuse to surrender

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 147
them to men, who found their claims on no principles of reason, and
who prosecute them with a design, that by having our Uves and prop
erty in their power, they may, with the greater facility, enslave you.
The cause of America is now the object of universal attention ; it
has, at length, become very serious. This unhappy country has not
only been oppressed, but abused and misrepresented ; and the duty
we owe to ourselves and posterity, to your interest, and the general
welfare of the British empire, leads us to address you on this very
uriportant subject.
' Know, then, that we consider ourselves, and do insist that we
are, and ought to be, as free as our fellow subjects in Britain, and
that no power on earth has a right to take our property from us
without our consent. That we shall claim all the benefits secured
to the subject by the English constitution, and, particularly, that in
estimable one of trial by jury. That we hold it essential to EngUsh
hberty, that no man be condemned unheard, or punished for sup
posed offenses, without having an opportunity of making his defense.
That vve think the legislature of Great Britain is not authorized by
the constitution, to establish a reUgion, fraught with sanguinary and
impious tenets, or to erect an arbitrary form of government, in any
quarter of the globe.
' These rights, we, as well as you, deem sacred. And yet, sacred
as they are, they have, with many others, been repeatedly and fia-
grantly violated. Are not the proprietors of the soil of Great Brit
ain lords of their own property ? can it be taken frora them without
their copsent? will they yield it to the arbitrary disposal of any man
or number of men whatever ? You know they will not. Why then
are the proprietors of the soil of America less lords of their prop^-
ty than you are of yours ? or why should they submit it to the dis
posal of your parliament, or any other parliament, or council in the
world, not of their election ? Can the intervention of the sea that
divides us, cause disparity in rights ? or can any reason be given why
English subjects, vvho live three thousand miles from the royal pal
ace, should enjoy less liberty than those who are three hundred
miles distant from it ? Reason looks with indignation on such dis
tinctions, and freemen can never perceive their propriety. And yet,
however chimerical and unjust such discriminations are, the parlia
ment assert, that they have a right to bind us in all cases without ex
ception, whether we consent or not ; that they may take and use our
property, when and in what manner they please ; that we are pen
sioners on their bounty for aU that we possess, and can hold it no
longer than they vouchsafe to permit. Such declarations we con
sider as heresies in English pohtics, and which can no more operate

148 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV
to deprive us of our property, than the interdicts of the pope can
divest kings of scepters, wliich the laws of the land and the voice of
the people have placed in their hands.
' At the conclusion of the late war — a war rendered glorious by
the ability and integrity of a minister, to whose efforts the British
empire owes its safety and its fame ; at the conclusion of this war,
which was succeeded by an inglorious peace, formed under the aus
pices of a minister, of principles, and of a family unfriendly to the
protestant cause, and inimical to liberty. We say, at this period,
and under the influence of that man, a plan for enslaving your fel
low subjects in America was concerted, and has ever since been per
tinaciously carrying into execution. i
' Prior to this era, you were content with drawing from us the
wealth produced by our commerce. You restrained our trade in
every way that could conduce to your emolument. You exercised
unbounded sovereignty over the sea. You naraed the ports and
nations to which, alone, our merchandise should be carried, and with
whom, alone, we should trade ; and though some of these restric
tions were grievous, we, nevertheless, did not complain ; we looked
up to you as to our parent state, to vvhich we were bound by the
strongest ties ; and were happy in being instrumental to your pros
perity and your grandeur. We call upbn you yourselves to witness
our loyalty and attachment to the common interest of the vvhole
empire ; did we not, in the last war, add all the strength of this vast
continent to the force which repelled our common enemy ? Did we
not leave our native shores, and meet disease and death, to promote
the success of British arms in foreign climates ? Did you not thank
us for our zeal, and even reimburse us large sums of money, which,
you confessed, we had advanced beyiuid our proportion, and far
beyond our abilities ? You did. To what causes, then, are we to
attribute the sudden change of treatment, and that system of slavery
which vvas prepared for us at the restoration of peace ? '
After having gone through a recital of the present disturbances,
and specified aU the laws of which they complained, they continued
thus :
' This being a true state of facts, let us beseech you to consider to
what end they lead. Admit that the ministry, by the powers of
Britain, and the aid of our Roman Catholic neighbors, should be
able to carry the point of taxation, and reduce us to a state of per
fect humiUation and slavery ; such an enterprise would doubtiess
make some addition to your national debt, which already presses
down your liberties, and fiUs you with pensioners and placemen.
We presume, also, that your commerce wUl somewhat be diminished.

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 149
However, suppose you should proVe victorious, in what condition
win you then be ? What advantages, or what laurels, wiU you reap
frora such a conquest ? May not a ministry, with the same armies,
enslave you ? It may be said, you will cease to pay them ; but, re
member, the taxes from America, the wealth, and we may add the
men, and particularly the Roman CathoUcs, of this vast continent,
will then be in the power of your enemies ; nor will you have any
reason to expect, after making slaves of us, many among us should
refuse to assist in reducing you to the same abject state.
' We believe there is yet much virtue, rauch justice, and much
pubUc spirit, in the English nation. To that justice we now appeal.
Yon have been told, that we are seditious, impatient of government,
and desirous of independency ; but these are mere calumnies. Per
mit us to be as free as yourselves, and we shall ever esteem a union
with you to be our greatest glory, and our greatest happiness. But
if you are determined that your ministers shall wantonly sport with
the liberties of mankind ; if neither the voice of justice, the dictates
of the law, the principles of the constitution, or the suggestions of
humanity, can restrain your hands from shedding human blood in
such an impious cause, we must then tell you, that we shall never
submit to be hewers of Wood or drawers of water for any minister
or nation in the world.
' Place us in the same situation that we were at the close of th,,
war, and our former harmony will be restored. But lest the same
supineness, and the same inattention to our common interest, which
you have for several years shown, should continue, we think it pru
dent to anticipate the consequences. By the destruction of the
trade of Boston, the ininistry have endeavored to induce submission
to their measures^ The Uke fate may befall us all. We will en
deavor, therefore, to Uve without trade, and recur for subsistence to
the fertiUty and bounty of our native soil, which wiU afford us all
the necessaries, and some of the conveniencies, of Ufe. We have
suspended our importation from Great Britain and Ireland ; and, in
less than a year's time, unless our grievances should be redressed,
shall discontinue our exports to those kingdoms and the West Indies.
It is with the utmost regret, however, that we find ourselves com
pelled, by the overruling principles of self-preservation, to adopt
measures detrimental in their consequences to numbers of our fel
low subjects in Great Britain and Ireland. But we hope that the
magnanimity and justice of the British nation wUl furnish a pariia
ment of such wisdom, independence and public spirit, as may save
the violated rights of the whole empire from the devices of wicked
ministers and evU counsellors, whether in or out of office; and there-

150 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV
by restote that harmony, friendship and frateinal affection, between
all the inhabitants of his majesty's kingdoms and territories, so ar
dently wished for by every true and honest American.'
The scope of their address to the inhabitants of America, was to
manifest the justice of their cause, by an exact enumeration of the
offensive laws ; to confirm them in resistance ; and to prepare their
minds for the worst. They observed, that the designs of the min
isters to enslave America, had been conducted with such constancy,
as to render it prudent to expect mournful events, and be prepared,
in all respects, for every contingency.
In the petition addressed to the king, they made protestations of
their attachment towards the crown and the royal family ; they af
firmed that nothing short of the usurpations which wicked counsel
lors, deceiving the paternal heart of his majesty, had attempted,
could have induced thera to depart from that submission of which
they had given, in happier times, such signal examples ; that it was
with extreme reluctance, and urged by imperious necessity, they
had entered into resolutions detrimental to the commerce of their
European feUow subjects ; and after having recapitulated their griev
ances, they proceeded :
' From this destructive system of colonial administration, adopted
since the conclusion of the last war, have flowed those distresses,
dangers, fears, and jealousies, that overwhelm your majesty's dutiful
colonists with affiiction ; and we defy our most subtieand inveterate
enemies, to trace the unhappy differences between Great Britain
and these colonies, frora an earlier period, or from other causes than
we have assigned. Had they proceeded, on our part, from a rest
less levity of temper, unjust impulses of ambition, or artful sugges
tions of seditious persons, we should merit the opprobrious terms
frequentiy bestowed upon us by those we revere. But, so far from
promoting innovations, vve have only opposed them ; and can be
charged with no offence, unless it be one to receive injuries and be
sensible of thera.
' Had our Creator been pleased to give us existence in a land of
slavery, the sense uf our condition might have been mitigated by
ignorance and habit. But, thanks be to his adorable goodness, we
were born the heirs of freedom, and ever enjoyed our rights under
the auspices of your royal ancestors, whose family was seated on
the British throne to rescue and secure a pious and gaUant nation
from the popery and despotism of a superstitious and inexorable
tyrant. ' Your majesty, we are confident, justly rejoices that your title to
the crown is thus founded on the title of your people to Uberty • and

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 151
therefore we doubt not but your royal wisdom must approve the
sensibihty that teaches your subjects anxiously to guard the blessing
they received from Divine Providence, and thereby to prove the per
formance of that compact which elevated the illustrious House of
Brunswick to the imperial dignity it now possesses. The apprehen
sion of being degraded into a state of servitude, from the pre-emi
nent rank of freemen, while our minds retain the strongest love of
liberty, and clearly foresee the miseries preparing for us and our pos
terity, excites emotions in our breasts, which, though we cannot de
scribe, we should not wish to conceal. Feeling as men, and thinking
as subjects, in the manner we do, silence would be disloyalty. By
giving this faithful information, we do all in our power to promote
the great objects of your royal cares, the tranquUUty of your govern
ment, and the welfare of your people ; and, as your majesty enjoys
the signal distinction of reigning over freemen, we apprehend the lan
guage of freemen cannot be displeasing. Your royal indignation,
vve hope, will rather faU on those dangerous and designing men, who,
daringly interposing themselves between your royal person and your
faithful subjects, and for several years past incessantly eraployed to
dissolve the bonds of society, by abusing your majesty's authority,
misrepresenting your American subjects, and prosecuting the most
desperate and irritating projects of oppression, have at length com
pelled us, by the force of accumulated injuries, too severe to be
any longer tolerable, to disturb your majesty's repose by our com
plaints.' The congress having, by these different writings, endeavored to
mollify the breast of the sovereign, to conciliate the favor of the
English people, to dispose and prepare the colonists to brave all the
terrors of the crisis, and, generally, to propitiate the favor of the
I'anopean nations, turned their attention towards the inhabitants of
Canada, whose benevolence it was desirable to cultivate, in order to
secure, if not their adherence, at least their neutrality, in the grand
struggle that was approaching ; for, omitting the increase of force
which must have resulted to one or other of the belligerent parties,
from the aUiance of the brave and warlike Canadians, it vvas of the
greatest importance to the colonists, to be secure of the friendly dis
position of a country, which, from its position alone, appeared to
menace their provinces. This negotiation, however, required a very
delicate management ; for the Canadians were not accustomed to
English liberty ; and had been long contented with their condition
under the government of France. The difference of religion was
also an obstacle of great moment. How was it possible to persuade
them to undertake the defense of rights they scarcely knew, or

152 THE AMERICAN WAK. BOOK IV.
which they esteemed of little value ? And how hopeless must have
appeared the attempt to induce them to complain of the act of Que
bec, which favored, protected, and placed in a condition, even better
than at first, a religion they held so much at heart ! Tbe congress,
however, in their address to the Canadian people, eluded these em
barrassments with singular dexterity.
They commenced with a declaration that the Canadians were en
titled to possess all the rights enjoyed by English subjects ; they ac
cused the ministers of a design to deprive them thereof, and to en
slave them totally. They endeavored to explain, in the most insin
uating style, what these rights were ; how extreme their importance,
and how conducive they were to the happiness of every human
being. They sufficed, it was affirmed, to defend the poor from the
rich, the feeble from the powerful, the industrious from the rapa
cious, the peaceable from the violent, the tenants from the lords,
and all from their superiors. ' These are the rights without which a
people cannot be free and happy, and to whose protection and en
couraging influence the English colonies are indebted for their pres
ent prosperity and numerous population. Of these rights the act
of Quebec has completely divested the Canadians ! It has not left
the people even a shadow of authority, but has placed it all in the hands
of those who are themselves absolutely dependent on the crown. Can
any government be imagined more aibitrary or tyrannical ? What
ever may have f)een the rigors of the French domination, your pres
ent condition is infinitely worse ; for then they were Frenchmen^
who ruled other Frenchraen ; and that benignity which the mode of
government?: appeared to exclude, resulted, nevertheless, from the
community of language, manners, opinions, and the bonds of na
tional fraternity. But since they are EngUshmen who now govern
a French people, the latter can no longer expect from the sympathy
of their rulers, but only from the protection of laws, a refuge flora
the abuses of authority, and the rapacious passions of foreign min
isters, always disposed to suspect them of pernicious designs. Seize,
then, the occasion which is offered, by joining vvith us, to acquire
that liberty and those privileges which the colonists have alvvays en
joyed ; and which they are, with one mind, resolved never to resign,
but with their lives.'
As to religion, in order to quiet their minds upon this subject, it
was observed, that the tolerant opinions which prevailed, at the pres
ent epoch, among the French people, vvould doubtiess remove all
obstacles to a sincere amity between them. They cited the example
of the Swiss, who, notwithstanding the difference of their reUgion,

BOOK IV THE AMERICAN WAR. 153
lived with one another in theutmost concord, and were thus enabled
to defy and defeat every tyrant that had invaded them.
' Let the inhabitants of Canada, therefore, take advantage of cir
cumstances. Let them form a provincial convention ; let them
elect their delegates to congress, and attach themselves to the com
mon cause of North America. Has not the present congress al
ready resolved unanimously, that they considered the violation of
the rights of the Canadians, by the act for altering the government
of their province, as a violation of the rights of the colonists them
selves ? '
Letters of a similar style, and tending to the same object, were
addressed to the colonies of St. John's, Nova Scotia, Georgia, and
the Floridas.
At the same time, the congress passed a resolution, declaring, that
the arrest of any person in America, in order to transport such per
son beyond the sea, for trial of offenses committed in America, be
ing against law, authorized resistance and reprisal.
Having concluded these transactions, and appointed the 10th of
the ensuing May for the convocation of another general congress,
the present dissolved itself.
No one vvill deny, that tiiis assembly knew how to appreciate the
circumstances ol the time, and demonstrated a rare sagacity, in
leading them to co-operate in their designs. They not only found
means to invigorate the opinions which then prevailed in America,
but also to diffuse and propagate them surprisingly ; applauding the
ardent, stimulating the torpid, and conciliating the adverse. They
were lavish in protestations of loyalty to the king ; which could not
fail to answer the end they proposed — that of finding a pretext and
excuse for ulterior resolutions, in case their remonstrances should
prove ineffectual. With the same apt policy, they flattered the pride
of the British nation, with the view of engaging it to favor their
cause. They manifested equal dexterity in fomenting the political
opinions that were beginning to prevail in this century. Originating
at first in England, they had been diffused, by degrees, among the
neighboring nations, and particularly in France, where they had been
introduced, and defended with a fascinating eloquence, by the most
celebrated writers of that period. Accordingly, in every place and
circle, the Americans, and especially the members of congress, were
considered as the generous champions of these favorite principles ;
for, as to the object they had in view, there no longer existed a doubt.
Though it was possible, however, to excuse, and even applaud this
resolution of the Americans, to defend, by force of arms, the rights
for which thev contended, it was difficult, it must be acknowledged,

154 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.
to reconcile with the loyalty they so frequently professed, their in
sinuating writings to draw into their confederacy other subjects of
the crown of England, as the Canadians, for example, who had not,
or who made no pretensions to have, the same rights. But in af
fairs of state, utility is often mistaken for justice ; and, in truth, no
event could have happened more useful to the colonists than the ad.
hesion of the Canadians to their cause.
1775. The resolutions of congress were received in America
with universal consent. They were approved not only by the peo
ple, but also by the authorities, whether established or provisional.
The assembly of Pennsylvania, convened about the close of the
year, was the first constitutional authority vvhich ratified formally all
the acts of congress, and elected deputies for the ensuing. A con
vention having soon after been formed in this province, it was there
in declared, that, if the petition of congress was rejected, and the
government should persist in atterapting to execute by force the late
arbitrary acts of parliament, it would then be requisite to resist also
with open force, and defend, at all hazards, the rights and hberties
of America. Not content with words, this assembly recommended
that provision should be made of salt, gunpowder, saltpetre, iron,
steel, and other munitions of war. Charles Thomson and Thomas
Mifflin, afterwards general, both men of great influence in the prov
ince, and much distinguished for their intellectual endowments,
were very active on this occasion ; and, by their exertions, the reso
lutions of the convention were executed with singular promptitude
and vigor.
The inhabitants of Maryland displayed an equal ardor ; all within
their province was in movement. Meetings vvere convoked, in every
place ; associations were formed ; men were chosen, for the purpose
»f seeing that the resolutions of congress vvere punctually observed
and executed. The provincial cotivention voted funds for the pur.
chase of arms and ammunition ; they declared enemies to the coun
try those who should refuse to provide themselves with a military
equipment. The most distinguished citizens made it their glory to
appear armed in the cause of liberty ; the militia vvas daily assembled
and exercised ; it was withdrawn from the authority of the governor,
and placed under that of the province ; they held themselves in read
iness to march to the assistance of Massachusetts.
The same precautions were taken in the lower counties of Dela
ware, and in New Hampshire. The legal assembly of the latter
was convoked. They approved the proceedings of congress, and
wrote to congratulate the Marylanders upon their patriotism and
public spirit ; promising to stand prepared to defend this Uberty, so

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 155
dear to every heart. The inhabitants, not content witli this, formed
a convention at Exeter, which ratified the doings of congress, and
elected delegates for the new session.
But in South CaroUna, so important a province, things went for
ward with great animation. A convention was formed of the repre
sentatives of the whole province. Their first decree was t.) render
immortal thanks to the members of congress, to approve its resolu
tions, and to ordain their strict execution. The manufacturers of
the country received encouragement ; and ample liberalities were
granted to the indigent inhabitants ofthe city of Boston. The same
enthusiasm inspired every breast. And, to prevent the infractions
which the love of gain, or private interest, might occasion, inspectors
were appointed, to watch, with rigorous diligence, over the execution
of these pubhc resolutions.
In Massachusetts and Virginia the ardor of the people was aston
ishing. AU places equaUy presented the images of war, and the
semblance of combats. The inhabitants of Marblehead, of Salem,
and of other seaports, finding their accustomed maritime occupa
tions interrupted by the present occurrences, turned their efforts to
wards the land service, and engaged in it witii incredible zeal.
They soon organized several regiments of men well trained to the
exercise of arms, and prepared to enter the field, if things should
come to that fatal extremity. The officers of the Virginia mUitia
being assembled at fort Gower, after protesting their loyalty towards
the king, declared that the love of liberty, attachment to country
and devotion to its just rights, were paramount to every other con
sideration ; that, to fulfill these sacred duties, they were resolved to
exert all the efforts which the unanimous voice of their fellow-citi
zens should exact.
The provinces of New England presented a peculiar character.
Their inhabitants being extremely attached to religion, and more ea
sfly influenced by this than any other motive, the preachers exer
cised over their minds an authority scarcely conceivable. They of
ten insisted, and always with new vehemence, that the cause of the
Americans was the cause of Heaven ; that God loves and protects
freemen, and holds the authors of tyranny in abhorrence ; that the
schemes of the English ministers against America were, beyond
measure, unjust and tyrannical, and consequentiy it was tiieir most
rigorous duty, not only as men and citizens, but also as Christians, to
oppose these attempts ; and to unite under their chiefs, in defense of
what man has the most precious, religion the most sacred. The in
habitants of New England thus took the field, stimulated by the fer
vor of their religious opinions, and fully persuaded that Heaven wit

156 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IT.
nessed their efforts with complacency. The two most powerful
springs of human action, religious and political enthusiasm, were
blended in their breasts. It is therefore not surprising that, in the
events which foUowed, they exhibited frequent examples of singular
courage and invincible resolution.
Amidst a concord so general, the province of New York alone
hesitated to declare itself. This colony, and principally the capital,
was the scene of much party division. Its assembly having taken
into consideration the regulations of congress for the interruption of
commerce with Great Britain, refused to adopt them ; whereat the
inhabitants of the other provinces testified an extrerae indignation.
This unexpected resolution must be attributed principally to ministe
rial intrigues, very successful in this province, on account of the great
number of loyalists that inhabited it ; and who, frora the name of
one of the parties that prevailed in England at the tirae of the revo
lution, were called Tories. To this cause should be added the very
flourishing commerce of the city of New York, which it was unwil-
Ung to lose, and perhaps, also, the hope that the remonstrances of
congress would dispose the British rainisters to milder counsels, if
they were not accompanied by such rigorous determinations in regard
to commerce. Some also believed, that this conduct of New York
was only a wUy subterfuge, to be able, afterwards, according to cir
cumstances, to use it as a ground of justification.
The first of February was the destined term for suspending the
introduction of British raerchEmdise into the American ports, accord
ing to the resolutions of congress. Though it was known every
where, yet several vessels made their appearance, even after this
period, laden with the prohibited articles ; vvhich the masters hoped
to introduce either in a clandestine mode, or even by consent of the
Americans, weary of their obstinacy, or yielding to necessity and
the love of gain. But their hopes were frustrated in the greater
part, or rather in aU the provinces except that of New York. Their
cargoes were thrown into the sea, or sent back.
Thus, while the forms of the ancient government stiU subsisted in
America, new laws were established, wliich obtained more respect
and obedience on the part of the people. The assemblies of the
provinces, districts and towns, had concentrated in their hands tiie
authority which belonged to the magistrates of the former systemji
who had either wanted the will or the power to prevent it. And
thus it was no longer the governors and the ordinary assembhes, but
the conventions, the committees of correspondence and of inspec
tion, that had the management of state affairs. Where these were
wanting, the people supplied the deficiency, by assemblages and

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 157
tumultuary movements. The greater number were impressed with
a belief, that, by the effect of the leagues against British commerce,
this time strictly observed, and by the unanimous firmness of the
colonists, the effusion of blood woulri be avoided. They hoped the
British government would apply itf^elf in earnest to give another di
rection to American affairs ; and ihat pubhc tranquillity would thus,
without effort, be re-established. The popular leaders, on the con
trary, were aware of the necessity of an appeal to arms ; some fear
ed, others desired, this result.
Such was the situation of the English colonies, towards the close
of the year 1774, and at the commencement of 1775. Meanwhile,
whatever was the ardor with which the Americans pursued their de
signs, the interest excited by this controversy in England had mate
rially abated. The inhabitants of that kingdom, as if wearied by
the long and frequent discussions which had taken place on either
side, betrayed an extreme repugnance to hear any thing further on
the subject. They had therefore abandoned themselves to an indif
ference approaching to apathy. As this contest was already of ten
years' date, and though often on the point of issuing in an open
rupture, had, however, never yet come to this fatal extremity, the
prevaUing opinion was,' that, sooner or later, a definitive arrange
ment would be effected It was even thought, that this object might
easily be accomplished, by making some concessions to the Ameri
cans, similar to those they had already obtained. Finally, it was
considered possible, that the Americans themselves, finding their in
terests essentially affected by the interruption of commerce, would
at length submit to the vvill of the parent country. This opinion
appeared the more probable to all, inasmuch as the coureige of the
colonists was in no great repute. It was not believed they could
ever think of provoking the British nation to arms ;, and much less
of making a stand before its troops in the field. It was asserted,
that, to procure the execution of the late prohibitory laws against
the province of Massachusetts, which, if thought expedient, might
easfly be extended to the other colonies also, would not only not re
quire aU the troops of Great Britain, but not even all the immense
force of her marine; that a few ships of the line, stationed at the
entrance of the principal ports of the colonies, and a nuraber of
frigates ordered to cruise along the coast, to prevent the departure
of American vessels, would be more than sufficient to accompUsh
this affair.
' And how can it be imagined,' it was said, ' that the colonists
should persevere ui a resistance without an object, as they have no
naval force to oppose against England; who, on the other hand.

158 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.
can, at a trifling expense, and with a few troops, enforce the prohi
bitions she has pronounced, and reduce the American commerce to
an indefinite stagnation ? On the part of the mother country, the
means of annoyance are, in fact, almost infinite and irresistible ;
whereas, the colonies have nothing to oppose but a mere passive re
sistance, and a patience of which they can neither foresee the re
sult nor the period. Besides, so many other markets remain open
for British merchandise, that, even though its introduction into the
colonies should be totally interdicted, this commerce would experi
ence but a barely perceptible diminution. Nor can it be doubted,
that private interests, and the usual jealousies, will ere long detach
from the league, successively, all the maritime parts of America.
The towns of the interior will necessarily follow the exaraple ; and
then what becomes of this boasted confederacy?'
From these diflerent considerations, it ceases to be astonishing,
that the minds of the English people should have manifested, at this
epoch, so perfect a calm ; and that it should have been the general
determination to await from time, from fortune, and from the meas
ures of the ministers, the termination of this vexatious quarrel.
In the midst of such universal torpor, and near the close of the
year 1774, the new parliament convened. The proceedings of the
general congress, and the favor they had found in America, not be
ing yet well known, some reliance was still placed in intestine divis
ions, and the efficacy of the plan which had been adopted. The
king mentioned in his speech the American disturbances ; he .an
nounced, that disobedience continued to prevail in Massachusetts,
that the other colonies countenanced it ; that the most proper meas
ures had been taken to carry into execution the laws of parhament,
and that he was firmly resolved to maintain unimpaired the supreme
legislative authority of Great Britain, in all parts of his dominions.
The addresses proposed in the two houses were strenuously opposed ;
and it was not without difficulty they vvere at length adopted. On
the part of the opposition it vvas alledged, that, if the preceding par
liament had consented to the measures proposed by the ministers, it
vvas only upon their positive assurance that they would effectually re-
estabUsh tranquillity. ' But, do we not see how illusory their prom
ises have proved ? Why persist, then, in resolutions that are fruit
less, and even pernicious ? Has any supphant voice been heard on
the part of America ? Has she given any token of repentance for
the past, any pledge of better dispositions for the future ? She has
not ; but, on the contrary, has exhibited still greater animosity, a
rage more intense, a concord more strict, a faith more confirmed in
the justice of her cause. And still, from pride, if net from ven-

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 159
geance, it is desired to persevere m measures so decidedly repro
bated by reason, equity, and fatal experience ! '
But, from the side of the ministers, it was answered :
* The proceedings of the colonists are so void of all respect, that
to endure them longer would be disgraceful. Can any thing be
more extraordinary, than to hear it asserted that the Amencans are
persuaded of the justice of their cause, — as if the English vvere not
persuaded also of the justice of theirs ? And if England, as a party,
has no right to judge of this controversy, is America to be reputed
entirely disinterested ? The Americans know perfectly well that this
is a question of right, and not of raoney ; the irapost is a mere trifle,
of no importance whatever, but as it concerns the honor of this
kingdom. But what care they for the honor of the kingdom ? Noth
ing can ever satisfy these peevish Americans. To content them how
raany ways of gentleness have been tried ! They have only become
the more insolent. They haughtily expect the English to approach
them in a suppliant attitude, and to anticipate all their capricious de
sires. To concUiate them, all, except honor, has been sacriflced al
ready ; but Heaven does not perrait us to abandon that also. The
question is no longer taxation, but the redress of wrongs, the repa
ration for deeds of outrage. This the Americans refuse, — and there
fore deserve chastisement ; and, should England fail to inflict it, she
must expect a daily increase of audacity on the part of her colonies,
and prepare to digest the contempt which the nations of Europe al
ready entertain towards her ; surprised and confused at the tameness
and patience of the British ministers, in the midst of provocations
so daring and so often repeated.'
The address of thanks was voted, according to the wishes of the
ministers ; and thus the Americans, who had flattered themselves
that the new parliament would be more favorably disposed towards
them than the preceding, were forced to renounce this hope.
It appeared, however, notwithstanding these animated demonstra
tions on the part of the governraent, that when, previous to the
Christmas recess, the certain intelligence was received of the trans
actions of congress, and the astonishing concord which prevailed in
America, the ministers, perhaps loath to embrace extreme counsels,
seemed incUned to relax somewhat of their rigor, and to leave an
opening for accommodation. Lord North even intimated to the
American merchants then in London, that if they presented peti
tions, they should meet attention. . But in the midst of these glim
merings of peace, the news arrived of the schism of New York ; an
event of great moment in itself, and proraising consequences still
moro important. The minister felt his pride revive ; hc would no

160 THE AMERICAN WAK. BOOK IT.
longer hear of petitions, or of accommodation. Things turned
anew to civU strife and war. All the papers, relating to the affairs
of America, were laid before the two houses. Lord Chatham, per
ceiving the obstinacy of the ministers in their resolution to persist
in the course of measures they had adopted, and fearing it might re
sult in the most disastrous effects, pronounced a long and extremely
eloquent discourse in favor of the Americans, and was heard with
solemn attention.
Nor was the opposition to the projects of the ministers confined
to the two houses of parliament ; but even a considerable part of
the British nation was of the adverse party. The cities of London,
Bristol, Liverpool, Manchester, Norwich, Birmingham, Glasgow,
and others, where commerce had hitherto flourished, preferred their
petitions to parhament. They painted, in glowmg traits, the detri
ment their commerce had already sustained, and the stfll more ruin
ous losses with which they were menaced by the impending contest
vvith America. They implored this body to interpose their authority
for the re-establishment of that calm and pacific state, which had
been heretofore enjoyed. But the prayers of the merchants had no
better success than the authority and the words of the earl of Chat
ham ; the ministerial party even rejected them vvith an unfeeling
harshness. In the meantime, BoUan, Franklin, and Lee, presented themselves
before the house of commons, vvith the petition which the congress
had addressed to the king, and by him had been referred to the
house. They demanded to be heai'd in its defense. A very warm
discussion arose ; the ministerial party contending, that neither
ought the petition to be read, nor the agents to be heard ; and the
party in opposition, the contrary. The former affirmed, that the
congress was not a legal assembly ; that to receive its petitions would
be to recognize it as such ; that the provincial assemblies and their
agents were the sole true representatives of the colonies ; and tha
the petition only contained the custoraary lamentations about rights, i
without offering any means, or any probable hope of coming to an
arrangement. But it was answered, that however the congress might not be a
legal assembly, it was, nevertheless, more than competent to present
petitions; every one having, either individually, or jointiy with
Others, the right to present them ; that those who had signed the pe
tition vvere the most distinguished inhabitants of the colonies, and
well deserved to be heard, if not in their public, at least in their
private character. ' There no longer exists any government in the
colonies; the popular commotions have disorganized it absolutely;

BOOK IV. T.HE AMERICAN WAR. 161
we should therefore learn to appreciate the representation of this
government, which has been estabUshed by the force of things. Can
it be forgotten, that the American disturbances have originated, and
arrived at their present alarming height, from our unwillingness to
hear petitions ? Let us seize this occasion ; if we allow it to escape,
a second vvill not be offered, and aU hope of accord is vanished.
This is probably the last attempt the Americans will make to sub
mit, which, if received with haughtiness, will become the source of
inevitable calamities ; for despair, and with it, obstinacy, wijl obtain
the entire possession of their minds.' But the mmisters would hear
nothing, pleading the dignity of state. The petition was rejected.
Nor was a petition of the West India proprietors, representing the
prejudice they suffered from the interruption of their commerce with
the Americans, received with greater benignity. The ministers con
sidered petitions as merely the stratagems of faction. ' Admitting,'
they said, ' that some detriment may result from the measures re
lating to America, it is a necessary evil, an inevitable calamity. But
this evil vvould become infinitely greater, if the government should
appear to yield to the wUl of the seditious, and descend to nego
tiate with rebels.'
After- having repulsed, with a sort of disdain, the petitions ofthe
Americans, and those presented in their favor by the idands of the
West Indies, and even by England herself; and after having rejected
all the counsels of the party in opposition, the ministers unveiled
their schemes, and announced, in the presence of the two, houses,
the measures they intended to pursue, in order to reduce the Ameri
cans to obedience. Always imbued with the opinion, that the di
versity of interests and humors, and the rivalships existing between
the different provinces, would, in a short time, dissolve the Ameri
can combinations, independently of the detriment and constraint
they occasioned to individuals ; believing, also, that the colonists
would not easily support greater privations of things necessary to
life ; they flattered themselves, that, without sending strong armies
to America, and merely by a few rigorous regulations, a few prohib
itory resolutions, that should extend beyond the province of Mas
sachusetts, and affect the most internal parts of the American com
merce, they should be able to accomplish their purpose. It should
also be added, that the ministers thought the partisans of England
were very numerous in America, that they were among its raost dis
tinguished inhabitants, and waited only for an occasion to show
themselves with effect ; and, finally, that the Americans, as they
were, according to the notions of the ministers, of a pusUlanimous
spirit, and littie accustomed to war, would not dare to look the Brit-
VOL. I. 11

162 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.
ish soldiers in the face. Thus they were induced to adopt certam
resolutions, vvhich were perhaps raore cruel, and certainly more irri
tating, than open war ; for man feels less bitterness towards the foe,
who, in combating against him, leaves him the means of defense,
than the adversary who exposes him to the horrors of famine, while
he is unable to escape them by a generous effort. Such, as we shall
soon see, was the plan of the British, from vvhich they gathered the
fruits they ought to have expected. But, in order to carry it into
execution, it was necessary that they should first arm themselves
with a word that should legitimate all their raeasures, and this vvas,
rebellion. The doctors, whom they had invited to their consulta
tions, after having considered the affair under all its faces, came to a
conclusion, which, however admissible in other kingdoms, might still
have appeare,d extremely doubtful in England. They pronounced,
that the province of Massachusetts was found in a state of rebellion.
Accordingly, the 2d of February, lord North, after having expatiated
on the benignity with which the king and parliament had proceeded
in maintaining the laws of the kingdom, and the necessity incum
bent on the ministers, of protecting loyal and affectionate subjects
against the rage of the seditious, proposed, that in the address to
the king, it should be declared, that rebellion existed in the province
of Massachusetts, and that it was supported and fomented by illegal
combinations and criminal compacts vvith the other colonies, to the
great prejudice of many innocent subjects of his majesty.
To declare the inhabitants of Massachusetts rebels, vvas to refer
the decision of their cause to the chance of arms — was to denounce
war against them. Accordingly, the opponents of ministers exhib
ited great ardor in combating this proposition ; and even in their
own party, a great number of individuals appeared to feel great re
pugnance, and a species of horror, at so grave a determination, and
so fraught with future calamities. The orators of the opposition
contended, that all the disorders in Massachusetts, however multi
plied and aggravated, ought to be attributed, originaUy, to the at
tempts of those who were aiming to estabUsh despotism, and whose
measures evldentiy tended to reduce the Americans to that abject
condition of slavery, which they hoped to introduce afterwards into
the very heart of England. ' To resist oppression,' it was said, 'is
the subject's right, and the English kingdoms have presented fre
quent examples of its e.xercise. No act of violence has been com
mitted in the province of Massachusetts, that has not been equaled,
or surpassed, in each ofthe others ; from what fatal partiahty, then,
is this province alone to be made responsible for all ? To press with
ngor upon a single province, in the hope of separating it from the

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAP 163
others, is a false measure ; all are united in the same cause ; ali de
fend the same rights. To declare rebeUion, is an act full of danger,
and of no utility ; it only tends to aggravate the evil, to increase the
obstinacy of dispositions, to prepare a resistance more desperate and
sanguinary, as no other hope will be left them but in victory.'
But the partisans of the ministers, and particularly the doctors,*
who backed thera, raaintained, that acts of rebellion constituted re
bellion itself; that to resist the laws of the kingdom being reputed
rebellion in England, ought also to be so reputed in America ; ' As
for the rest,' they said, ' due clemency and liberality towards those
who shall submit, will be mingled with the rigor to be exercised
against the obstinate. Reasons of state, no less than justice, demand
the chastisement of these insurgents ; which being visited upon a
few, will reclaim all to their duty ; and thus the union -of the colo
nies will be dissolved. Can we, in fact, make a serious matter of the
resistance of the Americans ? Cowards by nature, incapable of any
sort of mUitary discipline, their bodies are feeble, and their inclina
tions are dastardly. They would not be capable of sustaining a
single campaign, without disbanding, or becoraing so wasted by sick
ness, that a slight force would be raore than sufficient for their com
plete reduction.' General Grant vvas so infatuated with this opinion,
that he declared openly, he would undertake, with five regiments of
infantry, to traverse the vvhole country, and drive the inhabitants
from one end of the continent to the other. The ministers, whose
' It may arause, if not surprise, tlie reader, to lools at the outline, traced by another
historian, ofthe characters whose sagacity the autlior seems to question more often
than once :
' I took my seat in parliament,* says IVIr. Gibbon, ' at the beginning of the memo
rable contest between Great Britain and America ; and supported, wilh many a sincere
and silent vole, the rights, though not perhaps the interests, of the mother country.
After a fleeting, illusive hope, prudence condemned me to acquiesce in the humble
station of a niute. I was not armed by nature and education with the intrepid energy
of mind and voice, ' Vincentum slrepitus, et natum rebus agendis.'
Timidity was fortified by pride ; and even the success of ray pen discouraged the trial of
my voice. But I assisted at the debates of a free assemhly ; I listened to the a-ttack and
defense of eloquence and reason; I had a near prospect ofthe characters, views, and
passions, of tlie first men of the age. The cause of government was ally vindicated by
lord yorih, a statesman of spotless integrity, a consummate master of debate, who could
wield, with equal dexterity, the arms of reason arid of ridicule. He was seated on the
ti-easury bench, ictoeen. his attorney and solicitor-general, the tioo pillars ofthe law and
state, ' raagis pares quam similes ;' and the minister might indulge in a short slumler,
while he was uplwUen, on either hand, by the majestic sense of Thurlow. and the skillful
eloquerice of Wedderburne. From the adverse side ofthe house, an ardent and powerful
opposition was supported, by the lively declamation of Barre ; the legal acuteness of
Dunning; the profuse and philosophic "aney of Burke; and the argumentative vehe
mence of Fox, who, in conduct of a party, approved himself equal to the conduct of
on empire. By such men, every operation of peace and war, every principle of justice
or policy, every question of authority and freedom, was attacked and defended; and
tlie subject ofthe momentous contest was the union or separation of Great Britain
and America.' — I Gibbon's MisceUaneous Works.l

164 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV
comprehension seems to have had certain Umits, suffered themselves,
without reluctance, to be guided by such opinions as these ; and this
was one of the principal causes of their precipitancy to commence
the war with such feeble preparations.
Tlie propositions of lord North were adopted, by a majority of
more than two thirds of the suffrages.
But the party in opposition, aware of the importance of pro
nouncing so formal a declaration of rebeUion, did not suffer thera
selves to be discouraged ; and, on the 6th of the same month, lord
John Cavendish moved, in the house of commons, to reconsider the
vote. It vvas then that Wilkes, one of the most ardent defenders of
liberty of that epoch, and the declared partisan of republican prin
ciples, arose, and spoke in the foUowing terms :
' I am indeed surprised, that in a business of so much moment as
this before the house, respecting the British colonies in America, a
cause which comprehends alraost every question relative to the com
mon rights of mankind, almost every question of poUcy and legis
lation, it should be resolved to proceed with so littie circumspection,
or rather with so much precipitation and heedless imprudence.
With what temerity are we assured, that the same raen who have
been so often overwhelmed vvith praises for their attachment to this
country, for their forwardness to grant it the necessary succors, for
the valor they have signalized in its defense, have all at once so de
generated from their ancient raanners, as to merit the appellation of
seditious, ungrateful, impious rebels ! But if such a change has in
deed been wrought in the minds of this most loyal people, it must
at least be admitted, that affections so extraordinary could only have
been produced by some very powerful cause. But who is ignorant,
who needs to be told of the new madness that infatuates our minis
ters ? — who has not seen the tyrannical counsels they have pursued
for the last ten years ? They vvould now have us carry to the foot of
the throne, a resolution stamped with rashness and injustice, fraught
with blood, and a horrible futurity. But before this be allowed
thera, before the signal of civil war be given, before they are per
mitted to force EngUshmen to sheath their swords in the bowels of
their feUow subjects, I hope this house vvill consider the rights of
humanity, the original ground and cause of the present dispute.
Have we justice on our side ? No ; assuredly, no. He must be al
together a stranger to the British constitution, who does not know
that contributions are voluntary gifts of the people ; and singularly
bhnd, not to perceive that the words ' liberty and property, so grate
ful to English ears, are nothing better than mockery and insult to
the Americans, if their property can be taken without their con.

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 165
sent. And what motive can there exist for this new rigor, fbr these
extraordinary measures ? Have not the Americans always demon
strated the utmost zeal and liberality, whenever their succors have
been required by the mother country ?
' In the last two wars, they gave you more than you asked for, and
more than their faculties warranted; they were not only liberal
towards you, but prodigal of their substance. They fought gallantly
and victoriously by your side, vvith equal valor, against our and their
enemy, the common enemy of the liberties of Europe and America,
the ambiticus and faithless French, whom now vve fear and flatter.
And even now, at a moment when you are planning their destruc
tion, when you are branding them with the odious appellation of
rebels, what is their language, what their protestations ? Read, in the
name of heaven., the late petition of the congress to the king ; and
you will flnd, ' they are ready and wiUing, as they ever have been,
to demonstrate their loyalty, by exerting their most strenuous efforts
in granting supplies and raising forces, when constitutionaUy re
quired.' And yet we hear it vociferated, by some inconsiderate indi
viduals, that the Americans wish to abolish the navigation act ; that
they intend to throw off the supremacy of Great Britain. But
would to God, these assertions were not rather a provocation than
the truth ! They ask nothing, for such are the words of their peti
tion, but for peace, liberty and safety. They wish not a diminution
of the royal prerogative ; they solicit not any new right. They are
ready, on the contrary, to defend this prerogative, to maintain the
royal authority, and to draw closer the bonds of their connection with
Great Britain. But our ministers, perhaps to punish others for their
own faults, are sedulously endeavoring not only to relax these pow
erful ties, but to dissolve and sever them forever. Their address
represents the province of Massachusetts as in a state of actual
rebeUion. The other provinces are held out to our indignation, as
aiding and abetting. Many arguments have been employed, by
some learned gentlemen among us, to comprehend them all in the
same offense, and to involve them in the same proscription.
' Whether their present state is that of rebellion, or of a fit and
just resistance to the unlawful acts of povver, to our atterapts to rob
them of their property and liberties, as they imagine, I shall not de
clare. But I well know vyhat will follow, nor, however strange and
narsh it may appear to some, shaU I hesitate to announce it, that I
may not be accused hereafter of having failed in duty to my country,
on SO grave an occasion, and at the approach of such direful calami
ties. Know, then, a successful resistance is a revolution, not a rebel
lion, RebeUion, indeed, appears on the back of a flying enemy, but

166 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IT.
revolution flames on the breastplate of the victorious warrior. Who
can tell whether, in consequence of this day's violent and mad address
to his majesty, the scabbard may not be thrown away by them as well
as by us ; and whether, in a few years, the independent Americans
may not celebrate the glorious era of the revolution of 1775, as we
do that of 1668 ? The generous efforts of our forefathers for free
dom, heaven crowned vvith success, or their noble blood had dyed
our scaffolds, like that of Scottish traitors and rebels ; and the period
of our history which does us the most honor, vvould have been
deemed a rebellion against the lawful authority of the prince, not a
resistance authorized by all the laws of God and man, not the ex
pulsion of a detested tyrant.
' But suppose the Americans to combat against us vvith more
unhappy auspices than vve combated James, would not victory itself
prove pernicious and deplorable? Would it not be fatal to Britisli
as well as American liberty ? Those armies vvhich should subjugate
the colonists, would subjugate also their parent state. Marius, Syl
la, Csesar, Augustus, Tiberius, did they not oppress Roman liberty
vvith the same troops that vvere levied to maintain Roman suprema
cy over subject provinces ? But the impulse once given, its effects
extended much farther than its authors expected ; for the same sol
diery that destroyed the Roman repubUc, subverted and utteriy de
molished the imperial power itself. In less than fifty years after
the death of Augustus, the arraies destined to hold the provinces in
subjection, proclaimed three emperors at once ; disposed of the em
pire according to their caprice, and raised to the throne of the Cae
sars the object of their momentary favor.
' I can no raore comprehend the policy, than acknowledge the ¦
justice of your deliberations. Where is your force, what are your
ai-mies, how are they to be recruited, and how supported ? The sin
gle province of Massachusetts has, at this moment, thirty thousand
men, well trained and disciplined, and can bring, in case of emer
gency, ninety thousand into the field ; and doubt not, they will do '
it, when all that is dear is at stake, when forced to defend their lib
erty and property against their cruel oppressors. The right honor
able gentieman with the blue ribin assures us that ten thousand of
our troops and four Irish regiments, wiU make their brains turn in
the head a littie, and strike them aghast with terror. But where
does the author of this exquisite scherae propose to send 'his army!
Boston, perhaps, you may lay in ashes, or it may be made a strong
garrison ; but the province will be lost to you. You wiU hold Bos
ton as you hold Gibraltar, in the midst of a country which wUl not
be yours ; the whole American continent will remain in the power

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 167
of your enemies. The ancient story of the philosopher Calanus and
die Indian hide, wfll be verified ; where you tread, it wUl be kept
down ; but it wfll rise the more in all other parts. Where your
fleets and armies are stationed, the possession wiU be secured, while
they continue ; but all the rest will be lost. In the great scale of
empire you wiU decline, I fear, from the decision of this day ; and
the Americans will rise to independence, to power, to all the great
ness of the most renowned states ; for they buUd on the solid basis
of general public liberty.
' I dread the effects ofthe present resolution ; I shudder at our in
justice and cruelty ; I tremble for the consequences of our impru
dence. You wfll urge the Americans to desperation. They will
certainly defend their property and liberties, with the spirit of free
men, with the spirit our ancestors did, and I hope we should exert
on a like occasion. They will sooner declare themselves indepen
dent, and risk every consequence of such a contest, than submit to the
galling yoke which administration is preparing for them. Recollect
Philip II. king of Spain ; remember the Seven Provinces, and the
duke of Alva. It vvas deliberated, in the council of the raonarch,
what measures should be adopted respecting the Low Countries ;
some vvere disposed for clemency, others advised rigor ; the second
prevailed. The duke of Alva was victorious, it is true, wherever he
appeared ; but his cruelties sowed the teeth of the serpent. The
beggars of the Briel, as they. were called by the Spaniards, who de
spised them as you now despise the Americans, were those, however,
who first shook the power of Spain to the center. And comparing the
probabilities of success in the contest of that day, with the chances
in that of the present, are they so favorable to England as they
vvere then to Spain ? This none will pretend. You all know, how
ever, the issue of that sanguinary conflict — how that powerful em
pire was rent asunder, and severed forever into many parts. Profit,
then, by the experience of the past, if you vvould avoid a similar
fate. But you would declare the Americans rebels ; and to your in
justice and oppression, you add the most opprobrious language, and
the most insulting scoffs. If you persist in your resolution, all hope
of a reconciliation is extinct. The Americans wiU triuraph — the
whole continent of North Araerica will be dismembered from Great
Britain, and the wide arch of the raised empire fall. But 1 hope the
just vengeance of the people will overtake the authors of thes^ per
nicious counsels, and the loss of the first province of the empire be
speedily followed by the loss of the heads of those ministers who
first invented them.'
^ Thus spoke this ardent patriot. His discourse was a prophecy ;

168 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.
and hence, perhaps, a new probability might be argued for the vul
gar maxim, that the crazed read the future often better than the
sage ; for, among other things, it was said also of WUkes, at that
time, that his intellects were somewhat disordered.
Captain Hervey answered him, in substance, as follows :
' I am very far from believing myself capable of arguing the pres
ent question with all the eloquence which my vehement adversary
has signahzed in favor of those who openly, and in arms, resist the
ancient power of Great Britain ; as the studies which teach man the
art of discoursing vvith elegance, are too different and too remote
from my profession. This shall not, however, deter me from declar
ing my sentiments with freedom, on so important a crisis ; though my
words should be misinterpreted by the malignity of party, and myself
represented as the author of illegal counsels, or, in the language of
faction, the defender of tyranny.
' And, first of aU, I cannot but deplore the misery of the times,
and the destiny vvhich seems to persecute our beloved country. Can
I see her, without anguish, reduced to this disastrous extremity, not
only by the refractory spirit of her ungrateful chUdren on the other
side of the ocean, but also by some of those who inhabit this king
dora, and whora honor, if not justice and gratitude, should engage,
in words and deeds, to support and defend her ? Till vve give a check
to these incendiaries, who, with a constancy and art only equaled
by their baseness and infamy, blow discord and scatter their poison
in every place, in vain can vve hope, without coming to the last ex
tremities, to bring the leaders of this deluded people to a sense of
their duty.
' To deny that the legislative power of Great Britain is entire,
general ai d sovereign, over all parts of its dorainions, appears to me
too puerUe to raerit a serious answer. What I would say is, that,
under this cover of rights, under this color of privileges, under thes-?
pretexts of immunities, the good and loyal Americans have concealed
a design, not nevv, but now openly declared, to cast off every species
of superiority, and become altogether an independent nation. They
complained of the stamp act. It was repealed. Did this satisfy
them ? On the contrary, they embittered more than ever our re
spective relations ; now refusing to indemnify the victims of their
violence, and now to rescind resolutions that were so many strides
towarfls rebellion. And yet, in these cases, there was no question
of taxes, either internal or external. A duty vvas afterwards imposed
on glass, paper, colors, and tea. They revolted anew ; and the
bounty cf this too indulgent mother again revoked the o-reater part
of these duties ; leaving only that upon tea, which may yield, at the

BOOK rv. THE AMERICAN WAR. 169
utmost, sixteen thousand pounds sterling. Even this inconsiderable
impost. Great Britain, actuated by a meekness and forbearance
without example, would have repealed also, if the colonists had
peaceably expressed their wishes to this effect. At present tiiey
bitterly complain of the regular troops sent among them to main
tain the public repose. But, in the name of God, what is the cause
of their presence in Boston ? American disturbances. If the colo
nists had not first interrupted the general tranquiUity, if they had re
spected property, public and private ; if they had not openly resist
ed the laws of parliament and the ordinances of the king, they would
not have seen armed soldiers within their walls. But the truth is,
tiiey expressly excite the causes, in order to be able afterwards to
bemoan the effects. When they were menaced vvith real danger,
when they vvere beset by enemies from within ana from without, they
not only consented to admit regular troops into the very heart of their
provinces, but urged us, with the most earnest solicitations, to send
them ; but now the danger is past, and the colonists, by our treasure
and blood, are restored to their original security, now these troops
have become necessary to repress the factious, to sustain the action
of the laws, their presence is contrary to the constitution, a manifest
violation of American liberty, an attempt to introduce tyranny ; as if
it were not the right and the obligation of the supreme authority, to
protect the peace of the interior as well as that of the exterior, and
to repress internal as effectually as external eneraies.
' As though the Americans were fearful of being called, at a fu
ture day, to take part in the national representation, they pre-occupy
the ground, and warn you, in advance, that, considering their dis
tance, they cannot be represented in the British parliament ; vvhich
means, if I am not deceived, that they will not have a representative
power in common vvith England, but intend to enjoy one by them
selves, perfectly distinct from this of the parent state. But why do
I waste time in these vain subtleties ? Not content with exciting
discord at home_, with disturbing all the institutions of social life,
they endeavor also to scatter the germs of division in the neighbor
ing colonies, such as Nova Scotia, the Floridas, and especially
Canada. Nor is this the end of their intrigues. Have we not read
here, in this land of genuine felicity, the incendiary expressions of
their address to the English people, designed to allure them to the
side of rebeUion ? Yes ; they have wished, and with all their power
have attempted, to introduce into the bosom of this happy country,
outrage, tumults, devastation, piUage, bloodshed, and open resistance
to the laws ! A thousand tunes undone the English people, should
ihey suffer themselves to be seduced by the flatteries of the Ameri-

170 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.
cans ! The sweet peace, the inestimable liberty, they now enjoy,
would soon be replaced by the most ferocious anarchy, devouring
their wealth, annihilating their strength, contaminating and destroy
ing cdl the happiness of their existence. Already have the colonists
trampled on all restraints ; already have they cast off aU human re
spect; and, amidst their subtle machinations, and the shades in
which they envelop themselves, they suffer, as it were, in spite of
themselves, their culpable designs to appear. If they have not yet
acquired the consistence, they at least assume the forras of an inde
pendent nation.
' Who among us has not felt emotions kindling deep in his breast,
or transports of indignation, at the reading of the decrees of con
gress, in which, with a language and a tone better beseeming the
haughty courts of VersaUles or of Madiid than the subjects of a
great king, they ordain imperiously the cessation of all commerce
between their country and our own ? We may transport our mer
chandise and our commodities among all other nations. It is only
under the inhospitable skies of America, only in this country, dyed
with the blood, and bathed in the sweat, we have shed for the safety
and prosperity of its inhabitants, that English industry cannot hope
for protection, cannot find an asylum ! Are we then of a spirit to
endure that our subjects trace around us the circle of Popilius, and
proudly declare on what conditions they will deign to obey the an
cient laws of the comraon country ? But all succeeds to their wish ;
they hope from our magnanimity that war will result, and from war,
independence. And what a people is this, whom benefits cannot
oblige, whom clemency exasperates, whom the necessity of defense,
created by themselves, offends !
' If, therefore, no doubt can remain as to the projects of these
ungrateful colonists ; if an universal resistance to the civil govern
ment and to the laws of the country ; if the interruption of a free
and reciprocal commerce between one part and another of the
realm ; if resisting every act of the British legislature, and absolute
ly, in word and deed, denying the sovereignty of this country ; if
layirg a strong hand on the revenues of America ; if seizing his
majesty's forts, artillery and ammunition ; if exciting and stimu
lating, by every means, the vvhole subjects of America to take arms,
and to resist the constitutional authority of Great Britain, are acts
of treason, then are the Americans in a state of the most flagrant
rebelhon. Wherefore, then, should vve delay to take resolute meas
ures ? If no other alternative is left us, if it is necessary to use
the power which vve enjoy, under heaven, for the protection of die
whole empire, let us show the Americans that, as our ancestors

BOOK IV THE AMERICAN WAR. 171
deluged this country with their blood to leave us a free constitution,
we, like men, in defiance of faction at home and rebellion abroad,
are determined, in glorious emulation of their example, to transmit it,
perfect and unimpaired, to our posterity. I hear it said by these
propagators of sinister auguries, that we shall be vanquished in this
contest. But all human enterprises are never without a something
of uncertainty. Are high minded men for this to stand listless, and
indolently abandon to the caprices of fortune the conduct of their
affairs ? If this dastardly doctrine prevailed, if none would ever
act without assurance of the event, assuredly no generous enterprise
would ever be attempted ; chance and bhnd destiny would govern
the world. I trust, however, in the present crisis, we may cherish
better hopes ; for, even omitting the bravery of our soldiers and the
ability of our generals, loyal subjects are not so rare in America as
some believe, or affect to beUeve. And, besides, vvill the Americans
long support the privation of all the things necessary to life, which
our numerous navy will prevent from reaching their shores ?
' This is what I think of our present situation ; these are the
sentiments of a man neither partial nor veheraent, but free from all
prepossessions, and ready to combat and shed the last drop of nis
blood, to put down the excesses of hcense, to extirpate the germs
of cruel anarchy, to defend the rights and the privileges of this most
innocent people, whether he finds their enemies in the savage des
erts of America, or in the cultivated plains of England.
' And if there are Catilines among us, who plot in darkness per
nicious schemes against the state, let them be unveiled and dragged
to Ught, that they may be offered a sacrifice, as victims to the just
vengeance of this courteous country; that their names may be
stamped with infamy to the latest posterity, and their memory held
in execration by all men of worth, in every future age ! '
The vehemence of these two discourses excited an extraordinary
agitation in the house of commons ; after it was calmed, the propo
sition of the ministers was put to vote and carried, by a majority of
two thirds of the house.
Such .was the conclusion of the most important affair that for a
long time had been submitted to the decision of parliament. The
inhabitants of all Europe, as well as those of Great Britain, awaited,
with eager curiosity, the result of these debates. During their con
tmuance, the foreign ministers, resident in London, attentively
watched aU the movements of the ministry, and the discussions of
parhament, persuaded that whatever might be the decision, it could
not fail to prove fertile in events of the highest importance, not only
for England, but also for all the other European states.

172 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.
On the same day was read a petition from the island of Jamaica,
very energetic, and totally in favor of tiie colonies. It displeased,
and, as usual, was thrown aside.
The ministers, having attained their object, in causing the inhab
itants of Massachusetts to be declared rebels, resolved to lay before
parliament the system of measures they intended to pursue, in regard
to the affairs of America. Having either no adequate idea of the
inflexibflity of men, inflamed by the zeal of new opinions, or being
pre-occupied by passion, or perhaps restrained by the timidity of their
characters, they persisted in believing, that the Araericans vvould not
long endure the privation of their commerce, and thus becoming
divided among themselves, would solicit an arrangement. Relying
also too impUcitly on the assertions of Hutchinson, and other officers
of the crown, that had been, or stUl vvere in America, who assured
them that the friends of England, in the colonies, were powerful in
numbers, resources and influence, they no longer hesitated to adopt
the most rigorous measures, without supporting them by a com
mensurate force.
Thus guided, as usual, by their spirit of infatuation, they confided
their cause, not to the certain operation of armies, but to the sup
posed inconstancy and partiality of the American people. Upon such
a foundation, lord North proposed a new bill, the object of vvhich
was to restrict the comm.erce of New England to Great Britain, Ire
land and the West India islands, and prohibit, at the same time, the
fishery of Newfoundland. The prejudice that must have resulted
from this act, to the inhabitants of New England, may be calculated
from the single fact, that they annually employed in this business
about forty-six thousand tons and six thousand seamen ; and the
produce realized from it, in foreign moi'kets, amounted to three
hundred and twenty thousand pounds sterling. This biU, however,
did not pass without opposition in the two houses ; on the contrary,
the debates and the agitation it excited, were vehement in both.
Many of the members exerted all their efforts to defeat it, and more
than any, the marquis of Rockingham, vvho presented, to this end,
a petition of the London raerchants.
The bill was, however, approved by a great majority. The oppo
sition protested ; the ministers scarcely deigned to perceive it.
This prohibition of all foreign commerce, and of the fishery of
Newfoundland, at first comprehended only the four provinces of
New England ; but the ministers, finding the parliament placid and
docfle, afterwards extended it to the other colonies, vvith the excep
tion of New York and North Carolina. They alledged it was e.K-
nedient to punish all the provinces which had participated in the

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 173
league against British commerce and manufactures. This proposi
tion was approved without difficulty. After a few days had trans
pired, they moved, that the counties situated on the Delaware,
New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, should be subjected to the same
laws, as they also had manifested a spirit of rebellion. The clause
was added. Thus the English ministers employed only partial
measures ; imitating those little children, who, having constructed a
dyke of clay for their arausement, are incessantly occupied in stop
ping, one after another, all the apertures through which the water
seeks to escape.
Meanwhile they had given orders to embark a corps of ten thou
sand men for America, as they considered this force sufficient to
re-establish submission and obedience to the laws ; always confident
ly relying upon the divisions ofthe Americans, and the great number
of those they conceived to be devoted to the British cause. To this
error of the ministers must be attributed the length of the war and
the termination it had ; as it was essential to success, that the first
impressions should have been energetic ; that the first movements
should have compelled the Americans to banish all idea of resist
ance ; in a word, that a sudden display of an overwhelming force
should have reduced them to the necessity of immediately laying
down arms. But the ministers preferred to trust the issue of this
aU iraportant contest, to the intrigues, however at aU times uncer
tain, of factions and parties, rather than to the agency of formida
ble armies.
But the counsels of the rainisters ended not here. Wishing to
blend with rigor a certain clemency, and also to prevent new occa
sions of insurrection in America, they brought forward the project
of a law, purporting, that when, in any province or colony, the gov
ernor, council, assembly, or general court, should propose to make
provision according to their respective conditions, circumstances and
faculties, for contributing their proportion to the common defense ;
such proportion to be raised under the authorities of the general
court or assembly in each province or colony, and disposable by
parhament ; and should engage to make provision also for the sup
port of the civil government, and the administration of justice in
such province or colony, it would be proper, if such proposal should
be approved by the king in his parhament, and for so long as such
provision should be made accordingly, to forbear in respect of such
province or colony, to impose any duties, taxes, or assessment,
except only such as might be thought necessary for the regulation
of commerce.
If this proposition displeased many among the members of the

174. THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.
ministerial party, as being greatiy derogatory to the dignity and rights
of the parliament, which ought to make no concessions to rebels,
while they have arms in their hands ; it may be presumed that it
was received vvith every mark of the most violent disapprobation by
the adverse party ; they declared it to be base, vile, and insidious.
But the ministers considered, that whatever might be the fate of the
law in America, and even supposing it should not be accepted, the
people of England, at least, would be convinced that nothing could
subdue the obstinacy of the colonists, and that, as to finances, they
were determined to bear no part of the public burthens. According
to the views of the ministry, if this law was to produce greater con
cord in England, it vvould be likely, they apprehended, to create
divisions in America ; for if a single province accepted the offer,
and consented to an accommodation, the confederacy of the Amer
icans, by vvhich alone they were formidable, dissolved of itself.
Lord North, in his discourse to the parliament, did not dissemble
this last hope.
The colonists affected to resent this project as a violent outrage ;
they complained that the rainister attempted to follow the too well
known maxim of divide and reign ; as if the English ministers
ought not to consider laudable what they reputed blamable ; as if,
between declared enemies, things were to be estimated by a com
mon weight and measure.
Such were the sentiments of the ministers respecting American
affairs. Meanwhile, those who in England, and even in parliament,
favored the cause of the colonists, had not been discouraged by the
little success it obtained. They plainly foresaw the extent of the
evils to vvhich the Americans would be exposed if the resolutions of
the ministers should be executed. UnwUling to fail in then duty to
their country, and perhaps also stimulated by ambition, in case things
should take an unfortunate direction, they resolved to renew their
efforts, to induce, if possible, the government to embrace measures
more calculated to calm the exasperated minds of the colonists, and
dispose thera to concord ; for they were very far from believing that
the mode proposed by lord North would have the expected result.
Accordingly, Edmund Burke, one of the raerabers of the house
of commons, who, by his genius, his knovvledge, and his rare elo
quence, had acquired the most briUiant reputation, declared upon
ihis occasion, that it gave him singular satisfaction to find the minis
ters disposed to make any concessions to the Araericans, and since
lord North himself had proposed a way which he supposed might
lead to concUiation, he accepted it as a most happy augury ; as an
avowal, that in the present question, no regard was to be had for

BOOK IV. THE AMiERICAN WAR. 175
vain imaginations, for abstract ideas of rights, and general theories
of government, but on the contrary, that it was essential to reason
from the nature of things, from actual circumstances, from practice,
and from experience.
He then entered into an accurate investigation of the actual state
of the colonies ; he considered their situation, extent, wealth, popu
lation, agriculture, commerce, with their power and weight in the
scale of empire. He adverted to that invincible spirit of freedom
which distinguishes them in so peculiar a raanner from all other
people. He observed, that whUe Great Britain had governed
America, conformably to all these circumstances, both countries
had been united and happy ; and that to re-establish this prosperous
state of things, it was only necessary to resume the accustomed sys
tem of government. In examining the different plans proposed for
the government of America, he animadverted particularly upon that
of force ; a method which, as the most simple and easy to compre
hend, men were apt to have recourse to in all difficult circum
stances ; without reflecting that what appears the most expeditious,
is frequentiy the least expedient. He remarked, that the utUity of
eraploying force, depended upon tiraes and circurastances, vvhich
were always variable and uncertain ; that it destroyed the very ob
jects of preservation ; that it was a mode of governing hitherto un
known in the colonies, and therefore dangerous to make trial of ;^
that their flourishing condition, and the benefits thence resulting to
England, were owing to quite other causes, to a method totally dif
ferent ; that all discussions of right and of favors, should be disclaim
ed in such a subject ; the surest rule to govern the colonies vvas to
call them to participate in the free constitution of England, by giving
the Americans the guaranty of parliament, that Great Britain shall
never depart frora the principles vvhich shall be once established ;
that, in such matters, it vvas better to consult prudence than cavfl
about right ; that the solemn doctors of the laws had nothing to do
with this affair ; that practice was always a wiser counsellor than
speculation ; that experience had already marked the road to be
taken on this occasion ; it had long been followed with advantage
and safety ; that this tested system could not be resumed too soon,
by abandoning all new and extraordinary projects. He concluded
by saying, that, as there existed no reason for believing that the col
onists vvould be less disposed in future to grant subsidies, voiuntari
ly, than they had been in times past, he would have the secretaries
of state address the customary requisitions to their assemblies.
The ministers rose to reply ; and this time, a thing rather strange,
and not to have been expected from the partisans of lord Bute, they

176 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IV.
demonstrated great solicitude for liberty ; so true it is, that if some
times the promoters of popular anarchy, as also those of absolute
power, frequently vociferate the name of liberty, it is because they
know that if the people cannot love what oppresses them, they may
at least easily be deceived by the appearance and tbe narae alone of
ihat which constitutes their happiness. Accordingly, the ministers
declared, that it would be a dangerous thing for liberty, if the colo
nies could, without the consent of parliament, and simply upon the
requisition of ministers, grant subsidies to the crown.
' Besides,' they added, ' the colonial assemblies have never had
the legal faculty to grant subsidies of themselves ; it is a privUege
pecuUar to parliament, which cannot be communicated to any other
body whatsoever. We read, in the Declaration of Rights, " that
levying money for the use of tlie crown, by pretense of prerogative,
and without the consent of parliament, is an act contrary to law."
A minister vvho should suffer the grant of any sort of revenues from
the colonies to the crown, without the consent of parhament, would
be liable to impeachment. Although, in time of war, and from the
urgency of circumstances, this abuse has sometimes been tolerated,
it could not be adraitted in tiraes of peace, without the total subver
sion of the constitution. What will be the consequence, if the par
liament once divests itself of the right to tax the colonies ? It will
no longer be possible to ground calculations upon any subsidies on
tlieir part ; for, because they have furnished them heretofore, can it
be inferred that they will always furnish them in future ? It may
happen, that on some pressing occasion they will refuse ; and if
they should, what means will remain to enforce their contributions?
Finally, if they passed resolutions for levying money in the late
war, it was because their ovvn interests were concerned, and the
dangers immediately menaced theraselves; but, in other circum
stances, and for interests more remote, whether they would furnish
simflar subsidies, appears extremely doubtful.'
Such vvas the answer of the ministers. The motion of Burke
was rejected ; not, however, without causing pain to many among
the EngUsh, who ardently desired that some means might be de
vised, by which a reconciliation could be effected. But such were
not the impressions of the still greater number that adhered to the
party of the ministers. In the present state of things, the affair of
taxation was, or appeared to have become, the least important part
of the controversy ; the quarrel, increasing in virulency, had extend
ed to other objects of still greater moment, and concerning the very
nature of the government.
The ministerial party entertained the most violent suspicions, that.

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 177
under this shadow of pretensions about taxes and constitutional
hberty, machinations were concealed, tending to alter the furm of
government, to propEigate, and perhaps to reaUze, those ideas of a
repubhc which had occasioned in England so much discord and so
many wars.
The present partisans of liberty in America, and those who favor
ed them in Great Britain, much resembled those of times past ; and
it was apprehended they were plotting the same designs. The least
partiality for the cause of the Americans was viewed as a criminal
scheme against the state ; all those who declared themselves in their
favor were considered as an audacious set of men, full of ambition
and obstinacy, vvho, to acquire power and gratify their vengeance,
vvould have involved the whole empire in devastation and carnage.
It vvas believed, that, as fathers leave their inheritance to their chil
dren, the patriots of the times of the revolution had transmitted the
venora of their opinions to those of the present epoch ; and that
these, by means of the American revolution, were seeking to ac
complish their pernicious plots. The insurrection of the colonies,
and the intestine dissensions in England, seemed to be the prelude-
of their nefarious purposes. It appeared raanifest, that, in the ex
pectation of future events, unable as yet to make themselves masters
of the state, they had formed a conspiracy to attack incessantly
tiiose vvho governed it, with their odious imputations and incend'iary
clamors. In effect, the partisans of the Americans had, for sorae
time, abandoned themselves to the most extraordinary proceedings.
They observed no human respect, — no sort of measure ; all ways,
all means, they reputed honest, if conducive to their purposes.^ Con
sequently in a discussion sustained with so much vehemence) and
imbittered by the remembrance of ancient outrages, every motion
in favor of the Americans was interpreted in the most unfavorable
manner. It was thought that Great Britain had no interest in com
ing to an accommodation with her colonists, until this republican
spirit vvas first put down and extinguished ; and, as this could not
be effected but by force of arms, the friends of government wished
they might be employed ; ' Whatever,' said they, ' may be the result
of mild counsels, they wiU but palliate the evil, — not effect its cure ;
it will re-appear, on the first favorable occasion, more formidable
than ever.'
Such were the prevailing opinions, both within and without the
parhament. To these apprehensions must be attributed, principally,
the harsh reception encountered by all the propositions for an accom
modation, which vvere made by the friends of the Americans. The
ministers, besides, were persuaded that tbe insurrection of the colo-
VOL. I. 12

17S THE AMERICAN WAK BOOK IV.
nies proceeded rather from a popular effervescence than a concerted
plan ; and that this flame would expire, as promptly as it had been
kindled. Propositions of aiTangement, and petitions, continued, however,
stiU to be offered ; but perhaps tiiey were made lueroly bocau.sc it
was known they vvould be rejoctcd, as they were in cflrct. Thus
were extinguished all hopes of reconciliation ; thus the ia^^t extrem
ities were rendered inevitable; thus vvas announced the jirccipitate
approach of war; and good citizens perceived, witli iioiror, the
calamities about to fall upon their country.
Meanwhile, the horizon became every day more lowering, in
America ; and civil war seemed only waiting the signal to explode.
The congiess of Massachusetts had passcd a resolution for the pur
chase of all the gunpowder that could be found, and of every sort
of arms and ammunition requisite for an army o( fifteen thousand
men. This decree vvas executed vvith the utmost solicitude; and,
as thes-o objects abounded principally in Boston, trie inhabitants
employed all their address to procure and transport them to places
of safety in the country, by deeeiving the vigilance of the guard
stationed upon the isthmus. Cannon, balls, and otlier instruments
of war, were curried through tho English posts, in carts apparently
loaded with manure ; powder, in the baskets or pannieis of those
who came from the Boston market ; and cartridges v\ere concealed
in candle boxes.
Thus tho provincials succceded in their preparations ; but, as it
was feared that general Gage niight send detachments to seize the
military stores in places where the}- vv ore secreted, men v\ ore chosen
to keep watch at Charlestown, Cambridge and Roxbury, and be
ready to dispatch couriers to the towns where the magazines were
kept, as often as they should sec any band of soldiers issuing frora
Boston. General Gage was not asleep. Having received intima
tion that several pieces of artillery were deposited in the neighbor
hood of Salem, he sent a detachment of tiie garrison at the castk
to seize them, and return to Boston. They landed at Marblehead,
and proceeded to Salem ; but without finding the object of their
search. They had to pass a drawbridge, which formed the commu
nication with Danvers, where the people had collected in great num
bers. The bridge had been drawn, to impede the passage of the
royal troops; the captain in command orderctl tiie bridge down;
the people refused ; and a warm altercation ensued with tiie sol
diers A sinister event appeared inevitable. At this juncture,
came up a clergyman, named Bernard, a man of great authority
witii the people, who persuaded them to let down the bridge. The

BOOK IT. THE AMERIC.iN WAR. 179
soldiers passed it ; and having made a slight incursion on the other
side, in token of the liberty they had obtained to scour the country,
they returned peaceably on board. But the country people had
already concealed, in places more secure, the artiUery and ammu
nition. Accordingly, the expedition of general Gage completely
failed of success.
Thus, by the prudence of a single man, the effusion of bbod was
prevented ; of which the danger was immiivnt. The resistance,
however, which the soldiers encountered, had greatly exasperated
their minds ; and if, before, the people of Boston lived in a state of
continual jealousy, after this event, the reciprocal irritation and
rancor had so increased, that it was feared, every raoraent, the sol
diers and the citizens would come to blows.
But war being moraently expected, the particular fate of the in
habitants of Boston had become the object of general solicitude.
The garrison was formidable ; the fortifications carried to perfec
tion ; and little hope remained that this city could be wrested from
British domination. Nor could the citizens flatter themselves more
with the hope of escaping by sea, as the port vvas blockaded by a
squadron. Thus confined amidst an irritated soldiery, the Bosto
nians found theraselves exposed to endure aU the outrages to be ap
prehended from military license. Their city had become a close
prison, and theraselves no better than hostages in the hands of the
British coraraanders. This consideration alone sufficed greatly to
irapede all civil and military operations projected by the Americans.
Various expedients were suggested, in order to extricate the Bosto
nians from this embarrassing situation ; which, if they evinced no
great prudence, certainly demonstrated no ordinary obstinacy.
Some advised, that all the inhabitants of Boston should abandon
the city, and take refuge in other places, where they should be suc
cored at the public expense ; but this design was totally impractica
ble ; since it depended on general Gage to prevent its execution.
Others recommended, that a valuation should be made of the houses
and furniture belonging to the inhabitants, that the city should then
be fired, and that all the losses should be reimbursed from the public
treasure. After mature deliberation, this project was also pronounced
not only very difficult, but absolutely irapossible to be executed.
Many inhabitants, however, left the city privately, and withdrew into
the interior of the country ; some, from disgust at this species of
captivity ; others, from fear of the approaching hostilities ; and
others, finally, from apprehensions of being questioned for acts
against the government ; but a great number, also, with a firm reso
lution, preferred to remain, and brave all consequences whatever.

180 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK IV
The soldiers of the garrison, weary of their long confinement, de
sired to sally forth, and drive away these rebels, who interrupted
their provisions, and for whom they cherished so profound a con
tempt. The inhabitants of Massachusetts, on the other hand, were
proudly indignant at this opmion of their cowardice, entertained by
the soldiers ; and panted for an occasion to prove, by a signal ven
geance, the falsehood of the reproach.
In the meantime, the news arrived of the king's speech at the
opening of parhament ; of the resolutions adopted by that body ;
and, finaUy, of the act by vvhich the inhabitants of Massachusetts
were declared rebels. All the province flew to arras ; indignation
became fury, — obstinacy, desperation. All idea of reconciliation
had become chiraerical ; necessity stimulated the most timid ; a
thirst of vengeance fired every breast. The match is lighted, — the
materials disposed, — the conflagration impends. The children are
prepared to combat against their fathers ; citizens against citizens ;
and, as the Araericans declared, the friends of liberty against its
oppressors, — against the founders of tyranny.
' In these arms,' said they, ' in our right hands, are placed the hope
of safety, the existence of country, the defense of property, the
honor of our wives and daughters. With these alone can vve re
pulse a licentious soldiery, protect what man holds dearest upon earth,
and unimpaired transmit our rights to our descendants. The wotid
will admire our courage ; all good men will second us with their
wishes and prayers, and celebrate our names vvith immortal praises.
Our memory wUl become dear to posterity. It will be the example,
as the hope of freemen, and the dread of tyrants, to the latest ages.
It is time that old and contaminated England should be made ac
quainted vvith the energies of America, in the prime and innocence
of her youth ; it is time she should know how much superior are
our soldiers, in courage and constancy, to vile mercenaries. We
must look back no more ! We must conquer or die ! We are placed
between altars smoking with the most grateful incense of glory
and gratitude, on the one part, and blocks and dungeons on the
other. Let each then rise, and gird himself for the combat. The
dearest interests of this worid command it ; our most holy religion
enjoins it ; that God, who eternally rewards the virtuous, and pun
ishes the wicked, ordains it. Let us accept these happy auguries ;
for aheady the mercenary satelUtes, sent by wicked ministers to re
duce this innocent people to extremity, are imprisoned within the
waUs of a single city, where hunger emaciates them, rage devours
them, death consumes them. Let us banish every fear, every alarm;
fortune smiles upon the efforts of tbe brave I '

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR 181
By similar discourses, they excited one another, and prepared
themselves for defense. The fatal moment is arrived ; the signal of
civil war is given.
General Gage was informed, that the provincials had amassed
farge quantities of arms and ammunition, in the tpwns of Worcester
and Concord ; vvhich last is eighteen miles distant from the city of
Boston. Excited by the loyalists, who had persuaded him that he
would flnd no resistance, considering the cowardice of the patriots,
and perhaps not imagining that the sword would be drawn so soon,
he resolved to send a few companies to Concord, in order to seize
the military stores deposited there, and transport them to Boston, or
destroy them. It was said also, that he had it in view, by this sud
den expedition, to get possession of the persons of John Hancock
and of Samuel Adams, two of the most ardent patriot chiefs, and
the principal directors of the provincial congress, then asserabled in
the town of Concord. But to avoid exciting irritation, and the
popular tumults, which might have obstructed his designs, he resolved
to act with caution, and in the shade of mystery. Accordingly, he
ordered the grenadiers, and several companies of light infantry, to
hold themselves in readiness to march out of the city, at the first
signal ; adding, that it was in order to pass review, and execute dif
ferent maneuvers and military evolutions. The Bostonians enter
tained suspicions ; and sent to warn Adams and Hancock to be upon
their guard. The committee of public safety gave directions that
the arms and ammunition should be distributed about in different
places. Meanwhile, general Gage, to proceed with raore secrecy.
commanded a certain number of officers, who had been made ac
quainted with his designs, to go, as if on a party of pleasure, and
dine at Cambridge, which is situated very near Boston, and upon the
roa^ to Concord. It vvas on the 18th of April, in the evening, these
officers dispersed themselves here and there upon the road and pas
sages, to intercept the couriers that raight have been dispatched to
give notice of the movement of the troops. The governor gave or
ders that no person should be allowed to leave the city ; neverthe
less, doctor Warren, one of the most active patriots, had timely inti
mation of the scheme, and immediately dispatched confidential raes
sengers ; some of whom found the roads interdicted by the officers
that guarded them ; but others made their way unperceived to Lex
ington, a town upon the road leading to Concord. The intelligence
was soon divulged ; the' people flocked together, the bells, in al'
parts, vvere rung to give the alarm ; the continual firing of cannon
spread the agitation through all the neighboring country. In the

182 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK IV.
midst of this tumultuous scene, at eleven in the evening, a strong
detachment of grenadiers, and of light infantry, was embarked at
Boston, and went to take land at a place called Phipp's Farm,
whence they marched towards Concord. In this state of things, the
irritation had become so intense, that a spark only was wanting, to
produce an explosion ; as the event soon proved.
The troops were under the command of lieutenant-colonel Smith,
and major Pitcairn, who led the vanguard. The militia of Lexing
ton, as the intelligence of the movement of this detachment was
uncertain, had separated in the course of the night. Finally, at
five in the morning of the 19th, advice was received of the near
approach of the royal troops. The provincials that happened to
be near, assembled to the number of about seventy, certainly too
few to have had the intention to engage in combat. The English
appeared, and major Pitcairn cried in a loud voice, ' Disperse, reb
els, lay down arms, and disperse.' The provincials did not obey,
upon which he sprung from the ranks, discharged a pistol, and,
brandishing his sword, ordered his soldiers to fire. The provincials
retreated ; the English continuing their fire, the former faced about
to return it.
Meanwhile, Hancock and Adams retired from danger ; and it is
related, that while on the march, the latter, enraptured with joy, ex
claimed, ' Oh ! what an ever glorious morning is this 1 ' considering
this first effusion of blood as the prelude of events which must
secure the happiness of his country. The soldiers advanced to
wards Concord. The inhabitants assembled, and appeared disposed
to act upon the defensive, but seeing the numbers of the enemy,
they fell back, and posted themselves on the bridge, which is
found north of the town, intending to wait for re-inforcements
from the neighboring places ; but the light infantry assailed them
with fury, routed them, and occupied the bridge, while the others
entered Concord, and proceeded to the execution of their orders.
They spiked two pieces of twenty-four pound cannon, destroyed
their carriages, and a number of wheels for the use ofthe artillery;
threw into the river, and into wells, five hundred pounds of bullets,
and wasted a quantity of flour deposited there by the provincials.
These were the arm.s and provisions vvhich gave the first occasion
to a long and cruel war !
But the expedition was not yet terminated ; the minute-men ar
rived, and the forces of the provincials wexe increased by continual
accessions from every quarter. The light infantry who scoured the
country above Concord, were obliged to retreat, and on entering the

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR 183
town a hot skirmish ensued. A great number were killed on both
sides. The light infantry having joined the main body of the de
tachment, the English retreated precipitately towards Lexington ;
already the whole country had risen in arms, and the militia, from
all parts, flew to the succor of their own. Before the British de
tachment had arrived at Lexington, its rear guard and flanks suf
fered great annoyance from the provincials, who, posted behind the
trees, walls, and frequent hedges, kept up a brisk fire, vvhich the
enemy could not return. The soldiers of the king found themselves
in a most perilous situation.
General Gage, apprehensive of the event, had dispatched, in haste,
under the command of Lord Percy, a re-inforceraent of sixteen com
panies, with some marines, and two field pieces. This corps arrived
very opportunely at Lexington, at the moraent when the royal troops
entered the town from the other side, pursued with fury by the pro
vincial militia.
It appears highly probable, that, without this re-inforcement, they
would have been all cut to pieces, or made prisoners ; their strength
was exhausted, as well as their ammunition. After making a con
siderable halt at Lexington, they renewed their march towards Bos
ton, the number of the provincials increasing every moment, although
the rear guard of the English was less molested, on account of the ¦
two field pieces, which repressed the irapetuosity of the Americans.
But the flanks of the column remained exposed to a very destruc
tive fire, which assailed them from all the points adapted to serve as
coverts. The royalists were also annoyed by the heat, which was
excessive, and by a violent wind, which blew a thick dust in their
eyes. The enemy's marksmen, adding to their naturab celerity a
perfect knowledge of the country, came up unexpectedly through
cross roads, and galled the English severely, taking aim especially
at the officers, who, perceiving it, kept much on their guard. Fi
naUy, after a march of incredible fatigue, and a considerable loss of
men, the EngUsh, overwhelmed with lassitude, arrived at sunset in
Charlestown. Independentiy of the combat they had sustained, the
ground they had measured that day was above five and thirty miles.
The day foUowing they crossed over to Boston.
Such was the affair of Lexington, the first action which opened
the civil war. The English soldiers, and especially their officers,
were filled with indignation at the fortune of the day ; they could
not endure, that an undisciplined multitude, that a flock of Yankees,
as they contemptuously named the Americans, should not only have
maintained their ground against them, but even forced them to show

134 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK IV
their backs, and take refuge behind the waUs of a city. The pro
vincials. on the contrary, felt their courage immeasurably increased,
since they had obtained a proof that these famous troops were not
invincible, and had made so fortunate an essay of the goodness of
their arms.
Both parties were at great pains to prove that their adversaries
had been the aggressors. The English insisted, that the Americans
had fired first from the houses of Lexington, and that this provoca
tion had forced the British troops to fire also, and to march thence
to Concord. The Americans denied the fact, and affirmed very
positively, that major Pitcairn had commanded his detachment to
fire, when, on their part, they continued to observe a perfect calm;
and raany judicial certificates and solemn depositions were made to
this effect. Certain it is, that lieutenant-colonel Smith was much
displeased that his troops had fired ; and it seems probable, that
general Gage had given orders not to fire, except in case of a real
attack on the part of the provincials. If it be true, therefore, as
there is much reason to believe, that the first firing came from the
soldiers of the king, this ought to be imputed rather to the impru
dence of major Pitcairn than to any other order or cause.
The two parties also reciprocally accused each other, as it usuaUv
happens in civil wars, of many and horrible cruelties. The Ameri
cans pretended that the English had burnt and plundered several
houses, destroying what they were unable to carry away, and that
they had even massacred several individuals without defense. The
EngUsh, on the contrary, affirmed, that several of their comrades,
made prisoners by the rebels, had been tortured and put to death
with savage barbarity. They even related, a thing horrible to re
peat, that one of the wounded English, being left behind, and en
deavoring, with great efforts, to rejoin his corps, was assailed by a
young American, who ferociously split open his skuU with an axe,
and forced out the brains, for his sport. We dare not affirm the
truth of this abominable fact; although we find it related, as not
doubtful, by authors worthy of credit ; but vve can at least attest the
falsehood of a report which had at the time much currency. It
vvas rumored, that the inhabitants of New England, imitating, in
their fanatical rage, the barbarity of the savages, their neighbors, had
severed the scalp, torn out the eyes, and cut off the ears of many
English soldiers, both wounded and dead. It is pleasing to think,
and authorities are not wanting to affirm, that these imputations are
excessively exaggerated, both on the one part and on the other;
and if any excesses were committed in the heat of battle, it is cer-

HOOK rv. THE AMERICAN WAR. 185
tain that after the action was over, humanity recovered its rights.
It is known with perfect assurance, that the wounded, who fell
into the hands of the provincial militia, vvere treated vvith all the
cares and attentions in use among the most civUized nations. The
Americans even gave notice to general Gage, that he vvas at liberty
to send surgeons to dress and attend the wounded that were found
in their hands.
This first feat of arms had two results ; the first was to demon
strate how fals^ and ridiculous were the vaunts of those Gascons,
who, within parliament as well as without, had spoken in such un
worthy terms of American courage ; from this moment the English
nation, and especially its soldiers, persuaded themselves that the
struggle would be far more severe and raore sanguinary, than had
been at first Relieved. The second efiect of this combat was, to
increase astonishingly the confidence of the colonists, and their
resolution to defend their rights. It should be added, also, that
the reports of the cruelties committed by the British troops,
which, vi'hether true or false, the leaders never failed to propagate
and exaggerate, in every place, repeating them with words of ex
treme vehemence, and painting them in the most vivid colors, had
produced an incredible ferraentation, and a frantic rage in the minds
of the inhabitants. To give, if it were possible, still greater ac
tivity to these transports of hatred and fury, the obsequies of the
slain were celebrated with every mark of honor, their eulogies were
pronounced, they were styled the martyrs of liberty; their famihes
were the object of universal veneration. They were continually
cited as the models to be imitated in the arduous contest which
America was forced into, by the injustice and the pride of English
supremacy. The provincial congress of Massachusetts was then in session at
Watertown, ten mUes distant from Boston. Upon the news of the
battle of Lexington, it addressed a long letter to the English peo
ple, containing the most circumstantial details of this event ; the
congress endeavored to prove that the royal troops had been the first
to engage battle, by firing upon the peaceable railitia ; and by com
mitting at Concord, as well as at Lexington, many excesses, abso
lutely unworthy of the British name. They entreated the English
nation to interfere, and avert the ulterior calamities vvhich were
about to fall upon the colonies and Great Britain ; they declared and
protested their loyalty ; at the same time they affirmed it was their
firm and irrevocable resolution not to submit to any species of tyi-
anny ; thoy appealed to Heaven for the justice of a cause for which

186 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VT,
they were prepared to sacrifice their fortunes, and, if necessary,
existence itself.
But, not content with words, and desirous of giving a regular
direction to the war, and to the movements of the people, who as
sembled every where in tumultuary crowds, they Yssigned a fixed
pay to the officers and soldiers ; they made regulations for organ
izing and disciphning the mihtia. In order to be able to meet the
expenses, which were rendered necessary by circurastances, the
congress issued a certain quantity of bills of credit, which were to
be received as money, in all payments ; and for the guaranty of
vvhich, they pledged the faith of the province. They declared that
general Gage, having sent armed soldiers to destroy what existed in
the public magazines in the town of Concord, a violence vvhich had
occasioned the illegal and barbarous death of a great number of the
inhabitants of the province, was no longer entitled to receive any
obedience, but ought, on the contrary, to be regarded as an enemy
to the country.
The congress also resolved, that a levy should be raade in the
province, of thirteen thousand six hundred raen, and chose for
iheir general, colonel Ward, an officer of much reputation. This
mihtia was designed to form the contingent of Massachusetts ; the
provinces of New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, were
invited to furnish theirs, in order to complete an army of thirty
thousand men, to be commanded by general John Thomas, an ofli-
cer of great experience. Connecticut dispatched immediately a
considerable corps, under the command of colonel Putnam, an old
officer, vvho, in the two late wars, had often given proof of courage
and intelligence. The other provinces were not slow in causing
their standards to move, and, in a short time, an army of thirty
thousand men was found assembled under the walls of Boston. So
great and so universal was the ardor produced araong the inhab
itants by the battie of Lexington, that the American generals were
obliged to send back to their homes many thousand volunteers.
Putnam took his station at Carabridge, and Thomas at Roxbury,
upon the right wing of the army, to cut off entirely the communi
cation of the garrison, by the isthmus, with the adjacent country.
Thus, a few days after the affair of Lexington, the capital of the
province of Massachusetts was closely besieged ; thus, a multitude
assembled in haste, of men declared rebels, and mean spirited cow
ards, held in strict confinement, not daring to sally forth even to
procure food, many thousands of veteran troops, commanded by an
able general, and combating under the royal standard. Such was

BOOK IV. THE AMERICAN WAR 187
the situation of troops which had been sent from Europe with the
firm expectation that they would only have to show themselves, in
order to drivb before them all tlie inhabitants of a country, infinitely
moro vast and more difflcult to traverse than England itself. But,
in all times, regular troops have regarded with disdain the militia
of an insurgent people ; and often has this mUitia baffled all the
efforts of regular armies.

END OF BOOK FOURTII.

NOTE TO BOOK IV.
NOTE I.  PAGE 138.
NAMES OF MEMBERS COMPOSING THE CONGRESS OF 1774.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
John Sdilivan,
Nathaniel Fulsom.

MASSACHUSETTS.
James Bowdoix,
Thomas Cushikg,
Samuel Adams,
John Adams,
Robert T. Paine.
RHODE ISLAND.
Stephen Hopkiks,
Samuel Ward.

CONNECTICUT.
Eliphalet Dyer,
Roger Sherman,
Silas Deane.

NEW YORK.
James Duane,
Henry Wisner,
John Jat,
Philip Livingston,
Isaac Low,
John Alsop,
William Floyd.
NEW JERSEY.
James Kinsey,
William Livingston,
JoH>' De Hart,
Stephen Crane,
Richard Smith.
PENNSYLVANIA.
Joseph Galloway,
Charles Humphreys,

Samuel Rhoads,
George Ross,
John JMorton,
Thomas IMifflin,
Edward Biddle,
John Dickinson. DELAWARE.
Cesar Rodney,
Thomas M'Kean,
George Read.
MARYLAND.
Robert Goldsborough,
Thomas Johnson,
William Paca,
Samuel Chase,
Matthew Tilghman.

VIRGINIA.
Peyton Randolph,
Rich.ard Henry Lee,
George Washington,
Patrick Henr.t,
Richard Bland,
Benjamin H.arrison,
Edmund Pendleton.

NORTH CAROLINA.
William Hooper,
Joseph Hughes,
Richard Caswell.

SOUTH CAROLINA.
Henry Middleton,
John Rutledge,
Thomas Lynch,
Christopher Gadsden,
Edward Rutled'jk.

BOOK V. THE AjmEICAN WAK. 189

BOOK FIFTH.
1775. Boston is situated near the middle of the province of
Massachusetts, upon a tract of land, which, connecting with the con
tinent by an extremely narrow tongue, called the neck, afterwards
distends sufficiently to comprehend a city of very araple dimensions.
The figure of this peninsula is irregular, and forms, alternately, bays
and promontories. In one of these bays, facing towards the east, is
found the port, which is adrairably adapted to receive ships of any
burthen, as well of war as of comraerce. Towards the north, the
land branches into two parts, resembUng horns ; one of which, point
ing to the northeast, is called Hudson's Point ; and the other, bearing
to the northwest. Barton's Point. In front of these two points,
another peninsula is perceived, which, from the name of a consider
able town there situated, opposite Boston, is caUed Charlestown, and
is joined to the main land by an exceedingly narrow neck, vvhich also
bears the name of Charlestown. An arra of the sea, about half a
mile in breadth, enters between the points of Hudson, of Barton,
and of Charlestown ; and, then expanding, embraces all the western
part of the peninsula of Boston. A number of strearas erapty them
selves into this cove ; the principal of which, are Muddy, Charles,
and Mystic, or Medford, rivers. Not far from the isthmus of Boston,
the continent stretches into the sea, and forms a long promontory,
which extends, on the right, towards the east ; from which results
another peninsula, though joined to the main land by a much wider
neck than either that of Boston or of Charlestown ; these are known
by the appellations of Dorchester Neck, and Point. The peninsulas
of Charlestown, and of Dorchester, are so near to that of Boston,
that batteries placed upon either can reach the city with their shot.
This can be done with the greater facility, as in both there are many
hills, or eminences, peculiarly favorable for the position of artiUery.
There is one, above the village of Charlestown, called Breed's Hill,
which commands the city of Boston ; and another, behind it, towards
Charlestown Neck, and consequently further from Boston, which
bears the name of Bunker's Hill. In like manner upon the penin
sula of Dorchestei are heights, which have the same name ; and
another, caUed Nook's Hill, which crowns the spur of land towards
Boston. The inlet of the sea, through which the port is approached,
is sprinkled with little islands ; the most considerable of which are
Noddle's, Thompson's, Governor's, Long Island, and Castle Island.
West of Boston, upon the river Charles, is situated the extensive

190 THE AMERICAN WAE. BOOK V.
village of Cambridge ; and to the south, at the entrance of the Neck,
that of Roxbury.
The American army had rested its left wing upon the river of
Medford, and thus intercepted the communication of Charlestown
Neck ; the center occupied Cambridge ; and the right wing, posted
at Roxbury, repressed the garrison on the part of the isthmus, which,
being fortified, might have facilitated their sallies and excursions into
the country.
In this situation, respectively, the two armies were found ; but the
number and quality of the combatants, their opinions, their mihtary
science, their arms, ammunition and provisions, created a great
difference in their condition. The Americans were much superior
in number ; but this number was subject to continual variations ; for
that severe discipline, without which neither order nor stabiUty can
exist in armies, not being as yet introduced among them, the soldiers
joined or quitted their colors, as best suited their inchnations ; and
fresh bands of volunteers were daily arriving, to take the place of
those who had left the camp. They had every kind of food in great
abundance, and especially vegetables, so necessary to the health of
troops. But their arms were far from being sufficient. They had,
in aU, but sixteen field pieces, six of which, at the very utmost, vvere
in a condition for service. Their brass pieces, which were few, vvere
of the smallest caliber. They had, however, some heavy iron can
non, vvith three or four mortars and howitzers, and some scanty
provision of baUs and bombs. But of powder they were almost
totally destitute ; for, upon visiting the magazines, only eighty-two
half barrels of it were found. A certain quantity, it is true, might have
been procured in the neighboring provinces ; but this feeble resource
would soon be exhausted. Muskets vvere in abundance ; but they
vvere all of different caliber, each having brought his own. They
vvere adrairably skilled in the use of this weapon, and therefore well
adapted for the service of light troops and skirmishing parties ; but
in regular battle, they would have made but an indifferent figure.
They had no uniforms, and no magazines stocked with provisions ;
they lived from day to day, without taking thought for the morrow ;
but, in these first moments, the zeal of the neighboring country
people suffered them to want for nothing. They had no coined
money, or very littie ; but they had bills of credit, which, at this
epoch, were current at equal value with gold. The officers wanted
due instruction, excepting those few who had served in the preceding
wars. They were not even known by their soldiers ; for, the or
ganization of the several corps not being yet completed, the changes
m them were continual. Orders were ill executed ; every one

BOOK V THE AMERICAN WAR. 191
wished to com.mand, and do according to his own fancy; few
deigned to obey. Upon the whole, with the exception of some few
regiments, which liid been trained in certain provinces by experi
enced chiefs, the residue had more the appearance of a tumultuary
assemblage, than ofa regular army. But all these defects were com
pensated by the determined spiiit of their minds ; by the zeal of
party ; the profound persuasion, in aU, of the justice of their cause ._
the exhortations of their chiefs, and of the ministers of religion,
who neglected no means of daily exciting this people, already of
themselves inclined to the enthusiasm of religious ideas, to signalize
their firmness and valor in an enterprise pleasing in the sight of
Heaven and all the good of the human race.
With these feeble preparations, but with this extraordinary ardor.
the Americans commenced a war, which every thing announced
must prove long, arduous and sanguinary. It was, however, easy
to foresee, that, whatever reverses they might have to encounter in
the outset, an unshaken constancy must render them eventually iri-
umphant ; for, by preserving all their courage, and acquiring disci
pline, and the science of war, their soldiers could not fail to become
equal, in all respects, to any that could be opposed to tiiem.
As to the British troops, they were abundantly provided vvith all
things necessary to enter the field ; their arsenals were glutted vvith
artillery of various caliber, excellent muskets, powder, and arms of
every denomination. Their soldiers were all perfectly exercised,
accustomed to fatigues and dangers ; they had long been taught the
difficult art, so essential in war — to obey. Their minds were full of
the recollection of the achievements, by wliich they had distinguished
themselves at various times, in the service of their country, while
combating against the most warlike nations of the world. A partic
ular motive added stiU greatly to the martial resolution of this army
¦ — the reflection that they were to combat under the royal standard,
vvhich is usuaUy a powerful incentive to military honor. The English,
moreover, considered the enemies they vvere about to encounter, in
the light of rebels ; a name that inflamed them vvith an animosity
more intense than simple courage. They panted to avenge them
selves for the affront of Lexington ; they could by no means admit
that these Americans vvere able to resist them ; they persisted in
viewing thera as cowards, who were indebted for their success at
Lexington, exclusively to their numbers, and the advantage of ground.
They were persuaded that, in the first serious action, in the first
regular battle, the colonists would not dare to wait their approacii.
But, until the arrival of the re-inforcements expected from England,
prudence exacted a circumspect conduct towards the Araericans,

192 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
whose forces vvere more than threefold in number. Meanwhile, so
strict was the siege, no provisions being permitted to enter the city
from the neighboring towns, that fresh meat an...^ all kinds of vege
tables began to become excessively scarce ; and, although the sea
was open to the English, and they had a great nuraber of light ves
sels at their disposal, they could procure no supplies from the coasts
of New England ; the inhabitants having driven their cattie into the
interior of the country. As to the other provinces, they could ob
tain notliing from them by their consent; and they could not
employ force, because they were not yet declared rebels. The
scarcity becaine therefore extreme at Boston. The garrison, as
u ell as the inhabitants, vvere reduced to salt provisions. The Eng
lish, therefure, were impatient for the arrival of re-inforcements from
England, in order to make some vigorous effort to extricate them
selves from this difficult situation.
The besieging army, aware that the inhabitants of Boston had nc
other resource but from the magazines of the king, exercised the
greater vigilance to intercept aU supplies from the adjacent country;
liopincr that the exhaustion of these stores vvould at length induce the
governor to consent that the inhabitants, or at least the women and
ciiildren, as superfluous mouths, might leave the city. This the pro-
V incials had several times requested, very earnestly ; but the governor,
not\\itiistanding the embarrassment he experienced in providing
sustenance for the troops, appeared littie disposed to listen to the
proposition. He considered tlie inhabitants as so many hostages for
the safet}' of the city and garrison ; being apprehensive the Ameri
cans might attempt to carry the place by assault ; of which however,
there was not the least danger, although they had purposely circulated
such a rumor. Their generals were too considerate not to perceive
how fatal an impression of dis louragement must have been made on
the public raind, by the miscarriage of so important a stroke, at the
vcrv commencement of the war ; and the probabilities in favor of
this assault were not great, as the fortifications of the Neck vvere
extremely forraidable ; and, on the other hand, there could have been
little hope of success, so long as the English had command of the
sea, and the movements of a numerous fleet. But, finally, general
Gage, urged by necessity, and wishing also to withdraw arms from
the hands of the citizens, on whose account he vvas not without
appiehensions, after a long conference with the council of the city,
acceded to an arrangement, by which it vvas stipulated, tiiat all citi
zens, on giving up their arms, and depositing them in Faneuil Hall,
or some other public place, should be at liberty to retire wherever
ihey might think proper, with all their effects ; it was, however,

194 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
laws. They drew up an energetic address to the common council
of the city of London, which had shown itself favorable to the cause
of the colonies ; they declared, that aU the calamities in the train
of civil war, could not constrain the Americans to bend to the will
of Great Britain ; and that such was the universal sentiment, from
Nova Scotia to Georgia ; they conjured the city of London to exert
all its endeavors to restore pccice between the two parts of the em
pire ; but as to themselves, they protested their determination never
to endure ministerial tyranny.
The inhabitants vvere all indefatigable in training themselves to
the use of arms ; the patriots to resist England ; and the partisans
of the government, forming no inconsiderable number, either be
cause they thought it prudent to go with the current, or to prevent
disorders, or to be prepared, vvith arms in their hands, to declare
themselves upon the first occasion. But as the city of New York is
entirely exposed towards the sea, and as the inhabitants could have
no hope of defending it against the attack of an Enghsh fleet, they
resolved to risk nothing by delay, and to seize the arms and ammu
nition deposited in the royal magazines. The women and children
were removed frora the seat of danger ; which done, they prepared
to defend themselves ; and, in case they should have lost all hope of
resisting the forces of the en^jny, it vvas resolved, horrible as it seems,
though but too common in civil wars, to fire the city.
In South Carolina, it was hoped, universally, that perseverance in
the resolutions taken against British coramerce, would suffice to dis
pose the government to embrace milder counsels. But the intelli
gence of the rigorous acts of parliament was received there the very
day on which was fought the battle of Lexington, the tidings of which
arrived a few days after. The inhabitants were struck vvith surprise,
and even with terror ; well knowing to what dangers they exposed
themselves, in undertaking to wage war vvith Great Britain ; as her
formidable squadrons could reach them at all the points of a coast
two hundred miles in length, and as they found theraselves almost
totally destitute of arms or munitions of war ; without means to
equip their soldiers, without ships, without money, without officers of
experience, or skiUed in tactics. They were even not without serious
apprehensions relative to the negro slaves, formidably numerous in
this province. They were accessible to seduction, by gifts and prom
ises ; and might be instigated to massacre their masters, at the mo
ment of their most unsuspecting security. The province itself had
not been comprehended in the parliamentary proscription ; and could
not, therefore, without manifest treason, spontaneously take part in
rebeUion and open war. At length, however, tbe resolutions in-

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 195
spired by courage prevailed ; and such measures were taken as vvere
deemed best suited to the occasion. On the night subsequent to
the advice of the hostilities at Lexington, the inhabitants rushed to
the arsenal, and seized all the arms and amraunition it contained, and
distributed them among the soldiers in the pay of the province. A
provincial congress vvas convoked ; a league was contracted by the
delegates, purporting, that the Carolinians considered themselves
united, by all the ties of honor and religion, for the defense of their
country against all eneraies whatsoever ; that they were ready to
march, whenever and wherever the congress, whether general or
provincial, should judge necessary ; that they would sacrifice their
fortunes and their lives to maintain the public liberty and safet}' ;
that they would hold for enemies aU those vvho should refuse to sub
scribe the league ; which vvas to be in force, until a reconciliation
was effected between Great Britain and America, conformably to the
principles of the constitution. It vvas afterwards determined to
raise two regiments of infantry, and one of cavalry, called rangers.
Such vvas the general ardor, that more officers presented themselves
than were wanted ; the greater part from araong the wealthiest and
most respectable families of the country. At the same time, an
emission was made of bills of credit, which, at this epoch, vvere re
ceived by all the citizens, with the greatest promptitude.
In '^ew Jersey, at the news of the .affair at Lexington, the people
took possession of the provincial treasure ; and a part of it vvas
destined to pay the troops which vvere levied at the same time in
the province.
At Baltiraore, m Maryland, the inhabitants laid a strong hand upon
aU the mihtary stores that vvere found in the pubhc magazines ; and,
among other arms, fifteen hundred muskets thus fell into their power.
A decree was pubUshed, interdicting all transportation of commod
ities to the islands where fisheries were carried on, as also to the
British army and fleet stationed at Boston.
The inhabitants of Philadelphia took the same resolution, and
appeared, in all respects, equaUy disposed to defend the common
cause. The Quakers themselves, notwithstanding their pacific in
stitutions, could not forbear to participate in the ardor with which
their fellow-citizons flew to meet a new order of things.
When Virginia, this important colony, and particularly opposed to
the pretensions of England, received the intelligence of the first hos
tihties, it was found in a state of extreme commotion, excited by a
cause, which, though trivial in itself, in the present conjuncture be
came of serious importance. The provincial congress, convened in
the month of March, had recoramended a levy of volunteers in eac^

196 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
county, for the better defense of the country. The governor, lord
Dunmore, at the name of volunteers, became highly indignant ; and
conceived suspicions of some pernicious design. Apprehending the
inhabitants intended to take possession of a public magazine, in the
city of Williamsburg, he caused all the powder it contained to be
removed, by night, and conveyed on board an armed vessel, at
anchor in the river James. The following morning, the citizens, on
being apprised of the fact, were violently exasperated ; they flew to
arms, assembled in great numbers, and deraonstrated a full determi
nation to obtain restitution of the powder, either by fair nieans oi
fi>rce. A serious affair was apprehended ; but the municipal coun
cii interposed, and, repressing the tumult, dispatched a written
request to the governor, entreating him to comply vvith the public
desire. They complained, with energy, of the injury received ; and
represented the dangers to which they should be e.\posed, in case of
insurrection on the part of the blacks, whose dispositions, from va
rious recent reports, they had too much reason to distrust. The
governor answered, that the powder had been removed, because he
had heard of an insurrection in a neighboring county ; that he had
removed it in the night time to prevent any alarm ; that he was
much surprised to hear the people were under arms ; and that he
should not think it prudent to put powder into their hands in such
a situation. He assured thera, however, that, in case of a revoU
of the negroes, it should be returned iraraediately. Tranquillity
was re-established ; but in the evening, an alarra was given, that
the soldiers of the ship of war were approaching the city in arms ;
the people again also took up theirs, and passed the whole night
in expectation of an attack.
The governor, not knowing, or unwilling to yield to the temper of
the times, manifested an extreme irritation at these popular move
ments. He suffered certain menaces to fall from his lips, which it
would have been far more prudent to suppress. He intimated, that
the royal standard would be erected ; the blacks emancipated, and
armed against their masters ; a thing no less imprudent than bar
barous, and contrary to every species of civflization ; finaUy, he
threatened the destruction of the city, and to vindicate, in every
mode, his own honor, and that of the crown. These threats ex
cited a general fermentation throughout the colony, and even pro
duced an absolute abhorrence towards the government. Thus,
incidents of slight importance, assisted by the harsh and haughty
humors of the agents of England and America, contributed to ac
celerate the course of things towards that crisis, to which they
tended already, but too strongly, of themseives.

BOOKV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 197
MeanwhUe, in the popular meetings that assembled in all the
counties of the province, the seizure of the powder, and the menaces
of the governor, were condemned with asperity. But, in the coun
ty of Hanover, and the country adjacent, the inhabitants were not
content with words. They took arms ; and, under the command of
Henry, one of the delegates to the general congress, marched
against the city of WiUiamsburg, with the design, as they declared
openly, not only of obtaining restitution of the powder, but also of
securing the public treasury against the attempts of the governor.
An hundred and fifty of the most enterprising were already in the
suburbs of the city, when a parley was opened, vvhich concluded in
an accommodation, and tranquillity vvas restored ; but it vvas evident
that the pubhc mind was too rauch inflamed to admit of its long con
tinuance. The people of the country, however, returned peaceably
to their habitations.
The governor fortified his palace to the utmost of his power ; he
placed a garrison of marines within, and surrounded it vvith artil
lery. He issued a proclaraation, by which Henry and his followers
were declared rebels. Finally, with an imprudence of conduct un
worthy of a magistrate, who ought never, in the exercise of his func
tions, to suffer himself to be transported with anger, in acrimonious
terms, he attributed the present commotions to the disaffection of
the people, and their desire to excite a general revolt. These im
putations served only to imbitter hatred, and cut off all hope of a
better futurity.
In the midst of these divisions between the people of Virginia
and the governor, an incident happened, which still added to their
violence. In like manner as doctor Franklin had procured the letters of
Hutchinson, some other person had found means to convey from
the office of state, the official correspondence of lord Dunmore ;
which was transmitted to the Virginian chiefs. Immediately upon
its publication, a cry of indignation arose against the governor, for
having written things false, and injurious to the province. Thus all
reciprocal confidence was destroyed ; the slightest casualty became a
serious event, and mutual enmity more and more imbittered the in
evitable effects of this misunderstanding.
During these disputes, vvhich, apart from the irritation they sup
ported against the governraent, could have no considerable influ
ence, of themselves, upon pubhc affairs, the inhabitants of Con
necticut attempted an important enterprise.
The road which leads from the English colonies to Canada,is traced
almost entirely along the river and lakes, which are foujid between

198 THE AJIEMCAN WaK. BOOKV.
these two countries, and in the direction of south to north. Those
wlio undertake tins excursion, begin by ascending the river Hudson,
up to fort Edward, whence, keeping to the right, they arrive at
Skeenesborough, a fort situated near the sources of Wood creek ;
or, bearing to the left, they come to fort George, erected at the south
ern extremity of the lake of that name. Both the former and the
latter afterwards embark, the first upon Wood creek, the second
upon lake George, and are landed at Ticonderoga ; at which point,
the two lakes unite to form lake Champlain, so called frora the name
of a French governor, who drowned himself there. By the lake,
and thence by the river Sorel, which flows out of it, they descend
into the great river St. Lawrence, which passes to Quebec. Ticon
deroga is then situated near the confluence of these waters, between
lake George and lake Champlain. It is therefore a place of the
highest importance, as standing upon the frontier, and at the very
entrance of Canada ; whoever occupies it can intercept all commu
nication between this province and the colonies. Accordingly, the
French had fortified it with such diligence, that the EngUsh, in the
preceding war, were unable to carry it without extraordinary efforts,
and great effusion of blood on both sides.
The chiefs of this expedition, colonels Eaton and Allen, consid
ered how essential it was to seize this key of Canada, before the
English should have thrown into the place a sufficient garrison Iot
its defense ; for, in the profound peace which prevailed at that time,
without apprehension of war either abroad or at horae, the govern
ors of Canada had made no preparations at Ticonderoga ; and it
was left to the charge of a feeble detachment. It was evident, that
if the British government resolved to prosecute war against its colo
nies, it would send troops into Canada vvith a view of attacking the
Americans in the rear, by the way of Ticonderoga. It was known,
besides, that this fortress, and that of Crown Point, situated a little
below it, upon the same lake, Champlain, were furnished with a
very numerous artillery, of which the Americans stood in the gieat-
est need. Finally, it was thought of no little importance, in these
first movements, to strike some capital blow, in order to stimulate
the ardor of the insurgent people. Accordingly, this enterprise,
having been maturely considered in the plan, and directed vvith
great prudence in the execution, had the result which might have
been expected.
It was deemed an essential point, to attack the enemy by sur
prise ; they resolved, therefore, to proceed witii profound secrecy ;
for if the commanders of Ticonderoga and of Crown Point had
any suspicion of the project, they could draw re-uiforcements from

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 199
the neighboring fortress of St. John. The general congress itself,
then in session at Philadelphia, had no intimation of their design ;
its authors being apprehensive, lest, in so great a number of mem
bers, there might be found some individual deficient in discretion.
To defray the expenses of the enterprise, the assembly of Con
necticut appropriated the sum of eighteen hundred dollars. Pow-
ller, bullets, and aU the utensfls requisite for a siege, were secretly
provided. The troops vvere promptly assembled at Castleton, a
place situated upon the banks of Wood creek, and the great road
to Ticonderoga. The greater part vvere inhabitants of the Green
Mountains, and thence, in their own style, they were called Green
Mountain Boys ; a race of men accustomed to fatigue and danger.
Among the superior officers, besides Allen and Eaton, were colonels
Brown and Warner, and captain Dickinson. They were joined at
Castleton by colonel Arnold, who came from the. army of Boston.
Possessed by nature of an extraordinary force of genius, a restless
character, and an intrepidity bordering upon prodigy, this officer had
of himself conceived the same plan ; so manifest was the utility of
the enterprise, and so bold the spirit of these American chiefs.
Arnold had conferred, to this end, with the committee of safety of
Massachusetts, vvho had appointed him colonel, with authority to levy
soldiers, in order to attempt the capture of Ticonderoga ; in pursu
ance whereof, he arrived at Castleton ; and his surprise was extieme,
at finding himself anticipated. But, as he was not a man to be baf
fled by trifles, and as nothing could delight him more than the occa
sion for combat, he concerted vvith the other leaders, and consented,
however hard he must have thought the sacrifice, to put himself un
der the command of colonel Allen.
They posted sentinels upon all the roads, to prevent the least ru
mor of their approach from reaching the menaced point ; and they
arrived, in the night, upon the bank of lake Champlain, opposite
Ticonderoga. The chief hope of success depending on dispatch,
Allen and Arnold rapidly surmounted the difficulties of crossing ;
and landed upon the other bank, in the environs of the fortress.
They continued their march, and at day break, entering by the cov
ered way, arrived upon the esplanade ; here they raised the shouts
of victory, and raade a deafening uproar. The soldiers of the gar
rison roused frora sleep at this tumult, and soon commenced firing.
A hot scuffle ensued, with gun-breeches and bayonets. The com
mander of the fort at length appeared ; colonel Eaton having in
formed him that he was prisoner of America, he was much confused,
and repeated, several times, ' What aoes this meanV The English
threw down arms, and all was surrendered to the victors.

200 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
They found, at Ticonderoga, about one hundred and twenty
pieces of twenty-four pound brass cannon, several howitzers and
mortars, baUs, bombs, and ammunition of every denomination.
The detachment that was left upon the other bank, having rejoined
the first, a party was sent against Crown Point, where the garrison
consisted of only a few soldiers. This expedition succeeded with
out difficulty ; more than a hundred pieces of artUlery vvere found
m the fort.
But the plan of the Americans vvould not have, been completely
accomplished, except they secured to themselves the exclusive con
trol of the lake ; which they could not hope to obtain, however
without seizing a corvette of war, which the English kept at anchor
near fort St. John. They resolved, therefore, to arm a vessel of the
species they call schooners, the command of which was to be given
to Arnold ; while AUen should bring on his men upon the flat boats
employed in the navigation of these lakes. The wind blowing fresh
from the south, the vessel of Arnold left the boats far in the rear.
He came unexpectedly alongside of the corvette, the captain of
which was far from suspecting the danger that raenaced him, and
took possession of it without resistance ; and, as if Heaven was
pleased to distinguish with evident tokens of its favor these first
achievements of the Americans, the wind suddenly changed from
south to north, so that, in a few hours' time, colonel Arnold re
turned, sound and safe, with his prize, to Ticonderoga.
Things passed no less propitiously for the Americans at Skeenes
borough. The fortress fell into their hands, with its garrison ; and
thus placed at their disposal a great quantity of light artillery.
Colonel AUen put sufficient garrisons in the conquered fortresses,
and deputed Arnold to comraand them in chief. As to himself, he
returned directly to Connecticut.
Such vvas the fortunate issue of the expedition of the Americans
upon the northern frontiers. It was no doubt of high importance ;
but it would have had a much greater influence upon the course of
the whole war, if these fortresses, which are the shield and bulwark
of the colonies, had been defended, in times following, with the
same prudence and valor with which they had been acquired
But about Boston, the course of events was far less rapid. The
Americans exerted their utraost industry, to intercept from the Eng
Ush all supplies of provisions ; and they, all their endeavors to pro
cure them. This gave occasion to frequent skirmishes between tbe
detachments of the two armies. One of the most severe took place
about Noddle's and Hog Island, both situated in the harbor of Bos
ton northeast of the city ; the first opposite Winnesimick, and the

BOOK V . THE AMERICAN WAR. 201

second in front of Chelsea, and very near it. These two islands,
abounding in forage and cattle, were a great resource for the Eng
lish, who went there often in quest of provisions. This the provin
cials resolved to put a stop to, by removing the cattle, and destroy
ing all tho provender they could find. They carried their purpose
into effect ; not, however, without a vigorous opposition on the part
of the royalists. The provincials landed a second time upon Nod
die's Island, and took off a great number of cattle, of various de
nominations. They effected the same purpose, a few days after, in
Pettick's and Deer Island. In all these actions, they demonstrated
the most intrepid courage, and acquired greater confidence in them
selves. The garrison of Boston, already suffering greatly frora thp
scarcity of food, experienced, from these operations, a prejudice dif
ficult to describe.
These feats were tne prelude to an action of far greater moraent
which followed a few days after. The succors expected from
England, had arrived at Boston ; which, with the garrison, formed
an array of from ten to twelve thousand men ; all excellent troops.
Three distinguished generals, Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne, were
at the head of these re-inforcements. Great events were looked
for on both sides. The English were inflamed with desire to wash
out the stain of Lexington ; they could not endure the idea that the
Americans had seen them fly ; it galled them to think, that the sol
diers of the British king, renowned for their brilliant exploits, were
now closely iraprisoned within the waUs of a city. They were de
sirous, at any price, of proving that their superiority over the herds
of American militia, was not a vain chimera. Above all, they ar
dently aspired to terminate, by sorae decisive stroke, this ignominious
war ; and thus satisfy, at once, their own glory, the expectations of
their country, the orders, the desires, and the promises of the
ministers. But victory was exacted of them still more imperiously
by the scarcity of food, which every day became more alarming ;
for, if they must sacrifice their lives, they chose rather to perish
by the sword than by famine. The Americans, on their part, were
not less eager for the hour of combat to arrive ; their preceding
successes had stimulated their courage, and promised them new
triumphs. In this state of things, the English generals deliberated maturely
upon the most expedient mode of extricating themselves from this
difficult position, and placing themselves more at large in the country.
Two ways were suggested of issuing from the city ; one, to sally out
from the Neck, and attack the American intrenehments at Roxbu
ry ; and, having forced them, lo scour the country on the part of the

202 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
county of Suffolk ; the other was, to pass the feriy of Charlestown,
traverse the peninsula of this name, issue by the isthmus, and dis
lodge the enemy, who occupied the heights between Willis creek
and Mystic river ; and then dilate in the direction of Worcester.
General Gage had for some time been decided to attempt the
first of these alternatives. He calculated, that in case of a repulse,
the fortifications of Boston Neck would secure his retreat. The
Americans, having been apprised of it, on the very day appointed
for the attack, stood much upon their guard. Whether from this
motive, or some other raore probable, the English general altered
his resolution, and neither marched out on that day nor the foUnning
The provincials took advantage of the delay, and strengthened their
intrenehments with parapets and palisades. They also concentrated
their artillery, and re-inforced this part of the army with afl the
mUitia of the adjacent country. AU these dispositions were made
with so much intelligence, that the English could no longer attempt
an attack upon this quarter, without exposing theraselves to manifest
peril. Accordingly, they abandoned all thoughts of it, and directed
their views towards the peninsula and Neck of Charlestown. The
American generals had immediate notice of it ; and resolved to exert
their most strenuous endeavors to defeat this new project of the
enemy. Nothing was better suited to such a purpose, than to fortify
diligently the heights of Bunker's Hill, vvhich commanded the en
trance and the issue of the peninsula of Charlestown. Orders were
therefore given to colonel William Prescott, to occupy them vvith a
detachment of a thousand raen, and to intrench himself there by the
rules of art. But here an error was committed, which placed the
garrison of Boston in very imminent danger, and reduced the two
parties to the necessity of coming to action immediately. Whether
he was deceived by the resemblance of name, or froia some other
motive unknown, colonel Prescott, instead of repairing to the heights
of Bunker's HiU, to fortify himself there, advanced further on in the
peninsula, and immediately commenced his intrenehments upon the
heights of Breed's Hill, another eminence, vvhich overlooks Charles
town, and is situated towards the extremity of the peninsula, nearer
to Boston. The works vvere pushed with so much ardor, that the
foUowing morning, by day-break, the Americans had already con
structed a square redoubt, capable of affording them some shelter
from the enemy's fire. The labor had been conducted vvith such
silence, that the English had no suspicion of what was passino-. It
was about four in the morning, when the captain of a ship of war
first perceived it, and began to play his artillery. The report of the
cannon attracted a multitude of spectators to the shoie.

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 203
The EngUsh generals doubted the testimony of their senses.
Meanwhile, the thing appeared too iraportant not to endeavor to
dislodge the provincials, or at least to prevent thera from completing
the fortifications commenced ; for, as the height of Breed's Hill ab
solutely commands Boston, the city vvas no longer tenable, if the
Americans erected a battery upon this eminence. The English
therefore opened a general fire of the artillery of the city, of the
fleet, and of the floating batteries stationed around the peninsula of
Boston. It hailed a tempest of bombs and balls upon the works of
the Americans ; they were especially incommoded by the fire of a
battery planted upon an eminence naraed Copp's Hill, which, situ
ated within the city, forms a species of tower, in front of Breed's
Hill. Biit all this was without effect. The Araericans continued
to work the whole day, with unshaken constancy ; and, towards
night, they had already much advanced a trench, vvhich descended
from the redoubt to the foot of the hill, and almost to the bank of
Mystic river. The fury of the enemy's artUlery, it is true, had pre
vented them from carrying it to perfection.
In this conjuncture, there remained no other hope for the English
generals, but in atterapting an assault, to drive the Americans, by
dint of force, from this formidable position. This resolution was
taken without hesitation ; and it vvas followed, the 17th of June, by
the action of Breed's Hill, known also by the name of Bunker's HiU ;
much renowned for the intrepidity, not to say the temerity, of the
two parties ; for the number of the dead and wounded ; and for the
effect it produced upon the opinions of men, in regard to the valor
of the Araericans, and the probable issue of the whole war.
The right wing of the Americans was flanked by the houses of
Charlestown, which they occupied ; and the part of this wing which
connected with the main body, was defended by the redoubt erected
upon the heights of Breed's Hill. The center, and the left wing,
formed themselves behind the trench, vvhich, following the declivity
of the hill, extended towards, but without reaching. Mystic river.
The American officers having reflected that the most feeble part of
their defensive was precisely this extrem.ity of the left wing, for the
trench not extending to the river, and the land in this place being
smooth and easy, there was danger of being turned, and attacked in
the rear, they determined, therefore, to obstruct this passage by two
parallel palisades, and to fill up with herbage the interval between
the one and the other. The troops of Massachusetts occupied
Charlestown, the redoubt, and a part of the trench ; those of Con
necticut, commanded by captain. Noi ten, and those of New Hamp
shire, under colonel Stark, the rest of the trench. A few moments

204 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V
before the action commenced, doctor WarrtJn, who had been ap-
Dointed general, a personage of great authority, and a zealous patriot,
arrived vvith some re-inforcements. General Poraeroy made his
appearance at the same time. The first joined the troops of his
own province, of Massachusetts ; the second took command of those
from Connecticut. General Putnam directed in chief; and held
himself ready to repair to any point, where his presence should be
most wanted. The Americans bed no cavalry ; that vvhich vvas
expected frora the southern provinces was not yet arrived. The
artillery, without being very numerous, was nevertheless competent.
They wanted not for muskets ; but the greater part were without
bayonets. Their sharp shooters, for want of rifles, were obliged to
use common firelocks ; but as marksmen they had no equals. Such
were the means of the Americans ; but their hope was great ; and
they were all impatient for the sig'ial of combat.
Between mid-day and oue o'clock, the heat being intense, all was
in motion in the British camp. A multitude of sloops and boats,
filled with soldiers, left the shore of Boston, and stood for Charles
town ; they landed at Moreton's Point, without meeting resistance;
as the ships of war and armed vessels effectually protected the
debarkation vvith the fire of their artillery, which forced the enemy
to keep within his intrenehments. This corps consisted of ten com
panies of grenadiers, as many of light infantry, and a proportionate
artillery ; the whole under the command of raajor-general Howe,
and brigadier-general Pigot. The troops, on landing, began to
display, the light infantry upon the right, the grenadiers upon the
left ; but, having observed the strength of the position, and the good
countenance of the Americans, general Howe made a halt, and sent
to call a re-inforcement.
The English formed themselves in two columns. Their plan was,
that the left wing, under general Pigot, should attack the rebels in
Ciiarlestown ; while the center assaulted the redoubt ; and the right
wing, consisting of light infantry, should force the passage near the
river Mystic, and thus assaU the Americans in flank and rear ; vvhich
would have given the English a complete victory. It appears, also,
tiiat general Gage had formed the design of setting fire to Charles
town, when evacuated by the enemy, in order that the corps destined
to assail the redoubt, thus protected by the flame and smoke, might
be less exposed to the fire of the provincials.
The dispositions having all been corapleted, the EngUsh put them
selves in raotion. The provincials that were stationed to defend
Charlestown, fearing lest the assailants should penetrate between
this town and the redoubt ; and thus to find themselves cut off from

BOOK V THE AMERICAN WAR. 205
the rest of the army, retreated. The English immediately entered
the town, and fired the buUdings ; as they were of wood in a mo
ment the combustion became general.
They continued a slow march' against the redoubt and trench ;
halting, from time to time, for the artillery to come up, and act vvith
some effect, previous to the assault. The flames and smoke of
Charlestown were of no use to them, as the wind turned them in a
contrary direction. Their gradual advance, and the extreme clear
ness of the air, permitted the Americans to level their muskets.
They, however, suffered the enemy to approach, before they com
menced their fire ; and waited for ihe assault, in profound tranquil
hty. It would be difficult to paint the scene of terror presented by
these circumstances. A large town, all enveloped in flames, which,
excited by a violent wind, rose to an immense height, and spread
every moment more and more ; an innumerable multitude, rushing
from all parts, to witness so unusual a spectacle, and see the issue of
the sanguinary conflict that vvas about to commence. The Bosto
nians, and soldiers of the garrison not in actual service, were mounted
upon the spires, upon the roofs, and upon the heights. The hiUs,
and circumjacent fields, from which the dread arena could be viewed
in safety, were covered with swarms of spectators, of every rank, and
age, and sex ; each agitated by fear or hope, according to the party
he espoused.
The Enghsh having advanced within reach of musketry, the
Americans showered upon them a volley of bullets. This terrible
fire was so well supported, and so well directed, that the ranks of
tiie assailants were soon thinned and broken ; they retired in disor
der to the place of their landing ; some threw themselves precipi
tately into the boats. The field of battle vvas covered with the slain.
The officers were seen running hither and thither, with promises,
with exhortations, and with menaces, attempting to raUy the soldiers,
and inspirit them for a second attack. Finally, after the most pain
ful efforts, they resumed their ranks, and marched up to the enemy.
The Americans reserved their fire, as before, untfl their approach,
and received them with the same deluge of balls. The EngUsh,
overwhehned and routed, again fled to the shore. In this perUous
moment, general Howe remained for some time alone upon the
field of battle ; aU the officers who surrounded him were kiUed or
wounded. It is related, that at this critical conjuncture, upon which
depended the issue of the day, general Clinton, who, from Copp's
Hifl, examined aU the moveraents, on seeing the destruction of his
troops, iraraediately resolved to fly to their succor.
This experienced commander, by an able movement, re-estabUshcd

206 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
order ; and seconded by the officers, who felt aU the importance of
success, to English honor and the course of events, he led the troops
to a third attack. It was directed against the redoubt, at three
several points. The artillery of the ships not only prevented all
re-inforcements from coming to the Americans, by the isthmus of
Charlestown, but even uncovered, and swept the interior of the
trench, vvhich was battered in front at the same tim.e. The ammu
nition of the Americans was nearly exhausted, and they could have
no hopes of a recruit. Their fire must, of necessity, languish.
Meanwhile, the English had advanced to the foot of the redoubt'
The provincials, destitute of bayonets, defended themselves valiantly
with the but-end of their muskets. But the redoubt being already
full of enemies, the American general gave the signal of retreat, and
drew off his men.
While the left wing and center of the English army were thus
engaged, the light infantry had impetuously attacked the palisades,
which the provincials had erected in haste upon the bank of the
river Mystic. On the one side, and on the other, the combat was
obstinate ; and if the assault was furious, the resistance vvas not
feeble. In spite'.of all the efforts of the royal troops, the provincials
still maintained the battle in this part ; and had no thoughts of retir
ing, until they saw the redoubt and upper part of the trench were
in the power of the enemy. Their retreat was executed with an or
der not to have been expected from new levied soldiers. This strenu
ous resistance of the left wing of the American army, was, in effect,
the salvation of the rest ; for if it had given ground but a few in
stants sooner, the enemy's light infantry would have taken the main
body and right wing in the rear, and their situation would have been
hopeless. But the Americans had not yet reached the term of their
toils and dangers. The only way that remained of retreat, was by
the isthmus of Charlestown, and the English had placed there a ship
of war and two floating batteries, the balls of vvhich raked every
part of it. The Americans, however, issued from the peninsula,
without any considerable loss. It vvas during the retreat, that doc
tor Warren received his death. Finding the corps he commanded
hotly pursued by the enemy, despising all danger-, he stood alone be
fore the ranks, endeavoring to rally his tioops, and to encourage them
by his own example. He reminded them of the mottos inscribed on
their ensigns ; on one side of which were these words, ' An appeal
to Heaven;' and on the other, ' Qui transtulit, sustmet ;' meaning,
that the same Providence which brought their ancestors through so
many perils, to a place of refuge, would also deign to support their
descendants.

BOOK V. TIIE AMERICAN WAR 207
An English officer perceived doctor Warren, and knew him ; he
borrowed the musket of one of his soldiers, and hit him vvith a ball,
either in the head or in the breast. He feU dead upon the spot.
The Americans were apprehensive lest the English, availing them
selves of victory, should sally out of the peninsula, and attack their
head-quarters at Cambridge. But they contented themselves with
taking possession of Bunker's Hill, where they intrenched them
selves, in order to guard the entrance of the Neck against any new
enterprise on the part of the eneray. The provincials, having the
same suspicion, fortified Prospect HiU, vvhich is situated at the mouth
of the isthmus, on the side of the main land. But neither the one
nor the other were disposed to hazard any new movement ; the first,
discouraged by the loss of so raany men, and the second, by that of
the field of battle and the peninsula. The provincials had to regret
five pieces of cannon, vvith a great number of utensils employed in
fortifications, and no Uttle camp equipage.
General Howe was greatly blamed by some, for having chosen to
attack the Americans, by directing his battery in front against the
fortifications upon Breed's HUl, and the trench that descended
towards the sea, on the part of Mystic river. It was thought, that if
he had landed a respectable detachment upon the isthmus of Charles
town, an operation vvhich the assistance of the ships of war and float
ing batteries would have rendered perfectly easy to him, it would
have corapelled the Americans to evacuate the peninsula, without
the necessity of coming to a sanguinary engageraent. They vvould
thus, in effect, have been deprived of aU communication vvith their
camp situated wi thout the peninsula ; and, on the part of the sea,
they could have tioped for no retreat, as it vvas comraanded by the
English. In this mode, the desired object would, therefore, have
been obtained without the sacrifice of men. Such, it is said, was
the plan of general Clinton ; but it was rejected, so great vvas the
confidence reposed in the bravery and discipline of the English
soldiers, and in the cowardice of the Americans. The first of these
opinions was not, in truth, without foundation ; but the second vvas
absolutely chimerical, and evinced more of intellectual darkness in
the EngUsh, than of prudence, and just notions upon the state of
things. By this fatal error, the bravery of the Americans was con
firmed, the English array debilitated, the spirit of the soldiers abated,
and, perhaps, the final event of the vvhole contest decided.
The possession of the peninsula of Charlestown was much less
useful than prejudicial to the royalists. Their army was not suffi
ciently numerous to guard, conveniently, all the posts of the city and
of the peninsula. The fatigues of the soldiers multiplied in an ex-

208 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V
cessive manner ; added to the heat ofthe season, which was extreme,
they generated numerous and severe maladies, which paralyzed the
movements of the army, and enfeebled it frora day to day. The
greater part of the wounds became mortal, from the influence of the
climate, and defect of proper food. Thus, besides the honor of
having conquered the field of battie, the victors gathered no real
fruit from this action ; and, if its effects be considered, upon the
opinion of other nations, and even of their own, as also upon the
force of the army, it was even of serious detriment. In the Ameri
can camp, on the contrary, provisions of every sort were in abun
dance, and the troops being accustomed to the climate, the greater
]iart of the wounded were eventually cured ; their minds were
animated with the new ardor of vengeance, and the blood they had
lost exacted a plenary expiation. Tliese dispositions were fortified,
not a little, by the firing of Charlestown, vvhich, from a flourishing
town, of signal commercial importance, was thus reduced to a heap
of ashes and of ruins. The Americans could never turn their eyes
in this direction, without a thriU of indignation, and without exe
crating the European soldiers. But the loss they felt the most
sensibly, was that of general Warren. He was one of those men
vvho are more attached to liberty than to existence, but not more
ardently the friend of freedom, than foe to avarice and ambition.
He was endowed vvith a solid judgment, a happy genius, and a brU
liant eloquence. In all private affairs, his opinion was reputed
authority, and in all public councils, a decision. Friends and ene
mies, equally knowing his fidelity and rectitude in all things, reposed
iil him a confidence without limits. Opposed to the wicked, without
hatred, propitious to the good, without adulation, affable, courteous
and humane towards each, he vvas beloved, with reverence, by all,
and respected by envy itself. Though in his person somewhat spare,
his figure was peculiarly agreeable. He mourned, at this epoch, the
recent loss of a wife, by whom he was tenderly beloved, and whom
he cherished vvith reciprocal affection. In dying so gloriously for
his country, on this raemorable day, he left several orphans, still in
childhood ; but a grateful country assumed the care of their educa
tion. Thus was lost to the state, and to his faraUy, in so important
a crisis, and in the vigor of his days, a man equally qualified to ex
cel in councU or in the field. As for ourselves, faithful to the pur
pose of history, which dispenses praise to the good and blame to the
perverse, we have not been willing that this virtuous and valiant
American should be deprived, among posterity, of that honorable
remembrance so rightfuUy due to his eminent qualities.
The expedition of the English against the peninsula of Charles-

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 209
town, inspired the Americans with a suspicion that they might per
haps also attack Roxbury, in order to open a communication with
the country. " In consequence of this apprehension, they strength
ened their fortifications with incessant application, adding new bas
tions to their lines, and furnishing them copiously with artillery, of
which they had obtained a fresh supply. The garrison of Boston,
vvhich abounded in munitions of war, kept up a continual fire of its
artillery, and particularly of its mortars, to impede the works of the
Americans. The latter had a certain number of dead and wound
ed, and several houses were burnt in Roxbury. The works were
nevertheless continued with incredible constancy, and the fortifi
cations were carried to the degree of perfection desired, and ad
equate to serve for a sufficient defense against the assaults of the
enemy. The Bostonians having seen their countrymen driven not only from
Breed's Hill, but also from the entire peninsula, and dreading the
horrors of a siege, which every thing presaged must be long and
rigorous, experienced anew a strong desire to abandon the city and
seek refuge in the interior of the province. Accordingly, the se
lectmen of the city waited on general Gage, entreating him to de
liver the requisite passports ; and protesting that, according to
tiie accord previously made., all the citizens had deposited their arms
in the Town Hall. But the general, desirous of a pretext for his
refusal, issued a proclamation, two days subsequent to the affair of
Breed's Hill, declaring, that, by various certain ways, it had come to
his knowledge, that great quantities of arms vvere concealed in the
interior of houses, and that the inhabitants meditated hostile designs.
This, at least, was what the loyalists reported, who, terrified at the
valor and animosity the patriots had manifested in this battle, vvere
apprehensive of some fatal accident, and were unwilling to release
their hostages. But the truth is, that the greater part had delivered
up their arras, though some had concealed the best and the most pre
cious. However, the English general, who kept his word with no
body, vvould have others to observe the most scrupulous faith. He
refused, therefore, for a long time, aU permission to depart. But,
finally, the scarcity increasing more and more, and aU hope of be
ing able to raise the siege becoming iUusory, he found himself con
strained to grant passes, in order to disburthen himself of useless
mouths. He strenuously stiU persisted in refusing to permit the in
habitants who retired, to remove their furniture and effects. Thus,
when compeUed by necessity to consent to that which he had no
power to prevent, he annexed to it a rigorous condition, the more
inexcusable, as it was altogether without utility, and even could
'-OL. I. 14

210 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK V.
have none but prejudicial results. In this manner, men who re
nounce all moderation of mind, and abandon themselves to the vio
lence of their irritated passions, often take resolutions, which, far
from approaching them to the end proposed, powerfully tend to ren
der its attainment hopeless.
The dearth of provisions to which the garrison of Boston found
themselves reduced, caused thera to endeavor to procure supplies,
by falUng suddenly upon the different islands of the environs. Hence
frequent encounters ensued between the English and the Americans,
in which the latter acquired greater courage, and greater experience;
while the former became but the more surprised, and the more irri
tated, at these demonstrations of prowess. The provincials, per
fectly conversant with the places, and knowing how to avail them
selves of occasions, generally had all the advantage, in these colUs
ions. Sometimes they bore off the stock which remained ; some
times they burnt the forage, or the houses which might serve as a
covert for the enemy. In vain did the EngUsh appear every where
with their numerous raarine ; the provincials slid theraselves sornetimes
into one island, and sometimes into another, and cut off the royal
ists, thus taken by surprise. In Uke manner upon the coast fre
quent skirmishes took place ; the one party coming for booty, and
the other flying to repulse thera. This predatory warfare could
have no effect to incline the balance raore to one side than to the
other ; it served only to envenom the minds of raen, and convert
them from partisans, as, they were, into viperous and irreconcUable
eneraies. While these events were passing within Boston and its environs,
the new congress had convened at Philadelphia, in the month of May.
If the first had commenced a difficult work, this had it to continue;
and the difficulties were even increased. At the epoch of the for
mer, war vvas apprehended ; now it had commenced ; and it was
requisite to push it with vigor. Then, as it usually happens in all
new enterprises, minds were full of ardor, and tended, by a certain
natural procUvity, towards the object ; at present, though greafly
inflamed by the same sentiments, it vvas to be feared they might cool,
in consequence of those vicissitudes so coramon in popular move
ments, always more easy to excite than to maintain. A great number
of loyalists, believing that things would not come to the last extremi
ties, and that either the petitions sent to England would dispose the
government to condescend to the desires of the Americans, or that,
in time, the latter would become tranquil, had hitherto kept them
selves quiet ; but it was to be feared, that at present, seeing all hope
of reconciliation vanished, and war, no longer probable, but already

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 211
waged against that king towards whom they wished to remain faith
ful, they would break out, and join themselves to the royal Ibrces,
against the authors of the revolution. It was even to be doubted,
lest many of the partisans of liberty, who had placed great hope in
the petitions, should falter at the aspect of impending losses and
inevitable dangers. AU announced that the contest would prove
long and sanguinary. It vvas littie to be expected, that a popula
tion, until then pacific, and engaged in the arts of agriculture, and
of commerce, could all at once learn that of war, and devote them
selves to it with constancy, and without reserve. It was rauch raore
natural to imagine, that, upon the abating of this first fervor, the
softer image of their former life recurring to their minds, they vvould
abandon their colors, to go and implore the clemency ofthe conquer
or. It was, therefore, an enterprise of no Uttle difficulty for the
congress to form regulations and take measures, capable of main
taining the aeal of the people, and to impart lo its laws the influence
which at first had been exercised by public opinion. What obsta
cles had they not to surraount, in order to reduce a multitude, col
lected in haste and in tumult, to that state of rigorous discipline^
without which it was not permitted to hope for Guccess ! Nor was
it an easy task to prevent, in the conduct of the war, the revival of
those jealousies which had heretofore existed between the different
colonies ; and which might serve as a motive, or a pretext, for some
of them to consent to an accommodation, and thus desert the com
mon cause. The money requisite to defray the expenses of the
war, was alraost totally wanting ; and there was no prospect of
being able to remedy, for the future, the defect of this principal
sinew. It was, on the contrary, more rationally to be expected, that
the penury of the finances would progressively increase, in conse
quence of the interruption, or rather total cessation, of comraerce,
produced by the acts of the British parliament. The want of arms
and munitions of war, was no less afflicting ; not that there was ab
solutely no provision of military stores, but it was very far from be
ing adequate to the exigency. And further, it may be considered
as a thing very doubtful, whether even the American chiefs sincerely
expected to be able, of themselves, to resist the forces of England,
and to attain the object of so arduous an enterprise. Nay, it is al
lowable to believe they placed great dependence upon foreign suc
cors ; and these were only to be looked for on the part of the princes
of Europe ; who, if they beheld with satisfaction the effects of the
American disturbances, must at least have detested their causes, and
the principles for which the colonies combated, ft was no less evi
dent, that these sovereigns would not declare themseives in favor of

212 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
the Americans, and would not lend thera assistance, until the latter
should have signalized their arras by sorae briUiant achievement, of
decisive importance for the eventual success ofthe war. The Amer
icans themselves were perfectly aware, that it would be vain to at
tempt, at first, to draw the European states into their quarrel ; that
the first brunt of the war raust be borne by themselves alone ; and
that, if they proved unfortunate, all hope of foreign aid must be aban
doned. The prosperity of the enterprise was therefore precisely so
much the less probable, as it was the more necessary ; since the means
did not exist for providing, in so short a time, the necessary prep
arations of war. So many obstacles demonstrated the little foun
dation there was for expecting the support of foreign nations. This
consideration was calculated to damp the ardor of the American
chiefs, and to introduce a certain vacillation into all their measures.
Finally, there was an object of primary interest, which demanded
the attention of congress ; that of ascertaining what line of conduct
the Indian nations vvere likely to observe in the present contest.
Their neutrality, or their adhesion to this party or to that, was of
essential iraportance to the issue of the vvhole enterprise. The
Araericans had reason to fear the influence of the. English over these
nations ; as they are only to be swayed by gifts, and the hope of
plunder ; and the English, in the control of these means, had greatly
the advantage of their adversaries. The Indians, with -much greater
assurance, could promise themselves pillage in combating for Eng
land ; since her arms, at this epoch, appeared secure of victory, and
since the American territory was to be the theatre of the war. Can
ada, also, presented to the English a way of communication vvith the
Indian tribes, who mostly inhabit the banks of the lakes situated
behind the colonies, and in front of this English province. It was,
besides, of the kst importance to those who conducted the affairs of
Araerica, to avoid exposing themselves to the least reproach on the
part of the people of Great Britain, and even of such of their fel
low-citizens as, being either adverse, wavering, or torpid, could not
have witnessed the breaking out of hostihties, without a severe
shock. Now, though it was littie difficult to undertake the justifica
tion of the affaUs of Lexington and of Breed's HUl, in which the
colonists had combated in their own defense against an enemy who
assaUed them, could the same motives have been alledged in favor of
the expeditions upon the frontiers of Canada, directed against flie
fortresses of Ticonderoga, and of Crown Point, in which the Amer
icans had been the aggressors ? Not that these hostilities would
stand in need of excuse, with men conversant in affairs of state ;
for, the war once kindled, it was natural that the Americans should

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR 213
endeavor to do the enemy all the harm in their power, and to pre
serve himself from his assaults. But the mass of people could not
see things in the same light ; and still it was essentially the interest
of the patriot leaders, to demonstrate, even to evidence, the justice
of the cause they defended. All their force consisted in opinion ;
and arms themselves depended on this ; so dissimilar was their
situation to that of governments confirmed by the lapse of ages, in
which, by virtue of estabUshed laws, whether the war be just or not,
the regular troops hurry to battle, the people pay the cost ; arms,
ammunition, provisions, all, in a word, are forthcoming, at the first
signal ! But the greatest obstacle which the congress had to sur
mount, was the jealousy of the provincial assemblies. As all the
provinces had joined the league, and taken part in the war, it was
requisite that each should concur in the general counsels, vvhich di
rected the administration ; and that all the movements of the body
politic should tend towards the same object. Such had been the
origin of the American congress. But this body could not take the
government of all parts of the confederacy, without assuming a por
tion of the authority which belonged to the provincial assemblies ;
as, for example, that of levying troops, of disciphning the army, of
appointing the generals who were to command it in the name of
America, and finally, that of imposing taxes, and of creating a pa
per currency. It was to be feared, if too rauch authority was pre
served to the provincial assemblies, they might administer the affairs
of the Union with private views, which would have become a source
of the most serious inconveniences. On the other hand, it vvas sus
pected that these assemblies were extremely unwilling to invest the
congress with the necessary authority, by divesting themselves of
a part of their own ; and, therefore, that either they would oppose
its deliberations, or not exercise in their execution that exactness
and promptitude so desirable to secure the success of military op
erations. From this outiine of the circumstances under vvhich the congress
assembled, it is seen how difficult was their situation. Others, per
haps, endowed with less force of character, though with equal pru
dence, would have been daunted by its aspect. But these minds, in
spired by the novelty and ardor of their opinions, either did not per
ceive, or despised, their own dangers and the chances of the public
fortune. It is certain, that few enterprises were ever commenced
with greater intrepidity ; for few have presented greater uncertainty
and perU. But the die was cast ; and the necessity itself in which
they were, or beUeved themselves placed, did not permit them to
recede. To prevent accidents, not wUUng to wait for the times to

214 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
become their law, they resolved to have recourse, the first moment,
lo the most prompt and the most efficacious means.
The first thoughts of congress were necessarily turned towards
the army that blockaded Boston, to see that there should be want
ing neither arms, nor ammunition, nor re-inforcements, nor able and
valiant generals. As for those vvho were then eraployed, it was to
be remarked, that having received their authority from the colonial
assemblies, they could not pretend to command the army in the
name of the whole Union. If they had all consented to serve un
der general Putnam, it was on account of his seniority ; and the
power be enjoyed was rather a sort of temporary dictature, confer
red by the free will of the army, than an office delegated by the gen
eral government. The new state of things required a new mUitary
system, and the confederate troops ought, necessarily, to have a
chief appointed by the government, which represented the entire
confederation. The election of a generalissimo was an act of su
preme importar.ce ; on this alone might depend the good or ill suc
cess of the whole series cf operations. Among the military men
that were then found in America, and had shown themselves not
only well disposed, but even ardent for the cause of liberty, those
who enjoyed the greatest esteem were Gates and Lee ; the first for
his experience ; the secoHd, because, to much experience, he joined
n, very active genius. But the one, and the other, were born in
England ; and whatever were their opinions, and the warmth with
which they.had espoused the cause ofAmerica; whatever even was
the confidence the congress had placed in them, they would have
deeraed it a temerity to commit themselves to the good faith of two
EngUshmen, in a circumstance upon which depended the safety of
all. In case of misfortune, it would have been impossible to per
suade the multitude they had not been guilty of treason, or, at least,
of negUgence, in the accomplishment of their duties ; suspicions
which would have acted in the most fatal manner ujxin an army
whose entire basis reposed on opinion. Besides, Lee vvas a man of
impetuous character, and, perhaps, rather hated tyranny than loved
liberty. These searching and distrustful spirits were apprehen
sive that such a man, after having released them frora the tyr
anny of England, might attempt, himself, to usurp their liberty.
And further, the supreme direction of the war, once committed to tlie
hands of an individual, English born, the latter vvould be restricted
to the alternative of abandoning the colonies, by a horrible treason,
to the absolute power of England, or of conducting them to a state
of perfect independence. And the American chiefs, though they
detested the first of these conditions, were not willing to deprive

BOOK V. THJE AMERICAN WAR. 215
themselves of the shelter afforded by a discretion, with regard to
the second. It was the same consideration which determined the
congress against appointing one of the generals of the provinces of
New England, such as Putnam or Ward, who then commanded the
army of the siege, and who had recently demonstrated such signal
valor and ability, in all the actions vvhich had taken place in the
vicinity of Boston. Both had declared themselves too openly in
favor of independence ; the congress desired, indeed, to procure it,
but withal, in a propitious time. Nor should it escape mention, that
the colonists of Massachusetts were reproached with a too partial
oatriotism ; showing themselves rather the men of their province
jftan Americans. The provinces of the middle and of the south be
trayed suspicions ; they would have seen with evil eye, the cause of
America confided to the hands of an individual who might allow
himself to be influenced by certain local prepossessions, at a time in
which all desires and all interests ought to be common. There oc
curred also another reflection, no less just ; that the office of gene
ralissimo ought only to be conferred upon a personage, who, in the
value of his estate, should offer a sufficient guaranty of his fidelity,
as well in conforraing himself to the instructions of congress, as in
abstaining from aU violation of private property.
It was too well known that railitary chiefs, when they are not
softened and restrained by the principles of a liberal education, raake
no scruples to glut their greedy passions, and lay their hands Ye-(y
freely, not only upon the effects of the enemy, but even npon those
of their allies and of their own fellow citizens ; a disorder which has
always been the scourge, and often the ruin of armies.
Accordingly, after having maturely weighed these various consid
erations, the congress proceeded, on the 15th of June, to the election
of a generalissimo, by the way of baUot ; the votes, upon scrutiny,
were found all in favor of George Washington, one of the repre
sentatives of Virginia. The delegates of Massachusetts vvould have
wished to vote for one of theirs ; but seeing their votes vvould be
lost, they adhered to the others, and rendered the choice unaniraous.
Washington vvas present ; he rose, and said, that he returned his
most cordial thanks to the congress, for the honor they had conferred
upon him ; but that he much doubted his abilities were not equal to
so extensive and important a trust ; that, however, he vvould not
shrink from the task imposed for the service of the country, since,
contrary to his expectation, and without regard for the inferiority of
his, merit, it had placed in hira so great confidence ; he prayed only,
that in case any unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to his
reputation, it might be remembered, that he had declared on that

216 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
day, with the utmost sincerity, he did not think himself equal to the
command he was honored vvith. He assured the congress, that as
no pecuniary consideration had induced him to abandon his domestic
ease and happiness, to enter this arduous career, he did not wish any
profit from it ; that pay he would not accept of any sort.
Colonel Washington, for such was his rank before his election, had
acquired the reputation of a brave and prudent commander, in the
late wars against the Indians, and against the French; but at the
peace of 1763, he had retired to private life, and no longer exercised
the mUitary profession. It is not, therefore, extraordinary, that many
should have thought him unable to sustain the burthen of so fierce a
Vt^ar. But, however, the greater pait of the nation having full confi
dence in his talents and his courage, the Araericans had no hesitation
in raising hira to this high dignity. He was not only born in Amer
ica, but he there had also received his education, and there had made
a continual residence. He was modest, reserved, and naturally an
enemy to all ambition ; a quality most of all esteeraed by this dis
trustful and jealous people. He enjoyed a considerable fortune, and
the general esteem due to his worth and virtue. He was especiaUy
considered for his prudence, and a character of singular energy and
firmness. It was generaUy thought, that he did not aim at indepen
dence, but merely desired an honorable arrangement vvith England.
This opinion of his well corresponded with the intentions of the
principal representatives, who had no objection to advancing towards
independence, but were not yet prepared to dis(;over themselves.
They expected to be able so to manage affairs, that one day this
great measure would become a necessity, and that Washington him
self, when he should have got warm in the career, would easUy allow
himself to be induced, by the honor of rank, the force of things, or
the voice of glory, to proceed with a firm step, even though, instead
of the revocation of the oppressive laws, the object of his efforts
should become total independence. Thus in the person of this
general, who was then in his forty-fourth year, and already far fiom
the illusions of youth, vvere found united all the quahfications wished
for by those who had the direction of affairs. Wherefore, it is not
surprising that his election gave displeasure to none, and was even
extremely agreeable to the greater nuraber.
Having given a chief to the Union, the congress, to demonstrate
how much they promised theraselves from his fidelity and virtues,
resolved unanimously, that they vvould adhere to, maintain, and assisi
him, with their Uves and fortunes, to preserve and uphold American
liberty. Then, wishing to place at the head of the army, otiier
experienced officers, who might second Washington, they appointed

BOOK V THE AMERICAN WAR. 217
Artemas Ward, first major-general ; Charles Lee, second raajor-
general ; and PhiUp Schuyler, third raajor-general ; Horatio Gates
was named adjutant-general. A few days after, they created the
eight brigadier-generals following: Seth Pomeroy, WilUam Heath.
and John Thomas, of Massachusetts ; Richard Montgomery, of New
York ; David Wooster and John Spencer, of Connecticut ; John
Sullivan, of New Hampshire ; and Nathaniel Greene, of Rhode
Island. If any thing demonstrated the excellent discernment of
congress, it vvas, doubtless, the choice of the first generals ; all con
ducted themselves, in the course of the war, as intrepid soldiers, and
faithful guardians of American liberty.
Immediately on being invested with the suprerae command, Wash
ington repaired to the camp, at Boston ; he was accompanied by
general Lee. He was received, wherever he passed, with the great
est honors ; the most distinguished inhabitants formed themselves in
company to serve him as an escort. The congresses of New York,
and of Massachusetts, went to comphment him, and testify the joy
his election had given tiiem. He answered them with suavity and
modesty ; they might be assured that all his thoughts, all his efforts,
as well as those of his companions, would be directed towards the
re-establishment of an honorable intelligence between the colonies
and the parent state ; that as to the exercise of the fatal hostilities,
111 assuming the character of warriors, they had not laid aside that of
citizens ; and nothing could afford thera a gratification so sincere, as
for the moment to arrive, when, the rights of America secured, they
should be at liberty to return to a private condition, in the midst of
a free, peaceful, and happy country.
The general, having made the review of the army, found, exclu
sively of an almost useless multitude, only fourteen thousand five
hundred men in a condition for service ; and these had to defend a
line of more than twelve railes. The new generals arrived at the
camp most opportunely ; for the discipline of the army, having fallen,
as it were, into desuetude, it was urgently necessary to introduce a
reform. The officers had no emulation ; the soldiers scarcely ob
served the regulations, and neglected all care of cleanUness. And,
being mostly drawn from New England, they manifested a refractory
spirit, irapatient of all subordinancy.
The generals of congress, but not without the most painful efforts,
succeeded in repairing these disorders. General Gates, who was
profoundly versed in all the details of mflitary organization, contrib
uted more than any other to this salutary work. The soldiers
becanie gradually accustomed to obedience ; the regulations were
observed ; each began to know his duty ; and, at length, instead of

218 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V,
a mass of irregular mihtia, the camp presented the spectacle of a
properly disciphned army. It was divided into three corps ; the
right, under the command of Ward, occupied Roxbury ; the left,
conducted by Lee, defended Prospect HUl ; and the center, vvhich
comprehended a select corps, destined for reserve, was stationed at
Cambridge, where Washington himself had established his head
quarters. The circumvallation was fortified by so great a number of
redoubts, and supphed with so formidable an artillery, that it had
becorae irapossible for the besieged to assault Cambridge, and spread
themselves in the open country. It was believed, also, that they had
lost a great many men, as well upon the field of battle, as in conse
quence of wounds and disease.
But the American army was near wanting a raost essential article;
the inventory of powder deposited at Roxbury, Cambridge, and other
places of the vicinity, represented a public stock of only ninety bar
rels. It vvas known also, that there existed but thirty-six in the
magazines of Massachusetts. Though to this quantity had been
added all that New Hampshire, Rhode Island, and Connecticut could
furnish, the whole would have fallen short of ten thousand pounds ;
vvhich allowed but nine charges a man. In this scarcity and danger,
the army remained more than fifteen days ; and, if the English had
attacked during the time, they might easily have forced the hnes,
and raised the siege. At length, by the exertions of the committee
of New Jersey, a iew tons of powder arrived at the camp, vvhich
supplied, for the moment, the necessities of the army, and averted
the evils that vvere feared.
There remained, also, an important part to be organized in the
American a'rmy ; it had, as yet, no special corps of riflemen, which,
hovyever, were extremely essential for sudden and desultory opera
tions ; for maintaining discipline in the camp ; and for protecting the
arrival of recruits, of ammunition, and of provisions. It was neces
sary, withal, to consider, that if the war, as it was probable, after the
arrival of re-inforcements from England, should be established in the
open country, light troops became absolutely indispensable, in such
a country as Araerica, broken incessantly by ravines and waters and
obstructed by forests, hedges, mountains, and almost impracticable
defiles. Accordingly, the congress resolved that there should be
raised in Pennsylvania and Virginia, a sufficient number of riflemen ;
who, the moment the companies should be formed, were to com
mence their march towards the camp of Boston, where they were
destined for the service of light infantry. At the news of the battle
of Breed's Hill, the congress decreed that two companies more
should be levied in Pennsylvania, and that they should all be united

BOOK v. THE AMERICAN WAR. 219
in a single battalion, to be commanded by such officers as the pro
vincial assembly or congress might ap])oint. These companies of
riflemen arrived at the camp about the commencement of August ;
they formed a corps of not far from fourteen hundred men, light
clothed, and armed, for the most part, vvith rifles of great projectUe
power. While the American army that besieged Boston vvas thus daily
re-inforced, and furnished vvith all articles of immediate necessit}-,
the congress employed tiiemselves vvith extrerae activit)' in taking
such measures as they thought best calculated to keep on foot the
troops already assembled ; and even to augraent and equip them more
completely in case of need. Accordingly, it was recoraraended by
a resolution of congress, that all the colonies should put themselves
in a state of defense, and provide themselves vvith the greatest pos
sible nuraber of men, of arms, and of munitions ; emd, especially,
that they should make diligent search for saltpeter and sulphur, and
collect all they could find of these articles, without delay. An exact
scrutiny vvas therefore coramenced, in the cellars and in the stables,
in pursuit of materials so essential to modern war. In every part,
raanufactures of gunpowder, and founderies of cannon, vvere seen
rising ; every place resounded with the preparations of war. The
provincial assemblies and conventions seconded admirably the oper
ations of the congress ; and the people obeyed, vvith incredible
promptitude, the orders of these various authorities.
The congress having perceived that zeal for the liberty of Amer
ica at length prevailed over local partialities, and over the jealousy
of power, in the provincial assemblies, took greater courage, and re
solved to introduce a general system, v\ hich might serve to regulate
all the levies that were about making in each province. They were
not ignorant of the extreme utility of uniformitv, in whatever relates
to war, as the raeans of directing all minds towards the same object,
and of preventing dissensions. They passed, therefore, a resolution ,
by which it vvas recommended — and their recomraendations at this
epoch were received and executed as laws — that aU men fit to bear
arms, in each colony, from sixteen years to fifty, should form thera
selves into regular companies ; that they should furnish theraselves
with anns, and should exercise in wielding them ; that the compa
nies should organize themselves into battalions, upon the looting of
habitual defense ; and, finaUy, that a fourth part of the mUitia, ui
every colony, should be selected to serve as minute men, alvvays
ready to march wherever their presence might be necessary,. Those
who, from their religious opinions, could not bear arms, were invited
to come lo the succor of their country, at least with aU the otner

220 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
means in their power. The military pay was regulated after the rate
of twenty dollars a month to captains, thirteen to lieutenants and
ensigns, eight to sergeants and corporals, six to mere soldiers. The
congress also recoramended, that each province should appoint a
committee of safety, to superintend and direct all those things that
might concern the public security during the recess of the assem
blies or conventions ; also, that they should make such provision
as they might judge expedient, by armed vessels or otherwise, fof
the protection of their coasts and navigation against all insults from
the enemy's ships.
The intentions of congress were fulfilled, in all parts of the Union,
with the utmost cheerfulness ; but no where with raore ardor than
in Pennsylvania, and particularly in the city of Philadelphia. The
militia of this city were divided into three battalions of fifteen hun
dred men each, with an artillery company of one hundred and fifty,
and six pieces of cannon. It comprehended, besides, a troop of
hght horse, and a few companies of light infantry, riflemen, and
pioneers. This corps assembled often ; and, exhibiting the sem
blance of battle, maneuvered in the presence of congress, and of the
inhabitants, who thronged to the spectacle from all parts. The
dexterity and precision of the movements excited a general surprise
and joy. There were, at least, eight thousand men, of these excel
lent troops, and in their ranks were seen a great number of persons
distinguished for their education and condition. The same thing
was done in the country towns of Pennsylvania. It appeared that
the nuraber of all the men who had taken arms therein, and exercised
themselves in handling them, amounted to upwards of sixty thousand.
So active, this year, was the zeal of the colonists for their cause,
that even a great nuraber of Quakers, however their religious opin
ions forbid them to take arms, and to shed human blood, and not
withstanding their discipline is all of patience and of submission,
allowing themselves to be transported by the general ardor, also
joined the companies of the Philadelphians. They said, that
although their religion prohibited them from bearing arms in favor
of a cause the object of whi<;h should be either ambition, cupidity, or
revenge, they might, nevertheless, undertake the defense of national
rights and liberty. Thus there exist no opinions, however rigorous,
but what find evasions — no minds, however pacific, but kindle in
great political convulsions.
A spectacle, no less extraordinary, attracted the eyes of all the
inhabitants of Philadelphia ; whether it was reaUty, or merely an
artifice, with a view of exciting others. The German emigrants
who inhabited the city, vvere almost all very aged, and had seen

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 221
service in Europe At the name of liberty, they also were fired ;
and, what was littie to have been expected frora their years and
decrepitude, formed themselves into a body, which was called the
Old Men's Company ; resuming the profession of arms, which they
had already relinquished so long, they resolved to bear a part in the
common defense. The oldest of all was elected captain, and his
age wanted not much of a century of years. Instead of a cockade
in their hats, they wore a black crape, to denote their concern at
those unfortunate causes that compelled them, in the decline of life,
to take up arms, in order to defend the liberty of a country which
had afforded them a retreat from the oppression which had forced
them to abandon their own.
Even the women becarae desirous to signalize their zeal in de
fense of country. In the county of Bristol,* they resolved to raise
a regiment, at their ovvn cost ; to equip it entirely, and even to arm
such as were unable to afford that expense of themselves. With
their own hands they embroidered the colors with mottos appropriate
to the circumstances. The gentlewoman who presente'd them to
the regiment, made an eloquent discourse upon pubhc affairs. She
earnestly exhorted the soldiers to be faithful, and never to desert
the banners of the American ladies.
All these things, though of little importance in themselves, served,
however, admirably to inflame the rainds, and render thera invincibly
resolute. The public papers contributed incessantly to the same
end, by a multitude of harangues, of examples, and of news. The
battles of Lexington and of Breed's Hill were the subjects upon
which the American writers chiefly delighted to exercise their
talents. Every circumstance, all the minutest details of these en
gagements, were accurately described ; and those who had lost life in
them, were commemorated with exalted praises. But doctor War
ren, especially, was the object of the most touching regrets, of the
most unaffected homage. They called him the Hampden of their
age ; they proposed him as a model of imitation, to all who, like
him, were ready to devote themselves for the public. The eulogium
published in the papers of Philadelphia, was particularly pathetic,
and calculated to act powerfuUy upon the minds of the multitude.
' What spectacle more noble,' said the encomium, ' than this, of a
hero who has given his life for the safety of country ! Approach,
cruel ministers, and contemplate the fruits of your sanguinary edicts.
What reparation can you offer to his chUdren for the loss of such a
father, to the king for that of so good a subject, to the country for
that of SO devoted a citizen ? Send hither your sateUites ; come,
* Pennsvlvania

222

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.

feast your vindictive rage ; the most implacable eneray to tyrants is
no more. We conjure you, respect these his honored remains
Have compassion on the fate of a m.other overwhelmed with despair
and with age. Of him, nothing is left that you can still fear. His
eloquence is mute ; his arms are fallen from his hand ; then lay
down yours ; what more have you to perpetrate, barbarians that
you are ? But, while the name of American liberty shall live, that
of Warren will fire our breasts, and animate our arras, against the
pest of standing armies.
' Approach, senators of Araerica ! Come, and deliberate here,
upon the interests of the united colonies. Listen to the voice )f this
iUustrious citizen ; he entreats, he exhorts, he implores you not to
disturb his present felicity vvith the doubt that he perhaps has sacri
ficed his Ufe for a people of slaves.
' Come hither, ye soldiers, ye champions of American liberty, and
contemplate a spectacle which should inflame your generous hearts
with even a new motive to glory. Remeraber, his shade still hovers
unexpiated araong us. Ten thousand ministerial soldiers would not
suffice to compensate his death. IjcI ancient ties be no restraint ,
foes of liberty are no longer the brethren of freemen. Give edge to
your arms, and lay them not down till tyranny be expelled from
the British empire ; or America, at least, become the real seat of
liberty and happiness.
' Approach ye also, American fathers and American mothers ;
come hither, and contemplate the first fruits of tyranny ; behold your
friend, the defender of your liberty, the honor, the hope of your
country ; see this illustrious hero, pierced with wounds, and bathed
in his own blood. But let not your grief, let not your tears be steril.
Go, hasten to your homes, and there teach your children to detest
the deeds of tyranny ; lay before thera the horrid scene you have
beheld ; let their hair stand on end ; let their eyes sparkle vvith
fire ; let resentraent kindle every feature ; let their lips vent threats
and indignation ; then — then — put arms into their hands, send them
to battle, and let your last injunction be, to return victorious, or ttf
die, like Warren, in the arms of liberty and of glory!
' And ye generations of the future, you will often look back to this
memorable epoch. You will transfer the names of traitors and of
rebels from the faithful people of America, to those who have merited
them. Your eyes wil! penetrate all the iniquity of this scheme
of despotism, recently plotted by the British government. You will
see good kings misled by perfidious ministers, and virtuous ministers
by perfidious kings. You will perceive that if at first the sovereigns
of Great Britain shed tears in commanding their subjects to accept

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 223
atrocious laws, they soon gave themselves up to joy in the midsi of
murder, expecting to see a whole continent drenched in the blood
of freemen. O, save the huraan race from the last outrages, and
render a noble justice to the American colonies. Recall to life the
ancient Roman and British eloquence ; and be not niggardly of
merited praises towards those who, have bequeathed you liberty. It
costs us floods of gold and of blood ; it costs us, alas ! the life of
Warren.' The congress, wishing to uphold this disposition of minds, and to
render it, if possible, still more ardent and pertinacious, had recourse
to the power of religious opinions over the human affections. At
their instigation, the synods of PhUadelphia and of New York pub
hshed a pastoral letter, which vvas read, to crowded congregations,
in all the churches. They affirraed, that •unwilling to be the instru
ments of discord and of war between men and brethren, they had
hitherto observed a scrupulous sUence ; but things were now come
to such a height, that they were resolved to manifest their senti
ments ; that they exhorted the people, therefore, to go forth as
champions in their country's cause ; and to be persuaded, that in so
doing, they would march in the ways of the Master of the kings of
the earth, and find, in battle, either victory or inevitable death. The
letter concluded with certain moral considerations and precepts,
well adapted to stimulate the zeal of these religious rainds, and to
satisfy them that the cause of America was the cause of God. It
was recommended to the soldiers to approve themselves humane and
merciful; and to all classes of citizens, to humble themselves, to
fast, to pray, and to implore the divine assistance, in this day of
trouble and of peril. The congress recommended that the 20th of
July should be kept as a day of fasting, in all the colonies ; which
was religiously observed, but more solemnly at Philadelphia than
elsewhere. The congress attended the divine services in a body ;
and discourses adapted to the occasion were pronounced in the
church. On the same day, as the congress v/ere about to enter the temple,
the most agreeable dispatches were received frora Georgia. They
announced that this province had joined the confederation, and ap
pointed five delegates for its representation in congress. This news
was accepted by aU as a happy augury ; and the joy which its im
portance excited, was heightened in consideration of the moment at
which the government and people were apprised of it. The loyal
ists had long prevailed in this colony ; and thus it had hitherto con
tinued in a state of immobility, and apparent neutraUty. But the
extremity to which affairs were come, the battles of Lexington and

224 THE AMEBIOAN WAK. BOOK V.
of Breed's Hill, the cruelties, real or supposed, committed by the
royal troops, the probabUities of the success of me war in tavor of
the Americans, the union and concord of the other colonies, and the
efficacious movements of the friends of liberty, araong whom Dr.
Zubly distinguished himself especially, were at length the cause that
a provincial convention adhered to all the resolutions of the general
congress, and took several very energetic raeasures against England ;
either as a compensation for their former coldness, or that the patri
ots, heretofore repressed, were thus animated with greater fury.
They declared, that the exception made of Georgia, in the acts of
parliamont against America, ought rather to be considered as an
injury than a favor, since this exemption was only an artifice to sep
arate them from their brethren. They resolved, also, that they
would admit no raerchandise which should have been shipped in
England, after the 1st of July; and that, dating from the 10th of
September, none should be exported from Georgia for England; and,
besides, that all commerce should cease with the EngUsh islands of
the West Indies, and vvith those parts of the American continent
vvhich had not accepted the resolutions of congress. These decis
ions vvere of great importance ; Georgia being, though not one of
the most considerable provinces, extremely fertile in grain, and prin
cipally in rice. It was determined also to abstain from all superfluity,
and to banish luxury ; to give encouragement to the farmers who
should rear the most numerous flocks. Nor was it forgotten to
address a petition to the king, very eloquent, and full of the accus
tomed protestations of loyalty ; which were lavished, perhaps, the
more prodigally, as they vvere intended no pledges of the reality.
The general congress cast an anxious eye upon the province of
New York, as well because the loyalists abounded there, as because
it is naturally much exposed to the attacks of an enemy strong in
naval forces. To obviate these dangers, it was ordained, that five
thousand infantry should be stationed in the environs of New York;
and, in order to secure the soldiers the succors they might need, in
case of wounds and sickness, that a hospital should be established,
with accommodations for the invalids of an army of twenty thou
sand men. It was placed under the direction of Dr. Benjamin
church, principal physician of the army.
Considering, also, of how great importance was the prompt
transmission of letters, and desirous that the service of the post
should be confided to zealous and faithful men, the congress ap
pointed Dr. Benjamin Frankhn director-general of this establish
ment. He had filled the same office in England, for the letters of
America ; and had lost it, for having shown too much attachment to

rair-tecLlDV" Snar-Tt .

3ii'^"\'aveo_iiV 'LXe""!!''

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 225
the privileges oi the colonies. Regular mails were established upon
the route from Falmouth, in New England, to the city of Savannah,
in Georgia.
But, as the congress could not forget that the principal sinew of
war is money, they soon turned their attention to this object, no less
important than .men and arms themfeelves, especially in a defensive
war, as from the very nature of thUigs, this, which had broken out
in Ameriea, Was to be. In offensive wars. Where the eneray is as
sailed in his own country, by ravaging his territory, men and arms
can obtain monjey with victory ; whereas, in a war of defense, it is
money that must procure men and arms. In the present circum
stances, however, it could not be obtained, but with the greatest dif
ficulties; since the only resources were loans or taxes. Both pre
sented not only many obstacles, but almost an absolute impossibility.
For several years, the misunderstanding which had arisen with Eng-
lemd had greatly diminished the quantity of specie that circulated
in the colonies. The provinces of New England had alvvays been
rather sparingly suppUed with it ; and the prohibitory acts of par
hament, of the last ten years, had excessively attenuated this slender
mass. In the southern provinces, though, from the fertility of their
lauds, the most opulent^ this scarcity of coin was stUl increased,
not only by the above mentioned causes, but also by a numerous im
portation of negroes, which had taken place within the last few years.
To draw money- frora these provinces, by way of loans or taxes,
would have been an imprudent and dangerous operation, or rather
a thing impracticable, at least in the quantity exacted by the wants
of the stale. It should be added, as to loanS, that whether the rich
should furnish the money or not, they could always, however, lend
their credit ; and the employment of the second means offered more
advantages than the first ; for, if the wealthy could aid the state
with their funds and their credit at the same time, men of moderate
or naiTow fortune had not the same faculty ; thus partial loans of
money could not have been effected ; whfle, on the contrary, a par
tial loan of credit raight be useid, which, though made coflectively,
in the name of aU, would in fact be supported partially, in general
opinion, by the powerful means of the rich. In respect to taxes,
this way offered only inconveniences ; the people of the colonies
being Uttle accustomed to assessments, this sudden stroke at their
property, in the outset, would infallibly have produced the most per
nicious effects. The people inflamed for a common cause more
wUlingly make the sacrifice of their existence than of their proper
ty; because to the first of these sacrifices is annexed a glory which
is foreign to the other, and that honor is more frequently found
VOL. I. 15

226 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK V
among the brave than among the rich. Hence the congress found
theraselves placed, with respect to this business, in a situation of
singular difficulty. This wiU easily be conceived, when it is con
sidered that they could indeed recoraraend, but not command ; and
that the obedience of the people was more voluntary than constrain
ed. It was much to be feared they vvould refuse it, if it were at
tempted to subject them to contributions.
It was also greatly to be apprehended, that the provincial assem
blies, extremely jealous of the right of establishing public burthens,
would consent with repugnance, if not absolutely refuse, that the
congress should assume the povver of taxation. How, besides, could
the latter hope to assess the tax in a just proportion, vvith respect to
each colony, when their means, founded, in great part, upon com
raerce, and consequently subject to all the variations resulting from
the disturbances, could not be appreciated upon any certain prin
ciple ? It would have been necessary to undertake this operation,
without basis, and without rule ; and even the semblance of partial
ity, however imaginary, would have sufficed to excite general clamors,
and the most prejudicial dissensions.
,Such were the shoals the congress had to encounter, in their ef
forts to obtain the money necessary to the wants of the state and of
war.. They resolved, therefore, to avoid them, in resorting to loans
of credit, by an emission of bills which should have for guaranty
the faith of the united colonies. It was hoped that the abundance
of provisions, the ardor and unanimity of the people, and particu
larly of the rich, for the most part favorable to the new order of
things, would support the public credit, and prevent a depreciation
of the biUs. It seems, however, that what had happened in the
northern provinces, where the paper money had faUen very serious
ly, should have served as an example and a warning. Besides, pru
dent men plainly foresaw that the facility of the thing, and the al
ways increasing multiplicity of wants, would lead to the emission of
so great a quantity of this paper, that even its superabundance must
deprive it of much of its value. Indeed, could this have been
doubted, considering the congress would not have an exclusive
authority to emit bills of credit, and that the provincial assemblies
might as freely exercise the sarae right ? The cause of the evil was
too evident for the most prejudicial consequences not to have been
anticipated. It was also to be considered, that the chances of war,
always uncertain, might prove favorable to the English, and open
them a passage into the interior of the provinces ; the inevitable re
sult of vvhich would be, the total ruin of credit, and the annihilation
of the bUls. Jt is known by experience, thit in simflar cases, the

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR.

227

distrust of the people admits of no remedy'. Such were the mo
tives of hesitation and of fear, which perplexed the minds of the
thoughtful, relative to the emission of bills of credit. But there was
no room for option ; and the congress found themselves reduced to
an extremity so imperious, that any resource becarae desirable. Ac
cordingly, they had no scruple in adopting the present, which, if not
good, was at least necessary. They decreed, in the month of June,
that the sum of two millions of Spanish doUars should be issued, in
bills of credit ; and that the faith of the united colonies should be
the guaranty of their redemption. Some tirae after, they raade
another emission of biUs, to the value of one raillion of dollars, in
bills of thirty dollars each. They vvere received, in this first ardor,
with universal promptitude.
Having provided men, arms, and money, the congress took into
consideration the means of gaining the Indian nations, respecting
whose dispositions they were not without a certain anxiety. It was
known that general Gage had dispatched from Boston one of his
emissaries, naraed John Stuart, to the nation of the Cherokees, who
inhabit thif countries bordering upon South Carolina ; and that gene
ral Carleton, governor of Canada, had sent colonel Johnson to the
Indians of St. Francis, and others belonging to the Six Tribes, that
were nearer to this province. Their object was, to induce these
nations with proraises, with money, and with presents, to take arms
against the colonies ; an expedient vvhich could barely have been
tolerated, if every other hope had been lost, and England had been
reduced to the necessity either of employing the Indians, or of re
ceiving conditions from the Americans. But how is it possible not
to condemn it, not to view it with abhorrence, when other soldiers,
and other arms, offered themselves from all parts in abundance, to
prosecute the war successfully against the colonies ? Posterity can
not fail to execrate the counsels of those who, without the least ne
cessity, were capable of preferring the barbarous Indians to the dis
ciplined troops of England. This act of detestable ferocity, more
over, turned at length to the confusion of its own authors ; but the
mind of man is blind, his character often cruel, and civil fury im
placable. The congress, consequently, thought of opposing, by the
most efficacious means, these EngUsh attempts. In order to pro
ceed with more method, they made an ideal division of the Indian
tribes into as many districts as there were tribes, and stationed with
each an agent, who, knowing the language, custoras, and country of
these ravages, should observe their raotions, satisfy their reasonable
desirer. . and provide for their wants ; in a word, these emissaries
were to neglect no means of conciliating the benevolence of the In-

228 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V,
dians, in order that they might give no aid to the royal arms, and
observe a strict neutraUty. It has been attempted to insinuate, on
the contrary, that the congress had instructed its agents to use all
then- endeavors to engage the Indians on the American side. But
this accusation appears to want probability ; for it was evident that
the war was to be carried on upon the American territory, and it
was well known that the Indians plunder and massacre friends as
weU as enemies. Besides, it is not to be supposed that the Ameri
cans could have had the design to sully with a stain of barbarity, in
the very outset, a cause which they wished might be reputed by
the universe both just and holy.
We wiU not, however, omit to relate, that in Philadelphia it was
believed, and was announced as a happy event, that the Mohawk
Indians, having sent the belt to those of Stockbridge, which, with
these np tions, was the token of alliance, were ready to march with
the coiuniits against the English. It was in hke manner pubhshed
in Massachusetts, that the Senecas, another , Indian nation, were
prepared to take arms in favor of America. In addition to this, an
Indian chief, named Swashan, accompanied by four other chiefs of
the tribe of St. Francis, was conducted, in the month of August, to
the camp at Cambridge, by a certain Reuben Colburn. They came
to offer themselves as ready to undertake the defense of American
liberty ; they were well received, and pay was assigned them.
Swashan boasted that he would, if required, produce a good band
of his people. He added, that the Indians of Canada, and the
French themselves, were disposed in favor of the Americans, and
were ready to join them. These reports were circulated, and gene
rally believed. But, whatever vvere the wishes of the people, the
congress desired merely to maintain the savages in neutraUty. This
moderation did not prevent the English from availing themselves
of these first demonstrations ; affirming, that they had employed
the Indians in their army, because the Americans had first endeav
ored to gain them for auxUiaries.
The congress having arranged the business of the Indians, which
had caused them great perplexity, and imboldened by the affairs of
Lexington and Breed's HiU, they resolved to manifest the dignity of
tiieir cause, and justify their appeal to arms, in the sight of all the
nations of the world ; in doing which, they employed the style of
independent nations. They pubUshed a declaration, wherein they
recited, in a strain of singular energy, the toils, the hardships, the
perils, which had been the portion of the first colonists, when they
went to seek refuge in these foreign and distant regions ; their cares
to promote the increase and prosperity of their establishments; their

BOOK T. THE AMERICAN WAR. 299
compacts made with the crown ; the advantages and wealth which
England had derived from them. After having mentioned the long
fidelity and uniform promptitude of the Americans, in coming to the
succor of tne mother country, they proceeded to speak of the new
measures taken by the ministers upon the conclusion of the last war ;
and made an exact enumeration of the laws which had been the
subject of complaints, so often, and always so fruitlessly, repeated.
They glanced at the iniquitous conditions of accommodation pro
posed in parliament by lord North, insidiously calculated to divide
them, to estabUsh an auction of taxations, where colony should bid
against colony, all uninformed what ransom would redeem their lives.
They described the hostile occupation of the city of Boston, by the
troops under the command of general Gage ; the hostilities of Lexing
ton, commenced by the royal soldiers, and the cruelties cominitted in
this expedition ; the violation of faith on the part of this general, in
the refusal of permissions to pass out, and by permissions more cruel
than refusal, in having, Muth barbarous inhumanity, separated wives
frora their husbands, chUdren from their parents, the aged and sick
from their relations and friends, who wished to attend and comfort
them ; the proprietors from their furniture and most valuable effects.
They related the butchery of Breed's Hill, the burning of Charles
town, the seizure of their vessels, the ravage of provisions, and the
menaced ruin and destruction of all things. The attempts of the
governor of Canada to excite the ferocious savages of that province
against the colonists, were not omitted ; and they accused the min
isters of a determination to inflict upon an innocent and unhappy
country, the cerapUcated calamities of fire, sword, and famine.
' We are reduced,' they exclaimed, ' to the alternative of choosing
an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or
resistance by force. We have counted the cost of this contest, and
find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. Honor, justice, and
humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we re
ceived from our gallant ancestors, and vvhich our innocent posterity
have a right to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy of
resigning succeeding generations to that wretchedness which inevi
tably awaits them, if we basely entail hereditary bondage upon them.
Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our resources are great ;
and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. We
gratefully acknowledge, as signal instances of the divine favor to
wards us, that his providence would not permit us to be called into
this severe controversy, until we were grown up to our present
strength, had been previously exercised in warlike operaticms, and
PQpsessed of the means of defending ourselves. With hearts fortified

2.30 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK y.,
with these animating reflections, we most solemnly, before God and
the world, declare, that, exerting the utmost energy bf those powers
which our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed upon us, the
arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in
defiance of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverance,
employ for the preservation of bur .liberties ; being, with one mind,
resolved to die freemen rather than to hve slaves. Lest this decla
ration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow subjects
in any part of the empire, vve assure them that we mean not to
dissolve that union which has so long and so happily subsisted be
tween us, and which we sincerely wish to see restored. Necessity
has not yet driven us into that desperate measure, or induced us to
excite any other nation to war against them. We have not raised
armies, with ambitious designs of separating from Great Britain, and
establishing independent states. We fight not for glory or for con
quest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of a people
attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even sus
picion of offense. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and
yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.
' In our native land, in defense of the freedom that is our birth
right, and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it, — for
the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest indus
try of our forefathers and ourselves, against violence actually offered,
we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down, when hostilities
shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their
being renewed shall be removed, — and not before.
' With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and
impartial Judge and Ruler of the universe, we raost devoutly implore
his divine goodness to protect us happily through this great conflict,
to dispose our adversaries to reconciliation on reasonable ternis, and
thereby to relieve the empire from tiie calamities of civil war.'
This manifesto, which was generally received with great eulogium,
was subscribed by John Hancock, vvho had been elected president
of congress in place of Rutiedge, and countersigned by the secretary,
Charles Thomson.
The congress, in this occurrence also, omitted not to employ the
means of religion. The declaration vvas sent into every part of the
continent, and read from the pulpits by the ministers of religion,
with suitable exhortations. In the camp of Boston it was read with
particular solemnity. Major-general Putnam assembled his division
upon the heights of Prospect Hill, to hear it. It was followed by a
prayer analogous to the occasion ; the general having given the signal,
aU the troops cried three tunes, Amen; and, at the same instant, the

BOOK V THE AMERICAN WAR. 231
artillery of the fort fired a general salute ; the colors, recently sent
to general Putnam, were seen waving, with the usual motto, ' An
appeal to Heaven;' and this other, 'Qui transtulit sustinet.' The
same ceremony was observed in the other divisions. The joy and
enthusiasm were universal. At Cambridge, the manifesto was read
in the presence of the most distinguished citizens of Massachusetts,
and of an immense multitude that vvere asserabled upon this occasion
There resulted from it, in aU minds, no littie increase of constancy,
fortified by religious zeal. All this was done in imitation of what
had been practiced by the patriots in the time of Charles I. It
seemed as if this same war was renewed, in which the Protestant
religion served as a motive or a pretext to the defenders of liberty,
or to the promoters of anarchy ; and the Catholic religion, as a titie,
or a veil, to the partisans of hmited monarchy, or to the supporters
of despotism — 'SO powerful is the voice of religion over human hearts !
And such has always been the propensity of those who govern nations,
to profit by it ! Hence religion itself sustains an incalculable injury ;
hence that coldness towards it, vvhich, to the regret of prudent men,
has been observed at certain periods. The generality of people have
discovered that politic men make use of reUgion as an instrument to
arrive at their worldly ends. Man, being naturally a foe to restraint,
and inordinate in his desires, instead of restricting himself within the
hmits of good, is too often precipitated into its contrary. Thus re
ligion, which should always be holy and spotless, too often has fa
vored culpable enterprises, to the great scandal of the people, and
manifest diminution of its own authority, and of good habits. Be thi>:
as it may, it is quite certain, that if the semblance of religion, with
which the Americans endeavored to color their enterprise, produced
greater unanimity and ardor among themselves, it engendered also
more obstinacy and rigor on the part of the EngUsh government, in
the conduct of the war. In their contemplation, state policy vvas
coupled vvith the remembrance of the obstacles which the ancient
British monarchs were forced to contend with ; which, mingled vvith
a certain terror, excited them to greater bitterness and fury.
The congress having thus atterapted to justify their conduct be
fore the tribunal of the world, they employed their thoughts in pro
testing to the English people, that the intention of the Americans
was to maintain those ancient relations which had been, and still
were their glory, their happiness, and the first of their desires. They
admonished them, in a grave and pathetic style, to remember the
ancient friendships, the glorious and common achievements of their
ancestors, and the affection towards the heirs of their virtues, which
had hitherto preserved their mutual connection ' But when,' they

232 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK V.
added, ' that friendship is violated by the grossest injuries ; when
the pride of ancestry becomes our reproach, and we are no other-
.vise aUied than as tyrants and slaves ; when reduced to the melan
choly alternative of renouncing your favor or our freedom; our
choice cannot be doubtful.' After some Unes upon their merits to
wards the mother country, and expatiating upon the pernicious
laws, they concluded, by saying, that victory would prove equally
fatal to England and to America ; that soldiers who had sheathed
their swords in the bowels of the Americans, vvould have as little re
luctance to draw them against Britons ; that they entreated Heaven
to avert from their friends, brethren and countrymen, for by these
names they would still address them, before the remembrance of
former kindness was obliterated, the destruction and ruin that threat
ened them.
They also drew up an address to the king, which commenced
• with a recital of the services rendered by the colonists, of their fidel
ity towards the crown, and of the calamities that now oppressed
them. They supplicated his majesty, that he vvould deign to inter
pose his authority, to procure them relief from their present con
dition ; tiiat he vvould be pleased to direct some mode, by which the
united applications of the colonists to the throne, might be improv
ed into a happy and permanent reconciliation. They implored also,
that arms, in the mean time, might cease ; and that such statutes as
more immediately distressed them, might be repealed ; affirming,
that, having done thera this justice, the king vvould receive such
proofs of the good disposition of the colonists, as would soon restore
them to his royal favor ; while, on their part, they should neglect
nothing to testify their devotion to their sovereign, and affection
towards the parent state.
The congress had motives for wishing to render the Irish nation
favorable to their cause ; a great number of useful citizens annually
emigrated from Ireland to America ; and thus, among the soldiers,
and even araong the American generals, were found some Irish.
They were apprehensive that the people of Ireland might receive
impressions unfavorable to the colonists, i i consequence of the as
sociations against commerce, which were seriously prejudicial to that
country. They were not ignorant, besides, that the Irish were, for
many reasons, dissatisfied with the English government, and that,
notwithstanding the concessions which had recently been made
them, no Uttle animosity stUl rankled in their rainds. The congress
purposed to avail themselves of this misunderstanding, and to irri
tate the wounds already festering in the breast of the Irish. It
would be difficult to prove this conduct stnctiy consistent with loy-

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 233
ally. But the war was now commenced, and the Americans were
(Msposed to use all means to carry it on with advantage ; and none
are more sanctioned by usage, than those of feigning to desire peace,
and of exciting and exasperating the minds of the enemy's subjects,
against lawful authority. To this intent, the congress addressed a
very eloquent letter to the Irish people. ' They vvere desirous,' they
affirmed, ' as injured and innocent, of possessing the good opinion
of the virtuous and humane ; however incredible it might appear,
that, in so enlightened a period, the leaders of a nation, which in
every age had sacrificed hecatombs of her bravest patriots on the
altar of liberty, should attempt to establish an arbitrary sway over
the hves, liberties, and property of their fellow subjects in America ;
it was, nevertheless, a most deplorable and indisputable truth.' The
battles of Lexington and Breed's HiU, the burning of Charlestown,
and the imprisonments of Boston, were mentioned in suitable terms.
' Who can blame us,' they added, ' for endeavoring to restrain the
progress of so much desolation ? for repeUing the attacks of such a
barbarous band ? We have no doubt, with the divine assistance, of
rising superior to the usurpations of evil and abandoned ministers.
We already anticipate the golden period, when liberty, with all the
gentie arts of peace and humanity, shall estabUsh her mild dominion
in this western world, and erect eternal monuraents to the memory
of those virtuous patriots and martyrs, who shall have fought, and
bled, and suffered, in her cause.
' Accept our raost grateful acknowledgraents for the friendly dis
position you have always shown towards us. We know that you
are not without your grievances. We sympathize with you in your
distress, and are pleased to find, that the design of subjugating us,
has persuaded administration to dispense to Ireland some vagrant
rays of ministerial sunshine. Even the tender mercies of govern
ment have long been cruel towards you. In the rich pastures of
Ireland, many hungry parricides have fed and grown strong, to la
bor in its destruction. We hope the patient abiding of the meek
may not always be forgotten ; and God grant that the iniquitous
schemes of extirpating liberty from the British empire may be soon
defeated. We have taken up arms to defend it; and with it, our
property, our honor, our existence ; all, in a word, that is dearest to
man upon earth. For the success of our efforts, we confide in the
good offices of our fellow subjects beyond the Atlantic, aware, as
they must be, that they have no other favor to expect from the
same common enemy, than that of being last devoured.'
With the same view, the congress wrote a letter to the city of
T.iondon. tp return thanks for the part it had taken in favor of Amer-

234 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
ica ; a conduct, they said, which weU becarae the first city in the
world, that, in aU ages, had approved itself the defender of liberty
and just government, against lawless tyranny and oppression.
In the midst of these cares, the congress had not forgotten how
important it was to the success of their enterprises, to conciliate the
friendship of the Canadians, in order that they might either make
common cause with the Americans, or, at least, stand neutral. They
knew that the first letter had not been without effect, and they re
solved to confirm it with a second. The situation of affairs vvas
favorable to their hopes ; the act of Quebec had, in this province,
produced effects altogether contrary to those its authors had antici
pated. The greater part of the inhabitants had received it with evi
dent marks of displeasure, and, by all except the nobles, it was con
sidered tyrannical, and tending to oppression. And although it
could not be expected that the Canadians, long accustomed, under
the French, to a more rigid rein, should be as much inclined to resist
ance as the English colonists, habituated to live under the laws of
a milder government, yet there was ground to hope, that from aver
sion to the English domination, they might be induced to take part
in the quarrel, and unite their arms to those of their neighbors. It
was known, however, that a part of the Canadians, and especially
those of Montreal, and other places nearer to the colonies, had
manifested great displeasure at the occupation by the colonists of
Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and the lakes vvhich lead fro.i the colo
nies to Canada. The congress wished to dissipate entirely these
suspicions and jealousies ; but, what was more worthy of their con
sideration, is, that they had positive intelligence of the exertions
which the English governor was continually making, to dispose the
Canadians to take arms, and march under the British banners. The
agents of the king spared neither gold nor promises, to attain their
object. General Carleton, who was then governor, though ofa char
acter naturally severe, derived great facility in this point from the
extensive infiuence he enjoyed with the inhabhants, and the reputa
tion he had deservedly acquired, of a good chieftain, a humane man,
and an upright citizen. It vvas known, that he was arrived in the
province vvith very ample powers. He could appoint or dismiss, at
will, all the members of the council ; compel as many Canadian
subjects as he should see fit, to march against whatever enemy he
might deem it expedient to combat ; construct forts and dismantle
them ; in a word, take aU the measures he might think necessary for
the security of the province. He was, besides, not a man to hesi
tate how to exercise the authority which had been confided to him.
He had already made use of it, in proclaiming that the Canadians

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 235
who should present theraselves, should be received as volunteers,
into the king's pay, and formed into a regiment. The Americans
had learned, besides, that the government had resolved to expedite,
for Canada, fifteen thousand muskets, in order to arm the Roman
Catholics of that country. All announced, that it was intended to
assemble a strong force, with a view of attacking the colonies in the
rear, and of co-operating with general Gage. Lord North hirnself,
in his discourse to parliament, had intimated that such was the design
of the government. The moment was critical; and, without a
prompt remedy, it was to bc feared the Canadians would take their
resolution to act against the colonies. The congress, therefore, de
cided to address them a letter, entitling it, ' To ihe oppressed Inhab
itants of Canada.' It was strong in thoughts, expressed in a
style as elegant as it was spirited. They reminded the Canadians,
that, by their late address, they had already apprised them of the
designs in agitation to extirpate the rights and liberties of all Ameri
ca ; they had now to condole vvith them most sincerely, that these
schemes were about to be carried into execution ; or rather, that, by
the new form of government given to the province of Canada, were
already introduced ; that thus its inhabitants, their wives, and their
children, were made slaves ; that thus they had nothing they could
any longer call their own ; that all the fruits of their labor and in
dustry might be taken frora them, whenever an avaricious governor
and a rapacious council might incline to demand them ; that they
were liable to be transported into foreigi.i. countries, to fight battles
in which they had no interest ; that the enjoyment of their very re
ligion depended on a legislature in which they had no share ; that
their priests were exposed to expulsion, banishment, and ruin, when
ever their wealth and possessions should furnish sufficient tempta •
tions ; that they could not be sure that a virtuous prince vvould
always fill the throne ; and, should a wicked or a careless king con
cur with a wicked ministry, in extracting the treasure and strength
of their country, it was impossible to conceive to what variety, and
to what extremes of wretchedness they raight, under the present
estabhshraent, be reduced ; that the Americans knew full well that
every exertion was made, that every artifice was employed, to arm
their brethren of Canada against them ; but should they, by com
plying in this instance, assent to their new establishment, and a war
break out with France, let them recollect their wealth and their sons
might be sent to perish in expeditions against the French islands in
the West Indies ; that as to the colonists, they were determined to
live free or not at aU ; that they were the friends, and not the ene
mies, of the Canadians ; that the, taking of the fortresses and armed

236 * THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
vessels on the lake, was dictated by negessity ; but that they might
place full trust in the assurance that the colonies would pursue no
measures whatever, but such as friendship, and a regard for the
mutual interests of the two people, might suggest; and, finaUy,
that they still hoped the Canadians vvould unite with the colonists
in defense of their common liberty.
This address had the effect its authors desired, at least in that it
produced the neutrality of the Canadians. In answer to the in
stances of the governor, they said, that without regret they found
themselves under the English government, and that they should al
ways deport themselves peaceably and loyally ;' but that being en
tirely strangers to the controversy arisen between the government
and the colonies, it was not for them to undertake to be the judges of
it ; that consequently it would in no shape become them to take any
part in the quarrel ; that if the government thought proper to arm
the militia of the province, in order to defend it in case of attack,
they should give it their cordial assent ; but that to raarch beyond
the frontiers, and attack the neighboring people, they could not con
sent. These favorable dispositions of the Canadians were a guar
anty to the congress of their security on the part of the north.
General Carleton, finding the Canadians so decided in their oppo
sition, h. id recourse to the authority of religion. He therefore so
licited Brand, the bishop of Quebec, to publish a raandaraent, to be
read from the pulpit, by the curates, in time of divine service. He
desired the prelate should exhort the people to take arras, and second
the soldiers of the king, in their enterprises against the colonies
But the bishop, by a memorable example of piety and religious
moderation, refused to lend his ministry in this work; saying, that
such conduct vvould be too unworthy the,character of tbe pastor,
and too contrary to the canons of the Roman church. However,
as in all professions there are individuals who prefer their interest to
their duty, and the useful to the honest, a few ecclesiastics employed
themselves with great zeal in this affair ; but all their efforts were
vain ; the Canadians persisted in their principles of neutrality. The
nobility, so well treated in the act of Quebec, felt obligated in grati
tude to promote in this occurrence the views of the governinent,
and very strenuously exerted themselves with that intention, but
without any better success. The exhortations of congress did not
contribute alone to confirm the inhabitants in these sentiments ; they
flattered themselves, also, that their pacific conduct in so urgent a cri
sis, and when their junction with the colonies might have been so
prejudicial to the interests of England, vvould determine the gov
ernment to exercise greater mUdness towards them, and grant them

BOOK v. THE AMERICAN WAR. 237
favors which otherwise they could have had no expectation of
obtaining. General Carleton, perceiving that he could make no calculation
upon being able to forra Canadian regiments, and knowing, withal,
that there existed in the province certain loyalists, who would have
no repugnance to taking arms, and other individuals whora interest
might easily induce to enlist as volunteers, resolved to employ a new
expedient. He caused the drums to beat up, in Quebec, in order
to excite the people to enroll themselves in a corps to which he gave
the name of the Royal Highland Emigrants. He offered the most
favorable conditions. The term of service was limited to the con
tinuance of the disturbances ; each soldier was to receive two hun
dred acres of land, in any province of North America he might
choose ; the king paid himself the customary duties upon the acqui
sition of lands ; for twenty years, the new proprietors vvere to be ex
empted from all contribution for' the benefit of the crown; every
married soldier obtained other fifty acros, in consideration of his wife,
and fifty more for account of each of his children, with the sarae
privileges and exemptions, besides the bounty of a guinea at the
time of enlistment. In this manner, Carleton succeeded in glean
ing up some few soldiers ; but he was reduced to attach much more
importance to the movements of the Indians. The governor, and
the agents of the king with these savage nations, had pushed their
negotiations with so much zeal, that they had at length accomplished
a part of their wishes ; having persuaded some of them to take arms
in favor of the English party, notwithstanding they had so many
times sworn to observe an absolute neutrality ; but savage nations
ar» not more scrupulous in keeping faith than the civilized ; and gold,
the love of rapine, and thirst of blood, are with them omnipotent.
Towards the last of July, arrived, however, in Montreal, colonel
Guy Johnson, intendant-general of the king for Indian affairs, ac
companied by a great number of chiefs and warriors of the Six
Tribes. A solemn asserably was formed, where they appeared as
the chiefs and warriors of the confederate Indians ; their troop was
considerable. They swore, according to their custom, and in the
presence of general Carleton, to support the cause oi the king.
Such was the first origin of me Indian war. These were the bar
barians, who, having joined the troops of general Burgoyne, exer
cised, two years after, such ravages, and perpetrated such cruelties,
as we shaU be constrained to relate, in the sequel of this history.
Meanwhile, the congress could not overlook in silence the act of
conciliation of lord North, without manifesting too great an inflexi
bility, and avowing that the Americans would hsten to no accommo-

238 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK V,

dation. They, nevertheless, were not disposed to take a precipitate
resolution on this point, and refiected upon it for the space of full two
months. By this delay, they intended to show either a great matu
rity of judgment, or perhaps their indifference towards the act.
But what appears more certain, is that the war being commenced,
they desired to wait the event of the first actions. The answer
could not, in effect, be the same, if victory had crowned their efforts,
as in case fortune had favored the English arms. When the concil
iatory act arrived in America, the 30th of May, it is true the affair
of Lexington had taken place, and the Americans had acquired in it
a reputation for incontestable courage ; but it was no more, in fact,
than a vvarn;i brush between railitia collected in haste, and a detach
ment of regular troops ; not a set battle, from vv^hich any prognostic
could be drawn relative to the final issue of the war. The congress
saw perfectly well, that it would always be tirae to enter into a nego
tiation of arrangeraent ; and, in case of any disastrous event, they
wished to reserve a vvay open to accept the conditions which Eng
land herself had offered. Victory v 'ould become of no utility to the
Araericans, if they had commenced by submitting to the terms pro
posed ; and iU fortune would have raade the conditions of accord no
worse. No risk, therefore, vvas incurred by temporizing : and there
might result from it great advantages. But the battle of Breed's
HiU entirely changed the state of things. The ardor with vvhich
the Americans pressed the siege of Boston, their activity in procur
ing themselves arms and ammunition, the constancy and even alac
rity they discovered in supporting the hardships of war, aad evils
produced by the late acts of parliament, rendered their situation
much less desperate. If the event might still appear dubious to in
different men, minds strongly e.xcited must have conceived raore hope
than fear. Accordingly, the members of congress, encouraged by
the favorable aspect of affairs, delayed their answer under pretext of
dignity. But at length they proceeded to the exaraination of tlie
conditions of accord, with a fuU determination to reject them. This
resolution, however, was not without inconvenience ; for, at the very
moment they refused all arrangement, they wished to retain the ap-
pearanco of a desire for the return of concord. It vvas requisite to
color this refusal, and to demonstrate fc the eyes of the world, that
they rejected not all conditions, but only such as were offered them
They declared themselves of opinion, that the colonies of America
were entitled to the sole and exclusive privUege of giving and grant
ing their own money ; that this involved the right of deliberating
n-hether they vvould make any gift, for what pul-pose it should be
raade, and what should be its amount ; vvhich privUeges were taken

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 239
from the colonists altogether, by the resolution of lord North ; that,
as the colonies possessed the right of appropriating their own gifts,
so were they entitled to inquire into their application, to see that they
were not wasted among the venal and corrupt, for the purpose of
undermining the civil rights of the givers, nor diverted to the sup
port of standing armies, inconsistent with their freedom, and sub
versive of their quiet ; which right was violated by the resolution in
question, since it placed the money voted at the disposal of parlia
ment ; that this proposition was unreasonable, because it could not
be known what sum the p.arliament would exact ; and insidious, be
cause the parliament itself raight accept the trivial grants of one
colony, and refuse the considerable offers of another, thus maintain
ing a good inteUigence with some, and reducing the others to a state
of enmity, in order to corapel their compliance with harder condi
tions, and by the division of the colonies, thus prepare, at its pleas
ure, the slavery of all ; that the suspension of the right of taxing
the colonies, being expressly made commensurate with the continu
ance of the gifts, these, at the wUl of parliament, might become per
petual ; a thing that would aim a fatal blow at public liberty ; that
the parliament itself was in the established practice of granting their
suppUes from year to year only ; that even upon the supposition
that the proffered terms had been as fair and reasonable as they vvere
unjust and insidious, the din of arms resounding from all parts, the
armies, the fleets that infested and surrounded America, were alone
sufficient to render them odious and inadmissible ; that they thought
the attempt unnecessary to draw frora their hands by force their pro
portional contributions to the common defense, since they had al
ways contributed freely ; that they only were competent judges of
the measures proper to be taken in regard to this point, and that
they did nbt mean the people of America should be burthened to
furnish sinecures for the idle or the wicked, under color of providing
for a civil list ; that while the parliament pursued its plan of civil
government within the limits of its ovvn jurisdiction, they hoped also
to pursue theirs without molestation ; that the proposition was al
together unsatisfactory, because it imported only the suspension,
and not a renunciation, of the pretended right of taxation, and be
cause it did not propose to repeal the odious acts of parliament ;
that the minister wished to have it believed there was nothing in
dispute but the mode of levying taxes, whereas, in truth, their ad
versaries still claimed the right of demanding arbitrarily, and of tax
ing tiie colonies for the fuU amount of their demand, if not com
plied with ; that the English government even claimed a right to
alter their charters and fundamental laws .

240 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
'But when the world reflects,' they added, 'how inadequate to
justice are these vaunted terms ; when it attends to the rapid and
bold succession of injuries, which, during a course of eleven years,
have been aimed at these colonies ; when it reviews the pacific and
respectful expostulations, vvhich, during that vvhole tirae, were the
sole arms we opposed to them ; when it observes that our com
plaints were either not heard at all, or were answered with new
and accumulated injuries ; when it recollects that the minister him
self, on an early occasion, declared, that ' he would never treat
with America till he had brought her to his feet,' and that an avow
ed pEfirtisan of rainistry has more lately denounced against us the
dreadful sentence, ' Delenda est Carthago,' that this was done in
presence of a British senate, and being unreproved by them, must
be taken to be their own sentiment ; when it considers the great ar
maments with which they have invaded us, and the circumstances
of cruelty with vvhich they have commenced and prosecuted hostili
ties ; when these tilings, we say, are laid together, and attentively
considered, can the world be deceived into an opinion that we are
unreasonable ? or can it hesitate to believe, with us, that nothing but
our own exertions may defeat the ministerial sentence of death, or
abject submission ? '
Such were the conclusions of the congress, relative to the resolu
tion of adjustment of lord North ; they caused them to be pubUshed,
and distributed in all places. No one can observe the acrimonious
style, and the new pretensions of the Americans, without perceiving
how little they vvere inclined to concord. Wishing, however, to
remove the prejudice resulting to their cause, from the opinion,
vvhich began to be general, that they already airaed at independence,
they resolved to clear themselv^es of the blarae of not having deigned,
from the commencement of the controversy, to bring forward any
conciliatory proposition ; and intending, perhaps, to reserve a free
access with the conqueror, in case of disaster, or perhaps also to
preclude the propositions of lord North, which they were determined
not to accept, the congress had it in contemplation to offer the
following conditions ; the colonies should not only continue to grant
extraordinary subsidies in time of war, but, besides, if allowed a free
commerce, they were to pay into the sinking fund, such sum annu
ally, for the space of an hundred years, as at that period would, if
faithfully appropriated, suffice to extinguish the present debt of Great
Britain. In case this condition was not accepted, they proposed to
stipulate with Great Britain, a compact, by virtue of which, that
kingdora should be authorized, for the same term of an hundred
years, to make such laws as it might judge necessary, to regulate

peOK V, THE AMERICAN WAR. 241
commerce, and direct it towards the general utUity of the empire ;
but in such case, no other pecuniary contribution could be required
of them. This proposition, as is seen, implied no new concession :
since, on the contrary, this was precisely the subject in controversy.
Some believed, also, that they would have proposed that the par
liament should impose a general tax upon all the empire, meaning,
upon England, Scotland, and the American colonies, of which tax
each of these countries should bear its proportion, according to its
faculties. They imagined that this mode of imposition would render
the parliament extremely circumspect upon this point, since it could
no longer charge America, without charging England at the same
time, and in the same proportion. But the action of Breed's HUl,
the rigorous siege of Boston, the ardor of the people, and perhaps
the hope, already more probable, of foreign succors, so wrought,
that these propositions were soon consigned to oblivion, and the
whole mind was given to thoughts of war.
Hitherto the congress had made all the dispositions vvhich related
either to the support of the war, to the negotiations of aUiance with
the neighboring nations, or to the justification of their cause with the
inhabitants of Great Britain and of Ireland ; ' they now applied them
selves to the business of establishing the bases of their authority ; of
ascertaining how far its liraits ought to extend ; and what vvere its
relations vvith the authority of the provincial assemblies. This fixa
tion of powers was, with good reason, considered as an operation of
the first necessity. For, until then, the transactions of the congress
were supported rather upon the opinion of the people, than upon
statutes approved by them, or by the assembhes of their representa
tives. They were obeyed, because such vvas the general inclination
but not because the constitutional laws required it. It vvas even
because it was intended to conduct America to the state of an inde
pendent nation, having its own government, and a supreme magis
trate, that it was desired to direct things gradually towards this
object, and to withdraw, little by little, the management of affairs
from the local administrations, in order to concentrate it in one only
and common point. It was also an efficacious means of providing
that no province, individually, should ever think of detaching itself
from the Union, as, in such case, it would become not only unfaith
ful to the others, but also rebellious towards the general government
of America. Notwithstanding considerations of such moment, this
affair could not be managed without extreme difficulty, on account
of the reciprocal jealousies of the provincial assemblies, which were
not likely to renounce, but with the utraost repugnance, a part of
their ancient authority, to be vested in anew and unusual adminis-
YOL. I. 16

Id

242 THE AMERICAN WAE. BOOK V,
tration. If the impulsion of the people had been less general, if the
necessity of pursuing the career in which they vvere already so far
advanced, had been less imperious, perhaps the total plan of the en
terprise would have been marred by these partial aipbitions. But
the die was cast, and it was requisite either to move onward farther
than would have been wished, or to return back, rauch farther than
would have been apprehended. It was therefore in the midst of
these hopes, and of this necessity, that the congress drew up and
published the articles of confederation ; thus establishing invariably
their authority, no longer upon the raomentary impetus of popular
feeling, but upon laws approved and sanctioned by the general vviU.
In the first place, the colonists bound themselves and their pos
terity, for the common defense against enemies, for the protection of
their liberty and property, as also of their persons, and of the pros
perity of Araerica. Each colony retained its jurisdiction entire
within its own limits, the right of regulating its internal administra
tion, and an independent sovereignty in respect to all its domestic
affairs. But, for the more convenient direction of public transac
tions, each colony vvas to elect deputies, who should convene in con
gress at the time and place which should be appointed by the pre
ceding congress. In ordinary circumstances, the congress should
hold their session successively in each colony, observing a regular
rotation. This body should have power to make war and peace, to
contract alliances, to adjust controversies between the different
provinces, and to establish colonies wherever it should be thought
necessary. The congress should be authorized to make laws ol
general utility, and for which the provincial assemblies should not be
competent, as, for example, all those concerning the forces of the
Union, and the affairs relating to commerce and the mint ; the con
gress should appoint all the officers, civfl and railitary, of the Union,
such as generals, adrairals, arabassadors, and others ; the charges of
the war, and other expenses of the Union, should be supported by
the public treasure, which should be replenished by each colony, in
proportion to the number of male inhabitants, from the age of sixteen
to sixty years ; the number of delegates per colony, should, in like
manner, be determined by that of the male citizens, so that there
should be one representative for every five thousand individu-:
ais ; the deliberations of congress should be enacted with half the
suffrages, and it should be allowable to vote by proxy ; there should
be an executive councU, composed of twelve persons, elected without
congress, four of whom should be succeeded every year ; the coun
cil, during the recess of congress, should superintend the execution
of its laws ; the executive decisions being always to be taken by two

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 243
thirds of the votes; the same council should be charged with the
direction of general affairs, both internal and external ; it should
receive all dispatches coming from princes and foreign governments ;
should prepare matters to be submitted to the consideration of the
next congress ; should fill, during the interval of its sessions, all the
offices vvhich should have become vacant ; and should, besides, have
povver to draw money from the public treasury. It was also regulated,
that no colony should make war upon the Indian tribes, without the
consent of congress ; that, consequentiy, the frontiers and territory
of every Indian nation should be acknowledged theirs and respected ;
that agents should be estabUshed on the part of congress among the
Indian nations, in suitable places, with instructions to prevent frauds
and impositions in the traffic with them. It was established as a
principle, that the Union should subsist until the terms of arrange
ment proposed to the king, by the preceding congress, should be
accepted by England, the acts prohibitory of American commerce
repealed, an indemnity granted for the shutting of the port of Boston,
for the burning of Charlestown, and for the expenses of the war ;
finaUy, until the British troops should have entirely evacuated the
territory of America. It was added, that when the British govern
ment should have accomplished the foregoing conditions, the colonies
vvould resume their ancient relations of friendship with Great Britain ;
but that otherwise the confederation should be perpetual. Space
was left to accede to the league for the . provinces of Quebec, of
St. Johns, of Nova Scotia, of the two Floridas, and the Bermudas.
Thus the congress laid the foundations of American greatness.
Meanwhile, the colonies hesitated to accept the articles of confed
eration. North Carolina absolutely refused. Things were not yet
arrived at the point of maturity, desirable for the estabhshment of a
perfect union. The people suffer themselves too often to be guided
by vain fears, or by vain hopes ; and, at this epoch, the greater part
of the colonists still flattered themselves with the possibihty of return
ing, sorne day or other, upon honorable terms, to their ancient footing
with Great Britain. It was, indeed, quite evident, to what object
the congress vvas tending. They considered reconciliation, if not
as absolutely impossible, at least as extremely iraprobable. And,
besides, if there had existed any hope of arrangeraent, the articles
of union vvould have enfeebled it greatly, not to say totally extin
guished ; and therefore, perhaps, the congress had proposed them.
For, om.itting the offensive declarations, the menaces, and the' laws
contrary ahke to the English constitution and to the tenor of char
ters, this new pretension of indemnities would alone have sufficed
to interrupt all approach to reconciliation ; for it could not be pre-

244 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V,
sumed that the British government would stoop to such ignominious
conditions. It was therefore manifest, that while the two parties
orotested their desire to meet each other, they were both exerting
all their efforts to render it impossible. It was no less evident, that
when in parliament the adversaries of the ministers proposed con
cessions and terms of arrangement, it was with reason the latter
rejected them, saying, that all these conciliatory measures would not
only be useless, but even detrimental, because they vvould encourage
the colonists to new demands, less admissible stiU. If the ministers
theraselves proposed, afterwards, and carried an act of conciliation,
it was only a pretext to divide, and not to re-unite. They were
therefore in the right, when they resolved to continue the war, at aU
hazards ; but they were in the wrong, not to carry it on with suffi
cient means.
I have no doubt, but in reading this history, it will be observed
with extreme surprise, that while the people in all the colonies flew
to arms, subverted all public order, and exercised every species of
hostUe demonstrations against the authority of the king, the govern
ors, who represented him, preserving the calm of immobility, took
no resolutions proper to re-establish obedience. But if no one of
these governors is seen acting in a manner conforraable to the impor
tance of circumstances, it should be considered that none of them
had regular troops at his disposal, to constrain the inhabitants to
submission. The only force to which they could have recourse, to
maintain the public tranquillity, and carry the laws into execution,
was composed of the militia of the country, themselves a part of the
insurgent people, and consequently favorable to their cause. It was
not in America as in Europe, where a militia, which no longer makes
part ofthe people, but which controls ti.em, and with arms contin
ually in hand, is always ready to execute the orders of the prince.
In the English colonies, on the contrary, the militia vvas not distinct
from the people themselves ; and if this support was wanting to
the government, it found itself, of necessity, to have none. The
governors, however, did what was in their power to defend the au
thority of the king, each according to his character, and the circum
stances in which he vvas placed. Their efforts had memorable
effects, as will be seen by what follows ; they produced the absolute
extinction of the royal government.
We have already spoken of the misunderstanding vvhich prevail
ed between the governor, lord Dunmore, and the assembly, and,
generally, aU the inhabitants of the province of Virginia. New dis
gusts broke out, upon the arrival of the news from England, of lord
North's resolution of accord. It may be said, that an instrument

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 245
invested with the nances of peace and concord, was the occasion, on
the contrary, not only of discord, but of open war. The governor,
having convoked the as.serably, placed this act before their eyes, en
larging greatly upon the goodness of parliament. He also hinted,
that the fruit of their compliance would be the abrogation of the
laws complained of. But soft words had littie influence over the'
jealous and exasperated minds of the Virginians. The assembly,
wishing to broach the quarrel, instead of entering into the discus
sion of the matter proposed, immediately took up the affair of the
arsenal, and demanded its restitution ; b6t the intervention of the
governor being here necessary, they sent him a message, importing
that he would be pleased to permit the entrance of this magazine
The altercation now became vehement ; and during the wordy con
flict, the people forced the gates of the arsenal, and bore off the
arms. The state in which they found them, carried their fury to
extremity. The powder was spoiled, the muskets without lodks, the
cannon without carrieiges ; every thing had been plundered or de
stroyed, in the late disturbances.
The governor, on seeing the revolt, retired, with his wife and
chUdren, on board a ship of war,* anchored near Yorktown, in the
river of this name. Previous to his departure, he addressed a mes
sage to the assembly, by which he announced, that in order to with
draw from the danger to which himself and his faraily were exposed
on the part of a furious raultitude, he had thought prudent to take
refuge in a place of security ; he invited them to continue their
business, whUe, on his part, he should continue his functions ; and
to send him a deputation on board his vessel, whenever they should
think it necessary to confer with him upon the affairs of the time.
The assembly answered, that they did not believe there existed,
among the Virginians, any individual capable of perpetrating the
excesses the governor apprehended ; they expressed their regrets
that he had not made them acquainted with his fears, before aban
doning the seat of government ; assuring him, that they would have
taken all the measures he might himself have proposed, for his own
security and that of his family. Finally, considering the little facility
afforded, in such a place, for the transaction of affairs with the
requisite convenience and promptitude, they earnestly request
ed him to return ; to yield to the impatience of the inhabitants,
and dispose them, by this proof of confldence, to order and tran
quillity. The governor repUed with much bitterness, as the popular move
ments had agitated his mind beyond all reason. He concluded his
* The Fowey man of wai.

246 THE AMERICAN WAR

BOOK V.

letter, however, by glancing afresh at the concihatory resolution, and
with the assurance that he should esteem it his felicity to be the
instrument of concord between the jarring parts of the British
empire. This bland conclusion was not sufficient to mitigate the irritation
created by the menacing commencement of the letter. Accordingly,
the answer of the assembly was more acrimonious still ; as to the
act of accord, they replied, it vvas a vain and insidious measure,
which only changed the mode of oppression, without tending to
relieve it f that, consequently, they would not accept it.
Such a temper of mind, in both the parties, precluded every
glimpse of a better understanding. The assembly, having finally
matured the bills and resolves before them, invited the governor to
repair to WilUamsburgh, in order to pass thera. Lord Dunmore
replied, that he would not expose his person in the midst of a mad
populace ; that they might send him the bills for examination ; that
he should be ready to receive the house, at his present residence, for
the purpose of giving his assent to such acts as he should approve
of. Here ended all correspondence between the governor and the
colony of Virginia. If he would not trust himself with the Virgin
ians, they vvere as little disposed to trust themselves vvith him. It
might, besides, appear strange enough, that, in the midst of so many
suspicions, the chief citizens of an entire province should go to un-
mure theraselves on board a ship of war, corapletely in the power
of a person they looked upon as their enemy, and who might have
retained them as hostages for the execution of his ulterior designs.
The assembly, when informed of the sentiraents of the governor,
declared publicly, that they suspected the existence of a sinister con
spiracy against the people of the colony ; they consequently warned
the inhabitants to stand prepared to defend their property, and their
rights, still more precious ; they renewed their protestations of fidel
ity towards the king, of affection for the mother country ; and, ad
journing themselves to the month of October, separated. Thus
ceased to exist, about the middle of July, the royal government in
Virginia, after having lasted during more than two hundred years,
wilh the tranquillity and happiness of aU.
But arduous toils, and numerous dangers, stiH awaited the
province. The inroads of an enemy so superior in naval force, vvere to be
feared upon the coasts, and upon the borders of all the great rivers
which bathe it. Nor were the inhabitants without disquietude, in
regard to the slaves, who were extremely nuraerous, and whom, lord
Dunmore had given out, he should instigate to revolt against their

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 247
masters. If this cruel race, and crueUy treated, had joined the
loyaUsts in these first moments, when the Virginian government
was still so recent, the most terrible consequences might have re
sulted, and perhaps the total extermination of the province. This
consideration decided the Virginians to form a convention, in
which they placed great confidence. They proceeded immediately
to levy troops, provide raunitions, and raise money ; in a word, to
take all the measures they believed proper to secure the success of
their cause.
Lord Dunmore, finding himself thus expelled from his own
government, as well by his personal obstinacy as by the force of
things, would not, however, being versed in arms, abandon the hope
of recovering his authority. Independent of his character, (perti
nacious, and capable of the greatest resolutions) he vvas also ani
mated by a desire to perforra sorae brilliant achievement for the ser
vice of his king, and encouraged by the idea that sorae violent move
ment would inevitably discover itself among the slaves. He like
wise believed, that the nuraber of the loyalists vvas considerable ;
and that their party would not faU to put themselves in motion, when
he should raake his appearance upon the coasts, and even in the
heart of the province, with a formidable squadron. This hope, if
not absolutely chimerical, was at least very slightly founded ; but it
is an error comraon to all tiraes, and to all generals, lo build ex
travagantly upon the intestine divisions of revolted subjects. All
the auxiliaries that joined the governor, consisted in those individ
uals, who, having incurred the suspicion of the people, could no
longer reside with safety in the province, and a certain number of
slaves, of a profligate stamp.
With this troop, and vvith the frigates upon that station, he flat
tered himself he should be able to make some impression of impor
tance in the adjacent country. He omitted no exertion to increase
the strength of his squadron, and the number of his men ; and es
pecially to approach nearer to the land. Having accomplished this
purpose, by joining to his frigates a great number of Ught vessels, he
began to move, at one time showing himself in this part, at another,
in that ; but of himself he vvas not able to produce any conside
rable effect. He expected, but in vain, that the people vvould rise,
and take arms in favor of the king. Reduced to his ovvn forces, he
commenced hostihties, which more resembled the attacks of pirates,
than a fair and regular war. It was, in truth, a shocking spectacle,
to see the governor of a pi evince rushing upon afl points to lay it
waste, and to wrest by violence the provisions of which he had need ;
while the people, who recently had obeyed his orders, endeavored

248 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
to repulse him. But the Virginians alledged, that their conduct was
sufficiently authorized by that of the royal troops, who, under pre
text of self-preservation, meditated the destruction of the whole
province. They complained, that persons obnoxious to the gov
ernor were seized, and confined on board ships ; that their planta
tions were ravaged, their houses fired, their negroes carried off;
devastations that were never executed without effusion of blood.
The Virginians raarched, for the protection of the rivers and coasts,
a few corps of miUtia, recently taken into pay by the provincial
convention. The war that ensued was the raore cruel, as it was
useless, and could have no other effect but that of still more in
flaming and exasperating the minds on both sides.
The governor, having surprised the town of Hampton, situated
upon the bay of the same name, devoted it to the flames. His
wish had been to take up his quarters, and assemble a considerable
force at that point; but the Virginians carae up in multitude, and
forced him to re-embark.
Lord Dunmore proclairaed raartial law ; the effect of which would
have been to suspend all civil authority in the province. He exhorted
the loyalists to repair to the royal standard ; to retain in their hands
the contributions due to the crown, as well as other taxes, until the
re-establishment of peace. Moreover, he declared free all slaves or
servants, black or white, belonging to rebels, provided they should
take arms and join the royal troops.
This proclamation, and especially the clause concerning slaves,
proved that lord Dunmore was a man extremely deficient in prudence
and raoderation, but produced none of the effects he had expected.
In the colonies, and even in all other countries, an universal cry
arose against a measure vvhich tended to disturb society in its very
foundations, to destroy domestic security, to engender mortal sus
picions, and to excite a race, naturally ferocious, to vengeance and
to murder. In fact, this step of the governor was not merely use
less, — it was pernicious ; it irritated the rainds ofthe greater number,
and gained over none.
Meanwhile, lord Dunmore again came on shore, and occupied
Norfolk, an important city, situated upon 'the banks of Elizabeth
river. In this place and its vicinity, a great number of loyalists
resided. Some hundreds of these, and of the negroes, joined the
governor, and gave him, in this part, the superiority over the ene
my. Some of the provincial militia, having made a show of resist
ance, vvere routed without difficulty. He had already conceived
the hope of reconquering the province, and of replacing il under
the authority of the king

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAK. 249
The administration of the state of Virginia directed all their at
tention upon this point, where they perceived, with reason, the germ
of a war more formidable ; and resolved to avert the evil, by a prci apt
remedy. They dispatched, therefore, with all speed, for Norfo!!:, a
rqgiment of militia, and a detachment of rainute-men, under the
command of colonel Woodford. The governor, apprised of this
movement, very prudently occupied a strong position upon the north
bank of Elizabeth river, called Great Bridge, a few miles from Nor
folk. This point was situated upon the direct route of the provin
cial troops. Here he promptly threw up works on the Norfolk side,
and furnished them wilh a numerous artillery The intrenehments
were surrounded on every part with water and marshes, and were
only accessible by a long dike. As to the forces of the governor,
they were Uttle formidable ; he had only two hundred regulars, and
a corps of Norfolk volunteers ; the residue consisted in a shapeless
mass of varlets of every color. The Virginians took post over
against the English, in a smaU vUlage, at cannon shot distance.
Before thera they had a long narrow dike, the extremity of which
they also fortified. In this state, the two parties remained for sev
eral days, without making any moveraent. Lord Dunraore, having at
length perceived that this delay was prejudicial to hira, as well as
beneficial to the Araericans, who abounded in provisions, and re
ceived every day new re-inforcements, found a motive in his per
sonal courage, and perhaps in his conterapt for the enemy, sufficient
to order the attack. He hoped to be able thus to open himself a
passage into the heart of the country. Accordingly, the 9th of De
cember, before day, he directed captain Fordyce to assault the
enemy, at the head of a company of grenaaiers.
They marched boldly towards the American works, captain For
dyce leading the vanguard, and lieutenant Bathurst the forlorn hope.
Captain LesUe followed, with a detachment of three hundred blacks
and whites, and two hundred soldiers of the line. All the American
camp instantly flew to arms, and prepared to defend themselves.
The action continued for a good space of time, with incredible ob
stinacy. At length, captain Fordyce having been killed, at a few
paces from the intrenehments, after exhibiting prodigies of valor, and
a great part of his troop being either wounded or slain, the British
fell back upon the bridge. The artillery of the redoubt prevented
the Americans from pursuing. The negroes behaved very shabbily,
and saved themselves by flight. The Americans treated the Eng- .
lish fallen into their povver with humanity, but the loyalists wilh
rigor. This feat, on the part of lord Dunmore, savored more of the
rash general, than tiie soldier of courage.

250 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK T.
Experience having convinced the governor that he could not hope
to make progress in this part, he abandoned Greal Bridge, and re
tired to Norfolk, leaving a few pieces of cannon in the power of tiie
enemy. Finally, not thinking himself secure in this city and the
adjacent country, he look the resolution lo repair to his ships again,
the number of which was increased by the junction of all those that
were found in the port of Norfolk. He could not, in fact, have too
many ; for many of the loyalists, forced to quit their country, sought
refuge on board the fleet, bringing with them their furniture and
most valuable effects. The provincials occupied Norfolk, which
they found almost deserted ; the greater part of the inhabilanta
having departed in the squadron of the governor.
While these events vvere passing upon the coasts of Virginia, a
project of great importance was planned ; this was to raise in arms
the inhabitants of the parls situated in the west of the colonies, but
particularly of Virginia and of the two CaroUnas, which were known
to be well affected towaids the royal cause. It vvas also hoped that
the Indians would lake the field, and not only harass the rear of the
provincials, but even that, increasing in number and force, they vvould
be able to traverse the provinces, and coalesce with lord Dunmore
upon the coasts. A certain John Connelly, an enterprising, audacious
man, born in the county of Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, was consid
ered a fil instrument for the execution of this project. Having con
ferred with lord Dunmore, he received from him the most brUliant
promises, and the most ample authority, lo enable him to accomplish
the objects of the mission which vvas confided lo him. In pursuance
whereof, he repaired to the banks of the Ohio, in order to sound the
dispositions of the Indians, and of the loyalists who inhabited this
part of the frontiers. Having succeeded beyond his hopes, he
returned lo make report to the governor. It vvas arranged, that the
garrisons of the vicinity, and principally those of Detroit and fort
Gage, in the country of the Illinois, should lend him assistance; and
it was expected, also, that the officers of the garrisons of Canada
would second him. It was understood, that whenever his troops
should have made their preparations, they vvere to assemble al Pitts
burgh, and thence, passing the Alleganies, scour Virginia, and effect
their junction with lord Dunmore at the city of Alexandria, situated
upon the banks of the Potomac. Fortune had shown herself propi-
tious'to these first essays. Connelly had passed several times without
accident from one place to another, and kept his correspondence vvifli
the loyalists and Indians a profound secret. On his way to Detroit,
he had already reached the extreme frontier of Maryland, near the
tovvii of Tamar, rejoicing within himself at having escaped so many

BOOK V. TIIE AMERICAN WAR. 251
perUs, when he was detected, and arrested. The papers of which
he was tho bearer were pubhshed by order of congress. Thus this
mysterious plot, which lord Dunmore, for want of open arms,- had
been reduced to concert, proved like several others completely abor
tive ; its sole results were greater animosity on the part of the colo
nists, and the annihilation of his pwn influence.
Meanwhile, Norfolk was raenaced wilh a disastrous event. Al
though the greater part of the loyalists of this city and its environs,
had sought refuge in the governor's fleet, there had, nevertheless,
remained a considerable number of them ; either on account of their
reluctance lo leave their properties, or their dread of the sea and of
famine, or perhaps because they hoped to find more lenity on the
part of their fellow citizens, who made profession of liberty, than
they had shown towards them, when they had been superior in this
country. But it is certain that the patriots, on acquiring the ascendancy,
made them feel it crueUy, and overwhelmed them vvith all those vex
ations of which there are so many examples in civil wars, between
men of different parties. The governor, transported with rage, and
touched by the piteous cries of the loyalists, panted to avenge them.
This reciprocal hatred was daily exasperated by the rencounters
which took place very frequently between the two parties; the pro
vincials watching al all points of the shore to prevent the royal
troops from landing, in order to forage in the country, and the lat
ter, on the contrary, eagerly spying every means to plunder provis
ions upon the American territory. The multitude of mouths to be
fed, kept them continually in a faraishing stale. A ship of war ar
rived, in the meantime, in the bay of Norfolk. Lord Dunmore sent
a flag on shore to apprise the inhabitants, that they must furnish
provisions, and cease firing, otherwise he should bombard the town.
The provincials answered only by a refusal. The governor then
resolved to drive them out of the city wilh artillery, and to burn the
houses situated upon the river. He sent in the morning to give no
tice of his design, in order that the women, children, and all except
combatants might retreat to a place of safety. The first of January,
1776, the frigate Liverpool, two corvettes,, and the governor's armed
sloop, opened a terrible fire upon the city, and at the same time a
detachment of marines landed and set fire to the houses. The
flames spread with rapidity, the conflagration became general, all
was consumed. Finally, the provincials theraselves fired afl the ad
jacent country, that nolhing might fall into the hands of the enemy,
and to deprive the royal troops of this position
Such are the effects of civil fury ; such the results of human dis-

252 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOCK V,
cords. But man is too often ambitious or deceived ; and if all ages
are fertile in the authors of turaults and wars, these artisans of mis
chief are no less fertile in expedients to clothe their projects with
plausible pretexts ; and thus the unfortunate people, victims of every
calaraity, are frequently ignorant of the real origin of the woes that
overwhelm them. In this manner was destroyed one of the most
opulent and flourishing cities of Virginia.
Having described the state of the province of Virginia, after the
royal government had ceased, the order of history requires that we
should relate what took place at this epoch in the other provinces.
We have already mentioned the ardor manifested by the inhabitants
of South Carolina, on their receiving inteUigence of the affair of Lex
ington, that a provincial convention vvas forraed, that its members
entered into a confederation, and organized corps of infantry and
cavalry tor the defense of the colony.
In the midiJt of this general movement, governor Campbell arrived
in the province, who, notwithstanding the public agitation, was re
ceived with the attentions due to his rank. He conceived the idea
of employing the m.iUtia, as a counterpoise to the regiments on pay
which had been levied by the convention or congress of the prov
ince, ind lo oppose against the convention itself, the provincial as
sembly. He hoped by this management to divide the patriots, and
overturn their projects. Accordingly, of his own authority, he is
sued coramissions to the officers of the raUitia, and convoked the as
sembly according to ancient forras. But in both these measures he
failed of success ; the militia continued firm in the cause of the
people, and the asserably refused all his propositions so rigidly, that
he was necessitated to dissolve it. He appeared disposed to remain
peaceable for some time ; but it was known that he maintained a
secret intelligence with the loyalists, who were very numerous, and
principally upon the frontiers, towards the mountains and lakes.
To unmask him, the patriots resorted to the agenc" of a certair
Adam Macdonald, captain in a provincial regiment, a man entirely
devoted to their interests. He presented himself to the governor
under the name of Dick Williams, and in the character of an emis
sary of the loyalists, commissioned to protest their fidelity, and re
ceive his orders.
The governor, deUghted at this overture, answered with unrestrict
ed confidence. Macdonald came to make full report before the
general council ; the agitation vvas vehement. The council deputed
to the governor some of its members, and with them Macdonald him
self, to request that he would show them tlie dispatches he had re
ceived from England. Campbell firmly refused. A motion was

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 253
made to arrest him, but it was not adopted. The governor became
intimidated, and retired on board a corvette at anchor in the port.
He took with him the seal of the province. The councU sent a mes
sage, entreating him to return ; he would not. Thus ceased the
royal government in South Carolina ; all public authority v\'as trans
ferred from the ancient administrations to the provincial convention,
the committee of safety, and other popular estabUshments, to whose
power the people fixed no other limits, except that they should pro
tect the repubUc frora all detriment.
But in the meantirae, governor Campbell was not inactive. He
knew the royalists were numerous in certain parts of the province,
and he hoped that by exciting them, and erecting a standard, round
which they could rally, he should be able to profit essentially by
their succors. In the interior of the country, there existed a set of
men called regulators. They had aiyogated, in 1770, the right of
executing the laws against malefactors ; and they exercised their
functions so openly, that of their own authority they inflicted corpo
ral punishments upon such as incurred their animadversion. Lord
Montague was sent to repress so odious an enormity, and his severity
effectually re-established the authority of the laws among this un
ruly generation. But the regulators had not forgotten the chastise
ments their unlawful combination had drawn upon them, nor would
they ever consent to adhere to the congiess and other popular ad
ministrations, which they deemed equally as irregular and illegal.
In the same places were found many Dutch and Irish, who held
their lands frora the bounty and liberality of the king. Either out
of gratitude, or the fear of losing their estates, if they should join
the patriots, they stood firra in their loyalty, and were strenuously
opposed lo the new governraent. Their nuraber was increased by
certain other Irish, who had retired frora the disturbances in the
northern provinces, into this.
Governor Carapbell had it in mind, to employ these individuals
for the accomplishraent of his designs. He circulated among them
that the American colonies were altogether too feeble to resist the
power of Great Britain ; that the whole question turned upon a
trivial duty on tea, which they were not accustomed to use ; that the
inhabitants of the coast opposed this impost, in order to have tea at
a low price, without regarding that their obstinacy deprived the in
habitants of the upper country of a multitude of articles the most
necessary to life ; that the single expense of maintaining the provin
cial regiraents, greatly exceeded the amount of all the taxes imposed
by the parliament. The fll humor of these foreigners was stiU in
creased by the violences of the patriots, who insisted, whether willing

254 THE AMERICAN W.4.B. BOOK V,
or not, that they should accede to the confederation. And thus a
great number that would have remained neutral, were constrained
to throw themselves inlo the opposite parly. In no part of the prov
ince vvcre the lo} alists so numerous, as in the space comprehended
between the Broad and Saluda rivers. They refused to execute the
resolutions of congress, to subscribe the league, and to make levies
of soldiers. The patriots, desiring to proceed peaceably, sent into
those places two men of the greatest authority, William Henry Dray
ton and William Tennent. All their efforts and arguments, lo dissi
pate the suspicions vvhich had arisen among these people, produced
little effect, if any. The rivalship between the two parties became
every day more rancorous. xVt length, they flew lo arras ; and they
were soon encamped, the one in front of the other. The wiser citi
zens interposed, to prevent the effusion of blood ; and, after some
days of negotiation, a compact vvas concluded, by which the loyal
ists pledged themselves to reraain neuter. But these hopes of tran
quUlity were soon destroyed, by a certain Robert Cunningham, a tur
bulent spirit, and one of the most influential leaders of the loyalists ;
he industriously scattered the eleraents of discord. Frora all parts
they rushed to arms anew. The congress, wishing to smother these
first sparks, ordered major Williamson, commanding the railitia, to
march against the seditious ; but the latter vvere superior in number.
The moment vvas critical ; the Carolinian congress, having in front
a British fleet and army, and a party of disaffected citizens in the
rear, could have no hope of victory. Nevertheless, to disconcert the
plan of their adversaries, they marched towards the suspected places
detachments of raUilia and of troops, under the command of colo
nels Richardson and Thompson; vvho vvere joined by colonels
Rutherford and Polk, at the head of the militia of North CaroUna.
The loyalists, scattered, without a rallying point, and without leaders
of reputation, transacting every thing vvith fear and hesitation, were
forced to receive the terms of their conquerors.
This first expedition kept them quiet for a long time ; they made
no further movement until the English arms acquired the superior
ity in Georgia and South Carolina.
The inhabitants of the latter province being totally decided for
war, all their attention was given to making the preparations that
might enable them to carry it on with success. They resolved, in
the first place, to provide themselves vvith powder, of which they
were almost entirely destitute. They knew that an Enghsh vessel,
laden vvith a great quantity of it, vvas then at anchor upon the bank,
called tiie bar of St. Augustine, upon the coast of East Florida.
Some fearless patriots, accustomed to the sea, made for the ship with

BOOK V.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 255

extreme celerity, boarded her, and becaine possessed of fifteen thou
sand pounds of powder ; vvhich, with equal good fortune, they trans
ported safe into Charleston. This acquisition was of singular utflity
in their great need. They supplied, frora it, the miUtia of Massa
chusetts, as well as the army vvhich soon after undertook the expe
dition of Canada.
But there was stUl in the power of the king, fort Johnson, erected
upon James' Island, which is situated in front of Charleston ; this
fortress, iherefore, commanded the city. Colonel Motte having land
ed upon the island in the night with a strong detachment of new
levies, occupied the fort without obstacle ; the garrison, as too feeble
to resist, had retired on board the ships of war.
The chiefs of the people prohibited all persons whatsoever from
supplying water or provision to the ships of the king, otherwise than
from day to day. The English blockaded the port, and made a
great number of prizes, to the infinite prejudice of the city. This
induced colonel Moultrie to occupy Point Huddrel, with a detach
ment of provincial troops. He planted there a battery of Iieavy
cannon, which constrained the English to retire from this position
and gain the open sea. Thus the city was liberated, for the pres-
efil, from the blockade of the British squadron. But to prevent its
renewal, it was resolved to erect fortifications upon Point Huddrel,
vvhich defends the entrance to Charleston, by the channel of Hog
Island ; and to strengthen the work of fort Johnson, wJiich secures
tbe port on the side of James' Island. A new fort was also con
structed in this island, west of fort Johnson ; then another upon
SuUivan's Island, which received the name of Moultrie.
The provincial raUitia exercised, and the regiments upon pay
increased their numbers every day. In all parts of the province
preparations were made to repulse the attacks of the enemy.
However sincere was the zeal of the inhabitants to defend theii
country, it was stimulated, also, by tiie resolutions of the general
congress. They had resolved, that if Charleston was attacked by the
English, three regiments of infantry should be maintained in the
province at the expense of the Union ; that if the convention or
committee of safety should judge it necessary to seize or destroy
any vessel whatsoever, it might do so, and rely upon the approbation
of congress. They recommended also 'the erection of forts and
batteries, in such places as should be thought most suitable.
Some agitation also began to manifest itself about this time in
North Carohna, a province in which the loyalists vvere perhaps more
numerous than in any other, wilh the e'xception, however, of New
York. The governor, Martin, was an active raan, who studied con-

256 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
tinually to devise new expedients to increase the party of the king
The patriots were especially solicitous with respect to the inhabitants
of the upper countries of the colony, all Scotch and Highland emi
grants, with whom it was ascertained that the governor held con
tinual correspondence. The congress had not neglected to lake aU
proper measures to disconcert these projects. They had exhorted
the partisans of liberty lo form themselves into corps of raihtia, which,
in case the provincial convention should see fit to order levies, should
be considered as making part of the general array, and received inlo
the pay of the Union.
The desires of the congress were accomplished, if not with unani
mous consent, at least with all requisite promptitude. A provincial
convention was formed, which assumed the authority ofthe ordinary
assembly of representatives. The committees of safety, and other
popular institutions, were created as usual. The governor took
umbrage at these measures, although he vvas not intimidated by
them ; and, in order to be able lo sustain a first attack, and to give
time, in case of emergency, for the loyalists of the upper parts to
come to his assistance, he fortified, and furnished vvith artillery, his
residence at Newborn. The people rose and seized six pieces of
these cannon ; the governor then fled precipitately for refuge lo fort
Johnson, upon Cape Fear river. The provincials, fearing he might
fortify himself, and rally his forces at this point, in order to keep an
open coraraunication for the troops which should be sent against the
colony, resolved to dislodge him. It also appears that they vvere
apprehensive, lest the governor should proclaira the liberty of the
negroes, in order to eraploy them for the re-establishment of the royal
authority. Time vvas precious. They asserabled their forces at
Wilmington, an important city of the province, and gave the com
mand of the expedition to colonel Ashe, who had passed from the
service of the king, inlo that of the people. They marched imme
diately to fort Johnson ; but the governor, not choosing to await so
formidable an attack, had retired on board a ship of war. The fol
lowing night, colonel Ashe entered the fort and reduced it to ashes.
He afterwards ravaged the country, that it might furnish nothing to
his adversary. The governor was declared ap enemy lo America.
and accused of a design to raise the blacks against their masters.
This imputation was not without foundation. He answered vvith a
writing of excessive length, which he caused to be circulated in the
province. But the provincial congress pronounced this proclama
tion an infamous libel, and caused it to be publicly burnt by the
hand of the executioner.
They drew up, about the same time, a long address lo the people

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 257
of Great .Britain, full of the usual protestations. Ali these events
singularly agitated the people ; but a new incident soon carried their
fury to extremity. In the garden and ceUars of the governor, it wd.n
discovered that he had secreted arms, powder, balls, and other mu
nitions. The provincial congress decreed a levy of one thousand
regular troops, and another of three thousand minute-men. They
created bills of credit for their support. The general congress,
wishing to give more stability to their authority, and knowing of what
importance it was to propitiate the regulators and mountaineers that
inhabited the upper countries, sent thera two ministers of the gospel,
to expound the nature of the present controversy between Great
Britain and the colonies. The chiefs of the people neglected no
means proper to forward their cause. Arms and money vvere pro
vided, soldiers were exercised, the raihtia were organized, the torpid
or lukewarra vvere stiraulated and encouraged. The popular leaders
in this province, surrounded by enemies, manifested an activity
always increasing with the obstacles they had to surraount.
In Pennsylvania, affairs were transacted witb greater moderation ;
either because the character of the inhabitants was more pacific, or
that the governor was endowed witb greater prudence. However,
the provincial assembly, whicb continued to sit in Philadelphia, and
all the inhabitants generally, appeared not to Want activity, in their
preparations for defense ; the militia were exercised with great dili
gence and success. It was perceived that the breadth and depth of
the Delaware, which bathes the walls of Philadelphia, exposed the
city lo imminent danger. The English ships raight come. thus far up
the river, and cause infinite mischief not only to the city and prov
ince, but even to the entire confederation. It was therefore resolv
ed lo obstruct the passage, by sinking in the channel a construction
of heavy timber, caUed a chevaux-de-frise. It consisted in two
immense beams, laid across the bed of the river, parallel-wise, and
at a suitable distance apart ; they were locked with traverse timbers ;
and upou their upper surface rose, vvith a certain inclination towards
the current of water, two other heavy beams, armed on the top with
tusks of iron, to pierce the vessels that should attempt to ascend.
All these frames, ponderous of themselves, and charged besides
with enormous stones, could not be easily broken; subverted, or dis
placed. Ingeniously contrived, as well as skilfully executed, they
were of no littie utUity, in the course of the war. The Pennsylva
nians were also very dUigent in providmg themselves with arms and
ammunition. The provincial assembly had appointed a committee
of superintendence, to see that the arms were made with a desirable
promptitude, and the requisite perfection. The gufisrtiiths, and
vm 1 17

258 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
other armorers, were continually watched and stimulated. The
assembly also decided, that several battalions should be levied and
completely equipped. A great quantity of powder was manufactured
in the environs of Philadelphia ; a single mill supplied five hundred
pounds a week. Every thing, in brief, tended towards war. The
governor was unable to resist an inclination so universal ; he had no
royal troops at his disposal.
The province, and particularly the city of New York, found
themselves in a painful situation. They were exposed, on all parts
to the irsults of the British fleet ; the city had even still a ganison
though feeble, of royal troops. New re-inforcements were expected
from England ; and it was known that all the corps that arrived in
America, landed at New York, as their destined place of arms
The delegates of the province were therefore instructed lo move
the congress to prescribe the course to be pursued, in case of the
arrival of the troops that were already embarked from Ireland for
America. The congress answered, they should stand upon the
defensive, allow the English to land, and permit them to occupy tbe
barracks, provided they snould behave themselves peaceably ; not,
however, to suffer that they should erect fortifications, to interrupt
the communication between the city and country ; if they should
employ force, to resist them vvith force ; to transport the munitions
of war into the interior of the province ; to designate places of
refuge for the women and children ; finally, the congress exhorted
all the inhabitants to arra, and hold themselves in preparation for
every event.
But it was not long before they were relieved from these anxious
apprehensions. The royal troops arrived ; but, instead of landing
at New Yorlv, they went on shore at Sandy Hook, whence, by the
orders of general Gage, they re-embarked for Boston. The battie
of Breed's HiU had enfeebled the garrison of that city, and new
soldiers were needed to fill up the companies. At length, the
detachment itself, which for so long a lime had been stationed at
New York, retired on board a ship of war which vvas anchored in
the port. The city, thus delivered entirely from the presence of
the royal troops, was replaced absolutely at its own discretion.
At this epoch, governor Tryon arrived from London at New York
He vvas a man of an active genius, an ardent character, and possess
ed cf great influence in the province. He was received with mark
ed respect. His continual efforts in favor of the royai cause, were
generally crowned with, success. Tranquillity, for a certain time,
remained undisturbed. Then followed a quairel, in which a royal
ship fired upon the city with balls and grape-shot, because the inhab-

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 259
itants had seen fit to transport artillery from one place to another.
A great number took refuge in the country. The governor demand
ed a conference with the convention, the comraittee of safely, and
the officers of the miUtia. It was granted. He expressed the deep
est concern at the present discord ; he begged they would use pru
dently the power which they had entire ; he observed, that violent
measures would only widen the breach, and hazard the destruction
of the city. This example shows clearly to what terms was reduced,
and upon how frail a basis reposed, the royal authority at that lime in
America ; since even in the province of New York, that of all which
numbered the most loyalists, the governor was driven to such ex
tremity, that; instead of commanding, he was constrained to pray.
Hence also it is manifest, that Tryon had been sent, not to govern a
province that would no longer obey him, but to intrigue clandes
tinely, to sow division, to corrupt the good, and dispense to the
wicked their hire.
How opposite such conduct was to the dignity of a powerful
nation, and how proper to render it contemptible in the estimation
of the universe, every one can imagine for himself. Il vvould have
been a much more seemly resolution, if the governor, upon ascer
taining the situation of affairs, should have withdrawn frora the prov
ince, and left it altogether in the power of the patriots ; for to
govern without commanding, and to command without being obeyed,
was a degradation of his rank, and of the royal authority itself.
The general congress had becorne greatly alarmed at the artifices
of governor Tryon. They feared he would at length succeed in
exciting such malignant humors, as might issue in fatal results. They
thought it expedient to prevent the evil ; and accordingly recom
mended, that, in a.]l the colonies, every person, of whatever name or
condition, whose opinions afforded raotives of suspicion, should be
arrested, and detained under a sufficient guard ; this vvas the law of
suspected persons. The deputies of New York sent copies of it
into their province. At this news governor Tryon, having doubts of
some strange resolution, promptly took refuge on board an English
vessel moored in the port ; he carried off the seal of the province.
But, towards the close of the year, with the approbation of the king,
he addressed a proclamation lo the inhabitants of New York, to
apprise them of the dispositions of the prince, and the earnest desire
he eniertained that some honorable way of reconciliation between the
two parties might be devised. Thus v:inished even the shadow of
royal authority in this colony, after its action had in reality ceased
long since. Such was the success of the hopes the ministers had
placed in the maneuvers and intrigues of governor Tryon, whom

260 TEE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
they had considered as the most proper instrument to act upon a
province of such principal iraportance.
It had recentiy been divided by the provincial convention into a
certain number of districts, each destined to furnish a company. The
organization of these companies was the object of a special regula
tion. But this appearance of ardor was in many far from being sin
cere. Even merabers of the provincial congress presumed lo say,
openly, that they would not receive the bills of credit ; and that,
when the EngUsh troops should have arrived, they would join the
royal standard. The provincial soldiers themselves were emulous
in deserting. So efficacious had been the whispers of Tryon ; or,
perhaps, so great were the avarice, the fear, or the loyalty, of the in
habitants. Admitting only the latter reason, it vvould be impossible
for the colonists of New York lo clear themselves of the reproach
of hypocrisy and of cowardice, for not having dared openly to fol
low the royal banners, and for having, on the contrary, pretended a
flaming zeal for the cause which the greater part of the Americans
had espoused. But simulation and perfidy are never raore frequent
than in the political revolutions of erapires. Those vvho lately served
kings, afterwards serve republics ; and ardent republicans become all
al once royalists, according to the dictates of their ambition or their
avarice. Such is the miserable condition of human nature, that it
is never consistent wilh itself; and when a man abandons one party
lo coalesce with another, he is oflen raore actuated by a culpable
motive than a virtuous conviction.
Maryland followed the example of the olher provinces. The
authority of the ordinary assembly was here also transferred to a
convention which assembled in the city of AnnapoUs. It proposed
the articles of a league, to be composed of its own members, and all
the freemen of the province. They pledged their failh reciprocally,
and aU towards America, to persist, according to their power, in
opposition, whether with arms or with commercial restrictions. They
decreed, that forty companies of minute-men should be levied ; and
that all the inhabitants of the province, freemen, from sixteen to fifty
years, except only the ministers of religion, and physicians exercising
their profession, individuals in the service of the governor, minute-
men, artillery-men, and those prevented by their religious opinions
from bearing arms, should attach theraselves to some one com
pany of militia. Hence it appears how calm, how remote from all
blind transport, was this people ; since, in such a crisis, individuals,
reputed most essential to the general utility, were exempted from
mflitary service ; and since reUgious opinions were also perfectly re
spected. The regular organization of the militia ascertained tiie pay

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 261
of the officers and that of the soldiers. A committee of safety was
invested with the direction of affairs relating to the mUitia and min
ute-men ; and even with the power of taking, during the recess of
the convention, the measures deemed necessary for the good of the
province. Subaltern comraittees were established, for local super
intendence upon every point, and for the reciprocal transraission of
useful intelUgence. Finally, the convention created two hundred
and sixty-six thousand six hundred and sixty-six dollars, in bills of
credit, in order to defray the charges of the militia. Meanwhile, the
people had already forced the gates of the provincia] arsenal, and
seized the arras and amraunition, which were found there in consid
erable quantity.
In New Jersey, the royal authority still subsisted in its ancient
forms ; but it was without power, since it was without arms. Accord
ingly, the real directing authority was that of the people ; which had,
for its support, both arms and the general opinion. The militia
organized and exercised themselves, according to the regulations
published by the provincial congress. The people had taken pos
session of the public chest ; a sum of twenty to thirty thousand
pounds sterhng it contained, was appropriated to pay the railitia.
Besides the provincial railitia, the general congress invited the con
vention of New Jersey to levy, without delay, two battalions, at the
expense of the public treasure ; the officers were to have the same
pay as those of the confederate army, and the soldiers to be engaged
but for one year. In. the meantime, governor Franklin convoked the
provincial assembly. In the speech he addressed them, he express
ed his gi-ief at the present troubles ; and announced, that the com
manders of" the British fleets upon all the American coasts had or
ders to act offensively against every port or place whatsoever, in
which the officers of the king should be insulted, or in which troops
should be levied, forts erected, or the public magazines plundered.
He spoke also of the desire of independence ; and added, that, as to
the safety of his ovvn person, he would refer it to their good faith.
The assembly, in their answer, expressly denied any thought of in
dependence ; they assured the governor, that he might be tranquU
wilh respect to his safety ; and, final'y, that as to the disturbances,
they deplored them sincerely, but could do nolhing to remedy thern,
since their cause was in the acts of parhament.
The two provinces of Connecticut and Rhode Island were in
habited by men naturaUy the zealots of liberty ; and, not having the
restraint ofa royal governor, as by their charters they had the priv
Uege of electing their own, they had long since provided themselves
with men, arms, and munitions. These measures of safety were the

262 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V
more essential, as the vicinity of the English troops of Boston alarm
ed their suspicions ; and tiiey saw enemy vessels continually upon
the coasts, employed in carrying off provisions, not only for their
own use, but also for that of the garrison bciieged in that city. Be
sides this, captain WaUace, command iiig a ship of the king, with
some other armed vessels, greatiy harassed their comraerce, captur
ing daily raerchant vessels belonging to one or other of these prov
inces. At length, he made a furious attack upon the town of
Bristol. The houses, the stores, the churches, suffered excessively
from the fire of his artillery ; which continued till the inhabitants, at
evening, consented to supply with fresh meat this man without pity.
But these hostihties comraitted by the vessels of the king against a
defenseless town, did but increase the already too violent disgusts
of the Araericans, who coraplained of thera with rauch asperity, in
a multitude of writings, both public and private.
But Wallace was not of a character to allow himself lightly to be
diverted frora his resolutions ; and perhaps he was also spurred on
by necessity. The blarae should not be 'mputed lo hira, but lo those
ministers who by their rigorous counsels had provoked tbe war, with
out having prepared the requisite means to sustain it ; consequently,
as it was irapossible to fight in the open field, to conquer, it became
necessary to pillage, in order to live. Captain Wallace, therefore,
eraployed himself with great activity, in ravaging, by his piracies,
the coasts of Connecticut and Rhode Island. The array of Massa
chusetts sent to the succor of the Rhode Islanders a detachraent of
soldiers, under the command of general Lee. This man, of a violent
character, and little accustomed to respect the laws and public order,
when il was in question to favor the American revolution,.imraediate-
ly compelled the people he came lo defend, to bind themselves, by
the most terrible oaths, to break off all coraraunication vvith the in
struraents of ministerial tyranny, vulgarly called, said the words of
the oath, the troops and fleets of the king ; not to lend them any
assistance whatever ; to denounce traitors before the public authori;
ties ; and lo take arms for the defense of American liberty, as often
as il should be required of them by the general congress, or the
provincial magistrates. The congress disapproved this conduct of
general Lee ; al wliich he gave himself little concern. He declared
it pusillanimous to respect the civU laws, in the midst of arms ; and,
in times of revolution, he considered all means legitimate, by whicb
he might attain his ends ; a manner of acting, vvhich, if it conducts
one revolution to its object, leaves, and even prepares, as experience
demonstrates, all the elements of another to follow it
The assembly of Rhode Island decreed, that those of the uihab-

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 263
itants of the colony who should hold intelligence With the British
ministers or with their agents, or should supply the armies or fleets
wilh arms or military or naval stores, or should serve as pilots to the
English ships, should incur the pain of death, and the confiscation
of their lands and effects. They pronounced the confiscation of the
estates of some individuals, whom they declared enemies to the
liberties of America. They emitted the sum of twenty thousand
pounds SterUng, in bills of credit. These measures, and the pres
ence of general Lee, secured the tranquiUity of Rhode Island.
Governor Wentworth stfll continued in New Hampshire ; but,
little by little, the patriots acquired the superiority, and his authority
decUned in proportion . Fearing, at length, some vexatious accident,
he withdrew into the castle denominated William and Mary.
The popular administrations had also succeeded the ancient au
thorities, in Georgia. The partisans bf the king were, however, the
prevaiUng number ; and the general congress had sent thither, by
way of precaution, a battaUon arraed at the expense of the Union.
But, before it had reached its destination, a very sanguinary action
had happened in the city of Savannah, between the patriots, who
occupied the fort, and the royal troops, who assaulted and retook it.
The capitulation was observed, and the vanquislied had not to com
plain of any cruelty. The patriots were, however, predominant in
the rest of the province ; and gallantly prepared themselves to re
capture, by storm, the citadel of Savannah. They were better
armed, and raore united, than their enemies, who were unprovided
with munitions, and found themselves dispersed in different places.
Thus ceased; as we have related, the royal authority in the differ
ent provinces. It was replaced, progressively, by that of the peo
ple ; that is, by the congresses or conventions extraordinary, that
were formed in each colony. But this was deemed insufficient, by
those who directed the affairs of America. Their real object being
independence, and the present state of things, as irregular and pre
carious, by its very nature, leaving a way open of arrangement vvith
England, and of return to the ancient connection and dependence,
they desired that such a system should be established in each prov
ince as should have the appearance of a permanent constitution,
in order to satisfy the world that the Americans were capable of
governing themselves by their own laws. But the chiefs of the pop
ular party had many difficulties to surmount in the execution of
ihis design, notwithstanding the ardor which manifested itself in all
parts lO second their operations. The greater number approved
resistance, but were opposed to independence, or at least shuddered
al the idea ol openly asserting it For this reason, those who had

264 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOQK V.
the supremo direction of affairs, fearful of injuring their cause by
too much precipitation, resolved to proceed with extreme circum
spection ; and marched up lo their object, always protesting that
tiieir efforts were aimed in quite another direction.
It was highly important to commence the execution of this plan,
with the provinces which discovered the greatest aversion towards
England. It was hoped, that when il should be accomplished in
one or more, the others would soon imitate the example. No prov
ince appeared more suitable to give it than that of Massachusetts.
The provincial congress of this colony issued circulars, for the elec
tion of representatives, authorized to constitute the forra of govern
ment. Two hundred delegates assembled al Watertown, and adopt
ing the ancient forms of the British constitution, resolved themselves
into an ordinary assembly, or house of representatives, and assumed
all the authority attributed by the ancient statutes to these assemblies^
They afterwards estabhshed a permanent council, to assist the gov
ernor in his deliberations. Thus the royal authority was converted
at first into tumultuary popular authority, and at length into rcgulai'
popular authority. All these operations were performed, as they
said, not with any view to independence, but in order to induce the
English to consent to a just and honorable arrangement. One of
the first acts of this house was to raise the sum of Ihirty thousand
pounds sterling, by means of a tax ; which excited a dudgeon the
more intense, as the people had persuaded themselves that since
they were in insurrection to avoid paying taxes to England, they
ought at least to be excused from paying any to their own govern
ment. But the other colonies discovered great backwardness to
follow the route marked out by Massachusetts ; either because its
views appeared too manifestiy aimed at independence, or that, be
ing placed in peculiar circumstances, the other colonies, differently
situated, did not think proper to tread in its steps. But the Amer
ican chiefs, far frora being discouraged, resolved to employ the
authority of the general congress. They procured froni. New
Hampshire new instructions to the delegates of that province, re
quiring them lo take the sense of congress respecting the mode of
administering justice, and the internal government of the colony.
Tius discussion excited violent debates ; many members perceived
the scope of it but too distinctly. The patriots, however, aided by
circumstances, and their own intrepidity, at length prevailed. It
was decided, that the provincial convention of New Hampsb-irs
should be invited to convene representatives ofthe people, lr<>n),aU
the towns, that they might talie such measures, and pass such Irvvs,
as they should judge best calculated to secure peace and order ia

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 265
the province, during the present contest. But the provincial con
vention, either from impatience; or in order to inspire greater interest,
by a demonstration of glowing zeal, had anticipated the resolution,
and the circulars for the election of representatives were already
expedited. They asserabled at Exeter, took the name and char
acter of the house of representatives, and established the usual
council. The example of Massachusetts and New Hampshire appeared
still not sufficient to decide the olher provinces to take the same
resolutions. The inhabitants of the other colonies were not exempt
from jealousy towards those of New England. It was therefore de
sirable that the plan proposed should be executed in some one of
the central provinces. For this purpose Virginia was the best
adapted, as well on account of its extent and povver, as by reason
of the political shocks it had recently experienced, since lord Dun
more, by the proclamation of martial law, had caused the entire
cessation, in that province, of all civU authority on the part of Eng
land. The general congress, therefore, raade, with respect lo Vir
ginia, the same resolutions as in the case of New Hampshire.
Among the members to whom this business vvas referred, Samuel
Adams merits to be remarked, who labored in it with distinguished
ardor, and appeared to esteem its success a personal triumph.
At this epoch, it was learned by the news from England, that the
government had disdained to make answer to the petitions of con
gress, addressed to the king, and transmitted by Penn, the late
governor of Pennsylvania. It vvas understood further, that none of
the ministers had condescended to ask him any questions relative to
the affairs of America. This was an unequivocal proof of their ob
stinacy, and irrevocable resolutions. The animosity ofthe colonists
became, in consequence, more violent, and the enterprise of the
authors of independence infinitely more easy. They declared, in
all places, that nothing could be hoped for any longer from the
English government ; and that the only way of safety which re
mained, was to display formidable forces, to shake off an odioiis
yoke, and learn to walk without leadingstrings.
This discourse had no success with the general assembly of Phila
delphia, who, though inferior to none in theii zeal for resisting the
extraordinary laws of parharaent, would hear no mention of inde
pendence. They manifested their discontent, by enjoining it upon
their deputies to the general congress, to oppose every proposition
that should tend towards a separation frora the parent state, or any
change in the form of government. In the midst of such conflict
ing efforts, America moved onward to independence.

266 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
But it is time to return io the war that was carried on under the
waUs of Boston. The Americans had to contend with two capital
difficulties ; the one was the want of powder, which still continued,
notwithstanding all the efforts used to procure a sufficient supply ;
the other was the approaching expiration of the terra for which the
soldiers were enlisted. Either persuaded that the war would be of
siiort duration, or jealous of standing armies, the colonists had en
gaged their troops but for one year. They were therefore in dan
ger of seeing the whole army disbanded, at the conclusion of the
presen year, and the siege thus raised in a day. To remedy, in the
first place, the scarcity of powder, as their country could not furnish
it in sufficient quantity, they determined to exert all their efforts to
procure it from foreigners. Several fast-sailing vessels were sent to
the coast of Guinea, whence they brought home immense quantities,
having purchased it of the European ships employed in that trade.
The Philadelphians, knowing the favorableidispositions of the inhab
itants of the Bermudas, and their great want of provisions, dispatched
diither a large brig, and the Carolinians a corvette, which brought
away about one hundred and len casks of powdei'. The assembly of
Massachusetts prohibited the consumption of it in firing at game, or
in rejoicings. Then only began to be less felt the defect of this first
instrument of war. It remained to obviate the inconveniences of
the expiration of the soldiers' term of service ; the congress sent a
deputation to the camp, in order to concert vvith general Washington
the most efficacious means to prevent the dissolution of the army.
The deputies were all men of distinguished sagacity ; and, among
the most conspicuous for authcsrity and reputation, was doctor Ben
jamin Franklin. They managed this negotiation with such address,
that almost all the troops consented, but not without extreme diffi
culty, to continue in the pay of the Union.
The congress ordained, besides, that the besieging army should
amount to the number of more than twenty thousand men ; and that
each colony should levy battalions, at the expense of the continent.
About this time. Dr. Church, first physician of the army, vvas de
clared traitor. He kept up a secrei correspondence within Boston.
Being detected, he was brought before the house of representatives,
u hereof he was a member. He did not deny, but said he had only
acted for the good of the country. Unable to prove it, he was ex
peUed the assembly. Some persons pretended that this whole affair
was but an artifice The congress decreed that the accused should
be confined in the prisons of Connecticut.
General Gage returned to England, having been recalled by the
king. His conduct had not answered the expectatioo ofthe govern-

BOOK V. THE AMERfgAN WAR. 267
ment ; he had employed the ways of mildness, vvheij he should have
displayed force; and violence, when persuasion vvould have sufficed.
He arrived in America, accompanied with general affection ; he left
it abhorred ; perhaps less through his own fault than that of the
ministers, who, in place of rigorous decrees, should have sent pow
erful armies ; or, instead of armies, concUiatory conditions, conso
nant wilh the opinions of the Americans. But men commonly know
neither how to exert all tbeir force, nor to surmount the sharae of
descending to an accoraraodation ; hence delays, hesitations and half
measures so often prove the ruin of enterprises. William Howe, a
commander much esteemed for his talents, and distinguished for his
birth, succeeded general Gage.
Washington found hiraself, at that time, surrounded vvith many
and serious difficulties ; they proceeded from the organization of his
army ; and increased, every day, in proportion as the first ardor of
his troops abated. Every hour it became more evident, that the suc
cess of wars resides not in popular impulses, but in good arms, dis
cipline, and obedience ; things tbe American cam.p was far from of
fering: and especially the last two. One principal vice was this;
the greater part of these troops not having been raised by authority
of congress, but by that of the provincial assemblies, their organiza
tion, instead of being uniform, presented an excessive variety in the
forraation, equipment, rank, pay, discipUne, and, generally, in all
that relates lo military service. Il is easy to conceive how rauch it
must have suffered from such a disparity. Washington had placed
great dependence upon the troops of Massachusetts, not only as they
were the most nuraerous, but also as he beheved them animated with
that zeal which distinguished their province, and therefore qualified
to undertake and support whatever raight contribute to the success
of the war. The general was rauch deceived in his expectation
The soldiers of Massachusetts, guided by the enthusiasm of liberty,
had themselves elected their own officers, — a thing incompatible with
discipline ; these officers not being respected, they exacted obedience
in vain. It must be admitted, moreover, that some of "them de
graded themselves by a rapacity which fell indiscriminately upon pri
vate as well as public property. They clamored liberty, in order lo
be able, v^fithout restraint, to .satiate their incredible avarice. The
state of affliction in which their country was plunged, far from touch
ing them with compassion or concern, seemed rather to increase in
them their infamous propensity for pillage. This disastrous scourge
has at all times been one of the first results of political revolutions.
The most depraved, the most profligate men, while they profess the
most ardent love for the pubUc good, are even those who, under this

268 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
veil, abandon themselves without shame to the thirst of rapine that
consumes them. In this disorder, the voice of good citizens is not
heard, because the wicked are the loudest in their protestations ofthe
same zeal ; and the wicked cannot be repressed, because their services
are wanted. Another vice of the American army was that each col
ony, and not the general congress, paid, clothed, and victualed its
own troops ; which resulted in a confusion extremely prejudicial to
good order and discipline. As yet it had not been thought of, or per
haps, in the midst of so many different interests, it had not been pos
sible lo create a coraraissary or intendant-general, having charge of
al! these details of adrainistration. The disorder was greater still
Sorae American generals, dissatisfied with the promotions made by
congress, had retired disdainfully to their homes. Maladies, also,
had found their vvay into the camp, and especially the dysentery, a
pest so fatal to armies. The close of autumn already had rendered
the cold very sensible ; the soldiers suffered severely, from want of
barracks. The congress, however, had not neglected this point ; but
the contractors, after having received the necessary funds, furnished
nothing ; and, according to their customs, exclaimed every where
that they were not paid. Thus all the wrongs appeared to rebound
upon the governinent ; so industrious is this race of men in creating
confusion, in order to veil their juggling operations ! Nevertheless,
Washington, by his prudence and by his authority, provided for all
wants. If he acquired an imperishable glory, in having conducted
the present war to a happy conclusion, praises not inferior are as
suredly due hira for having kept together an army composed of so
many different elements, and beset by so many afflicting wants.
The latter success is not less honorable, and perhaps of raore difficult
attainment, than victory itself.
The Americans, to whom the spectacle of an army was entirely
new, came from all the environs, and even from remote parts, to be
hold it. Men and women arrived in throngs at the carap of Boston,
and demonstrated a lively satisfaction at the martial air of their fel
low citizens. The soldiers felt their courage revive, and the inhabit
ants their hopes. The Indians themselves were attracted. Distrustful
and incredulous by nature, they wished to ascertain with their own
eyes the truth of what they had heard related. They were received
with particular civUity. In order to amuse the Americans, or to
create a high opinion of their strength and address, they gave fre
quent representations of feasts and combats, after their mode. The
mutual expressions of benevolence, the familiarity that ensued, and
the presence of the numerous battalions of the Americans, which
held the British troops locked up within the walls of a city, made

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 209
such an injpression upon the Indians, that, notwithstanding aU the
seductions and aU the iraportunities of the English, they generaUy
testified a great repugnance to foUow their banners. The colonists
observed these sentiments with no little satisfaction.
Although no action of moment was engaged about Boston, yet
warm skirmishes happened frequently, in which the Americans
acquired new intrepidity and love of glory. Washington ardently
desired that his troops should often encounter the enemy, in these
miniature battles, that their energy might not languish from inaction,
and that they might become familiar with the din of arms, and the
face of the enemy.
Meanwhile, the distress in which the garrison of Boston found
itself, inpreased from day to day. The supplies procured by the
English vessels, in their excursions upon the neighboring coasts, were
altogether inadequate to the exigencies of a necessity so extreme.
The inhabitants had reraoved their grain and cattle to inland places ;
and what remained they resolutely defended with arms. Nor could
the English have much hope of drawing provisions from the adjacent
islands, or from olher parls of the American continent, still subject
to the king, since they were themselves in want. This scarcity vvas
produced by a decree of congress, which prohibited aU exportation
of provisions or merchandise from the colonies towards Canada,
Nova Scotia, the island of St. John, Newfoundland, and the two
Floridas, as weU as to the places where the Enghsh carried on their
fisheries. It often happened, that the parlies landed by the latter, to
forage upon the coasts of Massachusetts, were attacked and repulsed
by the provincials. The English marine had orders to treat as
enemies the places that should resist the authority of the king. Not
content wilh resisting, the inhabitants of Falmouth, a flourishing
maritime town of Massachusetts, had molested a ship laden with
the eifects of some loyalists. The English bombarded it, and also
landed a detachment which reduced il lo ashes.
The destruction of Falmouth provoked a very energetic resolution
on the part of the assembly of Massachusetts. A short tirae before,
they had ordained the armament of several ships, for the protection
of tlie coc|sts. Then, exercising sovereign power, they decreed that
letters of mark and reprisal should be granted ; and that courts of
admiralty should be created, to judge of the validity of prizes.
Thej declared, moreover, that their intention was merely to defend
their coasj^s ; and that no vessels were to Be seized, but such only
as should be laden with provisions for the soldiers who made war
against the Americaws.
Not long after, the general congress itself, perceiving the neces-

270 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK V.
sity of intercepting the English navigation, and of protecting the
coasts of the continent, and also observing the success of the cruis
ers of Massachusetts, decreed that a fleet of five ships of thirty-two
guns, five others of twenty-eight, and three of twenty-four, should
be constructed and armed ; one in New Hampshire, two in Massa
chusetts, one in Connecticut, two in Rhode Island, two in New
York, four in Pennsylvania, and one in Maryland. The command
of this squadron was given to comraodore Hopkins.
The congress appeared to hesitate as to granting letters of mark
and reprisal. They decided, however, for a raeasure, vvhich, Ihough
in name less hostile, yet in reality produced the same effects. They
authorized their ships to capture all those which should attempt to
lend assistance to the enemy, in any mode whatsoever. They also
created courts of admiralty.
Thus, little by little, they drew into their hands the entire sove
reign authority. The Americans made incredible dispatch in equip
ping their ships ; they soon swarmed in the neighboring seas, and
took from the English an immense number of prizes, who, little sus
pecting so bold a sally, saw themselves, with confusion, surprised
upon an element, of which, until then, they had with reason consid
ered themselves the absolute masters. The activity of this new
marine was no less beneficial to the Araericans, than fatal lo their
enemies. The British governraent, inforraed of the distress to
v/hich the garrison of Boston vvas reduced, had embarked, at a pro
digious expense, an immense quantity of oxen, and all sorts of live
i^attle, of salt raeat and of vegetables, to victual a place of such im
portance with afl expedition. '"^ ¦
Contrary winds, in the first place, retarded the transports at sea,
beyond the expected term ; the cattle died, the vegetables perished.
The residue at length arriving upon the coast of America, became
almost entirely the prey of the American ships, and that often undei- '
the very eyes of the British commanders, who, either becalmed or
opposed by the winds, were unable to succor them.. At Boston,
wood was totally wantirig ; the government, in order to remedy this
deficiency, had embarked in this convoy a large quantity of coal.
The greater part feU into the power of the Americans ; thus, the
garrison, and even the irihabitants of Boston, in the midst of the
most rigorous season, found themselves absolutely destitute of fuel
Nor did fortune show herself only propitious to the Americans in
their efforts to intercept the means of subsistence, which hadbeen
sent from England fOr the garrison; she delivered also inlo their
hands the arms and munitions of war, of which they were themselves
In tho most urgent need'. ' '' '¦' '

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 271
Pressed by a necessity continually increasing, general Howe had
already sent out of Boston, and caused to be transported to the
neighboring shores, more than seven hundred useless mouths. It
was said at the time, that among those individuals were found several
diseased with the smallpox. If the fact be true, at least it cannot
be thought to have been the result of an odious design to infect the
American camp ; the mind of general Howe being certainly alto
gether incapable of such an atrocity. It is true, however, that many
Americans both credited and published it. The assembly of Mas
sachusetts, either believing these rumors, or wishing thera believed,
decreed all the precautions usual in similar cases. Meanwhile, in
order to procure fuel, general Howe was constrained to demolish
several houses in Boston ; for the light vessels of the Americans
cruised so actively along the coasts, that all hope of procuring
either wood or coal from the neighboring towns had vanished.
Meanwhile, the house of representatives of Massachusetts cre
ated fifty thousand pounds sterling in biUs of credit, and knowing
how naturally men allow themselves to be guided by words and im
ages, they caused the bUls to be decorated with great care. Their
emblem was an American, holding in the right hand a sword, around
which were inscribed these Latin words, ' Ense petit placidam sub
libertate quietem.' With the left, he supported the motto, ' Mag
na Charta,' and at the foot, ' Made in defense of American liber
ty.' The House also ordered, that the army should be supplied vvith
fuel. But it seemed that they did these things with a certain reluc
tance, and very ill grace ; impatience or avarice had sensibly chilled
the zeal of these patriots, of late so ardent. General Lee, accus
tomed to express himself without any sort of reserve, was not spar
ing of censures towards them ; he openly called them narrow and
pusillanimous souls, who, apprehensiveof losing popular favor, want
ed courage to take a vigorous resolution, or to strike a decisive blow.
The congress, meanwhile, decreed, that by virtue of the law of re
taliation, any harsh treatment which should be inflicted upon those
among the Americans who might fall inlo the power of the enemy,
should be revisited upon those partisans of ministerial oppression,
whom the fortune of war might place in their hands. This question
of the reciprocal treatment of prisoners of war, had given birtli to
violent debates between the one party and the other. We have let
ters written upon this subject, in a very animated style, to each other,^
by generals Gage and Washington. Though it is probable that
the wrongs might have been mutually exaggerated, it is certain that
the laws of war were not observed towards the prisoners, and that
much inhumanity vvas manifested in the proceedings against them.

272 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
Can it excite our astonishraent? Are not these the ordinary fruits
of civil war ?
Such was, about the close of the year 1775, the poUtical and
mflitary situation of the province of Massachusetts, and such the
events which took place under the walls and in the vicinity of Bos
ton. Those who occupied this city were afraid lo venture out,
and every day experienced a more afflicting dearth of provisions
and firing ; while those without made no attempt to attack them,
believing themselves secure of an eventual triumph by simple per
severance. But vhe most important expedition of all this year was incompar
ably the invasion of Canada, by the American troops. The congiess
had reflected, that it was not, assuredly, without views of gi'eal inter
est, that the ministry had sent, for governor in this province, general
Carleton, a man of resolute character, vast genius, and briUiant name
for military achievements. He was invested, as we have seen, vvith
such extensive powers as no governor before him had ever offered
example of. It was known that he exerted all his efforts to stir the
Canadians and Indians, and stimulate them to arms against the colo
nies. Though, at the commencement, he had found great repug
nance among the first, it was to be feared that, by employing ad
dress and authority, he raight succeed, at length, in drawing them to
his standard. The dispositions of the people of Canada were not
unknown ; always French at heart, and even somewhat fickle. It
vvas known, also, that they cherished a sullen discontent on account
of the act of Quebec ; which, Ihough favorable to their religion, re
placed them, however, in their ancient dependence towards the no
bles, whom they detested. It was therefore essential to take advan
tage of their present sentiments, before Carleton should have gained
them. It was hoped that when the Americans should have pene
trated into Canada, the inhabitar;ts would not hesitate to espouse
their cause, excited on the one hand by their hatred towards the no
bility, and re-assured on the olher by the moderation which the colo
nists had generaUy manifested in matters touching religion. The
province of Canada was, besides, unfurnished wilh troops of the
line ; they had all been called to Boston. Moreover, the congress
had been informed, that in the following spring the government was
to make a grand effort in this province ; that numerous forces, arms,
and munitions, would be poured into it, in order to attack the colo
nies in the back ; an operation, vvhich, if not seasonably prevented,
might have fatal consequences. The colonists, assailed at the same
time in front and rear, could not have expected to resist.
The design of an expedition to Canada was also encouraged by

BOOR v. THE AMERICAN WAR. 273
the happy success of the enterprise of Ticonderoga, and of Crown
Point, which had opened for the Americans the gates of this prov •
nice. Occasion could never be more propitious ; the English troops,
shut up in Boston, and occupied with their own defense, were in no
situation to carry succors into a part so remote from the provinces
of the confederation. But it was to be feared, that longer delays
would afford time for the British ministry to make the necessary prep
arations to overpower the colonies by a single effort, and reduce
them to their former dependence. Here, also, another essential con
sideration presented itself. In the origin of popular movements, the
chiefs should endeavor to achieve some brUliant enterprise, in order
to maintain the excitement of minds, otherwise they run the risk of
seeing the sudden extinction of the enthusiasm they have kindled ;
and the epoch of the return of order is always that of the downfall
of agitators. In perilous enterprises, attempted by insurgent peo
ple, hope and fear are created and annihUated with equal prompt
ness. The more just they believe their cause, the more strenuously
they defend it ; and they incline to believe it just, as it proves suc
cessful. According to all these considerations, the expedition of
Canada was decided. Prudent men, however, could not shut their
eyes upon the numerous difficulties it presented. This was no long
er an adhering to the defensive, but, on the contrary, a proceeding
the most offensive, against a prince to whom fidelity vvas still pro
tested, even carrying arms into one of his provinces, vvhich had in
no shape demanded the succors it was pretended to offer il. This
was not merely exciting the peaceable and uncomplaining subjects
to revolt against their lawful sovereign, but also violently occupying
their country, and dragging them by force into sedition.
Was it not to be feared, that an enterprise so audacious would dis
cover too openly the intentions of the general congress ; and that,
then, those ofthe colonists who combated with sincerity to obtain the
revocation of the oppressive laws, at the same lime abhorring the idea
of a total separation, and even desiring lo resume their former rela
tions with Great Britain, would iraraediately abandon a cause which
would no longer be theirs ? Many raembers of congress were not
without apprehension of losing, by the execution of this design, the
favor vvhich a great number of the inhabitants of England, and ma
ny members of parliament, had hitherto manifested towards the Amer
ican cause. From offended subjects, should the colonists become
dangerous enemies ? from oppressed inhabitants, oppressive soldiers r
from citizens alarmed at the shadow of tyranny, the insatiable inva
ders ofa peaceable province ? Prudence would also suggest, that the
fear of seeing pillaged or destroyed the effects and the merchandise
VOL. I. 18

274 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK V.
belonging to England, at this lime largely accumulated in Canada,
and especiaUy in the city of Quebec, could not fail lo alienate the
minds of all the parties interested. But il was said, on the opposite
side, that, since arms had now been taken up, and the first blood
already effused, to persist in a strictly defensive war was to allow
the enemy a manifest advantage, who had not the same scruples ;
that) seeing hostUities were commenced, it was essential to prosecute
them with all possible vigor ; and that certainly a raore sensible
blow could not be struck at the enemy, than this of assaulting him
in his weakest part.
' Does any one imagine,' said the partisans of this system, ' that
England is about to perplex herself wilh this distinction of opera
tions defensive and operations offensive ? Her hand will visit ven
geance upon us, wherever it can reach us. With arms alone, and
used too with vigor and gallantry, not by timorous counsels, can we
hope to avert the impending tempest of perdition. The enterprise
proposed offers all the probabUities of success ; when vve shall have
obtained it, those who still hesitate, even those perhaps who blame,
will have vanquished all their doubts. In whatever man undertakes,
there is always a grain of uncertainty, a particle of danger ; but
generous rainds are not lo flinch at this. The ancient adage should
not be forgotten, — He that acts not when he can, acts not when he
vvould. ' Let us be persuaded, finally, that the eloquent orators of the
two houses of parharaent, either from love of liberty, as they pre
tend, or at least from ambition and from the desire to thwart the
ministers, will not abstain frora defending, and even extolling, our
cause, when vve shall have done much more than attack the prov
ince of Canada.'
The resolution having been carried in favor of the expedition,
the congress were not tardy in taking all the measures proper lo se
cure its success. T'-.ree thousand soldiers, partly inhabitants of New
England and partly of New York, were selected for the enterprise.
They were commanded by the two brigadier-generals, Wooster and
Montgomery, under the diicction of major-general Schuyler; these
three officers enjoyed the pubhc confidence unlimited. As, in order
to reach the heart of Canada, it vvas requisite to traverse lake Cham
plain, the river Sorel, and the river St. Lawrence, so broad and deep
under the waUs of Quebec, orders had been given to construct rafts
at Ticonderoga and at Crown Poin» m order to convey the troops
wherever it might be thought necessary. The country into which it
was purposed to enter not making a part of the American Union, and
governing itself by its own laws, it could not be hoped that its inhabit-

EOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 275
ants would receive the bUls of credit which were cun ent in the colo
nies ; and, on the other hand, the idea was insupportable, that the sol
diers should live at discretion, in a country it was desired to gain and
concfliate. Consequently, the congress made an effort to glean
together the sum of fifty thousand doUars in specie. It was also pru
dent, to avoid being taken in rear, to secure the friendship of the In
dians that inhabited the banks of the Mohawk, which empties into the
Hudson river, a little above Albany. For the sarae reason, general
Schuyler had remained in that city, in order to cultivate agood under
standing wilh those tribes, with whom he possessed a powerful in
fluence. General Montgomery had already repaired to Crown Point,
with a part of the army, and was expecting the arrival of the residue.
Governor Carleton, who was much on his guard, seeing himself men
aced by a superior force, reflected, that if he could defend against
the Americans the entrance of the river Sorel, it would be impossible
for them to penetrate into Canada. He accordingly caused lo be
constructed and armed a large brig, with some vessels of less force,
and intended to station them at the outlet of the lake into the Sorel ;
hoping thus, and witb reason, to interdict the passage, with effect, to
the Americans. General Montgomery was informed of it ; and per
ceiving aU the importance of this project of Carleton, deterrained lo
prevent it, by moving rapidly, with the few troops he had, towards
the Sorel. Upon his arrival there, he proceeded to occupy lie aux
Noix:, a little island, situated upon the entrance of the river, near
the lake. In the meantime^ general Schuyler arrived from Albany,
after having left the necessary orders for marching the troops of the
expedition lo He aux Noix. Here the two generals, having met, ad
dressed a proclamation to the Canadians, exhorting them to join the
Americans, in order to defend their liberties. They declared they
entered their country not as eneraies, but as friends and protectors,
coming only to combat against the British garrisons. Then, in order
to unite force with demonstrations, they determined to approach fort
St. John, which, situated upon the left bank of the Sorel, commands
it entirely, and closes the passage towards the river St. Lawrence
The Americans moved, therefore, but without artillery, towards St.
John, and landed at a mile and a half distant from the fort, in. a
marsh, through which they marched in good order, with a view to
reconnoiter the place. In tiieir progress, they had to sustain a furi
ous attack on the part of the Indians, who attempted to oppose their
fording a river. Having repulsed them, they, in the course of tho
night, estabUshed themselves in sight of the fort, and began to throw
up works ; but having learned that the fort was in a respectable state
of defense, and not hoping to carry it so promptiy, they returned.

276 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
the day following, to lie aux Noix, where they resolved to wait for
re-inforceraents and artillery. Meanwhile, to interrupt the commu
nication for the ships of governor Carleton from fort St. John with
the lake, they obstructed the channel of the river, here very narrow,
with a chevaux-de-frise.
General Schuyler had returned to Albany, in order lo terminate
the treaty wilh the Indians, and lo accelerate the arrival of succors
at He aux Noix. But affairs, and a severe malady, detained him in
tnat; city ; and thus the entire conduct of the Canadian expedition
passed into the hands of general Montgomery, an officer endowed
with aU the capacity desirable. He endeavored, in the first place,
to detach the Indians from the parly of the English, and to engage
them to remain neuter ; he succeeded in this point, without much
difficulty. Then, after the arrival of his re-inforcements and artil
lery, he undertook the siege of fort St. John. The garrison consist
ed in five or six hundred regular soldiers, with two hundred Canadi
ans, under the command of major Preston ; but the array of Canada,
as weU as all the others of the confederation, wanted powder and
cannon balls, and therefore the siege raade Uttle progress. The de
fect of discipline among the provincial troops created a difficulty no
less alarraing. Montgomery opposed it with patience, with prom
ises, with menaces, and especially with his magnaniraity, and the au
thority of his person, which was very great among all. Fortune soon
offered him the means of remedying the deficiency of ammunition.
A little below fort St. John, and upon the sarae river, is situated
another smaU fort, called Chambly. The Enghsh, believing the ene
my could not arrive there, before capturing fort St. John, had neg
lected lo arm it. The American general turned his attention to
this quarter. He put in raotion a strong detachment, composed of
colonists and Canadians, under the command of majors Brown and
Livingstone. They appeared unexpectedly before the fort, and took
possession of it. The garrison, a mere handful, were made prison
ers. A few pieces of cannon, with an hundred and twenty-four bar
rels of powder, were thus obtained. The colors conquered from the
EngUsh were solemnly sent to congress. The Americans, now pro
vided with the necessary munitions, pressed with vigor the siege of
St. John. They established a battery, at two and fifty paces from
the fort.
Several detachments of Americans scoured the country between
the river Sorel and that of St. Lawrence. They were received vvifli
great demonstrations of joy by the Canadians, who came in throngs
to join them,, bringing arms, ammunition, and provisions. Their
spirit increased with their number. Colonel Allen and major Brown,

BOOK v. THE AMERICAN WAR. 277
both officers of real talent, concerted the project of surprising the
city of Montreal, the capital of Upper Canada, and situated in an
island formed by two branches of the St. Lawrence. Colonel
Allen, having reached Longueville, found boats, and crossed the
river, during the night, below Montreal. Major Brown was to have
passed over at the same time ; but, not having been able to effect it,
the first division found itself in a critical position. Governor Carle
ton, who was then at Montreal, having discovered the weakness of
colonel Allen, and knowing how to make his profit of occasion,
marched out to meet him, with a few hundred men, among Enghsh,
Canadians, and savages. A fierce action ensued, and the Araericans
defended themselves vvith bravery ; but, overpowered at length by
numbers, having lost many of his raen, and abandoned by the oth
ers, especially by the Canadians, colonel Allen was forced to sur
render. The governor would not observe towards hira the laws of
war ; but caused him to be loaded with irons, and sent him to
England. Flushed wilh this success, he resolved, by a vigorous effort, to
raise the siege of fort St. John. He assembled what regular troops
he had, and! a considerable number of Canadians and Indians ; but
still not believing his means sufficient, he departed from Montreal,
in order to join colonel Maclean, who, vvith the Scotch regiment of
Royal Highlanders, occupied the mouth of the Sorel, near its con
fluence with the St. Lawrence. He hoped, with these forces united,
to be in a situation to attack general Montgomery, and compel him
to raise the siege. But fortune was not favorable to his design.
The American general, foreseeing that a man so active as governor
Carleton would assuredly not remain idle, had taken care to scour
continually, with numerous detachments, the eastern bank of the
right branch of the St. Lawrence.
The English, having completed their preparations, entered their
boats, to pass the river, and land the opposite side, at Longueville.
The American colonel Warner, having perceived their design, plant
ed artillery on the bank of the river, and stood ready to repulse the
enemy with musketry. He suffered the boats of the governor to
approach ; and, when they were within reach, poured into them sev
eral discharges of grape-shot. The English, surprised at this unex
pected reception, retired in the greatest disorder, and relanded upon
the other bank of the river, at Montreal. Colonel Maclean, inforrii-
ed of the check at Longueville, fell back upon Quebec, abandoning
to the Americans the mouth of the Sorel.
Meanwhile, the siege of fort St. John was pushed with greater
ardor. General Montgomery had already approached with his

278 THE AMERICAN" WAR. BOOE V.
trenches to the foot of the wall, and was preparing to give the
assault. But the besieged defended themselves valiantiy, and ap
peared resolved to hold out lo the last, notwithstanding their pro
visions were nearly exhausted. At length, the American general,
having received the news of the governor's defeat, sent into the
place a flag, accompanied by one of the prisoners of colonel War
ner. In the letter he addressed to raajor Preston, inforraing him of
this event, he exhorted hira not to persist in an obstinate defense,
the only result of which vvould be an useless effusion of blood.
Preston at first hesitated, and demanded an armistice of some days.
But the American could not consent to consume tirae unprofitably ;
the season being already rauch advanced. The Englishman was
consequentiy compelled lo surrender, the 3d of November, after a
siege of six weeks. He obtained the honors of war, and guaranty
of persons and property. The prisoners were conducted by the way
of Ticonderoga, into the colonies that were deemed the most prop
er. Thus fell into the power of the Americans the fortress of St
John, which, since the loss of Ticonderoga and of Crown Point, was
justly considered as the key of Canada. They found in it seven
teen pieces of brass cannon, twenty-two of iron, seven raortars,
with a considerable quantity of baUs and bombs, and of naval stores ;
the munitions of war and provisions had been almost entirely con
sumed. Masters of this important place, the Americans hastened lo occu
py the mouth of the Sorel, and the point of land which this river
forms in its junction vvith the St. Lawrence. This operation was of
the utmost interest, in order to prevent the armed vessels, which the
governor had assembled al Montreal, frora descending the river, and
escaping al Quebec. It vvas hoped, besides, that the governor him
self might have lo surrender ; he being then at Montreal, an open
city, and incapable of any defense. Accordingly, the provincials
erected batteries upon this point ; and, as the river is here very
wide, they constructed, vvith extreme activity, a number of rafts and
floating batteries ; and thus not only prevented the governor from
descending the river, but even compeUed him, by a furious attack,
to retire towards M-ontreal. All this squadron, and the governor in
person, had a very narrow escape.
General Montgomery arrived under the walls of Montreal, the
day after general Carleton had joined iiis ships and left it. The in
habitants immediately proposed many articles of capitulation ; but
the American general refused to accepi them, alledging, that, not
being in a state of defense, they could not make terms. He sum
moned them, therefore, to surrender at discretion ; but, humane as

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 279
well as brave, and possessed of all the civil virtues thai can honor
an individual, he regulated himself for the inhabitants aU the condi
tions they could have wished, promising them, with a writing from
his own hand, that he would protect their persons, their property,
and their religion. In anticipation of their adhesion to the Ameri
can Union, he added, that he hoped the civil and religious rights of
all the Canadians would be unalterably fixed by the provincial con
gress, and that the courts of justice would be organized after the
principles of the English constitution. He subscribed, generally, tot
all the propositions that were compatible with the security of his
army, and the success of his ulterior designs. This conduct of gene
ral Montgoriiery was dictated not only by his own character, which
was truly noble and generous, but also by his desire to re-assure the
inhabitants of other parts of Canada, and particularly of Quebec, to
the end, that banishing all fear, and putting their confidence in his
fortune and his fidelity, they might espouse the cause of America.
Having thus satisfied the inhabitants of Montreal, he entered the
city, on the 13th of November.
The troops of Montgomery, generally but ill equipped, were
greatly annoyed by the cold of the season, which in that climate
began to be very severe. Especially in their march from St. John
to Montreal, the lands being continually low and marshy, they en
countered innumerable difficulties, which only an incredible constancy
enabled them to surmount. Arrived al Montreal, some murmurs
began to escape them ; and the greater part of the soldiers, whose
terra of service had expired, were inclined to return to their homes ;
but general Montgomery, by his words, by the influence he had over
them, and by a distribution of wo(jllen clothing he had bought in the
city, retained a part of the discontented ; the others abandoned the
army, and caused it to experience a diminution the more sensible, as
It vvas already none too large. But, the more obstacles multiplied,
the more kindled the elastic genius of the intrepid Montgomery.
The laking of Montreal' by the provincials entirely paralyzed the
naval apparatus of the governor. He found himself blockaded, in
the part of the river St. Lawrence which is compreliended between
the city and the mouth of the river Sorel. Below this point, the
passage was interdicted him, by the floating batteries and rafts,
armed with artiUery, under the comraand of colonel Eaton. The
taking of the governor hiraself appeared inevitable ; which was to be
considered as the decision of the war of Canada, as the pledge of the
conquest of the capital, and of the entire province. Its fate depend
ed absolutely upon the presence of this ch'ef, whose courage and
prudence presided over all. In a position so perilous, he found the

280 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
way to escape, and at the very instant when his ruin appeared im
pending. He threw himself into a boat ; and, having caused the
oars to be muffled, to diminish the noise, he had the good fortune
to pass, favored by the obscurity of the night, through the guard
boats of the enemy, and to arrive sound and safe at Quebec. Gen
eral Prescot, who, after the departure of the governor, had taken
command of the squadron, was forced to surrender.
With him fell into the power of the provincials many other offi-
«ers, several members of the civil administrations of Canada, the vol
unteers of this province, and a corps of English soldiers ; all of whom
had taken refuge on board the ships, when general Montgomery
was on the eve of arriving at Montreal. Having lefl a garrison in
Montreal, as also in the forts of St. John and Chambly, to keep open
a communication between Quebec and the colonies, to secure the
submission of the Canadians, and to overawe the Indians, as well as
the garrisons of Detroit and Niagara, he raarched towards Quebec,
wilh a corps of Uttle more than tliree hundred raen, the sole residue
of all the army.
While these evenls passed in the upper part of Canada, the city
of Quebec was itself menaced, from an unexpected quarter, with a
most imminent perU.
Washington, in his camp near Boston, had conceived an enter
prise as surprising for its novelty as terrific for tiie obstacles and
dangers which it presented in the execution ; but if it vvas hazardous,
it was no less useful. He thought there must exist a way, which,
though unfrequented, and known only by the niountaineers in the
mUd season, led from the upper parts of New Hampshire and the
province of Maine, across deserts, marshes, woods, and almost inac
cessible mountains, into Lower Canada, on the part of Quebec. He
calculated that an attack directed against this point, would produce
the greater effect, as it would be the more unexpected ; for not only
no army was ever known to pass through these rough and dismal
solitudes, but never had human being, until then, even imagined it
was possible. Washington knew, besides, that the city of Quebec
was by no means in a state of defense. His plan coincided perfectly
with that part of the army which was to penetrate into Upper Canada
by way of the lakes and the river Sorel. It was known how insuffi
cient were the forces of governor Carleton, who, compelled to di
vide them, could not hope to resist two corps that should attack him
simultaneously, the one towards Montreal, the olher towards Que
bec If he persisted in defending the part contiguous to the first
of these cities, the second fell into the hands of the Americans ; if,
on the contrary, he marched lo the succor of Quebec, Montreal
smd all the adjacent country could not escape them.

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 281
The command of this adventurous enterpris e vvas confided to colo
nel Arnold, a man even more rash than audacious, of a genius fertile
m resources, and of a firmness not to be shaken. There were se
lected, to follow him, ten corapanies of fusileers, three of riflemen,
and one of artillery, under the orders of captain Larab. A few
volunteers joined them, among whom vvas colonel Burr, who after
wards became vice-president of the United States. The corps
amounted in all to eleven hundred raen. The province of Maine
is traversed by a river called the Kennebec, which takes its source
in the raountalns that separate this province from Canada, and, run
ning from north to south, falls into the sea, not far from Casco bay.
Opposite the sources of the Kennebec, on the other side of the
mountains, rises another river, named the Chaudiere, which goes to
empty itself into the St. Lawrence, a little above the city of Quebec.
In going frora one of these sources to the other, it is necessary to pass
steep raountalns, interrupted by frequent torrents and marshes.
No living being is found in all this space. Such is the route colonel
Arnold was to take, in order to arrive at Quebec.
He had received instructions to endeavor to correspond with the
array of Upper Canada, by raeans of the Indians of St. Francis, who
inhabit the banks of a river of this name, situated between tiie Chau
diere and the Sorel. He was also to eraploy all possible means to
conciliate the friendship of the Canadians, and to inform general
Washington of whatever should happen lo him, from day to day.
He carried with him six thousand pounds sterling, and proclaraations
in abundance ; they were used then with the same prodigality that
they have been since.
AU the preparations being completed, and the troops appearing
animated with extreme ardor, colonel Arnold departed from the
camp of Boston about the middle of Septeraber, and arrived at
Newburyport, situated at the raouth of the Merriraac.
The vessels that waited for him there, conveyed hira to the raouth
of the Kennebec. The wind being favorable, he entered the river,
and found two hundred balteaux in preparation, at the town of Gardi
ner. Having laden them with his arms, ammunition, and provisions,
he thus proceeded up the river to fort Wester, situated upon the right
bank. Here he divided his corps into three detachments ; the first.
composed of riflemen, and commanded by captain Morgan, formed
the vanguard, to explore the country, sound the fords, prepare the
ways, and especially to reconnoiter what the Americans denominate
portages. These portages are places where, the rivers ceasing to be
navigable, il becomes necessary to carry, by hand or sumpter, all the
lading of the balteaux,, and finally the boats themselves, untU the

282 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
streams become navigable anew. The second detachment marched
the day foUowing, and the third, the day after that. The current
was rapid, the bed of the river rocky, and often interrupted by falls
and other impediments. It happened al every instant, that the water
entered the balteaux, and damaged or drowned the provisions and
ammunition. At every portage, and they were encountered contin
ually, the boats were to be unladen, and transported upon shoulders,
to a navigable place. The way upon land offered difficulties no less
formidable than this of the water. It was necessary to penetrate
through thickest forests, to scale frightful mounlains, to wade through
quagmires, and traverse horrible precipices. The soldiers, while
hewing a way through so many obstacles, were forced to carry all
their baggage; and accordingly they advanced but very slowly.
Provisions began to fail them before they arrived al the sources of the
Kennebec. They found themselves constrained to eat their dogs,
and even aliments still more strange. Numbers, wasted by continual
fatigues arid hardships, were attacked with maladies. As soon as
they reached the source of Dead river, which is a branch of the
Kennebec, colonel Enos received orders to send back all the sick,
and all those to whom il vvas not possible to furnish provisions. But
this officer, embracing the occasion, returned vvith all his detachment
to the camp al Boston. All the army, on seeing him appear, were
transported wilh indignation against a man who had abandoned his
own companions, in the midst of dangers, and whose desertion might
occasion the miscarriage of the whole enterprise. He was brought
before a court martial, but acquitted, in consequence of the ac
knowledged impossibility of procuring sustenance in these wild and
desert places.
Meanwhile, colonel Arnold pursued his raarch, with the first two
divisions. He had employed thirty-two days in traversing fearful
solitudes, without perceiving a single habitation, a single human face.
Marshes, mountains, precipices, vvere encountered at every step, and
appeared to cut off all hope of success, or rather all hope of safety.
Death was to all more an object of desire than of fear ; their toUs,
their hardships, their sufferings, had no end. Their constancy, how
ever, did not desert them ; the law of necessity seemed to sustain
their energies. Arrived upon the sumrait of the raountalns that sep
arate the waters of the Kennebec frora those of the Chaudiere and
of the river St. Lawrence, the feeble relics of food that stUl vvere
found were divided equally among all the companies. Arnold said to
his soldiers, they must now push forward to seek subsistence, since
they had no other resource, no other chance of preservation. As to
himself, he was tobe seen every where, recon noitering the places, and

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 283
searching for sorae means to escape famine. The corapanies were
still thirty miles distant frora any inhabited place, when il vvas found
that every species of subsistence was consumed to the last morsel.
Despair became general ; all at once, Arnold appeared, and brought
with him wherewith to satisfy the first wants of ,pature. They
resumed their march ; and at length discovered, wilh inconceivable
joy, the sources of the Chaudiere, and, soon afler, the first habitations
of the Canadians. These showed themselves heartily well disposed
towards the congress, and offered the Araericans all the succors
that were in their power. Arnold, who was irapatient to reap the
fruits of so many toils and of so many perils, would wait no longer
than was necessary for the rear guard to come up, and to assemble
the scattered soldiers. He then gave out a proclamation of general
Washington. It was drawn up in the same style as those of generals
Schuyler and Montgomery. The Canadians were exhorted to enter
into the confederacy, and resort lo the banners of general liberty ;
they were told, that the colonists came not to oppress or despoU them,
but, on the contrary, to protect persons and properly, in a country
they considered friendly ; ' Let them remain, therefore, in their
dwellings ; let them not fly from their friends ; let them furnish the
troops with all the necessaries in their power, for which they might
depend upon full payment.'
Arnold continued his march, and arrived, the 9th of November, at
a place named Poiut Levy, situated opposite to Quebec, upon the
right bank of the river St. Lawrence. It is easy, to imagine the stupor
of surprise vvhich seized the inhabitants of Quebec, at the apparition
of these troops. They could not comprehend by what vvay, or in
what mode, they had transported themselves into this region. This
enterprise appeared to them not raerely raarvellous, but rairaculous ;
and if Arnold, in this first moraent, had been able to cross the river.
and fall upon Quebec, he would have taken it without difficulty.
But colonel Maclean had been seasonably apprised of the approach
of the Americans, by a letter, which Arnold, being still at the sources
of the Kennebec, had confided to an Indian of St. Francis, to de
liver lo general Schuyler, and which this savage had suffered lo be
taken from him, or perhaps had voluntarily given up. The English
had consequently withdrawn all the balteaux from the right bank to
the other side of the river. In addition to vvhich, the wind this
day blew so violently, that it would have been irapossible to cross
the river without manifest danger. These two circumstances saved
ihe city. Arnold was forced to lose several days ; and he could
have no hope of being able to pass, except in the night, the river
being guarded by the frigate Lizard and several smaller armed ves-

284 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
sels, that were anchored under the walls of the city. But, during
many successive nights, the wind was even more impetuous than by
day. MeanwhUe, the Canadians had furnished Arnold with bal
teaux ; and he waited only for a fit time to attempt the passage.
The commander of Quebec found himself provided with few
means to defend the city. The spirit that prevailed among the inhab
itants could not fail to alarm him ; and the garrison was very feeble.
The merchants and EngUsh were rauch dissatisfied with the French
laws, which had recently been introduced into the province, and the
little regard showi: by the governraent for their petitions. They
complained, that all fr.'ors, that all privileges, were reserved for the
French inhabitants ; and that the desire to win the benevolence of
these enemies, had caused the governraent to despise friends. ' These
Frenchraen,' they said, ' elated with pride by so raany attentions, in-
cessantiy insult and outrage the English. Even in private circles,
these zealous subjects are forward to discourse upon affairs of slate, in
order to sound the opinion of those that hear them, and aftervvards
to go and report their words to persons in authority. Thus the
liberty enjoyed by the English in their actions and speech, is trans
formed into symptoms of disaffection, disloyalty, and sinister designs.'
The English citizens also manifested an extrerae disgust at the li
cense of the soldiery, and at the conduct of the governor, who had
left the city without garrison, when the troops had been sent against
the insurgents in the part of the Sorel and of Montreal, without
even having taken the precaution to organize the corapanies of mi
htia. It appeared, also, that little reliance could be placed in the
fidelity of the French, the greater part of whora were wavering, and
sorae even declared enemies to British domination. On the olher
hand, the garrison was extremely feeble ; it only consisted in the
companies of Royal Irish, under colonel ftlaclean, and in a few mi
litia, finaUy assembled in haste by the lieutenant-governor. The
council of naval officers had not permitted the sailors to be landed
to serve on shore, as well on account of the season, now far ad
vanced, as of the difficulties of the navigation.
But when tlie American colors were seen floating on the olher
side of the river, all the citizens, soldiers or not soldiers, landsmen or
seamen, English or French, united by common danger, and fearing
for their effects, which were very considerable, hastened with emula
tion to the defense of the city ; and exerted the utraost activity, in
order to make all necessary preparations, before the enemy could
pass the river. The companies of raUitia were armed, and stationed
at their posts. The Royal Irish manifested the greatest resolution.
The marines were put on shore, who, accustomed to the management

BOOK V. • THE AMERICAN WAR, 285
of cannon, were destined to serve the artiUery of ihe ramparts. The
ardor of colonel Maclean was of great benefit, in this first approach
of perils ; he neglected nothing lo inspire all minds with firraness,
and to assemble whatever might contribute to the defense ofthe city.
Finally, the wind being moderated, and Arnold having made his
arrangements, in order lo pass the river, and attack the city, he
appointed the night of the 13th of November for the execution ofhis
designs. He embarked all his men, with the exception of one hundred
and fifty, who remained to coraplete the requisite number of ladders.
Notwithstanding the extreme rapidity of the current, and all the
pains it was necessary to take in order to avoid the ships of the ene
my, he reached the left bank, a little above the place where general
Wolfe had landed in 1759, under auspices so happy for his country,
and so fatal to himself. Unable to scale the banks of the river,
which are very steep al this point, he descended towards Quebec,
always marching upon the margin of the river, until he was come to
the foot of the same precipice which general Wolfe had found so
much difficulty in surmounting. Followed by his intrepid compan
ions, he mounted to its sumrait, and drew up his Utile band upon
the heights near the plain of Abrahara. Here he wailed for them to
recover breath, and to give time for the companies left on the other
side of the St. Lawrence to join hira. He had hoped lo surprise
the city, and to carry it by a single effort. But the notice given by
the intercepted letter, the appearance he had made at Point Levy,
and the encounter of a boat that was passing from the port of Que
bec to the frigate, had given the alarm, and apprised the vvhole city
of the danger ready to burst upon them ; accordingly, all were at
their posts. Il was not long before Arnold had fuU assurance of it ;
for, having sent forward the companies of riflemen to reconnoiter
tbe places, and the position of the enemy, they reported, on their
return, that they had encountered advanced guards, who had given
the alert. The colonel was nevertheless disposed to order the attack ;
but the other officers endeavored to dissuade him from it. The
greater part of the muskets vvere become, by the accidents of a long
march, unfit for service. So great a part of the ammunition had
perished, that there no longer remained more than six charges to
each soldier. Finally, the provincials had not a single piece of can
non. But, if Arnold had lost the hope of taking Quebec by storm,
he had not renounced that of exciting within it a movement in his
favor, and causing its gates to be opened to him, by showing himself
in arms under its waUs Accordingly, he displayed himself fre
quently upon the heights ; and even sent a flag, summoning the
town to surrender. But aU was in vain. Colonel Maclean, who

286 THE AMERICAN WAR. ' BOOK V.
commanded during the absence of the governor, not only refused to
admit the message, but ordered his raen to fire upon the bearers.
Arnold was informed, at the same time, that the soldiers who had
escaped from the discomfiture of Montreal, were coming down the
river, and that colonel Maclean was preparing to raake a sally.
Finding himself, Iherefore, constrained to retire, he went to en
camp at a place called Point au Tremble, twenty miles above Quebec,
lo await the arrival of Montgomery, vvho was expected from Upper
Canada. He perceived, during his march, the ship in which gov
ernor Carleton vvas proceeding to Quebec. When arrived at Point
au Tremble, he learned that this general had stopped there, a few
hours before ; so uncertain are the events of war — so singular are
the chances on which often depends the fate of nations !
The governor arrived, Iherefore, w^ithoul accident, al Quebec.
He immediately set about taking all the measures of defense vvhich
the pressure of tirae and the difficulty cf circumstances could allow
him. He sent out of the city, vvith their famihes, all those who
refu.sed to take arms. The garrison, inclusive of the mUitia, amount
ed only to about fifteen hundred men, a number much inferior to
what would have been necessary to guard suitably all the fortifications,
which were extensive and multiplied ; and even of this number, the
proportion of regular soldiers was very inconsiderable. The com
panies organized by colonel Maclean were composed of new levies ;
and one company of the seventh regiment vvere all recruits. The
rest was a medley of militia, French and English, of some few ma
rines, of sailors belonging to the frigates of the king, or to the mer
chant vessels that wintered in the port. These seamen constituted
the principal force of the garrison ; for they at least knew how to
serve the artillery.
In the meantime, general Montgomery, having left garrisons in the
fortresses of Upper Canada, and secured the favorable dispositions
of the inhabitants of the parts adjacent, commenced his march
towards Quebec. The season was extremely severe ; it being about
the beginning of December ; the roads, obstructed with snow, were
almost impassable. The Americans, however, supported so many
hardships vvith singular fortitude. It was owing principally to the
prudence and firmness of Montgoraery, qualities vvhich gave him a
powerful influence over his soldiers. This multitude, snatched from
pacific occupations, had been all at once employed in the most
arduous toils of war, in the midst of the most rigorous season of the
yeai. Every one sees how difficult it is to introduce Fubordination
among men of such a sort; and it should even be added, that these,
from their habits and opinions, were peculiarly indisposed to that

BOOK v. THE AMERICAN WAR. 287
obedience so essential in armies. Finally, the term of their engage
ment was nearly expired ; and already they exulted in the expecta
tion of soon returning to the repose and solace of their homes.
Such were the difficulties which beset the American general.
But his name, dear to all, the seduction of his eloquence, even the
splendor of his person, his virtues, and the continual exaraple he
gave of resignation and magnanimity, supported the constancy of
his troops under their hardships, and inspired them vvith new ardor
to follow his steps. Certainly the march of Arnold across the horri
ble wilderness that separates the District of Maine from Canada; and
this of Montgomery through Upper Canada; the force of talent
vvhich enabled the two leaders to maintain discipUne and good vvill
among soldiers lately enrolled, attached with vehemence to their in
dependence, and accustomed to act their pleasure without restraint,
are enterprises vvhich at least equal, if not surpass, the most painful,
the most arduous, of aU those related in history of the captains of
antiquity. Such prodigies have been accomplished by armies of in
considerable numbers, when compared vvith those which have over
whelmed other parts of the world ; but ought this to dim.inish the
glory of these intrepid men in the memory of posterity ?
Montgomery arrived, the first of December, at Point au Trerable,
vvith a detachment not exceeding, if it amounted to, three hundred
men. Here colonel Arnold advanced to receive him ; the joy of the
two corps, al this meeting, cannot be described. Montgomery had
brought clothing for the soldiers of Arnold, who stood in the most
urgent want of it.
They raarched in company, and arrived, the fifth of December, in
sight of Quebec. Their force was inferior to that of the garrison
they purposed lo attack. They sent to summon it by a flag. The
governor ordered his troops to fire upon the bearer. Montgoraery
then resorted to the agency of an inhabitant, to convey another let
ter to the governor ; in which, after having raagnified his ovvn forces,
the insufficiency of the garrison, and the impossibility of defense,
he demanded an immediate surrender, threatening an assault, and
all the calamities which irritated and victorious soldiers are wont to
inflict upon cities taken by storm. This step was also without suc
cess ; general Carleton, a veteran commander, was not a man to be
intimidated so easily. As lo the American general, considering the
weakness of his means, and the immobiUty of the inhabitants, vvho
made no demonstration in his favor, he cherished but faint hopes of
success. Nevertheless, to abandon an enterprise in which he had
engaged with so much ardor, appeared lo him too unworthy of his
name and valor. He vvas not ignorant, besides, that in the com-

288 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
mencement of this revolution, the unfortunate issue of an expedi
tion so agreeable to the people, and upon which they had founded
such brUliant expectations, would infallibly produce a pernicious
effect upon the public mind. He foresaw that, instead of ardor and
confidence, it raust introduce dejection and despair. He doubled
even whether he should be able to preserve the part of Canada he
had acquired, if the capital of the province reraained in the power
of the English. He had been informed, that, in the following spring,
large re-inforceraents were to arrive frora England ; vvhich would
enable the enemy to expel the American troops without difficulty.
Wanting forces, but not courage, Montgomery resorted to the only
way that was left him ; he resolved to harass and reduce the garri
son, by frequent and furious attacks. He was not without hope,
that he might thus find some opportunity to strike a decisive blow ;
this expectation was the more probable, as the garrison was far from
being sufficient to guard effectuaUy the nuraerous fortifications of so
extensive a city. The American general accordingly attempted to
throw bombs into the town, with five small raortars ; hoping in this
raanner to excite some movement within. But the vigilance of the
governor, the zeal and bravery of the officers, and esjjecially the
efforts of the seamen, prevented this siege from producing any per
ceptible effect.
A few days after, Montgomery planted a battery of six pieces of
cannon and a howitzer, within seven, hundred paces of the walls.
This artiUery vvas laid, not upon the ground, but upon banks of
snow and ice ; the pieces r/ere of feeble caliber ; their fire was
nearly without result.
Meanwhile, the snow, which fell incessantly, encumbered the
earth ; and the cold had becorae so violent, that it was beyond hu
man nature to support it in the open field. The hardships which
the Americans had to suffer frora the rigor of the cliraate, and the
fatigues to which their small nurnber subjected them, surpass aU the
imagination can picture of the most severe. The attachment they
bore lo their cause, and the confidence which they had, the most un
shaken, in their general, could only have sustained thera in the midst
of trials so terrible. To render their position still raore dismal, the
smallpox broke out in the camp ; this scourge was the terror of the
soldiers. Il vvas ordered that those who vvere attacked with it, should
wear a sprig of hemlock upon their hats, that the others might know
and avoid them. But constancy in the human breast, gives place to
despair, when sufferings appear without end. And this extremity
was the more to be feared among the provincials, as the expiration
of their time of service, with the possibUity of escape from so many

BOOK v. THE AMERICAN WAR. 289
evils, might probably create the desire. All these considerations per
suaded Montgomery, that without a bold and immediate eflbrt, he
must renounce the idea of satisfying public expectation, and witness
the eclipse of his own glory. In his position, even temerity became
prudence, and it was better to lose life in a glorious action, than re
sign himself to a shame vvhich would have been so fatal to the Amer
ican arms.
Accordingly, Montgomery, having determined to attempt the as
sault, convoked a council of war, and acquainted them vvith his pro
ject. Without denying that it was of difficult execution, he main
tained that it was possible, and that valor and prudence vvould tri-
um.ph over all obstacles. All were in favor of his proposition. A
few companies of Arnold, dissatisfied with their commander, alone
testified repugnance. But captain Morgan, a man of real merit,
addressed them a persuasive discourse, and their opposition ceased.
The general had already arranged in his mind the plan of the attack,
and thought of all the means proper to carry it into execution. He
intended it should take place, at the same time, against the upper
and lower town. But understanding that a deserter had given no
tice of it to the governor, he resolved to divide his army into four
corps, two of v/hich, composed in great part of Canadians, under
the command of majors Livingston and Brown, were to occupy the
attention of the enemy by two feigned attacks of the upper town,
towards St. John and Cape Diamond. The two others, led, the
first by Montgomery, the second by xArnold, were reserved to assault
the lower part of the town from two opposite points. The general
was perfectly aware, that after he should have carried this part of
Quebec, there would remain many difficulties to be surmounted in
Older to conquer the olher. But he hoped that the inhabitants, on
seeing so great a proportion of their property fallen into the power
of the victors, would force the governor to capitulate.
The last day of the year, 1775, between four and five o'clock in
the morning, in the midst of a heavy storm of snow, the four col
umns pul themselves in raotion, in the best order, each towards the
point assigned.
It is said that captain Frazer, of the Irish emigrants, in going his
round, perceived the fusees which the Americans fired to give the
signal ; and that, immediately, without wailing further orders, he
caused the drums to beat, and roused the garrison to arms. The
columns of Livingston and of Brown, impeded by the snow and
other obstacles, were not in time to execute their feints. But Mont
gomery, at the head of his, composed chiefly of New York men,
advanced upon the bank of the river, marching by the way denorai-
VOL. I. 19

290 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK V.
nated Anse de mer, under Cape Diamond. Here was encountered
a first barrier, al a place caUed Potasse, which was defended by a
battery of a few pieces of cannon ; further on, at the distance of two
hundred paces from this, stood a redoubt, furnished with a sufficient
guard. The soldiers that composed il, being the greater part Cana
dians, on seeing the enemy approach, were seized vvith terror, threw
down their arms, and fled. The battery itself was abandoned ; and
if the Americans could have advanced with sufficient expedition,
they vvould certainly have been masters of it. But in turning Cape
Diamond, the foot of which is bathed by the waters of the river, they
found the road interrupted by enormous masses of snov/. Mont
gomery, with his own hands, endeavored to open a path for his
troops, who followed him, man by raan ; he was compelled to wait
for them. At length, having assembled about two hundred, whom
he encouraged with voice and example, he moved courageously and
rapidly towards the barrier. But, in the mean time, a cannonier
who had retreated from the battery, on seeing the enemy halt, return
ed to his post, and taking a raatch, whicb happened to be still burn
ing, fired a cannon charged with grape-shot ; the Araericans were
within forty paces. This single explosion totally extinguished the
hopes they had conceived. Montgoraery, as well as captains Mac
pherson and Cheesraan, both young raen of singular raerit, and dear
to the general, were killed upon the spot. The soldiers shrunk back
on seeing their general fall ; and colonel Campbell, on whora the
command devolved, was not a man capable of executing so perilous
an enterprise. The flight soon became universal ; so that this part
of the garrison, no longer having enemies to combat, was at liberty
to fly to the succor of that which was attacked by Arnold.
This colonel, who was himself at the head of the forlorn hope,
marched by the vvay of St. Roc, towards the place called Saut-au-
Maielot. Captain Lamb followed him with a company of artillery,
and one piece of cannon ; next came the main body, preceded by
the riflemen under captain Morgan. The besieged had erected, at
the entrance of the avenue, a battery, vvhich defended a barrier.
The Americans found themselves confined within a passage obstruct
ed by deep snow, and so commanded by the works of the enemy,
that his grape-shot swept it in every direction. MeanwhUe, Arnold
advanced rapidly under the fire of the besieged, who manned the
walls. He received a musket ball in the leg, which wounded him
severely, splintering the bone. It was necessary to carry him to the
hospital, almost by compulsion. Captain Morgan then look the
command, and with all the impetuosity of his character, he launch
ed himself again.st the battery, at the head of two companies. The

BOOK V. THE AMERICAN WAR. 291
artiller}' of the enemy continued to fire grni>e shot, but with littie
effect The American riflemen, celebrated for their extreme address,
killed many of the English soldiers through the emDrasures. They
applied ladders to the parapet ; the besieged were daunted, and aban
doned the battery to the assailants. Morgan, with his companies,
and a few soldiers of the center, who were come up to the vanguard.
made many prisoners, English as we-U as Canadians ; aut his situa
tion became extremely critical. The main body had not yet been
able to join him ; he had no guide, and he vvas unacquainted with
the city ; he had no artillery, and the day was still far from dawn
ing. He found himself constrained to halt ; his soldiers began lo
reflect upon their position ; their ardor cooled rapidly. The igno
rance in which they vvere, of the fale of their columns, the obscurity
of the night, the snow which feU with redoubled violence, the firing
of musketry, which was heard on every side, and even behind them,
finaUy, the uncertainty of the future, filled the boldest spirits with
an involuntary terror. Morgan alone resisted the panic ; he rallied
his riflemen, promising them a certain victory. He ran to the bar
rier, to spur on those vvho had remained behind. Lieutenant-colonel
Green, majors Bigelow and Meigs, joined hira with their corapanies.
The raorning began to dawn, when Morgan, with a terrible voice,
summoned his troops to the assault ; he led on with fury against a
second battery, which he knew lo be only a few paces distant, though
raasked by an angle of the road ; on turning the corner, he en
countered a detachraent of English, who had sallied frora the batte
ry, under the coramand of captain Anderson. The latter sumraon
ed the Araericans to lay down arras. Morgan leveled a musket at
his head, and laid him dead upon the ground. The English then
retreated within the battery, and closed the barrier. A fierce com
bat ensued, which cost many lives to the two parties, but most to
the Americans, whose flanks vvere exposed to a destructiive fire of
niiisketry from the windows of the houses. Meanwhile, some of the
most adventurous, haviivg rested their ladders against the pahsade,
appeared disposed lo leap il, but on seeing two file.'? of soldiers pre
pared to receive them on the points of their bayojiets, they renounc
ed this project. Cut down by a continual fire, they now sought
shelter in the houses. Morgan remained almost alone, near the bar
rier, endeavoring in vain to recall his soldiers, and inspire them with
fresh courage. Weariness, and the menacing countenance of the
enemy, had disheartened the raost audacious. Their arms, bathed
by the snow, vvhich continued to fall impetuously, vvere no longer of
any use to them. Morgan then, seeing the expedition frustrated, or-

292 THE AJIERICAN WAR. BOOK V.
dered the retreat lo sound, in order lo avoid being surrounded. But
the soldiers who had taken refuge in the houses were afraid to ex
pose themselves to the tempest of shot that must have been encoun
tered, in gaining the corner of the avenue, where they would have
been out of danger, and whence they might have retired behind the
first barrier. The loss they had sustained, the fury of the storm,
and the benumbing effects of the cold, had deprived them of all
courage. In the meantime, a detachment of the besieged saUied
out from a gate of the palace, and captain Dearborne, who, wilh
his company of provincials, held hiraself in reserve near this gate,
having surrendered, the English retook all this part of the city ;
consequently, Morgan saw himself encircled by enemies. He pro
posed to his followers, to open, with arms, the way of retreat ; but
they refused, in the hope that the assault given on the other part
might have succeeded, and that Montgomery would soon come to
their relief. They resolved to defend theraselves, in the raeanlime ;
but having at length perceived, by the continually increasing multi
tude of enemies, the true state of things, they yielded to destiny,
and laid down arras.
Such was the issue of the assault given by the Americans to the
city of Quebec, in the raidst of the most rigorous season of the year ;
an enterprise, vvhich, though at first view it raay seera rash, was
certainly not impossible. The events themselves have proved it ;
for if general Montgomery had not been slain at the first onset, it is
more than probable that on his part he would have carried the bar
rier, since even al the moment of his death the battery was aban
doned, and only served by a few men ; by penetrating at this point,
whi,le Arnold and Morgan obtained the sarae advantages in their
attacks, all the lower city would have fallen into the power of the
Americans. However this may be, though victory escaped them,
their heroic efforts will be the object of sincere admiration. The
governor, using his advantages nobly, treated the prisoners with much
humanity. He caused the American general to be interred with ah
military honors.
The loss of this exceUent officer was deeply and justly lamented
by all his parly. Born of a distinguished Irish family, Montgomery
had entered, in early youth, the career of arms ; and had served,
with honor, in the preceding war between Great Britain and France.
Having married an American lady, and purchased an estate in the
province of New York, he was considered, and considered himself,
an American. He loved glory much, and liberty yet more. Neither
genius, nor valor, nor occasion, failed him ; but lime and fortune.
And if it is aUowable, from the past actions of man, to infer the fu-

BOOK v. THE AMERICAN WAR. 293
ture, what motives are there for believing, that if death had not taken
lum from ills country in all the vigor of his age, he would have left
it the model of raUitary heroism and of civil virtues ! He was be
loved by the good, feared by the wicked, and honored even by ene
mies. Nature had done all for him ; his person, from its perfection,
answered to the purity of his mind. He left a wife, the object ot
all his tenderness, vvith several children, still infants ; — a spectacle
for their country, at once of pity and of adrairation ! The sfale,
from gratitude towards their father, distinguished them with every
mark of kindness and protection.* Thus died this man — whose
name, ever pionounced with enthusiasm by his own, has never ceased
to be respected by the warmest of the opposite party ; marvelous
eulogium, and almost without example !
General Carleton still added to his reputation for prudence and
intrepidity, in having maintained, under circurastances of such diffi
culty, both order and union, among soldiers assembled in haste, and
altogether strangers to discipline. If, with m.eans so feeble, he was
able to repulse the formidable attacks of an enemy rendered more
terrible by despair, he acquired an honor not inferior by the gene
rosity with vvhich he used victory.
Arnold, who, after the death of Montgomery, had taken the com
mand of the troops, not thinking himself in safety under the waUs of
the city, extended his camp, with the intention of converting the
siege into a blockade. He retired to a distance of three miles from
the town ; and intrenched himself, as well as the season, the want
of all necessary articles, and the shortness of tirae, would admit of.
Though still suffering much from his wound, he was vigilant to scour
the country, and to intercept the provisions that vvere conducted to
the city. The governor, on his part, satisfied with seeing the return
of tranquiUity for the present, and trusting in the hope of succors
already announced, would not, by a second trial of fortune, expose
himself to hazard the glory he had acquired, the fate of the province,
and perhaps that of all the war. He therefore reraained peaceably
within the walls of the city, waiting for the favorable season, and
re-inforcements frora England.
Thus terminated, in America, the year 1775, to give place to the
subsequent, teeming with actions no less glorious, and events no less
memorable. * The author was misinformed with respect to this fact; tlie widow of general
Montgomery never had any children. Tbanslator.

END OF BOOK FIFTH ,

294 THE AMER CAN WAR. BOOK VI.

BOOK SIXTH.
1776. The general attention in England was now tumed upon
the great spectacle presented by the Americans, and their resistance
rekindled the animosity of the different parties. Il had been hoped,
and the ministers themselves had confidently affirmed, that the lale
laws, and especially the troops recently dispatched lo the colonies,
would promptly suppress sedition and reduce the factious to obedi
ence. It was not doubled that the partisans of the royal cause, en
couraged by the presence of soldiers, and desirous to avoid the ven
geance of the laws, would display greal energy, and separate them
selves frora the insurgents, to join the troops of the king, and re-es
tablish the authority of government. It was also firraly believed
that the southern provinces, on seeing the storra ready to burst upon
their heads, would never espouse the quarrel of the provinces of the
north ; and it appeared infallibly certain that the dissensions which
alienated the one frora the other, would bring about the submission
of all. But these hopes having proved entirely deceitful, a general
discontent succeeded them, and on all parts the conduct of rainisters
was censured with asperity. It was deemed intolerable that the
soldiers of the king, instead of victoriously keeping the field, should
shamefully languish behind the walls of a city without daring to
show themselves. The popular movements, which al first were only
partial, now extended over the whole continent. The governors, in
the room of re-estabUshing the royal authority, were forced to fly
from their posts and take refuge on board of ships.
The Americans, heretofore represented as trem.bling, and ready
to humble themselves, were daily acquiring new audacity, and a more
formidable energy in resistance. The members of parliament who
had combated the influence of ministers, repealed, witii loud cries,
' that such were the necessary fruits of their incapacity, of their in
fatuated obstinacy.' ' Since they have not been willing, il was said,
to grant the colonists the peace they implored, they ought, at least,
lo have made war upon them vvith sufficient forces ; they have done
too rauch to irritate, too littie to subdue. Instead of surprising their
adversaries before they could have furnished themselves wilh means
of defense, they have given tiiem a long warning, as if they wished
to see them duly prepared ; they have chosen lo slake the entire
fortune of the colonies, and brought inlo play only a part of theii
forces ; they have dishonored the British nation not only vvith the
Americans, but among all the nations of the world ; they have sullied

BOOE VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 295
it with the name of cruel, without having veiled the stigma with the
lustre of victory. But we rejoice indeed, and greatly rejoice, to see
thus defeated, to their utter shame, all tbe pi-ojects of the ministers
against America. They wUl perceive, at length, that it is not so
easy to establish tyranny in the British empire, as they had presumed
in their blind rage to conceive. With a satisfaction not less sincere,
do we behold that opposition, so worthy to be admired by all good
men, and by all the friends of liberty, vvhich has resulted in the
wreck of these Scotch machinations, of this policy of the Stuarts,
first attempted in America, but intended eventually for England.
We are cheered by the happy augury ; and we no longer despair of
the public safety, whatever may be the pernicious plots of profligate
ministers.' ' We have beUeved, answered the ministers, that the ways of meek
ness, in this coraraenceraent of (troubles, were most agreeable to the
spirit of our laws, and of our national character ; that clemency and
forbearance ought to form the basis of the conduct of the British
government towards its subjects. The ministers have been accused
so raany tiraes, and upon grounds so frivolous, of wishing to intro
duce a systera of despotism, that in the present occasion they have
been very circuraspect to keep themselves aloof from all suspicion
of a similar desire. What would their adversaries have said, if at
the beginning of disturbances they had hurried lo arms ; if they had
sent formidable armies to America, and consigned il to fireand blood?
Then would they have raised the voice against tyranny ; we have
not done it, and their clamors are the same. What have we left then
but to despise them ? For is it not demonstrated, that not the love
of liberty, but ambition, not the desire of justice, but that of baffling
the ministers, have been the motives of their conduct ? Before pro
ceeding to the last extremities, our duty was to allow lime for re
fiection and repentance ; for only incurable evils are to be treated
with fire and sword.
' We have borne for a long tirae, it is true, the effervescence of
the Americans ; but we should hope that this long suffering would
persuade them of the maternal sentiraents of our common country,
that has endured outrEiges vvith raagnanimity, which it raight have
punished at a single blow. The colonists themselves have no doubt
of this ; they must know the imraense superiority of the forces of
England. The measures of the government would have opened
their eyes already, if they were not continually deceived, excited,
and misled by chiefs in delirium, here as weU as there, by the cries of
an imprudent opposition. But it will soon be seen in earnest, by the
vigorous resolutions of government, and the energetic employment

296 the AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
it is about to make of all its forces, that it wiU no raore be wanting
to itself than forgetful of what is due to the honor of the crown and
tne interests of the country.
' The Americans have no more indulgence to expect on our part.
They are no longer to be looked upon as British subjects, but as
implacable enemies. With as rauch confidence as justice, we can
henceforth overwhelm them vvith the formidable arra of Greal Brit
ain.' Such were the answers of the ministers to the imputations of
their- adversaries. These excuses might have been valid, if the
ministry had not assailed the Americans with laws far more irritating
than open force. For armies, though victorious, may be resisted
vvith glory ; but the patience, that must tolerate oppression, is with
out this iUusion.
Far from abating with time, these intestine dissensions appeared
every day to acquire new activity. The raore necessary a consent
of opinions became to avert the perils that menaced the country,
the raore they were divided and marshaled in opposition by the spirit
of party. This internal ferraentation was of an augury the more
fatal, inasmuch as it brought to mind those ancient and sanguinary
quarrels vvhich raged in the time of Queen Anne with so much peril
to England, between the repubhcans and the royalists, under the
names of whigs and tories. The friends and the enemies to the
cause of America manifested the same animosity, and the same ob
stinacy ; and there was much appearance that not only America,
but England itself, was on the point of breaking out inlo open dis
cord and civil war.
' The lories,' it was said on one side, ' are themselves the authors
of the frequent addresses to the king and parhament, urging that the
continent of America should be put to all that fire and sword can
inflict ; these are the false reporters, these the incendiaries of discord.
Bigoted as they are, and infatuated in the maxiras of the house of
Stuart, neither the exaraple of the evils they have brought upon
England, nor the total ruin of this faraily, which they caused, can
iUuminate their obstinate minds, and induce them to renounce the
cruel principles of tyranny. The bitter fate of the father is not
sufficient to divert an obstinate son from pursuing the dangerous path
vvhich led him to destruction ; such are all the lories. They sacri
fice their rank, their fortune, their existence, to their prejudices and
thirst of domination. When the inauspicious reign of the Stuarts
had visited our island with foreign servitude and civil war, then the
tories, trampling upon national honor and public felicity, abandoned
themselves to joy. Their maxims coincide with those of the abso
lute princes of Europe, and they would not blush to place their

BOOK Vl; THE AMERICAN WAR. 297
country in such hands if, in so doing, their arabition might receive a
new support. All the countries of Europe are subject to sovereigns
wUose power is without limits. England alone, by the special favor
of Providence, enjoys a moderate and free governraent ; but the
tories would fain subvert it to establish the uniformity of despotism
throughout all European countries. Their hearts are contaminated
with aU the vices of proud, perfidious, and profligate courts ; with
their infected breath they propagate them, like a pestUence, over the
whole nation. They esteem no man but for his baseness ; they
honor none but the proud and the arrogant. Their superiors they
flatter, their inferiors they oppress ; the prosperous they envy, the
unfortunate they rarely succor, and never but from vain glory. The
public felicity becomes in their hands the instrument of slavery, and
our submission they deem far more essential than our prosperity.
The sovereign good they place in absolute dominion ; and the best
possible state of society they believe to consist in mule servitude.
Revolutions they applaud when they conduct a people to tyranny ;
they deplore their mischiefs with a hypocritical pity, they exaggerate
them with the gloss of words, when liberty is to be their fruit. The
argument of public tranquUlity is always upon their lips ; but when
were they ever heard to speak of the abuses of arbitrary power, of
consuming taxes, of the vexations of the powerful, of injuries with
out reparations, and of outrages without redress ? If they are now
opposed to the cause of the Americans, it is because it clashes wilh
their plan of attack against the happy free government of our coun
try, and their schemes for introducing into the very heart of the
kingdom the laws of Charles and of James. They flatter themselves
that after having strangled the germs of liberty in Araerica, and van
quished those generous spirits, victorious troops will also know how
to bend our necks to the sarae cruel yoke. Such are the thoughts,
such the desires that agitate them without intermission, and not the
wish to see the return of peace upon that unfortunate continent
where they have themselves kindled the flames of war. Let uS then
prevent such fatal designs, let us preserve in its integrity the inher
itance which our ancestors, thanks to their valor, to their generosity,
and to the magnanimous enterprises of the great William III., have
handed down to us. Thus shall we serve our country, and perhaps
even the house of Brunswick, which cannot without danger show
itself ungrateful towards the friends of liberty, nor depart with safety
frora those maxims which have raised it to the British throne.'
The tories answered these declamations with no little warmth.
' It ill becomes the whigs,' they said, ' to tax us with cruelty and
arrogance, since no one is ignorant what their conduct was, when.

298 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
in the time of the commonwealth, and even under the monarchy,
Ihey had the supreme power in their hands ; then did exile, con
fiscations and scaffolds spread desolation and ruin over our unhappy
country ; then prisons and chains were the instruments of popular
clemency ! If a generous prince had not arrested their career of
anarchy and blood, if he had not substituted, by the aid of all good
citizens, a system of liberty, so dear to the tories, England would
have seen her last hour, and fallen a prey to foreign enemies. But
what is, in fact, our desire ? That in every affair which interests the
nation, that in every controversy which divides it, there should be a
supreme authority to regulate and to determine them irrevocably;
and this authority we believe lo reside in the king united with the
parliament. But the republicans will not submit lo the laws of this
legitimate authority, but are in chase of nobody knows what popular
authority, which they pretend lo consist in the universahtyrof the
citizens, as if a tumultuary, ignorant, and partial multitude, should
or could judge of objects wherein the eyes even of the most enlight
ened and prudent discover the greatest difficulties.'
' A way must, however, be found to terminate national dissensions ;
are they to be referred to the decision of a populace ever more apt
to be misled by daring and profligate demagogues, than to be guided
by men of prudence and of virtue ; of a rabble that hunger itself puts
in the power of the first intriguer? For this purpose kings and the
parliament have been instituted ; it is for this end that, in the ordi
nary direction of affairs, as well as in unforeseen and difficult cases,
they provide, and watch that the country should experience no
detriment.' ' In the present dispute vvith America, have the ministers acted
singly and of their own motion ? The king and the parliament have
decreed, have approved all their measures : this consideration ought
lo have great weight with every man who is a friend to public author
ity, and to the principles of the constitution. But the whigs are
gasping for the moment to arrive when England, as well as America,
shall be a prey to an unbridled multitude, in order to be able to
enrich themselves by plunder, to gratify their insatiable ambition,
and to operate the total subversion of this free government. These
pretended patriots are the sons and representatives of the republi
cans who desolated the kingdom in the last century. They din the
name of liberty continually in our ears, because they desire them
selves to exercise tyranny. Under the pretext of the public safety
they violate and trample under foot every forra, every civil institu
tion ; they arrogate to themselves all the plenitude of arbitrary
power. If they manifest an utter contempt for tiie laws which are

BOOK VI THE AMERICAN WAR. 299
the protectors of peisons, of property, and of honor, their cruelty is
not less conspicubus ; for an opinion, whether real or supposed, or
maliciously imputed, for a suspicion, for a chimera, they fly into a
rage, they rush to persecutions ; they plunge into raisery the fathers
of famihes, the fathers of the country, the best, the most useful, the
most respectable citizens. They fawn upon the people so long as
they are the weaker ; but once become the stronger, they crush
them, they decimate them, they starve thera, and adding derision to
Darbarity, they never cease to protest they do it all to render them
happy. These friends of liberty are perpetually declaiming against
the vices of courts, as if pillage, both public and private, the scan
dalous profusion of ill gotten wealth, the turpitude of debauch, the
violation of the marriage bed, the infamous price extorted from
faithful wives to redeera their husbands' blood, the public triuraph
of courtesans, the baseness of cringing to the vilest of raen, as if
all the horrors which have signalized the reign of these republicans
were good and laudable customs ! But whatever be the plots, the
wishes, and the hopes of this turbulent race of raen, of these parti
sans of lawless licentiousness, which they atterapt in vain to invest
with the name of liberty, let thera rest assured it is firmly resolved
lo resist them, to preserve the public tranquiUity, lo secure to the
laws that obedience vvhich is their due, and to carry into execution
against the rebellious Americans, those acts which have solemnly
emanated from the royal authority, and from that of the parliament.
The force of circumstances, the royalty of the people, and the recol
lection of the past tyranny of pretended patriots, vvill cause all their
vociferations, all their maneuvers, all their incendiary attempts, to
avail them nothing. As for the rest, the tories, and not their adver-
?aries, are the real friends of liberty ; for liberty consists not in
calling the populace at every moment to intervene in the direction
of slate affairs, but in faithfully obeying those fundamental statutes,
which are the result of the general will of the nation, and which
balance and temper the royal authority by the authority of the
people.' With such animosity, with such reciprocal bitterness, the two
political parties assailed each other. It appeared inevitable that
this must soon lead to sorae violent convulsion, and all prudent men
were seized with anxious apprehensions. And here, perhaps, is the
place to remark how remote are human minds from all moderation,
from all sense of decency, when once under the control of party
zeal. Assuredly, if at the different epochs of the domination of the
royalists and of the republicans, the one party and the other aban
doned themselves to culpable excesses, it is not that there were not

300 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
among them men of rectitude, who, if they judged Ul, yet meant
well ; with such, every form of government would be good, pro
vided it was not purely despotic. But the ambitious, a race unfor
tunately so prolific, are the raost fatal scourge in every well consti
tuted stale ; alvvays in opposition vvith the laws of their country, they
shake off their restraint the first moment they can, and thus pave the
way to revolutions and the reign of arbitrary power. The legislator,
who is desirous to found a government upon a solid basis, should
pay less attention to forms, whether monarchical or republican, than
to the establishment of laws calculated to repress the arabitious. It
is not for us to pronounce whether such laws have ever yet existed,
or whether they could aceomplish the end proposed ; but we may
confidently affirm, that men of moderation are not to be blamed for
desiring either a royalty or a republic ; the ambitious alone are to
be feared and detested, for they are those who cause raonarchies lo
degenerate into tyrannical despotism, and republics into anarchy,
more tyrannical still.
Such was the general agitation in England, when it was increased
by the declaration of lord Dartmouth, one of the secretaries of stale,
to Penn and Lee, who had brought the petition of congress address
ed to the king, that no answer vvould be given to it. The partisans
of the Araericans expressed their indignation without reserve ; they
censured with new asperity the impolitic obstinacy of the ministers.
The latter had defenders who answered ;
' It is lime to act ; the nation has conceived great hopes ; all Eu
rope is in suspense to see what vvill be the fruit of our tardy reso
lutions, and the result of our preparations. It is necessary to
strike home, and push with vigor this war which Great Britain, vvith
a patience unexampled, has wished to avoid ; but to which insolent
and contumacious subjects have defied and provoked her by too
many outrages.'
This language of the ministerial party acted powerfuUy upon a
nation naturally brave as well as proud ; and the public mind be
came gradually disposed to war, although there still appeared fre
quent petitions in favor of peace. About this tirae, disastrous news
was received of the Newfoundland fisheries. The congress having
prohibited aU transportation of provisions to these banks, the fisher
men, to avoid famishing, were compelled to abandon them precipi
tately, and repair to other shores. But another misfortune more
formidable awaited them ; the sea sweUing all at once, wilh unusual
fury, rose more than thirty feel above its ordinary level. The irrup
tion was so sudden, that all means of safety were of no avafl ; more
than seven hundred fishing barks were overwhelmed, and perisheil

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 301
with tiieir crews. Several large ships also foundered witii all on
board. The devastation was no less terrible upon land ; the prog
ress of the wide inundation was marked with universal destruc
tion. This fatal event made a serious impression in England ; it
was looked upon as a presage of ill. It seemed as if fortune was
every where irritated against the British empire. Superstition
chilled their spirits. They were induced lo form discouraging
comparisons. On the part ofthe colonists, a propitious sky, abundance of pro
visions, health of troops, success of arras, multitudes crowding to
their standards. On the part of the English, on the contrary, an
army besieged, mortal diseases, wounds incurable, toil and pain,
famine, every species of suffering ; an angry sky, a furious sea, hor
rible shipwrecks, martial ardor extinct, every thing in rapid declen
sion. The antagonists of governinent either from ambition or the
love of liberty, the merchants from, personal interest or zeal for the
public good, seized this moraent of general discouragement. Peti
tions against the war arrived from all parts ; the cities of London
and Bristol were the first to send them. They expatiated upon the
blood that was about to be shed, the treasure tobe expended, the new
enemies to be encountered ; it was represented that the obstinacy
of the colonists would render even victory too costly ; that the victor
and the vanquished would be involved in one common ruin. They
exhorted, they prayed, they conjured the government to renounce
hostile resolutions which promised no good, and threatened so
many disasters.
But the ministers were not lo be shaken by remonstrances. The
animosity of their adversaries was, however, increased by an inci
dent which drew the attention of all ; the Earl of Effingham, an
officer distinguished for his services, and possessed of an ample for
tune, had, upon all occasions, defended with greal warmth the cause
of the colonists. Not willing to betray his conscience, he offered
tne king his resignation ; his conduct was greatiy applauded ; the
cities of London, of Dublin and others, commended and thanked
him in public letters. Many other officers foUowed his example ;
resignations became frequent. Those who from taste give their at
tention lo political matters, wiU, no doubt, observe, upon this occasion,
with what facility in England an opinion at variance with that of the
government may be openly professed ; since its opponents, instead
of exposing themselves to its vengeance, often become the objects
of public favor. And upon consideration of the enterprises execut
ed in various limes by the British nation, and the energy with
which it has sustained long wars against the most formidable powers,

302 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK VI.
it is impossible not to perceive how much they deceive themselves
who think that a free government enfeebles nations, and that their
force can only be completely developed by despotism.
The declamations of the parly in opposition, and the numerous
resignations of officers, had caused the affair of enhstments to labor
extremely. It was in vain that the officers appointed for this ser
vice caused the drums to beal, and the royal standard to be erected
in the most populous cities ; in vain did they proraise bounties and
exorbitant pay ; scarcely a few individuals carae to offer their ser
vice ; Catholics and Protestants, all raanifested an equal repugnance.
Not but that araong the inhabitants of the northern parts of Great
Britain, the regiments found wherewith to recruit themselves ; but
this resource was altogether inadequate to the exigency. The min
isters therefore found theraselves in the greatest erabarrassment ; to
extricate themselves from which, they determined to have recourse
to foreign aid. With gold, which the^ had in abundance, they hoped
to procure themselves men, of whom they had so much need. Ac
cordingly, to this end they made overtures to the court of St. Peters
burgh, in order to obtain twenty thousand Russians, that were to
have been transported to America the foUowing spring. They made
great dependence upon these soldiers, who, in the preceding war
against the Turks, had acquired a brUliant reputation for bravery
and discipline. But their hopes were not realized ; this government
would not consent that its soldiers should enter into foreign service.
and for a small sura of gold, shed their blood in a quarrel wherein
Russia had no sort of interest. The ministers then turned tiieir
views in the direction of the United Provinces. The Stales-Gene
ral had in their pay some Scotch battalions ; and these the English
government demanded in order to employ them in the American
war. It was hoped that their ancient alliance, and other common
interests, would easily deterraine the States-General to comply vvith
this demand. But it appeared of such extreme importance lo the
States, that not presuming lo take the decision of it upon themselves,
they chose to consult the provincial assemblies. Those of Zeland
and of Utrecht gave their consent, Holland and the others refused.
John Derk, of Chapelle, spoke with great force against the proposi
tion in the assembly of Overyssel. He said it was loo far beneath
the dignity of the republic to intermeddle in the quarrels of a foreign
nation ; that the forces of Holland were too weak, and her com
merce too flourishing, for her to interfere so imprudently in the dis
putes of others ; that if she succored England against America, oth
er very powerful stales, alluding to France, would succor America
against England, and that thus the United Provinces would find

BOOK Vl, THE AMERICAN WAR. .303
themselves drawn into a dangerous war. He reminded of the tyr
anny exercised by the English upon the seas, the forced visit of the
Dutch vessels, and the confiscation of their cargoes, under pretext
of contraband. He omitted not to paint the cruel character of this
war, in which the ferocious Indians were already taken into the Eng
Ush pay- The opinion of the orator prevailed, and there was every
motive that it should. The Dutch considered the American cause
very similar to that of their ancestors, and it appeared lo Ihem in
tolerable to concur in chastising those who followed their own ex
ample. The English party and the French party manifested in this
occurrence an astonishing conformity of opinion ; the first, because
they feared that violent means would force the Americans at length
to throw themselves into the arms of France ; the second, because
they wished to see hurabled the pride and the power of the British
nation. It is certain, that at this epoch, the prosperity and opulence
of England excited the envy of the universe, and that her haughty
behavior filled all hearts with a secret enmity.
But the ministers having dispatched numerous agents into Germa
ny, obtained more success wilh the princes of the Houses of Hesse,
of Brunswick, and other petty sovereigns oflbis country. They ac
ceded to a convention which fiUed the cabinet of Saint James with
alacrity and with hope ; the ministers were overjoyed that German
proraptitude should, in so pressing a need, have counterbalanced
English reluctance.
A double advantage vvas found in the employment of German
troops. They had never darkened their minds with abstruse ques
tions of liberty and public law ; and the difference of language was
a security against the efforts which the Americans might have made
to mislead and seduce them to join their party. This apprehension
caused the ministry greal anxiety with respect to the English sol
diers, who spoke the same dialect as the Americans, and went to
combat men who defended, or appeared to defend, a cause raore fa
vorable to the subjects than lo the governraent.
When the news got abroad in England of the treaty of subsidy
with the German princes, it would be difficult to describe the fury
of the opponents of the ministry. Many even araong their ovvn par
tisans were heard to conderan their conduct with asperity. They
said, it was a scandalous thing that the mercenary soldiers of foreign
princes should come to interfere in doraestic dissensions ; that dar
ing and artful ministers might one day take advantage of this fatal
exaraple to subvert the established constitution, and lo put down aU
liberty in England itself; that when these soldiers should have ter
minated their enterprise in distant regions, different pretexts niight

304 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK Vi,
be found lor tJonducting them into places less reraote, and perhaps
even into the heart of the kingdora ; that this was a slate offense,
an act of high treason, the having attempted to open the entrance
of the British territory to foreign troops without consent of parlia
ment. It is certain that no resolution of the ministers had ever produced
so rauch disgust, and so alarming a fermentation among the people,
as the present. It rendered more violent the fury of some, alien
ated others, and appeared to all illegal in principle, perilous in its ob
ject, and injurious lo the Brit'sh name; inasmuch as it seemed an
admission that the English were not in a situation to adjust of them
selves this great quarrel. The disapprobation was general, the cause
of the war and the obstinacy of ministers began to be openly con
demned. In the midst of this effervescence the parhament was convoked.
But before entering into a description of the debates which took
place in this session, it appears to us necessary to relate what were,
at this lime, the designs of the ministry relative to the American
war. Perceiving how odious they vvere become to thd nation for
never having consented to hear of any proposition of accord, and
for having wanted either the capacity or the will to carry on the war
with adequate preparations, they resolved al length to raanifest ex
traordinary vigor, and to employ against the Americans a force so
formidable as to leave them no hope of resistance.
They could not but perceive how greatly the reputation of the
British arms had already suffered ; and they saw how important il
was to apply a prompt remedy in order to prevent the worst conse
quences, and especially a war with the European powers. Although
they often affected to congratulate themselves upon the good dispo
sitions of these powers, they were nevertheless persuaded that this
neutrality could not continue, if the war drew into length, and always
to the prejudice of England. It was easy to believe that France
had eyes open upon what passed, and that she wailed but for the
occasion to show herself.
The English ministers, at this epoch, however stinted the measure
of their magnanimity and sagacity, were still not so simple as to be
deluded by friendly protestations, which are lavished with the more
profusion the more they are void of sincerity. It was known that in
all the ports of France the most strenuous exertions were emp'oyed
in equipping ships of war and accumulating naval munitions, and that
the government was animated witi . an ardent desire to repair recent
losses, and to restore all the force and the splendor of the French
marine ; that the entire nation applauded the views of the court, and

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 305
demonstrated the utmost promptitude to second them. Besides, it
was no longer a mystery that munitions of war were daily expedited
from the French ports for America, if not by the orders of the gov
ernment itself, at least with its tacit concurrence. It was observed,
not without extreme jealousy, that the French had lately dispatched
a numerous fleet to the West Indies, and that their land troops so
increased in that quarter, that they already had the appearance of an
army prepared to lake the field. It had been seen with disquietude
that French officers were in conference, for the space of many days,
with general Washington, at the camp of Boston, and that they were
afterwards admitted to an audience by the congress. The past ad
monished the English ministry of the future. In no time had war
broken out in America that the French and British nations had not
taken part in il, the one against the other. It was, iherefore, natural
to think, that such also would be the event this time ; it vvas even the
more probable now that interests were at stake of far greater moment
that had ever before been agitated between the two powers. France
manifested in her conduct an admirable address. She would not
throw off the mask in these beginnings, either because she feared that
by engaging prematurely in the defense of the Americans, the
English government might be induced lo offer them such terms of
accommodation as, in reconciling the two parties, would turn their
united forces against her ; or especially because she was not yet
entirely prepared for maritirae war. She wished to temporize until
her armaments were completed, and until the continuation of recip
rocal outrages should have rendered all arrangement impossible. It
was also important for her to wait till the Americans, raore enlight
ened with respect to their situation, and encouraged by the success
of their arms, should have decided at length to proclaim their inde
pendence. All reconciliation then became impracticable ; as well
on account of the greater exasperation of minds, and the aggrava
tion of offenses, as from the absolute contrariety of the scope towards
which the two parties tended.
There vvould no longer be any question of an accord under certain
conditions ; the separation must then be total. Such was the thought
of the French government relative to the lime in which it ought to
discover itself. But in order that the Americans might not lose all
hope, it was determined to grant them clandestinely all the succors,
and to make them aU the promises proper to inspire them with con
fidence in a more efficacious co-operation at a suitable time.
Nor could it be doubted, that when France should have resoived
to support the Americans without disguise, Spain also would imme
diately espouse the same cause, as well in consequence of the family
VOL. I. 20

306 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
compact, as from the identity of interests, and perhaps even from an
earnest desire to efface the recent stain of the unfortunate expedi
tion against Algiers.
All these dangers were continuaUy present in the minds of the
British ministry ; they resolved, therefore, to prevent them by meas
ures as prompt as energetic.
Independentiy of the arms and munitions which the arsenals and
armories of England could furnish in abundance, the government
ordained that eighty ships of war should be stationed upon the coasts
of America, to favor the transportation of troops and of munitions
wherever the good of the service might require, to second all the
operations of the army, to traverse those of the enemy, and to de
stroy his marine.
Exclusively of the corps already found in America, it was deter
mined to send thither upwards of forty-two thousand men of regu
lar troops, between English and Germans ; that is, twenty-five thou
sand of the first, and a httle more than seventeen thousand of the
second. These German troops were composed of four thousand
three hundred Brunswickers, twelve thousand three hundred and
ninety-four Hessians of the Landgrave, and six hundred and sixty-
eight of the hereditary prince of Hesse, count of Hanau.*
In adding to this number all the recruits of Canada, tlie corps of
American Royalists and Indians, a totality was hoped for of fifty-five
thousand raen, supposing the companies all complete. But every
deduction made, it vvas deemed a certainty that in any event the
army would exceed forty thousand effective combatants ; a force
that was believed raore than sufficient lo subdue all America.
The ministers also thought il expedient to accompany the prepara
tions of war vvith several particular provisions, vVhich they considered
as very proper lo second the effect of thera. Knowing, for example,
how rauch the Americans vvere in want of money, and that they had
no means to procure it but by the way of commerce, they resolved to
interrupt it entirely, hoping that private interest would carry it against
political obstinacy, and that the absolute failure of metallic currency
would subject the bills of credit to a fatal depression. On the other
hand, in order not lo reduce the Americans lo seek their safety in
despair, they thought it best to authorize certain royal commissioners
to grant individual amnesties. They persuaded themselves that many
' JSngland contracted for the German troops upon the conditions following. She
gave a Brunswicker seven guinea,g levy money, and four and a half pence sterling
daily; a Hessian of the Landgrave seven guineas bounty, and fire and a halfpence
sterling pay; a Hessian ofthe hereditary prince, seven guineas bounty, and sixpi^ncd
sterling a dav.

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR 307
of them, vanquisned by such clemency, would throw themselves into
the arms of England, or, at least, that the more timid would lay
down arras, and recompose themselves in their accustoraed tran
quilhty. The rest, according to their ideas, might then be easily
overpowered. Such vvere the measures the ministers had matured,
and which they intended to submit to the deliberations of parliament
The king pronounced, on opening the session, a very remarkable
discourse ; he spoke of the machinations employed in America to
seduce the people, and infect them vvith opinions repugnant to the
constitution, and to their subordination towards Great Britain. He
said the insurgents now openly avowed their resistance and revolt,
and had assumed to themselves all the powers of government; that in
order to amuse they had made specious protestations of loyally, but
that in fact they were aiming at independence ; that he hoped, how
ever, the spirit of the British nation was too high, and her resources
too numerous, tamely to give up that which had been acquired with
so many cares, and with so many toils ; that it was now become the
part'of wisdom to pul a speedy end to these disorders, by the display
of aU the forces of the kingdom ; but that, as clemency was always to
be preferred lo rigor, his intention vvas to grant particular pardons,
and to withdraw, from the calaraities of war, the persons and the
places that should give evidence of their fidelity. The ministers
inoved for the usual address of thanks to the king, and that the
measures proposed should be approved.
But lord John Cavendish answered them vvith an extrerae vehe
mence, that he could not sufficiently testify his surprise at their ob
stinacy in pursuing a plan which had already produced such deplor
able results.
' You see one half the empire lost,, the other discontented and
tottering ; a kingdom of late the most prosperous, now sinking un
der every misfortune ; a nation once renowned for its virtues, now
contaminated with corruption ; and arrived in the train of every vice,
losses, discomfiture and shame. The Americans are charged vvith
planning independency ; certainly it is not the merit of England
that they have not yet adopted such a resolution, for the ministers
have neglected no possible violence to compel^lhem to it. They
are charged with dissimulation ; but they have constantly aflirraed
that the terms of reconciliation were those of returning to the state
of things existing in 1763. It is desired to send against them nu
merous armies and formidable fleets ; but they are at home surround
ed by friends, and abounding m all things. The English are at an
immense; distance, stinted in the means of subsistence ; having for
enemies, climate, winds, and men. And what wealth, what treasures,

308 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK VI.
wiU not be necessary to subsist your troops in those distant coun
tries ! Impenetrable forests, inaccessible mountains, wifl serve tiie
Americans, in case of disaster, as so many retreats and fortresses,
whence they will rush forth upon you anew. You will, therefore,
be under a constant necessity to conquer or die ; or, what is worse
than death, to fly ignominiously to your ships. The Americans wiU
avail themselves of the knowledge of places, which they only have,
to harass the British troops, to intercept the ways, to cut off supplies,
lo surprise outposts, to exhaust, to consume, to temporize and pro
long, al wiU, the duration of the war. Isiagine not that they wiU
expose themselves to the hazard of battles ; they will vanquish us by
dint of fatigue, placed, as vve shall be, at a distance of three thou
sand miles from our country. It vvill be easy for thera, impossible
for us, to receive continual re-inforceraents. They will know how
lo use the occasion of their temporary superiority to strike decisive
blows ; the tardy succors that raay arrive to us by the Atlantic vvill
not prevent our reverses ; they will learn, in our school, the use of
arms and the art of war ; they will eventually give their mkslers
fatal proofs of their proficiency.
' But let victory be supposed, can there be any doubt that it wfll
be sanguinary, that its results will be lands laid waste, towns deso
lated by fire, subjects envenomed by implacable hatred, the prosper
ity of commerce annihilated, and reciprocal distrusts alvvays ready
to re-kindle war. Long have standing armies been considered as
dangerous lo liberty ; but the protracted and difficult war which you
are about to engage in will enormously increase these armies. Is it
lo dissipate our fears on this point that ministers subsidize these bands
of Gerraans, an excellent race assuredly, but adrairably adapted to
serve the purposes of the faulors of despotism ? I have supposed
that we shall be victorious ; let us now suppose we should be beaten.
Who wiU restore our treasures exhausted, our coraraerce annihilated,
the spirit of our troops extinguished, our national glory, first source
of public virtue, unworthily eclipsed ? Who wfll efface the stigma
branded upon the British name ? In our reverses vve shall not have
the consolation of having acted with maturity of reflection, or that
of having been taken unawares. The quarrel of America wiU soon
become the quarrel of Europe ; and if our country perish not there
in, it must be attributed rather to its happy star than to the wisdom
of those who govern it. Such is the importance, such are the con
sequences of the subject, that I cannot but deem it an incomprehen
sible fact to see the passions allowed full scope on every side, in
stead of that calm which ought to preside in the consideration of our
melancholy situation, and in the investigation of the most prorapt,

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 309
the most efficacious, and the most expedient remedies. Let us,
therefore, unite in praying, in conjuring his majesty to suspend the
effects of his anger, and. to prevent the running with such precipita
tion to shed English blood by English hands. Rather let it be stud
ied to calm and conciliate minds, to search out the causes of our dis
cords, to di-scover the, means which may enable us to rejoin the
lacerated parts of the British empire. Let us labor to restore to
the government its majesty, to the laws the obedience which is their
due, to the parliament its legitiraate authority, and to the British
people the tranquiUity and happiness of which they are so erainently
worthy.' The temper of the assembly was favorable; the vehement dis
course of lord Cavendish had made a profound impression upon the
minds of aU. But the partisans of the ministry answered him with
equal warrath.
' We find it not easy to comprehend, they said, how these elo
quent orators, who make such parade of their patriotism, can lavish
so many pathetic flourishes to justify those who are found in rebel
lion against the authority of Great Britain ; we are ignorant what
strange pleasure they can take in embarrassing the government in its
operations in the midst of so difficult a crisis. It is equally hard for
us to conceive what motives they can have for wishing lo demon
strate that the Americans will of necessity prove victorious. That
such should be the language of congress, and of the proclaraations
of Washington, nothing is less surprising ; but that it is found in
tiie mouth of an Englishraan, of one of the fathers of the country,
that we should see him glory in such assertions, and study to prop
agate them, is what cannot excite too much astonishment and in
dignation. '
' It is affirmed the Americans are not aiming at independence ;
this we readily admit, if it is intended to raaintain that they are not
contending lo have, but already possess and exercise this absolute
independence. Have they not concentrated in their hands all the
authority of government, in coining money, in creating biUs of cred
it, in imposing taxes, in raaking levies, in declaring war, in commit
ting hostUities, in granting letters of mark and reprisal ? But the
kind confiding personages, seated in front of us, answer that the
colonists protest their devotion, and reject all idea of independency.
New doctrine, indeed, that we are to give more credit to words than to
facts ! But while these credulous beings harangue within these walls,
the Araericans model and carry into effect a new form of govern
ment, no doubt lo preserve the ancient constitution and to unite
themselves more intimately with Great Britain !

310 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK Tl.
' They have proposed, we are told, conditions of accommodation ;
in what do they consist ? In consenting to acknowledge the same
sovereign. Assuredly they vvill acknowledge him, provided they
may be excused from obeying his orders, and permitted to act their
own will entire. And is it desired that England should stoop to such
an arrangement, which, if it be not outrageous, is at least ridiculous ?
The parhament has opened a vvay of conciliation, whereby, if the
right of taxation was not entirely renounced, it was certainly so re
stricted that the Americans vvere allowed to tax themselves. But
we have lo do wilh men who are alike insensible to benefits and lo
clemency. With what words, with what a tone have they received
our propositions ! The universe knows it, and our secret enemies
themselves have been astonished at it. If England must resolve to
submit to such degradation, if she must give up honor, so essential
to monarchies, if, instead of laking arms against an enemy who de
fies us, who despises the government and the agents of Greal Brit
ain, we raust bow vvith humUity to his demands, continuaUy more
imperious, then let us bUndly pursue the course which is marked
out for us by our adversaries. That to reduce the colonies to obe
dience is an enterprise which may offer some difficulties, no one
undertakes lo deny. But the greater the difficulty, the greater the
glory. ' Those who would sow discouragement among us, little know the
ability of the English generals, and the valor of our soldiers. The
powerful house of Bourbon, combined against us in the last war, was
unable to make us bend ; and the king of Prussia has found, in our
assistance, theraeans of resisting the league of the North. England
is queen of the seas ; she has conquered those sarae countries which
her ungrateful subjects now inhabit ; and vvill sho not be able to
subdue also them ?
' It is not impossible, we admit, that some European powers will
lake part in this war ; especially considering our prosperity, the envy
of foreigners, and the arts of these Araericans, alvvays busied in ex
citing the whole world against us. But are we to be influenced in
our counsels by the desires or by tbe injustice of others ? Let us do
what we ought, to prevent what we fear. With arms we may com
mand respect, while a timid policy vvould expose us to contempt.
' War pursues the weak, but retires from the strong. What chi
meras, loo, these scrupulous spirits have been dreaming of about
those innocent Germans, it is not easy to say. The example of mer
cenary troops is not new ; their employment has always been without
danger. Foreign soldiers are not those vvho could establish servitude
upon the soil of England, but minds disposed to slavery ; now, the

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN VV'AH 3]]
clamors and exaggerations of demagogues more often lead to this.
than the schemes of governraents themselves. As to these long lam
entations over the vices of the present day, we, for our part, have
no hesitation to say, that we have a better opinion of a people araong
whom the sincerest respect is shown for good habits, whose civiliza
tion has rendered them faraous throughout the world, and vvho have
achieved so many great actions, as well in peace, as in war. These
imputations are but the phantoms of a raorbid imagination, or the
suggestions of the secret rage of those ambitious minds, who persuade
themselves that no virtue can exist so long as they are not invested
vvith suprepie povver. The destiny of Great Britain is now in the
balance. After having seen her empire equally flourishing by land
and by sea, and her fortune surpass that of all the other slates of
Christendom, the question is now, whether this prosperity shall con
tinue, whether these rich and powerful colonies, the work of our
hands, the fruit of our industry, the object of all our cares, the price
of so much treasure and so much blood, shall henceforth, by the
unheard of ingratitude of their inhabitants theraselves, by the artful
machinations of their false friends, and of our secret enemies, be dis
membered frora their ancient country, and torn forever from the
affectionate embraces of their tender molher ? patiently lo endure an
event so calamitous, not to lavish our efforts, our fortunes, our life
itself, to prevent its accoraplishraent, would be a turpitude which has
no example in our hislory, and an opprobrium from which we ought
to preserve the British name.'
Thus spoke the ministerial orators ; the voles were taken, and the
motion of lord Cavendish was rejected. Some other merabers of
the opposition proposed, vvith as little success, different plans of con
ciliation with the colonies. The debates vvere very animated ; but
the ministers, whose projects were already arranged, and all the
preparations of war concluded, had no difficulty in obtaining the
rejection of every contrary opinion.
Not satisfied with finding themselves in a situation to attack the
insurgents, they wished also to cut off their principal resources, that
is, to deprive thera of men, arms, and raoney. The Americans
employed a part of their men on board of privat3ers ; they derived
their arms and munitions, either secretly, or even openly, from for
eign countries ; and commerce furnished them with money. Ac
cordingly, the ministers proposed a bill, importing that every species
of traffic vvith the thirteen united colonies should be prohibited ; that
aU American property, whether floating upon the sea or stationed in
the ports, should be declared legal prize in favor of the officers and
crews of the vessels of the king ; that the men taken in the Amer

312 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
ican ships should be compelled to serve indiscrirainately, as common
sailors, on board those of England ; finally, that the crown should
be authorized to send commissioners, empowered to grant pardons
to such individuals as should appear to merit them, and to declare a
colony, in whole or in part, in a state of obedience towards tne king ;
in which case they might exerapt them frora the rigor of the laws,
and restore them to their original condition.
This bill was a consequence of those already passed ; it was con
formable to the plan of the war which the ministers had adopted,
and was generally to be approved. It contained, however, certain
articles deserving of animadversion. To wish to make war against
the Americans, upon sea as well as upon land, was altogether nat
ural; il vvas no less judicious to constitute coraraissioners vvith
authority to grant amnesties, as well to particular individuals as to
provinces. But to confiscate, without distinction, private property
and public property, to grant the booty to the captors, and force the
men found on board the American ships, whatever might be their
rank or condition, to serve as comraon sailors on board the English
ships, are acts that cannot fail to be conderaned by every sound
judging raind. The opposition expressed their abhorrence of these
features of the bill in very sharp language ; but it passed, notwith
standing, by a triumphant majority.
1776. The parliament having terrainated the affairs submitted to
their deliberations, the king pul an end lo the present session, wilh
the assurance that he was not apprehensive of any movement on
the part of the European princes, who all manifested a desire lo
maintain concord and peace. The ministers had obtained from the
parliament all they had demanded, and they had scarcely a doubt
of the favorable issue of their enterprise. It seemed to them impos
sible that the coUectitious soldiery of the congress could hold their
arms vvith a firm grasp in the presence of European troops ; Ihey
imagined that the bare rumor of the arrival of the English army
would suffice to open for it the entrance of the country il was about
to conquer.
'Even supposing, they said, that the colonial troops should pre
sume to keep the field, how can it be imagined, that ill-arraed, un
disciplined, and so lillie used as they are to the dangers of war,
and lo the din of arms, they will be able to make any serious resist
ance against the veterans of Europe ? The first irapression will be
fatal to the Americans ; and the measures which have been talcen
to sow division among them, wUl then produce their full effect. Let
only a small number subrait lo the terms of the amnesty, and the
multitude vvill hasten to follow their example ; such is the ordinary

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 313
course of revolutions. In order to accelerate these happy results, it
will be essential that the royal commissioners, individuals as influen
tial by their personal authority, as by the splendor of their rank, and
the renown of their military achievements, should be always present
lo second the operations of the army, by seizing the favorable instant
for the exercise of their ministry.'
Such were the reasonings and the hopes of the partisans of the
government. And such, it must be admitted, was the way of think
ing of the greater part of the nation. With some it was the effect
of pride, or of confidence in the ministry ; with others, of the spirit
of party, or of personal interest, man easUy believing what he es
teems useful lo himself. There wanted not those, however, whom
the love of country inspired with serious apprehensions for the future,
or whom the fury of faction urged lo announce the most disastrous
presages. They judged of the obstinacy of the Americans by their
own, and suffered no occasion to escape them of citing the miracles,
as they expressed it, wrought in various times, and among manifold
people, by the love of liberty. They greatly extolled the constancy,
the intrepidity, the prowess of the Americans. Their invectives,
their sarcasms, tbeir taunts, were endless against the satellites of
tyranny ; thus designating the English soldiers, and particularly the
German troops. They represented a total loss in defeat, and new
dangers in victory ; they deplored the blood shed for so iniquitous a
cause. Every day there appeared new publications in favor or
against the colonists. Sorae reproached others with having sold
their pen ; these retorted upon those that they prostituted theirs in
defense of licentiousness. A work of doctor Price, on civil liberty,
was particularly distinguished ; it was read every where with equal
avidity. He received, on this subject, a letter of compliment from
the city of London, accorapanied with the present of a gold box.
The two brothers Howe, the one admiral of the fleet, and the
other general-in-chief of the army in America, were named by the
king his coraraissioners for the re-establishraent of peace in the colo
nies, and for granting pardons to those who should appear worthy
of the royal raercy. Sir Peter Parker and lord Cornwallis vvere al
ready, some time since, erabarked for Araerica, with several corps
of troops. Admiral Hotham, and generals Burgoyne and PhiUipps
followed them with other English and German divisions.
While these things were passing in England, the provincials, who
besieged Boston, began to entertain hopes not only of becoming
masters of the city, but even of making the whole garrison prisoners,
and of destroying the British squadron anchored in the port and bay.
They expected impatiently that the cold would become so rigorous

314 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
as to freeze the watej-s of the harbor, and the rivers that flow into it.
The frost usuaUy set in about the last of December, and they calcu
lated that at this season the ice would be strong enough to enable
them to march dry-shod across the arra of the sea, vvhich separates
the peninsula from the continent, where they were encamped. The
English, in such case, -would not have been able lo resist the much
superior forces of the American army. But contrary to the ordinary
course, the winter was extremely moderate ; the provincials vainly
awaited the coming of ice. In this hope they had kept themselves
tranquil in their quarters ; the delay was advantageous lo the gar
rison. But the raonth of March arrived lo re-animate operations ;
the Araericans panted to put an end, by a vigorous effort, to this
long and tiresorae siege. Their ardor prorapted it, necessity requir
ed it. The hostile speech of the king, at the meeting of parliament,
was arrived in America, and copies of it were circulated in the
camp. It was announced there, also, that the first petition of con
gress had been rejected. The whole army raanifested the utmost
indignation at this intelligence ; the royal speech was burnt in pub
lic by the infuriate soldiers. They changed, at this tirae, the red
ground of their banners, and striped them with thirteen Usts, as an
emblem of the number, and of the union of the thirteen colonies.
The congress, at the news of the rigorous proceedings of the
government, and particularly of the act relating to commerce, and
the engagement of the German troops, saw plainly that no other
resources were left thera but in the way of arms. Without loss of
tirae, wishing to take advantage of the universal irritation of the
people, they urgently recomraended to Washington to renounce all
delay, to brave all dangers, ancl at whatever cost, lo terminate the
siege of Boston, and effectuate the expulsion of the eneray from the
shelter of its walls. They foresaw that this army would soon be
necessary to oppose the British forces at other points, and to protect
other parts of the American territory. It was presuraed that the
English would direct their principal attack against the weakest places,
and serious apprehensions were felt particularly for the city of New
York. It was, therefore, extremely important to dislodge the ene
my from the position of Boston, since otherwise he might, after
wards, operate against the rear of the American army. Pressed by
positive orders, and stimulated al once by the force of circumstances
and the desire of glory, Washington reflected upon the most effica
cious means lo secure the success of his enterprise. He was not
without hopes of being able lo carry the city by assault.
The part of the Cove of Boston, contiguous to Cambridge and
Roxbury, was frozen, which greatiy facUitated the passage ; jmd for

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 315
crossing the water that remained up to the waUs of Boston, a great
number of boats had been jDrovided. In addition to this, two floating
batteries were stationed at the mouth of the river of Cambridge. It
was known that the garrison suffered severely for the want of pro
visions, and that it was greatly enfeebled by fatigues and maladies.
The commander-in-chief had, besides, the greatest confidence in the
valor and constancy of his soldiers. He accordingly assembled all
the generals, and proposed to them his plan of attack. Ward and
Gates, both officers of great distinction, opposed it ; alledging, that
without incurring so great a risk, the enemy might be forced to
evacuate Boston by occupying the heights of Dorchester, which com
mand the entire city. Washington did not conceal his dissatisfaction
at this opposition ; but he was constrained to acquiesce in the opinion
of the majority. It was resolved, therefore, to take the position of
the heights. At the suggestion of generals Ward, Thomas, and
Spencer, a greal quantity of fascines and gabions had been prepared
for this expedition. The fortresses of Ticonderoga and Crown
Point had furnished heavy cannon, and a sufficient nuraber of howit
zers and mortars. It appears that general Howe, who was naturally
very circumspect, thought himself too feeble to prevent the execu
tion of this design, which was to be, however, decisive of the total
issue of the siege.
The Americans, in order to occupy the attention of the enemy in
another part, erected strong batteries upon the shore at Cobb's Hill,
at Lechmere's Point, at Phipp's Farra, and al Lambsdam, near Rox
bury. They opened a terrible fire in the night of the second of
March ; the borabs, at every instant, fell into the city. The garrison
was incessantly eraployed in extinguishing the flaraes of the houses
in corabustion, and in all the different services that are necessary in
such circumstances. During this lime the Americans prepared
themselves with ardor, or rather with joy, to take possession of the
heights. Companies of militia arrived from all parts to re-inforce
the army. The night of the fourth of March was selected for the
expedition ; the chiefs hoped that the recollection of the events of
the fifth of March, 1770, when the first blood had been shed in
Boston by the English, would inflame vvith new ardor, and a thirst
of vengeance, those spirits already so resolute in their cause.
Accordingly, in the evening of the fourth, all the arrangements
being made, the Americans proceeded in profound silence towards
the peninsula of Dorchester. The obscurity of the night was propi
tious, and the wind favorable, since il could not bear lo the enemy
the little noise which it was impossible lo avoid. The frost had

316 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
rendered the roads easy. The batteries of Phipp's Farm, and those
of Roxbury, incessantiy fulminated with a stupendous roar
Eight hundred raen coraposed the vanguard ; it was foUov^ed by
carriages filled wilh utensils of intrenchment, and twelve hundred
pioneers led by general Thomas. In the rear guard were three
hundred carts of fascines, of gabions, and bundles of hay, destined
to cover the flank of the troops in the passage of the isthmus of Dor
chester, which, being very low, was exposed to be raked on both
sides by the artUlery of the ErigUsh vessels.
All succeeded perfectly ; the Americans arrived upon the heights,
not only without being molested, but even without being perceived
by the enemy.
They set themselves to work vvith an activity so prodigious, that
by ten o'clock at night they had already constructed two forts, in
condition to shelter them from small arras and grape-shot ; one upon
the height nearest to the city, and the other upon that which looks
towards Castle Island. The day appeared ; but it prevented not
the provincials from continuing their works, without any movement
being raade on the part of the garrison. At length, when the haze
of the morning was entirely dissipated, the English discovered, with
extreme surprise, the new fortifications of the Americans.
The English admiral, having examined them, declared, that if the
enemy was not dislodged from this position, his vessels could no
longer remain in the harbor without the most imrainent hazard of
total destruction. The city itself was exposed to be deraohshed to
its foundations, at the pleasure of the provincials. The communi
cation, also, between the troops that guarded the isthmus of Boston,
and those within the town, became extremely difficult and dangerous.
The artillery of the Americans battered the strand, whence the
English would have lo embark in case of retreat. There vvas no
other choice, therefore, left them, but either lo drive the colonists
from this station by dint of force, or to evacuate the city altogether.
General Howe decided for the attack, and made his dispositions
accordingly. Washington, on his part, having perceived the design,
prepared himself lo repel il. The intrenehments vvere perfected
vvith diligence ; the militia were assembled frora the neighboring
towns, and signals were concerted to be given upon all the eminences
which form a sort of cincture about all the shore of Boston, from
Roxbury to Mystic river, in order to transmit intelligence and orders
with rapidity from one point lo the other.
Washington exhorted his soldiers to bear in mind the fifth of
March. Nor did he restrict himself to defensive measures, he
thought also of the means of falling, himself, upon the enemy, if

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 317
during or after the battle, any favorable occasion should present
itself. If the besieged, as he hoped, should experience a total defeat
in the assault of Dorchester, his intention was to embark from Cam
bridge four thousand chosen men, who, rapidly crossing the arm of
the sea, should take advantage ofthe tumult and confusion lo attempt
the assault of the town. General SulUvan coraraanded the first di
vision ; general Greene the second. An attack was expected like
that of Charlestown, and a battie Uke that of Breed's Hill. General
Howe ordered ladders to be prepared to scale the works of the
Americans. He directed lord Percy lo embark at the head of a
considerable corps, and to land upon the flats near the point, opposite
Castle Island. The Americans, excited by the remembrance of the
anniversary, and of the battle of Breed's HUl, and by the continual
exhortations of their chiefs, expected them, not only without fear,
but with alacrity ; but the tide ebbed, and the wind blew with such
violence, that the passage over became irapossible. General Howe
was compeUed lo defer the attack lo early the following raorning. A
tempest arose during the night, and when the day dawned, the sea
was StiU excessively agitated. A violent rain came to increase the
obstacles ; the English general kept hiraself quiet. But the Araer
icans made profit of this delay ; they erected a third redoubt, and
completed the other works. Colonel Mifflin had prepared a great
number of hogsheads full of stones and sand, in order to roll them
upon the enemy when' he should march up to the assault, to break
his ranks, and throw hira into confusion, that might smooth the way
to his defeat.
Having diligently surveyed aU these dispositions, the English per
suaded themselves that the contemplated enterprise offered difficul
ties almost insurmountable. They reflected that a repulse, or even
a victory so sanguinary as that of Breed's Hill, vvould expose lo a
jeopardy too serious the Enghsh interests in America. Even in case
of success, il was to be considered that the garrison was not suffi
ciently nuraerous to be able, without hazard, to keep possession of
the peninsula of Dorchester, having already to guard not only the
city, but the peninsula of Charlestown. The battle was rather
necessary, and victory desirable, to save the reputation of the royal
arms, than to decide the total event of things upon these shores. The
advantages, therefore, could not compensate the dangers. Besides,
the port of Boston was far from being perfectly accommodated to the
future operations of the army that was expected from England ; and
general Howe himself had, some length of time before, received
instructions from lord Dartmouth, one of the Secretaries of State,
to evacuate the city, and to establish himself at New York.

318 THE AMERIC.A.N WAR. BOOK VI.
The want of a sufficient number of vessels had hitherto prevented
him from executing this order. Upon all these considerations, the
English generals determined to abandon Boston to the power of the
provincials. This retreat, however, presented greal difficulties. An hundred
and fifty transports, great and small, appeared scarcely adequate lo
the accommodation of ten thousand men, the number to vvhich the
crews and the garrison amounted, without comprehending such of
the inhabitants, as, having shown themselves favorable to the royal
cause, could not wilh safety remain. The passage was long and
difficult ; for vvith these emaciated and enfeebled troops it could not
be attempted to operate any descent upon the coasts. It was even
believed to be scarcely possible to effect a landing at New York,
although the city vvas absolutely without defense on the part of the
sea. The surest course appeared to be lo gain the port of Halifax ;
but besides the want of provisions, vvhich was excessive, the season
was very unfavorable for this voyage, at all times dangerous.
The winds that prevailed then blew violently from the northeast,
and might drive the fleet off lo the West Indies, and the vessels
were by no means stocked with provisions for such a voyage. Be
sides, the territory of Hahfax vvas a sterUe country, from vvhich no
resource could be expected, and no provision could have been pre
viously made there, since the evacuation of Boston and retreat tc
Halifax vvere events not anticipated. Nor could the soldiers per
ceive without discouragement that the necessity of things impelled
them towards the north, apprised as they vvere that the future opera
tions of the English army vvere to lake place in the provinces of the
center, and even in those of the south. But their generals had no
longer the liberty of choice. The Americans however being able by
the fire of their artillery to interpose the greatest obstacles to the
embarkation of the British troops, general Howe deliberated upon
the means of obviating this inconvenience. Having assembled the
selectmen of Boston, he declared to them, that the city being no
longer of any use to the king, he was resolved to abandon it, provid
ed that Washington would not oppose his departure. He pointed to
the combustible materials he had caused lo be prepared lo set fire,
in an instant, to the city, if the provincials should molest him in any
shape. He invited them to reflect upon all the dangers which
might result, for thera and their habitations, frora a battle fought
within the waUs ; and he assured them that his personal intention
was to withdravv peaceably, if the Americans were disposed, on their
part, to act in the same manner. He exhorted them therefore to

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 319
repair to fhe presence of Washington, and to inform hira of what
they had now heard.
The selectmen waited upon the American general, and made him
an affecting representation of the situation of the city. It appears,
from what foUowed, that he consented to the conditions demanded ;
but the articles of the truce were not written. Il has been pretend
ed that one of them vvas that the besieged should leave their muni
tions of war; this, however, cannot be affirmed with assurance.
The munitions were, indeed, left ; but it is not known whether it
vvas by convention, or frora necessity. The Araericans remained
quiet spectators of the retreat of the English. But the city present
ed a melancholy spectacle ; notwithstanding the orders of general
Howe, aU was havoc and confusion. Fifteen hundred loyalists, with
their families, and their raost valuable effects, hastened, with infi
nite dejection of mind, to abandon a residence which had been so
dear to them, and where they had so long enjoyed felicity. The
fathers carrying burthens, the mothers their children, ran weeping
towards the ships ; the last salutations, the farewell embraces of those
who departed, and of those who remained, the sick, the wounded,
the aged, the infants, would have moved vvith compassion the wit
nesses of their distress, if the care of their ovvn safety had not ab
sorbed the attention of all.
The carts and beasts of burthen were become the occasion of sharp
disputes between the inhabitants who had retained them, and the sol
diers who wished to employ thera. The disorder vvas also increased
by the aniraosity that prevailed between the soldiers of the garrison
and those of the fleet ; they reproached each olher rautually, as the
authors of their coramon misfortune. With one accord, however,
they com-plained of the coldness and ingratitude of their country,
which seemed to have abandoned, or rather to have forgotten them
upon these distant shores, a prey to so much raisery, and to so ma
ny dangers. For since the month of October, general Howe had not
received, from England, any order or intelligence whatever, which
testified that the government still existed, and had not lost sight of
the army of Boston.
Meanwhile, a desperate band of soldiers and saUors took advan
tage of the confusion to force doors, and pillage the houses and
shops. They destroyed what they could not carry away. The en
tire city was devoted to devastation, and it vvas feared every moment
the flames would break out to consummate its destruction.
The fifteenth of March, general Howe issued a proclamation, for
bidding every inhabitant to go out of his house before eleven o'clock
in the morning, in order not to disturb the embarkation of the troops,

320 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
which was to have taken place on this day. But an east wind pre
vented their departure ; and to pass the time they returned to pU-
laging. In the meanwhile, the Americans had constructed a re
doubt upon the point of Nook's Hill, in the peninsula of Dorches
ter, and having furnished it with artiUery, they entirely commanded
the islhraus of Boston, and all the southern part of the town. Il
was even to be feared that they would occupy Noddle's Island, and
establish batteries, v/hich, sweeping the surface of the water across
the harbor, would have entirely interdicted ihe passage to the ships,
tmd reduced the garrison to the necessity of yielding at discretion.
All delay became dangerous ; consequently the British troops and
the loyalists began to embark the seventeenth of March, at four in
the morning ; at ten, all were on board. The vessels were overladen
with men and baggage ; provisions were scanty, confusion was every
where. The rear guard was scarcely out of the city when Wash
ington entered it on the other side, with colors displayed, drums
beating, and all the forms of victory and triumph. He was receiv
ed by the inhabitants with every demonstration of gratitude and re
spect due to a deliverer. Their joy broke forth with the more vi
vacity, as their sufferings had been long and cruel. For more than
sixteen months they had endured hunger, tliirst, cold, and the out
rages of an insolent soldiery, who deemed them rebels. The most
necessary articles of food were risen to exorbitant prices.
Horse flesh was not refused by those who could procure it.* For
want of fuel, the pews and benches of churches were taken for this
purpose ; the counters and partitions of warehouses were apphed to
the same use ; and even houses, not inhabited, were demolished for
the sake of the wood. The English left a great quantity of artillery
and munitions. Two hundred and fifty pieces of cannon, of dif
ferent caliber, were found in Boston, in Castie Island, and in the in
trenehments of Bunker's HiU, and the Neck. The Enghsh had at
tempted, but with httie success, in their haste, to destroy or to spike
these last pieces ; others had been thrown into the sea, but they were
recovered. There were found, besides, four raortars, a considerable
quantity of coal, of wheat, and of other grains, and one hundred
f.nd fifty horses.
Thus, after a siege as long as tiresome, the capital of the province
of Massachusetts fell again into the power of the Americans. The
* Provisions were become so scarce at Boston, that a pound of fresh fish cost twelve
pence sterling, a goose eight shillings and four pence, a turkey twelve shillings and
si.x pence, a duck four shillings and two pence, hams two shillings and a penny per
poimd. Vegetables were altogether wanting. A sheep cost thirty-five shillings ster
ling, apples thirty-three shillings and four pence per barrel. Fire wood forty-one shil
Ungs and eight pence the cord ; and finally, it was not to be procured at any price

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 321
joy of this happy event was felt, with enthusiasm, by all the confed
eration. Il acquired an especial importance by the impulse it could
not fail to impart to the public spirit, and even by the influence it
was likely to have upon future operations. We have here a new
occasion to remark, with surprise, the blindness and presumption of
the British ministry who, instead of laking all the necessary ipeas-
ures to secure success, from the coraraenceraent of the war, seem
ed, of preference, to adopt all those that were calculated to injure
its cause. Whether from having hstened lo English pride, or from
having trusted to unfaithful reports, or, finally, from having neglected
the examples of hislory, the rainisters had persuaded themselves that
the provincials would shrink at the aspect of regular troops, and
that their ardor would be converted immediately inlo a general terror.
They omitted to reflect that the very nature of things had ex
cited, and already, for a lepgth of lime, had nourished the American
revolution. The colonists were become rich and powerful, and their original
enthusiasm was far from being chilled. Misled by its prepossessions,
the government knew not how to employ its forces ; it refused to
send succors when it was yet time, and hastened to lavish them
when it was now too late.
The Americans, corae inlo possession of Boston, immediately con
fiscated the property, movable and iraraovable, of the emigrants
who had accompanied general Howe to Halifax. The sale was
made at auction, and the produce applied to the exigencies of the
public. The loyalists vvho had remained, were prosecuted and de
clared enemies and traitors lo the country ; their possessions were in
like manner confiscated and sold. The first care of the Bostonians
was directed to the necessity of fortifying their city, to preserve it,
in future, from the calamities they had recently experienced. The
works were commenced without delay, and urged wilh extreme dili
gence ; all the citizens, in turn, contributed ihoir labor. A French
engineer, some Americans, and four Prussians, had the direction of
the whole. It was noi, however, expected lo render Boston a place
of strength, capable of sustaining a regular siege ; it sufficed to place
it in a situation to resist a sudden attack.
Certain movements of the provincials, and especially the care they
had taken to occupy some of the little islands situated in the bay of
Boston, authorized the behef, that it was their intention to attack
Fort WiUiam, erected upon Castle Island. General Howe, perceiv
ing that the possession of this fort would enable them to defend the
approaches of the city against the English ships, thought it expedi
ent to dismanile and burn it previous to his departure. He was
VOL. I. 21

322 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
unable, however, to carry away its artillery, which he contented him
self with spiking very precipitately
Contrary winds, succeeded by a dead calm, prevented the Eng
lish fleet, during more than a week, from getting out to sea. But
at length it succeeded ; and contrary to all expectation, considering
the Reason, its passage to the port of Halifax was fortunate and
rapid. Admiral Shuldam had left in the waters of Boston, a squadron,
under the coramand of commodore Bankes, to protect the navigation
of the vessels of the king, which, in ignorance of the evacuation of
the city, might continue their voyage towards it. This precaution
had not all the effect that vvas desired ; the bay being extensive, the
cruisers lay in concealment behind the numerous litfle islands with
which it is interspersed, and sprung suddenly upon the ships that
presented themselves without mistrust. Among others, captain
Manly took a prize laden wilh an immense cargo of provisions.
Washington, ignorant what vvere the plans of general Howe, and
what direction the British fleet had taken, vvas not without disquie
tude for the city of N'ew York. He wrote, in consequence, lo brigadier-
general lord Sterling, vvho commanded there, advising him to stand
prepared, and that he had sent him a re-inforcement of five battalions
and several companies of riflemen. But the royal troops were very
far from being in a condition lo undertake any thing against that city ;
they esteemed themselves very fortunate in arriving sound and safe
at Halifax. Before proceeding to further operations, general Howe
chose lo refresh his troops, and wait for the re-inforcements that vvere
expected from England.
The affairs of congress assumed an aspect no less prosperous in
North CaroUna than in Massachusetts ; in which, however, very se
rious commotions had begun to manifest themselves.
Governor Martin, although he bad taken refuge on board the ves
sels of the king, did not, however, reraain idle ; and he busied himself
incessantiy in devising new machinations lo retrieve the royal cause
in his province. He flattered hiraself with the greater hopes of suc
cess, as he knew that admiral Peter Parker and lord ComwaUis were
departed from the ports of England for an expedition against the
CaroUnas. He was also informed that general Clinton, vvith some
companies, was on his way to join hira at Cape Fear, situated upon
the river of the same name, and not far frora Wilmington. At the
head of these united forces, increased by the Scotch Highlanders and
the regulators, both formidable lo the disaffected from their experi
ence in the use of arms, and their ardent zeal for England, hc had
no doubt, whatever, but that he could create a revolt in the province,

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 323
and reduce it anew under the authority of the king. After having
concerted with all his partisans, he erected the royal standard, sum
moning all the inhabitants to rally round it in defense of country and
lawful authority against rebels. To render more efficacious the suc
cors of the highlanders and of the regulators, as well as of all the
other loyalists, he named colonel Macdonald, an officer warmly de
voted to the royal cause, captain-general of all the levies, that he
might organize them into regular corps.
This plan succf^eded according to his hopes. The concourse at
Cross Creek swelled every day ; the patriots were threatened with
an attack in this part unless a prompt remedy was applied. The
provincial assembly opened their eyes upon the danger, and dis
patched, with all speed, against this head of loyalists, afl the railitia
that were in preparation ; and, at the same time, directed that
others should be assembled frora all parts of the province.
The two parties that divided Carolina thus found themselves,
marshaled the one against the olher, animated with an equal fury.
The patriots were commanded by general Moore ; he went to
take post, with a few pieces of cannon, in front of the loyalists, at a
place called Rock-Fish Bridge, where, having broken the bridge, he
intrenched himself. Macdonald sumraoned him to come and put
himself under the royal standard, or to expect to be treated as an
eneray. Moore answered him that he had himself to take an oath
of fidelity lo congress, and to lay down arms, and that, in so doing,
he should be received as a friend. During these negotiations, which
Moore had the address to draw into length, his forces so increased
that he soon acquired a decided superiority over his adversary.
Macdonald, at length, perceived the danger of his situation ; and
though he was already surrounded on every side by the provincials,
he disengaged himself with equal abiUty and courage. Marching
rapidly, and without interruption, interposing continually between
himself and his pursuers, rivers, forests, and difficult defiles, he
measured a space of eighty railes, in defiance of the vigilance of
the enemy, eager to cut off his retreat, and arrived at Moore's
Creek, sixteen miles frora Wilmington.
There he hoped to be joined by governor Martin and gener al CUn-
ton, who were already arrived at Cape Fear. But the provincials,
who had never ceased to foUow him, not only prevented this junc
tion, but reduced him to the necessity of giving battle. He displayed
in it an extreme bravery ; but captain Macleod, and many other
of his officers, having been killed, his troops were seized with a panic,
and fled, leaving their general in the midst of his eneraies. Macdon
ald was made prisoner, with many other loyalists. Their enemies

324 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI,
derived an immense advantage from this victory ; for if Macdonald
had been victor, or if he could only have effected his junction with
governor Martin and general Clinton, they might then have v/aited
at Cape Fear for the re-inforcements that were coming from Ireland ;
and the affairs of the congress vvould have been very near desperate
in the southern provinces. The Carolinians learned, besides, to know
their own strength, and refuted the opinion which had generally pre
vailed of the weakness of North Carolina. They had combated,
wilh success, the regulators and the Scotch, who had appeared lo
them at first so formidable ; and in the space of ten days they had
assembled ten thousand raen, full of courage and resolution.
The precipitation of the loyalists vvas the cause of their ruin ; if
they had temporized until the arrival of succors from Europe, and
then only raised the standard of the king, they might, without doubt,
have struck a decisive blow, and thus have caused the balance to
incline in their favor in the southern provinces.
We have left lord Dunmore cruising vvith his vessels upon the
coast of Virginia ; he continued still for a long time upon this station.
But all the places of landing being diligently guarded by the militia,
far from being able to make any impression, he could not even pro
cure the sustenance necessary for the multitude accumulated on
board his squadron. Consequently the excessive heats, the corrup
tion of the water and of the provisions, and the crowd of men in
the ships, generated offensive and deleterious miasmata. A pestilen
tial malady carried off, in mass, the whites and the blacks ; but it was
especially morlal among the latter. In this deplorable state the
squadron of lord Dunmore wandered from island to island, from shore
to shore. He found, upon all points, the inhabitants armed lo repulse
him, and he wanted forces to open himself a passage through them.
To crown the measure of misfortune, the winds drove a part of the
ships upon the coasts of Virginia, where the wretched fugitives,
become the prisoners of their own fellow-citizens, did but exchange
this pestiferous abode for dark and horrible dungeons. At length, to
escape a certain death upon these shores, lord Dunmore resolved lo
burn the ships of least value. The miserable wrecks of soldiers and
of Virginians, buffeted by tempests, devoured by famine, by thirst,
and by diseases, went to seek refuge in the Floridas, the Bermudas,
and the West Indies. Thus delivered of its enemy, the province
recovered tranquiUity. Such was the catastrophe that terminated
the expedition of lord Dunmore against Virginia, and the result of
his plan of revolt of negroes against their masters.
Meanwhile, the congress had not remitted their preparations of
maritime war ; they felt the necessity of protecting their own coasts

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 325
from the insult of the enemy's cruisers, as also the extreme utility of
intercepting the store-ships of the English armies. There was no
deficiency either of materials suitable for the construction of vessels,
or of excellent mariners ; the interruption of commerce and of the
fisheries having left a very great number of thera without employment.
Accordingly the work vvas pushed vvith such ardor in the navy yards
of Maryland, of PhUadelphia, and of Rhode Island, that upon the
commencement of the year were seen floating in the waters of the
Delaware five frigates, or corvettes, and thirteen gun sloops,* com
pletely equipped and armed.
The congress had ordained, besides, that thirteen frigates, of
thirty-six guns each, should be constructed wilh all possible expedi
tion. Then, in order to forra the seamen to the evolutions of mari
time war, and, at the same time, to procure themselves arms and
munitions, and especially powder, they ordered Ezekiel Hopkins,
captain-general of the fleet, to make sail for the Bahama Islands.
He put to sea about the middle of February, and after a prosperous
voyage arrived, in the beginning of March, at Abaco, one of these
islands. Being informed that the English had amassed a considerable quan
tity of munitions in that of Providence, he made a sudden descent
there, and seized them. The Americans found many pieces of
cannon, with bombs, bafls, and one hundred and fifty casks of
powder, the capital object of the expedition. In their return they
combated honorably a British frigate, and captured a brig. The
squadron of congress, with its prizes, entered the port of New Lon
don. Frequent engagements also took place in the bay of Boston,
between the ships of commodore Bankes, and those of Massachu
setts. One of the most remarkable was that in which captain Mug-
ford captured a transport, laden with a great quantity of arms and
mihtary stores.
The navy of congress not only distinguished itself upon the coasts,
but also, what was scarcely to have been hoped, in the open sea. Its
success perceptibly increased the confidence and hope of the Araeri
cans ; they accustoraed themselves, by little and little, to act as a
nation enjoying its entire independence.
The desire to see it universally acknowledged was excited m
some, and fortified with others, in proportion to the prosperous result
* The frigates were the Alfred and the Columbus, of thirty-two guns ; the corvettes,
the Andreas Doria of sixteen, the Sebastian Cabot of fourteen, and the Providence of
twelve. The thirteen gun-boats bore the names following ; the Washington, the Dick
inson, the Chatham, the Camden, the Burke, the Effingham, the Bull-dog, the Frank
lin, the Congress, the Experiment, the Hancock, the Adams, and the Warren.

326 THE AMERICAN WAK. BOOK VI.
of tiieir efforts. They were not crowned with the same happy suc
cess in Canada. Arnold, who had continued, with his feeble corps,
the siege of Quebec, found himself oppressed by a multitude of
obstacles. The re-inforcements the congress had promised him, ar
rived but slowly and by parties, either because the severity of the
season rendered the roads nearly impracticable, or because the ill
success of the assauU of Quebec had considerably damped the ardor
with which the novelty and brilliant commencement of this expedi
tion had inspired the Americans.
It appeared that congress itself, either distracted by too many
cares, or wanting the necessary means, had neglected lo take proper
measures for conducting the Canadian war to the object desired. In
vain had the greater part of the garrison of Montreal been marched
to Quebec ; the soldiers under Arnold still scarcely amounted lo a
thousand effective rnen.
The Canadians, who at first had welcoraed the Americans with
cordiality, and had supplied thera with afl that was in their power,
finding themselves afterwards exposed to various excesses on the part
of this undisciplined troop, had passed from benevolence lo aversion.
It must be admitted, they had loo rauch reason for it. The Ameri
cans had not only omitted to concihate the countenance of the
Catholic priests, which irritated their self-love, but they had even
overwhelmed them with contempt, which excited araong them detes
tation and a thirst of vengeance. The insinuations of governor
Carleton and of all his partisans succeeded, Iherefore, without difli
culty, in persuading them to refuse the sacraments to all those who
had declared for the Americans. This refusal produced an impres
sion so serious upori the minds of the Canadians, that the provincials,
perceiving how prejudicial il might prove to their interests, dispatch
ed a Catholic priest from Maryland, in order lo dispense to the Cana
dians all the spiritual succors of which they were deprived. But
this remedy was employed loo late. Affairs already assumed the
most discouraging aspect.
A French gentieman of intrepidity, named Beaujeu, had assem
bled a, corps of nobles and other inhabitants vvith whom he had influ
ence, at the head of whom he had taken the field. The Americans
had engaged him vvith advantage; but they had no means to re
pair the injury their cause had suffered, as well from its known
Weakness, as from the outrages committed against tbe inhabitants of
the country. To increase their distress, the season approached in
which the re-inforcements, already known to be departed from Eng
land, were about to arrive. Thr river St. Lawrence, no longer ob
structed with ice, opened them a free passage up to the city of Que-

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 327
bee. It would have been too hazardous to await them with forces
so disproportionate.
In this critical position, Arnold, who had recently been promoted
to the rank of brigadier-general, prepared, with a courage as great
as his resources were feeble, to reduce the besieged city. Its pos
session would have rendered the enmity of the Canadians in a great
measure impotent, and the English troops would thus have lost their
communication with the upper parls of the province.
Arnold was not entirely without hope of success. Governor
Carleton experienced a dearth, rendered more and more afflicting
by the vigUance and success vvith which the provincials intercepted
all his convoys of provisions ; nor did they cease, besides, to harass
and fatigue the garrison by false attacks and multiplied stratagems,
hoping, from its weakness, to find, sooner or later, some way to sur
prise the place.
They had approached the walls to open the trench, and had erecl
ed batteries upon the banks of the river, in order to cannonade the
English vessels. They fired with red hot balls, and launched dif
ferent sorts of fireworks into the city ; but general Carleton watched
attentively and disconcerted all their maneuvers. The obstacles
that Arnold encountered, were carried lo the utraost by the smalb
pox, a malady so formidable in these climates. The re-inforcemenls
he expected, arrived greatly reduced by this scourge ; the soldiers
fled from terror, or were infected by the contagion ; the ranks
thinned continually. It was al this epoch that general Thomas
took the command. He wished, before raising the siege, to make
a last effort, by setting fire to the ships of the governor, and seizing
the occasion of the disorder to attempt the assault. The river
being already free from ice before Quebec, on the night of the
third of May, the Araericans sent down a fire-ship ; their ladders
were prepared for the assault. The English, having taken the
alarm, began to fire ; the men who raanaged the fire-ship, finding
themselves discovered, set her on fire.
In this posture of affairs, having no longer any thing to expect,
either from a regular siege or a scalade, seeing the troops diminish
daily, as well in number as in courage, having no more provisions
left than for three days, and fearing, at every moment, the arrival
of the EngUsh re-inforcements, the American general resolved to
abandon the expedition entirely, and to retire towards Montreal.
The very morning of the day appointed for raising the siege, the
Isis ship, of fifty-four guns, arrived in sight of Quebec, wilh the
frigate Surprise, and another vessel of less force.
With equal industry and peril, they had ventured to navigate the

•328 THE AMERICAN WAE. BOOK V|.
river frora its mouth, in the midst of enorraous masses of floating
ice. They had onboard several companies of veteran soldiers, who
were immediately put on shore.
The ships, now, having the command of the river, intercepted all
communication between the different parls of the American camp,
and even captured a great number of vessels belonging to tht pro
vincials. This unexpected event threw them into the greatest con
sternation. They precipitately abandoned their quarters, leaving
behind them their baggage, their artiUery, their munitions, and
whatever raight have retarded their march ; the English seized them
'mmediately. The sick, attacked, for the most part, with the small-pox, escaped
as they could ; the Canadians were raoved with compassion, and
concealed them here and there. Meanwhile, the governor had sal
lied out at the head of the garrison to pursue the Araericans. He
made no few of them prisoners ; but they gave theraselves no pause
until they had marched fuU forty-five miles up the St. Lawrence ;
then, having hailed a few hours, they retired to the mouth of the
Sorel, where they vvere joined by four regiments.
They lost, in this place, general Thomas, vvho died of the small
pox ; his valor and his integrity rendered him the object of univer
sal consideration. General Sullivan succeeded in command. Gene
ral Carleton, after such prosperous success, reflecting upon his ex
treme weakness, ceased to pursue the enemy, and returned to Que
bec, intending to wait for re-inforcements, and then take the field
with forces sufficient to maintain himself there. But he first gave
the most honorable proofs of that huraanity which distinguished him.
The Americans, whether wounded or sick, were concealed in the
forests or in the habitations of the Canadians, where they had lo
suffer all evils united. The governor issued a proclamation, by
which he ordained that men, appointed for this purpose, should go
in search of these unfortunate men, to cure them at the public
expense, and provide for all their wants. Finally, that they might
not fear to discover themselves, he pledged his faith, that so soou
as they should have recovered health, he would leave them at their
full and mtire liberty to return, without conditions, to their own
habitations. A few days subsequent to the deliverance of Quebec, that is,
about the last of the month of May, several regiments of English
and Brunswickers arrived in Canada. These re-inforcements car
ried the British army in that province to upwards of thirteen thou
sand men, commanded by experienced generals, among whom Carle
ton was the first in reputation, as in rank. Under his orders were

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 329
Burgoyne, Phillipps, and Reidesel, a German general of considerable
name. Wishing to profit by the rout of the Americans, they were all of
opinion that the war should be carried into the upper parls of Cana
da, and even further, if fortune should prove propitious. The Eng
hsh general accordingly assembled aU his forces at Trois Rivieres, a
town situated upon the left bank of the St. Lawrence, at a distance
nearly equal from Montreal and from Quebec.
The constancy of the Americans had been put to a severe test
under the walls of this capital ; they had also to sustain a sanguina
ry conflict in the environs of Montreal, against a corps of English,
of Canadians, and of savages. They occupied a small fort situated
in a place caUed les Cedres, a few miles above Montreal.
The royaUsts appeared before il, and captains Beadle and Butter
field, more careful of their safety than of their honor, and the inter
ests of their country, iraraediately surrendered upon terms. Some
corapanies had commenced their march from Montreal to bring them
succor, but they fell in vvith a party of the enemy, who dispersed
them, after an obstinate and bloody resistance. The Indians exer
cised the most shocking cruelties upon the prisoners. Arnold, who
was then at Montreal, unable to endure that the American arms
should receive a check from those of the Canadians and savages,
immediately took the field in order to avenge this affront. But cap
tain Foster gave hira to understand, that if he attacked him and re
fused to consent to an exchange of prisoners, all the Americans that
were found in his power would be raassacred iraraediately by the
Indians. Arnold was constrained, though with extreme repugnance,
to yield to necessity.
Neither these adverse events, nor the aspect of a position so crit
ical, could shake the courage of the Americans. It was at this
very moment that they attempted an operation full of danger, and
of no little difficulty.
. The English troops and those of Brunswick were much dispersed,
and very distant from each other. A strong corps was quartered at
Trois Rivieres, under the command of general Frazer ; another, at
the orders of general Nesbit, continued on board the transports ; and
the most considerable corps, forming several divisions, under gene
rals Cairleton, Burgoyne, PhiUipps, and Reidesel, was distributed
upon the banks, and upon the river itself, in its lower part, on the
side of Quebec. Some other balteaux, fuU of soldiers, had already
passed up the river above Trois Rivieres, towards the Sorel. The
Americans conceived the project of surprising and cutting off the
English division that occupied Trois Rivieres, before the others could

330 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
come to its assistance. General Sullivan accordingly directed gene
ral Thompson to embark, with two thousand raen, upon fifty bat-
teaux that were kept in preparation for the use of the army, and to
descend the river. Thompson coasted along the right bank of the
lake St. Pierre, formed by the vast breadth of the river in this place,
and arrived without being perceived at Nicolete, a town situated
upon the same bank of the St. Lawrence, a littie above Trois Fvivie-
res. His design was to cross the river during the night, lo land nine
miles above Trois Rivieres, and lo fall upon the enemy before day.
But it had already appeared, before the Americans, retarded by many
unexpected obstacles, could gain the left bank. They marched,
however, with incredible rapidity towards the destined point; but
treacherous guides misled them. On having discovered it, they
resumed the right road, which was excessively difficult.
Meanwhile, the sun was risen, and they were perceived by the
troops that were on board the vessels. The alarra was soon given,
and general Frazer was promptly apprised of the danger. The
Americans, seeing themselves discovered, redoubled their celerity.
They arrived at nine in the morning in sight of Trois Rivieres ; but
they found the English drawn up in order of battle, and prepared to
receive them. The action was engaged ; the Araericans, after a
feeble struggle, were thrown into disorder, and fled. This notwith
standing, they were raUied ; but the day was already lost without
remedy. Nesbit, landing all at once wilh his division, took the Amer
icans in rear. From this moment their rout was complete. The
soldiers, no longer keeping any order, sought their safety in the
woods. Pressed in front by Frazer, who overwhelmed thera with a fire of
grape-shot, and intercepted by Nesbit, who prevented their return lo
the balteaux, they suffered horribly in the passage of a raarsh. Hav
ing, at length, by incredible efforts, succeeded in crossing it, they
plunged into thick forests, where the English ceased lo pursue them.
When they were able lo rejoin their boats, they hastened to return
to the mouth of the Sorel. They lefl many prisoners in the power
of the English, among whom were general Thompson himself, and
colonel Irwin, wilh many olher officers of distinction ; they had few
kiUed. The loss of the royal troops was still less. Such was the
issue of the expedition of Trois Rivieres, conceived wilh ability, un
dertaken with intrepidity, but finally directed with imprudence.
The success depending entirely on a surprise by night, il is cer
tain, that when the Americans perceived they could only attack in
open day, and stUl more,, that their enemy vvas on his guard, the
part of wisdom would have been to hall, and to recover their first

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 331
position. Discouraged by this check, and by the consideration of
their weakness, the provincials resolved to retreat. The English, on
the contrary, animated by victory, determined to use it with all
promptitude. Having corabined all their divisions at Trois Rivieres,
they proceeded, four days afler the action, towards the Sorel, part by
vhe way of the land, and part uppn the river. They arrived al the
confluence, a few hours after the Americans had destroyed their
batteries, and carried away the artiflery and munitions.
The English generals then formed two columns ; that of the right
was to ascend the St. Lawrence and take possession of Montreal,
pass the river to Longueville, traverse the country which is com
prehended between the St. Lawrence and the Sorel, and re-unite with
the column of the left under fort St. John. The column of the left
was to ascend the river up lo this fort, which il was intended to re
duce by assault, or by siege, if it was necessary. It vvas presumable
that the Americans would endeavor to make a stand there. The
first column soon arrived at Montreal, and entered it without obsta
cle ; Arnold had evacuated it, as well as the whole island, the night
preceding. Meanwhile, Burgoyne advanced by the Sorel with ex
trerae caution ; the country being suspicious, he feared some am
buscade. The Americans retired with an equal circumspection
They wished to avoid an affair of the rear guard, and to save their
baggage, which, conveyed in balteaux) followed upon the river the
progress of the array.
Arnold at length gained Fort St. John, without having been attack
ed, and there effected his junction vvith Sullivan. But this general,
knowing the disadvantage of his position, determined not to risk a
.siege ; he set fire lo the raagazine and barracks, dismantled the forti
fications, and withdrew under the cannon of Crown Point. Bur
goyne could not follow him, all the balteaux having been burnt.
Although-this retreat had not been absolutely exerapt from confu
sion, it was not, however, with the exception of the check of Trois
Rivieres and that of Cedres, attended with any considerable loss
either of men, of arms, of munitions, or of baggage.
In the midst of so many dangers, general Sullivan neglected no
part of his duty ; the congress addressed him public thanks. The
Enghsh found themselves compelled to suspend their pursuit.
By fafling back upon Crown Point, the Americans had interposed
between themselves and the enemy, all the length of Lake Cham
plain, of which a large number of armed vessels rendered them
masters. The English could not hope to proceed further soutii, by
the way of the lake, unless they armed a fleet superior to that of the
provincials. It was necessary, besides, that they should construct a

332 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
great number of balteaux, lo serve for the transport of the troops and
munitions ofa numerous army.
There had arrived from England, it is true, six large armed ves
sels destined for this use ; but the falls of the river Sorel, near Fort
Chambly, rendered their entrance into the lake, if not impossible,
certainly very difficult. The construction of flat boats presented,
also, numerous difficulties, and required a considerable time. Upon
these considerations the English renounced all further pursuit, and
the Americans had leisure to prepare theraselves to resist the future
attacks of a powerful and warlike eneray.
The Americans were thus arrested by an insurraountable obstacle
in this expedition of Canada, from which they had promised them
selves so great advantages. But it should be considered, that either
through inexperience, or from the difficulties which are wont to ac
company new and tumultuary governments, this enterprise was not
commenced until the season was already too far advanced in these
cold regions ; it was not carried on with sufficient forces ; and the
excesses of mUitary license deprived the colonies of the ancient
friendship of the Canadians, which was not only necessary, but even
indispensable to the success of their cause. It is certain, however,
that if this enterprise had been conducted with a prudence and vigor
equal to the boldness which had dictated its plan, or even if destiny
had not cut off the days of Montgoraery at a moment so critical, the
Araericans would have gained the object of all their efforts. But
fortune does not always favor the brave, nor do the brave alwavs
know how to use fortune weU.
This expedition of Canada, raoi-eover, led the government or Brit
ish generals into a signal error with respect to the conduct of all
this war ; to this cause, especially, must be attributed the inutility of
all their efforts against America.
In effect, the invasion of Canada by the Americans, vvas perhaps
the first motive which determined the English ininistry to assemble
so considerable forces in this province, and to divide their army into
two distinct parls, one of which was to descend frora Canada, by
the lakes, into the interior of the colonies, and the other lo attack
thera in front upon the coasts.
It is not iraprobable, that if instead of these two armies, the Eng
Ush had formed but one only, the war would have had a direction,
and perhaps a conclusion, widely different.
The congress decreed, in honor of a man beloved and revered by
the Americans, that there should be procured from Paris a monu
ment, wilh an appropriate inscription, to transmit to posterity the
memory of the virtues and heroic qualities of Richard Montgomery.

BOOK VI. THE -iUaERlCAN WAR. 333
Thus, by the example of those of the dead, they encouraged the
virtues of the living. The authors of revolutions, too often of pref
erence, employ bad citizens, either in consequence of their audacity
in recommending themselves, or because, baving no olher principle
but their personal interest, they are more pliant and more ductile
in the hands of-those vvho govern.
It should be observed, on the contrary, to the glory of the Ameri
can congress, that they sought out and distinguished men of worth.
We dare not affirm that the number of such, in the times of the revo
lution, was more considerable in America than in any other country.
But it does appear, that if therp prevailed araong the Americans of
this epoch, the vices produced by an immoderate love of gain, those
vvere scarcely remarked which have their origin in luxury, depravity
of manners, and the ambition of power. Religion had not yet lost
its authority over their rainds, nor had it become fashionable with
them to offer incense at the altars of vice, or openly to rail at virtue.
It is remarkable that the English manifested no less enthusiasm
than the Americans for the memory of Montgomery.
Within the parliament itself, there were found orators whose elo
quence adjudged hira all the praises with which the historians of an
tiquity have comraeraorated the most illustrious men of their times.
Colonel Barre was particularly remarked for the noble pathos of the
regrets he consecrated to the death of his gallant enemy. Burke and
Fox endeavored to surpass this eulogium in their speeches ; Fox,
especially, who, as yet very young, ah-eady discovered the man he
was afterwards to be. Lord North reprehended thera sharply, ex
claiming, that it was indecent lo lavish so many praises upon a rebel.
He admitted that Montgomery was brave, able, humane, and gene
rous ; but still he was only a brave, able, humane, and generous
rebel ; he cited this verse of Addison in Cato, — ¦' Curse on his
virtues ; they've undone his country.' Fox answered him immedi
ately, wilh warrath, that ' the term " rebel," applied to that excel
lent person, was no certain mark of disgrace, and therefore he was
the. less earnest to clear him of the imputation ; for that all the great
assertors of liberty, the saviors of their country, the benefactors of
mankind, in all ages, had been called rebels ; that they even owed
the constitution, which enabled them to sit in that house, to a re
beUion.' He added this passage from the prince of Latin poets —
Sunt hic etiam sua prseraia laudi,
Sunt lachrymae rerum, et mentem mortalia tangunt.
But it is time to resume the thread of the history. The Ameri
cans found a compensation for the disasters of Canada, in the suc
cess they obtained under the wafls of Charleston, in South Carolina,

334 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VT.
The ministers had resolved to aim a vigorous blow at the southern
provinces, because they had persuaded themselves, and not without
reason, that the friends of England were more nuraerous there than
m those of the north. They had no doubt that they would afl show
themselves so soon as the troops of the king should appear in force
upon the coasts, or should have become possessed of some impor
tant post. They hoped, wilh the succor of the loyalists, to re-estab
lish the ancient order of things in these provinces, and they calcu
lated that thence they might aftervvards attack in flank those of the
middle and nortli ; which, being pressed in the rear, on the part of
Canada, by a strong array, and in front on the part of the sea, by
forces no less formidable, would thus be deprived of all power of
resistance. The ministers already saw America returned to its
ancient submission. They determined to turn their arms at first
against North Carolina, as the weakest part, and to add to this
conquest that of South Carolina and of Virginia, according lo the
success of operations.
For this reason the fleet, having on board the troops destined for
this expedition, had sailed frora the ports of England and Ireland
before the others. General Clinton, who, at the head of another
considerable corps, was lo come from New York to join the new
re-inforcements, was already arrived at Cape Fear, not having been
able lo execute his design of attacking Virginia. But, on the one
hand, the impatience of the loyalists of North Carolina had caused
the miscarriage of the expedition, and their own ruin ; on the other
contrary winds and storms had so retarded beyond all expectation
the passage of the fleet which, under the command of admiral Petei
Parker, was bound for Cape Fear, that it could not reach that point
until long after the calculated term, nor until the loyalists were
already put down, and the inhabitants of the two Carohnas were not
only apprised of the menaced attack, but had even already made all
their preparations for resistance. It is certain that if the loyalists of
North CaroUna had delayed for some time longer to declare them
selves, or if the sea had been more propitious to tbe EngUsh, the
affairs of congress miglit have taken a disastrous direction in the
soulh. The squadron of admiral Parker arrived at Cape Fear
about the beginning of May, vvith raany land troops, and vvith gene
rals Cornwallis, Vaughan, and several others. Here they made
iheir junction wilh general Clinton, who, from seniority, took the
command in chief.
The obstinate resistance of the Virginians, and the disasters of
the paitisans of England in North Carolina, precluded all hope of
success in these two provinces ; there remained therefore no other

BOOK VI. THE AWRRIOAN WAR. 335
advisaole procedure but that of turning against Soulh CaroUna;
which expedition offered also this advantage, that the reduction of
Charleston secured the conquest of the entire province.
Its inhabitants, struck with consternation at the loss of their capi
tal, would never even think of attempting to defend an open country,
exposed to the inroads of an active and disciplined enemy. Nor
could the taking of Charleston be considered a difficult operation,
this city being situated upon the very coast.
The plan being decided, the English prepared themselves for the
execution. But the Carolinians had neglected nothing lo secure
themselves the means of defending their province, and particularly
their capital. The chiefs of the people, as we have alreadi related,
had taken particular care to fortify Sullivan's Island, situated on the
part of the sea, at the distance of six railes from the point of land
formed by the confluence of the two rivers, Ashley and Cooper, and
upon which the city of Charleston is buflt. This island so coraraands
the channel vvhich leads to tbe port, that the vessels which would
enter it must pass under the cannon of fort Moultrie. It had recently
been armed wilh thirty-six pieces of heavy cannon, and twenty-
six of inferior caliber. The fort itself was constructed of a species
of wood of the country, which the inhabitants denominated Palmet
to, and is so spongy and soft, that the baU is deprived by it of its
impetus, and lodges within it without causing splinters. The mili
tia of all the province were called in haste to the defense of the
city. In the space of a few days the garrison amounted to six thou
sand raen, if not perfectly disciplined, at least full of ardor.
The regiment on pay, of South Carolina, was sent to guard fort
.lohnson, situated in James Island, three miles from Charleston, and
which coraraanded the whole breadth of the channel.
The second and third regiraents occupied Sullivan's Island. Wil
liam Moultrie, who comraanded the second regiment, was charged
with the defense of the fort, which afterwards, frora his gallant
defense of it, was called by his name. The rest of the troops were
distributed in the most important posts ; the roads which led to the
sea were obstructed by abatlis, the warehouses of the coast demol
ished, and intrenehments erected upon the shore.
There was not. an inhabitant vvho had not in hand either arms or
the spade, or the pick-axe. The blacks, who had been called in
from the country, admirably seconded the whites in all the labors of
fortification. The chief coramand belonged lo general I-ee, who
possessed the entire confidence of the troops and of the people ;
none rivaled him in devotion lo the common cause. The hatred
he had long borne towards the English government, the love of

336 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
glory, and the desire of answering the universal expectation, contin
ually excited his natural ardor. Rutledge, a raan of great influence
in the province, also manifested the most active zeal in animating
the inhabitants lo defend themselves. His example and his exhor
tations obtained the most happy results. Every one was at his post,
expecting the enemy with intrepid confidence. Meanwhile, the
British fleet appeared, and cast anchor lo the north of Sullivan's
Island. The ships of war vvere the Bristol and Experiment, of fifty guns;
four frigates, the Active, the Acteon, the Solebay, and the Syren, of
twenty-eight ; the Sphynx of twenty, the Friendship of twenty-two,
two smaller vessels of eight, and the Thunder, a bomb-ketch.
It was very difficult, especially for the large ships, to pass the bar
which is found at the entrance of the channel of Charleston.
It was not without extreme fatigue that the English succeeded in
crossing it with the Bristol and Experiment, even afler they had
lightened them of their artillery and a great part of their lading.
They struck, and it vvas Ihoughl they wouhi bilge immediately ; but
the skill of the officers and the efforts of the sailors at length pre
served them. The intention of the English vvas lo reduce fort
Moultrie, in order, afterwards, lo attack the city without obstacle,
General Clinton issued a proclamation, which he sent inlo the city
by a flag ; he therein reminded the inhabitants of the subversion of
all laws, of the tyranny established in the hands of the congress, the
committees, and other unconstitutional authorities ; he gave them a
last admonition, before proceeding to extremities ; he exhorted them
to avert frora their heads, by a prompt return to obedience, the ven
geance of a powerful and irritated nation. He offered pardon, at
the sarae tirae, to all those who should lay down arras and submit
immediately. This suraraons produced no effect whatever.
The English generals had arranged their attack in the following
manner. The ships were to cannonade fort Moultrie in front, while
a corps of troops landed for this purpose in Long Island, lo the east
of Sullivan's Island, should cross the narrow arm of the sea that
separates thera, and which was believed fordable. This corps would
then have pressed the fort on the part of the land, which was much
less strongly fortified. This plan offered them so fair a prospect of
success, that general Lee himself, having doubts whether the fort
could be defended, recomraended that it should be evacuated, and
that afl efforts should be conceiilrated for the defense of the city.
But the inhabitants, who dreaded bombs out of measure, resolved
lo attempt, by all means, the defense of the fort.

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 337
All the preparations being completed on the one part, and on the
other, on the morning of the twenty-eighth of June, the ketch Thun
der, protected by another armed vessel, took post, and began to
throw bombs into fort Moultrie, whUe the rest of the squadron
advanced. About eleven o'clock, the Bristol, the Experiment, the Active, and
the Solebay, having formed in hne, opened a violent fire against the
fort. The Sphynx, the Acteon, and the Syren, went to take their
station to the west, between the point of SuUivan's Island and the
city, partly to be able lo sweep the interior of the works, and partly
to intercept all communication between the island and the main land,
which would deprive the garrison of the means of retreat, prevent
them from receiving succors of men and of munitions, and prohibit
the Carolinians from annoying the besiegers by fire ships or other
engines of war. The unskiUfulness of the pilots caused the miscar
riage of these dispositions : the three vessels struck upon a bank
naraed the Middle Grounds ; two of Ihem, by the exertions of the
mariners, were again sel afloat, but not without having received consi d-
erable damage. Whether on account of the hour, already become
late, or in consequence of this damage, they were no longer in a
situation lo execute the orders of the captains. As to the Acteon,
«!he was totally stranded, and, the next morning, burned. During
this time, the first four vessels had kept up a furious cannonade
against the fort, vvhich was returned with equal vivacity. The
Thunder, after having discharged i^pwards of sixty bombs, found
herself so disabled, that she discontinued her fire ; but the others
.maintained it ; and if the attack was vigorous, the defense was not
feeble. The English themselves were constrained to adraire the
intrepidity of the Americans in so hot an action.
The garrison of the fort, which consisted only in militia and a few
soldiers of the Une, displayed an incredible coolness and gallantry,
in the service of their artillery, in the midst of the tempest of balls
which was hailed upon them by the enemy's squadron. The Ameri
cans aimed with an extreme precision. The English ships suffered
excessively ; and their loss in men was not inconsiderable. The
Bristol, especiaUy, being damaged in all her rigging, was for some
time so exposed to the fire of the batteries, that she narrowly escaped
being sunk. Captain Morris, who commaHded the Acteon, had
already received several wounds, and the greater part of his men
were killed ; lefl almost alone upon the deck, he refused to be carried
below, until a ball took off one of his legs, and then was removed
without hope of life. The admiral himself, Peter Parker, received
a severe contusion.
VOL. 1. 22

338 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
Lord Campbell, vvho a little before was governor of the province
was mortally wounded.
The loss of the garrison was very inconsiderable ; nevertheless
their fire slackened, and at length ceased altogether. Their ammuni
tion was exhausted, and the English considered their victory as
already secure. But the Americans soon succored the fort, and the
cannonade was renewed wilh the same fury as al first. Il continued
till seven o'clock in the evening.
The English then perceiving the inutility of their attack, and the
deplorable state of their vessels, and not seeing the corps make its
appearance which was to have come up on the part of Long Island,
determined to abandon the enterprise.
Generals Clinton and Cornwallis would have crossed the arm of
the sea which separates the two neighboring islands, in order to at
tack fort Moultrie on the land side, as it had been concerted, but the
water was found too deep, and the ford impracticable ; this, at least,
they aUedged. On the other hand, even though they should have
succeeded in surmounting these obstacles, it is probable they vvould
nave found others more formidable still upon the shores of Sullivan's
Island . Colonel Thompson, at the head of three hundred grenadiers
of his regiraent ; colonel Clark, with two hundred soldiers of North
Carolina ; colonel Horry, followed by two hundred militia men of
South CaroUna, and Racoon's corapany of rifleraen, wilh some pieces
of ailillery, had occupied the posts situated at the eastern extremity
of the island. It is, Iherefore, credible, that it vvas more the prepa
rations of defense made by the Americans, than the difficulty of the
ford, which prevented the English generals from attempting the pas
sage. Can il be supposed that officers, so experienced, should have
continued nine vvhole days on Long Island without having caused the
depth of the waters lo be sounded, and ascertaining long before the
time of the action, whether they were fordable or not ?
It appears equaUy difficult to comprehend how, afler having dis
covered either that the ford vvas impracticable, or the position of the
Americans impregnable, the English should have remained inactive
on Long Island, instead of endeavoring to land upon some other
part of Sullivan's Island by means of the boats they had assembled.
This circumstance presents several points which it is impossible to
explain. However it may be, the English retired during the night,
and the following morning their ships were already at the distance of
two miles from the island. A fe'V days a.fter, having re-embarked
their troops, they made sail for New York, where the army, increased
by all the re-inforcements it had received from England, expected
general Howe.

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 339
Such was the issue of the attack of fort Moulliie by the English.
It placed the affairs of South Carolina, for the present, in a state
of security. The fort itself received little injury, either because
the balls of the enemy passed above it, or because the spongy wood,
of which it was constructed, dirainished their effect.
This battle vvas remarkable on the side of the Americans, for some
of those traits of obstinate courage, which are the usual result of the
fermentation of minds in the midst of political revolutions. Among
others, it is recorded, that a sergeant of grenadiers, named Jasper,
on seeing the staff of the American standard cut hy a ball, sprung
after it to the ground, and fastened il to the rammer of a cannon ;
then mounting upon the parapet, hoisted il anew in the midst of the
most violent fire of the enemy. President Rutledge presented him
with a sword, complimenting him highly and publicly.
Sergeant Macdonald, mortally wounded, and upon the point of
expiring, continued to encourage his soldiers in the defense of coun
try and of liberty. These examples of intrepidity vvere the subject
of greal encomium in all the journals, and in all assembhes, both
public and private.
These happy successes inflaraed the rainds of the Americans witn
new ardor. The event having demonstrated of what importance
was fort Moultrie, and on the other hand, how difficult il was lo
throw succors inlo it by way of tbe sea, it was resolved to unite Sul
livan's Island to the continent by a bridge. This important work,
notwithstanding all the obstacles it presented, was executed by gene
ral Gadsden, a zealous patriot, and one of the most distinguished
men of the province. The congress, by a special decree, voted theii
thanks to major-general Lee, to colonel Moultrie, to colonel Thomp
son, and to all the officers and soldiers who had displayed equal
courage and patriotism in this memorable defense.
¦ At this epoch, America was found in a strange situation, and
actuaUy unheard of till then. The war she had carried on with so
much vigor, now, for more than a year, was directed against a king
to whom, she incessantly renewed her protestations of obedience ;
and the same men, who committed all the acts of rebelhon, would
by no means be called rebels. In all the tribunals, justice was stiU
administered in the name of the king ; and in the churches, prayers
were continually repeated for the preservation and happiness of that
prince, whose authority was not only entirely rejected, but also fought
agamst with incredible obstinacy. It was declared to be the gene
ral wish to resume the ancient connection, to re-establish the origirial
form of the royal government, whereas, in reality, the republican sys
tem had been long since introduced. A desire was pretended to

340 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI
arrive at one object, while all those means were resorted to which led
lo another aosolutely opposite ; in effect, in no revolution of state
has there ever been observed so much incongruity between words
and actions.
Such a state of things could not have duration ; if the vulgar per
suaded themselves that force of arras would reduce the government
lo bend before their will, enlightened citizens perceived, distinctly,
that the wound was becorae incurable ; and that it was hoped, in
vain, lo see the restoration of ancient ties between the colonies and
the parent state. They well knew that the obstinacy of the British
government was the fruit of pride, and that whatever successes the
Americans might obtain in the course of the war, they could never
be of such a nature as to alarm this governraent for its own exist
ence ; the only extremity, however, that would be capable of in
ducing il to listen to a negotiation of accord.
The Americans could wage only a defensive war ; and even sup
posing they should vanquish the armies of Great Britain, she would
always be able to renew the conflict. On the other hand, the mere
loss of coramerce with America, vvould not suffice to determine the
government to accede lo the conditions of the colonists, since aU the
other parts of the globe were open to it. Besides, great naval forces
being the surest guaranty of the safety of commerce, that nation,
whose marine shall have acquired an acknowledged superiority, wUI
see its commerce increase and flourish under the protection of its
flag. Nor should it be omitted, that however the principle of the
quarrel seemed to consist in a struggle between limited monarchy
and absolute monarchy, il now existed, in fact, only between the
monarchy and the republic. The Americans, therefore, could have
no other prospect but of entire liberty and independence ; or of
total dependence and servitude.
In this state of things, there was not a man endowed with pene
tration and experience, vvho did not perceive that an open and sol
emn declaration of the object il was desired to attain was the wisest,
and even the only resolution the Americans could adopt. Their
situation vvas not rendered by it more critical ; it even oflered im
mediate advantages, and still greater in perspective. Their counsels
would thus acquire more firmness, a point essential to the success of
such an enterprise, and foreign succors would become more easily
attainable. It might then be believed that the colonists, afler hav
ing solemnly proclaimed their independence, would combat to the
last in its defense.
The apprehension of a sudden reconciliation no longer restrain
ing foreign powers, they might openly succor them. .And perhaps

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR .34)
the pride of England would be less hurt, in case of reverse, at ne
gotiating wilh the Americans as witii an independent nation, than
in submitting to the conditions which had been the first occasion of
the quarrel ; for war can have no result more bitter than that of com
pelling him that has waged it lo give up to his enemy the very object
in dispute. The course, therefore, which the Americans had to pur
sue, was no longer doubtful, and the congress was not slow to per
ceive it. If the resolution was urgent, it could never be taken in
circumstances raore propitious, or under auspices raore favorable.
The success of the arms of the patriots in Massachusetts, Virginia
and Soulh Carolina, provinces of such chief importance ; the pros
perity of their first maritime enterprises ; and the multitude of
prizes taken from the enemy by their privateers, inspired a well
grounded hope, that whatever should be decreed by the congress
would have the concurrence of all America. The terror of the
English arms had diminished in the rainds of all, in proportion to
the increase of confidence in the national forces ; the union of the
different provinces became more intimate ; the ill success of the loy
alists, in their first attempts, had discouraged them, and caused them
to be looked upon by the patriots as enemies little lo be feared.
But if this parly was impotent in arras, they neglected not to resort
to plots, the iraraediate effect of which was to redouble the animosi
ty of the patriots against a government, that, not content, as they
said, with employing force, also hired incendiaries and assassins to
practice their horrible arts -against innocent cities, and the most vir
tuous citizens.
Certain loyalists of New York, gained and instigated, as it was
rumored, by governor Tryon, had formed a conspiracy, the object
of which was to arrest, and perhaps to murder, general Washington
and the other principal officers ; to set fire to the magazines, and to
occupy all the avenues of the city at the moment when the British
troops, that were expected, should have presented themselves before
it. The plot having been discovered, raany individuals, who had
been concerned in il, were seized ; araong others, two of the gene
ral's guards, and his steward himself; some were executed.
The horrible project of setling fire to so considerable a city, and
attempting the life of a man to whom the people bore so much rev
erence and love, transported the patriots with indignation. They
demanded, with loud cries, to be liberated forever frora the power
of a government which, according to the general opinion, gave wages
lo such infamous assassins. England herself, by her public acts,
precipitated the moment of this total separation.
The discourse held by the king to the parliament had persuaded

342 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI
the Americans that nothing would be remitted of the measures or
rigor adopted against them, and consequentiy tiiat their preparations
of war could not be loo formidable.
Tbe discussions and decisions of parliament disclosed lo tUem the
impotence of those who attempted to defend their cause. But the
act of the fifteenth of May, which abandoned American property,
private as well as public, to those who could find the way to seize
it, had thoroughly apprised the colonists that il was resolved not only
to exercise against thera the extremes of hostility, but that U was
intended to violate, with respect lo them, all the principles of those
laws which, among civilized nations, still plead for humanity even
in the midst of carnage and devastation. In a word, they no longer
doubled but that the English ministry vvas determined lo organize
against them a system of piracy and robbery. No foreign nation,
when their enemy, had ever perpetrated such excesses ; much less
could they endure them on the part of their ovvn feUow citizens.
But was it possible still lo give this name to enemies who no longer
observed any measure ? Affection, which has its source in the ties
of blood and politica] union, can no longer exist, when not only the
laws in use among friendly nations, but even usages respected by
civilized people in the midst of the most cruel discords, have been
trampled under foot. And if the English resolved to wage a war of
barbarians against America, the least that could follow was, that the
latter should view thera as foreigners.
The resolution taken by England lo eraploy, and send against the
Americans, the mercenary troops of Germany, whom the colonists
looked upon as men devoid of all humaniiy, had produced the most
violent impression upon their minds. From this moraent they ab
jured all sentiment of consanguinity towards a people who sent
against their children such cruel executors of their will. ' Behold,
then,' they cried, ' the ministers of peace, the negotiators that Eng
land sends us ! the soldiers of the princes of Hesse, of Brunswick
and of Waldeck ! The devastations, the massacres, the implacable
fury of these hireling Germans, the horrible barbarities of the Indian
savages, such are the instruments then British government employs
to vanquish our constancy, and subject us anew to its yoke ! The
English arm foreigners against us ; then let us combat the English
themselves, as if they vvere foreigners. Their laws, no less cruel
than their soldiers, have severed all our ties ; have despoiled us even
of the hope to re-unite them ; wherefore, then, do we still hesitate
to adopt a resolution, which, if at first it appeared to us painful and
prejudicial, every thing now demonstrates to be useful and even
necessary !'

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 343
It is certain, that the very measures from which the ministers ex
pected the return of the Americans to submission, served but to
redouble their obstinacy, and furnished new arms to the congress,
and to all the partisans of independence.
Even the greater part of those who had professed contrary opin
ions, were seen to join with them, or at least to manifest an extreme
indifference for the interests of England. Her enemies increased
every day in number and hardiness ; and every day her friends lost
their influence and their zeal — a memorable example for those
who, in their blind precipitation, imagine that measures proper to di
vide men, and to arm thera against one another when they are cool,
will produce the same effect when they are animated by some vio
lent passion ! Then what should appease, irritates ; what sliould
intimidate, encourages ; and what should divide, assembles and unites.
The desire of independence insir7'iated itself Uttle by Uttle into the
minds of all. In public, pai-ticularly, the harangues had no olher
object ; the general attention was fixed upon events. At this epoch
appeared a writing entitled Common Sense ; it vvas the production
of Thoraas Paine, born in England, and arrived not long before in
Araerica. No writer, perhaps, ever possessed, in a higher degree,
the art of moving and guiding the multitude at his will. It may be
affirraed, in effect, that this work was one of the most powerful in
struments of American independence.
The author endeavored, with very plausible arguments, to demon
strate that the opposition of parlies, the diversity of interest, the
arrogance of the British government, and its ardent thirst of ven
geance, rendered all reconciUatlon impossible. On the other hand,
he enlarged upon the necessity, utiUty, and possibiUty of indepen
dence. He omitted not lo sprinkle his pamphlet with declamations calcu
lated to render monarchy odious to the people, and to inspire them
with the desire of a repubUc. The excellency of the English con
stitution had never till then been called in question ; Paine criticised
it very freely in the part which relates to the royal povver ; but
praised its other institutions. He painted all the calamities vvhich
had weighed upon England, notwilLstanding the much extolled
goodness of its constitution, especially since the re-establishment
of monarchy ; thence he inferred that it contained some essential
vice which opposed the happiness of the people ; and this lurking
defect he affirmed was royalty.
To this he attributed intestine discords, and the frequency of
foreign wars ; he congratulated the Americans that Heaven had
olaced it in their power to create a constitution that should embrace

344 THE AMERICAN WAK. BOOK VI.
aU the excellencies of that of England without any of its defects ;
and thus, again, he intimated the exclusion of royalty. The success
of this writing of Paine cannot be described.
The vehemence of opinion redoubled in the minds of aU ; even
loyalists were seen to declare for liberty ; an unanimous cry arose
for independence.
The congress determined lo seize the opportunity. But to pro
ceed with prudence, they wished first to sound the minds of the
people by passing a resolution, which, if it was not independence
itself, evidently led to it. They intended to observe its effects, m
order to govern their subsequent conduct accordingly. They de
creed, that whereas the British king, in conjunction with the lords
and commons of Great Britain, had, by the late acts of parliament,
excluded the united colonies from the protection of his crown ; and
whereas no answer had been, or probably vvould be, given lo their
humble petitions for the repeal of the obnoxious laws, and for a recon
cihation with Greal Britain ; that, on the contrary, all the force of
that realm, with the aid of mercenary foreigners, was to be employed
for the destruction of the good people of the colonies ; and finaUy,
whereas it is contrary to sound reason, and to the consciences of this
people, to take the oaths and make the engagements necessary lo the
assumption and exercise of offices under the crown of Greal Britain ;
and il is necessary that the exercise of every authority, proceeding
from the said crown, should be totally annulled, and all the powers
of government exercised under the authority of the good people of
the colonies ; and this in order to maintain internal peace, good mor
als, and public order, as well as to defend their lives, liberty, and prop
erty, from the assaulls and cruel rapine of their enemies ; therefore
it was recommended to the respective assemblies and conventions of
the united colonies, where no government suited to the exigency of
affairs had till then been constituted, that they should establish such
governments, as, according lo the opinion of the representatives of
the people, should be most conducive to the happiness and security
cf their constituents, and of America in general. This resolution of
congress, being rapidly notified to all the colonies, encountered among
them, respectively, a diflerent reception. Some had already antici
pated il, and, assuming the powers of govemment, had created insti
tutions independent of the crown, and these no longer temporary,
as al first, but stable, and subject to no liraitation of time or of con
dition. Thus Virginia and South Carolina had proceeded. Connec
ticut and Rhode Island needed no change ; since there, from the
earliest limes, every authority originated in the people, by whora aU
public officers were chosen, as well those to whom were intrusted

BOOR VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 345
the legislative, as those vvho exercised the executive powers. Mary
land, Pennsylvania and New York, hesitated ; but at length yielded
to the necessity of the limes. Thus the people of the colonies set
about framing new constitutions ; but, wilh the exception of the parts
which relate to regal authority, aU preserved those forms which aie
peculiar and appropriate to the English constitulion.
The three powers, legislative, executive and judiciary, were care
fully separated from each other ; and great jealousy was manifested
of the executive.
In sorae colonies, the legislature was divided into two branches ; in
others it formed but one corps ; but in all, those vvho held offices of
trust or power under the executive were excluded. The judges
were paid either by the legislature or by the executive. In some their
tenure of office was for a limited period, in others during good beha
vior. The governors were elected for a longer or shorter term of
time, according to the greater or less jealousy of the people. In
sorae colonies they possessed the right of veto ; in others not. Here
the governor was raade responsible for all his acts, there for none,
because he vvas subject lo the decisions of an executive councfl. In
all these deliberations, so iraportant to the happiness of the united
colonies, no threats, discord, or reproaches, vvere heard ; and it ap
peared as if all, laying aside arabition, aspired to nolhing but the
prosperity and liberty of their country — a memorable example of
prudence, moderation, and concord ! Let other nations reflect on
this, and blush, for having acted in all tiraes so diflerently from the
Americans ; if, indeed, corruption of morals has left still the power
of blushing to those who rush from conflicts of opinion to discord,
and from discord to the effusion of blood.
The congress had found all minds disposed to adopt the resolution
they meditated ; but to accomphsh the work they had commenced,
it was requisite that they should be formally authorized by the col
onies lo proclaim independence.
This great business was conducted with so much prudence, and
the people were so much incUned lo favor the design, that the greater
part of the provincial assemblies invested their representatives in
congress with full powers to carry it into effect. Some also author
ized them to conclude aUiances wilh foreign princes. Pennsylvania
and Maryland alone remained in opposition.
Such was the state of things, when, in the silting of congress of
the eighth of June, a motion having been made to declare indepen
dence, Richard Henry Lee, one of the deputies from Virginia, spoke
as follows, and was heard with profound attention :
' I know not whether, among all the civil discords which have been

346 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
recorded by historians, and which have been excited either by the
love of liberty in the people, or by the arabition of princes, there has
ever been presented a deliberation more interesting or more impor
tant than that which now engages our attention ; whether we con
sider the future destiny of this free and virtuous people, or that of
our enemies themselves, who, notwithstanding their tyranny and this
cruel war, are stifl our brethren, and descended from a common
stock ; or finally, that of the other nations of the globe, whose eyes
are intent upon this great spectacle, and who anticipate from our
success more freedom for themselves, or from our defeat apprehend
heavier chains and a severer bondage. For the question is not
whether we shaU acquire an increase of territorial dorainion, or wick
edly wrest from others their just possessions ; but whether we shaU
preserve, or lose forever, that liberty which we have inherited from
our ancestors, which we have pursued across tempestuous seas, and
vvhich we have defended in this land against barbarous men, fero
cious beasts, and an inclement sky. And if so many and distinguish
ed praises have always been lavished upon the generous defenders of
Greek and of Roman liberty, what will be said of us, who defend a
liberty which is founded not upon the capricious wUl of an unstable
multitude, but upon imrautable statutes and tutelary laws ; not that
which was the exclusive privUege of a few patricians, but thatwhich
is the property of all ; not that which was stained by iniquitous os-
iracisms, or the horrible decimation of arraies, but that which is
pure, teraperate, and gentle, and conformed to the civilization of the
present age. Why then do we longer procrastinate, and wherefore
are these delays ? Let us complet-", the enterprise already so wefl
commenced ; and since our union wilh England can no longer con
sist vvith that liberty and peace which are our chief deUght, let us
dissolve these fatal ties, and conquer forever that good vvhich we
already enjoy ; an entire and absolute independence.
' But ought I not to begin by observing, that if we have reached
that violent extremity, beyond which nothing can any longer exist
between America and England, but either such war or such peace
as are made between foreign nations, this can only l.e imputed to the
insatiable cupidity, the tyrannical proceedings, and the outrages, for
ten years reiterated, of the British rainisters ? What have we not
done to restore peace, lo re-establish harraony ? Who has not heard
our prayers, and who is ignorant of our supplications ? They have
wearied the universe. England alone vvas deaf to our complaints,
and wanted that compassion towards us which we have found among
all other nations. And as at first our forbearance, and then our re
sistance, have proved eauallv insuffieient. since our pra/ers vvere un-

BOOK VI. TriE AMERICAN WAR. 347'
availing, as weU as the blood lately shed , we must go further, and
proclaim our independence. Nor let any one beUeve that vve have
any other option left. The time will certainly corae when the fated
separation must take place, whether you wiU or no ; for so it is decreed
by the very nature of things, the progressive increase of our population,
the tertUity of our soil, the extent of our territory, the industry of our
countrymen, and the immensity of the ocean which separates the two
slates. And if this be true, as il is most true, who does not see that
the sooner it lakes place the better ; and that il would be not only
imprudent, but the height of folly, not to seize the present occasion,
when British injustice has filled all hearts with indignation, inspired
all minds with courage, united all opinions in one, and put arms in
every hand ? And how long must we traverse three thousand miles
of a stormy sea, lo go and soUcit of arrogant and insolent men^ either
counsels or commands to regulate our domestic affairs ? Does il not
become a great, rich, and powerful nation, as we are, lo look at home,
and not abroad, for the government of its own concerns ? And
how can a rainistry of strangers judge, wilh any discernraent, of our
interests, when they know not, and when it little imports them to
know, what is good for us, and what is not ? The past justice of the
British rainisters should warn us against the future, if they should
ever seize us again in their cruel claws. Since il has pleased our
barbarous eneraies to place before us the alternative of slavery or of
independence, where is the generous minded man and the lover of
his country, who can hesitate lo choose ? With these perfidious men
no promise is secure, no pledges sacred. Let us suppose, vvhich
Heaven avert, that we are conquered ; let us suppose an accommoda
tion. What assurance have we of the British moderation in victory
or good failh in treaty ? Is it their having enlisted and let loose
against us the ferocious Indians, and the merciless soldiers of Gerraa
ny ? Is il that failh, so often pledged and so oflen violated in the course
of the present contest ; this British failh, which is reputed raore false
than Punic ? We ought rather to expect, that when we shall have
falleh naked and unarraed into their hands, they will wreak upon us
their fury and their vengeance ; they wiU load us with heavier chains,
in order to deprive us not only of the power, but even of the hope
of again recovering our liberty. But I am willing to admit, although
il is a thing without example, that ihe British government will forget
past offenses and perform its promises; can we imagine, that afler so
long dissensions, after so many outrages, so many combats, and so
much bloodshed, our reconciliation could be durable, and that every
day, in the midst of so much haired and rancor, would not afford
some fresh subject of animosity ? The two nations are already sep-

348 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI
arated in interest and affections ; the one is conscious of its ancient
strength, tne other has become acquainted wilh its newly exerted
force ; the one desires to rule in an arbitrary manner, the olher wiU
not obey even if allowed its privileges. In such a state of things,
what peace, what concord, can be expected ? The Americans may
becorae faithful friends lo the English, but subjects, never. And
even though union could be restored without rancor, it could not
without danger. The wealth and power of Great Britain should in
spire prudent raen with fears for the future. Having reached such
a height of grandeur that she has no longer any thing to dread from
foreign powers, in the security of peace the spirit of her people wfll
decay, manners wifl be corrupted, her youth wifl grow up in the
midst of vice, and in this state of degeneration, England wUI become
the prey of a foreign enemy, or an ambitious citizen. If we remain
united with her, we shall partake of her corruptions and misfor
tunes, the more to be dreaded as they will be irreparable ; separated
frora her, on the contrary, as we are, we should neither have to fear
the seductions of peace nor the dangers of war. By a declaration
of our freedora, the perUs would not be increased ; but we should
add to the ardor of our defenders, and to the splendor of victory
Let us then lake a firra step, and escape from this labyrinth ; we
have assuraed the sovereign power, and dare not confess it ; we dis
obey a king, and acknowledge ourselves his subjects ; wage war
against a people, on whora vve incessantly protest our desire to de
pend. What is the consequence of so many inconsistencies ? Hesi
tation paralyzes all our measures ; the way we ought lo pursue, is
not marked out ; our generals are neither respected nor obeyed , our
soldiers have neither confidence nor zeal ; feeble al home, and littie
considered abroad, foreign princes can neither esteem nor succor so
timid and wavering a people. But independence once proclaimed,
and our object avowed, more manly and decided raeasures will be
adopted ; ail minds will be fired by the greatness of the enterprise,
the civil magistrates wUl be inspired with new zeal, the generals with
fresh ardor, and the citizens wilh greater constancy, to attain so high
and so glorious a destiny. There are some vvho seem to dread the
effects of this resoiution. But wiU England, or can she, manifest
against us greater vigor and rage than she has already displayed ?
She deems resistance against oppression no less rebellion than inde
pendence itself. And where are those formidable troops that are
to subdue the Americans ? What the English could not do, can it
be done by Germans ? Are they more brave, or better disciplined?
The nuraber of our enemies is increased : but our own is not dimin
ished, and the battles we have sustained have given us the practice

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 349
of arms and the experience of war. Who doubts, then, that a decla
ration of independence will procure us allies ? All nations are de
sirous of procuring, by commerce, the productions of our exuberant
soil; they wiU visit our ports, hitherto closed by the monopoly of
insatiable England. They are no less eager to contemplate the re
duction of her haled power ; they all loathe her barbarous dorainion ,
their succors will evince to our brave countryraen the gratitude they
bear them for having been the first to shake the foundations of this
Colossus. Foreign princes wait only for the extinction of all hazard
of reconciliation, to throw off their present reserve. If this raeasure
is useful, it is no less becoming our dignity. America has arrived at
a degree of power which assigns her a place among independent na
tions ; we are not less entitled to it than the English themselves. If
they have wealth, so also have we ; if they are brave, so are we ; if
they are more numerous, our population, through the incredible fruit
fulness of our chaste wives, will soon equal theirs ; if they have men
of renown as well in peace as in war, we likewise have such ; polili
cal revolutions usually produce great, brave, and generous spirits.
From what we have already achieved in these painful beginnings, it
is easy to presume what we shall hereafter accomplish ; for experi
ence is the source of sage counsels, and liberty is the mother of great
men. Have you not seen the enemy driven from Lexington by thir
ty thousand citizens arraed and assembled in one day? Already
their most celebrated generals have yielded in Boston to the skill of
ours ; already their seamen, repulsed from our coasts, wander over the
ocean, wfiere they are the sport of tempest, and the prey of famine.
Let us hail the favorable omen, and fight not for the sake of know
ing on what terms we are to be the slaves of England, but to secure
to ourselves a free existence, to found a just and independent govern
ment. Animated by liberty, the Greeks repulsed the innuraerable
army of Persians ; sustained by the love of independence, the Swiss
and the Dutch humbled the power of Austria by memorable defeats,
and conquered a rank among nations. But the sun of America also
shines upon the heads of the brave ; the point of our weapons is no
less formidable than theirs ; here also the same union prevails, the
same contempt of dangers and of death in asserting the cause of
country. ' Why then do we longer delay, why still deliberate ? Let this
most happy day give birth to the American republic. Let her arise,
not to devastate and conquer, but to re-establish the reign of peace
and of the laws. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us ; she de
mands of us a living example of freedora, that raay contrast, by the
felicity of the citizens, with the ever increasing tyranny which deso-

350 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI,
latcs her polluted shores. She invites us to prepare an asylum where
tiic unhappy raay find solace, and the persecuted, repose. She en
treats us to cultivate a propitious soil, where that generous plant
which first sprung up and grew in England, but is now withered by
the poisonous blasts of Scottish tyranny, raay revive and flourish,
sheltering under its salubrious and interminable shade all the unfor-
tunate of the human race. This is the end presaged by so many
omens, by our first victories, by the present ardor and union, by the
flight of Howe, and the pestilence which broke out araong Dun
more's people, by the very winds which baffled the enemy's fleets
and transports, and that terrible tempest which ingulfed seven hun
dred vessels upon the coasts of Newfoundland. If we are not this
day wanting in our duty to country, the naraes of the American
legislators will be placed, by posterity, at the side of those of The
seus, of Lycurgus, of Romulus, of Nuraa, of the three Williams of
Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been, and will be, for
ever dear to virtuous raen and good citizens.'
Lee had scarcely ceased speaking, when no dubious signs of ap
probation vvere manifested on all parts. But the deputies of Penn
sylvania and Maryland not being present, and the congress desirous,
by some delay, to evidence the raaturity of their deliberations, ad
journed the further consideration of the subject to the first of July.
Meanwhile, the patriots labored strenuously to induce the two dis
senting provinces also to decide for independence. They employed
the raost earnest persuasions, to vvhich they added also threats, inti
mating that not only would the other colonies exclude them from the
confederation, but that they would immediately treat thera as ene
mies. The provincial asserably of Pennsylvania reraained inflexible.
At length, the inhabitants of Pennsylvania formed a convention, in
which the debates and disputes upon the question of independence
were many and vehement.
John Dickinson, one of the deputies of the province to the gene
ral congress, a raan of prompt genius, of extensive influence, and
one of the most zealous partisans of American liberty, restricted,
howeverr, to the condition of union with England, harangued, it is
said, in the foUowing raanner against independence.
' It too often happens, fellow-citizens, that raen, healed by the
spirit of party, give more importance in their discourses to the sur
face and appearance of objects, than either to reason or justice;
thus evincing that their aira is not to appease turaults, but to excite
thera ; not to repress the patsions, but lo inflame them ; not lo com
pose ferocious discords, but to exasperate and embitter them more
and more. They aspire but to please the powerful, to gratify their

BOOK Vt. THE AMERICAN WAR 351
own ambition, to flatter the caprices of the multitude, ii order to
captivate their favor. Accordingly, in popular commotions, the par
ty of wisdom and of equity is commonly found in the minority ; and
perhaps it would be safer, in difficult circurastances, to consult the
smaller instead of the greater number. Upon this principle I invite
the attention of those who hear me, since my opinion raay differ
from that of the majority ; but I dare believe it vvUl be shared by all
impartial and moderate citizens, who condemn this tumultuous pro
ceeding, this attempt to coerce our opinions, and to drag us with so
much precipitation to the most serious and important of decisions.
But coming to the subject in controversy, I affirm, that prudent men
do not abandon objects which are certain, lo go in pursuit of those
vvhich offer only uncertainty. Now it is an estabhshed fact, that
America can be well and happily governed by the English laws,
under the same king, and the same parliament. Two hundred years
of happiness furnish the proof of it ; and we find it also in the pres
ent prosperity vvhich is the result of these venerable laws and of this
ancient union. It is not as ihdependent, but as subjects ; not as
republic, but as monarchy ; that we have arrived at this degree of
power and of greatness.
' What then is the object of these chimeras hatched in the days
of discord and war ? Shall the transports of fury have more power
over us than the experience of ages ? Shall we destroy, in a moment
of anger, the work cemented and tested by lime ?
' I know the narae of liberty is dear to each one of us ; but have
we not enjoyed liberty even under the English raonarchy ? Shall
we this day renounce that, to go and seek it in I know not what
forra of republic, which will soon change into a licentious anarchy
and popular tyranny ? In the human body the head only sustains
and governs all the members, directing them, vvith admirable harmo
ny, to the same object, vvhich is self-preservation and happiness ; so
the head of the body politic, that is, the king in concert with the par
hament, can alone maintain the union ofthe raembers of this erapire,
lately so flourishing, and prevent civil war by obviating all the evils
produced by variety of opinion and diversity of interests. And so
firm is my persuasion of this, that I fuUy believe the most cruel war
which Great Britain could make upon us, would be that of not raa
king any ; and that the surest means of bringing us back to her obe
dience, would be that of employing none. For the dread of the
English arms once removed, provinces would rise up against provinces,
and cities against cities ; and we should be seen to turn against our
selves the arms vve have taken up to combat the common enemy.
' Insurmountable necessity would then compel us to resort to the

352 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
tutelary authority which we should have rashly abjured, and if it
consented to receive us again under its Egis. il vvould be no longer
as free citizens, but as slaves. Still inexperienced, and in our in
fancy, what proof have we given of our ability to walk without a
guide? none ; and if we judge of the future by the past, we must
conclude that our concord will continue as long as the danger, and
no longer
' Even when the powerful hand of England supported us, for the
paltry motives of territorial limits and distant jurisdictions, have we
not abandoned ourselves to discords, and sometimes even to violence?
And what must we not expect now that minds are heated, ambitions
roused, and arras in the hands of all ?
- If, therefore, our union with England offers us so raany advan
tages for the maintenance of internal peace, it is no less necessary
to procure us wilh foreign powers that condescension and respect
vvhich are so essential to the prosperity of our commerce, lo the en
joyment of any consideration, and lo the accoraplishraent of any en
terprise. Hitherto, in our intercourse with the different nations of
the world, England has lent us the suppo.rl of her name and of her
arms ; vve have presented ourselves in all the ports and in aU the
cities of the globe, not as Americans, a people scarcely heard of, but
as EngUsh ; under the shadow of this respected narae, every port
was open lo us, every way was smooth, every deraand vvas heard
with favor. Frora the moment when our separation shall lake place,
every thing will assurae a contrary direction. The nations will ac
custom themselves to look upon us with disdain ; even the pirates
of Africa and Europe will fall upon our vessels, vvill massacre our
seamen, or lead thera into a cruel and perpetual slavery.
' There is in the human species, often so inexplicable in their af
fections, a raanifest propensity to oppress the feeble as well as to flat
ter the powerful. Fear always carries it against reason, pride against
moderation, and cruelty against clemency.
' Independence, I ara aware, has attractions for aU raankind ; but
I maintain, that in the present quarrel the friends of independence
are the promoters of slavery, and that those who desire lo separate
us, would but render us more dependent ; if independence means
the right of comraanding, and not the necessity of obeying, and if
being dependent is to obey, and not to command. If in rendering
ourselves independent of England, supposing, however, that we
should be able to effect it, we might be so at the sarae tirae of all
olher nations, I should applaud the project ; but to change the con
dition of Enghsh subjects for that of slaves to the whole world, is a
step that could only be counseled by insanity. If you vvould reduce

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 353
yourselves to tiie necessity of obeying, in all things, the raandates of
supercilious France, who is now kindling fire under our feet, declare
yourselves independent. If to British Uberty you prefer the Ubeily
of HoUand, of Venice, of Genoa, or of Ragusa, declare yourselves
independent. But if we vvould not change the signification of words,
let us preserve and carefully maintain this dependence, which has
been down lo this very hour the principle and source of our pios-
perity, of our liberty, of our real independence.
' But here I am interrupted, and told that no one questions the
advantages which America derived at first from her conjunction with
England ; but that the new pretensions of the ministers have changed
aU, have subverted all. If I should deny that, for the last twelve
years, the English government has given the most fatal direction to
the affairs of the colonies, and that its measures towards us savor of
tyranny, I should deny not only what is the manifest truth, but even
what I have so often advanced and supported. But is there any
doubt that il already feels a secret repentance ? These arms, these
soldiers, it prepares against us, are not designed to establish tyranny
upon our shores, but to vanquish our obstinacy, and compel us to
subscribe to conditions of accommodation. In vain is it asserted
that the ministry will employ all means to make themselves quite
sure of us, in order to e.xercise upon us, with impunity, all the rigor
of their power ; for lo pretend lo reduce us to an absolute impossi-
bUity of resistance in cases of oppression, would be, on their part, a
chimerical project. The distance of the seat of government, the
vast extent of intervening sea?, the continual increase of our pop
ulation, our warlike spirit, our experience in arras, the lakes, the
rivers, t.he forests, the defiles which abound in our territory, are our
pledges that England will always prefer to found her power upon
moderation and liberty, rather than upon rigor and oppression.
An uninterrupted succession of victories and of triumphs could
alone constrain England to acknowledge American independence ;
which, whether we can expect, whoever knows the instability of
fortune can easUy judge.
' If we have combated successfully at Lexington and at Boston,
Quebec and all Canada have witnessed our reverses. Every one
sees the necessity of opposing the extraordinary pretensions of the
ministers ; but does every body see also that of fighting for inde
pendence ?
* It is to be feared, that by changing the object of the war, the
present harmony wifl be interrupted, that the ardor of the people wfll
be chilled by apprehensions for their new situation. By substituting.
a total dismemberment to the revocation of the laws we complain of^
VOL. I. 23

354 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VJ.
we should fully justify the ministers ; we should merit the infamous
name of rebels, and all the British nation would arm, wilh an unan
imous impulse, against those who, from oppressed and complaining
subjects, should have becorae all at once irreconcilable enemies.
The English cherish the liberty we defend ; they respect the dignity
of our cause ; but they will blame, they will detest, our recourse to
independence, and will unite with one consent lo combat us.
' The propagators of the new doctrine are pleased to assure us,
that out of jealousy towards England, foreign sovereigns vvill lavish
their succors upon us ; as if these sovereigns could sincerely applaud
rebellion ; as if they had not colonies, even here in America, in
which it is important for them to maintain obedience and tranquillity.
Let us suppose, however, that jealousy, ambition, or vengeance,
should triumph over the fear of insurrections ; do you think these
princes will not raake you pay dear for the assistance with vvhich they
flatter you ? Who has not learnt, to his cost, the perfidy and the
cupidity of Europeans? They will disguise their avarice under
pompous words ; under the most benevolent pretexts they vvill de
spoil us of our territories, they will invade our fisheries and obstruct
our navigation, they vvill attempt our liberty and our privileges.
We shall learn too late what it costs to trust in those European
flatteries, and lo place that confidence in inveterate enemies which
has been withdrawn from long tried friends.
' There are raany persons, who, lo gain their ends, extol the advan
tages of a republic over monarchy. I wfll not here undertake to
examine which of these two forms of government merits the pref
erence. I know, however, that the English nation, afler having
tried them both, has never found repose except in raonarchy. I
know, also, that in popular republics themselves, so necessary is
monarchy to ceraent huraan society, it has been requisite to institute
monarchical powers, more or less extensive, under the names of
Archons, of Consuls, of Doges, of Gonfaloniers, and finally of
Kings. Nor should I here orait an observation, tiie truth of vvhich
appears to me incontestable ; the English constitution seenis lo be
the fruit of the experience of all anterior time ; in which monarchy
IS so tempered, that the monarch finds hiraself checked in his efforts
to seize absolute power ; and the authority of the people is so regu
lated, that anarchy is not to be feared. But for us it is to be appre
hended, that when the counterpoise of raonarchy shall no longer
exist, the democratic power may carry all before it, and involve the
whole state in confusion and ruin. Then an amoitious citizen may
arise, seize the reins of power, and annihilate liberty forever ; for

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAH. 35i>
such is the ordinary career of ifl-balanced democracies, they fall
into anarchy, and thence under despotism.
' Such are the opinions which might have been offered you wilh
more eloquence, but assuredly not with more zeal or sincerity. May
Heaven grant that such sinister forebodings be not one day accom
plished ! May it not permit that, in this solemn concourse of the
friends of country, the impassioned language of presumptuous and
ardent men should have morc influence than the pacific exhorta
tions of good and sober citizens ; prudence and moderation found
and preserve empires, temerity and presumption occasion their
dovv'nfall.' The discourse of Dickinson was heard wilh attention ; but the
current flowed irresistibly strong in a contrary direction, and fear
acting upon raany raore powerfuUy than even their opinion, the
majority pronounced in favor of independence. The deputies of
Pennsylvania were accordingly authorized lo return to congress, and
to consent that the confederate colonies should declare themselves
free and independent states.
The formal opposition of Dickinson caused him to be excluded.
The same things took place in Maryland ; this province, feeble by
itself, and situated in the midst of the others, also empowered its
deputies to resume their seats in congress, and to approve indepen
dence. Consequently, the fourth of July, 1776, upon the report of
Thoraas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjarain Franklin, Roger Sherman,
and Philip Livingston, the thirteen confederate coloriies dissolved all
their allegiance towards the British crown, and declared themselves
free and independent, under the name of the thirteen United States
of America. The manifesto which the congress caused to be pub
lished lo justify their resolution in the sight of all mankind, was
attributed particularly to Jefferson ; it was drawn up with great
energy of style and argument. The writers of the time bestowed
the highest encoraiums on this declaration, which laid the foundation
of the independence of a rich and powerful nation.
It commenced with these words :
' When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for
one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them
with another, and lo assume, among the powers of the earth, the
separate and equal station to vvhich the laws of nature and of nature's
God entitie them, a decent regard to the opinions of raankind re
quires that they should declare the causes vvhich impel them to the
separation. ' We hold these truths to be self-evident ; that all men are created

356 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unaliena
ble rights; that among these are life, Uberty, and the pursuit of
happiness. That lo secure these rights, governments are instituted
among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed ; that whenever any form of government becomes destruc
tive of these ends, il is the right of the people to aller or to abolish it,
and to institute a new government, laying its foundations on such
principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as lo them shall
seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence,
indeed, will dictate that governments long estabUshed should not be
changed for light and transient causes ; and accordingly all experience
hath shown, that mankind are more disposed lo suffer, while evils
are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms lo
which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and
usurpations, pursuing invariably the sarae object, evinces a design to
reduce them under absolute despotisra, it is their right, il is their duly,
to throw off such governraent, and lo provide new guards for their
future felicity. Such has been the patient sufferance of these colo
nies, and such is now the necessity vvhich constrains them to alter
their former systems of government.'
After an exact enumeration of the wrongs received, and of the
oppression sustained, it was added, that ' a prince, whose character
is thus marked by every act wbich may define a tyrant, is unfit to be
the ruler of a free people.' Then, having recounted the public ap
peals made at different times to the English people, their constant
refusal to hear the voice of justice and of consanguinity, the mani
festo concluded with these words :
' We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces
our separation, and hold them as we hold the rest of mankind, ene
mies in war, in peace friends.
' We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of Ameri
ca, in general congress assembled, appeahng to the Supreme Judge
of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, and by authority of
the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare,
That these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and
independent states ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the
British crown, and that all political connection between them and the
state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that,
as free and independent states, they have full power lo levy war,
conclude peace, contract aUiances, estabUsh comraerce, and lo do all
other acts and things which independent stales may of right do.
And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reUance on the

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 357
protection of Divine Providence, we mutuaUy pledge to each other
our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.'*
Such was this famous declaration of the independence of the
United States of America, which, if it was necessary, as it appears
to have been, was not, nowever, exempt from peril. For although
the greater part of the Americans perceived that the course of
things must have led thera to this extremity, there were still many
who openly manifested contrary sentiments. They were unfortu
nately more numerous in the provinces menaced by the English
than in any other. The American armies were feeble, the treasury
poor, foreign succors uncertain, and the ardor of the people might
abate all at once.
It was known that England was deterrained to exert all her forces
for the reduction of the colonies, before they should have time to
become confirmed in their rebeUion ; or to form alliances with for
eign powers. If the American arras, as there was but too much
reason to fear, should prove unfortunate in the ensuing campaign,
it could not be disguised that the people would lay it lo the charge
of independence ; and that, according to the ordinary movement of
the human raind, they would rapidly retrograde towards the opin
ions they had abjured. When despair once begins, the prostration
of energy follows as its iramediate consequence. But the war was
inevitable, all arrangement irapossible, and the congress urged by
necessity to take a decisive resolution. On every side they saw
dangers, but they preferred to brave them for the attainment of a
determinate object, rather than trust any longer to the uncertain
hope of the repeal of the laws against which they were in arms.
For it vvas even difficult to designate which of these laws were to
be revoked. Some desired to have all those repealed which had
been passed since the year 1763 ; others only proscribed a part of
them ; and there were still others whom a total abrogation would
not have satisfied, and who wished also for the abolition of sorae an
cient statutes. In the heal of debates, propositions had been ad
vanced to which it was irapossible that Great Britain should ever
consent. Nor can it be denied that the declaration of independence
was conformable to the nature of things. Circurastances would not
have endured much longer that a people like that of America, nu
merous, wealthy, warlike, and accustomed to liberty, should depend
upon another, at a great distance, and little superior in power. The
English ministry could not shut their eyes upon il ; and such was
perhaps the secret reason of their obduracy in attempting to load
' See Note I.

358 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VI.
the Americans vvith heavier chains. It is also certain that foreign
princes would not have consented to succor, or to receive into their
aUiance, a people who acknowledged themselves the subjects of
another power; whereas it might be expected, that they would
unite their efforts lo those of a nation determined, at all hazards,
to obtain the recognition of its liberty and independence. In the
first case, even victory would not have given allies to the Ameri
cans ; in the second, they were assured of them only by showing
themselves resolved lo sustain their cause with arms in hand.
However this may be, il is certain that the declaration was received
by the people wilh transports of joy. Nor were any of those pub
lic demonstrations omitted which governments are accustomed to
employ on simUar occasions, to conciliate the favor of the people
to their determinations. Independence vvas proclairaed, vvith great
solemnity, al Philadelphia, the eighth of July. The artillery was
fired, bonfires were kindled ; the people seemed actually delirious
with exultation. On the eleventh, the manifesto of congress was
published in New York, and vvas read to each brigade of the Ameri
can army, which, at that time, was asserabled in the vicinity of the
city ; it was received vvith universal acclamations. The same even
ing, the statue of king George III., vvhich had been erected in 1770,
was taken down and dragged through the streets, by the sons of
liberty. It was decided, that the lead of vvhich it was composed,
should be converted into muSket balls. These excesses, howevei
blamable in themselves, were not without utility if considered po
litically ; they excited the people, and hurried them on to the object
that was desired. Al Baltimore, independence having been pro
clairaed in the presence of cannoniers and militia, the jjeople could
not contain their enthusiasm. The air resounded with salutes of
artillery, and the shouts that hailed the freedom and happiness
of the LTnited Slates of America. The effigy of the king became
the sport of the populace, and was afterwards burnt in the public
square. The rejoicings at Boston were the greatest of all. Independence
was there proclaimed from the balcony of the Stale House, in the
presence of all the authorities, civil and military, and of an immense
concourse of people, as well frora the city itself as frora the country.
The garrison was drawn up in order of battle in King street, vvhich
from that moment took the name of State street ; the troops formed
in thirteen detachments, to denote the thirteen United Slates. At
a given signal, a salute of thirteen cannon vvas fired upon Fort HiU,
which vvas immediately answered by an equal number from the bat
teries of the Castle, of the Neck, of Nantasket, and of Point Alder-

BOOK VI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 359
tiMi. The garrison, in their turn, fiued thirteen salutes of musketry,
each detachment firing in succession. The authorities and most con
siderable inhabitants then convened at a banquet prepared in the
council chamber, when they drank toasts to the perpetuity and pros
perity of the United Slal6s, to the American congress, lo general
Washington, to the success of the arms of the confederacy, lo the
destruction of tyrants, to the propagation of civil and religious lib
erty, to the friends of the United States in all parts of the world.
AU the bells rung in token of felicitation ; the joy was universal, and
its demonstrations were incessantly renewed. In the evening, all
the ensigns of royalty, lions, scepters or crowns, whether sculptured
or painted, were torn in pieces and burnt in Slate street.
But in Virginia, it would be impossible to describe the exultation
that was manifested.
The Virginian convention decreed that the name of the king
should be suppressed in all the public prayerc. They ordained that
the great seal of the Commonwealth of Virginia should represent
Virtue as the iu*elajy genius of the province, robed in drapery of an
Araazon, resting one hand upon her lance, and holding with the
other a sword, trampling upon tyranny, under the figure of a pros
trate man, having near him a crown fallen from his head, and bear
ing in one hand a broken chain, and in the other a scourge. At foot
was charactered the word Virginia, and round the effigy of Virtue
was inscribed — Sic semper tyrannis. The reverse represented a
group of figures ; in the middle stood Liberty with her wand and
cap ; on one side was Ceres, with the horn of plenty in the right
hand, and a sheaf of wheat in the lefl ; upoh the other appeared
Eternity, wilh the globe and the phcenix. At foot were found these
words — Deus nobis hcec oiia fecit.
In the midst of these transports, nolhing was forgotten that might
tend to inspire the people wilh affection for the new order of things,
and a violent hatred, not only towards tyranny, but also against
monarchy ; the republicans using all their address to confound the
one with the other as eternally inseparable by their essence.
Thus, on the one hand, the American patriots, by their secrei
maneuvers, and then by a daring resolution ; and on the other, the
British ministers, at first by oppressive laws, and afterwards by hesi
tating counsels and the employment of an inadequate force, gave
origin to a crisis which eventually produced the entire dismember
ment of a splendid and powerful empire. So constant are men in
the pursuit of liberty ; and so obstinate in ambition. But also so
timid are they in their resolutions, and even more prompt to warn

360 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK Vl.
their enemy of his danger by threats, than to overwhelm him bv
force. It is certain that the English mmisters wanted either sagacity to
foresee the evil, or energy lo remedy it. The tumults of America
broke out unobserved, and grew without obstacle, lill al length,
swollen like an overflowing river, they acquired such an impetuosity
as to sweep before them the impotent dikes with which it was at
tempted too late to oppose them.

END OF BOOK SIXTH

NOTE TO BOOK VI.
NOTE I.  PAGE 357.
THE MEMBERS WHO COMPOSED THE CONGRESS, ANU WHO
ALL SIGNED THE DECLARATION, ARE THE FOLLOWING:
John Hancock, President.

NEW HAMPSHIRE.
Josiah Bartlett,
William Whipple,
Matthew Thornton.

MASSACHUSETTS.
Samcel Adams,
John Adams,
Robert Treat Paine,
Elbridge Gerrt.

RHODE ISLAND.
Stephen Hopkins,
William Ellert.
CONNECTICUT.
Roger Sherman,
Samuel Huntington,
William Williams,
Oliver Wolcott. NEW YORK.
William Flotd,
Philip Livingston,
Francis Lewis,
Lewis Morris. NEW JERSEY.
Richard Stockton,
John Witherspoon,
Francis Hopkinson,
John Hart,
Abraham Clark.
PENNSYLVANIA
Robert Morris,
Benjamin Rush,
Benjamin Franklin,
John Mortcjv,
Geokoe Clymer,

James Smith,
George Taylor,
James Wilson,
George Ross.
DELAWARE.
Ca:sar Rodney,
George Read,
Thomas M'Kean.
MARYLAND.
Samuel Chase,
William Paca,
Thomas Stone,
Charles Carroll, (of CarroUon.
VIRGINIA.
George Wythe,
Richard Henry Lee,
Thomas Jefferson,
Benjamin Harrison,
Thomas Nelson, Jun.
Francis Lightfoot Lee,
Carter Braxton.
NORTH CAROLINA.
William Hooper,
Joseph Hewes,
John Penn.
SOUTII CAROLINA.
Edward Rutledge,
Thomas H^.tward, Jun.
Thomas Lynch, Jun.
Arthur Middleton.
GEORGIA.
Button Gwinnett.
Ltman Hall,
George WALifoif.

362 THE AMEI.lCAN WAR. BOOK Vll.

BOOK SEVENTH.
1776. Having sketched the first two periods of this obstinate
contest, in the, first of which we have seen the British ministers pro
voking the Americans, by oppressive laws, to resistance and revoU ;
and in the second, conducting the war which ensued with feeble
counsels and insufficient means ; the order of history requires that
we should now proceed to the recital of the events which signalized
the third, wherein, al length, displaying all their force, they pro
posed lo suppress the rebellion entirely, and to reduce the colonists
lo subjection.
General Howe, having arrived from Halifax, landed the twenty-
fifth of June at Sandy Hook, a point of land situated at the entrance
of the Gulf, comprehended between the main land of New Jersey,
the mouth of the Hariton, Staten Island, and the opening of the bay
of New York, on the one side, and Long Island on the other. On
the second of July, he took possession of Staten Island. The reso
lution of independence may, therefore, be praised for its boldness,
or blamed for its temerity ; which was taken, as is seen, at the very
instant when England was preparing to attack, with formidable
forces, the most vulnerable parts of America. The general vvould
have preferred waiting al Halifax till the arrival of the re-inforce
ments expected from Europe, vvith the fleet of his brother, the ad
miral, in order to repair, in concert vvith hira, to the waters of New
York, and to terminate the war by a sudden and decisive blow. But
the English fleet delayed to appear, and the quarters of Halifax were
as inconvenient, as provisions vvere scarce there ; a part of the troops
had been compeUed to remain on board the ships. The season fcir
operations also advancing, general Howe determined to go and wait
for his re-inforcements in the vicinity of New York ; the squadron
of convoy was commanded by admiral Shuldam.
He was joined in the passage by sorae regiments that, having been
separated from the fleet by contrary winds, were steering alone for
Halifax. Other corps fell inlo the power of the American Cruisers,
The inhabitants of Staten Island received the Enghsh general wifli
great demonstrations of joy; the Soldiers, being quartered about in
the villages, found, in abundance, the refreshments of which they
were in the greatest need. Here general Howe was visited by gov
ernor Tryon, who gave him precise inforraation vvith respect to the
state of the province, as also with regard to the forces and prepa
rations of the enemy. Many inhabitants of New Jersey came to

BOOK vn THE AMERICAN WAR 363
offer them'selves to be enrolled for the royal service ; even those of
Staten Island were forward to enlist under the English standard ;
every thing announced that the army had only lo show itself in the
provinces lo be assured of a prompt victory. Admiral Howe, after
touching at Halifax, where he found dispatches from his brother,
who urged him to come and join him at New York, made sail again
immediately, and landed, without accident, at Staten Island, the
twelfth of July. General Clinton arrived there about the same time,
with the troops he re-conducted from the unfortunate expedition of
Charleston. Commodore Holham also appeared there with the re
inforcements under his escort ; so that in a short lime the army
amounted to about twenty-four thousand men, between English,
Hessians, and Waldeckers. Several regiments of Hessian infantry
were expected lo arrive shortiy, when the army would be carried lo
the number of .thirty-five thousand combatants, of the best troops of
Europe. America had never seen such a display of forces.
It began now to appear that the ministers had at length adopted
vigorous measures, hoping to terminate the war at a blow, and to
repair the evUs produced by their long hesitation and delays.
General and admiral Howe, both officers of high distinction, were
lo combine their efforts against the province of New York ; which,
feeble by itself, broken by a great number of islands and large rivers,
and offering a great extent of coasts, was more exposed than any
other to the attacks of an enemy that was master at sea.
The English army was abundantly provided wifh arms and muni
tions, and the soldiers manifested an extreme ardor for the service
of the king. The English, besides their particular haired against
the insurgents, were also stimulated by their national jealousy towards
the Gerraans ; they considered the confidence placed by the gov
ernment in these strangers as indicating a want of it in them.
They were eager to prove to the world that, without their assistance,
they were capable of subduing America. The Germans, on their
part, vvho justly thought themselves not inferior to the English,
would by no means appear to yield lo them, and this reciprocal erau
lation warranted the expectation of extreme efforts jn the one part
and on the other. When the submission of the provin ;e of New York
should have given the Enghsh a firm footing in Amirica, sraall gar
risons, supported by a formidable maritirae force, would be sufficient
to defend it against the insults of the eneray, and the army might
safely proceed to the conquest of the adjacent provinces.
New York forming the center of the American colonies, the Eng
lish array would be able to turn al will, either upon the right, in or
der to carry the war into Connecticut and all New England, or upon

364 THE AMERICA WAR. BOOK VII.
the left, to scour New Jersey and menace Philadelphia itself. It was
besides very easy, by means of frigates and other smaUer vessels, to
maintain thecommunication between the two parts of the army upon
the right and left banks of the Hudson, and even to pass it upon
occasion, and promptiy transport troops from one side to the other.
Finally, this position of New York, as well by its nature as by
reason of the numerous raarine of the English, was for them a place
of arras, whence they could infest the neighboring places, attack
their enemies at their own time, combat thera with success, and re
treat without danger.
They resolved, accordingly, to make it the center of their opera
tions ; the loyalists were also very numerous there, and in no city
of America was the party of the congress more feeble.
There occurred, also, another consideration of the highest impor
tance. If general Carleton, afler having passed, as was hoped, the
lakes of Canada, could penetrate to the banks of the Hudson, and
descend this river at the same time that general Howe should as
cend il, their conjunction vvould have the imraediate effect of inter
rupting all communication between the provinces of New England,
situated upon the left bank, and those of the raiddle and south,
which are found upon the right ; and such had always been the
favorite plan of the rainistry.
Finally, it was considered that Long Island, separated from the
island of New York only by the East river, and being abundant in
grains and in cattle, offered the raeans of subsistence for the most
numerous army. Its inhabitants, besides, were believed to be well
inchned towards the royal cause.
While general Howe was seconded in his invasion of New York
by the twelve or thirteen thousand men coming from Canada under
governor Carleton, general Clinton was lo operate in the provinces of
the south, and lo attack Charleston. The American troops being
thus divided, and their generals surprised and pressed on so many
sides al once, it was not doubled but tha,t the British arms vvould
soon obtain a complete triumph. But there happened in this oc
currence what is oflen seen in the execution of human designs, when
their success depends upon the concurrence of a great number of
parts ; one proceeds towards the object, another recedes from it, and
all equally miss it.
A prosperous event in this business appeared the less probable,
since independently of the obstacles raised by men, it was necessary
also to combat the winds and the seasons. Would it not have been
calculating upon a scarcely possible contingency, to have expected
the arrival of three distinct corps of the army at their places of des-

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 365
tination at the hour prefixed, so as lo operate in perfect concert ?
Was it even certain that all the three would prove victorious ? This,
however, was necessary to secure the execution of the plan of tho
campaign. It happened, therefore, on the one part, that admiral Howe, having
been retarded by contrary wiirtis, did not land his re-inforcements
till after the expedition of Charleston had totaUy miscarried, as we
have related. And on the other, the army of Canada encountered
so many obstacles to the passage of the lakes, tnat it was not able
to make its way this year to the banks of the Hudson. Whence it
resulted not only that Washington was not compelled lo weaken the
already feeble army which he had upon the coasts, in order lo send
succors into South Carolina, or towards Canada, but that the same
soldiers who had so vahantly defended Charleston, went to re-in
force those who guarded the passage of the lakes, or joined the
principal army. But notwithstanding these failures, it was still con
fidently hoped that general Howe would be able alone lo make a
decisive campaign. This hope was not perhaps devoid of all foun
dation. It is plain, therefore, how many probabilities the British
ministers and generals would have united in their favor, if, instead
of having scaltered their forces upon several points, they had con
centrated thera in a single mass, leaving only sufficient garrisons in
the places necessary lo their operations.
The Americans, on their part, had neglected no preparative in
order to resist| the storm with which they were menaced. The con
gress had ordained the construction of rafts, of gun boats, of galleys,
and of floating batteries, for the defense of the port of New York
and the mouths of the Hudson. But it could not be hoped that
such feeble preparations were competent to oppose, with any chance
of success, the formidable marine of England.
The congress had also decreed that thirteen thousand of the pro
vincial militia should go and join the army of Washington, who, being
seasonably apprised of the danger of New York, had made a movement
into that quarter ; they also directed the organization of a corps of ten
thousand men, destined to serve as a reserve in the provinces of the
center. All the weakest posts had been carefully intrenched, and
furnished with artiUery. A strong detachment occupied Long Island,
to prevent the English from landing there, or to repulse them if they
should effect a debarkation. But the army of the congress was very
far from having aU the necessary means to support the burthen of so
terrible a war. It wanted arms, and it was wasted by diseases.
The reiterated instances of the commander-in-chief had drawn into
his camp the mflitia of the neighboring provinces, and some regular

366 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.
regiments from Maryland, from Pennsylvania, and from New Eng
land, which had carried his army to the number of twenty-seven
thousand men ; but a fourth part of these troops was composed of
invalids, and scarcely was another fourth furnished with arms. The
greatest part, without order, as without discipline, could inspire
little confidence.
These inconveniences, so seriously alarming for the success of the
American cause, proceeded partly from the want of money, which
prevented the congress from paying regular troops and providing
for their equipment, and partly from an impolitic parsimony con
tracted during peace, which withheld thera frora incurring, with
proraptitude, the expenses rendered necessary by a state of war.
Their rooted jealousy of standing armies contributed also to the
same effect ; it had even inspired them wilh the idle hope of being
able to organize every year an army sufficient to resist the forces of
the enemy.
Perhaps, finally, many of the colonists were reluctant lo take
arms, because they still flattered themselves that the commissioners
of the king, being at the same time chiefs of the troops, and nego
tiators of peace, might succeed in effecting a general reconciliation.
The American army, such as it vvas, occupied the positions most
suitable to cover the menaced points. The corps vvhich had been
stationed on Long Island was commanded by major-general Greene,
who, on account of sickness, was afterwards succeeded by general
Sullivan. The main body of the army encamped on the island of
New York, which, il appeared, was destined lo receive the first
blows of the English.
Two feeble detachments guarded Governor's Island, and the point
of Paulus' Hook, situated in front of New York, upon the right
bank of the Hudson. The militia of the province, commanded by
the American general, Chnlon, were posted upon the banks of the
Sound, where they occupied the two Chesters, East and West, and
New Rochelle. For it was lo be feared that the enemy, landing in
force upon the north shore of the Sound, niight penetrate to Kings-
bridge, and thus entirely lock up all the American troops on the
island of New York.
All being prepared on the one side for attack, on the other for
defense, and the two parties appearing equally decided lo refer the
destiny of America to the chance of battles, the EngUsh commis
sioners, before coining to this appeal, wished to make trial of the
pacific powers with which they were invested. Already, in the
month of June, lord Howe, being upon the coasts of Massachusetts
in the Eagle ship of the line, had, in the name of the king, addressed

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR, 367

a letter to all the governors who had been expelled from their prov
inces, enjoining them to use all possible means to spread it among
the iphabitanls.
He therein announced that the king had authorized two commis
sioners to grant general or particular pardons to all those who, dur
ing the troubles, had departed from the obedience due to the crown,
but vvho now desired to return to their duty, and participate in the
benefits of the royal clemency. He also declared that the commis
sioners vvere empowered to proclaim any province or city whatso
ever to be in the king's peace, which immediately sheltered them
from tho effect of the penal laws against rebellion. Finally, he prom
ised large recompense lo such as, by their services, should contribute
re-establish the royal authority. These writings, commonly brought
by flags, circulated in the country ; and general Washington sent
by express to congress a proclamation which had been addressed lo
the city of Amboy. That assembly look the noble resolution of
causing il to be printed in all the public papers, in order that the
good people of the United States — such vvere the words of the reso
lution — might be informed of the powers of the commissioners, and
of the means by vvhich Great Britain hoped lo lull them into securi
ty and to disarm them ; and also that the most obstinate raight be
convinced that they could no longer expect the preservation of their
privileges, but from^ their arms alone.
In the meantirae, a letter was brought from lord Howe, directed
simply to George Washington, Esq. The general refused to receive
it, alledging, that whoever had written it had not expressed his pub
Uc station, and that as a private individual he could not, and would
not, hold any coraraunication, whether written or verbal, with the
commanders of the king. His conduct in this instance was much
applauded by the congress ; and they decreed that in future none
of their officers should receive letters or messages, on the part of the
enemy, that were not addressed to them according lo their respective
rank. The English commissioners vvere unwilling that a mere point of
ceremonial should interrupt negotiations from which they expected
some advantage. They could pot, on the other hand, consent to
acknowledge in the generalissimo of congress a rank vvhich had
been conferred, as they beUeved, by an unlawful authority.
They had recourse, therefore, to an expedient by which they
hoped to obviate all difficulty ; they changed the address of their let
ter for the superscription following ; to <George Washington, &fc. ^c.
Adjutant-general Patterson was sent wilh this dispatch. Being m-
tvodueed to Washington, he gave him in conversation the title of

368 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.
Excellency. The general received him with great politeness, but at
tiie same time with much dignity. The adjutant expressed great
concern in the behalf of his principals, on account of the difficulties
that had arisen about the superscription of the letter ; assured him
of their high regard for his personal character, and that they had no
intention to undervalue his rank. It was hoped, therefore, that the
et ceteras, being in use between arabassadors when they were not
perfectly agreed upon points of etiquette, would reraove all obstrup-
tions to their mutual intercourse.
Washington answered, that a letter written lo a person invested
with a pubUc character should specify it, otherwise it could not be
distinguished from a private letter ; that it was true the et ceteras
implied every thing ; but it was no less true that they implied any
thing ; and that, as to hiraself, he would never consent to receive
any letter, relating lo public affairs, that should be directed to him,
without a designation of his rank and office. Patterson requested
that this question raight be waved ; and turned the conversation up
on prisoners of war. He expatiated in magnificent terms upon the
goodness and clemency of the king, who had chosen for negotiators
lord and general Howe. He affirmed that their desire to terminate
the differences which had arisen between the two people was as ear
nest as their powers were ample ; and that he hoped the general
would consider this visit as the first step towards it. Washington
replied, that he was not authorized to negotiate ; but that it did not
appear that the powers of the commissioners consisted in any more
than in granting pardons ; that Araerica, not having committed any
offense, asked for no forgiveness, and was only defending her un
questionable rights. Patterson exclaimed that this subject would
open loo vast a field of discussion ; and repeating his regrets that
a strict observation of formalities should interrupt the course of so
important an affair, he took leave of the general, and withdrew.
This conference thus remained without result, and all thoughts were
again concentrated in war. The congress vvere perfectly aware, on
the one hand, of the sharae they raust incur by departing from the
resolu tion so recently taken of asserting independence, an d they feared
on the other that the propositions of England might contain some
secret poison. They caused an exact relation to be printed of the
interview between the comraander-in-chief and the English adjutant-
general. The British generals, seeing that the obstinacy of the Americans
left them no longer any hope of an accom.modation, directed their
entire attention to the prosecution of the war, and resolved to strike
the first blows without longer delay. Wishing, in the first place, to

BOOK VH. THE AMERICAN WAR. 369
secure a post which might serve in case of need as a place of re
treat, and to furnish the means of subsistence for so powerful an
army, they decided to attack Long Island, in which they depended
for success upon the superiority of military talents which they be
lieved themselves to have, and which they really had, over the
Americans. Accordingly, having made all their dispositions, the
twenty-second of August, the fleet approached the west coast of the
island near the strait, caUed the Narroivs, which separates it from
Staten Island ; all the troops found an easy and secure landing
place between the villages of Gravesend and New Utrecht, where
they debarked without meeting any resistance on the part of the
Araericans. A great part of their array, under the command of general Putnam,
ericamped at Brookland or Brooklyn, on a part of the island itself
which forms a sort of peninsula. He had strongly fortified the en
trance of it with moats and intrenehments ; his left wing rested
upon the Wallabout bay, and his right vvas covered by a marsh con
tiguous to another bay, caUed Gowan's Cove. Behind him he had
Governor's Island, and the arra of the sea which separates Long
Island from the island of New York, and which gave him a direc*
communication with the city, where the olher part of the army was
stationed under Washington himself. The commander-in-chief,
perceiving that battle was approaching, continually exhorted his men
to keep their ranks, and suraraon all their courage ; he reminded them
that in their valor rested the only hope that remained lo American
liberty ; that upon their resistance depended the preservation or the
pillage of their properly by barbarians ; that they were about to
combat in defense of their parents, their wives, their children, from
the outrages of a licentious soldiery ; that the eyes of America were
fixed upon her champions, and expected from their success on this
day either safety or total destruction.
The English, having effected their landing, marched rapidly for
ward. The two armies were separated by a chain of hills, covered
with woods, calkd the heights of Guan, and which, running from
vvest to east, divide the island into two parts. They are only prac
ticable upon three points ; one of vvhich is near the Narrows, the
road leading to that of the center passes by a viUage named Flat-
hush, and the third is approached, far to the right, by the route of
another village called Flatland. LTpon the sumrait of the hifls is
found a roau which follows the length of the range, and leads from
Bedford to Jamaica, which is intersected by the two roads last de
scribed ; these ways are all interrupted by precipices, and by exces
sively difficult and narrow defiles.
VOL. 1, 24

370 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.
The American general, wishing to arrest the eneray upon these
heigJits, had carefully furnished thera wilh troops, so that if all had
done their duty, the English would not have been able to force the
passages without extreme difficulty and danger. The posts were so
frequent upon the road from Bedford lo Jamaica, that it was easy to
transmit, from one of these points to the other, the most prompt in
telligence of what passed upon the three routes.
Colonel Miles, with his battalion, was to guard the road of Flat-
land, and to scour it continually with his scouts, as well as that of
Jamaica, in order to reconnoiter the moveraents of the enemy.
Meanwhile, the British army pressed forward, its left wing being to
the north, and its right lo the soulh ; the village of Falmouth was
found in its center. The Hessians, commanded by general Heister,
formed the raain body ; the English under major-general Grant,
the left ; and other corps, conducted by general CUnlon, and the
two lords, Percy and Cornwallis, composed the right. In this wing
the British generals had placed their principal hope of success ; they
directed il upon Flatland. Their plan vvas, that whUe the corps of
generai Grant, and the Hessians of general Heister, should disquiet
the enemy upon the first two defiles, the left wing, laking a circuit,
should march through Flatland, and endeavor to seize the point of
intersection of this road with that of Jamaica ; and then, rapidly de
scending into the plain which extends to the fool of the heights, upon
the other side, should fall upon the Americans in flank and rear.
The English hoped, that as this post was the most distant from the
center of the army, the advanced guards would be found more feeble
there, and perhaps more negligent ; finally, they calculated that, in
all events, the Americans vvould not be able to defend it against a
force so superior. This right wing of the English was, in effect, the
most numerous, and entirely composed of select troops.
The evening of the twenty-sixth of August, general Clinton com
manding the vanguard, which consisted in light infantry ; lord Percy
the center, where vvere found the grenadiers, the artillery, and the
cavalry ; and Cornwallis the rear guard, followed by the baggage,
some regiments of infantry and of heavy artfllery ; all this part of
the English array pul itself in raotion with adrairable order and
sUence, and leaving Flatland, traversed the country caUed New Lots.
Colonel Miles, who this night performed his service with lillie exact
ness, did not perceive the approach of the enemy ; so that two hours
before day the EngUsh were already arrived within half a mile of the
road of Jamaica, upon the heights. Then general Clinton halted,
and prepared himself for the attack. He had melone ofthe enemy's
patrols, and made him pris:mer

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 371
General Sullivan, who commanded all the troops in advance of
fhe camp of Brooklyn, had no advice of what passed in this quarter.
He neglected to send out fresh scouts ; perhaps he supposed the
English would direct their principal efforts against his right wing,
as being the nearest to them.
General Clinton, learning from his prisoners that the road of Ja
maica was not guarded, hastened to avail himself of the circum
stance, and occupied it by a rapid moveraent. Without loss of
time, he immediately bore to his left towards Bedford, and seized
an important defile which the American generals had left unguard
ed. From this moment the success of the day was decided in favor
of the English.
Lord Percy came up vvith his corps ; and the entire column de
scended by the village of Bedford from the heights into the plain
which lay between the hiUs and the camp of the Americans. During
this time general Grant, in order to amuse the enemy and divert his
attention from the events which took place upon the route of Flat-
land, endeavored to disquiet him upon his right; accordingly, as if
he intended to force the defile which led to it, he had put himself in
motion about raidnight, and had attacked the militia of New York
and of Pennsylvania, who guarded it. They at first gave ground ;
but general Parsons being arrived, and having occupied an eminence,
he renewed the combat, and maintained his position till brigadier-
general lord SterUng came to his assistance with fifteen hundred
men. The action became extreraely aniraated, and fortune favored
.leither the one side nor the other. The Hessians, on their part,
had attacked the center at break of day ; and the Araericans, com
manded by general Sullivan in person, valiantly sustairied their
efforts. At the sarae tirae the English ships, after having raade
several movements, opened a very brisk cannonade against a bat
tery estabhshed in the little island of Red Hook, upon the right
flank of the Americans, who combated against general Grant.
This also was a diversion, the object df vvhich was to prevent them
from attending to what passed in the center and on the left. The
Americans defended themselves, however, with extreme gallantry,
Ignorant that so much valor vvas exerted in vain, since victory was
already in the hands of the eneray. General CUnlon, being descended
into the plain, feU upon the left flank of the center, vvhich was
engaged with the Hessians. He had previously detached a strong
corps, in order to intercept the Araericans.
As soon as the appearance of the EngUsh light infantry apprised
them of theii danger, they sounded the retreat, and retired in good
order towards their camp, bringing off their artillery. But they soon

o

372 THE .AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VH,
fell in wilh the party of royal troops which had occupied the ground
on their rear, and viho now charged thera with fury; they were
compeUed to throw themselves into the neighboring woods, where
they met again with the Hessians, who repulsed them upon tiie
English, and thus the Americans were driven several times by the
ene against the other with greal loss.
They continued for some time in this desperate situation, tiU, al
length, several regiments, aniraated by an heroic valor, opened their
way through the midst of the enemy, and gained the camp of general
Putnam ; others escaped through the woods. The inequality of the
ground, the greal nuraber of positions which it offered, and the
disorder which prevaUed throughout the line, were the cause that
for several hours divers partial combats were m.aintained, in which
many of the Americans fell.
Their left wing and center being discomfited, the English, desirous
of a complete victory, made a rapid moveraent against the rear of
the right wing, which, in ignorance of the misfortune which had
befallen the other corps, was engaged with general Grant. Finally,
having received the intelUgence, they retired. But encountering the
English, who cut off their retreat, a part of the soldiers took shelter
in the woods ; others endeavored to make their way through the
marshes of Gowan's Cove ; but here many were drowned in the
waters, or perished in the mud ; a very small nuraber only escaped
the hot pursuit of the victors, and reached the carap in safety. The
total loss of the Americans, in this battle, was estimated at more than
three thousand men in killed, wounded, and prisoners. Among the
la<"t, were found general Sullivan, and brigadier-generals lord Ster
ling and Woodhull. Almost the entire regiment of Maryland, con
sisting of young men of the best families in that province, was cut
in pieces. Six pieces of cannon fell into the power of the victors.
The loss ofthe English was very inconsiderable ; in killed, wounded,
and prisoners, it did not amount to four hundred men.
The Araericans, in this day, assuredly coraraitted a great fault,
since they were forced to corabal with a part of their forces against
all those of the enemy. They omitted to use the requisite diligence
to inform themselves of the quantity of troops disembarked ; Ihey
neglected to cause the roads of the heights to be properly scoured
by their scouts, and especiaUy those upon their left, vvhich was the
menaced part ; finaUy, they had not sufficiently guarded the difficult
passes upon the road of Jamaica. There even arose some rumon
which threw suspicions of treachery upon those vvho were charged
with this guard ; but it is certain that they vvere culpable rather of
uegligence than of evil intentions. Colonel Miles enjoyed a reputa-

BOOK VII. . THE AMERICAN WAR. 373
tion that placed him above suspicion. It appears, indeed, that
general Sullivan, either from too much confidence or loo rnuch
mUdness, did not eraploy all the rigorous means which so important
a circurastance exacted, to prevent the secret intelligence of the
loyalists wilh the English ; these wore, therefore, diligently informed
of the weakest places, and of the negligence wilh which the service
was performed. The English and the Hessians combated not only
with courage, but even with an impetuous ardor, excited by their
reciprocal emulation, and by the desire to efface the stains of former
defeats. In the height of the engagement, general Washington had crossed
over to Brooklyn from New York, and seeing some of his best troops
slaughtered or taken, he uttered, it is said, an exclamation of
anguish. He could, if he saw fit, draw out of their encampment all
the troops, and send them to succor the corps that were engaged
with the enemy ; he might also call over all the forces he had in
New York, and order them lo take part ui the battle. But all
these re-inforcements would by no means have sufficed to render his
army equal to that of the English. Victory having already declared
in their favor, the courage with which il inspired them, and tl e
superiority of their discipline, cut off all hope of being able to restore
the battle. If Washington had engaged all his troops in the action,
it is probable that the entire army would have been destroyed on
this fatal day, and America reduced to subjection. Greal praise,
therefore, is due him for not having allowed himself, in so grave an
occurrence, to be transported into an inconsiderate resolution, and
for having preserved himself and his army for a happier future.
The English were so elated wilh victory, that, eager to profit by
their advantages, they would fain have iraraediately assaulted the
American camp. But their general manifested more prudence ;
whether he believed the intrenehments of the enemy stronger than
they really were, or whether he considered hiraself already sure of
entering New York without encountering new perils, he repressed
the ardor of his troops. Afterwards, having encamped in front of
the enemy's lines in the night of the twenty-eighth, he broke ground
wit.iin six hundred paces of a bastion upon the left. His intention
was to approach by means of trenches, and to wait tifl the fleet could
co-operate wilh the land troops.
The situation of the Araericans in their camp became extremely
critical. They had in front an enemy superior in number, and who
could attack them at every moment wilh a new advantage. Their
intrenehments were of little moment, and the English, pushing their
works with ardor, had every probability of success in their favor.

374 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.
For two days and two nights tiie rain had fallen by torrents; the
arms and amraunition suflered from it alike. The soldiers, over
whelmed wilh fatigue and discouraged by defeat, would have made
but a feeble resistance. The Englis.h sliips were in readiness to
enter the East river. They had hitherto been prevented by a north
east wind, which for them was as contrary as il vvas propitious fot
the Americans. But il might change the next moment, and the
English once masters of this river, retreat was intercepted lo the
soldiers of congress, and the whole army would have incurred the
danger of being forced to surrender to the superior force of the
enemy. The council of war being assembled, the American generals
resolved lo evacuate their position, and lo withdraw into New York.
All the dispositions having been made, tiie retreat across the East
river was undertaken. Colonel Glover comraanded the vessels and
flat boats of transport, general Macdougall was charged with the
embarkation, and colonel Mifflin vvas to cover the rear guard. The
twenty-ninth, al eight in the evening, the troops began to move wilh
the greatest silence. But they vvere not on board before eleven.
A violent northeast wind and the ebb tide, which rendered the cur
rent very rapid, prevented the passage ; the time pressed, however.
Fortunately, the wind suddenly veered lo the northwest ; they im
mediately made sail and landed in Nev/ York. Providence ap
peared to have watched over the Americans ; about two o'clock in
the morning, a thick fog, and al this season of the year extraordi
nary, covered all Long Island, whereas the air was perfectly clear
on the side of New York.
Notwithstanding the entreaties of his officers, Washington re
mained the last upon the shore ; he refused to embark till he saw
his troops all on board. They amounted in all to nine thousand
men. The artillery, baggage, camp equipage, munitions, every thing
was safely transported to the other side. Il vvas not till the next
morning, the sun being already high, and after the mist was dissi
pated, that the English discovered, to their great surprise, that the
jimericans had abandoned their camp, and were already sheltered
from all pursuit. They perceived only a part of the rear guard, out
of leach in their boats, who had returned to carry away some mu
nitions which had been left on the island.
Whoever will attend lo all tiie details of this retreat, win easily
believe that no miUlary operation was ever conducted oy great
captains wilh more abiUty and prudence, or under raore lavorable
auspices. It &i:-ll remained to evacuate Governor's Island, situatea at tiie

BOOK Vll. THE AMERICAN WAR. .375
mouth of the East river ; it was occupied by two regiraents, with a
numerous artUlery and abundant munitions. The Americans had
fortified it to interdict the entrance of this river to the English. But
afler the loss of Long Island, it could not be hoped to defend tho
passage, and the garrison was in danger of falling into the power of
the enemy. The evacuation of Governor's Island was also effected
without accident, notwithstanding the vicinity of the Enghsh ships.
Thus all the American array, after the defeat of Long Island, found
itself united on the island of New York.
The check of Brooklyn had raade upon the Amencans a profound
impression of terror, and their position actually became very alarming.
Until then, they had flattered themselves that Heaven would con
stantly favor their arms ; and it was, in truth, the first time that
fortune had betrayed them so cruelly. But not having been accus
tomed to her rigors, from the excess of confidence which intoxicated
them in prosperity, they fell all al once inlo that of dejection.
They had persuaded theraselves that personal valor completely
supplied the want of discipline ; and they had gone so far as even
to hold in derision the European system of tactics. But since they
had found, by fatal experience, of how much utility it was in regular
battles, their eyes were opened, and they had lost all confidence in
theraselves. At first they had believed that courage, without disci
pline, could do all ; they now thought it could do nothing. Al every
moment they vvere apprehensive of some new surprise ; at every step
of falling into an ambuscade. Thus, from discouragement, they
became sliil raore negligent of order. The militia, especially, ac
cording to the usage of multitudes armed in moraents of emergency,
became every day more disorderly and intractable. Not content
wilh enjoying a liberty without bounds in the camp, they abandoned
their colors by hundreds, and entire regiments deserted lo return to
their provinces. Their example became fatal to the regular troops
themselves ; their subordination diminished, and desertion enfeebled
them daily. Their engagement was but for one year, and even in
some corps only for a few weeks ; the hope of soon returning lo
their fa,mUies and friends so acted upon these soldiers, that they
avoided dangers. Ardor and enthusiasra had at first overruled these
domestic affections ; but they now triumphed over a zeal extinguish
ed by iU fortune.
The fidelity of the generals was not suspected, but their talents
were distrusted, and every thing appeared lo threaten a total dissolu
tion. Confounded by the blows of fortune, and little used to sup
port them, the Americans thus gave themselves up for lost. Wash
ington contended earnestly, with exhortations, wilh persuasions, and

376 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.
with promises, to arrest the progress of the disorganization. WJierein,
if he did not succeed according lo his desires, he obtained, however,
more than his hopes. The greater part, yielding lo his authority,
and the benevolence they bore him, consented lo remain. He haa
not neglected to address the congress an energetic picture of the
deplorable situation ofhis army; he represented to them how impor
tant it was to accept no raore engagements, but for the total duration
of the war : and he assured thera that he must despair of American
liberty, unless he vvas furnished with an army that should stand by
him till the conclusion of the enterprise. The remonstrances and
instances of the commander-in-chief, were seconded by aU the mili
tary chiefs of distinction that were found at that tirae in America,
and the congress at length yielded to their desires. They decreed
that a regular army should be formed, in which the soldiers should
be enlisted to serve during the present war ; and that it should be
composed of eighty-eight battalions, to be raised in all the provinces
according lo their respective abilities.* To induce the inhabitants
to enlist, the congress decreed, besides, that a bounty of twenty
dollars should be given lo each man al the time of engagement, and
portions of unoccupied lands were proraised to the officers and sol
diers. f But from the difficulty of finding men who would enhst for
the whole term of the war, this resolution was afterwards modified,
so as to admit of engageraents either for three years or during the
War ; specifying, however, that such as enlisted only for three years
uad no right to grants of land. This raeasure was of greal utiUly.
Bere also is seen the power of good or ill fortune over nations. If
those who allow themselves to be over elated by prosperity, are
without courage in adversity, those vvho use the favors of fortune
with raoderation, are able to support its reverses with fortitude.
General Howe, wishing to take advantage of the terror which
victory inspires, and persuading hiraself that the Araericans, dis
heartened by so many checks, would be more modest in their pre
tensions, dispatched general Sullivan lo the congress with a message
purporting, that though he could not consistently treat wilh tiiat as
sembly in the character they had assuraed, yet he would gladly con
fer wilh some of their members in their private capacity, and would
* The eighty-eight battalions decreed by congress, were to be furnished in tlie follow
ing proportion : Three in New Hampsliirc, fifteen in Massachusetts, two in Rhode
Island, eight in Connecticut, four in New York, four in New Jersey, twelve in Penn
sylvania, one in Delaware, eight in Maryland, fifteen in Virginia, nine in NortliCaro.
Una, six in South Carolina, and one in Georgia.
1 The grant of lands was thus regulated : Five hundred acres to a colonel, foul
hundred to a major, three Imndred to a captain, two hundred to a lieutenant, one hun
dred and fifty to an ensign, and one hundred to non-commissioued officers and aoldien

BOOK VU. THE AMERICAN WAR. 377
ffieet them at any place they would appoint. He informed them that
he was empowered, wilh the admiral his brother, to terminate the
contest between Great Britain and Araerica, upon conditions equally
advantageous to both ; these conditions, he added, he had not been
able to obtain till after two months' delay, which had prevented him
from arriving before the declaration of independence. He express
ed an earnest desire that an arrangement might take place before
the events of the war became so decisive as to render it no longer a
matter of choice for one of the parties to treat. He assured them,
that if they were inclined to enter into an agreement, much might
be granted to them which they had not required. He concluded by
saying, that should the conference produce the probability of an ac
commodation, the authority of congress would be acknowledged in
order to render the treaty valid and complete in every respect. The
commissioners hoped thus, by insidious words, to dispose the Araer
icans lo resurae the yoke of England without dread.
It would be difficult to decide whether these propositions announc-
ed,'on the part of the EngUsh, more hope than despair of victory.
Perhaps the commissioners, not being authorized to grant all the
conditions they offered, merely threw thera out to create parties, or
to amuse the Americans and to divert thera frora their preparations
of war. However this raay be, the congress deliberated maturely
upon this overture. Their refusal to listen to the proffered terms
might alienate the minds of many ; and their consenting lo enter
iuto negotiation vvas a tacit admission that the declaration of inde
pendence was not irrevocable, or that ill fortune began to shake
their constancy. The congress, to avoid either of these inconve
niences, Ihough persuaded of the insincerity of the coraraissioners,
decided for a middle course. They made answer, through general
Sullivan, that the congress of the free and independent states of
America, could not, consistentiy wilh the trust reposed in them, send
their members to confer with any one whomsoever, otherwise than
in their public capacity. But that as they desired that peace might be
concluded upon equitable conditions, they would depute a comrait
tee of their body to learn whether the commissioners were authoriz
ed to treat, and what proposals they had to offer. Washington was
instructed, at the same time, to answer any overtures that might be
made him, by saying that the United Stales having taken arms to
defend their existence and their liberty, would vvillingly consent to
peace, provided the terms of it were reasonable, and drawn up first
in writing, in order lo be laid before congress.
Thus the Araericans appeared to incline for independence, with
out insisting, however, upon this point as an indispensable condition

378 THE AMERICAN WAR. HOOK VIi.
of peace, in order to reserve a way open to reconcUiation if the fate
of arms should prove too adverse. The deputies, appointed by
congress to hear the propositions of the commissioners, were Benja
min Franklin, John Adams, and Edward Rutledge, aU three zealous
partisans of independence. The interview took place the eleventh
of September, on Staten Island, opposite Amboy. Admiral Howe
spoke the first, saj ing, that though he could not treat wilh them as a
committee of congress, yet as he was authorized to confer with any
gentlemen of influence in the colonies, on the means of restoring
peace, he felt a real gratification in the present occasion to discourse
with them upon this important subject.
The deputies replied, that since they were come to hear him, he
was at Uberty to look upon thera in what light he pleased ; that they
could not, however, consider themselves in any other character than
that in which the congress had placed thera. Howe then entered
upon the subject of the meeting ; he demanded that the colonies
shou' J return to their allegiance and duty towards the British crown ;
he assured them of the earnest desire of the king to make his gov
ernraent easy and acceptable to them in every respect ; that those
acts of parliament which were so obnoxious to them would undergo
a revisal, and the instructions to govemors v/ould be reconsidered ;
that if any just causes of complaint were found in the acts or in
structions, they might be removed.
After having recounted the tyrannical acts of parliament, of
which all their supiDlications had failed to procure the repeal, the
deputies added, in reply, that a return to the domination of Greai
Britain was not now to be expected. ' There was no doubt, the)
said, that the Americans were inclined to peace, and wiUing to enter
i:ito any treaty with Britain that might be advantageous lo both
counlries. If there was the same good disposition on her part, it
would be easier for the commissioners, though not empowered at
present to treat wilh them as independent stales, to obtain fresh
powers frora their governraent for that purpose, than it would be
for the congress lo procure them from the colonies lo consent to
submission.' Howe then pul an end lo the conference, by saying that he deeply
regretted there was no longer any hope of an accommodation.
The three deputies made their report to congress of tiie issue of
this interview, observing that the powers of the English commission
ers were insufficient, and that it was impossible to place any depen
dence upon their offers or their promises. The congress approved
their conduct. This attempt at negotiation, Iherefore, served only
lo demonstiate, on the one hand, that the congress, persevering in

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 379
their resolution and undaunted by reverses, were determined not to
receive conditions from their enemies ; and on the other, how greatly
the English government vvas still deceived vvith respect to the spirit
which prevailed in America, and as to the means proper to be em
ployed for the re-establishment of the ancient order of things.
But it seems in this revolution lo have been the destiny of things,
that the remedies should always arrive aftei' the evUs were become
incurable ; and that the government, refusing, out of pride, at the fa
vorable moment, to acquiesce in useful concessions, should after
wards have lo submit to the rejection of its useless propositions.
The English generals, convinced by experience, that they must
renounce all hope of accommodation, now turned their attention ex
clusively to military operations. The royal army found itself sepa
rated from that of the congress only by the East river, which, com
municating with Harlem Creek, flows between Long Island and
Morrisania on the one part, and the island of New York on the
other. The intention of the EngUsh was to land on some part of
this last, Vi'here the least resistance could be opposed lo them. Their
ships cruised along the coasts, threatening sometimes one place and'
soraetiraes another, in order to keep the enemy at all points in
uncertainty, and afterwards to attack upon one only with more ad
vantage. A part of the fleet, having doubled Long Island, appeared
in the Sound, a gulf of great breadth which separates this island
frora the coast of Connecticut, and communicates with the East
riverj by means of a narrow channel, which a very dangerous navi
gation and frequent shipwreck? have caused to receive the narae
of HeU Gate.
The Enghsh had taken possession of the island of Montesoro,
situated in this strait, where they had erected a battery to answer
that vvhich the Araericans had planted upon the opposite side of the
river at HovenshooJc. Two frigates, passing between Governor's
Island and the point of Red Hook, had ascended into the East river,
without receiving uny injury frora the artillery of the enemy, and
had anchored out of its reach near a littie island. The main body
of the English fleet vvas moored in the waters of Governor's Island,
ready to attack the city of New York itself, or to enter either the
East river, or the Hudson.
MeanwhUe, the ships were continually engaged with the batteries
on shore, and frequent actions ensued for the possession of the little
islands which are found in tiie first of these rivers. The English
had need of them for the execution of their projects, and the Araer
icans saw the necessity of defending theni. But whether the Eng
lish artillery was better served, or that the soldiers of this nation

380 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.
had acquired more confidence frora their victory, and especially
owing to the assistance of their ships, they succeeded in carrying,
one after another, such of these islands, as their convenience re
quired, and thus secured for themselves the entrance of the East
river. Washington had furnished the two shores of the island of New
York with a numerous artiUery, and had thrown up intrenehments
in different places. He had four thousand five hundred men in the
city ; six thousand five hundred at Harlem, a village situated in front
of the opening of the sound ; and twelve thousand at Kingsbridge,
at the extremity of the island. He had been particularly careful to
fortify this passage, in order to secure a free communication with the
continent, and to prevent the enemy from seizing it by surprise, and
thus entirely locking up the American army within the island it
self. But the commander-in-chief felt extreme apprehensions for
the city, and began to despair of preserving il in the power of the
confederation. The enemy being considerably re-inforced in the
northern parts of Long Island, and having the command of the
sound, it was to be feared he might disembark on the center of the
island of New York, near the mouth of the sound, in which case
the garrison of the city, and all the troops encamped in its environs,
having their retreat intercepted, would have been compelled to sur
render ; or else that, traversing the sound and Morrisania, he would
go and establish himself wilh the greater part of his army in the
rear of Kingsbridge.
In this last hypothesis the AmiCricans, losing all communication
with the continent, would be forced either lo capitulate, or to fight
a battle whose success appeared secure in advance to the English
by the choice of ground and of time, and ^he discouragement which
still prevailed among the troops of the congress.
The fortune of the Americans would then be past all hope, as well
in consequence of the terror wilh which they vvould be seized, as
from the loss of arms, of munitions, and of baggage. Washington
had, therefore, signified to congress his apprehensions, praying them
lo inform him of their intentions relative to the city of New York, if
he found himself constrained to evacuate it. The coneress humane-
ly replied, that it should be left entire and safe. Having afterwards
assembled a council of war, he invited them to deliberate upon the
necessity of an immediate evacuation of the city, and it evidently
appeared that he was himself in favor of this raeasure. Some were
of the same opinion, for the reasons above mentioned, in which they
were confirmed by another consideration ; they calculated, that by
retirins further inlo the country, the English vvould be deprived of

BOOK vn. THE AMERICAN WAR. 381
the important advantage they derived from the co-operation of their
fleets. Olher members of the council manifested a contrary senti
ment, because they considered that the defense of New York would
cause the enemy lo consume time, and that, in the meanwhile, the
season for railitary operations would have elapsed. They also thought
that the evacuation of New York would have too much the appearance
of cowardice, and that it raight have the most fatal influence upon
the spirit of the soldiers and of the inhabitants ; the opinion of these
prevailed. But at length the English, having re-inforced themselves
greatly al the entrance of the sound, and in the islands of Montcsoi
and of Buchanan, a second council of war decided that it was no '.
only prudent but even necessary to abandon New York. Accord.
ingly, no lime was lost in reraoving, by vvay of the Hudson river, the
sick, the baggage, and the munitions, vvhich were landed far above ,
upon the shore of New Jersey. Some days after, the garrison march •
ed out of the city, leaving it entirely in the power of the enemy.
While this evacuation was effected wilh great order on the part of
the troops, but with rauch terror on the part of the inhabitants, a
report vvas suddenly spread that the enemy had landed on the island .
The soldiers hcistened lo make their junction with those stationed
at Harlem.
While some of the English ships had entered the Hudson river, in
order to draw the attention of the American generals on that sidt^,
and to interrupt the transportation of baggage and munitions, the first
division of the British array, commanded by general Clinton, had
embarked al the head of the bay at Newtown, and proceeding by the
sound, entered the East river through Hell Gate ; thence descending
wilh the current, il had gone lo disembark at Kipps Bay, three miles
m^rth of New York. This point ^as the weakest of all ; and the
English troops, protected by the fire of the ships, effected a landing
there almost without resistance. When Washington was apprised of
the debarkation, he detached the brigades of generals Parsons and
Fellows to re-inforce the corps that defended Kipps Bay. But they
had already turned their backs ; the others imitated them, and sharae
fully fled, in defiance of the efforts of their officers to retain them.
Washington arrived himself, and raUied them ; but al sight of the
English troops these militia disbanded anew. If the English had
immediately pressed forward, they would, without any doubt, have
intercepted the retreat of the garrison of New York. But whether
their generals could not credit so much pusillanimity on the part ot
the Americans, and were unwilling lo risk themselves between two
fires ; or whether, as some writers assert, being elated with their suc
cess, they hailed for the space of full two hours to divert themselves

382 ' THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.
in the house of a gentiewoman of the country, it is certain that they
gave time lo general Putnam, who commanded the garrison, to de
file and to rejoin the rest of the army. The Araericans, however,
lefl in the power of the enemy their heavy artiUery, a great propor
tion of their baggage and munitions, and particularly their tents, of
which they had the greatest need. They lost but few soldiers, and
those in a skirmish near Bloomingdale.
The British army having dispatched a strong detachraent to take
possession of the city of New York, which affords accommodation
for aconsiderablegarrison, went to encamp in the ccnterof theisland,
its right wing being posted al Horen's Hook, upon the East river, and
its lefl at Bloomingdale, upon the Hudson. It thus occupied the
entire breadth of the island, from one shore to the olher, which in
this place is more than a mile. The Araericans were strongly in
trenched in the northern part of the island, and especially al Kings-
bridge ; they had, besides, a position upon the heights of Harlem,
distant only a raile and a half frora the English outposts. They
occupied another difficult passage between Harlera and Kingsbridge,
as well as the fort they had naraed Washington, upon the lefl bank
ofthe Hudson.
There resulted, frora the respective situation of the armies, fre-
.luent rencounters, in which the Araericans gradually resumed cour
age, and accustomed themselves anew to look the enemy in the face.
Washington ardently desired that his troops should often have these
affairs with tiie English. Among others, there ensued a very hot
action in the plain of Harlem, where some corps of English and
Hessians, led on too far by their ardor, fell into an ambuscade which
the Americans had laid for them, and were handled yery roughly.
Washington, in his official letters, highly coraraended the valor dis
played by his troops on this occasion.
A few days after the iraportant position of New York had come
into the power of the royal troops, there broke out in it a conflagra
tion, which some attributed lo the malice of certain individuals among
the inhabitants theraselves, lo deprive the English of the resources
offered them by this greal city ; others merely to chance. Il was
published al tbe time, that the fire had been kindled in various places
at once, by means of eombustibles disposed with great dexterity ;
but the Americans positively denied il. Such was the rapidity of
the flames, the wind being violent and the weather very dry, that
notwithstanding the speed and activity vvith which the garrison exert
ed themselves, a fourth part of the city was consumed. In the fury
which transported them, they .seized several of those whom tiiey con

BOOK vii. THE AMERICAN WAR. 383
sidered as the authors of this disaster, and precipitated them into
the midst of the fire.
The English general, perceiving that the strength ofthe enemy's
intrenehments was such as lo render the attempt lo dislodge him by
an attack, both extremely hazardous and of doubtful success, took
the resolution which, perhaps, he should have taken al first, that is,
to go and encamp behind the position which the Americans occupied
at Kingsbridge, and thus compel him to combat with disadvantage,
to retire with loss, or to remain with peril. Accordingly, having left
lord Percy with two English brigades, and one of Hessians in the
encampment of Harlem, for the protection of New York, he embark
ed with the rest of the array in flat-bottomed boats ; and having
safely entered the sound through Hell Gate, proceeded to disembark
at Frogs Neck, in the vicinity of West Chester, upon the confines of
New York and Connecticut.
This movement of general Howe has been the object of some
criticisms ; il was pretended that the Americans might have over
whelmed, by a sudden attack, the corps left at Harlem, and thus re
covered possession of New York. But, perhaps, he founded the
success of his operation upon the discouragement of the colonial
troops, and upon the presence of the fleet, vvhich in any event could
afford a shelter to the corps of Harlem, if they should find them
selves loo hard pressed. General Howe had also strongly fortified
Gowans Hill in order to cover the city. Then, with a view lo pre
vent the enemy frora receiving provisions frora New Jersey by raeans
of the Hudson river, he had ordered three frigates to pass up the
river above forts Washington and Lee ; the first situated upon the
left bank, and the second upon the right. This order was executed
with extreme ability, notwithstanding the artillery of the two forts,
and the obstructions with which the Americans had endeavored to
impede the navigation.
The English general remained several days at Frogs Neck, as well
to repair the bridges which the enemy had broken, as lo wait for a
considerable re-inforcement which he had called from Staten Island.
The road from Frogs Neck to Kingsbridge is exces'^ively rough with
continual masses of small stones, and the Americans had also ob
structed it in many places. Washington, vvho had asserabled all his
army at Kingsbridge, sent forward his light infantry to scour the
country, and to harass the enemy in his march.
General Howe, having received his re-inforcements, put himself in
motion vvith all his troops ; he crossed Pelham Manor, and went to
encamp al New Rochelle, where he was joined by the second divis
ion of Hessians, and of the troops of Waldeck under general Knyp-

384 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK Vll.
hausen, and by a regiment of cavalry lately arrived at New York
from Ireland. As the principal project of the expedition was to in
tercept the communication of Washington with the eastern provinces,
und then, if he dechned to venture an engagement, to shut him up
on the island of New York, consequently it was necessary to occu
py the two roads leading into Connecticut ; the one upon the coast
of the sound, and the other more inland. The first was already in
the povver of the English ; but in attempting lo occupy the second,
it vvas requisite lo traverse the difficult country of vvhich we have
already made mention, in order to secure the post of the highlands,
known by the name of White Plains, upon the rear of Kingsbridge.
' General Howe deterrained to take this route ; he marched, how
ever, slowly and with extreme caution, after leaving at New Ro
chelle the Gerraan corps, lately arrived, to secure the lower road,
and the communication with those places whence stores and neces
saries were to arrive.
Washington examined, with attention, the danger of his position.
He penetrated the designs of the enemy, and consequently decided
to abandon, with the main body of his army, the encampment of
Kingsbridge. Extending, therefore, his left wing, he look post wilh
it in the White Plains, while the right <^ccupied the heights of Val
entine's Hill, near Kingsbridge ; the center exactly filled the space
comprehended between these tw o points. Here he intrenched hun
self wilh the greatest care. His army thus formed a well secured
line, parallel to the river Bru'ix, which lay on its front, and separated
il from the EngUsh, who, marched up along the lefl bank of this
stream. Washington had behind him the great river Hudson, into vvhich
the English frigates had not yet been able to penetrate so far as lo
intercept the supplies of provisions which he received from the up
per parts. With his left wing he occupied the upper road of Con
necticut, by which he was also abundantly supplied vvith provisions
and munitions. He had left sufficient garrisons at Kingsbridge, at
Harlem, and in fort Washington ; in this last place, however, against
his own opinion. Meanwhile, he detached nuraerous parties, over
tiie Brunx, in order to retard the raotions of the eneray. Hence
frequent skirraishes ensued, and though the royalists had generally
the advantage in these rencounters, they still served to dissipate the
tenor of the Araericans, who every day showed themselves more
bold in defying the enemy.
Upon the approach of the English to the White Plains, Washing
ton, all at once, called in his detachments, and abandoning the posi
tions he had occupied along the Brunx, assembled all his troops in a

BOOK vn. THE AMERICAN WAR So.")
strong camp upon the heights, near these plains, in front of the ene
my. His right flank was protected by the Brunx, which, by its
windings, also covered the front of the right wing. The main body
was nearly parallel to the river, and the left wing being placed at a
right angle upon the center, and consequently parallel to the right
extended towards the north upon the hills, as much as vvas necessary
to guard the defiles leading .o the upper mountainous regions, into
vvhich the army, if expedient, might retire. But the right wing,
being posted in more level and less difficult ground, found itself
raore exposed ; wherefore general Macdougall was ordered to oc
cupy, with a strong detachment, a mountain about a mUe distant
from the camp ; he intrenched himself there as well as the lime
would admit of.
Such was the position of the American army when the English
arrived within seven or eight miles of White Plains, and prepared
themselves to attack without loss of lime. On the morning of the
twenty-eighth of October, they advanced in two columns, the right
commanded by general Clinton, and the left by general Heister.
At noon, all the outposts being driven back by the English and
Hessian light infantry, the British army appeared before the Ameri
can camp. Iraraediately there ensued a cannonade, but to very
little effect. The English drew up in order of battle ; their right
occupied the road which leads to Merrineck, about a mile distant
from the center of the enemy ; while the left, equally distant from
his right, bordered the Brunx. The English general having observed
the importance of the posili9n taken by general Macdougall, and
being persuaded that the right of the enemy, which vvas his only
assailable point, could not be forced so long as it should be protected
by a post of such strength, resolved lo wrest it from the Americans.
He ordered a Hessian regiment, commanded by colonel Ralle, to
ford the Brunx, and by a circuitous movement to fall upon the flank
of general Macdougall, while general Leslie should attack him in
front with a brigade of English and Hessians. Colonel Ralle having
arrived at the point indicated, Leslie, who had also crossed the
Brunx, furiously assaulted the intrenehments of Macdougall. The
militia soon fled, but the regular troops made a valiant resistance.
A regiment of Maryland, conducted by colonel Smallwood, and a
regiment of New York, under colonel Ratzemar, ventured even to
come out of the Unes, and to charge the enemy at the very foot of
the mountain, but they were overpowered by nuraber and forced to
retire. Then the English and Hessians ascended the heights with
singular intrepidity, and look possession of them after a vigorous
struggle. The Americans, however, continued for some time to fire
VOL. I. 25

386 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VH,
from behind the walls of inclosures, and thus retarded the progress
of the assaflarits. But general Putnam, who had been sent to their
succor, could not arrive in season. The loss of men in this action
was great on the one part as well as on the other.
Washington, calmly expecting that the eneray would come lo
attack him next, had already sent into his rear the sick and the
baggage ; but as it grew towards the close of day, the English
general determined to defer the assault till the next morning. He
caused his troops to encamp within cannon shot of the American
lines. Washington took advantage of the night to strengthen them
vvith additional works, and to occupy a stronger position in the rear
vvith his left wing, which, by the loss of the mountain, had become
raore exposed. When the light appeared, general Howe reconnoi-
tered the intrenehments of the enemy, and found them sufficiently
formidable to determine him to wait the arrival of some battalions
that had been left at New York, under the comraand of lord I'ercy,
and of several companies from Merrineck. These re-inforcements
being received on the evening of the thirtieth, he appointed the fol
lowing morning for the assault, but the excessive rain which feU during
the night and also in the morning, compelled him lo defer il. The
American general, in the mean tirae, examined his position with
his accustomed prudence ; he was decided not to risk a pitched bat
tle without the strongest hope of success. He perceived that the
English had already erected four or five batteries, and that by turn
ing his right flank they might get possession of the heights situated
upon his rear. He concluded, therefore, to break up his camp in
the night of the first of November. He reraoved il into a countiy
StiU more mountainous in the vicinity of North Castle ; having pre
viously sel fire to the houses in White Plains, and the neighborhood,
and to the forage that was found in the carap. He immediately
detached a strong corps to occupy the bridge over the Croton river,
which leads to the upper parls of the Hudson. On the foUowing
morning the English took possession of the American camp.
General Howe, perceiving that his enemy declined an engage
ment, and that from the situation of the country, and his knowledge
of every advantageous position, il would be impossible to compel
him to fight but upon the most unequal and hazardous terms, took
the determination to discontinue the pursuit, and to turn his atten
tion to the reduction of the forts and fastnesses still occupied by the
Americans in the neighborhood of New York. His views were
particularly directed upon fort ^Vashington, vvhich vvas its principal
bulwark. But, though the ground where this fortress had been
erected was very rough and difficult, its fortifications were not suffi-

BOOK VII. TIIE AMERICAN WAR. 387
cientiy strong to resist heavy artillery. Il was incapable, frora its
Uttle extent, of containing raore than a thousand defenders ; the out
works that surrounded it, especially to the south, towards New York,
might lodge, it is true, a much stronger garrison.
The commander-in-chief, as if he had foreseen the event, had
written to general Greene, vvho commanded in this part, enjoining
him to reflect maturely upon his position, and in case he should find
that fort Washington was not in a situation to sustain an assault, lo
cause it to be forthwith evacuated ; and to transport the garrison lo
the right bank of the Hudson. But this general, either believing
that the strength of the place and the valor of the troops vvould
assure him a long defense, or from the apprehension that his retreat
would increase the already too general discouragement of the Amer
icans, took the resolution to hold out to the last. He was herein
the more easily determined, as he believed that the garrison would
always be able lo retreat into fort Lee, situated upon the other
bank of the river. But Washington judged less favorably of the
future ; he was persuaded that the English would not reraain satis
fied with the reduction of the first fort ; but that, crossing the river,
and making themselves masters of the second, which was not tenable,
they vvould spread themselves in the province of New Jersey. He
left therefore general Lee, with the mflitia of the eastern provinces,
upon the left bank of the Hudson, and having secured the strong
positions towards the Croton river, and especially that of Peeks Kill,
near the Hudson itself, he crossed that river with the main body of
his army, and went to rejoin general Greene in his carap under fort
Lee. General Lee himself had orders lo come wilh all speed and
join hira, in case the enemy, after having taken the forts, should
show himself upon the right bank of the Hudson. He afterwards
wrote to the governor of New Jersey, requesting hira lo reraove
the magazines of provisions into the most remote parts, and lo call
out all the miUtia. All these dispositions being made to his wish,
Washington watched with an attentive eye the movements of the
enemy. MeanwhUe, general Howe had ordered general Knyphausen to
march from New Rochelle, and to occupy Kingsbridge. This he
executed without obstacles, the Americans, who guarded this posi
tion, having fallen back upon fort Washington. The corps of gen
eral Knyphausen consequently penetrated into the island of New
S'"ork, and proceeded to invest the fort, on the part of the north.
A shorl time after, the English general himself abandoned the
While Plains, and descending along the banks of the Hudson, con
ducted the rest of the army to Kingsbridge. He pitched his camp

383 THE AMERICAN WAH.

BOOK VII,

upon the heiglils of Fordham, his right wing being covered by the
Hudson, and his left by the Brunx.
The royalists then prepared to attack fort Washington ; its inte
rior and appertenances were defended by full three thousand men,
under the coraraand of colonel Magaw, a brave and experienced
officer. He was suraraoned in vain to surrender. The besiegers
proceeded lo the assault in four divisions, the first from the north,
commanded by general Knyphausen, and consisting of Hessians
and the troops of Waldeck ; the second from the east, composed of
Enghsh light infantry and two battalions of guards, conducted by
general Matthews. This corps was lo attack the intrenehments
which extended from fort Washington almost lo the East river; the
third, commanded by colonel Sterling, vvas destined to pass this riv
er lower down than the second, in order to assail the fort more to
the south ; but this was only a feint. The fourth, which obeyed the
orders of lord Percy, a very strong corps, was directed to aim its as
sault against the western flank of the fortress. These different di
visions were provided wilh a numerous and excellent artillery. Thj
Hessia-.is, under general Knyphausen, were lo pass through a very
thick forest, where colonel Rawlings vvas already posted with his regi
ment of riflemen. An extremely warm affair was engaged, in which
the Germans sustained a severe loss. The Araericans, ambushed
behind the trees and rocks, fired in security ; but at last, tiie Hes
sians, redoubling their efforts, gained a very steep ascent, whence
they came down upon the enemy with an irresistible impetuosity ;
the divisions which followed thera were thus enabled to land without
molestation. Colonel Rawlings retreated under the cannon of the
fort. Lord Percy, on his part, had carried an advanced work, which
facilitated the debarkation of the party under colonel SterUng, who,
the moment he had landed, forced his way up a difficult height, which
was very resolutely defended ; he gained the summit, where he took
a considerable number of prisoners, notwithstanding their gallant
resistance. Colonel Cadwallader, who was charged with the defense
of this part, retired also into the fort.
Colonel Ralle, who led the right column of general Knyphausen'3
attack, surmounted all obstacles wilh admirable valor, and lodged
his column within one hundred yards of the fort. Soon afler gene
ral Knyphausen joined him with the left column ; having al length
extricated himself from the difficulties encountered in the forest.
The garrison having thus lost, though not without glory, all their
advanced works, found themselves closely invested within the body
of the fortress. The besiegers then summoned colonel JVlagaw to
surrender. He had already consumed neariy aU his ammunition.

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 389
The very multitude of defenders pressed into so narrow a space,
was prejudicial to defense, and every thing demonstrated that he
could not sustain an assault. Accordingly he decided to capitulate.
The garrison, amounting to two thousand six hundred men, inclu
sive of the country mUitia, surrendered prisoners of war. The Amer
icans had few kUled ; the royalists lost about eight hundred, the
greater part Gerraans.
The reduction of fort Washington thus gave the royal army entire
possession of the island of New York.
Wishing to avail himself to the uti.iosl of the defeat of the Araer
icans, and to prevent thera from raUymg at another point, general
Howe confided to lord Cornwallis the command of a corps of about
six thousand men, directing him to pass the Hudson at Dobb's Ferry,
and forthwith to invest fort Lee, in order, if possible, to surprise the
garrison, which consisted in two thousand men. They had scarcely
time to save themselves by abandoning the place, the moment they
heard of the surrender of fort Washington, of the passage of the
enemy, and of his force. Their artillery and raiUtary stores, their
baggage, and particularly their tents, a loss the most sensible, feU into
the power of the victors. The vanquished retired to the other side
of the Hackensack. The British could now penetrate into the very
heart of New Jersey. ,
These successive checks, the loss of the two forts, Washington
and Lee, and especially the excessive vigor of the attack, which had
constrained the first to surrender, produced a deplorable change in
the fortune of the Americans. They beheld all at once what the
fatal battle of Brooklyn had not been able to operate; the dissolution
of their army.
The militia disbanded and precipitately retired to their habita
tions ; even the regular troops, as if struck with despair, also filed
off, and deserted in parties.
Every thing, at this period of the war, threatened Araerica with an
inevitable catastrophe.
The army of Washington was so enfeebled that it scarcely
amounted lo three thousand men, who had lost all courage and
aU energy, and were exposed in an open country, without instru
ments to intrench themselves, without tents lo shelter thera from the
inclemency of the season, and in the midst of a population little
zealous, or rather hostile towards the republic.
The general of congress had to face a victorious army, more than
twenty thousand strong, composed entirely of disciplined and vet
eran troops. The excellent generals who comraanded il, using the
ardor inspired by victory, pursued their advantages with vivacity, and

3y0 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK Vll
flattered themselves that a few days would suffice to crush the wrecks
of the repubUcan army, and pul an end to the war. To all the
difficulties against which Washington had to contend, should be
added, that the English cavalry, Ihough without being very numer
ous, scoured all the flat country, whereas he had nothing lo oppose
lo it except a few diminutive and feeble hackneys from Connecticut,
commanded by major Shelden. So total a deficiency of cavahy, in
the immense plains of this country, appeared to extinguish for the
Americans their lillie chance of success. They were no belter pro
vided wilh artillery than wilh horses. The greater part of theu
feeble army consisted in militia, almost all frora New Jersey. These
were either of suspicious fideUty, or desirous of returning to their
habitations, to rescue their property and farailies frora the perils that
menaced thera. The few regular soldiers who still remained with
their colors, completed their term of service with the expiration of
the year ; it was therefore to be feared that this phantom of an army
would vanish entirely in the space of a few days.
In so profound a distress, the American general could not hope lo
receive prompt or sufficient re-inforceraents. Consternation reigned
in all the contiguous provinces ; so that each, trembling for himself,
refused lo succor others. There still remained a few regiments of
regular troops upon the frontiers of Canada ; but they were neces
sary there lo arrest the progress of the enemy ; and, besides, the
terra of engageraent was about lo dissolve thera shortly. Upon the
heel of so raany disasters vvas the iraminent danger of seditions on
the part of the disaffected, vvho in various places loudly invoked the
name of England. An insurrection appeared ready to explode in
the county of Monmouth, in this very province of New Jersey, so
that Washington found hiraself constrained lo detach a part of his
army, already a mere skeleton, to overawe the agitators. The pres
ence of a victorious royal army had dissipated the terror wilh which
the patriots al first had inspired the loyalists. They began lo aban
don theraselves without reserve lo all the fury which animated them
against their adversaries. The EngUsh commissioners determined
to avail themselves of this disposition of the inhabitants to revolt
against the authority of congress. Accordingly the two brothers
Howe drew up a proclamation, which they circulated profusely
throughout the country. They commanded all those who had arms
in hand to disperse and return to their habitations ; and all those who
exercised civil magistracies lo cease their functions and divest them
se.ves of their usurped authoril) But, at the same time, they offer
ed a full pardon to aU such as v hhin the space of sixty days should
present themselves before the civJ or military officers of the crown,

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR 391
declaring their intention to lake the benefit of the amnesty, and
promising a sincere return to the obedience due to the laws and to
the royal authority. This proclamation had the effect which the
coraraissioners had promised themselves from il. A multitude of
persons of every rank, availing themselves of the clemency of the
victor, came daily to iraplore his forgiveness, and to protest their
submission. It was remarked, however, that they belonged, for the greater part,
to the class of the very poor, or of the very rich. The inhabitants
of a middle condition manifested more constancy in their opinions.
Several of the newly reconciled had occupied the first stations in the
popular order of things ; they had beei. members either of the pro
vincial government, or of the council of general safety, or of the
tribunals of justice. They excused themselves by saying that they
had only acted, in what they had hitherto done, with a view lo pro
mote the public welfare, and to prevent greater disorders ; they al
ledged, finaUy, that tbey had been drawn in by their parents and
friends, whom they were unable to refuse. Those who had contem
plated them in all their arrogance, and who'saw them then so raeek,
so subraissive, and so humble in their words, could scarcely persuade
theraselves that they were indeed the sarae individuals. But raen ol
this stamp dread rauch less lo be considered inconstant and per
fidious, than rebels to the laws of the strongest ; they much prefer to
escape danger with infamy, than to encounter it with honor. Nor was
it only in New Jersey, and in the midst of the victorious royal troops,
that these abrupt changes of party were observed ; the inhabitants
of Pennsylvania flocked in hke manner to hurable themselves al the
feel of the English commissioners, and to promise them fealty and
obedience. Among others there came the Galloways, the faraily ot
the Aliens, and sorae others of the most wealthy and reputable.
The example became pernicious, and the most prejudicial effects
were lo be apprehended frora it. Every day ushered in some new
calamity ; the cause of America seemed hastening to irretrievable
ruin. The most discreet no longer dissembled that the term of the
war vvas at hand ; and that the hour was come in which the colonies
were about to resume the yoke. But Washington, in the midst of
so much adversity, did not despair of the public safety. His con
stancy was an object of admiration. Far from betraying any symp
toms of hesitation or of fear, he showed himself to his dejected sol
diers with a serene countenance, and radiant, as it were, vvith a cer
tain hope of a better future. Adverse fortune had not been able to
vanquisii, nay, not even to shake this invincible spirit. Firmly re
solved to pursue their object through every fortune, fhe congress

392 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK Vii.
manifested a similar constancy. Il appeared as if the spirit of these
greal minds increased wilh adversity.
America is assuredly indebted to the magnaniraity of her chiefs
for the victory and independence which have crowned her efforts.
Thus pressed by tirae and circumstances, Washington took all the
measures suggested by prudence in order to re-inforce his army, not
with the hope of being able lo arrest the enemy in his triumphant
march, but at least that he raight not appear to have entirely aban
doned the republic ; and, finally, to keep his standard waving till
Divine Providence, or the benignity of fortune, should offer him an
occasion to retrieve the affairs of his country.
He had some tirae before, as we have already related, directed
general Lee lo occupy, wilh a part of the army, tbe country watered
by the Upper Hudson, in order to be at hand to succor the corps of
Canada vvhich opposed general Carleton upon the lakes. But on
seeing New Jersey unguarded, and the danger which instantly men
aced the city of Philadelphia itself, he ordered him to come, by
forced marches, to rejoin him. This order was the moue easy tobe
executed, as it was soonknown that general Carleton, afler having
occupied Crown Point and made himself raaster of Lake Champlain,
as wiU be seen in the course of this hislory, had retired without
having ventured to attack Ticonderoga. The comraander-in-chief,
therefore, instructed general Schuyler lo send him, without delay,
the troops of Pennsylvania and of New Jersey, that were upon the
frontiers of Canada. General Mercer, vvho commanded a corps of
light infantry at Berghen, hkewise, received orders to rejoin the prin
cipal army vvith all speed. Little calculation, however, could be
made upon these re-inforceraents in the present state of things ; the
march was long, the road difficult, the engagement of the soldiers
almosi expired, and the victorious enemy menaced upon all points
at once. The American general neglected not lo resort lo the suc
cors of the railitia. He had represenled to the principal authorities of
Pennsylvania the critical situation of Philadelphia, vvhich could not
be saved unless his array was promptiy re-inforced ; he therefore
earnestly pressed them to send hira the militia of the province.
Washington, finding his letters neariy without effecl,dispatched gene
ral Mifflin, who enjoyed great popular favor in this province, to paint,
with vivid coloring, the urgency of the danger, and the necessity of
a general effort to avert it. He wrote also to the governor of New
Jersey, apprising him that unless he asserabled the railitia and caus
ed them to join the array immediately, he must expect to see the
enemy overrun the entire provinc? as a conqueror, pass the Dela
ware, and seize PhUadelphia.

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 393
All his efforts were equally ineffectual in this part. The lower
districts of the province, either wanting zeal or chilled with terror,
made no movement ; and it vvas not without a sort of repugnance
that the inhabitants of the upper countries took arms for the defense
of country.
Reduced lo the uncertain hope of these feeble re-inforcements,
the Araericans saw their eneraies redoubling activity to render their
triumph more complete. The army of congress, after its retreat,
had the Hackensack upon its front ; but this narrow stream could
not be considered as a sufficient defense against the keen pursuit ol
the EngUsh. Besides, as the Passaick flowed at no great distance
in the rear of Washington, and the light troops of the eneray inun
dated the country, he ran the risk of being locked in between these
two rivers. He therefore crossed the Passaick over the bridge of
Aquakannunkj'and took up his quarters at Newark, upon the right
bank. The English immediately also passed the Hackensack, and
overran the country up lo the Passaick. Washington, seeing lord
ComwaUis approach will, rapidity, abandoned the borders of this
river, and retiring behind the Rariton, took post at New Brunswick.
Here the troops of Maryland and of New Jersey declared their
term of engagement was expired, and deserting the rest of the army,
retired to their respective homes. Some corps ofthe Pennsylvania
mihtia followed this example ; and the army, already so feeble, found
itself upon the point of ceasing to exist. The English showed them
selves every where, and always equaUy animated.
Washington, vvith the few regiments he had left, ventured lo make
some demonstrations as if he intended to resume the offensive ; but
this maneuver was, in fact, designed to cover his retreat to Trenton,
upon the left bank of the Delaware. Lord Sterling was left at
Princeton, with twelve hundred men, to observe the motions of the
enemy. Having lillie hope of being able to maintain even this po
sition long, he sent across the river the sick, the baggage, and the
munitions, and caused all the boats to be withdrawn to the opposite
bank, that the English might not use them to effect their passage.
He determined, however, to remain upon the frontiers of New Jer
sey, in order to be always at hand to retard the progress of the ene
my. At length, having received a re-inforcement of two thousand
men, composed of the armed citizens of Philadelphia, and of the
Gerraan battalion already mentioned, he pressed forward wilh the
intention of returning to Princeton. But upon the rumor, contin
ually increasing, that lord Cornwallis was on his march from New
Brunswick with a formidable force, divided in several columns so as
to endanger his communications with the river, he retreated anew,

394 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.
and the eighth of Deceraber, leaving the frontiers of New Jersey
entirely in the power of the enemy, he withdrew upon the right
bank of the Delaware, having first, however, cut the bridges, broken
the roads, and reraoved all the ferry boats. Scarcely had the rear
guard gained the right bank, when the English light troops began
to appear upon the left ; but finding no means to cross the river,
they could pursue no further.
The river Delaware was now the last defense that remained to
the American troops ; if the English could pass il, ihey infallibly
became masters of PhUadelphia. And the acquisition of a city of
such importance, which was at once the capital of the confederation,
the seat of government, as well as of the principal authorities, and
the central repository of military stores and provisions, must have
produced such an effect upon the minds of the people, as perhaps
would have given the English a complete triumph, or al least vvould
have authorized them to expect a prompt tern.inalion of the war in
their favor.
But lord Cornwallis, following the orders of general Howe, who
did not proceed in this operation with the requisite ardor, had re
mained too long at New Brunswick ; he thus left Washington at
liberty to interpose every obstacle to the passage of the river. It is
iinposs ble here not to blame the neglige ice of the EngU jh generals,
who had not seasonably collected aU the materials for lay ing bridges.
and vvho even never Ihoughl of constructing rafts in order lo gain
the other bank. They raight have done il in these flrst moments.
Perhaps, no longer doubting of the certain success of their arms,
they imagined they could pass the river whenever they pleased, and
that Philadelphia would immediately open its gates lo them — a
memorable example, vvhich proves that in war, more than in any
other circumstance of life, it should never be thought that aU is done,
while there still remains something lo do ! It is perfectly certain
that this unexpected delay of the English operated to their preju
dice through the whole course of the war, and that il was to this
capital fault the Americans owed their safety.
The English general established his head-quarters at Trenton, ex
tending his two wings, above and below, along the lefl bank of the
Delaware. This river, after having run from northwest to southeast
till il reaches Bordentown, there makes a sudden bend, and flows
to the southwest tow^ards Philadelphia; if the English, iherefore, had
passed it above Trenton, at a place called Coriell's Ferry, or in its
Vicinity, they would have found theraselves as near to this capital as
the Americans themselves, who guarded the banks of the Delaware
opposite Trenton. That they had formed this design is demon-

BOOK vn. THE AMERICAN WAR. 395
strated by the attempt they made to seize certain boats at Coriell's
Ferry, which, however, was defeated by the vigilance of lord Ster
ling. To oppose an obstacle to this passage, the commander-in-
chief directed general Putnam, ar. engineer of great abiUty, to draw
lines from the SchuylkiU to the heights of Springatsburgh. Hut as the
enemy had repaired the bridges below Trenton, and the corps he
had at Bordentown were daily re-inforced, the Americans became
apprehensive that he would attempt to pass the river at once above
them al Coriell's Ferry and below them al Burlington ; which would
have enabled him to close upon their rear, and thus lo shut up their
whole army in the point of land formed by the flexure of the Dela
ware. To obviate this danger, Washington stationed his galleys in
places the most proper lo observe the motions of the English, and
to repulse them if they attempted the passage. The upper parts
being the most raenaced, he detached his best troops to guard them.
Redoubts were erected from distance to distance, and furnished
wilh artiUery. Finally, the order was given, in case of misfortune,
and if the enemy passed the river, that all the troops should fall back
upon Germantown, a large village, but a few miles distant from
PhUadelphia. The EngUsh generals, seeing the enemy's preparations of defense,
and perhaps hoping to be able to pass the Delaware in safely, when
it should be frozen, which, as the season was now advanced, might
be expected very shortly, instead of following the Americans in
fheir retreat, and of allowing them no time lo rally, distributed their
troops in winter quarters. Four thousand men look their lodgings
upon the very bank of the river, at Trenton, at Bordentown, at Black
horse and at BurUngton. Strong detachments occupied Princeton
and New Brunswick, where were found their magazines of provis
ions and of munitions. The rest of the troops were cantoned about
in the viUages of New Jersey.
While the EngUsh array was thus arrested upon the banks of the
Delaware, either by the negligence or presumption of its chiefs, or
by the firmness and prudence of Washington, this general omitted
no exertions to re-inforce his army wilh militia, as well as with
regular troops.
Generals Miffiin and Armstrong, who both enjoyed a great in
fluence in Pennsylvania, went through the province, exhorting the
people to take arms and fly to the defense of the capital, and of the
country. Their exhortations and the approach of danger produced
the desired effect. Many of the inhabitants repaired to the republi
can standard, though without manifesting all of ihem a very ardent
zeal. That the regular troops might serve as a nucleus, for the

396 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIT.
militia to rally about, Washington ordered general Gates to bring
him promptly the best of the troops he commanded in Canada, after
having posted the militia of New England to guard the most impor
tant passes. Gates arrived the iTventieth of December at the army
of Pennsylvania. General Lee had received the same order ; but he
executed it with great slowness and a sort of repugnance ; whether
his ambition led him to prefer the command of a separate army, or
that he considered it as more advisable to maintain himself in the
upper and mountainous parts of New Jersey, in order to be always
ready to annoy the right flank of the British army. He was drawn
from this languor by an event which threw him into a painful cap
tivity, and which filled all Araerica with profound regret, where his
zeal, his intelligence, and his railitary skill, were held in the highest
consideration. Being at a place caUed Baskinbridge, distant about twenty miles
frora the quarters of the enemy, he thought himself so out of aU
danger that he neglected the usual precautions. He took up his
quarters at a house considerably reraoved frora the main body, where
he reraained wilh a slender guard. Colonel Harcourt, who scoured
the country with his cavalry, was inforraed of this circumstance by a
loyalist, and immediately galloped towards the place where Lee was
so incautiously lodged. The colonel, appearing suddenly, secured
the sentinels without noise, and darting into the house, arrested the
general. He caused hira iraraediately lo mount a very swift horse,
and vvith the same promptness and good fortune conducted him
prisoner to New York. This news spread as much consternation
among the Americans, as alacrity among the English ; who boasted
that they had seized the Palladium of Araerica. This capture of
general Lee occasioned transports of joy even at the court of Saint
James, as if some great victory had bpen obtained, or as if this inci
dent vvas more fortunate than the conquest of New Jersey itself, and
the fair prospect opened of soon entering the city of Philadelphia.
From this tirae there arose a violent controversy between the chiefs
of the two parties, relative to the manner in which general Lee and
tiie other prisoners of war should be treated. General Gage, wheri
he was invested with the command, had always refused lo consent
lo the exchange of prisoners. There resulted from it a deplorable
system of cruelly on the one part as well as on the other. But when
general Howe appeared al the head of the British army, either be
cause his character was more humane than that of his predecessor
or that he had received particular instructions frora his government,
or, finaUy, that hs vvas constrained to it by tiie great number of Eng
Ush who were lallen into the power of the Americans, he had agreed

^OOK vn. THE AMERICAN WAR. 397
from ti^ne to lime to make exchanges. But when he found himself
in possession of general Lee, he refused to fulfill with respect lo him
the laws of war, and caused him to be closely confined, as if he had
been a prisoner of state. He advanced as a reason for his conduct
that Lee being invested with the rank of an officer in the English
army, he was to be considered as a deserter and a traitor. He had
formerly received, it is true, his half pay as a British officer ; but
upon the breaking out of hostilities, he had resigned his rank in Eng
land, to be at liberty lo enter the service of America. But this res
ignation had not perhaps arrived seasonably ; or the hatred borne
him by the government and British generals having more power over
them than the usage of civilized nations, they affected lo consider
and treat him rather as a prisoner of stale than as a prisoner of war.
As Washington had no British officer in his povver of equal rank
wilh general Lee, he had proposed lo general Howe to give six Hes
sian officers in exchange for him ; adding, that in case this offer
should not be accepted, he demanded al least that Lee should be
treated in a manner suitable to his rank, and this not only in con
formity with the laws of nations, but also in reciprocity for the good
treatment which the English officers that were prisoners received on
the part of the Americans. General Howe persisted in his refusal ;
the congress then resorted to reprisals. They ordered that lieuten
ant-colonel Campbell and five Hessian officers should be imprisoned
and treated as general Lee. This order was executed even with
more rigor than it prescribed. The lieutenant-colonel, being then
at Boston, was thrown inlo a dungeon destined for malefactors.
Washington blamed this excess ; he knew that Lee was detained,
but not ill treated. He also apprehended reprisals, since there were
more Americans in the hands of the English, than English in the
hands of the Americans. He wrote with greal earnestness to con
gress upon this subject, but without effect ; heutenanl-colonel Carap-
befl and the Hessians were not liberated until general Howe had
consented to consider Lee as a prisoner of war.
During these altercations the exchange of prisoners was entirely
suspended. Those in the hands of the English at New York had
to experience every sort of iU treatment. They were shut up in
churches and in other places, exposed to all the inclemency of the
air. They were not allowed sufficient nourishment ; their fare was
scanted even of coarse bread, and certain aliments which excited
disgust. The sick were confounded with the healthy, both equally
a prey lo the most shocking defect of cleanliness, and exposed to
the outrages of the soldiers, and especially of the loyalists. Nothing
alleviated their sufferings A confined and impure air engendered

393 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VH.
mortal diseases; moie than fifteen hundred of these unfortunate
men perished in a few weeks. Il was believed that so much cruelty
was purposely exercised with a view of constraining the prisoners to
enlist under the royal standard. It is certain at least, that the offi
cers of the king incessantly exhorted them to it. But they all re
fused ; preferring a certain death to the desertion of their country.
The fate of the officers was not much less deplorable. Despoiled
of every thing by the rapacity of the English soldiers, they were
abandoned to all wants. Some of thera, though wounded and with
out clothing, were carted through the streets of New York for the
sport of the populace. In the midst of hisses and imprecations, they
were denominated rebels and traitors. Several were even caned for
having attempted to procure some rehef for their soldiers, who were
perishing with hunger and disease in their infected dungeons.
Washington had addressed frequent and bitter complaints to general
Howe of this barbarous conduct towards prisoners of war. The
English general answered by denials, by excuses, and even by re
criminations. But that he was culpable, is proved by his having
refused the offer of the American general, who proposed to send
an agent to New York to provide for the wants of the prisoners.
Hence the hatred between the two people acquired a new degree
of violence. At length, those who had survived so many evils, were
exchanged, and set al liberty. But such was their raiserable con
dition that raany died on fhe vvay before they could revdsit their
country and all the objects of their affection. There arose new
difficulties upon this subject between the two generals ; the English
man insisting that his prisoners should be restored even in exchange
for the dead, and the American refusing it. All this affair of pris
oners proves but too clearly that in civil wars, friends become worse
than natural enemies, and the most civilized nations no better than
barbarians. But tiie greater part of these inhuman excesses are
incontestably attributable to the English.
After general Lee had fallen into the hands of the enemy, general
Sullivan, who succeeded him, manifested greater promptitude iu
obeying the orders of Washington. He crossed the Delaware at
Phillipsburgh, and joined him about the last of December ; this re
inforcement carried the American army to not far from seven thou
sand men. But the greater part of these troops completed their
engagements with the year, and they were upon the point of a total
dissolution. While the English pursued the relics of the American army
through the plains of New Jersey, and the latter, happy in having
been able to cross the Delaware, found itself almost without hopej

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 399
fortune did not show herself more propitious to the cause of the
revolution upon the coasts of Rhode Island. Admiral sir Peter
Parker, and general Clinton, witJi four brigades of English as weU
as Hessians, had undertaken an expedition against this province, on
board a numerous squadron. The provincials, not expecting this
attack, were totally unprepared for defense ; they consequently
abandoned Rhode Island without resistance to the English, who oc
cupied it the same day that Washington passed the Delaware.
This loss was of greal importance, as well from the situation of the
province as because the American squadron, under commodore
Hopkins, was compelled to withdraw as far up the Providence river
as il was practicable, and to continue there blocked up and useless
for a long time. The English also occupied the two neighboring
islands of Conanicut and of Prudence. Two pieces of cannon fell
inlo their power, but they made few prisoners. The conquest of
Rhode Island was of great utility for their ulterior operations ; frora
tills province they could harass Massachusetts ; and the re-inforce
ments that general Lincoln had assembled with the intention of con
ducting them to the army of Washington, were detained in that
province, to observe general Clinton, and prevent him from disturb
ing its tranquillity. Even Connecticut shared the alarm, and retained
the re-inforcements it was upon the point of sending to the carap of
the Delaware.
The English, in like raanner desirous to prevent the colonies of the
soulh from transmitting succors to those of the middle. Which they
intended to attack, renewed, during the summer of the present year,
their negotiations with the loyalists and with the savages of the upper
parts, in order to induce them to act against Georgia, the two Caro
Unas and Virginia. Notwithstanding the httle success which had,
in the preceding year, attended the enterprises of the Regulators
and the Scotch emigrants, the English agents, and particularly one
Stuart, a man of extreme activity and audacity, flattered theraselves
wilh the hope of obtaining a raore efficacious co-operation on the
part of the Indian tribes. They vvere as lavish of exhortations and
promises as of gold and presents. They gave out that a strong corps
of EngUsh would disembark in West Florida ; that traversing the
territory of the Creeks, the Chickasaws, and the Cherokees, they
would join with the warriors of these nations, and invade the two
Carolinas and Virginia ; while, at the same time, a numerous fleet
and powerful army should attack the coasts. Stuart addressed cir
culars to the loyalists, inviting them lo come and pul themselves un
der the royal standard, erecled in the country of the Cherokees ; ho
urged them to bring with them their horses, their cattle, and provis-

400 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VTl.
ions of every sort, for which they should be paid a liberal price. The
loyalists, who remerabered too wefl their recent defeat, made no
movement of iraportance. But the Indians, excited by the words
and presents of the emissaries, no less than by the probabilities of
success, and their thirst of pillage, assembled in considerable num
bers, and manifested great animosity against the colonies. The Six
Nations theraselves, who, till this epoch, had observed a strict neu
trality, began to waver, and had already committed hostUities upon
their borders. The Creeks, stiU raore audacious, took the field, and
displayed their accustoraed ferocity. But having found that deeds
did not correspond wilh words, and that the promised succors did
not appear, they desisted, and demanded a pardon, which was easily
granted them. They manifested afterwards so rauch regard for their
oaths, or so much distrust for the proraises of the English, or, finally,
such profound terror, that when the Cherokees not long after urged
them for succors, they answered that they had buried the hatchet so
deep that il could not be found. But the Cherokees listened only
lo their fury ; they fell furiously upon the colonies, exercising fright
ful ravages, scalping and mutilating their prisoners. They massa
cred with the same barbarity those who were able to carry arms, and
those who were not ; old men, women, and children, were butcher
ed without discrimination. Their security was increased by the ap
pearance of the fleet under sir Peter Parker, which had arrived in the
waters of Charleston. But when this fleet, after the unsuccessful
attack of fort Moultrie, had abandoned the shores of CaroUna, the
Cherokees found themselves in a very critical situation.
Having no longer any thing lo fear, upon their coasts, the inhab
itants of the two Carolinas and of Virginia, devoting all their cares
to free themselves from this scourge, turned their forces against the
savages, who devastated their country. These barbarians were not
only defeated in several rencounters, but the Americans pursued
them even into their own territory, pulling all to fire and swordj
burning their habitations, cutting their trees, destroying their corn,
and slaying all those who had borne, or still bore arms. This expe
dition was almost the total ruin of the nation of Cherokees. Those
who survived it, submitted to all the conditions of the conqueror, or,
wanting provisions, took refuge with this Stuart, the author of the
war and of their disasters, in West Florida, where the British govern
ment was forced to support them. Thus terrainated this year the
campaign against the savages ; it may be observed,' that no chastise
ment was ever more severe, or raore deserved, than that which was
inflicted upon the nation of the Cherokees. The avaricious and
cruel men vvho excited these barbarians to commit so many horrors,

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 401
were the more inexcusable, inasmuch as they had received their birth
and education under the more clement sky of Europe.
But the order of events recalls us to Canada, where military op
erations, far ftom being suspended, were pursued with extreme
vigor. We have related in the preceding book, that the Americans
had been constrained by the superiority of the British arms, to
evacuate all Lower Canada, and even Montreal and fort St. John.
They had retired to Crown Point, whither the English vvere unable
to follow them, for want of the necessary vessels, not only to cross
Lake Champlain, but also to combat those the Americans had armed
for their defense. Such, however, was the importance to the de
signs ofthe English of obtaining an absolute control ofthe lakes, that
general Carleton set himself with all diligence lo the equipment of a
fleet. His plan vvas, according to the instructions of the ministry,
to penetrate by way of the lakes to the Hudson river, and thus to
effect a junction with the army of New York, at Albany. By the
execution of this plan, the provinces of New England would have
found themselves separated from the others by a powerful and
victorious army, and the cause of America vvould have been ex
posed to the most imrainent perUs. Long deliberated in the coun
oils of the British rainisters, it vvas their favorite scheme. And, in
effect, the very nature of the places between Canada and New
York, appeared to favor this enterprise. With the exception of the
heights which are found between the upper extremity of Lake
George and the left bank of the Hudson, and which only occupy a
space of sixteen miles, the entire passage from one of these provinces
to the other, can easily be made by water, first by ascending from the
Saint Lawrence inlo the Sorel, and then traversing the Lakes Cham
plain and George, or Wood Creek, to the lands which separate it
from the Hudson. This river afterwards leads directly to the city of
New York. The Enghsh having an immense sup'eriority at sea, Can
ada being entirely in their power, and as the principal seat of resist
ance vvas found in the provinces of New England, while the coasts
of New York were peculiarly accessible to maritime attacks, it can
not be denied that this plan of campaign presented great advantages.
But the difficulty of the enterprise of general Carleton was equal
to iis importance. It was requisite to construct, or al least to equip
a fleet of thirty vessels of different dimensions, and to arm them
with artillery ; the want of materials rendered either of these objects
difficult to accoraplish. The transportation aftervvards in certain
places by land, and drawing up the rapids of Saint Theresa and
Saint John, of thirty large long boats, a gondola of thirty tons, a
number of flat bottomed boats of considerable burthen, with above
VOL. I. 26

402 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII,
four hundred balteaux, was an operation vvhich offered not only great
obstacles, but even an appearance of impossibility. But the English
seeunen, from their skill and patience, were not intimidated by it.
The soldiers seconded them, and the peasants, taken from their rustic
labors, were compeUed to share the toil. The generals urged for
ward this laborious undertaking on account of the lateness of the
season ; as the winter already approached. Il was necessary to pass
two lakes of considerable extent ; they had no certain intelligence
respecting the force of the enera} in the fortresses of Crown Point
and Ticonderoga ; finally, after having worsted him upon Lake
Champlain, by means of large vessels, it was to be feared that the
squadron would not be able lo pass the strait which joins this lake
to Lake George, into vvhich, however, il was absolutely necessary
tiiat it should enter. Meanwhile, if it should be possible to surmount
so many obstacles, there still would remain to be effected the pas
sage of the woods, the marshes, and the defiles which are found
between the point of debarkation and the banks of the Hudson, in
order to gain the city of Albany, where only they could meet vvith
such accommodations as would enable thera to winter commodious-
ly. But far from appearing discouraged, the English seemed to be
animated wilh new ardor, and the soldiers rivaled their officers in
zeal. They felt all the iraportance of the enterprise, and persuaded
theraselves that if they could reach Albany before winter, their de
finitive success would be secured . The briUiant advantages obtained
by the army of New Jersey, filled them with eraulation ; they were
eager to share thera, and fearful of arriving loo late upon the theatre
of glory. They labored therefore with incredible activ ity ; but not
withstanding all their efforts, the preparations could not be complet
ed, nor the arraaraent fully equipped, till the middle of the month
of October. Il was numerous, and superior in strength to any that
had ever been seen upon these lakes, and would have made no
contemptible figure even upon the European seas. The admiral's
ship, called the Inflexible, carried eighteen twelve pounders, and
was followed by two stout schooners, the one mounting fourteen,
the other twelve six pounders ; a large flat bottomed radeau, vvith
six twenty-four and six twelve pounders. Twenty vessels of less size
carried each a brass piece of ordnance, frora nine lo twenty-four
pounders, or howitzers. Several long boats vvere equipped in the
same manner. Besides these, there vvas a greal nuraber of boats
and tenders of various sizes, to serve as transports for the troops,
baggage, warlike stores, provisions, and arras of every sort.
The whole fleet was conimanded by captain Pringle, a sea officer

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 403
of great experience; it was manned by a select body of seamen,
animated with an extreme desire of victory. The land troops, en
camped in the environs, prepared, as soon as the navigation of fhe
lake should be secured, to faU upon the enemy. Three thousand
men occupied He aux Noix, and as many were stationed at Fort
Saint John ; the remainder were distributed either in the vessels or
in the neighboring garrisons.
The Americans united all their forces to resist such formidable
preparations. Generals Schuyler and Gates were at their head, and
Arnold showed himself every where, inspiring the soldiers with that
ardent courage for which he was himself distinguished.
As the event of the campaign upon this frontier depended totally
upon naval operations, the Americans exerted themselves to the
utmost of their power to arm and equip a fleet capable of opposing
that of the eneray. But their success little corresponded vvith their
efforts. Besides the want of materials for construction, they had not
a sufficiency of other stores, and their seaports were so occupied in
the building of privateers and ships for the service of congress, that
few carpenters could be spared. Accordingly, notwithstanding the
activity and perseverance of tbe American generals, their squadron
amounted to no more than fifteen vessels of different sizes, two brigs,
one corvette, one sloop, three galleys, and eight gondolas. Their
largest vessel mounted only twelve six and four pounders. But
that this armament might not want a chief whose intrepidity equaled
the danger of the enterprise, the command of il was given to general
Arnold. It' was expected of him to maintain, upon this new eleraent,
the reputation he had acquired upon land. The American army,
notwithstanding all the obstacles it had encountered, and the ravages
of the small-pox, stifl amounted to eight or nine thousand men ; it
was assembled under the cannon of Ticonderoga, after having left a
sufficient garrison at Crown Point.
All the dispositions being made on both sides, general Carleton,
impatient to conquer, ordered all his naval forces to advance towards
Crown Point, intending to attack the enemy there. He had already
reached the middle of the lake without having been able to discover
him, and was proceeding without any distrust, when all at once the
English perceived the American squadron, which was drawn up with
great skfll, behind the Island of Valincour, and occupied the passage
between the island and the western shore of the lake. This unex
pected interview caused a violent agitation on both sides. A fierce
engagement immediately ensued. But the wind being unfavorable
to the English, they could not display their vvhole line ; the Inflexi
ble; and their other vessels of the largest class, took no part in the

404 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.
action. The brig Carieton, accompanied by several gun Doals, as
sailed the enemy with singular courage and ability. The Americans
supported the combat with equal bravery ; it lasted above four hours.
The wnd continuing lo be contrary for the English, captain Pringle
perceived that he could not hope to obtain advantages with a pan
of his forces against all those of the enemy, and accordingly gave
the signal of retreat ; ordering the fleet lo be anchored in a line, in
Dresence of the American squadron.
The Americans had lost in the action their largest brig, which
took fire and vvas consumed, as also a gondola which went to the
bottom. They considered it as extremely dangerous to await s
second engagement in the anchorage they occupied, and consequent
ly deterrained to retire under the walls of Crown Point, hoping
that the artillery of the fortress would counterbalance the superiori
ty of the enemy's force. Fortune seemed inclined to favor this de
sign of general Arnold ; and already his vessels, having lost sight of
those of the English, saUed rapidly towards their new station ; when
suddenly the wind became favorable to the enemy, who pursued
and came up with them before their arrival at Crown Point. The
battle was immediately renewed wilh greater fury than at first ; it
continued upwards of two hours. Those vessels in the meanwhile
which vvere most ahead, crowded sail, and passing Crown Point, ran
for Ticonderoga. Only two galleys and five gondolas, remained
vvith general Arnold. With these he made a desperate defense;
but his second in command, brigadier-general Waterburgh, 'being
taken with his vessel, and the others making but a faint resistance,
he deterrained, in order lo prevent his people and shipping from fall
ing into the power of the enemy, to run these ashore and sel them
on fire. He executed his intention with great address. He remain
ed on board the vessel he comraanded, and kept her colors flyingj
till she vvas on fire. Though he had been unsuccessful on this occa
sion, the disparity of strength duly considered, he lost no reputation,
but rose, on the contrary, in the estim.ation of his countrymen. He
had, in their opinion, acquitted himself with no less ability in this
Daval encounter, than hc had done al land before. The Americans,
having destroyed whatever could not be carried off, evacuated Crown
Point and withdrew lo Ticonderoga. General Carleton occupied
the former immediately, and the rest of the army carae soon after to
join him there.
Such was the issue of the expedition which the Americans had
undertaken in Canada, with a view of establishing the theatre of war
upon the territory of their enemies', before they could attempt lo in
vade their own. Completely masters of Lake Champlain, the Eng-

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR 405
lish had no other obstacle to surmount besides the fortress of Ticon-
devoga, in order to penetrate into Lake George. If Carleton, rap
idly availing himself of his advantage, had pushed forward against
the enemy, thrown into confusion by defeat, perhaps he might have
seized this important place without difficulty. But he was prevent
ed from doing it by a south wind, which prevailed for several days.
.The Americans made the best use of this time in preparing and in
creasing their means of defense. They mounted their cannon, con
structed new works, and repaired the old, surrounding thera with
moats and palisades. The garrison was re-inforced wilh extreme
expedition ; and conformably to the orders of Washington, the ox
en and horses were removed inlo distant places, that the English
might not seize them for provision or draught. Meanwhile, gene
ral Carleton had not neglected to detach scouting parties upon the
two banks of the lake ; and, when the wind permitted, some light
vessels were also sent towards Ticonderoga to reconnoiter the force
of the enemy and the slate of the fortress. All the reports agreed
that the fortifications were forraidable, and the garrison full of ardor
He reflected, therefore, that the siege must be long, difficult, and san
guinary, and concluded, accordingly, that the possession of this for •
tress would not inderanify hira for all il raight cost. The severe sea
son approached ; the want of provisions, the difficulty of direct com
munication with Canada, and the little hope of success from an ex
pedition in the cold and desert regions which separate the river Hud
son from Lake George, rendered the wintering upon this lake ex
tremely perUous. In consequence of these considerations, the Eng
lish general deemed the reduction of Ticonderoga of lillie utility in
his present circurastances, whereas the coramand of the lakes secured
him a clear passage to return in the spring to the attack of this
fortress, without exposing his troops to the hardships of a siege, un
dertaken in the midst of the rigors of winter. After having taken
the advice of a council of war, he renounced the project of an at
tack, and early in Noveraber conducted his array back towards
Montreal, leaving his advanced posts in lie aux Noix. But prior to
his retreat, from the singular courtesy and humaniiy of his charac
ter, he sent to their homes the American officers who had fallen in
to his power, administering generously lo all their wants. He exer
cised the same liberality towards the coramon soldiers. The greater
part were almost naked ; he caused them to be completely clothed,
and set them al liberty, after having taken their oath that Ihey
would not serve against the armies of the king. General Carleton
was blamed for having taken winter quarters ; this resolution vvas
considered as a mark of weakness, and as highly prejudicial to the

406 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VH.
success of ulterior operations ; since, if he had immediately made
himself master of Ticonderoga, his troops, after having passed the
winter in its vicinity, vvould have been able to enter the field earlv
the following spring. It is probable, in effect, that the war would,
in that case, have had a very different result frora what il actually
had. But the conquest of a place so strong by nature and by art as
Ticonderoga, depended on the resistance which the Americans would
have made ; and certainly their number, the valor they had display
ed in the naval actions, the extreme confidence they had in their
chiefs, eJI announced that their defense would have been long and
obstinate. Nor should the consideration be omitted of the difficul
ty of subsistence, and of the communications with Canada. Be this
as it may, the retreat of the English general, and his inaction during
the winter, had the most happy results for the Americans. The ar
my vvhich had made the campaign under general Lee, was enabled
to effect its junction with that of ^Vashington, upon the banks of the
Delaware ; and a part of the army of Canada itself could take the
sarae direction, under the conduct of general Gates.
It cannot be doubted, however, that the Americans at this lime
trod upon the brink of precipices ; a single reverse might have com
pleted their ruin. Two important provinces. New York and Rhode
Island, as well as the greater part of New Jersey, vvere fallen into
the power of the victorious army. And though the arms of Clin
ton, equaUy successful, had arrested their course under the waUs of
Ticonderoga, il was but too probable that on the return of spring he
would make a new effort to carry this fortress, and to penetrate to
the banks of the Hudson, in order to operate his junction with the
army of New York. As to Washington, it was not to be e.vpected
that, while inferior himself to his adversary, he vvould be in a situa
tion to send back lo the army of Canada the troops that were enabled
by the cessation of hostilities upon the lakes, to come lo join him
upon the Delaware.
Though he had received, as we have seen, some re-inforcements,
he vvas still as far from being able to match the enemy either in the
number, spirit, or discipline of his soldiers, as in the quantity and
quality of his munitions of every sort. He was also continually
subject to that scourge of the American array, desertion, authorized
by the expiration of engagements, which incessantly menaced it vvith
an approaching, and almost total dissolution. It was no slight mo-
live of alarm for the most influential members of congress, to remark
the promptitude with which the inhabitants of the conquered prov
inces, and especially of New York, hastened lu change sides and to
take advantage of the proffered pardon.

BOOK VU. TUE AMERICAN WAB. 407
Some individuals vvere even seen lo enroll themselves under the
royal standard ; it seemed that they were determined to add to Eng
lish civil war, the horrors of American civil war. It was to be fear
ed that their exaraple would prove contagious for the other provinces,
and that disaffection would manifest itself on all parts.
The intrigues of governor Tryon, to compass this object, vvere no
longer a secrei ; for this very purpose he had been appointed briga
dier-general, and his maneuvers had already succeeded in many
places. On the contrary, the business of recruiting moved very
heavUy on the part of the Americans, whereas desertion enfeebled
tiieir armies from day to day. To so many evfls was joined another
more fatal still ; the bills of credit began to depreciate. The govern
ment, however, had no other source of revenue. It was not yet
sufficientiy confirmed to hazard the imposition of taxes, payable in
specie ; and this measure would besides have produced only an in
crease of the evil, by augmenting the discredit of paper ; it was
therefore much lo be apprehended that money, this principal sinew
of war, would ere long be totally wanting. The emission of new
bills of credit would infallibly accelerate their daily depreciation ;
and yet it was impossible, by reason of the ever increasing exigen
cies of the public service, to abstain from continual issues. Already
there were not wanting those who refused not only to receive them
at a discount, but even al any rale whatever. The present time was
painful, and the future appeared still raore alarraing. It was feared
by all, and asserted by raany, that the torab of independence vvas not
far frora its cradle ; sorae even openly blaraed the congress for hav
ing declared independence, and thereby closed all avenue lo an hon
orable accommodation ; before this declaration, they said, we could
treat with honor, but since, not without shame, and even becoming
the fable of the universe.
Surrounded by obstacles so numerous and so fearful, the congress
lost none of iheir firmness, and resolved to set fortune at defiance.
Far from betraying any symptoras of despair, they manifested great
er confidence than ever, and appeared lo admit no doubt respect
ing the eventual success of the great enterprise in which they were
engaged. They knew that constancy triumphs over fate. FuU of
a noble ardor, they preferred the dangers of war to those of peace.
The admirable fortituxle with which they sustained the assaults of
adverse fortune, when a common ruin seemed ready to ingulf them
with the cause they supported, must eternally attach to their names
the glory of having laid the foundations of a new state. The na
tions of the earth rendered the homage of their admiration to so
much magnanimity.

408 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK VII.
When at first, the ship of America, impelled by propitious breezes,
seemed about to enter the port in safety, the wisdom of the pilots
was universally applauded ; but in the midst of a tremendous lem
pest, their intrepidity and their constancy shone with a splendor stifl
more dazzling. The people of Europe felt an increase of affection
for the Americans, and of hatred against England, for attempting to
reduce to slavery so generous a nation. So natural il is lo the hu
man heart to take an interest, from the sentiment of its indepen
dence, in the efforts made by the weak against the powerful, or from
commiseration, lo sympathize vvith the brave in their struggles
against the perversity of fale. Thus the Araericans honored their
reverses by virtues, at the epoch when the pubhc fortune appeared
upon the verge of ruin, and no cheering ray was seen lo gleam in the
perspective. We have already mentioned the measures taken by the congress,
in order to re-inforce the army by new levies, to remedy the danger
resulting from the shortness of engagements, and to caU inlo the
field the provincial militia. As if they had intended lo defy the pres
ence and the menaces of a formidable enemy, they employed them
selves in drawing up various articles of confederation and perpetual
union between the states, that each of them might know its particu
lar authority within, and its reciprocal duties towards the others ; as
also to ascertain the extent of executive power wilh vvhich it was
requisite that congress should be invested. These articles were
adopted in the sitting of the fourth of October, and immediate
ly sent to the respective asserablies of each slate for approbation.
The principal vvere the following :
The thirteen states confederated under the name of the United
States of America.
' They all and each obligated themselves to contribute for the
common defense, and for the maintenance of their liberties.
' Each particular stale preserved the exclusive right of regulating
its internal government, and of framing laws in all matters not in
cluded in the articles of the confederation, and which could not any
way be prejudicial to it.
' No particular stale was either to send or receive ambassadors,
enter into negotiations, contract engagements, form alliances, or
make war, except in case of sudden attack, with any king, prince,
or povver whatsoever, without the consent of the United States.
' No individual holding any magistracy, office or commission what
soever from the United States, or from any one of them, v\ as allow
ed lo accept of any presents, nor any offices, or lities of any kind
whatever, from any foreign king, prince, or potentate.

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 409
' No assembly was to confer titles of nobiUty
' No stale was to make aUiances or treaties of what kind soever
with another, without the consent of all.
•¦ Each particular stale had authority to maintain in peace as wefl
as in war the number of armed ships and of land troops, judged
necessary by the general assembly of aU the states, and no more.
' There should be a public treasury for the service of the confede
ration, which was to be replenished by the particular conlributions
of each stale ; the same to be proportioned according lo the number
of inhabitants of every age, sex or condition, vvith the exception,
however, of Indians.
' A general congress was to be convoked every year on the first
Monday of November, to be composed of deputies from all the
slates ; it was invested with all the powers that belong to ihe
sovereigns of olher nations.' These powers vvere exactly enu
merated. 'Every individual holding any office, and receiving either salary,
wages, or emoluraent whatsoever, was thereby excluded frora con
gress. ' There was to be a council of stale, composed of one deputy for
each province, nominated annually by his colleagues of the same
slate, and in case these should not agree, by the general congress.'
Each state was to have but one vote.
' During the session as well as the recess of the general congress,
the council of state was to be charged vvith the management of the
public affairs of the confederation, always restricting itself, however,
within the Umits prescribed by the laws, and particularly by the
articles of the confederation itself.'
The province of Canada was invited to enter into the Union.
The congress afterwards desiring to revive the courage of those
who had suffered themselves to be intimidated by reverses, and to
prevent their sentiments from changing with fortune, issued a proc
lamation, wherein they represented anew the justice of their cause,
tiieir long and fruitless supplications, the cruel proceedings of the
ministers, the necessity of the declaration of independence, and the
unanimous approbation wilh which it had been received. Then fol
lowed the enumeration of all the successes which had attended the
American arms in the northern provinces ; the English driven from
Boston, repulsed before Charleston, arrested in their progress at
Ticonderoga. FinaUy, the American people were invited lo consider
the immense value of the prizes made al sea, the abundance of pro
visions, and the probability of soon seeing the army suitably clothed
and equipped. All the citizens, and especially those of Pennsylva-

410 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.
nia, of New Jersey, and of the neighboring states, were exhorted to
show themselves united and firra in the defense of country. ' Con
sider,' said the proclaraation, ' that the present state of our affairs
is not to be attributed to an}' faults of the generals, or want of valor
in the soldiers, but to the shortness of the terra of enlistments. Re
flect, that foreign princes have already furnished us wilh a multitude
of articles necessary to war, and be assured that we shall receive
from them succors still more efficacious. Be not wanting to your
selves, nor suffer the rich and populous city of Philadelphia to faU
into the power of the enemy ; let not the occasion escape of over
whelming his principal army, now it is far from the ships which form
so great a part of its force. The loss of PhUadelphia would not be
foUowed by the ruin of our cause, but wherefore should tbe enemy
enjoy this triumph ? Let us arrest his career, let us baffle his efforts ;
let us prove lo the friends of America, even the most distant, that
vve are all animated with one same spirit, and with one only vvill, to
defend against cruel enemies what man holds, and ought to hold,
the most dear. Remember, that the success of our efforts wiU
secure the eternal repose and safely of the LTnited States, and
attach lo our names an immortal glory ; stand firra, iherefore, and
preserve yourselves for the day of victory ; be prepared for a hap
pier destiny.'
Desirous that the authority of religion should encourage and con
firra the people in their fidelity, the congress recomraended, that the
assemblies of the different states should appoint a day of fafeting,
humiliation and prayer, to obtain frora the clemency of tiie Most
High, prosperity for the arms and success for the just cause of '
America. But the danger increasing continuaUy, and the enemy approach
ing the banks of the Delaware, the congress, upon the representa
tions of generals Putnam and Mifflin, took the resolution, on the
twelfth of December, to withdraw from Philadelphia, and adjourned
themselves lo the twentieth of the same month at Baltimore, in
Maryland. The departure of congress spread great consternation in the city,
from fear as well of the English as of the loyalists, vvho vvere very
numerous there, though a part of them had repaired lo the commis
sioners lo .avail themselves of the amnesty. It vvas greatly appre
hended that they vvould seek to disturb the public tranquiUity;
already by their cries and menaces, they had prevented the fortifi
cation of the city, which il had been intended to accomplish. The
grea ter part of the Quakers belonged to this party. Washington had
found it necessary to send to Philadelphia a numerous corps under

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 411
the command of lord Sterling, in order lo support the friends of the
revolution, and to repress its adversaries.
The congress being assembled at Baltiraore, in consideration of
the imminent peril, which seemed to exact the dictatorial authority
decreed, that having the most entire confidence in the wisdom, vigor,
and uprightness of general Washington, they invested him wilh the
most ample and complete powers to levy and organize in the most
expeditious mode, from any or all of the United Stales, sixteen bat
talions of infantry, in addition to those already voted by congress,
and to appoint the officers ; to raise, equip, aud provide with officers,
three thousand light horse, three regiments of artillery, and a corps
of engineers ; and lo establish their pay ; to call into service the
mUitia of the several states ; lo forra such magazines of provisions,
and in such places as he should think proper ; to displace and appoint
all officers under the rank of brigadier-general, and to fill up all va
cancies in every other dej)artmenl in the American armies ; to take,
wherever he might be, whatever he might want for the use of the
army, if the inhabitants vvould not sell it, allowing a reasonable price
for the same ; to arrest and confine persons who refused to take the
continental currency, or were otherwise disaffected to the American
cause ; returning to the states of which they were citizens, their
names and the nature of their offenses, wilh the proofs to subslan
liate them. It vvas resolved that these extraordinary powers should
be vested in general Washington during the term of six raonths,
unless sooner determined by congress.
Thus the rulers of America, urged by extreme peril, and confiding
in the virtue of the captain-general, reposed on him alone the entire
weight of the war. In the midst of so many reverses, not a single
American was heard to hint a suspicion of treason, or even of neg
ligence or incapacity in the chiefs of the army ; nolhing especially
diminished the respect and confidence of which the commander-in-
chief was the object — a remarkable example of moderation and
popular reserve. Pride had not persuaded this people that they were
invincible, and ambition had not rendered them suspicious. They
attributed their defeats to the force of things, and not lo the faults
of their generals. This confidence in the good faith of their defend
ers entitled thera to find, and they did find, those that were faithful.
Too oflen, on the contrary, the people of other counlries, prone to
suspicions, lending a credulous ear to the suggestions of envy, irri
tated by reverses, or intoxicated by success, experience, to their cost
tnat whoever has no confidence in others, finds none in return.
As it was essential to provide pecuniary resources, the congress
passed a law authorizing a loan of five mUlions of dollars, at the an-

412 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK Vll,
nual interest of four per cent. The faith of the United Slates was
pledged for the reimbursement of the capital, at the end of three
years, and of the interest annuaUy. For this purpose they estab
lished a loan office in each of the United States, to be superintend
ed by a commissioner appointed by the said states respectively, who
should receive a commission of one eighth per cent, on all moneys
that should be brought into the office. A short time after, observ
ing that the loan made littie progress, the interest was raised to six
per cent.
With the sarae intention, the congress also created a lottery, con
sisting of one hundred thousand tickets, each ticket divided into four
billets at ten twenty, thirty or forty dollars each, and to be drawn in
four classes. This lottery, after deduction of the prizes, was to raise
the sum of fifteen hundred thousand dollars. The holders of the
fortunate billets might receive, under certain conditions, a treasury
bank note for the prize or prizes drawn, payable at the end of five
years, and an annual interest on the same of four per cent. It was
hoped thus to amass a considerable sum, as well by the gain of the
lottery, as by the loan of the prizes. These operations had besides
another object ; by obviating the necessity of emitting new bills of
credit, they tended to enhance the value of those in circulation. But
the evil was already so great, that if these remedies were not alto
gether useless, al least they could afford but little palliation. It vvas
therefore deemed necessary to resort to more efficacious means.
As it was especially in Pennsylvania that the paper money vvas
depreciated, the congress decreed, that the council of safely of this
province, should take the most prompt and efl'eclual measures for
punishing those who should refuse the bUls, and that the general
should lend assistance to carry into effect the resolutions of the coun
cil. This committee resolved that whoever should refuse to receive
the bills of credit in payment of any debt or contract, or as the price
of any comraodity or merchandise whatsoever, or who should demand
a greater price in bills, than in coined money, should be considered,
for the first time, as an enemy of society, and should lose either the
amount of his debt, or of the article sold ; which should be consid
ered thenceforth as the property of the debtor or of the purchaser.
He was punished besides with a fine more or less considerable, ac
cording to the value of the suras stipulated. But in case of relapse,
independently of the penalties above raentioned, the dehnquents were
to be banished or confined in such raode and place as the council o'
safety should think proper. Several offenders against this law hav
ing been condemned to shut their shops and to cease their trafiic,
some even having been banished ; the forraer vvere permitted to

BOOK VU. THE AMERICAN WAR. 413
return to their commerce, and the latter to their homes, in the hope
that the remembrance of past punishment, and the apprehension of
future, would determine them lo abstain from these practices, so
prejudicial to the public credit, and to the cause of independence.
A short time after, the congress perceived that not only the author
ity of the council of safety in Pennsylvania, had proved insufficient
to check the depreciation of the continental paper in that province,
but that the evil began to manifest itself also in the others. They
deemed it therefore expedient lo labor directly themselves lo prevent
this scourge, and decreed that whoever in any purchase, sale cr bar
gain, of whatsoever nature, should presume to rate gold and sflver
coin at a higher value than the bills of credit issued by congress,
should be ' declared an enemy to the liberty of the United States,
and should lose the price stipulated of the transaction in which this
difference of value should have been made. They further decreed,
that the provincial assemblies should be requested to constitute the
biUs lawful raoney, that could not be refused in payraent of debts,
whether public or private ; and that the refusal should operate the
extinction of the debt. The asserabUes took the measures vvhich
appeared to thera proper lo fulfill the intentions of congress. The
first effect of these different regulations was, that all vendible articles
rose in proportion to the depreciation of paper ; which seemed to
increase in the ratio of the efforts that were made lo prevent it. An
other consequence was, that the debtors liberated themselves from
the claims of their creditors wilh a money continually declining in
value ; and ihough this year the discount was not considerable, since
an hundred dollars in specie might be had for one hundred and four
in paper, raany private fortunes suffered frora il ; and the example
became pernicious. In order to arrest so serious an evil, the con
gress invited the provincial assemblies to become responsible for the
redemption of the bills it had emitted, hoping that the guaranty of
each stale for its proportional part, added to that of congress, might
restore the pubhc confidence. It vvas also thought very proper that
the assemblies of the several slates should impose, without delay, such
taxes as they might judge, from the condition of the people, could
be best supported, and collected with the least difficulty. The con
gress promised, that the sums produced by these taxes should be
passed to the credit of each state in liquidation of their proportion
of the public debt. The assemblies conformed to the recommenda
tions of congress ; and this body also decreed another loan of two
milhons of doUars. But all these measures produced littie or no
effect, from the pressure of the times, the uncertainty of the future,
and the abundance of biUs already emitted ftom the faciUty and the

414 THE AMERICAN WAl<, BOOK VII,
need, which the congress had, as well as the particular states, to put
more into circulation every day.
But whatever might prove to be the success cf the efforts of con
gress lo raise troops, to maintain the public credit, and to wrest vic
tory frora the hands of the enemy, tiiey well knew that if the Eu
ropean powers came not promptly to the succor of America, she
could cherish but a feeble hope of triuraph. Fortunately U was
known that these powers, and especially those whose naval forces
rendered their assistance of the most importance, at the head of whom
vvas France, were all disposed to favor Araerica, either out of hatred
towards England, or from the prospect of private advantages. In-
denendenlly of the general inchnations of the European nations,
these political sentiments manifested theraselves by no equivocal to
kens The American ships were received in the French and Span
ish ports, in Europe as well as in the West Indies, as belonging to a
nation not only friendly, but raoreover as belonging to a nation really
and absolutely indeJDendent. The French and the Spaniards deriv
ed an immense advantage from it ; they began to reap the fruits of
this comraerce wilh Araerica, whereof England had hither monopo
lized the exclusive benefit. Nor did they restrict themselves to
receiving the Americans with cordiality in their ports ; they also
permitted their privateers publicly to sell therein the prizes the)' had
taken from the English, whether in Europe or in the West Indies.
The remonstrances which the British ministers had addressed upon
this subject to the courts of VersaUles and of Madrid, had not pro
duced any sensible effect. It was no longer a secret that there daily
departed from the ports of France, ships laden vvith munitions of
war for America. There vvas also a fact which the English could
in no shape endure, and against which they raised a violent clamor ;
not only, as we have related, vvere the American privateers received
into the ports of the French West Indies, where they sold their
prizes, and provided themselves wilh all necessary articles, but no
small number of the French themselves fitted out privateers under
the American flag, and, furnished vvith the commissions of con
gress, infested every sea, and depredated upon the English commerce,
which procedure, as the French government did not interdict, it
was necessary lo conclude that it approved. There vvas remarked
also in France a general inclination in all classes, and especiaUy.
among the noblesse, lo enter inlo the service of the U^nited States ;
already several of these last were arrived in America, and had treat
ed wilh the congress ; among others, the Chevalier dc Fermoy, ap
pointed brigadier-general in the American arraies. and M. de Portail,
an officer of distinguished talents and valor, vvho was placed at tiie

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 415
head of the engineers, a corps as yet very imperfectly organized in
America. Never, in any other war, had the French, naturally so
propense to military enterprises, manifested an equal ardor to place
themselves under the colors of a foreign power. If this enthusiasm
may be attributed in part to the poUtical opinions which then pre
vailed generaUy in Europe, nevertheless, il must chiefly be imputed
to the known disposition of the government. It is even extremely
probable that France would have declared war against Great Britain
sooner than she did, if Louis XVI. had been of a less pacific char
acter. England saw wilh as much solicitude, as the Americans with
hope, the preparations that were made with incredible activity in
the ports of France and of Spain.
If the British ministers demanded the reason of thera, they were
answered, that a discussion with Portugal rendered an approaching
rupture with that kingdora a thing to be apprehended ; that the seas
were covered with English fleets and American privateers, and that
independently of so furious a maritime war, such arraies were sent
by England into the New World as there never had been example
of ; that consequently France and Spain owed it to themselves lo
increase tht r forces, for the protection of their commerce and the
secuiity of their colonies. Il was observed, also, that it appeared
sufficiently surprising that those, who, not content with pulling in
motion all their national troops, had also dispatched to America a
large army of foreign mercenaries, should find it extraordinary that
their neighbors should stand upon their guard against all the evenls
with which they raight be menaced. These explanations were by
no means satisfactory lo the English government, and in no degree
diminished the hopes of the Americans, vvho saw clearly that the
motives alledged were far from corresponding with llie iramensity
of the preparations. It had never been questioned that the faraily
compact, concluded in 1761, between his most christian majesty
and the catholic king, was chiefly designed to unite and confeder
ate afl the branches of the house of Bourbon, in order to reduce
the power of England ; and what raore favorable occasion could
present itself than the Araerlcan war?
Such evidently was the object of the extraordinary preparations
of France and Spain ; and if, instead of those profound lawyers vvho
then directed the councils of England, the energetic earl of Chatham
or some other statesman of his stamp, had guided the helm of slate
it is impossible to doubt that England would at that very time have
declared war against the house of Bourbon. Experience has provodj
this time, that fortune assists the bold, and that this world belongs t o
him that can seize il. As to Holland, if, being less warlike than

416 THE AMERICAN WAP. BCOK Vll.
France and Spain, she made no armaments that could give umbrage,
at least her merchants, attracted by the lure of gain, supplied the
Americans abundantly with munitions, wilh arms, and wilh whatever
they had need of to sustain the war. All the olher powers of Eu
rope appeared to be animated, more or less, with the same spirit.
Portugal alone persisted in fidelity to England, and would never
consent lo supply the Americans with arms or raunitions, or that
their privateers should be received into any Portuguese port.
Maturely reflecting upon this state of things, and urged by neces
sity, the congress resolved to make the most of the present occasion
The entire league that was forming aga.nst England, had France for
its foundation, or rather for its heart; accordingly, so early as the
beginning of the year 1776, the congress had sent Silas Deane to
reside near the French government, in order to penetrate its inten
tions respecting America. He was instructed to neglect no efforts
to dispose minds in her favor, and lo obtain immediately all the suc
cors of arms and munitions that circurastances might admit of. He
acquitted himself of his mission vvith extreme diligence, especiaUy
in vviiat related to the raaterial part. He succeeded in obtaining
suppUes from private companies as well as frora indivii lal contrac
tors, araong whom should be mentioned Caron de Beaumarchais,
who manifested in this transaction an activity no less advantageous
to himself, than to the Araericans. These arras and warlike stores
vvere openly shipped in American vessels, or privately pul on board
those of France. Silas Deane did more ; he found means to obtain
them from the royal arsenals. They delivered him fifteen thousand
muskets, vvhich he hastened to expedite for Araerica, where they
were of essential utiUty. He treated with all those French gentie
men r/ho were desirous of serving under the standard of AV ashing
ton, but not always to the satisfaction of congress, who sometimes
could not confirm tho conditions, or even the choice of persons,
made by their envoy.
But independence being declared, and mihtary operations having
taken an alarming turn, the congress had thought it expedient lo
send men of greater authority, tiiat a solemn embassy, worthy to rep
resent the republic, might bear to the king, Louis XVL, the homage
of their singular attachment and respect. They wished, especially,
that, by the agency of these new ministers, what was only a simple
desire, might be rendered an efficacious will, and that the effect
should finaUy foUow the intention. Accordingly, in their sitting ol
the twenty-sixth of September, they appointed commissioners to the
court of France, Franklin, Jefferson and Deane, all men of singular
address and excellent judgment. But Jefferson having excused him-

liii^ittEK im^iTKiiSQ

BOOK Vir. THE AMERICAN WAR. 417
self, he was replaced by Arthur Lee. Their instructions were, to
continue to procure arras and munitions ; to obtain permission from
tlie government to-fit out in the French ports, at the expense of the
United States, a number of ships of war, in order lo harass the cora
merce of England ; and, finally, lo use all proper means to induce
the court of France to conclude a treaty of alliance, of which the
congress had communicated the plan lo their commissioners. They
were also dii ected lo solicit a loan of ten millions of francs, or at
least of six, and even of foiir, in case they should not be able lo ob
tain more. But, above all things, they were to endeavor to procuro
the recognition of the independence of the United States. The con
gress, kn-owing that what caused the indecision of foreign princes on
this point, was the fetir that the Araericans might abandon them all
at once, after having engaged them to espouse their cause, and re
turn to their ancieni submission, enjoined it upon their commission
ers to exert all their endeavors to persuade his most christian majes
ty that the United States Would never again come under the scepter
of the king of England; that the confidence he might deign to
place in their efforts and constancy, should not in any time be de
ceived ; that there never should be granted to the English any ex
clusive traffic, or any commercial advantages and privileges greater
than those that should be conceded to the subjects of France. The
congress proposed, besides, that, in case of war between France and
Great Britain, the United States and Franee should reciprocally ob
ligate themselves to communicate to each other the negotiations of
peace that might take place, in ord6r that each party might, if so dis
posed, participate- therein. The commissioners were ordered to soli
cit a new supply of twenty or Ihirty thousand muskets, with a cer
tain quantity of artillery, and abundant munitions, all to be convey-
ed to Araerica in French vessels, but at the expense of the United
Slates. Finally, that the hopes of advantages to be derived from an
aUiance with the Americans, might be seconded by the fear of the
detriment that would result from their re-union with England, the
congress strictly charged their envoys to give out that notwithstand
ing the good wiU of the United Stales, they would riot be able, un
assisted, lo hold out for any length of time against the greatly supe
rior power of Great Britain ; that therefore il was to be feared, if
they were abandoned to themselves, that they would be forced to
submit, and that the British government would gain by conquest
what would never have been yielded by consent. Then, as lo Spain,
in order lo remove the apprehensions she might have conceived of a
revolt in her colonies, the commissioners were authorized to assure
her by the most energetic protestations, and to persuade her, that
VOL. I. 27

418 THE AMERICa.V WAR BOOK VII.
the Spanish colonies shauld, in no event, ever receive any molesta
tion from the United States. Finally, il was prescribed them to use
all vigilance, in order to discover whether the British cabinet had
opened any new negotiations in Europe for subsidizing still other
mercenary troops to be sent against America ; and in such case they
were to endeavor to obtain the interference of France, to defeat so
pernicious a design.
Furnished with these instructions, the American envoys com
menced their voyage. Franklin arrived at Nantz the thirteenth of
Deceraber, and a few days after, at Paris. For a long lime there had
not appeared in this city a man more venerable or more venerated.
as well in consideration of his age, which already exceeded seventy
years, as for the superiority of his genius, the vast extent of his
knovvledge, and the brilliant renown of his virtues. At no epoch,
perhaps, have the French, naturally so fond of novelties, manifested
an equal expectation. Their conversations, their writings, even their
thoughts, appeared to have no other object but the cause ofAmerica.
It found among them only admirers and zealous partisans. Accord
ingly, from the moment the American envoy was arrived in their
capital, his person, his actions, his words, his opinions, became the
object of public curiosity. Nor can it be denied that he assumed
with sagacity a demeanor well suited to the situation of his country
and to his own. He presented himself in every place as the citizen
of an unfortunate country, reduced lo extremities by the cruelty of
England. Who could remark his hoary locks, and loitering walk,
without reflecting that this aged man had traversed an immense
ocean to recommend the cause of his country to those who were
able to embrace its defense ? ' Never before,' it was exclaimed, ' has
so meritorious a work been proposed to French generosity ; France
is the refuge of the unfortunate, the protectress of the oppressed.
The war waged by England against her colonies is impious and bai-
barous ; the blood she sheds, is innocent blood ; it is only by the
tutelary assistance of our king that the Americans can hope lo be
extricated from their cruel embarrassments, and lo enjoy al length a
secure and tranqifll existence.' Franklin soon made choice of a re
treat at Passy, situated near Paris ; he appeared to deplore in this re
tirement the misfortunes of America. A rumor got abroad, and
perhaps it vvas purposely circulated, that the British govemment,
laking umbrage at his presence, had demanded of the court ofFrance
that he should be sent away. Hence that compassion vvhich is natu
raUy fell for persecuted virtue, was excited among all classes. He
became the object of a still more eager curiosity. Whether accom
panied by several of his countrymen, cruelly banished or proscribed

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 419
by the English government, he appeared in tne public walks, or
whether he presented himself in places of public or private resort, or
in the meetings of the literary academies, the multitude thronged to
get sight of him. In all places the portraits of Franklin were ex
hibited ; they represented him wilh a venerable countenance, and
dressed, as usual, in rather a singular costume, the raore to attract
attention. He lived at Passy in a certain style of siraplicity, much
resembUng that of the ancient phUosophers. His humorous sayings,
and grave aphorisms, caused many to compare hira to Socrates. The
name of Franklin was upon the lips of every body ; and the mode,
which so often in France directs public attention upon vain frivoli
ties, had this time attached itself to an object worthy of all the con
sideration of the observer.
But the politic sage, hovi'ever he might have been gratified in hav
ing drawn upon himself and upon his country the attention and in
terest of a people so renowned for the gentleness of their manners,
desired to obtain more real advantages. Eraploying as much dex
terity as mystery, he visited the ministers assiduously, and availed
himself of the distinguished reception he found with them, to pro
raote the interests of his constituents. His efforts vvere crowned
wilh the raost rapid success ; and the moment appeared already at
hand, when France vvould no longer disserable the vigorous co-ope
ration she had determined lo afford the Americans.
But, in the meantirae, fortune had shown herself so unpropitious
to the Americans in New York and New Jersey, that even the capi
tal of the confederation was in great danger of falling into the hands
of the victor. The congress became apprehensive that when this
disastrous inteUigence should arrive in Europe, it might have a fatal
influence upon the negotiations opened by their envoys vvith the gov
ernments of France and of Spain ; and that the interest they had
hitherto manifested in favoi of America, might be totally extinguish
ed. The congress there ."bre deterrained to renew their protestations
to the courts of Versailles and Madrid, and with more energy than
before, to assure them that the Americans would persist in their en
terprise at all hazards ; and at the same time to suggest to these
powers that the advantages they would derive from their co-operation
should be more considerable than had been promised them at first.
The envoys of congress were instructed to use all their endeavors
that France should declare herself against England, by attacking the
electorate of Hanover, or any other part of the British possessions,
as well in Europe as in the East or West Indies. To arrive at this
object, they were ordered to promise the most christian king, that if
his majesty consented to break with Great Britain, the United States

420 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.
would join their forces with his to effect the conquest of the island of
Newfoundland and of Cape Breton ; that the subjects of the British
king, as well as those of every other power, should be forever ex
cluded from the cod fishery upon these banks, so that the French
and the Americans only should have the right to carry il on ; that the
king of France should possess in absolute property the half of the
island of Newfoundland, provided he would furnish the United States
with the naval forces necessary to subdue the province of Nova
Scotia ; and that this province, as well as the remaining part of New
foundland, and the island of Cape Breton, should belong lo the
American repubhc. If these offers proved insufficient lo decide
France, they were to propose further, that the LTnited States were
ready lo consent that all the English islands of the West Indies that
should be conquered in the course of the war by the joint forces of
France and America, should become the entire property of his most
christian majesty, and moreover, to effectuate these different con
quests, that the Americans would furnish provisions at their own
expense, lo the value of two millions of doUars, as also six frigates,
completely rigged and equipped, ready for sea ; in a word, that they
would deport themselves in all respects as good and faithful allies.
Finally, they were authorized lo stipulate that all the commerce
vvhich shou'd in future be carried on between the United States and
the French West Indies, should be exercised exclusively by the
vessels belonging to the subjects of his most christian majesty, or to
the citizens of the United Slates. As lo the king of Spain, the
congress proposed lo engage, in case he would declare war against
Great Britain, to assist him in reducing the city and port of Pensa
cola ; they offered, oesides, to conclude wilh him a treaty of aUiance
and comraerce, similar to that vvhich had been proposed to the king
of France. The Americans added, that in case it was true, as it vvas
already reported, that the king of Portugal had driven from his ports
with outrage, or confiscated their vessels, liie United Stales would
immediately declare war against him, if such was the desire of the
courts of France and of Spain. The congress extended their views
still further ; they sent commissioners to the courts of Vienna, of
Berlin, and of Tuscany, i*- aU of which they had recognized a sincere
interest for the cause of America. They desired that these sove
reigns should be persuaded ofthe determination of the LTnited States
to maintain their independence. Their agents were ordered, espe
cially, to exert themselves with assiduity, in order to induce the
emperor of Germany and the king of Prussia to interfere in behalf
of America to prevent new levies of German or Russian troops, to
its prejudice. They had it also in charge lo propose to the court of

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAB. 421
Berlin a treaty of commerce and amity, provided it was perfectly
agreeable to the kings of France and of Spain. Such were the
resolutions adopted by the congress to confirm the slate, threatened,
in its infancy, with approaching ruin. But the assiduity with Which
they prosecuted their political negotiations, in no degree diminished
the vigor of their miUlary preparations. They not only manifested
no disposition to abandon the design of independence, and come lo
an arrangement wilh England, but it is also seen that they made no
proposition to the foreign powers that was either demonstrative of
despair, or unworthy of a stale enjoying the entire plenitude of its
force and of its freedom. Certain members of congress, il is true,
proposed resolutions that denoted less confidence and firmness ; one,
for example, was disposed lo authorize the commissioners at the court
of France to transfer in favor of that power the absolute monopoly
of comraerce which had been enjoyed by England ; another suggest
ed that France should be offered the exclusive commerce of certain
articles ; others, finally, proposed a treaty of aUiance, offensive and
defensive. But the fortune of the repubhc prevaUed, which had
reserved il a higher destiny. AU these propositions were rejected by
the wiser and more numerous part of the members of congress.
It was evident that if they had been adopted, they might have been
considered as a tacit avowal of the desperate state of affairs, and
must consequently have produced an effect directly contrary to that
which their authors expected from thera. Besides, France had quite
other and far more cogent motives for breaking wilh England, and
such as would suffice to induce her to lake this resolution, provided
the Araericans only raanifested a determination to combat to the last
with unshaken constancy.
The instructions sent by the congress to their commissioners,
were intercepted by the English, who caused them to be published.
This gave the congress no regret ; they had no doubt that such an
evidence of their unalterable resolution to maintain their indepen
dence, in the midst of so many reverses, would convince the Euro-
pea'.i princes who desired the dismemberment of the British empire,
that il was time to declare themselves, unless they were willing lo
see the resistance of the Americans rendered fruitless by the inferi
ority of their forces, and the conquest of their country.
But whatever was the constancy of congress, or the attraction of
their proposals to foreign sovereigns, they could little expect that, in
so deplorable a state of their affairs, they would consent to espouse
the cause of the Americans ; it being but too natural, in policy, to
abandon those who appear to be sinking. Words little avail, when
they are unsupported by arms and the smfles of fortune. But she

422 THE AMERICAN WAB. :B00K Vll.
had shown herself so hostile lo Araerica towards the conclusion of
the present year, as to render it but too probable that two or three
cold nights, by freezing the waters of the Delaware, vvould place in
the power of the English, in spite of all the Araericans could do to
prevent it, the capital of the entire confederation. And even if the
cold should not prove so rigorous as was usual at this season, the
army of Washington, already so weak, would be dissolved with the
expiration of the engagement of the soldiers, at the end of the year.
Nor could it be expected, that in so much adversity new recruits
would come forward to replace the disbanded troops. In this state
of things, the best that could be expected was, that after the entire
submission of the more open provinces, the miserable fragments of
the American army would seek refuge in the strongest places, in
the forests and inaccessible mountains, when a partisan war vvould
commence, that could have no decisive effect upon the final issue of
the war. But Washington vvas not discouraged ; and before the
coming of severe frost, or the departure of the greater part of his
soldiers deprived him of all povver, he resolved, by a bold and well
directed movement, lo make a new trial of the fortune of tbe re
public, by attacking a strong and victorious enemy, who was far from
suspecting that he could have the thought of such an attempt — an
heroic resolution, for which posterity ought to bear him an eternal
gratitude ! From this raoraent, the war suddenly assumed a new
face, and victory began at length to incline in favor of the Amer
icans. Washington had observed that general Howe, either to procure
more commodious quarters for his troops in this rigorous season, or
to impede the Americans in recruiting, or finally because he believed
the war al an end, and his enemy no longer in a condition to act,
had too far extended the wings of his army, which occupied the
entire province of New Jersey and the left bank of the Delaware,
from Trenton down to Burlington. Colonel Ralle, a Hessian officer
of great merit, was cantoned in the first of these places, with his
brigade of infantry and a detachraent of English dragoons, the vvhole
constituting a corps of fourteen or fifteen hundred nien. Borden
town, a few inUes below, was occupied by colonel Donop, with
another brigade of Hessians ; and still lower down, within twenty
miles of Philadelphia, was stationed another corps of Hessians and
English. Knowing the extreme weakness of their enemy, and
holding him as il were degraded by his recent defeats, they kept
a negligent guard. The rest of the army was lodged in places
more distant, and principaUy at Princeton, at New Brunswick, and
at A mboy . Washington having attentively consid^ed the extent of

BOOK VII. THE AMILRICAN WAR. 423
the enemy's quarters, conceived the hope of surprising the corps
that were nearest to the river, and too remote from the others to be
succored in season. In order to make his attack with more order
and effect, he divided his army, which consisted almost entirely in
the railitia of Pennsylvania and Virginia, into three corps, the first
and most considerable of which was to pass the Delaware at Mac-
kenky's Ferry, about nine miles above Trenton. The commander
in-chief, accompanied by generals Sullivan and Greene, had reserved
to himself the conduct of this corps, to which a few pieces of artillery
were attached. It vv^as destined to attack Trenton. The. second
division, under the command of general Irwin, was directed to cross
at Trenton Ferry, about a mile below the village of this name, and
having reached the left bank, lo seize, without loss of time, the bridge
over the little river Assumpink, in order to intercept the retreat of
the enemy when he should be dislodged from Trenton by the di
vision under Washington. Finally, the third corps, coramanded by
general Cadwallader, was ordered to pass the river at Bristol, and
proceed to take post at Burlington. The night of Christmas was
appointed for the expedition. The dispositions being made accord
ing to the plan above raentioned, the Araericans proceeded with
admirable order and silence towards the Delaware. The chiefs
exhorted their soldiers to be firm and vaUant, to wash out the stains
of Long Island, of New York, and of New Jersey ; they represented
to thera the necessity, the glory, and the brilliant fruits of victory ;
they incessantly rerainded thera that this night vvas about to decide
the fate of their country. An extreme ardor manifested itself
throughout the ranks. The three columns arrived in the dusk of
evening at the, bank of the river. Washington had hoped that the
passage of the troops, and transportation of the artillery, raight have
been effectuated before raidnight, so as to have tirae to reach the
destined points by break of day, and to surprise the eneray at
Trenton. But the cold was so intense, and the river so obstructed
with floating ice, that it was impossible to cross and to land the
artillery earUer than four in fhe morning. All the troops having at
length gained the left bank, the first corps was parted into two divis
ions, one of which, turning to the right, marched towards Trenton,
by the road which runs along the river ; the olher, guided by Wash
ington in person, look the upper or Pennington road. The distance,
by their route, being nearly equal, it was hoped that the two columns
might arrive at the same time. It was enjoined them to efigage in
combat without any delay, and after having driven in the outposts,
to fall immediately upon the main body of the enemy, at Trenton,
without giving him time to recover from his surprise. They ex-

424 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII
erted all their efforts to arrive before day ; but a thick fog, and a
mist mingled vvith sleet, which rendered the road slippery, retarded
their march. The two divisions, however, reached Trenton al eight
o'clock. Notwithstanding so many obstacles, and the hour already
so late, the Hessians of colonel Ralle had no suspicion of the ap
proach of the enemy.
The Americans having, therefore, fallen unexpectedly upon tiie
advanced guards, routed them iraraediately. Colonel RaUe sent his
reo-iment lo their succor, in order to sustain the first shock, and to
give lime for the rest of his forces to arrange theraselves for defense.
But the first line involved the second in disorder, and both feU back
tumultuously upon Trenton. Colonel Ralle, having hastily drawn
out his Hessians, advanced to encounter the enemy in the open
field ; but he was mortally wounded in the first onset, and the
Americans charging the Germans vvith great fury, the latter betook
themselves to flight, leaving upon the field six pieces of light artiUery.
They attempted to escape by the road of Princeton, but Washington,
perceiving il, dispatched several companies to pre-occupy the way,
who received the fugitives in front. Thus surrounded on every
side, the three German regiments of Ralle, of Anspach, and of
Knyphausen, vvere constrained lo lay down arms and surrender at
discretion. Some few, and chiefly cavalry or light infantry, in all
not exceeding five hundred men, succeeded in effecting their escape
by the lower road which leads to Bordentown. Another detachment
of Hessians, who were out this sarae morning upon a foraging excur
sion, at some distance from their camp, warned by the noise, and af
tervvards by the flight of their countrymen, retired precipitately to
Princeton. General Irwin had exerted his utmost endeavors to pass
the river at the time prescribed, in order lo take part in the action ;
but the floating ice vvas so accumulated, in this part of the river, as
lo render the passage absolutely impracticable. This part of the
Hessians, therefore, had the facility of retiring in safely to Borden
town. General Cadwallader was not raore fortunate in the attempt
he made to cross lower down, and to take postal BurUngton, pursu
ant to the plan of attack. When a part of his infantry had reached
the left bank, it was found irapossible to advance with the artillery ;
unable, therefore, to act with any effect, and finding himself in a
perilous situation, he re-passed to the right bank of the Delaware.
Thus the design of the commander-in-chief was accomplished only
in part ; but the event demonstrated, that if the rigorous cold of this
night had not prevented its entire execution, all the royal troops that
were stationed in the vicinity of the river, vvould have been sur
rounded and taken The loss of the Hessians, in killed and wounded,

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 425
amounted only to thirty or forty, but the number of prisoners was at
first upwards of nine hundred, and even exceeded a thousand, when
all those were collected who had concealed themselves in the houses.
After having obtained this success, Washington paused ; not wiUing
to lose by imprudence the advantages he owed to the wisdom of his
measures. His forces were not sufficient to cope with those which
the Engliishgenerals could have assembled in a few hours. A strong
corps of light infantry was quartered at Princeton, a town only a
few mfles distant from Trenton : to this might easUy have been
joined the brigade of Donop, and other battalions that were cantoned
in the neighboring places. The Araericans consequently evacuated
Trenton, and passed over to the right bank of the river, with their
prisoners, and the trophies of their victory. Their generals resolved
to make the raost of it, in order to revive the courage and confidence
of the dispirited people. They caused the captive Hessians to
defile, with a sort of triumphal pomp, through the streets of Phila
delphia, followed by their arms and banners. And yet such vvas the
terror inspired by the very name of these Germans, that even at the
moment in which they traversed the city as vanquished and prison
ers, many of the inhabitants suspected it was only a stratagem of
their own leaders lo animate them ; so irapossible il seemed lo them
that warriors frora Germany should have been overcome by Ameri
can soldiers. The English appeared to thera far less formidable,
because they knew them. Man is naturaUy disposed to fear most
those objects of which he has the least knowledge; the uncouth
language, the novel raanners, and even the dress of the German
soldiers, inspired a certain dread. But when they vvere satisfied that
the spectacle they beheld was not an illusion, words cannot describe
their exultation at so unexpected a success ; having at first rated the
Hessians far above the English, they now held them as much below.
And, in effect, this affair of Trenton had so changed the face of
things, that the public mind, was rapidly elevated from despondency
to an extreme confidence. The English themselves could not re
mark without astonishment this sudden metaraorphosis in an enemy
whom they considered as already vanquished and quelled. They
were unable lo conceive how troops of such high renovvn had been
compelled lo lay down arms before militia, hastfly collected, ill pro
vided with arms, and totally devoid of discipline. Hence, as it
happens in reverses, suspicions, reproaches, and accusations arose
on all parts. It was vociferated that the English general had too far
extended his quarters ; that colonel Ralle had committed an impru
dence, finding himself the weaker, in marching out of his quarters to
charge the enemy ; that he had, besides, neglecied his guard ; and

426 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK VII.
that his soldiers, instead of being at their posts, were gone out in
quest of plunder. However this raight have been, the entire British
army put itself in motion ; colonel Donop, trembling for himself and
for his corps, retired with precipitation, by the way of Amboy, to
unite with general Leslie at Princeton ; and general Grant, who
wilh the main body of the army occupied New Brunswick, advanced
upori Princeton to join the vanguard, stationed at that place. Lord
Cornwallis himself, vvho was then at New York, on the point of
embarking for England, at the news of this fatal event, returned v^'ith
the utmost expedition into New Jereey. But the Americans felt
their courage revive ; on all parts they ran to arms, and the forces
of Washington were so increased that he conceived the design of
more extensive operations, and thought hiraself in a situation to
attempt an expedition upon the frontiers of New Jersey. Accord
ingly, he ordered general Cadwallader lo pass the Delaware, and
take a strong position upon the left bank ; but to advance wilh ex
treme caution, and to avoid unexpected rencounters. General
Mifflin, with a considerable corps of Pennsylvania miUtia, had joined
general Irwin, and they both crossed the river. Washington himself
followed them immediately, and concentrated aU his troops at Tren
ton. Here the miUtia of New England, whose term of service was
expired, were inclined to quit the array, and go lo their homes; but
the instances of their generals, and a bounty of ten dollars, induced
the greater part of them lo remain. The English, who had assem
bled in great strength in Princeton, resolved to lose no time, but to
go and attack Washington in his quarters at Trenton, before he
should receive new re-inforcements ; they also hoped that the expi
ration of engagements would greatly reduce the number of his sol
diers. 1777. The second of January, lord Cornwallis marched with the
vanguard towards Trenton, where he arrived about four in the morn
ing. The rear guard vvas posted al Maidenhead, a village situated
half vvay between Princeton and Trenton ; other regiments vvere on
the march from New Brunswick, to re-inforce the principal army.
Washington, finding the enemy in such force, and so near, retired
behind the river of Trenton, also called the Assumpink, where he
set about intrenching himself, having first secured the bridge. The
English attempted the passage at various points, but every where
without success ; all the fords being diligently guarded. A cannon
ade vvas engaged, which produced little effect, ihough it lasted until
night ; the Americans stood firra in their intrenehments. CornwaUis
waited for re-inforcements, intending to advance to the assault the
day following ; but his adversary was not disposed to put so much

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAH. 427
at stake. On the other hand, to re-pass the Delaware, then more
than ever obstructed with floating ice, in the presence of ;i formida
ble enemy, was too perilous an operation to be attempted without
temerity. Washington therefore found himself anew in a very criti
cal position ; but it was then that he embraced a resolution remark
able for its intrepidity. Reflecting that he was advanced too far to
be able lo retreat without manifest danger, he deterinined lo abandon
all at once the banks of the Delaware, and to carry the war into the
very heart of New Jersey. He considered that Cornwaflis, in afl
probability, would apprehend being cut off from the province of New
York, and fearing, besides, for the magazines al New Brunswick,
which were abundantly stocked for the service of the whole British
army, vvould himself also retire from the river ; and thus the city of
Philadelphia would be preserved, a greal part of New Jersey recov
ered, and defensive war changed inlo offensive ; advantages which
could not but animate the inhabitants with new courage. If the
English general persisted in his design, he passed the river, indeed,
without obstacle, and became master of Philadelphia. But whatever
were to be the effects of this disastrous event, il was belter lo aban
don Philadelphia, and preserve the army entire, than to lose at the
same time both the one and the olher. - This plan having been
approved in a council of war, composed of all the generals of the
army, dispositions were immediately commenced for carrying it
promptly into effect. The baggage was sent down to Burlington ;
and at one o'clock in the raorning, the enemy appearing perfectly
tranquil, the Americans rekindled the fires of their camp, and leav
ing guards at the bridge and fords, wilh orders to continue the usual
rounds and patrols, they defiled vvith equal promptitude and silence.
Taking the road of Allentown, which is the longest, in order lo
avoid the Assumpink, and the encounter of the eneray at Maiden
head, they proceeded towards Princeton. Three English regiments
had lodged there this same night ; two of them, at break of day,
had renewed their march for Maidenhead, The Americans suddenly
appeared and charged them with great impetuosity. But the Eng
lish defended themselves so vigorously, that the American railitia
faced about, and retired in disorder. General Mercer, in atterapting
to raUy them, was mortally wounded, Washington, seeing the rout
ot the vanguard, and perfectly aware that the loss of the day vvould
involve the total ruin of his army, immediately advanced at the head
of his select corps, composed of the conquerors of Trenton, and
restored the battle. The two EngUsh regiments, overwhelmed by
the nuraber and fury of the assailants, were separated, the one from
ihe other and found themselves in the most perilous position. Colo-

428 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK Vlf.
nel Mawhood, who commanded one of them, after having intrepidly
sustained the attack for some moraents, made a violent effort, and
opening hij way with the bayonet through the ranks of the enemy,
retired in safety lo Maidenhead, The olher, which formed the rear
guard, finding itself, after a vigorous struggle, unable to follow the
first, returned by the way of Hillsborough to New Brunswick. The
third, vvhich vvas found still at Princeton, retreated also, after a light
conflict, with great precipitation, to Brunswick. About one hundred
of the English were killed in this affair, and upwards of three hun
dred made prisoners. The loss of the Americans in slain, was near
ly equal ; but of this number was general Mercer, an able and ex
perienced officer of the province of Virginia. He was universally
regretted, but especially by Washington, who bore him great esteem
and' affection.
After the combat, the Araericans occupied Princeton. At break
of day, lord Cornwallis, having perceived that the Americans had
deserted their camp of Trenton, and soon penetrating what was
their design, abandoned in like manner his own, and marched wilh
all expedition towards Brunswick, fearing, lest the baggage and
munitions he had accumulated there, should fall into the hands of
the enemy. He arrived- al Princeton almost at the same lime with
the American rear guard. Washington found himself again in
imminent danger. His soldiers fell with sleep, having taken no
repose for the two preceding days ; hunger tormented them, and
they vvere almost naked in this rigorous season. The enemy who
pursued them, besides the advantage of number, had every thing in
abundance. Thus situated, far from the hope of continuing to act
offensively, it vvas much for him if he could retire without loss to a
place of security ; wherefore, departing abruptly frora Princeton, he
raoved wilh rapidity towards the upper and mountainous parts of
New Jersey. To retard the enemy, he destroyed the bridges over
the MUlstone river, which runs between Princeton and Brunswick.
Having afterwards passed the Rariton, a more considerable river, he
proceeded lo occupy Pluckemin, where his troops refreshed them
selves, after so many toils and sufferings. But soon finding that his
army was too feeble, and also that it was daily diminished by mala
dies and desertion, he resolved to encamp higher up, and in a place
of more security. After necessity had constrained him to make trial
of fortune by adventurous feats, he vvas disposed to become again
the master of his movements, and take counsel of prudence alone.
He retired, accordingly, to Morristown, in upper Jersey. Cornwal
lis, despairing of being able to continue the pursuit wilh success,
direcled his march to New Brunswick, where he found general

BOOK VII, THE AMERICAN WAR, 429
Matthews, who, in the violence of his terror, had comraenced the
removal of the baggage and warlike stores. But Washington, hav
ing received the few fresh battaliops of infantry, and his little army
being recovered from their fatigues, soon entered the field anew,
and scoured the whole country as far as the Rariton. He even
crossed this river, and penetrating into the county of Essex, made
himself master of Newark, of Elizabethtown, and, finaUy, of Wood-
bridge ; so that he commanded the entire coast of New Jersey, in
front of Staten Island. He so judiciously selected his positions, and
fortified them so formidably, that the royalists shrunk frora all attempt
to dislodge him from any of them. Thus the British army, after
having overrun victoriously the whole of New Jersey, quite to the
Delaware, and caused even the city of Philadelphia to tremble for
its safely, found itself now restricted to the two only posts of New
Brunswick and Amboy, which, moreover, could have no communi
cation with New York, except by sea. Thus, by an army almost re
duced to extremity, Philadelphia was saved, Pennsylvania protected.
New Jersey nearly recovered, and a victorious and powerful enemy
laid under the necessity of quitting all thoughts of acting offensively,
in order to defend himself.
Achievements so astonishing acquired an immense glory for the
captain-general of the United States. All nations shared in the sur
prise of the Americans ; all equaUy admired and applauded the
prudence, the constancy, and the noble intrepidity of general Wash
ington. An unanimous voice pronounced him the savior of his
country ; all extolled him as equal to the most celebrated command
ers of antiquity ; all proclaimed him the Fabius of America. His
name was in the mouth of all ; he was celebrated by the pens of the
most distinguished writers. The most illustrious personages of Eu
rope lavished upon him their praises and their congratulations. The
American general, therefore, wanted neither a cause full of grandeur
to defend, nor occasion for the acquisition of glory, nor genius lo
avaU himself of it, nor the renown due to his triuraphs, nor an entire
generation of men perfectly well disposed lo render him homage.
Reposing new confidence in their general, and having seen that it
was his arm which had retrieved the public fortune, the congress
decreed that in aU councUs of war, Washington should not be bound
by the plurality of voices, nor by the opinion of the general officers
he might think proper to consult. They even preferred that in all
circumstances he should take such resolutions as might appear to
him the most Ukely to prove advantageous. The congress immedi
ately afler returned to Philadelphia, with a view of encouraging the
people stiU more. There passed nothing of importance during the

430 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII,
rest of the winter and the greater part ol the spring, with the excep
tion of some skirmishes, of which the usual effect was to harass and
fatigue the English army, and to inspire the Americans wilh greater
confidence in themselves. The royal troops, as we have said, were
locked up in the two vUlag-es of Brunswick and Amboy, whence they
rarely ventured to make excursions ; they could not go out to plun
der, nor even lo forage, without extreme perfl. Not only the soldiers
of Washington, but even the inhabitants of New Jersey, transported
A^ith rage at the shocking excesses comraitted by the English, and es
pecially by the Hessians, prepared frequent arabuscades for these
predatory bands, and exterrainated thera by surprise. Those who
could not bear arms performed the office of spies, so that whenever
the royalists made a movement, the repubhcans were apprised of it,
and prepared lo oppose il. This sudden change in the disposition
of the inhabitants, vvho, after the occupation of New York, had shown
themselves so favorable to the royal cause, must be attributed entire
ly lo the unheard of ferocity with which the Enghsh carried on the war.
An universal cry was heard in America, against the cruelties, the
massacres, the rapes, and the ravages, perpetrated by their soldiers.
And even supposing that their crimes were exaggerated, the truth is
still but too horrible. The Hessians, as if they had believed them
selves released from all respect for humaniiy and justice, knew no
other mode of making war but that of carrying devastation inlo the
midst of all the property, whether public or private, of their adver
saries. Il was published al the time, that the Gerraans had been
taught to believe, that all the lands they could conquer in America
should become their own properly, which led thera to consider the
possessors of them as their natural enemies, whom they were bound
to exterminate in every possible mode. But, that finding themselves
not Ukely to profit by this expectation, they set about plundering and
destroying whatever they could lay their hands upon. Il vvas also
affirmed, that this rapacious soldiery had so burthened themselves
with booty, as to become almost incapable of service. The violent
hatred which the Americans manifested for the Hessians, rendered
thera but the raore outrageous in their depredations. Men accustomed
to liberty, could not behold without abhorrence these brutal merce
naries, ' who, not content,' they said, ' with submitting to be slaves in
their own country, are wiUing, for a few pence, to become the instru
ments of tyranny with others, and come to interfere in a domestic
quarrel, in which they have no interest.' ' Why,' added the Ameri
cans, ' have they left their homes in the old world to contribute in the
new to the butchery of an innocent and generous people, who had
never offended them ; who, on the contrary, had exercised a noble

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 431
hospitality towards a raultitude of their ancestors, who sought refuge
from a tyranny similar to what their countrymen were now attempt
ing lo establish in America ? ' This language did but the more exas
perate the Germans , they manifested their fury by the most atrocious
actions. It was a terrible and lamentable spectacle, to behold these
fertile fields covered with ashes and with ruins. Friends and foes,
republicans and loyalists, all shared a common fate. Wives and
daughters suffered violence in the houses, and even before the eyes
of their husbands and fathers ; many fled into the forests ; but could
find no refuge even there from the brutal rage of these barbarians,
who pursued them. The houses were either burnt or deraohshed ;
the cattie either driven off or killed ; nothing escaped their thirst of
devastation. The Hessian general Heister, far frora endeavoring to
repress this licentious soldiery, seemed to have given them a free
rein. The English general wished, but had not the power, to curb
them. The Hessians were as numerous as the Enghsh themselves,
and it was not thought prudent lo offend them. Their example be
came infectious for the British troops, and they were soon found to
vie with the Germans in all the scenes of violence, outrage, cruelty,
and plunder. New Jersey presented only the vestiges of havoc and
desolation. Complaints arose from all parls of America ; and they
were echoed throughout Europe, to the heavy reproach of England.
Among the indignant nations, the French vvere especially distinguish
ed ; naturally humane, eneraies to the English, and partisans of the
Araericans. It was exclairaed every where, that the English gov
ernment had revived in the new world the fury of the Goths, anc
the barbarity of the northern Hordes. But so much immanity re
turned upon its source, and becarae raore fatal lo its authors than to
their victims. The few remaining friends that England had, became
enemies, and her enemies were filled with new hatred, and a more
vehement desire of vengeance.
Citizens of all classes flew to arms with a sort of rage, to expe
from their territory, as they said, these infamous robbers. Thus the
excesses of the royal army were not less, and perhaps more, preju
dicial to the British cause than even the efforts of Washington and
the resolutions of congress. But it must be admitted, that this ardor
of pillage had also contaminated the American army. The houses
and property of the unfortunate inhabitants of New Jersey were
sacked under pretext that they belonged to loyalists ; the officers
themselves gave their soldiers the example of depredation. Thus
they were pillaged by the Hessians and English as rebels to the king,
and by the Americans as being his partisans. These excesses be
came so revolting, that Washington, to whom they caused infinite

432 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.
pain, was constrained, in order to pul a stop to them, lo issue a proc
lamation, denouncing the most rigorous penalties against the peqio-
trators of such enorraitid's.
At this epoch, the loyalists raanifested a spirit of revolt in the
counties of Somerset and Worcester, in Maryland, and in that of
Sussex, in the state of Delaware ; as also in the neighborhood of
Albany, and in the country of the Mohawks. Troops were sent to
these places, in order to overawe the disaffected ; the congress or
dered that suspected persons should be arrested and detained in se
cure places.
About the same time, general Heath, who guarded the high lands
of New York, summoned Fort Independence, situated in the vicinity
of Kingsbridge. But the commander of the garrison answered with
intrepidity, and prepared himself for a vigorous resistance. The
Americans, despairing of success by assault, abandoned the enter
prise, and returned lo their high and inaccessible positions.
General Howe not making any movement at the commencement
of tlie year, indicative of an intention to enter the field very shortly,
Washington resolved to avail himself of this interval of repose to
deliver his army from the small-pox, a scourge so formidable in these
climates. It had made such terrible ravages the preceding year in
the army of the north, that but for the obstacles the EngUsh had
encountered upon the lakes, nothing would have prevented them from
penetrating to the Hudson. The army of the middle vvas threatened
with a similar calamity. W^ashington Iherefore judged it necessary
lo subject all his troops, as well as the militia that joined him from
different parts, to a general inoculation. The affair was conducted
vvith so much prudence in the camp thatno occasion vvas offered the
enemy to disturb its tranquUlity. The physicians of the hospital of
Philadelphia were ordered, al the same time, to inoculate all thesoh
diers who traversed that city, on their way to join the army. The
same precautions vvere taken in the olher railitary stations, and thus
the army was totally exempted frora an evil, which might have clash
ed vvith the success of the ensuing campaign. The example of the
soldiery proved a signal benefit lo the entire population ; the salutary
practice of inoculation soon became general ; and, by little and little,
this fatal raalady disappeared entirely.
JMeanwhile, the month of March was near its conclusion, and the
defect of tents and other camp equipage which general Howe ex
pected frora England, had not yet perraitted him to open the cam
paign . He resolved, nevertheless, to attempt some expedition, vvhich
might occasion a sensible prejudice lo the enemy. The Americans,
during tho winter, had formed immense magazines of provisions,

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR 433
forage, and stores of all sorts, in that rough and mountainous tract
called Courtland Manor. The great natural strength of the country,
the vicinity of the Hudson river, vvith its convenience in respect lo
the seat of war, had induced the American generals lo make choice
of these heights for their general repository. A little town called
Peek's Kill, which lies about fifty miles up the river from New York,
served as a kind of port to this natural citadel, by which it both
received provisions, and dispensed supplies. As a genera] attempt
upon Courtland Manor presented insurmountable difficulties, not only
from the strength of the country and impracticabUity of the ground,
but from the force of the corps that were stationed in that quarter
the English general confined his views to an attack upon Peek's Kill
His troops vvere sent on board transports up the river for this service ;
the Americans, upon the approach of the British armament, finding
themselves unequal to the defense of the place, and that there was
no possible time to evacuate the magazines, set fire to them, and
retired. The EngUsh landed without delay. The damage was
considerable ; but not so great as general Howe had been led to
expect, though greater than the Araericans would acknowledge. The
English a few days after undertook a simflar expedition, upon the
borders of Connecticut. The Americans had deposited large quan
tities of stores and provisions in the town or village of Danbury, in
the county of Fairfield. The charge of this enterprise was com
mitted to general Tryon ; who, besides the destruction of these
stores, had flattered himself with finding a junction of many loyalists
in that quarter, as soon as he should appear with the troops of the
king. He appeared not to doubt it, in consequence of the confi
dence he placed in the assertions of the refugees ; alvvays prompt to
believe what they strongly desire. The twenty-fifth of April, a de
tachment of two thousand men, having passed through the Sound,
landed after sunset upon the coast of Connecticut, between Fair
field and Norwalk. They advanced without interruption, and arrived
at Danbury the following day. Colonel Huntingdon, who occupied
this place with a feeble garrison, retired, at the approach of the ene
my, to a stronger position in the rear. As the English could pro
cure no carriages, to bring off the stores and provisions, they irarae
diately proceeded to the destruction of the magazine. The loss was
serious lo the American army, and particularly in the article of seve
ral hundred tents, of which it had greal need, and which were the
more regretted as the materials were wanting lo replace them. The
loyalists made not the leas movement,
MeanwhUe, the whole country was in agitation. The militia,
eager to manifest their devotion to the repubUc, had assembled at
VOL. I. 28

434 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK VU.
Readmg under the banners of congress. Arnold, who happened to
be in the vicinity, engaged in the business of recruiting, at the sound
of arms, always so grateful to his ear, had hastened to join the com
panies al Reading. General Wooster, vvho from the immediate
service of congress had passed inlo that of the state of Connecti
cut, as brigadier-general of militia, arrived from another quarter,
with considerable re-inforcements. All these troops were impatient
to engage the eneray. The EngUsh, perceiving their danger, retreat
ed with great precipitation, by the way of Ridgefield. The Ameri
cans endeavored by every possible means to interrupt their march,
until a greater force could arrive to support them with effect in the
design of cutting off their retreat. General Wooster hung upon
the rear of the British, and using every advantage of ground, har
assed thera exceedingly, notwithstanding they had large covering
parties, well furnished with field pieces, both on their flanks and
rear. In one of these skirraishes- Wooster, at an age approaching
closely to seventy, and in the active exertion of a valor which savored
more of youthful temerity than of the temperance and discretion of
that lime of life, vvas mortally wounded, and being carried out of the
field, died shortly after, with the same resolution that he had lived.
Filled wilh consternation at the loss of their commander, his soldiers
immediately dispersed. But in the meantirae, Arnold had got pos
session of Ridgefield, where he had already thrown up some sort of
an intrenchment, lo cover his front. The English presented them
selves, and a hot action ensued, which lasted a considerable time.
The English, having carried the heights which covered the flanks of
the Americans, over whelip<..d them wilh their fire. The latter were
immediately thrown inlo confusion, and notwithstanding the efibrts of
Arnold to rally thera, retired with extreme precipitation to Pauga-
tuck, three miles from Norwalk. Tryon lay that night at Ridgefield,
and having set fire to sorae houses, renewed his march on the morn
ing of the twenty-eighth towards the Sound. He was again en
countered by Arnold, who had assembled fresh troops, with some
pieces of artillery. Continual skirmishes took place from the one
bank to tiie olher of the river Sagatuck, and a sharp contest al the
bridge across this stream. But, finally, the English, superior in
number and discipUne, surmounted all obstacles, and arrived at the
place where their ships waited to receive them ; they were unable
to embark, however, without new difficulties and other combats.
The congress decreed that a monument should be erecled lo
Wooster, and testified their satisfaction towaids Arnold by the gift
of a horse, richly caparisoned ,

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 435
This expedition, entered upon with so much parade, furnished
Uttie indemnity for the expense it had occasioned.
The stores destroyed, with the exception of the tents, were of
inconsiderable value ; and the burning of the houses of Danbury
and Ridgefield, together with the other brutalities committed by the
royal troops, did but increase the fury of the people, and confirm
them in resistance. This occasion served also lo demonstrate, how
vain were the hopes which general Tryon had placed in the loyal
ists. Not one of them ventured lo declare himself in favor of the
English ; the inhabitants rose, on the contrary, in all parts, to repulse
the assailants. It is even probable, that this enterprise of the
English gave origin to another, full of audacity, on the part of the
Americans. The generals of Connecticut had been informed that
a commissary of the British army had formed immense magazines
of forage, grain, and other necessaries for the troops, at a little port
called Sagg Harbor, on Long Island ; it was defended only by a
detachment of infantry, and a sloop of twelve guns. The English,
however, believed themselves sufficiently protected by their armed
vessels which cruised in the Sound; they could never persuade
themselves that the Americans would dare to pass it, and attempt
any thing upon Long Island. But the latter were nowise intimidated
by the obstacles, and resolved to surprise Sagg Harbor, by a sudden
incursion. Accordingly, colonel Meigs, one of the intrepid com
panions of Arnold in the expedition of Canada, crossed the Sound
with as much rapidity as ability, and arrived before day at the place
where the magazines were situated. Notwithstanding the resistance
of the garrison and the crews of the vessels, he burned a dozen brigs
and sloops which lay at the wharf, and entirely destroyed every
thing on shore. Having accomplished the object of the expedition,
he returned without loss to Guilford, in Connecticut, bringing with
him many prisoners. The Americans manifested, in this enterprise,
the greatest humaniiy ; they abstained from the pillage of private
property, and even permitted the prisoners to retain their effects.
The winter had completely elapsed in the midst of these opera
tions, and the season approached m which the armies were about to
take the field anew. No one doubted that the English would exert
their utmost endeavors io terminate the war in the present year, A
formidable corps was prepared to attack the American provinces on
the side of Canada, and a still more numerous army menaced those
of the middle, AU minds were suspended with the expectation of
approaching events.
If the English generals could have commenced the campaign as
soon as the season for action was arrived, it is certain, they might

436 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VU,
have obtained the most important advantages. When the spring
opened, the army of Washington was still extremely feeble. If a
part of those whose term of service was expired, had been induced
lo remain from a consideration of the weakness of the army, and the
ruin which must attend their departure before il was re-inforced, the
greater nurnber, unable to endure the severity of winter in the fields,
had returned horae. In the mean time, the business of recruiting
under an engagement to serve during the war, or even for three
years, went on but slowly, notwithstanding the promised advantages ;
the genius and habits of the people being averse to all subjection.
The making of drafts from the militia, which was the final resource,
was considered as a dangerous innovation.
Asa further check upon the increase of the force in New Jersey,
the New England provinces, which abounded with men of a warlike
spirit, were taken up with their domestic concerns, fearing for Ticon
deroga, the river Hudson, and even for Boston itself. A multitude
of American privateers had gone inlo that port wilh their prizes, and
the English retained all their ancieni hatred against the inhabitants.
The British troops cantoned in Rhode Island, afforded continual
room for apprehension ; they might attack Massachusetts in flank,
and make inroads with impunity into the neighboring provinces.
Such, in effect, was the difficulty of raising men, that in some of tiie
provinces the enlisting of apprentices and Irish indented servants
was permitted, contrary to the former resolutions and decrees, with
a promise of indemnification to their masters. The winter and
spring had been employed in these preparations, but towards the lat
ter end of May, the mild weather having comraenced, the Americans
took arms vvith promptitude, and Washington found himself daily
re-inforced from aU quarters. The English thus lost the occasion of
an easy victory ; perhaps, as some have written, by the delay of
tents. However this may have been, they deferred taking the field
tiU obstacles were multiplied around them.
Washington, unable as yet lo penetrate the designs of general
Howe, sought with vigilance to observe the direction he was about
to give lo his arras. It was apprehended that renewing the war in
New Jersey, he would endeavor to penetrate to the Delaware ; and,
passing the river by means of a bridge, known to be constructed for
the purpose, make himself master of PhUadelphia. Il vvas conjec
tured also, and this was the expectation of Washington, that the
English general would proceed up the Hudson river into the uppei
parls of the province of New York, in order to co-operate with the
British army of Canada, which was at the same lime to attack the
fortress of Ticonderoga, and after its reduction, to operate a June-

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 437
tion with general Howe in the vicinity of Albany. This movement
of the enemy was the more to be apprehended, as besides the ad
vantages it promised, it was known lo have been prescribed by the
instructions of the British ministers. General Howe had been di
verted from following them by the successes he had obtained in New
Jersey, and the hope he had conceived of being able, of himself, to
bring the war to a successful conclusion.
In so great an uncertainty in respect to the future operations of
the enemy, Washington, having received his re-inforceraents, deter
mined to take such positions as should be equaUy proper to oppose
them, whether the English should move towards Albany, or should
resolve lo march against Philadelphia, by way of New Jersey. Ac
cording to this plan, the troops raised in the northern provinces,
were stationed partly at Ticonderoga, and partly at Peek's Kill ; those
of the middle and southern provinces, as far as North Carolina, oc
cupied New Jersey, leaving a few corps for the protection of the
more western provinces.
In this manner, if general Howe moved against PhUadelphia, he
found in front all the forces assembled in New Jersey, and in addi
tion, those encaraped al Peek's Kill, who would have descended to
harass his right flank. If, on the other hand, he took the direction
of Albany, the corps of Peek's Kill defended the passages in front,
while his left flank might also be attacked by the troops of New
Jersey, upon the banks of the Hudson. If, on the contrary, the
English army of Canada came by way of the sea, to join that of
general Howe upon the shores of New Jersey, the troops of Peek's
Kill could immediately unite with those that occupied the same prov
ince, and thus compose a forraidable array for the defense of Phil
adelphia. If, finally, the army of Canada attacked Ticonderoga,
the camp of Peek's Kill might carry succors to those who were
charged with the defense of that fortress. But as it was of inex
pressible importance lo preserve Philadelphia in the power of the
United States, the congress ordained the formation of a camp upon
the western bank of the Delaware, with the double object of receiv
ing all the troops that arrived from the south and west, and of serv
ing, in case of need, as a reserve. Here also were to assemble all
the recruits of Pennsy .vania, re-inforced by several regiments of reg
ular troops. This army was placed under the comraand of general
Arnold, who was then at PhUadelphia. All Ihese arrangeraents
being made, on the twenty-eighth of May, Washington quitted his
former position in the neighborhood of Morristown, and advancing
within a few railes of Brunswick, upon the left bank of the Rariton,
took possession of the strong country along Middlebrook He

438 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII
turned this advantageous situation to every account of which it was
capable ; his camp, winding along the course of the hills, was strong
ly intrenched and covered with artillery ; nor was it belter secured
by its immediate natural or artificial advantages, than by the difficuh
ties of approach which the ground in front threw in the way of an
enemy. In this situation, he commanded a view of the British en
campment on the hills of Brunswick, and of most ofthe intermediate
country towards that place and Amboy. The American army, at
this epoch, amounted lo fifteen thousand men, inclusive of the North
Carolinians, and the militia of New Jersey ; but this number com
prehended many apprentices, and some totaUy undisciplined com
panies. Always controlled by a sort of fatal necessity, which was the
manifest cause of all the reverses of his party, general Howe would
never ascend the river Hudson towards Canada, to co-operate and
join with the northern British army. He persisted in his favorite
object of invading New Jersey and Pennsylvania, according to the
design he had conceived of penetrating through the first of these
provinces to the Delaware, driving Washington before him, and
reducing the whole country lo so effectual a state of subjection as
to establish a safe and open communication between the army and
New York.
He presumed either that Washington would hazard a battie, and
in that case he entertained no doubt of success ; or that the Ameri
cans would constantiy retire, v/hich appeared to him the most proba
ble. In the latter case, having, by the reduction of New Jersey, left
every thing safe in his rear, and secured the passage of the Dela
ware ; he becaine, of course, master of PhUadelphia, which, ftom its
situation, v.as incapable of any effectual defense, and could only
be protected by Washington at the certain expense and hazard of a
battle ; than vvhich nothing was more coveted by the English.
If the obstacles in New Jersey were found so great that they
could not be overcome without much loss of time and expense of
blood, his intention was to profit of the powerful naval force, and the
great number of transports and vessels of all sorts which lay at New
York. By means of this numerous marine, the army might be con
veyed either to the mouth of the Delaware and thence to Philadel
phia, or into the bay of Chesapeake, which opened the way inlo the
heart of the central "provinces, and led either directly, or by crossing
a country of no great extent, to the possession of that city. That
point gained, PhUadelphia was lo become the place of arms and
center of action, whfle etery part of the hostile provinces of Penn
sylvania, Virginia, and Maryland would, from their deep bays and

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 439
navigable rivers, be exposed to the continuil attacks of an enemy so
powerful by sea. But it is evident that the first object of the views
of the English general, was the destruction of the army of Washing
ton, and therefore before resorting to the aid of his marine, he resolved
to make trial of fortune in New Jersey, by using all the resources
of art to force the eneray to an action. Accordingly, having received
frora Europe his tents, arid other field equipage, with sorae re-inforce
ments composed principally of German troops, he passed over to the
frontiers of New Jersey, and moved wilh his vvhole army to Bruns
wick, having left, however, a sufficient garrison at Araboy. When he
had accurately examined the strength ofthe posts which Washington
occupied, he renounced the scheme of assaulting him in his camp.
He continued for several days in front of his lines, offering him bat
tle ; but the American general refusing it, he pushed on detachments,
and made moveraents as if he intended to pass hira, and aavanced lo
the Delaware, hoping that his enemy, alarmed for the safety of Phil
adelphia, would have abandoned this impregnable post to follow
him. But Washington, firm in his resolution of never committing
the fortune of America to the hazard of a single action, made no
movement. Meanwhile, having observed by the demonstrations of the English,
that their design was to prosecute their operations, not against the
passages leading to Canada, but in the province of New Jersey, he
ordered the troops at Peek's Kill to march to his succor. He gave
colonel Morgan, the same who had displayed so brilliant a valor at
the assault of Quebec, the command of a troop of light horse, destined
to annoy the lefl flank of the English army, and to repress, or cut off,
its advanced parties. General Sullivan, who occupied Princeton
wilh a strong detachment, was ordered to fall back to a raore secure
position, upon the heights of Rocky Hill. But general Hov/e, per
ceiving that Washington wai not lo be enticed by these demonstra
tions lo quit his fastnesses, resolved lo pul himself in motion and to
approach nearer to the Delaware. Accordingly, in the night of the
fourteenth of June, the entire British army, wilh the exception of two
thousand soldiers, who reraained for the protection of Brunswick,
began to move, in two columns, towards the river. The van of the
first, conducted by lord Cornwallis, and which had taken the road to
the right, arrived by break of day at Somerset Court House, nine
miles distant from New Brunswick, having passed without obstacle
the littie river MiUstone. The column of the lefl, under general
Heister, reached at the same time the village of Middlebush, situated
lower down upon the road of Princeton. But Washington, faithful
to his temoorizing plan, had too much penetration lo be diverted

440 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.
from it by circumvention or sleight. He reflected, that without
supposing in the enemy a temerity, which was absolutely foreign to
the prudent and circumspect character of general Howe, il could
not be imagined that he would venture lo advance upon the Delaware,
and to cross that river, having to combat an army on the opposite
bank, and another, still more formidable, in his rear. It was, besides,
evident, that if the real intention of the English had hitherto been
to pass the Delaware, they would have marched rapidly towards it,
without halting, as they had done, at halfway. He was not ignorant,
moreover, that they had advanced light to this point, leaving at
Brunswick their baggage, balteaux, and bridge equipage. Having
well pondered these circumstances, Washington concluded that the
project of the enemy was not to proceed lo the Delaware, but lo al
lure him from his carap of Middlebrook, in order to reduce him to
the necessi.y of fighting. Wherefore he made no moveraent, but
continued to remain quietly within his intrenehments. Only, as the
enemy was so near, he drew up his army in order of battle, upon the
heights which defended the front of his camp, and kept it aU the fol
lowing night under arms.
Meanwhile the mUitia of New Jersey assembled from every quar
ter, with great alacrity ; and general Sullivan, with his detachment,
marching upon the left bank of the MiUstone, had approached the
Rariton, so as to be able to disquiet the enemy by frequent skirmishes
in front, and to join, if necessary, wilh the comraander-in-chief.
General Howe, having ascertained that his adversary was too wary
to be caught in the snares that he had hitherto laid for him, and that
his menaces to pass the Delaware would be fruitless, resolved next
lo try whether the appearance of fear, and a precipitate retreat to
wards Amboy, might not have the effect of drawing him inlo the
plain, and, consequently, of forcing him to an engagement. Accord
ing lo this new plan, in the night of the nineteenth, he suddenly
quilted his position in front of the enemy, where he had begun to
intrench himself; he retired in baste to Brunswick, and thence, with
the same marks of precipitation, towards Amboy. The English, as
they retreated, burned a great number of houses, either from personal
rage, or wilh a view to inflame the passions of the Americans, and
increase the ardor of their pursuit. When they had gained Amboy,
they threw the bridge, which was intended for the Delaware, over
the channel which separates the continent from Staten Island, and
unmediately passed over it their heavy baggage, and all the incum
brances of the army. Some of the troops followed, and every thing
was in im.mediate preparation for the passage of t.ie rest of the ar
my, as if all hope had been lost of i(s maKing any further progress,

BOOK VII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 441
in New Jersey. Washington, with all his caution and penetration,
allowed himself to be imposed upon by this stratagem of his adver
sary. He ordered generals Greene, SuUivan, and Maxwell, to pur
sue the enemy with strong detachments ; but the two latter were
not in season. Colonel Morgan infested the rear of the retreating
army with his cavalry ; and lord Sterling, with colonel Conway, har
assed its left flank. The advantages they gained, however, were
trifling, as -the EngUsh marched in good order, and had taken caro
to place a great part of their forces in the rear guard. Finally,
Washington himself, lo be more at hand for the protection and sup
port ofhis advanced parties, descended from the impregnable heights
of Middlebrook, and advanced to a place called Quibbletown, six
or seven miles nearer to Amboy.
Lord Sterling, with a strong division, occupied the village of Me
luckin, lower down towards that city.
General Howe lost no time in endeavoring to profit of the occa
sion he had opened for himself so shrewdly. In the night of the
twenty-fifth of June, he drew back his troops from Staten Island to
the continent, and on the morning of the twenty-sixth, marched
them vvith great expedition against the Americans. His army form
ed two distinct divisions. He had three objects in view. To cut
off some of the principal advanced parlies of the enemy ; to bring
his main body to an engagement ; and finaUy, by a rapid movement
upon his left, to seize the defiles of the mounlains which led to the
encampment of Middlebrook, in order lo prevent Washington from
resuming that strong position. The column of the right, command
ed by lord Cornwallis, was destined lo accomplish this last operation ;
accordingly it moved with extreme celerity, by the way of Wood-
bridge, to the Scotch Plains. The left, under the immediate orders
of general Howe, took the route of Meluckin. It was the intention
of the English generals, that these two corps should re-unite beyond
the village of Meluckin, upon the road leading from that place to
the Scotch Plains, and that thence, having separated anew, the left
should rapidly turn against the left flank of the American army,
posted at Quibbletown, while the right should endeavor to occupy
the hills situated upon the left of the camp of Middlebrook. Four
battalions, with six pieces of artillery, remained al Bonhampton to
secure Amboy against any unforeseen attack.
According to these dispositions, the English army advanced with
a rapid step, sanguine in the hope of victory. But fortune, who was
pleased to reserve the Americans for a belter destiny, all at once
deranged the well concerted scheme of the British generals. Lord
Cornwallis, having passed Woodbridge, fell in with a party of seven

442 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK VII.

hundred American riflemen. A warm skirmish ensued, which soon
terminated in the flight of the republicans. But the noise of the
musketry, and afterwards the fugitives themselves, gave Washington
warning of the extreme danger that menaced him. His resolution
was immediately taken to recover with celerity what he had aban
doned perhaps wilh imprudence. He quitted, accordingly, his po
sition at Quibbletown, and with all possible expedition repossessed
himself of the encampment of Middlebrook. When arrived, he in
stantly detached a strong corps to secure those passes in the moun
tains upon his left, through vvhich he perceived it was the intention
of lord Cornwallis to approach the heights. This general, having
dispersed without difficulty the smaUer advanced parties of the en
emy, fell in at length vvith lord Sterling, vvho, with about three thou
sand men, strongly posted in a woody country, and weU covered by
artillery judiciously disposed, manifested a determination to dispute
his passage. But the EngUsh and Hessians, animated by a mutual
emulation, attacked with such impetuosity, that the Americans, un
able to withstand the shock, vvere soon routed on all sides, having
sustained, besides no inconsiderable loss in men, that of three pieces
of brass ordnance. The Enghsh continued their pursuit as lar as
Westfield, but the woods and the intense heat of the weather pre
vented its effect. Lord CornwaUis. having discovered that the defiles
were diligently guarded, and despairing of being able to accomplisii
his design, returned, by the road of Raway, to Amboy. General
Howe in like manner, finding his plan entirely defeated by the sudden
retreat of Washington into his strong camp of Middlebrook, also
marched back to that city. The brigades of Scott and Conway fol
lowed the English step by step as far as the frontiers, but without
finding an opening lo attack them, so close and cautious was their
order of march.
The British generals now reflected that the coniinuation of hos
tilities in New Jersey, with a view of penetrating to the Delaware,
would not only be fruitless, since the enemy was evldentiy resolved
not lo hazard a general engagement, but that il vvould even be at
tended vvith extreme danger, as well from the strength of his posi
tions as from the general enmity of the inhabitants. In effect, the
season was already advanced, and there was no more tirae to be wasted
in unprofitable expeditions. They resolved therefore lo attack Penn
sylvania by way of the sea ; thus persevering in their scheme of
acting by themselves, and not in conjunction with the Canadian army,
which il was known had invested Ticonderoga ; and which probably
would soon be, if it was not already, in possession of that fortress.
Accordingly all the troops of general Howe were passed over tbo

BOr TIV THE AMERICAN WAR. 443
channel to Staten Island, and the Americans soon aftei entered
Amboy. The great preparations made by the English on Staten
Island, and in all the province of New York, for the embarkation
of the army, and the uncertainty of th" place against which the
storm would be direcled, excited a general alarm throughout the
continent. Boston, the Hudson river, the Delaware, Chesapeake
bay, and even Charleston, in Carolina, vvere alternately held to be
the objects of the expedition. General Washington exerted the
uimost vigilance ; he maintained a secret correspondence with the
republicans in New York, who advised bim daily of whatever they
saw and heard. In pursuance of this intelligence, he was continually
dispatching expresses to put those places upon their guard, which,
from immediate information, he supposed for the time to be the
threatened point. But herein the English had greatly the advantage,
for having the sea always open, they could fall unawares upon the
destined place, before the inhabitants could be prepared lo resist
them, and before the soldiery could possibly come to their succor.
But among all the objects that general Howe raight have in view,
the Americans knew very well, that the two which he must consid
er of most importance, were consequently the most probable. These
were evidently either the conquest of Philadelphia, or the co-oper
ation, by the Hudson river, wilh the army of Canada. But lo
which of these two oi)erations he would give the preference, it
was not easy to penetrate. In this perplexity, Washington con
tinued stationary in his encampment at Middlebrook, where he
could securely persist in his defensive system, and be equally near
at hand to raarch to the succor of Philadelphia, or lo ascend the
Hudson. In this posture of things, a movement of general Howe led him
to believe that the English had in view the expedition of Albany
Their fleet, moored at Princesbay, a place not far frora Amboy,
moved higher up towards New York, and came to anchor at Water-
ingplace, while their whole army, with its munitions and baggage,
withdrew from the coast opposite Amboy, and took post at the north
point of Staten Island. Washington, thereupon, having posted two
regiments of infantry and one of light horse between Newark and
Amboy, lo cover this part against desultory incursions, moved with
the main body of his army to re-occupy his old camp of Morris
town. He there found himself nearer to the Hudson, without being
at such adistance from Middlebrook, as to prevent hrm from prompt
ly resuming that position, if the enemy made any demonstration
against New Jersey. He, moreover, detached general SulUvan wilh
a numerous corps to occupy Prompton, upon the road to Peek's Kill,

444

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VII.

in order that he might, according to circumstances, either advance
to the latter place, or return to Morristown.
In the meantime, it vvas confidently reported that general Bur
goyne, who commanded the British army upon the lakes, had ap
peared in great force undet the walls of Ticonderoga. Washing
ton, therefore, stiU more persuaded of the intended co-operation of
the two armies, under Howe and Burgoyne, upon the banks of the
Hudson, ordered general SulUvan to advance iraraediately and post
himself in front of Peek's KiU, while he proceeded hiraself as far as
Prompton, and afterwards lo Clove. The news soon arrived of the
surrender of Ticonderoga, and at the same time, intelligence was re
ceived that the English fleet was anchored under NewYork, and even
that a greal number of transports were come up the Hudson as far
as Dobb's Ferry, where the river widens so as to form a species of
lake, called Tappan Bay. These different moveraents confirraed
Washington in his conjectures respecting the project of the enemy ;
he, therefore, directed general SuUivan to pass the Hudson, and to
intrench himself behind Peek's Kill, upon the left bank. In like
manner, lord Sterling was ordered lo cross the river and unite with
general Putnam, who guarded the heights that were the object of so
much jealousy for the two armies. But, as the larger ships, and a
part of the light vessels, were returned from Waleringplace lo Sandy
Hook, as if the fleet was preparing for sea, in order to gain the Dela
ware, and as the whole British army still remained on Staten Island,
Washington began to suspect that general Howe meditated embark
ing with a view to the conquest of Philadelphia.
In the midst of these uncertainties, and while the American gene
ral endeavored lo penetrate the intentions of the English, and the lat
ter to deceive him by vain demonstrations upon the banks of the
Hudson, the news arrived of an adventure which, though of littie
importance in itself, produced as much exultation to the Americans
as regret lo the English. The British troops stationed in Rhode
Island vvere commanded by general Prescott, who, finding himself on
an island surrounded by the fleet of the king, and disposing of a
force greatly superior to what the enemy could assemble in this quar
ter, became extremely negligent of his guard. The Americans,
earnestly desiring to retaliate the capture of general Lee, formed
the design of surprising general Prescott in his quarters, and of bring
ing hiin off prisoner to the continent. Accordingly, in the night of
the lentil of July, lieutenant-colonel Barton, at the head of a party
of forty of the country miUtia, well acquainted vvith the places, em
barked in whale boats, and after having rowed a distance of above
ten miles, and avoided with great dexterity the numerous vessels of

BOOK VII. THE A.MERIOAN WAR. 445
the enemy, landed upon the western coast of Rhode Island, between
Newport and Bristol Ferry. He repaired immediately, with the ut
most silence and celerity, to the lodging of general Prescott. They
adroitly secured the sentinels who guarded the door. An aid-de
camp v/ent up into the chamber of the general, who slept quietly,
and arrested him, without giving him time even to put on his clothes ;
they conducted him with equal secrecy and success to the main land.
This event afforded the Americans singular satisfaction, as they hoped
to exchange their prisoner for general Lee. Il was, however, par
ticularly gaUing to general Prescott, who not long before had been
delivered by exchange from the hands of the Americans, after hav
ing been taken in the expedition of Canada. In addition lo this, he
had lately been guilty of an action unworthy of a man of honor,
in selling a price upon the head of general Arnold, as if he had been
a common outlaw and assassin ; an insult which Arnold immediately
returned, by setting an inferior price upon the person of Prescott.
The congress -publicly thanked lieutenant-colonel Barton, and pre
sented him vvith a sword.
Meanwhile, the iramensity of the preparations made by general
Howe for fitting out tiie fleet, as well as several movements it exe
cuted, strengthened the suspicion of Washington that the demon
strations of the English upon the Hudson were no other than a mere
feint. Every day he was more and more convinced that their real
plan was to embark and proceed to the attack of Philadelphia, as
the capital of the confederation. He therefore retired progressively
from Clove, and divided his army into several corps, in order lo be
able lo succor the places attacked with the more expedition. He
prayed the congress to assemble the militia of Pennsylvania, with
out loss of time, at Chester, and those of the lower counties of
Delaware, at WUmington. He directed watches lo be stationed
upon the capes of the Delaware, to keep a look out, and give early
notice of the arrival of the enemy. The governor of New Jersey
was exhorted to call out the militia of the districts bordering upon
this river, directing them to make head at Gloucester, situated upon
the left bank, a little below Philadelphia.
Notwithstanding all the diligence of the brothers Howe, in pre
paring for the embarkation, and the assistance afforded by the crews
of more than three hundred vessels, the English could not procure,
without extreme difficulty, the articles that were necessary, sc that
it was not until the twenty-third of July that the fleet and army were
able to depart from Sandy Hook. The force that erabarked upon
this enterprise, consisted of thirty-six British and Hessian battalions,
including the light infantry and grenadiers, with a powerful artillery,

446 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK Vll.
a New York corps called the Queen's rangers, and a regiment of
cavalry. Seventeen battalions, with a regiment of light horse, and
the remainder of the new corps of loyalists, were left for the protec
tion of Nevv York and the neighboring islands. Rhode Island was
occupied by seven battalions. It was said that general Howe in
tended to have taken a greater force vvith him upon this expedition ;
but that upon the representation of general Clinton, who was to
command in his absence, of the danger to which the islands vvould
be exposed, from the extensiveness of the coasts, and the great
number of posts, that were necessarily lo be maintained, he ac
knowledged the force of these considerations by relanding several
regiments. Thus, England, by the error of her ministers, or of her generals,
had in America, instead of a great and powerful army, only three
separate corps, from which individually no certain victory could be
expected. ' At this moment, in effect, one of these corps was in
Canada, another on the islands of New York and Rhode Island, and
the third was on its way by sea, destined to act against Philadelphia.
But perhaps il was imagined that in a country hke that which fur
nished the theatre of this war, continually interrupted by lakes, rivers,
forests, and inaccessible places, three light armies were likely to
operate with more effect separately, than united in a single mass,
incumbered by the number of troops, and multitude of baggage.
This excuse would, perhaps, be vahd, if the English generals, in
stead of operating as they did, without concert and without a common
plan, had mutually assisted each other vvith their counsels and forces
lo strike a decisive blow, and arrive together at the sarae object.
However this may be viewed, the rapid progress of general Bur
goyne towards the sources of the Hudson, the apprehension of an
approaching attack on the part of general Howe, and the uncertainly
of the point it menaced, all concurred to maintain a general agitation
and alarm throughout the American continent. Great battles vvere
e.xpected, and no one doubted they vvould prove as fierce and san
guinary, as they were to be important and decisive.

END OF BOOK SEVENTH,

BOOK VIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 4:47

BOOK EIGHTH.
1777. The British ministers, as we have before related, had long
since formed the scheme of opening a way to New York by means
of an army, vvhich should descend from the lakes to the banks of
the Hudson, and unite in the vicinity of Albany with the whole, or
with a part, of that commanded by general Howe. AU intercourse
would thus have been cut off between the eastern and western
provinces, and it was believed that victory, from this moment,
could no longer be doubtful. The former, where the inhabitants
were the most exasperated, crushed by an irresistible force, would
have been deprived of all means of succoring the latter. These,
consequently, however remote from the Hudson, would also have
been constrained to submit to the fortune of the conqueror, terrified
by the reduction of the other provinces abounding vvith loyalists,
who would have joined the victor, and also swayed perhaps by a
jealousy of the power of New England, and irritated by the reflec
tion that it was her obstinacy which had been the principal cause of
their present calamities. This expedition, besides, presented few
difficulties, since, vvith the exception of a short march, it might be
executed entirely by water. The French themselves had attempted
it in the course of the last war. Il was hoped that it would have
been already effected by the close of the preceding year ; but it had
failed in consequence of the obstacles encountered upon the lakes,
the lateness of the season, and especially because while general
Carleton advanced upon Ticonderoga, and consequently towards the
*Hudson, general Howe, instead of proceeding up the river to join
him, had carried his arms to the west, against New Jersey.
At present, however, this scheme had acquired new favor, and
what in preceding years had been only an incidental part of the plan
of campaign, was now become its main object. The entire British
nation had founded the most sanguine expectations upon this ar
rangement ; nothing else seemed to be talked of among thera but
this expedition of Canada, which vvas shortiy to bring about the to
tal subjection of America. The junction of the two armies appear
ed quite sufficient to attain this desired object ; the Americans, it
was said, cannot oppose it without coming to a general battle, and
in such case, there can exist no doubt of the result. The ministers
had taken all the raeasures whi h they deemed essential to the suc
cess of so important an enterprise; they had furnished with profu
sion whatever the generals themselves had required or suggested.

448 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIII.
General Burgoyne, an officer of uncontested abiUty, possessed of au
exact knowledge of the country, and animated by an ardent thirst
for military glory, had repaired to England during the preceding
winter, where he had submitted lo the ministers the plan of this ex
pedition, and had concerted with them the means of carrying it in
to effect. The ministry, besides their confidence in his genius and
spirit, placed great hope in that eager desire of renown by which
they knew him lo be goaded incessantly ; they gave him therefore
the direction of all the operations. In this appointment, little re-
gard was manifested for the rank and services of general Carleton ;
what he had already done in Canada, seeraed to entitle him to con
duct to its conclusion the enterprise he had comraenced. No one,
assuredly, could pretend to govern that province with more prudence
and firmness. He possessed also an accurate knowledge of the
country, as he had resided in Canada for several years, and had al
ready made war there. But perhaps the ministers were dissatisfied
vvith his retreat from Ticonderoga, and the repugnance he was said
lo have manifested to employ the savages. Perhaps also his severi
ty in the e.xercise of his command had drawn upon him the ill wiU
of some officers, who endeavored to represent his actions in an un
favorable light. Burgoyne, impatient to make his profit of the oc
casion, was arrived in England, wh^re, being well received at court,
and besieging the ministers with his importunities, he made such
magnificent promises, that in prejudice of Carleton he was intrusted
vvith the command of all the troops of Canada. But the governor,
finding himself, contrary to his expectation, divested of all military
power, and restricted in his functions, requested leave to resign.
General Burgoyne arrived at Quebec in the beginning of the
month of May, and immediately set himself to push forward the
business of his mission. He displayed an extreme activity in com
pleting all the preparations which might conduce to the success
of the enterprise. Meanwhile, several ships arrived from England,
bringing arms, munitions, and field equipage, in great abundance.
General Carleton, exhibiting an honorable example of moderation
and patriotism, seconded Burgoyne with greal diUgence and energy ;
he exerted in his favor not only the authority with which he was still
invested as governor, but even the influence he had vvith his friends
and numerous partisans. His zealous co-operation proved of signal
utility, and every thing vvas soon in preparation for an expedition
which was to decide the event of the war, and the fate of America.
The regular force placed at the disposal of general Burgoyne, con
sisting of British and German troops, amounted to upwards ot seven
thousand men, exclusive of a corps of artfllery, composed of about

BOOK VIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 449
five hundred. To these should be added a detachment of seven
hundred rangers, under colonel St. Leger, destined to make an in
cursion into the country of the Mohawks, and lo seize Fort Stanwix,
otherwise called Fort Schuyler. This corps consisted of some com
panies of English infantry, of recruits from New York, of Hanaii
chasseurs, and of a party of Canadians and savages. According to
the plan of the ministers and of the general hiraself, the principal
array of Burgoyne was to be joined by two thousand Canadians,
including hatchetmen, and other workmen, whose services, it was
foreseen, would be much needed lo render the ways practicable. A
sufficient number of seamen had been assembled, for manning the
transports upon the lakes and upon the Hudson. Besides the Cana
dians that were to be iraraediately attached lo the array, raany others
were called upon to scour the woods in the frontiers, and to occupy
the intermediate posts between the army which advanced towards the
Hudson, and that which reraained for the protection of Canada; the
latter amounted, including the Highland emigrants, lo upwards of
three thousand men. These dispositions were necessary, partly to
intercept the communication between the enemy and the ill affected
in Canada ; partly to prevent desertion, to procure intelligence, to
transmit orders, and for various other duties essential to the security
and tranquillity of the country in the rear of the array. But these
were not the only services exacted frora the Canadians ; a greal num
ber of them were assembled lo complete the fortifications at Sorel,
St. Johns, Chambly, and He aux Noix. ¦ FinaUy, they vvere required
lo furnish horses and carls, lo convey frora the different repositories
to the army all the provisions, artillery stores, and Other effects of
whieh it might have need. Under this last head was comprehended
a large quantity of uniforms, destined for the loyalists, vvho, it was
not doubted, vvould, afler victory, flock from all quarters lo the royal
camp. But it was aiso thought that the aid of the savages would be of
great advantage to the cause of the king ; the government had there
fore ordered general Carleton to use his utmost weight and influence
to assemble a body of a thousand Indians, and even more if it was
possible. His humanity, which could Ul endure the cruelly of these
barbarians, and experience, which had taught him that they were
rather an incumbrance than an aid, in regular operations, would
have induced him to decline their aUiance ; but, in obedience to his
orders, he exerted an active zeal in bringing them forward to support
the expedition. His success was answerable to his efforts. Whether
by the influence of his name, which was extreme among these tribes,
from their avidity to grasp the presents of the English, or from their
29

450 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIII.
innate thirst for blood and plunder, their remote as weU as near na
tions poured forth their warriors in such abundance, that the British
generals became apprehensive that their numbers might render them
rather a clog than any real addition of strength lo the army. They
hastened therefore to dismiss such as appeared the least proper for
war, or the most cruel or intractable. Never, perhaps, was an army
of no greater force than this accompanied by so formidable a train of
artillery, as well from the number of pieces as frora the skill of those
who served it. This powerful apparatus was considered eminently
requisite to disperse without effort an undisciplined enemy in the open
country, or lo dislodge him from strong and difficult places. The
generals who seconded Burgoyne in this expedition, were aU able
and excellent officers. The principal vvere, major-general PhiUips,
of the artiUery, who had distinguished himself in the wars of Ger
many ; the brigadier-generals Frazer, Powel, and Hamilton, with the
Brunswick major-general baron Reidesel, and brigadier-general
Specht. The whole army shared in the ardor and hopes of its chiefs ;
not a doubt was entertained of an approaching triumph, and the
conquest of Araerica.
The preparations being at length corapleted, and all the troops, a's
weU national as auxUiary, having arrived, general Burgoyne proceed
ed lo encamp near the little river Bouquet, upon the west bank of
Lake Champlain, at no greal distance to the north of Crown Point.
As the time for commencing hostilities was near at hand, and dread
ing the consequences of the barbarity of the savages, which, besides
the dishonor it reflected upon the British arms, might prove essen
tially prejudicial to the success of the expedition, he resolved lo as
semble those barbarians in congress, and afterwards, in compliance
with their customs, to give them a war feast. He made a speech to
them on that occasion, calculated, in terms of singular energy, lo
excite their ardor in the common cause, and at the same time to re
press their ferocious propensities. To this end, he endeavored to
explain to them the distinction between a war carried on against a
common enemy, in which the whole country and people were hos
tile, and the present, in which the faithful were intermixed with
rebels, and traitors with friends. He recommended and strictly en
joined them, that they should put none lo death but such as actually
opposed them witii arms in their hands ; that old men, women, chil
dren, and prisoners, should be held sacred from the knife or the toma
hawk, even in the heat of action ; that they should scalp only those
whom they had slain in battle ; but that under no pretext, or color of
prevarication, should they scalp the wounded, or even the dying, and
much less kill them, by way of evading the injunction. He prom-

BOOK VIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 451
ised them a due reward for every prisoner they brought him in, but
denounced the severest penalties against those who should scalp the
hving. Whfle, on the one hand, general Burgoyne attempted lo mitigate
the natural ferocity of the Indiaris, he endeavored, on the other, to
render them an object of terror wilh those who persisted in resistance.
For this purpose, on the twenty-ninth of June, he issued a procla
mation from his camp at Putnam Creek, wherein he raagnified the
force of the British armies and fleets which were about to embrace and
to crush every part of America. He painted, with great vivacity of
coloring, the excesses committed by the chiefs of the rebellion, as
well as the deplorable condition to which they had reduced the col
onies . He reminded the Americans of the arbitrary imprisonments
and oppressive treatment vvith which those had Liccn persecuted who
had shown themselves faithful to their king and country ; he enlarged
upon the tyrannic cruelties inflicted by the assemblies and committees
upon the most quiet subjects, without distinction of age or sex, for
the sole offense, and oflen for the sole suspicion, of having adhered
in principle to the government under which they were born, undei
which they had lived for so long a time, and to which, by every tie,
divine and human, they owed allegiance. He instanced the violence
offered to their consciences, by the exaction of oaths and of military
services, in support of an usurpation they abhorred. He had come,
he continued, vvith a nuraerous and veteran army, and in the name
of the king, lo put an end to such unheard of enormities. He in
vited the well disposed to join him, and assisi in redeeming their
country from slavery, and in the re-estabUshment of legal government.
He promised protection and security to aU those vvho should contin
ue quietly to pursue their occupations ; who should abstain from re
moving their cattle, or corn, orany species of forage ; from breaking up
the bridges, or obstructing the roads, and in a word, from commit
ting any act of hostihty ; and vv^ho, on the contrary, should furnish
the camp wilh all sorts of provisions, assured, a? they might be, of
receiving the full value thereof, in solid coin. But against the con
tumacious, and those vvho should persist in rebellion, he denounced
the most terrible war ; he warned them that justice and vengeance
were about to overtake them, accompanied wilh devastation, famine,
and all the calamities iu their train. Finally, he admonished them
not to flatter themselves, that distance or coverts could screen them
from his pursuit, for he had only to let loose the thousands of Indians
that were under his direction, to discover in their raost secret retreats,
and to punish with condign severity, the hardened enemies of Grea
Britain and America.

452 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIH,
This manifesto, so littie worthy of the general of a civihzed nation,
was justiy censured, not only in the two houses of parhament and
throughout Great Britain, but excited the indignation of every mod
erate and generous mind in all Europe. In vain did Burgoyne at
tempt to excuse himself, by pretending that he had merely intended
to intimidate the people he was about lo combat ; he should have
employed for this purpose the arms that are in use among polished
nations, and not the menaces appropriate to barbarians. Moreover,
his soldiers, and especially the savages, were already but too much
disposed to ravage and massacre, and to take in earnest what their
general would have it believed he only announced as an artifice or
feint. This was not a race to be sported with, and the thing itself
was no light matter. Be this as it may, the proclamation produced
an effect entirely contrary to its author's expectations. That fearless
people who inhabit New England, far from allowing it to terrify them,
were much inclined to deride it ; they never met vvith each other
without contemptuously inquiring what vent the vaunting general
of Britain had found for his pompous and ridiculous declamations.
These prehminary dispositions accoraplished, general Burgoyne raade
a short stop at Crown Point, for the establishment of magazines, an
hospital, and other necessary services, and then proceeded vvith all
his troops to invest Ticonderoga. The right wing took the western
bank of the lake, the left advanced upon the eastern, and the center
was embarked upon the lake itself. The reduction of this fortress,
without which it was impossible for the army to advance a step fur
ther, was of course the first object of its operations. Art had added
to the natural strength of Ticonderoga, and the unfortunate issue
of the attempt made upon it by the British in 1758, when occupied
by the French, was still fresh in remembrance. But general Bur
goyne, either impatient to avenge this affront, or because the ardor
of his army seemed to promise him an easy triumph over the most
formidable obstacles, persuaded himself that its reduction vvould de
tain him but a very short time. He arrived under the walls of the
place on the first of July. At the same lime, the detachment of light
troops, which, as vve bave mentioned above, was destined to scour
the country of the Mohawks, under the coraraand of sir John John
son and colonel St. Leger, advanced from Oswego, in order to at
tack Fort Stanwix. Il was intended, after the acquisition of this for
tress, to occupy the ground which extends between the same and
Fort Edward, situated upon the banks of the Hudson, wilh a view
to intercept the retreat of the garrison of Ticonderoga, and to rejoin
the main army as it advanced.
Tbe American army, destined to oppose the progress of the royal

BOOK VIII. THE AMERICAN WAB, 453
troops, and to defend Ticonderoga, was altogethei insufficient. The
garrison had experienced such a diminution during the winter, that it
was much feared the English would seize that fortress by assault. The
spring being arrived, and the rumors of the enemy's approach re
ceiving daily confirmation, general Schuyler, to whom the congress had
recentiy given the command of all the troops in that quarter, employed
every possible means to procure re-inforcements. He desired and
hoped to asserable an array of at least len thousand men, as a smaller
number vvould not be adequate to guard his extensive line of defense
But the affair of recruiting proceeded very tardily. The inhabitants
manifested at this time an extreme backwardness to enlist under the
banners of congress, whether from a natural coldness, or because the
policy of the English or the persuasion of the American generals
them.selves, had given currency to an opinion that the royal army was
not to undertake the siege of Ticonderoga ; but that embarking upon
the Saint Lawrence, il would proceed by sea, to operate its junction
with that under general Howe. Hence, when the royal troops raade
their sudden appearance under the waUs of Ticonderoga, the troops
of general Schuyler amounted, at the utmost, to not over five thousand
men, including the garrison of the fortress, which consisted of little
above three thousand, a nuraber quite inadequate to the defense ot
so vast a circuit of walls, and of so raany outworks.
Ticonderoga lies upon the western bank of that narrow inht, by
which the water from Lake George is conveyed to Lake Champlain.
Crown Point lies about a dozen mfles further north, al the opposite
extremity of that inlet. The first of these places is situated on an
angle of land, which is surrounded on three sides by water, and that
covered by steep and difficult rocks. A great part of the fourth .side
was covered by a deep morass, and where that fails, the old French
lines stiU continued as a defense on the northwest quarter. The
Americans had strengthened these hnes with additional works and a
blockhouse. In like manner, on the left, towards Lake George, and
at the place where the sawmiUs were situated, they had erecte<l new
works and blockhouses, as also lo the right of the French lines, in the
direction of Lake Charaplain. On the eastern bank of the inlet, and
opposite lo Ticonderoga, rises a high circular hill, to which the Amer
icans gave the name of Mount Independence. On the sumrait of this
hill is a smafl plain, where they had erected a star fort ; the sides and
foot of the mountain were strengthened with works to the water',^
edge, and the intrenehments well lined with heavy cannon. In ordei
lo maintain a free communication between the fortress and Mount
Independence, the Americans had constructed a bridge over the inlet,
a work of difficult andlaborious execution. The bridge was supported

454 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOJ ' ;
on twenty-two timber piers of vast dimensions, sunken at nearly equal
distance ; the spaces between these were filled with separate floats,
each about fifty feel long and twelve feet wide, and the whole was
held together by chains and rivets of immense size. To prevent the
enemy from approaching with his numerous ships, and attempting to
force the bridge, it was defended on the side towards Lake Champlain
by a boom coraposed of very large pieces of tiraber, joined together
with iron bolts and chains of prodigious thickness. Thus, not only
the passage was kept open between these two posts, but all access by
water from the northern side was totally cut off. The part of the
inlet which is below Ticonderoga, and which may be considered as
the head of Lake Champlain, widens considerably, and becomes
navigable to vessels of burthen ; but the other part, which is above
the fortress, and is the issue of Lake George, besides being narrow,
is also rendered impracticable by shallows and falls. But on its ar
rival at Ticonderoga, it is joined by a great body of water on the
eastern side, called, in this part. South river, and higher up towards
its source, as vve have already said in a preceding book, it is known
under the appellation of Wood Creek. The confluence of these
waters at Ticonderoga forms a small bay to the southward of the
bridge of communication, and the point of land formed by their
junction is composed of a mountain called Sugar Hill, otherwise
known by the name of Mount Defiance. Frora this mountain the
fort of Ticonderoga is overlooked and effectuaUy commanded. This
circumstance occasioned a consultation among the Americans, in
which it was proposed lo fortify that raountain ; but finding thera
selves too feeble to raan the fortifications they had already erected,
they renounced the design. Il was likewise hoped, that the extreme
steepness of its ascent, and the savage irregularity of the ground on
its summit and sides, would prevent the enemy from attempting lo
occupy it, at least wilh artillery. The defense of Ticonderoga was
committed to the charge of general St. Clair, with a garrison of
thre6 thousand men, one third of whom were militia from the north
ern provinces. But they were ill equipped, and worse arraed, par
ticularly in the article of bayonets, an arra so essential in the defense
of lines ; not having one to ten of their nuraber.
On the second of July, the British right wing under general Phil
lips having appeared upon the lefl fiank of the fortress, St. Clair, too
weak lo defend all the outworks, or believing the enemy stronger than
he was in reality, immediately ordered the evacuation of the intreneh
ments which had been erected upon the banks of the inlet of Lake
George, above Ticonderoga. This order vvas executed with promot-
itude, not, however without having first burnt or destroyed what-

BOOK VIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 455
ever was found in this part, and especially the blockhouses and saw
mills. General Phillips, profiting of the occasion, look possession,
without tiie least opposition on the part of the besieged, of a post
of great importance, called Mount Hope, which, besides command
ing their hnes in a great and dangerous degree, totally cut off their
communication with Lake George. Mount Hope being thus secured,
the British corps which had advanced upon the western bank of
Lake Champlain, extended itself from the mountain to the lake, so
as completely to invest the fort on the part of the northwest, and to
cut off its communication with the land. The German column,
commanded by Reidesel, vvhich had marched along the eastern shore
of the lake, was also arrived under the walls of the fortress, and
was established at Three-mUes Point, extending itself from the bank
of the lake, behind Mount Independence, as far as East Creek.
From this place, by stretching more forward, it might easily occupy
the ground comprehended between East Creek and South River, oi
Wood Creek, and thus deprive the Americans of their communica
tion with Skeenesborough by the right bank of the latter stream. But
the most interesting post for the English, vvas that of Mount Defiance,
which so completely comraanded the fortress, that it was beyond all
doubt, if batteries were planted there, that the garrison must imme
diately evacuate the place, oi surrender at discretion. This emi
nence being therefore attentively exarained by the British generals,
they believed it possible, Ihough vvith infinite labor and difficulty, lo
establish their artillery upon its summit. This arduous task was im
mediately undertaken and pushed with such spirit and industry, that
on the fifth day, the road was completed, the artillery mounted, and
ready to open its fire on the following morning. The garrison were
afraid to sally out, in order lo annoy, or even to retard the besiegers
in these works ; they vvere, Iherefore, in danger of losing all way of
retreat. St. Clair knew very well that afler the loss of Mount De
fiance, there was no longer any resource for Ticonderoga, and that
he could not even aspire to the honor of a short resistance. The
only way of escape that he had left, was the narrow passage between
East Creek and Wood Creek, which Reidesel could shut up al any
moment. In these circumstances, St. Clair, having co-nvened in
council the principal officers of the garrison, represenled to them
the critical situation in which they were placed, thus pressed by the
enemy, and upon the very point of being hemmed in on every side.
He asked them if they did not think it would be proper lo evacuate
Uie place without loss of time ; they vvere aU in favor of the measure.
Ii is impossible to blame this determination of the councfl of war
of Ticonder:?j; ; ior independently of the progress aheady made by

456 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIII,
the besiegers, the garrison was so feeble that it would not have been
able to defend one half of the works, or lo sustain, for any length of
time, the consequent excess of fatigue. By remaining, therefore,
the fortress and the garrison were both lost, by departing, only the
first, and the second might be saved. It was known also to St. Clair,
that genera' Schuyler, who vvas then at fort Edward, far from being
able lo bring him succor, had not even forces sufficient for his ovvn
defense. But here an objection presents itself which has never yet
been satisfactorily answered. Since the American generals found
'their force insufficient for the defense of the place, why did they not
evacuate il in lime, and when they might have done so with safety ?
They would thus have been sure of saving al least their baggage,
stores and artillery. If they were deceived respecting the real force
of the enemy, and therefore, at first, believed themselves able to re
sist him, even this error could only have proceeded from a defect of
military skiU, so extraordinary as to admit of no excuse.
However it was, having taken their resolution, they thought of
nothing but executing it wilh promptitude, and in the night of the
fifth of July, they put themselves in motion. General St. Clair led
the vanguard, and colonel Francis the rear. The soldiers had re
ceived orders to maintain a profound silence, and to take wilh thera
sustenance for eight days. The baggage of the array, the furniture
of the hospital, wilh all the sick, and such artillery, stores and pro
visions, as the necessity of the time would permit, were embarked
with a strong detachment under colonel Long, on board above two
hundred balteaux and five armed gaUeys. On beginning lo strike
the tents, the lights were extinguished. These preparations vvere
executed with rauch order al Ticonderoga ; but not without some
confusion at Mount Independence. The general rendezvous vvas
appointed at Skeenesborough, the batleaux proceeding under con
voy of the galleys, up Wood Creek, and the main army laking its
route by the way of Castleton, upon the right bank of that stream.
St. Clair issued from Ticonderoga at two in the raorning ; Francis
at four. The EngUsh had no suspicion of what was passing, and
the marcii coramenced under the most favorable auspices. But all
at once a house which look fire on Mount Independence, roused by
its glare of light the attention of the English, who immediately per
ceived all that had taken place. The Araericans, finding themselves
discovered, could not but feel a certain agitation. They marched,
however, though in some disorder, as far as Hubbardston, where they
halted to refresh themselves and rally the dispersed. But the Eng
Ush were not idle. General Frazer, at the head of a strong detach
ment of grenadiers and light troops, commenced an eager pursuit by

BOOK VIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 457
land, upon the right bank of Wood Creek. Generul Reidesel, be
hind him, rapidly advanced with his Brunswickers, either to support
the EngUsh, or to act separately, as occasion might require. General
Burgoyne determined to pursue the enemy by water. But il was
first necessary to destroy the boom and bridge which the Americans
had constructed in front of Ticonderoga The British seamen and
artificers immediately engaged in the operation, and in less time than
il would have taken to describe their structure, those works, which liad
cost so much labor and so vast an expense, vvere cut through and
demolished. The passage thus cleared, the ships of Burgoyne im
mediately entered Wood Creek, and proceeded with extreme rapid
ity in search of the enemy ; all was in movement at once upon land
and water. By three in the afternoon, the van of the British squad
ron, composed of gun boats, came up with, and attacked the Amer
ican galleys, near Skeenesborough Falls. In the meantime, three
regiments, which had been landed at South Bay, ascended and pass
ed a mountain with great expedition, in order to turn the enemy above
Wood Creek, to destroy his works at the faUs of Skeenesborough,
and thus to cut off his retreat to Fort Anne. But the Americans
eluded this stroke by the rapidity of their flight. The British frig
ates having joined the van, the galleys, already hard pressed by the gun
boats, were corapletely overpowered. Two of them surrendered ;
three were blown up. The Americans now despaired ; having set
fire to their works, mills, and batleaux, and otherwise destroyed what
they were unable lo burn, they escaped as well as they could up
Wood Creek, without halting lUl they reached Fort Anne. Their
loss vvas considerable, for the batleaux they burnt were loaded with
baggage, provisions, and munitions, as necessary lo their sustenance
as to military operations. The corps which had set out by land vvas
in no better situation. The vanguard, conducted by St. Clair, was
arrived at Castleton, thirty miles distant from Ticonderoga, and
twelve from Skeenesborough ; the rear, coraraanded by colonels
Francis and Warner, had rested the night of the sixth at Hubbards
ton, six mfles below Castleton, towards Ticonderoga.
At five o'clock in the raorning of the seventh, the English column
under general Frazer made its appearance. The Americans vvere
strongly posted, and appeared disposed to defend themselves. Fra
zer, though inferior in point of number, had great confidence in the
valor of his troops. He also expected every raoraent to be joined
by general Reidesel; and being apprehensive that the enemy might
escape if he delayed, he ordered the attack immediately. The bat
tle was long and sanguinary. The Americans, being commanded by
valiant officers, behaved with great spirit and firmness ; but the Eng-

458 THE AMERICAN VV^R. BOOK VUI.
Ush displayed an equal obstinacy. After several shocks, vvith alter
nate success, the lafter began to fall back in disorder ; but their lead
ers rallied them anew, and led them to a furious charge wilh the
bayonet ; the Araericans were shaken by its impetuosity. At this
critical moment, general Reidesel arrived at the head of his column,
composed of light troops and some grenadiers. He immediately
took part in the action. The Americans, overpowered by numbers,
fled on all sides, leaving their brave commander with many o*ber
officers, and upwards of two hundred soldiers, dead on the field.
About the same number, besides colonel Hale, and seventeen officers
of inferior rank, were made prisoners. Above six hundred were
supposed to be wounded, raany of whom, deprived of all succor,
perished miserably in the woods. The loss of the royal troops in
dead and wounded amounted to about one hundred and eighty.
General St. Clair, upon intelligence of this discomfiture, and that of
the disaster at Skeenesborough, vvhich was brought him at the same
time by an officer of one of the galleys, apprehending that he should
be interrupted if he proceeded towards Fort Anne, struck into the
woods on the left, uncertain whether he should repair to New Eng
land and the upper part of Connecticut, or to Fort Edward. But
being joined two days after al Manchester by the remains of the
corps of colonel Warner, and having collected the fugitives, he pro
ceeded to Fort Edward, in order to unite with general Schuyler.
While these events vvere passing on the left, the English generals
resolved to drive the Americans from Fort Anne, situated higher up
towards the sources of Wood Creek. Colonel Hfll was detached
for this purpose from Skeenesborough, and to facilitate his operations,
the greatest exertions were made in carrying batleaux over the falls
of that place ; which enabled him to attack the fort also by water.
Upon inteUigence that the Americans had a numerous garrison there,
brigadier Powell was sent with two regiments to the succor of colo
nel Hill. The American colonel Long, who, with a great part of his
corps, had escaped the destruction of the boats at the falls, command
ed the garrison of Fort Anne. Having heard that the enemy was
approaching, he gallantly salUed out to receive him. The Enghsh
defended themselves with courage, but tiie Americans had aheady
nearly surrounded them. Colonel Hill, finding himself too hard
pressed, endeavored lo lake a stronger position. This movement
was executed wilh as much order as intrepidity, amidst the reiterated
and furious charge of the enemy. The corabal had lasted for more
than two hours, arid victory was stfll doubtful, when ail a* once the
Americans heard the horrible yells of the savages, wno approached ,
and being informed at the same instant that the corps of Powell was

BOOK VIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 459
about to fall upon them, they retired to Fort Anne. Not thinking
themselves in safety even there, they set il on fire, and withdrew to
Fort Edward on the river Hudson.
General Schuyler was already in this place, and St. Clair arrived
there on the twelfth, with the remains of the garrison of Ticon
deroga. It vvould be difficult to describe the hardships and misery
which these troops had suffered, from the badness of the weather
and the want of covering and provisions, in their circuitous march
through the woods, frora Castleton to Fort Edward. Afler the ar
rival of these corps, and of the fugitives, who came in by corapanies,
all the Araerlcan troops amounted to little over four thousand men,
including the miUlia. They vvere in want of aU necessaries, and even
of courage, by the effect of their recent reverses. The Americans
lost, in these different actions, no less than one hundred and twenty-
eight pieces of artillery, with a prodigious quantity of warlike stores,
baggage and provisions, particularly of flour, which they left in
Ticonderoga and Mount Independence. To increase the calamity,
the whole of the neighboring country was struck with terror by this
torrent of disasters, and the inhabitants thought raore of providing
for their own safely, than of flying to the succor of their country in
jeopardy. In a conjuncture so alarming, general Schuyler neglected none of
those cares which become an able commander, and an excellent citi
zen. Already, while the enemy was assembUng at Skeenesborough,
he had endeavored lo interrupt, with all manner of obstacles, the
navigation of Wood Creek, from that place to Fort Anne, where il
determined even for batleaux. The country between Fort Anne
and Fort Edward (a distance of only sixteen miles) is excessively
rough and savage ; the ground is unequal, and broken with numer
ous creeks, and wilh wide and deep morasses.
General Schuyler neglected no means of adding by art to the
difficulties with which nature seemed to have purposely interdicted
this passage. Trenches were opened, the roads and paths obstruct
ed, the bridges broken up ; and in the only practicable defiles, im
mense trees were cut in such a manner, on both sides of the road, as
to fall across and lengthwise, which, with their branches interwoven,
presented an insurmountable barrier , in a word, this wilderness, of
itself so horrible, was thus rendered almost absolutely impenetrable.
Nor did the American general rest satisfied with these precautions ;
he direcled the cattle to be removed to the raost distant places, and
the stores and baggage frora Fort George to Fort Edward, that arti
cles of such necessity for his troops might not fall into the power of
the enemy. He urgently demanded that all the regiments of regu-

460 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIII.
lar troops found in the adjacent provinces, should be sent, without
delay, to join him ; he also made earnest and frequent calls upon the
mUitia ol New England and of New York. He likewise exerted
his utmost endeavors to procure himself recruits in the vicinity of
Fort Edward and the city of Albany ; the great influence he enjoyed
vvith the inhabitants, gave him, in this quarter, all the success he
could desire. Finally, to retard the progress of the enemy, he re
solved to threaten his left flank ; accordingly he detached colonel
Warner, with his regiment, into the state of Vermont, with orders to
assemble the mflitia of the country, and lo make incursions towards
Ticonderoga. In brief, general Schuyler neglected no means that
could tend to impede or defeat the projects of the enemy.
While he thus occupied himself with so rauch ardor, general
Burgoyne was detained at Skeenesborough, as well by the difficulty
of the ground he had to pass, as because he chose to vv^ait for the
arrival of tents, baggage, artillery and provisions, so absolutely ne
cessary before plunging hiraself inlo these fearful solitudes. His
army at this lime was disposed in the following raanner ; the right
occupied the heights of Skeenesborough, the German division of
Reidesel forming its extremity ; the lefl, composed of Brunswickers,
extending into the plain, rested upon the river of Castleton, and the
brigade of Frazer formed the center. The regiment of Hessians, of
Hanau, was posted at the source of East Creek, to protect the camp
of Castleton, and the batleaux upon Wood Creek, against the in
cursions of colonel Warner. In the mean tirae, indefatigable labor
was exerted in removing all obstacles to the navigation of this stream,
as also in clearing passages, and opening roads through the country
about Fort Anne. The design of Burgoyne was, that the main body
of the army should penetrate through the wilderness we have just
described, to Fort Edward, while another column, embarking at
Ticonderoga, should proceed up Lake George, reduce the fort of
that name, situated at its extremity, and afterwards rejoia him at
Fort Edward. Upon the acquisition of Fort George, the stores,
provisions and necessaries were to be conveyed to the camp by way
of the lake, the navigation of which is easier and more expeditious
than that of Wood Creek, and there was, besides, a good wagon
road between the two forts. Such were the efforts exerted by the
two belligerents ; the English believing themselves secure of victory ;
the Americans hardly venturing to hope for better fortune. Nolhing
could exceed the consternation and terror which the victory of Ticon
deroga, and the subsequent successes of Burgoyne, spread through
out the American provinces, nor the joy and exultation they excited
in England. The arrival of these glad tidings was celebrated by

BOOK VIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 461
tiie most brilliant rejoicings at court, and welcomed with the same en
thusiasm by all Inose who desired the unconditional reduction of
America. They already announced the approaching termination of
this glorious war ; they openly declared it a thing impossible, that the
rebels should ever recover from the shock of their recent losses, as
well of men as of arms and of railitary stores ; and especially that
they should ever regain their courage and reputation, vvhich, in war,
contribute to success, as rauch, at least, as arras themselves. Even
the ancient reproaches of cowardice were renewed against the
Americans, and their own partisans abated much of the esteem they
had borne them. They were more than half disposed to pionounce
the colonies unworthy to defend that liberty, which they gloried in,
with so much complacency. The ministers, pluming themselves
upon their good fortune, marched through the court as if to exact
the tribute of felicitation. No praises were refused them ; their
obstinacy was denominated constancy ; their projects, which had
appeared full of temerity, were now acknowledged to have been
dictated by the profoundest sagacity ; and their pertinacity in re
jecting every proposition for accommodation, was pronounced lo
have been a noble zeal for the interests of the state. The military
counsels of the ministers having resulted in such brilliant success,
even those vvho had heretofore inclined for the ways of concUiation,
welcoraed with all sail this prosperous breeze of fortune, and appear
ed now rather to wish the reduction, than the volunlary re-uuion of
the Araericans.
But in America, the' loss of the fortress and the lakes, which were
considered as the keys of the United Slates, appeared the more
alarming, as it was unexpected ; for the greater part of the inhab
itants, as well as the congress, and Washington himself, were im
pressed wilh a belief, that the British army in Canada was weaker,
nnd that of general Schuyler stronger, than they were in effect.
They entertained no doubt, in particular, that the garrison left in
Ticonderoga was sufficient lor its entire security. Malignity began
to assail the reputation of the officers of the northern army ; its
envenomed shafts were especially aimed at St. Clair. Schuyler
himself, that able general and devoted patriot, whose long services
had only been repaid by long ingratitude, escaped not the serpent
tongue of calumny. As the friend of the New Yorkers, he was no
favorite with the inhabitants of New England, and the latter were
those who aspersed him wilh the most bitterness. The congress,
for the honor of their arms, and to satisfy the people, decreed an
inquiry into the conduct of the officers, and that successors should
be dl=ipatched lo relieve them in command. The result of the in-

462 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VUI.
vestigation was fkvorable to thera ; by the intercession of Washing
ton, the appointment of successors was waived. But what was not a
little remarkable, is, that in the midst of aU these disasters, no sort of
di.jposition to submit appeared in any quarter. No public body dis
covered symptoms of dismay, and if a few individuals betrayed a
want of firmness, they were chiefly persons without influence, and
without character.
Meanwhile, the congress apprehending that the news of these
sinister events might operate to the prejudice of the negotiations
opened with the court of France, and, as it too often happens, being
more tender of their own interests than of the reputation of their
p^rnerals, tiiey hesitated not to disguise the truth of facts, by throwing
upon St. Clair the imputation of imbecflity and misconduct. Their
agents were accordingly instructed to declare that all these reverses
were to be attributed to those officers who, with a garrison of five
thousand men, well arrned and equipped, had wanted capacity to
defend an almost impregnable fortress ; that, as for the rest, the
Americans, far from being discouraged, only waited for tl ^ occasion
lo avenge their defeats. Washington, who in this crisis as in all the
preceding, manifested an unshaken constancy, was entirely occupied
in providing means lo confirm the tottering state of the republic ; he
exerted the utmost diligence in sending re-inforceraents and necessa
ries to the army of Schuyler. The artillery and warlike stores were
expedited from Massachusetts. General Lincoln, a man of great
influence in Nevv England, was sent there to encourage the militia to
enlist. Arnold, in Uke manner, repaired thither ; it was thought
his ardor might serve to inspirit the dejected troops. Colonel Mor
gan, an officer whose briUiant valoi we have already had occasion to
remark, was ordered to take thesame direction vvith his troop of
light horse. All these measures, fconceived with prudence and exe
cuted with promptitude, produced the natural effect. The Amer
icans recovered by degrees their former ardor, and their army in
creased from day lo day.
During this interval, general Burgoyne exerted himself with ex
treme dUigence in opening a passage from Fort Anne to Fort
Edward. But notwithstanding the ardor with which the whole army
engaged in the work, their progress was exceedingly slow ; so formi
dable were the obstacles which nature as well as art had thrown in
their way. Besides having to remove the faUen trees with which
the enemy had obstructed the roads, they had no less than forty
bridges to construct, and many others lo repair. Finally, the army
encountered so many impediments in measuring this inconsiderable
space, that it could not arrive upon the banks of the Hudson, near

BOOK vm. THE AMERICAN WAR. 463
Fort Edward, until the thirtieth of July. The Americans, either
because they were too feeble to oppose the enemy, or that Fort
Edward was no better than a ruin, unsusceptible of defense, or,
finally, because they were apprehensive that colonel St. Leger, after
the reduction of Fort Stanwix, might descend by the left bank of the
Mohawk to the Hudson, and thus intercept their retreat, retired lower
down to Stillwater, where they threw up intrenehments. At the
same time they evacuated Fort George, having previously burned
their vessels upon the lake, and interrupted in various places the
road which leads thence to Fort Edward. The route from Ticon
deroga to this fortress by Lake George vvas thus left entire/y open
by the repubhcans. The English, upon their arrival on the Hudson
liver, vvhich had been so long the object of their wishes, and which
had been at length attained at the expense of so many toUs and hard
ships, were seized with a deUrium of joy, and persuaded themselves
that victory could now no longer escape thera. But ere it was long,
their brilliant hopes were succeeded by anxiety and erabarrassment.
All the country around thera was hostile, and they could obtain no
provisions but what they drew from Ticonderoga. Accordingly,
frora the thirtieth of July to the fifteenth of August, the English army
was continually employed in forwarding batleaux, provisions, and
amraunition, frora Fort George to the first navigable part of the
Hudson, a distance of about eighteen miles. The toil was excessive
in this operation, and the advantage gained by it in no degree an
equivalent to the expense of labor and time. The roads were in
some parts steep, and in others required great repairs. Of the
horses that vvere expected from Canada, scarcely one third were yet
arrived, and it was with difficulty that fifty pair of oxen had been
procured. Heavy and continual rains added to these impediments,
and notwithstanding all the efforts which had been used, it was found
difficult to supply the army with provisions for its current consump
tion, and utterly impracticable in this mode to establish such a raaga
zine as would enable it lo prosecute the further operations of the
campaign. On the fifteenth, there vvas not above four days' provis
ion in store, nor above ten balteaux in the Hudson river.
General Burgoyne was severely censured, as well for having lost
so much time by crossing the wilderness of Fort Anne, as for having
exposed himself to want subsistence in his carap at Fort Edward
It was aUedged that instead of entangling hiraself m those dangerous
defiles, he should, after the occupation of Skeenesborough and .the
total discorafiture of the enemy's army, have returned immediately
down the South river to Ticonderoga, where he raight again have
embarked the armv on Lake George, and proceeded to the fort

464 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIII.
which takes its name ; this being reduced, a broad, firm road lay
before him lo Fort Edward. In this manner, it vvas added, would
have been avoided delays as detrimental to the British army as pro
pitious to the Americans. Thus, it was maintained, the army might
have made itself master of Albany, before the enemy would have
had lime to recollect himself. But, in justification of Burgoyne, it
was advanced, that a retrograde motion in the height of victory,
would have diminished the spirit of his troops, and revived the hopes
of the enemy ; that the Americans vvould undoubtedly have made a
stand at Fort George, and in the meantime vvould have broken up the
road leading to Fort Edward ; that by passing, as he had done,
through the desert of Fort Anne, besides inuring his troops lo the
war of the woods, a war so embarrassing and difficult, he compelled
the enemy to evacuate Fort George without striking a blow ; that
having already opened himself a road, it vvas to be hoped the Amer
icans vvould not interrupt the other ; that the route by land left the
vessels, which would have been required for the transport of the
troops, upon Lake George, at liberty to be employed in that of arms,
ammunition, provisions, and baggage. Finally, it was represenled,
that by preferring the vvay upon the left to that upon the right by
Lake George, he had enabled himself lo detach a strong corps under
the comraand of general Reidesel, to agitate alarras in Connecticut
and throughout the country of Vermont.
However, the truth was Schuyler profited with great dexterity of
these delays. Several regiments of regular troops from Peek's Kill
vvere already arrived at the camp, and although it was then the sea
son of harvest, the militia of New England assembled from all quar
ters, and hastened to join the principal army. These re-inforce
ments placed il in a situation, if not to resume the offensiva, at least
to occupy all the tenable positions, anddefend them wilh energy and
effect. In the meantime general Burgoyne received intelligence that
colonel St. Leger, whose detachment had been re-inforced by a con
siderable party of savages, after descending by the lake Oneida from
Oswego, in the country of the Mohawks, had arrived before, and
vvas closely besieging Fort Stanwix. He immediately conceived
the hope of deriving an important advantage from this operation.
For if the American army in his front proceeded up the Mohawk to
the relief of Fort Stanwix, the English found the way open to Alba
ny, and thus attained the first object of their desires. Moreover, if
St. Leger succeeded, the Americans would find themselves between
two royal armies, that of St. Leger in front, and that of Burgoyne in
the rear. If, on the other hand, the republicans abandoned Fort

BOOK VIU. THE AMERICAN WAH. 465
Stanwix to its fate, and withdrew towards Albany, the country on
the Mohawk would fall into the power of the English, and tiiey might
form a junction with colonel St. Leger. Their army, thus re-in
forced, and victualed by the Mohawks, would be in a situation to
move forward. From these operations it must result, either that the
enemy would resolve lo stand an action, and, in this case, Burgoyne
fell assured of victory ; or that he would graduaUy retire down the
Hudson, and thus abandon to the English the city of Albany. If
the propriety of a Ya.pid movement forward was therefore evident,
the difficulty of finding means to execute it vvas not less manifest,
as the want of subsistence stiU continued ; and this want would of
necessity increase with the distance of the army from the lakes,
through which il received its provisions. To maintain such a com
munication with Fort George, during the whole time of so extensive'
a movement, as would secure the convoys from being intercepted by
the enemy, was obviously impracticable. The army was too weak
to afford a chain of posts for such an extent ; and continual escorts
for every separate supply would be a still greater drain. Burgoyne
therefore perceived distinctly that he must have recourse to sorae
other source of supply, or totally relinquish the enterprise. He
knew that the Americans had accumulated considerable stores of live
cattle, corn, and other necessaries, besides a large number of wheel
carriages, at a viUage called Bennington, situated between two
streams, which, afterwards uniting, form the river Ilosack. This
place lies only twenty miles distant from the Hudson ; it was the re
pository of all the supplies intended for the republican camp, which
were expedited from New England by the upper part of Connecti
cut river, and thence through the country of Verrnorif. Frora Ben
nington they were conveyed, as occasion required, to the different
parls of the army. The magazines were only guarded, however, by
detachments of militia, whose numbers varied continually, as they
went and came at discretion. Though the distance was considera
ble from the camp of Burgoyne to Bennington, yet, as the whole
country through which the corps of Reidesel had lately passed ap
peared peaceable, and even well incUned lo submission, the English
general, impelled by necessity, and allured by an ardent thirst of glo
ry, did not despair of being able lo surprise Bennington, and bring
off the provisions of the enemy by means of his own carriages.
Having taken this resolution, he intrusted the execution of it to lieu
tenant-colonel Baum, a German officer of great bravery, and well
versed in this sort of partisan war.
The force allotted to this service, amounted to about five hundred
men, consisting of two hundred of Reidesel's dismounted dragoons,
VOL. I. 30

466 THE AMERICAN WAH. BOOK VIII.
captain Frazer's marksmen, the Canada volunteers, a party of pro
vincials who were perfectly acquainted with the country, and about
a hundred Indians ; the corps took with thera two Ught pieces of
artiUery. At the same lime, heutenanl-colonel Breyman, with his
regiment of Brunswick grenadiers and Ught infantry, marched down
towards Bennington, and look post at Batten KiU, in order, if neces
sary, to support Baum. The latter had received from general Bur
goyne very suitable instructions ; he was to exercise extrerae caution
in the choice of his posts ; to have the country diligentiy explored
by tbe Indians, on the part of Otter Creek, and towards Connecticut
river ; he was not to allow his regular troops to scatter, but to keep
them always in a compact body ; he was to march light troops in
front and rear of his coluran, to guard against arabuscades ; he was
ordered not to hazard dubious rencounters, but if the enemy came
upon him in superior force, lo lake a strong position and intrench
himself ; he was to give out that the whole army was upon the march
for Connecticut ; finally, he was to rejoin the army al Albany. Bur
goyne, in order to facilitate this operation, and to hold the repubUT
can army in check, moved with all his troops down the lefl bank of
the Hudson, and estabUshed his camp nearly opposite lo Saratoga,
having, at the same lime, thrown a bridge of rafts over, by which
the advanced corps were passed lo that place.
These demonstrations tended lo inspire the belief that all the
British army was about to cross the river, in order to attack the ene
my, who still continued to occupy his encampment at Stfllwater.
According to the plan vi'hich had been traced for hira, heutenanl-
colonel Baum sel forward upon his inarch with equal celerity and
caution. He very shortly fell in with a party of the eneray, vvho
vvere escorting some cattle and provisions, both of vvhich he took
with little difficulty, and sent back to the camp ; but that evil fortune
soon began to appear, which had already so fatally retarded the
royal array. The want of horses and carriages, and the roads now
become heavy and slippery, in consequence of the bad weather, ren
dered the advance of Baum excessively tedious. Hence the enemy,
who stood upon their guard at Bennington, were seasonably inforraed
of his approach. Colonel Stark, who had lately arrived wilh a
corps of railitia he had assembled in New Hampshiie, commanded
in that town. He sent with all speed to request colonel Warner,
who, since the defeat of Hubbardston, had taken post at Manches
ter, to march to his assistance. All these troops, re-inforced with
some of the neighboring mUilia, amounted to about two thousand
men. Upon the inteUigence that the enemy approached, Stark de
tached cofonel Gregg upon the look out ; supposing at first it might

BOOK VIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 467
be only a party of savages who were scouring the country. When
he had discovered that they were regular troops, he fell back to his
principal position at Bennington. Lieutenant-colonel Baum, on his
part, having learnt that the enemy were too strong lo be attacked by
his present force without teraerity, sent immediately to Breyman,
apprising him of his situation, and pressing lum to hasten to his suc
cor. In the mean time, he took an excellent post near Santcoick
MUls, on the banks of Walloon Creek, about four mUes from Ben
nington, and there intrenched himself.
But Stark, not choosing lo wait for the junction of the two parties,
determined to attack him. Accordingly, on the morning of the si.x-
teenth of August, he issued from Bennington, and advanced with
his troops divided in several corps, in order to surround the posts of
Baum, and assault them on all sides at once. The latter, on seeing
the Americans approach, persuaded himself that they vvere bodies of
loyalists coming up to join him. A number of refugees, vvho made
part of his detachment, had prevailed upon an officer, more familiar
with arms than with civil contentions, to adop^ the absurd hopes and
chimerical conceits with which they habitually deceived themselves.
Having at length discovered his error, he defended himself wilh
great valor. But such was the impetuosity, and even the superiority
of the Americans, that he could not resist them long ; having carried
aU before them, and taken his two pieces of cannon, they poured on
every side into his intrenehments. The savages, Canadians and
British marksmen, profiting of their activity, escaped in the woods.
The German dragoons still kept together, and when their ammuni
tion was expended, were bravely led by their commander to charge
with their swords. But they were soon overwhelmed, and the
survivors, among whom was their wounded colonel, were made
prisoners. In the mean time, Breyman had set forward from Batten KUl, to
the succor of Baum ; and although he was on the march by eight in
the morning of the fifteenth, had continued it without intermission,
and the distance was not over twenty-four miles, yet, so many and
so formidable were the irapediraents he encountered, from the bad
ness of the roads, rendered slUl more difficult by the continual rain,
and from the weakness and tiring of horses in getting forward the
artUlery, that he was unable to reach the camp of Baum, till after
fortune had already pronounced in favor of the Americans. It is
asserted that 'he had received no tim.ely information of the engage
ment, and that his first knowledge of it was brought him by the fu
gitives. Il was four in the afternoon when he appeared before the
intrenehments of Baum, where, instead of meeting his friends, he

468 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK VIIl,
found his detachment attacked on aU sides by enemies. Though hia
men were excessively fatigued, they defended themselves wilh great
spirit and resolution. As many of the provincial mflitia had dis
banded to pUlage, the action vvas maintained at first with an equahty
of advantage, and there was even danger that Breyman would re
cover what Baum had lost.
He had already dislodged the Americans from two or three dif
ferent hills on which they had posts, and he pressed them so vigor
ously that they began to exhibit symptoms of disorder. But the
affair soon assumed a quite different aspect ; colonel Warner arrived
at the head of his regiment of the line, and faUing upon the rear of
the English and Germans, restored the battie wilh increase of vehe
mence. The militia that were dispersed in quest of plunder, on
hearing the report of the cannon, immediately rallied. Victory,
however, remained doubtful till the dusk of evening ; on one side
combated valor and discipUne, on the olher, number and fury.
At length the soldiers of Breyman, overpowered by numbers, hav
ing expended all their ammunition, and lost the two pieces of artU
lery they had been at such pains to bring with them, began lo give
ground, and afterwards to break. They abandoned the field of bat
tie, and in the precipitation of their retreat, left in the power of the
conqueror all their baggage, a thousand muskets and nearly as many
sabers. The obscurity of night covered their retreat. The royalists
lost, in these two engagements, seven hundred men, the greater
part prisoners ; the number of kflled was probably about two hun
dred. The loss of the republicans was inconsiderable. The con
gress addressed their public thanks to colonel Stark and the mUilia
who took part in the actions of this day. Stark was moreover
promoted to the rank of brigadier-general.
In the country of the Mohawks the affairs of the English took, at
first, the most favorable turn. Colonel St. Leger had encamped,
the third of August, under Fort Stanwix. The force under his com
mand, consisting of English, Germans, Canadians and American
loyalists, amounted to about eight hundred men. He was followed
by a train of savages, with their wives and children, thirsting indeed
for carnage and plunder, but feeble auxiliaries in besieging fortress
es. Colonel Gansevort, on being summoned by the English, an
swered that he should defend himself to the last. Apprised of this
state of things, and knowing the importance of this fort lo the Unit
ed States, general Harkimer, a leading man in the county of Tryon,
assembled the militia, and marched wilh all expedition to the relief
of Gansevort. He sent an express from his camp of Erick, six
mUes from the fort, to inform him, that he was about to advance and

BOOK VUI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 469
niake every exertion to effect his junction with the garrison. Ganse
vort directed lieutenant-colonel Wfllet to make a sally upon the
British lines, in order lo favor the attempt of Harkimer ; but the
English commander, perceiving how dangerous it was to receive the
enemy in his intrenehments, and knowing full well how much better
the Indians were adapted for the attack than for acting upon the
defensive, detached colonel Johnson, wilh a part of the regular
troops and the Indians, lo intercept the Americans upon their ap
proach. General Harkimer advanced with extreme negligence,
without examination of his ground, without a reconnoitering party
in front, and without rangers upon his flanks ; a thing the more
surprising, as he could not have been ignorant how liable he vvas to
ambuscades from the nature of the country, and the singular adroit
ness of the savages in that mode of war. These barbarians soon
found occasion to give him a sanguinary proof of il. They con
cealed themselves with a detachment of regulars in the woods near
the road by which the Americans approached. The moment the
column bad passed, they suddenly fell upon the rear guard with in
conceivable fury. After the first fire the Indians rushed on with
their spears and hatchets, and killed wilh the; same cruelty those who
resisted and those who surrendered. The disorder becarae extrerae ;
the carnage was frightful ; and even the horrible aspect of the prin
cipal actors, contributed to heighten the terrors of the scene. The
republicans, however, recovered frora their first surprise, and form
ing themselves into a solid column, attained an advantageous ground,
which enabled them to maintain a spirited resistance. They would,
nevertheless, have been overborne by the nuraber and fury of the
enemy, if the intelligence of the attack upon his camp by colonel
WUIet had not induced him to retire. Four hundred Americans
were slain, and among them general Harkimer. Many of the most
distinguished men of the oro vince. and several of the most con
siderable magistrates, shared the same fate. The royalists looked
upon this success as a sure pledge of the approaching reduction of
the rebels. Their victory, however, was not bought without blood ;
besides a certain nuraber of regulars, about sixty Indians were kill
ed and wounded, among whom were several of their principal chiefs,
and of their most distinguished and favorite warriors. It appears
also, that in the heat and confusion of the conflict, several savages
were killed by the English themselves. Thus these intractable
and undisciplined barbarians, by nature ferocious, and inclined to
suspicion, irritated at finding a resistance to which they had not
been accustomed, became stfll more refractory and still more ruth
less. They wreaked the first transports of their rage upon the un-

470 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIU.
happy prisoners, whom they inhumanly butchered in cold blood.
Submission to European officers became insupportable to them, and
they refused to obey. It was now perceived, that their presence
was more prejudicial, and even more dangerous, than useful to the
British army.
Meanwhile, colonel Willet had conducted his sally wilh greal spirit
and ability. He entered the enemy's camp al the first onset, killed
a great number of his men, and drove the rest inlo the woods or inlo
the river. But his sole object being to make a diversion in favor of
Harkimer, as soon as he had accomplished it, he returned into the
fort, carrying with him in triumph the spoil and besieging utensUs
that he had taken from the enemy. The Enghsh were desirous of
intercepting his retreat, and had prepared an ambuscade for the pur
pose ; but his vigilance eluded the danger ; he kept the assailants at
a distance by a violent fire of musketry, and of artillery vvith grape-
shot. He led back his whole corps without loss, and raised a trophy
composed of the conquered arms and baggage under the American
standard, which waved upon the walls of the fortress. He afterwards
undertook, in company with another officer, named Slockwell, a
much more perflous expedition. They passed by night through the
English camp, and in contempt of the danger and cruelly of the
savages, made their way for fifty miles through pathless woods and
unexplored morasses, in order to raise the country and bring relief
to the fort ; an action so magnanimous il is impossible lo coraraend
too much.
Colonel St. Leger left no means untried to profit of his victory, by
intimidating the garrison. He sent verbal and written messages,
stating their hopeless situation, the utter destruction of their friends,
the impossibility of their obtaining relief, as general Burgoyne, afler
destroying every thing in his vvay, was now at Albany, receiving the
submission of all the adjoining countries. After prodigiously magni
fying his own force, as well as that of Burgoyne. he proraised tha
Americans, that in case of an imraediate surrender, they should be,
treated according lo the practice of civUized nations ; al the same
time he declared, that if, through an incorrigible obs'.inacy, they
should continue a hopeless and fruitless defense, not only the soldiers
would faU victims to the fury of the savages, but that, however against
his will, every man, woman, and child, in the Mohawk country, would
be massacred and scalped without mercy.
Colonel Gansevort repUed with great firmness, that he had been
intrusted with the charge of that garrison by the United Stales of
America ; that he should defend the trust committed to his care at
every hazard, and to the utmost extremity ; and that he neither

BOOK VIII, THE AMERICAN WAR, 471
thought himself accountable for, nor should he at all concern himseK
about any consequences that attended the discharge of his duty. Ho
iiad very judiciously conjectured, that if the force of the British com
mander had been sufficient, he would have made a more simple
summons, or would have attacked the fort immediately, without wast
ing his tirae in drawing up so extraordinary a bravado. The British
commander, finding that neither ambushes nor threats could effect
his purpose, turned all his thoughts upon a regular siege. But he
was not long in perceiving that the fort was stronger, and much better
defended, than it had been reported. He also found by experience,
that his artillery was not sufficient in weight lo make much impression
at a certain distance. The only remedy was, to bring his approaches
so near that they must take effect ; which he set about with the
greatest diligence. But the savages, from the dissatisfaction they
felt at their late losses, and from the disappointment of their hopes
of plunder, became every day more suUeri and ungovernable.
The English coraraander was in continual apprehension that they
would piUage his camp, and abandon the British standard. In
this disagreeable situation, he was informed that general Arnold
was rapidly approaching, at the head of a strong detachment, to re
Ueve the fort. It appears that general Schuyler, upon inteUigence
that the fort which had taken his name, was besieged, had dispatch
ed Arnold lo its succor, with a brigade of regular troops commanded
by general Larned, which was afterwards re-inforced by a thousand
light infantry detached by general Gates. Arnold had advanced with
his usual celerity up the Mohawk river, but before he had got half
way, having learnt thai Gansevort was hard pushed by the enemy,
and knowing all the importance of expedition, he quitted the main
body, and with a light armed detachment of only nine hundred men,
hct forward by forced marches towards the fortress. The Indians,
vvho vvere incessantly upon the look out, were soon informed of his
approach, either by their own .scouts, cr by the spies that were
dispatched by Arnold hira.sell, who procigiously exaggerated his
strength. At the narae of Arnold, and in their present teraper, they
were seized wilh terror and dismay , Other scouts arrived iraraedi
ately after with a report, vvhich probably grew out of the affair of
Bennington, that Burgoyne's army was entirely cut to pieces. They
would now stay no longer, and assembled tumultuously, intending to
abandon the camp. Colonel St. Leger endeavored to dissipate their
terrors and detain them, by promising to lead them himself, lo bring
aU his best troops into action, and by carrying their leaders out to
mark a field of balti ¦., and the flattery oi consulting them upon the
intended plan of operation. Finally, the British commander called

472 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK VIII.
a council of their chiefs, hoping, that by the influence which colonel
Johnson, and the superintendents Claus and Butler had over them,
they might still be induced to make a stand. He was disappointed.
A part of the savages decamped while the council was sitting, and
the remainder threatened peremptorily to abandon hira if he did not
immediately retreat. The English were forced to comply vvith their
demands. They raised the siege the twenty-second of August, and
retreated, or rather fled, towards Lake Oneida. Their tents, artflle
ry, and stores, fell into the hands of the enemy ; who, issuing from
tlie fort, assailed their rear guard, and treated it very roughly. But
the British troops were exposed to greater danger from the fury of
their savage allies, than even from the pursuit of the republicans.
During the retreat, they robbed the officers of their baggage, and
the army in general of their provisions. Not content with this, lhey_
first stripped of their arms, and afterwards murdered with their own
bayonets, all those who, from an inability to keep up, fear, or any
other cause, were separated from the raain body. It would be in
vain to atterapt a description of the confusion, the terror, and all the
miseries which attended this discomfiture of the royal troops. They
arrived, however, at length, upon the lake, when they found some
repose. St. Leger returned lo Montreal, and afterwards passed to
Ticonderoga on his way to join Burgoyne. Arnold arrived at the
fort in the evening of the twenty-fourth, two days afler the siege
had been raised ; he and his soldiers were welcomed by the garnson
witn the acknowledgments of deliverance, and the exultation of
victory.

END OF VOLUME I.

Tamtso-iT

I.-h-eily 5c .

^^MSMJ^Q^ iF:SlS"ll'lil!i£)^2r.

HISTORY

T

WAR OF THE INDEPENDENCE

OF THE

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

BY CHARLES BOTTA,
'II

TRANSLATED FROM THE ITALIAN,
BY GEORGE ALEXANDER OTIS ESQ,

TENTH EDITION, IN TWO VOLUMES, REVISED AND CORRECTED,

VOL, II.

E i: Y F A L 0 :
PUBLISHED BY PHINNEY & CO.
1852.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

BOOK NINTH.
SoMMARY. — Gates takes the command ofthe northern army. Battle between Bur
goyne and Gates. Second battle still more sanguinary. Burgoyne in extremity. He
sirrenders. Generosity of Gates. Ravages committed by the royal troops. The
republicans prepare to oppose sir William Howe. The marquis de la Fayette, and
his qualities. Howe lands with his army at the head of Elk. Battle of Brandywine.
After various movements the royalists take possession of Philadelphia. Battle of
Germantown. Operations upon the Delaware. The two armies go into quarters.
Miserable condition ofthe republicans in the quarters of Valley Forge, and their as
tonishing constancy. Intrigues against Washington, and his magnanimity. Hows
succeeded by sir Henry Clinton, and departs for England.
BOOK TENTH.
Summary. — Effects produced in England by the events of the war. The earl of
Chatham proposes a plan of conciliation, but is unable to procure its adoption. De
signs of the ministers. Negotiations of congress in France. Interested policy ofthe
French government. Louis XVI. acknowledges the independence of the United
States. Lord North makes a motion in favor of an arrangement. Declaration of the
French ambassador. Independence of America. Pownal advocates in parliament
the acknowledgment of American independence. Jenkinson speaks in opposition to
it, and obtains the majority of votes. The earl of Chatham dies : his character. War
is declared between France and England. Naval battle of Ouessant.
BOOK ELEVENTH.
Summary. — The conciliatory plan of the rainistry arrives in America. Effects ic
produced there. Deliberations of congress. The treaties concluded with France arrive
in the United States. Joy of the inhabitants. The congress ratify the treaties. The
commissioners sent by George III. with proposals of peace arrive in America. The
Americans refuse all arrangement. The English evacuate Philadelphia. Battle of
Monmouth. The count D'Estaing arrives with a fleet in the waters of America. The
projects of that admiral. Other operations of the British commissioners. They are
without effect, and the commissioners depart from America. The congress give a
solemn audience to the minister ofthe king of France. Operations in Rhode Island.
Engagement between the count D'Estaingand Howe. Discontent of the Americans
against the French, and quarrels which result from it. Horrible excision of Wyoming.
The count D'Estaing sails for the West Indies. Byron follows him. The royal army
moves to attack the southern provinces ofthe confederation.
BOOK TWELFTH.
Summary. — The French capture Dominica, the English St. Lucia. The British
troops lana m Georgia, and occupy Savannah. They attempt to carry Charleston, in
South Carolina. Their depredations. Different military events. The islands of St.
Vincent and Grenada are conquered by the French. Naval action between the count
D'Estaing and admiral Byron. The count D'Estaing arrives in Georgia. Savannah
besieged by the Americans and French. Count D'Estaing returns to Europe. Polit
ical revolution among the Americans. Spain joins the coalition against England.
The corabined fleets of France and Spain present themselves upon the coasts of Great
Britain. They retire. Causes of their retreat. Discontents in Holland against
England. Armed neutraUty ofthe northern powers. The British ministry send re
inforcements to America. The English obtain great advantages over the Spaniards
and throw succors into Gibraltar. Firmness ofthe British court.

IV CONTENTS,

BOOK THIRTEENTH.
I
Summary. — Campaign of the south. The English besiege and take Charleston.
Tarleton defeats the republicans at Wacsaw. Sv.tniission of South Carolina, and
proclamations of lord Cornwallis for the re-establishment of tranquillity in that prov
ince. New York menaced. New devastations committed by the English. Washing
ton defeats the plan of Clinton. Variations of billp of credit. New efforts ofthe republi
cans in South Carolina. Magnanimity of the women of that province. Campaign by
sea. Engagements between the count de Guichen and admiral Rodney. Dreadful
hurricane in the West Indies. The English capture a French convoy, and the Span
iards, a British convoy. Siege of Gibraltar. Parties in Holland. Secret treaty
between the congress and the city of Amsterdam. Rupture between England and
Holland. Revival of ardor among the Americans. M. de la Fayette arrives from
France in America, and brings good new£. Bank of Philadelphia. Academy of Mas
sachusetts. The count de Rochambeau arrives in Rhode Island, with French troops.
War re-kindles in South Carolina. General Gates takes the command of the southern
army. Battle of Camden between Gates and Cornwallis. Bloody executions in
South Carolina. Conspiracy and treason. Deplorable death of major Andre. Hos
tilities in the Carolinas. Battle of King's mountain. Affair of Blackstocks. Gates
succeeded by general Green. Battle of Cowpens. Admirable pursuit of the English,
and no less admirable retreat of the Americans. Battle of Guildford between Green
and Cornwallis. Green marches upon the Carolinas ; Cornwallis upon Virginia.
BOOK FOURTEENTH.
Summary. — Losses ofthe Dutch. Depredations of the English at St. Eustatius.
The Spaniards seize West Florida. Plans of the belligerent powers. The English
revictual Gibraltar. The Spaniards attack that fortress with fury. M. de la Motte
Piquet takes from the English tbe booty they had made at St. Eustatius. Naval battle
of the bay of Praya. M. de Suffren succors the Cape of Good Hope. General Elliot,
governor of Gibraltar, destroys the works of the Spaniards. Attack upon Minorca.
The combined fleets show themselves upon the coast of England. Fierce oombat
between the English and Dutch. The count de Grasse arrives in the West Indies,
with a formidable fleet. Combat between him and admiral Hood. The French take
Tobago. The count de Grasse and admiral Hood prepare themselves for the execution
of their plans of campaign. Intestine dissensions in the United States. Insurrection
in the army of Pennsylvania. Battle of Hobkirk. Battle of Eutaw Springs, and end
of the campaign of the south. Campaign of Virginia. Cornwallis takes post at York-
town. The combined troops besiege him there, and constrain him to surrender with
all his army. The French make themselves masters of St. Christopher's. Minorca
falls into the power of the allies. Change of ministry in England.
BOOK FIFTEENTH.
Summary. — Plans of the belligerent powers. The combined fleets menace tlie coasts
of England. Intriguesof the new ministers. Campaignof the West Indies. Memo
rable engagement of the twelfth of April, 1782, between the count de Grasse and admi
ral Rodney. Siege of Gibraltar. Description of that fortress. Floating batteries.
General attack. Victory of Elliot. Admiral Howe revictuals Gibraltar. Negotia
tions of peace. Signature of treaties. Alarming agitation in the army of congress.
It is disbanded. Washington divests himself of the supreme command, and retitas
to hia seat at Mount Vernon.

HISTORY

OP

THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK NINTH.
1777, By the affairs of Bennington, and that ot Fort Schuyler,
it appeared that fortune began to smile upon the cause of the Amer
icans. These successes produced the more happy effect upon their
minds, the more they were unexpected ; for since the fatal stroke
which deprived them of Montgomery, they had found this war of
Canada but one continued series of disasters. Their late discour
agement and timidity were instantly converted into confidence and
ardor. The English, on the contrary, could not witness without
apprehension, the extinction of those brilliant hopes, which, from
their first advantages, they had been led lo entertain.
Thus the face of things had experienced a total change ; and this
army, of late the object of so much terror for the Americans, was
now looked upon as a prey that could not escape them. The ex
ploit of Bennington, in particular, had inspired the militia with great
confidence in themselves ; since they had not only combated, but
repulsed and vanquished, the regular troops of the royal army, both
English and German.
They began now to forget all distinctions between themselves and
troops of the line, and the latter made new exertions and more stren
uous efforts to maintain their established reputation for superiority
over the militia. Having lost all hope of seizing the magazines at
Bennington, general Burgoyne experienced anew the most alarming
scarcity of provisions. But on the other hand, the successes of.the
Americans under the walls of Fort Schuyler, besides having inspirited
the militia, produced also this other happy effect, that of enabling
them, now liberated from the fear of invasion in the country upon
the Mohawk, to unite all their forces on the banks of the Hudson,

6 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK IX,
against the army of Burgoyne, The country people look arms in
multitudes, and hastened lo the camp. The moment vvas favorable ;
the harvests were ended, and the arrival of general Gates to take the
command of the army, gave a new spur to their alacrity. This of
ficer enjoyed the entire esteem and confidence of the Ameri
cans ; his name alone was considered among them as the pre
sage of success. The congress, in their sitting of the fourth of
August, had appointed him lo the command of the army of the
north, while affairs still wore the most lowering aspect ; but he had
not arrived at Stillwater till the twenty-first.
General Schuyler was promptly apprised that a successor had been
given him ; but this good citizen had' continued until the arrival of
Gates to exert all his energies to repair the evil. Already, as we
havo seen, his efforts had not been fruitless, and victory inclined in
his favor. He bitterly complained to Washington, that the course of
his fortune was interrupted, and that the fruit of his toils was given
lo another, who was about to enjoy that victory for which he had
prepared the way. But the congress preferred to place at the head
of an army, dismayed by its reverses, a general celebrated for his
achievements. Moreover, they were not ignorant that if Schuyler
was agreeable lo the New Yorkers, he was nevertheless in greal dis
repute with the people of Massachusetts, and the other provinces of
New England.
This necessarily counteracted that alacrity with which il was de
sired that the railitia from that quarter should hasten to re-inforce the
army of the north, which was then encamped on the islands situated
at the. confluence of the Mohawk with the Hudson.
Another and very powerful cause contributed lo excite the mass
of the Americans to rise against the English army, which was the
cruelties committed by the savages under St. Leger and Burgoyne,
who spared neither age nor sex nor opinions. The friends of the
royal cause, as well as its enemies, were equally victims to their in
discriminate rage. The people abhorred and execrated an army
which consented to act with such ferocious auxiliaries. Though too
true, their deeds of barbarity were aggravated by the writers and
orators of the patriot parly, vvhich carried the exasperation of minds
to its utmost height. They related, among others, an event which
drew tears from every eye, and might furnish, if not too horrible, an
affecting subject for the dramatic art.
A young lady, by the name of M'Crea, as distinguished for her
virtues as for* the beauty of 1 er person and the gentleness of her
manners, of respectable family, and recently affianced to a British
officer, was seized by the savages in her father's house, near Fort

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR, 7
Edward, dragged into the. woods, with several other young people of
both sexes, and there barbarously scalped and afterwards murdered
Thus, this ill fated damsel, instead of being conducted to the hyme
neal altar, received an inhuman death at the very hands of the com
panions in arms of that husband she was about lo espouse. The
recital of an atrocity so unexampled, struck every breast with horror,
as well in Europe as America, and the authors of the Indian war
were loaded with the bitterest maledictions.
The Americans represent the fact as it is stated above , olher
writers relate it differently. According to their account, young
Jones, the British ofBcer, fearing that some ill might betide the object
of his love, as v.'ell in consequence of the obstinate attachment of
her father to the royal cause, as because their mutual passion vvas
already publicly talked of, had, by the promise of a large recompense,
induced two Indians, of different tribes, to lake her under their
escort, and conduct her in safety to the camp. The two savages
went accordingly, and brought her through the woods ; but at the
very moment they were about to place her in the hands of her future
husband, they fell to quarreling about their recompense, each con
tending that it belonged entirely to himself; when one of them, trans
ported wilh brutal fury, raised his club and laid the unhappy maiden
dead at his feet. General Burgoyne, on being informed of this
horrid act, ordered the assassin to be arrested, that he might suffer
the punishment due to his crime. But he soon after pardoned him
upon the promise made him by the savages of abstaining for the future
from similar barbarities, and of strictly observing the conditions to
which they had pledged themselves upon the banks of the river
Bouquet. The general believed that this act of clemency would be
more advantageous than the example of chastisement. It even
appears that he did not think himself sufficiently authorized, by the
laws of England, to try and punish with death the murderer of the
young lady ; as if there existed not other laws besides the English,
which bound him to inflict a just chastisement upon the perpetrator
of a crime so execrable. But if he was warned by prudence to
abstain from it, then was he to be pitied for the slate of weakness to
(vhich he was reduced, and the weight of censure and detestation
must fall exclusively upon the counsels of those who had called
these barbarians into a civil contest. However the truth was, the
condescension of general Burgoyne recoiled upon himself; for the
savages, finding they were no longer permitted, as at first, to satiate
their passion for pillage and massacre, deserted the camp, and re
turned to their several homes, ravaging and plundering whatever they
found in their way. Thus terminated, almost entirely, this year, tho

8 THE AMERICAN WAB, BOOE IX.
Indian war ; a war impolitic in principle, atrocious in execution, and
bootless in result. The Canadians themselves, and the loyalists who
followed the royal army, terrified at the sinister aspect of affairs
deserted with one consent ; so that Burgoyne, in his greatest need,
was left nearly destitute of olher force except his English and Ger
man regular troops.
Such vvas his situation, when a parly of republicans undertook an
enterprise upon the rear of his army, which, if it had succeeded,
would have entirely cut off his provisions and retreat towards Cana
da; and al least demonstrated the danger to which he had exposed
himself, in having advanced with so small an army lo so great a dis
tance from the strong posts upon the lakes.
General Lincoln, with a strong corps of the militia of New
Hampshire and Connecticut, conceived the hope of recovering for
llie confederation the fortresses of Ticonderoga and Mount Indepen
dence, and consequently the command of Lake George. He knew
that these places were guarded only by feeble garrisons. He ad
vanced from Manchester to Pawlet. He parted his corps into three
divisions ; the first, commanded by colonel Brown, was to proceed lo
the northern extremity of Lake George, and thence to fall by sur
prise upon Ticonderoga ; the second, led by colonel Johnston, was
destined to scour the country about Fort Independence, in order to
malie a diversion, and even an attack, if occasion should favor it ;
the third, under the orders of colonel Woodbury, had it in view to
reduce Skeenesborough, Fort Anne, and even Fort Edward. Colo
nel Brown, with equal secrecy and celerity, surprised all the posts
upon Lake George and the inlet of Ticonderoga, Mount Hope,
Mount Defiance, and the old French lines. He took possession of
two hundred batteaux, an armed brig, and several gun boats ; he
also made a very considerable number of prisoners. Colonel John
ston arrived at the same time under the walls of Fort Independence,
The two fortresses were summoned lo capitulate. But brigadiei
Powell, who held the chief command, replied that he was resolved
to defend himself. The Americans continued their cannonade for
the space of four days ; but their artillery being of small caliber, and
the English opposing a spirited resistance, they were constrained lo
abandon the enterprise, and to recover their former positions.
Meanwhile, general Burgoyne continued in his camp, on the left
bank of the Hudson, where he used the most unremitting industry and
perseverance m bringing stores and provisions forward from Fort
George. Havingat length, by strenuous efforts, obtained about Ihirty
days' provision, he took a resolution of passing the river with his
army, in order to engage the enemy, and force a passage to Albany..

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR, 9
As a swell ofthe water, occasioned by great rains, had cui ried away
his bridge of rafts, he threw another, of boats, over the river at the
same place. Towards the middle of September, he crossed wilh his
army to the right bank of the Hudson, and encamped on the heights
and in the plain of Saratoga ; Gales being then in the neighborhood
of Stillwater, about three miles below. The two armies of course
faced each otlier, and a battle was expected soon to follow.
This measure of passing the Hudson was by many censured with
great vehepnence ; it was considered as the principal cause of the
unfortunate issue of this campaign. Some were of the opinion that
after the affairs of Bennington and Stanwix, Burgoyne vvould have
acted more wisely, considering the daily increase of the American
army, if he had renounced the project of occupying Albany, and
made the best of his way back to the lakes. It appears, however,
to us but just to remark for his excuse, that at this time he had not
yet received any intelligence either of the strength of the army left
at New York, or of the movements which sir Henry Clinton was to
make, or had made, up the North river towards Albany. He cal
culated upon a powerful co-operation on the part of that general.
Such was the plan of the ministers, and such the tenor of his own
peremptory instructions. And to what reproaches would he riot
have exposed himself, if, by retiring towards Ticonderoga, he had
abandoned Clinton to himself, and thus voluntarily relinquished all
the advantages that were expected from the junction of the two
armies? We may, however, consider as vain the apology which
was advanced by Burgoyne himself, when he alledged, that if he had
returned to the lakes. Gates might have gone lo join Washington,
who, falling upon Howe with the combined armies, must have over
powered him, and decided the fate of the whole war. Gales would
never have abandoned the shores of the Hudson, so long as the army
of Burgoyne was opposed to him, whether in the position of Sara
toga, or in that of Ticonderoga. It is, besides, to be observed, that
as a great part of the army of Gates consisted in the New England
militia, these, at least, would not have followed him^ even if he had
marched upon the Delaware. But though we think that Burgoyne
committed no error in resolving to prosecute his expedition, it never
theless appears that he ought not to have passed the Hudson. By
continuing upon the lefl bank, he could retire at will towards Ticon
deroga, or push forward towards Albany. It was evidently more
easy to execute this movement, while having between himself and
the now formidable army of Gates, so broad a river as the Hudson.
The roads above, from Batten Kill to Fort George, were much
easier upon the left than those upon the right bank ; and m going

10 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.
down towards Albany, if they were not better, at least they were
not worse. The city of Albany, it is true, is situated upon the right
bank ; but when Burgoyne should have arrived opposite lo thai city,
upon the left, the English from below might have come up with their
boats, and transported the troops to the right bank. At any rate,
Burgoyne might thus have operated his junction with Clinton. But
the former, either confiding too much in his army, which was, in
truth, equally brave and flourishing, or not esteeming the Americans
enough, notwithstanding the more favorable opinion of them whicb
the actions of Bennington and of Stanwix should have given him.
resolved to quit the safer ground, and try the fortune of a battle ; he
considered victory as certain and decisive. In like manner as the
British ministers, erroneously estimating the constancy of the colo
nists, had persuaded themselves that they could reduce them to
submission by rigorous laws, the generals, deceiving themselves as
strangely wilh respect to their courage, had no doubt that wilh their
presence, a few threats and a little rattling of their arms, they could
pul them to flight. From this blind confidence in victory resulted
a series of defeats, and the weir was irretrievably lost from too san
guine an assurance of triumph.
But let us resume the course of evenls. The nineteenth of
September was reserved by destiny for an obstinate and sanguinary
action, in which it vvas at length to be decided whether the Ameri
cans, as some pretended, could only resist the English when protected
by the strength of works, or of woods, rivers and mountains, or if
they were capable of meeting them upon equal ground, in fair and
regular battle. General Burgoyne, having surmounted the obstacles
of thick woods and broken bridges, by which his progress was
continually interrupted, at length arrived in the front of the enemy,
some woods only of no great extent separating the two armies.
Without a moment's delay, the English formed themselves in order
of battle ; their right wing rested upon some high grounds which
riso gradually from the river ; it was flanked by the grenadiers and
lio^ht infantry, who occupied the hills. At some distance in front,
and upon the side of these, were posted those Indians, Canadians
arid loyalists who had still remained in the camp. The left wing
and artillery, under generals Phillips and Reidesel, kept along the
greal road and meadows by the river side. The American army
drew up in the same order from the Hudson to the hills ; Gates had
taken the right, and given the lefl to Arnold. Smart skirmishes
immediately ensued between the foremost marksmen of either army.
Morgan, with his light horse, and colonel Durbin, vvith the light
infantry, had attacked and routed the Canadians and savages ; but

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR. 11
the latter having been supported, they were both in their turn com
pelled to resume their place in the line. Meanwhile, Burgoyne,
either intending to turn the left flank of the enemy, or wishing lo
avoid, by passing higher up, the hollows of the torrents which fall
into the Hudson, extended his right wing upon the heights, in order
to fall upon Arnold in flank and rear.
But Arnold was, at the same time, endeavoring to execute a sim
ilar maneuver upon him, while neither of them was able, on account
of the woods, to perceive the movements of his enemy.
The two parties met; general Frazer repulsed the Americans.
Finding the right flank of the enemy's right wing so well defended,
they left a sufficient guard lo defend this passage, made a rapid
movement to their right, and vigorously assailed the left flank of the
same wing. Arnold exhibited upon this occasion all the impetuosity
of his courage ; he encouraged his men wilh voice and example.
The action became extremely warm ; the enemy, fearing that Arnold,
by cutting their line, would penetrate between their wings, as was
manifestly his intention, hastened to re-inforce the points attacked.
General Frazer came up wilkthe twenty-fourth regiment, some light
infantry and Breyman's riflemen ; he would have drawn more troops
from the right flank, but the heights on which it was posted, were of
too greal importance to be totally evacuated. Meanwhile, such was
the valor and impetuosity of the Americans, that the English began
to fall into confusion ; but general Phillips soon appeared with fresh
men and a part of the artillery ; upon hearing the firing, he had rap
idly made his way through a very difficult wood to the scene of
danger. He restored the action at the very moment il was about
being decided in favor of the enemy.
' The Americans, however, renewed their attacks with such perse
vering energy, that night only parted the combatants. The royahsls
passed it under arms upon the field of battle ; the republicans re-
lired. They had lost from, three to four hundred men in killed and
wounded ; among the former were colonels Adams and Coburn.
The English had to regret more than five hundred, and among oth
ers, captain Jones, of the artillery, an officer of great merit.
Both parties claimed the honor of victory. The EngUsh, it is true,
kept possession of the field of battle ; yet, as the intention of the
Americans was not lo advance, but to maintain their position, and
thai of the English not to maintain theirs, but to gain gi-ound, and as,
besides, it was a victory for the republicans not to be vanquished, it is
easy lo see which had the advantage of the day. On the other
hand, the English were now convinced, to the great prejudice of
their hopes, and even of their courage, that they would have to grap-

12

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.

pie with a foe as eager for action, as careless of danger, and as in
different with respect to ground or cover as themselves.
The day following, general Burgoyne, finding that he must aban-
.¦3on all idea of dislodging the enemy by force, from his intrenched
positions, endeavored to console himself with the hope, that time
might offer him some occasion, to operate wilh more effect.
He was, besides, in daily expectation of news from general Clin
ton, with respect to whose movements he was still entirely in the
dark. Resolving, Iherefore, to pause, he pitched his camp within
cannon shot of the American lines. He threw up numerous in
trenehments, both upon his right, the part vvhich had been attacked,
and upon his left, in order lo defend the meadows near the river,
where he had established his magazines and hospitals. An English
regiment, the Hessians of Hanau, and a detachment of loyalists,
were encamped in the same meadows for greater security. General
Gates continued to occupy his first position, taking care, however,
to fortify himself strongly on the left. With the return of success,
his army was continually re-inforced by the accession of fresh bodies
of the militia. General Lincoln joined him with two thousand men,
well trained and disciplined, from the New England provinces.
The English exerted the greatest vigilance lo avoid surprise ; and
the Americans to prevent them from going out of their camp lo for
age. The skirmishes were animated and frequent.
The British general had for a long time been expecting news from
New York ; and his impatience was at its height, when, the twentieth
of September, he received a letter of the tenth, written in ciphers,
by general Clinton, informing him that about the twentieth of the
month, he should with two thousand men attack Fort Montgomery,
situated on the right bank of the Hudson, and upon the declivity of
the highlands. He excused himself upon account of weakaess for
not doing more ; and even declared, that if the enemy 'ssmde any
movement towards the coasts of New York, he should be fdrced lo
return thither. Burgoyne immediately dispatched an emissary, two
officers in disguise, and some olher trusty persons, by different routes,
to general Clinton, with a full account of his present situation, urging
him to a speedy execution of the diver.slons he had proposed, and
informing him that he was provided with sufficient necessaries, lo
hold out in his present position lill the twelfth of October. Although
the assistance promised by Clinton was much less effectual than Bur
goyne had kept in view, nevertheless, he still cherished a hope that
the attack on fort Montgomery, and the apprehension that the Eng
lish after its reduction might make their way up the river, would in
duce Gates either to change the position of his carap, or +o send

BOOK IX, THE AMERICAN WAR, 13
large detachments down the river, to oppose the progress of Clinton,
and that in either case, some occasion would be offered him to gain
a decisive advantage, and open his passage lo Albany. But whoever
considers the great superiority, in spirit as well as number, of the
army of Gates over that of Burgoyne, and that the former was con
tinually increasing in force, will readily perceive how vain were the
expectations of the British general. It appears, therefore, that the
mere survey of his own weakness, of that of Clinton, and of the
preponderant force of Gates, should have determined him for retreat,
if, however, retreat was still in his povver. For to cross the river in
sight of so formidable an army, would have been too perilous an en
terprise ; and here it is again perceived how imprudent had been the
measure of passing it at first, since from that moment it became alike
impossible to advance or recede.
In the beginning of October, general Burgoyne thought it expe
dient, from the difficulty of his situation and the uncertainty of suc
cor, lo lessen the soldiers' rations of provisions ; to this measure,
from its necessity, they submitted with great cheerfulness. But the
twelfth of October was approaching, the term limited for the stay
of the army in its present encampment. The seventh was already
arrived, and no tidings came of the operations that had been pro
posed for its relief. In this alarming state of things, the English
general reo'olved to make a movement to the enemy's lefl, not only
to discover whether there were any possible means of forcing a pas
sage, should il be necessary to advance, or of dislodging them for
the convenience of retreat, but also to cover a forage of the army.
He was impelled by necessity to attempt a decisive stroke. Accord
ingly he put himself at the head of a detachment of fifteen hundred
regular troops, with two twelve pounders, two howitzers, and six
six pounders. He was seconded by generals Phillips, Reidesel and
Frazer, all officers distinguished for their zeal and ability. The
guard of the camp upon the high grounds was committed to the
brigadiers general Hamilton and Speight, that of the redoubts and
plain near the river, to brigadier Goll.
The force of the enemy immediately in the front of his lines was
so much superior, that Burgoyne could not venture to augment his
detachment beyond the number we have stated. He had given
orders that during this first attack, several companies of loyalists and
Indians should be pushed on through by-ways, to appear as a check
upon the rear of the enemy's left flank. The column of regulars.
having already issued from the camp, were formed within three quar
ters of a mile of the enemy's left, and manifested an intention to
turn it. But general Gates, who observed this movement, instantly

14 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.
penetrated the design of the English, and with exquisite discernment
resolved to make a sudden and rapid attack upon the left of this
corps, hoping thus to separate it from the remainder of the army,
and to cut off its retreat to the camp. The Americans advanced to
the charge with incredible impetuosity, but they were received with
equal resoiution by major Ackland, at the head of the grenadiers.
Gales immediately detached a fresh and powerful re-inforcement lo
the aid ofthe first, and the attack was soon extended along the whole
front of the Germans, who were posted immediately- on the right of
Ackland's grenadiers. Hence the British general found it impracti
cable to move any part of that body, as he would have desired, for
the purpose of forming a second line lo support this left flank, where
the great vveight of the fire still fell. As yet the right was unen
gaged, when the British generals perceived that , the enemy were
marching a strong body round their flank, in order lo cut off their
retreat. To oppose this dangerous design of the American gener
al, the light infantry, with a part of the twenty-fourth regiment, which
were joined with them al that post, were thrown into a second line,
in order lo cover the retreat of the troops into camp. While this
movement was yet in process, Arnold came up wilh three regiments,
and fell upon this right wing. Gales, at the same time, sent a strong
re-inforcement to decide the action on the English left, which, being
at length totally overpowered, fell into disorder and fled. The light
infantry and the twenty-fourth advanced wilh all speed to check the
victorious Americans, whose riflemen pursued the fugitives with great
eagerness ; there ensued an extremely warm affair, and many per
ished on both sides.
Upon this occasion, brigadier-general Frazer was mortally wound
ed, an officer whose loss was severely felt by the English, and whose
valor and abilities justified their regrets. Their situation now became
exceedingly critical ; even their camp was threatened ; the enemy,
emboldened by victory, was advancing to storm it, and if he arrived
before the retreating detachment, there could be little hope of de
fending it. Phillips and Reidesel were ordered to rally wilh all ex
pedition tlihse troops which were nearest, or most disengaged, to
cover the retreat of the others, while Burgoyne himself, fiercely pur
sued by Arnold, retired with greal precipitation tovvards the camp.
The detachment at length, though with extreme difficulty, regained
the intrenehments, having left, however, upon the field of battle, a
greal number of killed and wounded, particularly of the artillery
corps, who had, with equal glory to themselves and prejudice to the
enemy, displayed the utmost abiUty in their profession, along witli the

BOOK IX, THE AMERICAN WAR. 15
most undaunted resolution. Six pieces of cannon also remained in
the power of the Americans,
But the business of the day was not yet terminated. The English
had scarcely entered the camp, when the Americans, pursuing their
success, assaulted it in different parts vvith uncommon fierceness ;
rushing lo the lines through a severe fire of grape-shot and small
arms, wilh the utmost fury. Arnold especially, who in this day ap
peared intoxicated with the thirst of battle and carnage, led on the
attack against a part of the intrenehments occupied by the light
infantry, under lord Balcarres. But the English received him vvith
great vigor and spirit. The action was obstinate and sanguinary.
At length, as it grew towards evening, Arnold, having forced all
obstacles, entered the works with some of the most fearless of his
followers. But in this critical moment of glory and danger, he was
grievously wounded in the same leg which had been already shattered
at the assault of Quebec. To his great regret, he was constrained
to retire. His parly still continued the attack, and the English sus
tained il with obstinacy, till night separated the combatants.
The royalists were not so fortunate in another quarter. A repub
lican detachment, commanded by lieutenant-colonel Brooks, having
succeeded by a circuitous movement in turning the right wing of the
English, fell, sword in hand, upon the right flank of their intreneh
ments, and made the most desperate efforts lo carry them. This
post was defended by lieutenant-colonel Breyman, at the head of the
German reserve. The resistance at first vvas exceedingly vigorous ;
but Breyman being mortally wounded, his countrymen were damped,
and at length routed, with great slaughter. Their tents, artillery, and
baggage, fell into the power of the assailants. The Americans es
tablished themselves in the intrenehments. General Burgoyne, upon
hearing of this disaster, ordered them lo be dislodged immediately.
But either in consequence of the approach of night, or from the dis
couragement of his troops, hc was not obeyed, and the victors con
tinued to occupy the position they had gained with so much glory.
They had now acquired an opening on the right and rear of the
British army. The other American division passed the night under
arms, al the distance of half a mile from IheBritishcamp. Thelossin
dead and wounded was great on both sides ; but especially on the part
of the English, of whom no few were also made prisoners. Majors
Williams of the artillery, and Ackland of the grenadiers, were among
the latter. Many pieces of artillery, all the baggage of the Germans,
and many warlike stores, fell into the power of the republicans, who
needed them greatly. They were impatient for the return of day,
to renew the battle. But deplorable and perilous beyond expression

16 THE AMERICAN WAH. BOOK IX.
was the situation of the British troops ; tliey bore it, however, witJi
admirable temper and firmness. Il was evidently impossible to con
tinue in their present position, without submiuing lo a cei tainty of
destruction on the ensuing day. The Americans, invigorated and
encouraged, would certainly have profited of the access Ihey had
already opened lo themselves on the right, and of other untenable
points, to carry every part of the camp, and completely surround
the British army. Burgoyne therefore determined to operate a total
change of ground. He executed this movement with admirable
order, and without any loss. The artillery, the camp and its apper
tenances, were all removed before morning to the heights above tho
hospital. The British army in this position had the river in its rear,
and its two wings displayed along ihehills upon the right bank. The
English expected to be attacked the following day. But Gates, Uke
the experienced general he was, would not expose lo the risk of
another battle that victory of which he was already certain. He in
tended that lime, famine, and necessity, should complete the work
which his arms had so fortunately commenced. There were frequent
skirmishes, however, engaged in the course of the day ; but of Utile
importance. Towards night, the obsequies of general Frazer were
celebrated in the British camp ; a ceremony mournful of itself, and
rendered even terrible by the sense of recent losses, of future dan
gers, and of regret for the deceased. The darkness and silerce of
night aided the effect of the blaze and roar of the American trtille-
ry ; while at every moment the balls spattered earlh upon tht'- face
of the officiating chaplain.
General Gates, prior to the battle, had detached a strong division
ofhis army to take post upon the left bank ofthe Hudson, opposite
to Saratoga, in order to guard the passage and prevent the enemys
escape on that side. He now dispatched a second detachment to
occupy a passage higher up. He ordered, at the same lime, a select
ed corps of two thousand men to push forward and turn the right
flank of the enemy, so as lo enclose him on every side. Burgoyne,
on intelligence of this motion, determined to retire towards Sarato
ga, situated six miles up the river, on the same bank. The army
accordingly began to move al nine o'clock at night ; but such was
the badness of the roads, rendered still more difficult by a heavy rain
which fell that night, and such was the weakness of the teams for
want of forage, that the English did not reach Saratoga till the even
ing of the ensui'ng day; the soldiers were harassed with fatigue
and hunger. The hospital, with three hundred sick and wounded,
and a great number of wheel carriages, were abandoned to the

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR. 17
enemy. The EngUsh, as they retired, burnt the houses, and de
stroyed whatever they could use no longer.
The rain having ceased. Gales followed them step by step, and
with extreme caution, as they had broken all the bridges, and he
was resolved not to give them any opportunity to engage him with
advantage. Fearing that Burgoyne would hasten to detach his light troops, in
order lo secure the passage of the river near Fort Edward, he rapidly
threw several companies of militia into that fort, in order to prevent
it. Scarcely had they arrived there, when the English rangers ap
peared ; but finding themselves anticipated, they returned disap
pointed and dejected. During this time, the main body of the Eng
lish army, having passed the night of the ninth at Saratoga, left il on
the morning of the tenth, and forded Fish Kill Creek, which falls
into the Hudson, a little to the northward of that town. The Brit
ish generals had hoped that they should here be able to cross the
river at the principal ford, and escape pursuit upon its left bank.
But they found a body of republicans already arrived, and throwing
up intrenehments on the heights to the left of Fish Kill Creek. These
A inericans, however, when they observed the great superiority of the
English, retired over the Hudson, and there joined a greater force,
which was stationed to prevent the passage of the army. Having
lost all hope of passing the river in the vicinity of Saratoga, the
British generals had il in mind to push forward upon the right bank,
lill they arrived in front of Fort Edward, and then to force a passage
to the left bank, in defiance of the troops stationed there for its de
fense. For this purpose, a company of artificers, under the escort
of a regiment of the line, with a detachment of marksmen and loy
alists, were sent forward to repair the bridges, and open the road lo
Fort Edward. But they were not long departed from the camp,
when the enemy appeared in great force upon the heights on the
opposite side of Fish Kill Creek, and seemed preparing to cross it,
in order to bring on an immediate engagement.
The regulars and marksmen were immediately recalled. The
workmen had only commenced the repair of the first bridge, when
they were abandoned by the loyalists, who ran away, and left them
to shift for themselves, only upon a very slight attack of an incon
siderable party of the enemy. Hence il became necessary to aban
don^ all hopes of saving the artillery and baggage.
Amidst all these embarrassments, still a new difficulty presented
itself; the repubhcans who lined the further shore of the Hudson,
kept up a continual fire upon the batteaux loaded with provisions
and necessaries which had attended the motions of the army up the
VOL. n. 2

18 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK IX
river, since its departure from Stillwater. Many of these boats had
been taken, some re-taken, and a number of men lost on both sides.
Al length, to avoid these inconveniences, the English were forced to
land the provisions, and transport them up the hill to the camp ; a
labor which they accomplished under a heavy fire, with great fatigue
and loss. Nolhing could now exceed the distress and calamity of
the British army ; the soldiers as well as the generals were reduced
to brood upon the prospect of an ignominious surrender, or total
destruction. To attempt the passage of so wide a river, while its
shore was guarded with so much vigilance by a formidable body of
troops, and in the presence of a powerful enemy, flushed with vic
tory, vvas an enterprise savoring rather of madness than temerity.
On the other hand," the retreat upon the right bank, with the same
enemy at the rear, through ways so difficult and impracticable, was
a scheme which presented obstacles absolutely insurmountable.
Every thing announced therefore an inevitable catastrophe. Never
theless, in the midst of so much calamity, a ray of hope suddenly
gleamed upon the English ; and they were near gaining an opportu
nity of retrieving their affairs all at once. The two armies were only
separated by the Fish Kill Creek ; report, which magnifies all things,
had represented to general Gates the feeble detachment which Bur
goyne had sent to escort his pioneers upon the route lo Fort Ed
ward as the entire vanguard and center of the British army, already
well on their way towards that fort. He concluded, Iherefore, that
only the rear guard remained near the Fish Kill, and instantly con
ceived the hope of crushing it by an attack with all his forces. He
made all his preparations in the morning of the eleventh of Octo
ber. His scheme was to lake advantage of a thick fog, which in
those regions, and at this season, usually obscure the atmosphere till
a Utile after sunrise, lo pass the Fish Kill very early, to seize a batte
ry which Burgoyne had erected upon the opposite bank, and then
to fall immediately upon the enemy. The English general had no
tice of this plan ; he furnished the battery vvith a strong guard, and
posted his troops in ambush behind the thickets which covered the
banks of the creek. In this position he wailed the enemy's ap
proach, and calculating upon their supposed error, he had little doubt
of victory. The brigade of the American general Nixon had al
ready forded the Fish Kill, and that of general Glover was about to
follow it. But just as the latter entered the water, he was informed
by a British deserter, that not only the rear guard, but the vvhole
loyal army, was drawn up in order of battle upon the olher bank.
Upon this intelligence Glover halted, and sent lo apprise INixon of
the danger he was in of being cut in pieces, unless he hastened (o

BOOK IX, THE AMERICAN WAR, 19
recover the left bank. General Gates was immediately informed of
the incident; he revoked all the orders he had given, and directed
that the troops should be reconducted to their positions. General
Nixon received the message of Glover in good time ; for a quarter
of an hour later he would have been lost irrecoverably. He fe!l
back with all expedition ; but the fog being dissipated before he
was out of sight of the enemy, his rear guard was annoyed by the
English artillery, with the loss ofa few soldiers.
Frustrated of this hope, general Burgoyne applied his thoughts to
devise, if possible, some other way to save the army. He called a
council of war, in which it was resolved to attempt, by a rapid retreat
in the night up the Hudson, to gain the fords of that river at or
above Fort Edward, and there having forced a passage, to press on
to Fort George. That nothing might retard the march, it was
determined to abandon the artillery, baggage, carriages, and all
incumbrances. The soldiers were to carry upoh theh backs a suffi
cient quantity of provisions, to support them tiU they could arrive
at Fort George. All the troops prepared to execute the plan of
their general.
But Gates had already, with great foresight, taken all his measures
to defeat it. He had recommended the utmost vigilance to the
parties thai were stationed to guard the opposite shore of the river ;
he had posted a strong detachment to guard the fords near "Fort
Edward, wilh orders to oppose any attempt of the enemy to pass
them, till he should arrive with the army upon his rear. In addition
lo this, he had established a camp in force, and provided with artil
lery, upon the high and strong grounds between Fort Edward and
Fort George. General Burgoyne had sent forward scouts, lo exam
ine the route, and especially lo ascertain whether it was possible
to force the passage opposite, to Fort Edward. They returned wilh
an account that the roads were inconceivably rough and difficult ;
that the enemy were so numerous and vigilant upon the left bank,
that no movement of the army upon the right could escape imme
diate discovery ; and that the passages at the fort were so diligently
defended, that it vvas absolutely impossible lo force them without
artillery. They also mentioned the intrenched camp on the hills
between the two forts. Burgoyne had no sooner received this afflict
ing intelligence, than he was also informed that general Gates, with
the mam body of his army, was so near, and observed him wilh such
steady attention, that it would be impossible for him to move a step
without being instantly followed ; he then saw thol he must relin
quish all hope of saving himself by his own efforts.
In this depbrable extremity, his only refuge from despair was the

20 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK IX,
faint hope of co-operation from the parts down the river ; and with
the most intense desire he looked for the aid of CUnlon,
Il exceeds the power of words to describe the pitiable condition
to which the British army was now reduced. The troops, worn
down by a series of hard toil, incessant effort and stubborn action ;
abandoned by the Indians and Canadians ; the whole army reduced
by repeated and heavy losses of many of their best men and most
distinguished officers from ten thousand combatants to less than five
thousand effective fighting men, of whom little more than three
thousand were English. In these circumstances, and in this stale of
weakness, without a possibility of retreat, they were invested by an
army of four limes their own number, whose position extended three
parls in four of a circle round them ; who refused to fight from a
knowledge of their own condition ; and who, from the nature of the
ground, could not be attacked in any part. In this helpless situa
tion, obliged 19 lie constantly on their arms, while a continued can
nonade pervaded all the camp, and even rifle and grape-shot fell in
every part of their lines, the troops of Burgoyne retained their ordi
nary constancy, and while sinking under a hard necessity, they
showed themselves worthy of a better fate. Nor could they be re
proached with any action or word which betrayed a want of temper,
or of fortitude.
At length, no succor appearing, and no rational ground of hope
of any kind remaining, an exact account of the provisions was taken
on the morning of the thirteenth, when it vvas found that the whole
stock would afford no more than three days' bare subsistence for the
army. In such a stale, it was alike impossible to advance or lo
repiain as they were ; and the longer they delayed to take a defini
tive resolution, the more desperate became their situation. Bur
goyne, therefore, immediately called a council of war, at which not
only the generals and field officers, but all the captains of companies
were invited to assist. While they deliberated, the bullets of the
Americans whistled around them, and frequently pierced even the
lent where the council was convened. It was determined unani
mously to open a treaty and enter into a convention with the Amer
ican general.
Gates used his victory vvith moderation. Only he proposed that
the royal troops should lay down their arms in camp ; a condition
which appeared too hard to the English, and which they perempto
rily refused. They aU preferred to be led against the enemy, not
withstanding the disadvantage of number, rather than submit to such
a disgrace. Afler several conference*, the articles of capitulation
were settled the fifteenth They were to be signed by the two

BOOK IX, THE AMERICAN WAR, 21
contracting parties on the morning of the seventeenth. In the night,
captain Campbell arrived at the British camp, sent express by gene
ral Clinton, wilh the intelligence that he had moved up the Hudson,
reduced Fort Montgomery, and penetrated as far as Esopus. The
hope of safety revived in the breasts of some.
The officers were invited to declare, whether in a case of extremity,
the soldiers were in a situation to fight, and whether they considered
the public faith as pledged by the verbal convention. A great num
ber answered, that the soldiers, debilitated by fatigue and hunger,
were unable to make resistance ; all were decidedly of the opinion,
that the public faith was engaged. Burgoyne alone manifested a
contrary opinion. But he was constrained to acquiesce in the general
suffrage. Meanwhile, Gates, apprised of these hesitations of his
enemy, and the new hopes which occasioned them, formed his troops
in order of battle on the morning of the seventeenth, and sent lo
inform Burgoyne that the stipulated time being arrived, he raust
either sign the articles, or prepare himself for battle.
The Englishman had taken his resolution; he signed the paper,
which had this superscription ; Convention between lieutenant-gene
ral Burgoyne and. major-general Gates. The principal articles,
exclusive of those vvhich related to the provision and accommoda
tion of the army in its way to Boston, and during its stay at that
j>lace, were ;
That the army should march out of the camp with all the honors
of war, and its camp artillery, to a fixed place, where they were to
deposit their arms and leave the artillery ; lo be allowed a free em
barkation and passage to Europe, from Boston, upon condition of
their not serving again in America, during the present war ; the
army not to be separated, particularly the men from the officers ; roll
calling and other duties of regularity, to be permitted ; the officers
to be admitted on parole, and to wear their side arms ; all private
property to be retained, and the pubUc delivered upon honor ; no
baggage to oe searched or molested ; all persons, of whatever coun
try, appertaining to, or following the camp, to be fully coraprehended
in the terms of capitulation, and the Canadians to be returned to
their own country, Uable to its conditions.
Assuredly, these conditions weffe very honorable for the British
army, considering its ruined state and irretrievable circurastances ;
but it obtained still more from the magnanimity of general Gates,
From tenderness towards the feelings of the vanquished, he ordered
his army to retire within their Unes, that they might not witness the
shame of the English, when they piled their arms.
This conduct demonstrated not only the humanity but the clem-

22 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX,
ency and elevation of character which distinguished the American
general ; for he was already informed of the horrible ravages recently
committed, by general Vaughan, upon the right bank of the Hudson,
where, imitating the usages of barbarians, he had laid in ashes, and
utterly destroyed the fine village of .Esopus. Il is our duty not to
pass without mention, that while Gates, in the whole course of this
campaign upon the Hudson, displayed all the talents which constitute
an able and vaUant general, he proved himself not to want any of
those qualities which characterize a benevolent and generous heart.
Humane towards all whora the fortune of war had thrown into his
hands, hc was eminently attentive to those who were sick, and suf
fered them to want for no succor within his povver to administer.
The day of the capitulation, the American army amounted lo
near fifteen thousand men, of whom about len thousand were regular
troops ; the English army lo five thousand seven hundred and ninety-
one, of whom two thousand four hundred and twelve were Germans,
and three thousand three hundred and seventy-nine English.
The Americans acquired a fine train of brass artillery, amounting
to forty-two pieces of different sorts and sizes, four thousand six
huiidred muskets, an immense quantity of cartridges, bombs, balls,
and olher implements of war.
Such was the fate of the British expedition upon the banks of the
Hudson. It had been undertaken vvith singular confidence of success,
^ but the obstacles proved so formidable that those who had expected
from it such brilliant results, were themselves its victims ; and those
it had alarmed al first, derived from il the most important advantages.
There can be no doubt, that, if il vvas planned vvith ability, as to us
it appears to have been, it was conducted with imprudence by those
who were intrusted wilh its execution. For it is to be remarked,
that its success depended entirely on the combined efforts of the
generals who commanded upon the lakes, and of those who had the
management of the war in the state of New York. But far frpm
moving in concert, when one advanced, the other retired. When
Carleton had obtained the command of the lakes, Howe, instead of
ascending the Hudson, towards Albany, carried his arms into New
Jersey, and advanced upon the Delaware. When, afterwards, Bur
goyne entered Ticonderoga in triumph, Howe embarked upon the
expedition against Philadelphia; and thus the army of Canada was
deprived of the assistance it expected from New York.
Perhaps Howe imagined that the reduction of such a city as Phil
adelphia, vvould so confound the Americans, and sef derange their
plans, that they would either immediately submit, or make but a
feeble resistance. Perhaps, also, he believed, that by attacking the

BOOK IX THE AMERICAN WAB. 23
center, and as it were, the very heart of the confederation, he
effected the most useful diversion in favcr of the army of the north,
thereby depriving the Americans of the ability to oppose it with a
sufficient force upon the Hudson. Finally, it is not impossible, that,
listening to his ambition, he had flattered himself that with his own
means alone he could acquire the exclusive glory of having put an
end lo the war. But whatever might have been the importance of
the acquisition of Philadelphia, every one must readily perceive how
much greater was that of the junction at Albany, of the two armies
of Canada and of New York. It was very doubtful whether the
conquest of a single city could decide the issue of the war ; whereas
the juncture of the armies, offered almosi aa assurance of it. It
should also be considered that the Americans, in order to prevent
this junction, would have risked a pitched battle, the success of
which could scarcely be doubtful, and which could have formed no
obstacle to the eventual union. Besides, when two armies have the
same object in view, is it not evident that they can operate with more
concert and effeet, when they are near to each other, than while
remotely separated ? We may Iherefore consider this expedition as
having been wisely calculated in its design, and even in the means
of execution, if we except that scourge of the savages, which must
be imputed lo the British ministers. Baling this fault, they did not,
in our opinion, deserve the reproaches wilh which they were loaded,
as well in parliament as by the writers of the opposite party. Per
haps also they erred in this, that having too great confidence in the
reputation, rank, and military experience of sir William Howe, they
neglected to send him more precise instructions. For it appears
from the best information we have found upon this subject, that the
orders given to that general in regard to his co-operation with the
army of Canada, were rather discretionary than absolute ; but all
the ruin of the enterprise is clearly attributable lo this want of co
operation. Gates, after the victory, immediately disp-itched colon J
Wilkinson to carry the happy tidings lo congress. On being intro
duced into the hall, he said : ' The whole British army has laid
down arms at Saratoga ; our own, full of vigor and courage, expect
your orders ; it is for your wisdom to decide where the country may
still have need of their services.' The congress voted thanks to
general Gates and his army. They decreed that he should be pre
sented with a medal of gold, to be struck expressly in commemora
tion of so glorious a victory. On oile side of il was the bust of the
general, with these words around, Horatio Gates, Duci strenuo ;
and in the middle, Comitia Am,ericana. On the reverse, Burgoyne
was represented in the attitude of delivering his sword ; and in the

24 THE AMERICAN WAB, BOOK IX, '
back ground, on the one side and on the other, were seen the two
armies of England and of America. At the top were these words;
Solum regionum septentrion ; and at the foot, Hoste ad Saratogam
-in deditionk accepto. Die XVII Oct. MDCCLXXFH. It vvould
be difficult lo describe the transports of joy which the news of this
event excited among the Americans. They began lo flatter them
selves vvith a still more happy future ; no one any longer entertained
a doubt of independence. All hoped, and not without much reason,
that a success of this importance would at length determine France,
and the other European powers that waited for her example, to de
clare themselves in favor of America. There could no longer be any
question respecting the future; all danger had ceased of espousing
the cause of a people too feeble to defend themselves.
While Burgoyne found himself in the most critical situation, Clin
ton, in the beginning of October, had embarked al New York, with
about three thousand men, upon his expedition up the Hudson, for
his relief. The Americans, commanded by general Putnam, occu
pied the steep mountains between which this river flows with rapidity,
and which begin to rise in the vicinity of Peek's Kill. In addition
to the natural strength of the places in the midst of these mountains,
the banks of the Hudson being almosi inaccessible, the Araericans
had secured the passages in divers modes. About six mi-les above
Peek's Kill, upon the western bank, they had two forts, called the
one Montgomery, and the other Clinton, separated only by a torrent,
which, gushing from the neighboring heights, falls into the river.
Their situation, upon heights so precipitous that it was impossible
to climb Ihem, entirely commanded the course of the Hudson. There
was no olher way by which the enemy could approach them, but that
of penetrating into the mountains a little below, towards Stony Point
and marching through narrow and difficult paths. But such were
these defiles that if they had been suitably guarded, it would have
been not only dangerous, but absolutely impracticable to thread them.
To prevent the enemy from passing above the forts by water, che-
vaux-de-frize were sunken in the river, and a boom extended from
bank to bank. This boom was covered by an immense chain, stretch
ed at some distance in its front. These works were remarkable for
their perfection, and had been executed wilh equal industry and dif
ficulty. They were defended by the artillery of the forts, by a frig
ate andby several galleys, stationed a little above the boom. Such
were the fortifications which the Americans had constructed upon
the right bank, and fiven in the bed ofthe Hudson, in order lo secure
these passages, which had been the object of their solicitude from
the commencement of hostilities ; they being in effect the iliost defensi-

BOOK IX.

THE AMERICAN WAR, 25

ble barri<;rs against a descent of the enemy from Canada, Upon the
left bank, on a high point of land, four or five miles below Forts
Montgomery and Clinton, they had erected a fort to which they gave
the name of Independence, and another called Constitution, about
six miles above the same forts, on an island near the eastern shore.
They had also there interrupted the navigation of the river by che .
vaux-de-frize and a boom.
General Putnam guarded these different passages wilh a corps of
six hundred regular troops, and some militia, of whom the numJoer
was uncertain. An American officer, named Clinton, commanded
in the forts.
The British general knew perfectly well that to attack Forts Clin
ton and Montgomery in front, would have been a vain attempt. He
Iherefore formed the design of marching to the assault upon their
rear, by the defiles which commence near Stony Point. But in order
to divert the Americans from the thought of re-inforcing the garri
sons, he resolved to make such motions upon the left bank, as should
.alarm them for the safety of Fort Independence. On the fifth of
October he landed all his troops at Verplank's Point, a little below
Peek's KiU, where general Putnam had estabhshed his head quar
ters. Putnam immediately retired to the strong heights in his rear.
The English, having re-embarked the greater part of their troops in
the night, landed by break of day upon the right bank, at Stony
Point ; without loss of time they entered the defiles, and marched
towards the forts. In the meantime, the manceuvres of the vessels,
and the appearance of the small detachment left at Verplank's Point,
persuaded Putnam that the enemy meditated an attack on Fort Inde
pendence. The EngUsh during this interval vvere making the best
of their way through the mounlains. Governor CUnlon had not dis
covered their approach till very lale. They appeared before the two
forts at nearly the same lime, and having without difficulty repulsed
the advanced parlies which had been sent out lo retard them, they
furiously began their attack. Their ships of war had also now made
their appearance, and supported them with a near fire. The Amer
icans, Ihough surprised, defended themselves with courage for a
considerable length of time ; but at length, unable lo sustain the
reiterated efforts of the assailants, and too feeble to man their fortifi
cations sufficiently, after a severe loss in killed and wounded, they
retired. Those who knew the ground, among whom was governor Clinton,
escaped. The slaughter was, however, great, the English being irri
tated by the opposition they met, and by the loss of some favorite
officers. The Americans set fire to their frigates and galleys, which,

26 THE AMERICAN WAR,

BOOK IX,

with their stores and ammunition, were all consumed ; but the Eng
lish got possession of the boom and chain.
In a day or two after. Forts Independence and Constitution, upon
the approach of the enemy wilh his land and naval forces, were set
on fire and evacuated by their defenders. Tryon was sent on the
ninth, at the head of a detachment, to destroy a thriving settlement,
called Continental Village, where the republicans had deposited a
great quantity of stores.
Thus fell into the power of the English these important passages of
the mountains of the Hudson, which the Americans had labored to
defend by every mode of fortification. They were justly considered
as the keys of the county of Albany. It is therefore evident, that if
the royalists had been more numerous, they might have extended an
efficacious succor to the army of Burgoyne, and, perhaps, decided
in their favor the final issue of the northern war. But they could not
lake part in it, as well because they were much too weak, as that
Putnam, whose army was now increased by the miUlia of Connecti
cut, New York, and New Jersey, lo six thousand men, menaced
them both in front and rear.
Unable to conquer, the English set themselves to sack the country
The thirteenth of October, sir James Wallace, vvith a flying squad
ron of light frigates, and general Vaughan, with a considerable de
tachment of troops, made an excursion up the river, carrying slaughter
and destruction wherever they went ; a barbarity of conduct the
more execrable, as it was not justified by the least necessity or utility.
They marched to a rich and flourishing village, called Kingston, or
iEsopus, upon the western bank of the river ; having driven the re
publicans out of it by a furious cannonade, they set fire to it on every
side. All was consumed ; not a house was left standing. Exten
sive magazines of provisions and military stores were also consign
ed to the flames. In order to justify these atrocities, it was alledged
by Vaughan that the Americans had fired through the windows ; a
fact which they denied with greater probability of truth. For it ap
pears that they evacuated the town as soon as they saw the royal
troops were disembarked upon the neighboring shore. The EngUsh
commuted these excesses at the very time that Burgoyne was receiv
ing from general Gates the most honorable conditions for himself
and a ruined army.
The American wrote Vaughan a letter full of energy and just in
dignation ; he complained in sharp terms of the burning of iEsopus,
and of the horrible devastations committed upon the two banks of
the Hudson He concluded with saying : ' Is it thus that the gene
rals of the king expect to make converts to the royal cause 1 Their

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR. 27
cruelties operate a contrary eflfect ; independence is founded upon
the universal disgust of the people. The fortune of war has deliver
ed into my hands older and abler generals than general Vaughan is
reputed to be ; their condition may one day become his, and then
no human power can save him from the just vengeance of an of
fended people,'
But Vaughan and Wallace, having heard that Gates was marching
rapidly upon them, resolved not lo wait his approach. Having dis
mantled the forts, and carrying off their booty, they retired from
this quarter, and uniting with the remainder of the troops of Clinton,
returned with no ordinary speed to New York.
Upon the whole, the loss which the United Slates sustained from
this expedition of the English upon the banks of the Hudson, vvas
extremely severe ; for it being universally believed that these elevated
and precipitous places vvere absolutely inaccessible to the fury of the
enemy, the Americans had deposited there an immense quantity of
arms, ammunition and stores of all sorts.
The artillery lost, including that of the forts, and that of the ves
sels destroyed or taken, amounted to more than a hundred pieces of
different sizes. To which must be added, fifteen or twenty thou
sand pounds of powder, balls in proportion, and all the implements.
necessary lo the daily service of the artillery.
Meanwhile, the captive army was marched towards Boston. On
its departure from Saratoga, it passed in the midst of the ranks of
the victorious troops, who were formed in order of battle for this pur
pose along the road and upon the hills which border the two sides of
il. The English expected to be scoffed at and insulted. Not an
American uttered a syllable ; a memorable example of moderation
and military discipline ! The prisoners, particularly those incorrigi
ble Germans, ravaged whatever they could lay their hands on during
the march ; the inhabitants could judge by what they did, being van
quished, of what they would have done, had they been victors.
They arrived at Boston, and were lodged in the barracks of Cam
bridge. The inhabitants held them in abhorrence ; they could not
forget the burning of Charlestown, and the late devastations.
Burgoyne, afler the capitulation, experienced the most courteous
attentions on the part of the American generals. Gales invited him
lo his table ; he appeared silent and dejected. The conversation
was guarded, and to spare his feelings nothing was said of the late
events ; only he was asked how he could find in his heart to burn
the houses of poor people. He answered that such were his orders,
and that, besides, he was authorized to do it by the laws of war.
Certain individuals in New England, without delicacy as without

2S

THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK IX.

reserve, loaded him with insults. But this was confined to the popu
lace. Well educated men treated him with marked civility. Gene
ral Schuyler, among others, politely dispatched an aid-de-camp, to
accompany him to Albany. He lodged him in his ovvn house, where
hfs wife received him in the most flattering manner. Yet Burgoyne,
in the neighborhood of Saratoga, where Schuyler possessed exten
sive estates, had devoted to the flames his magnificent villa, wilh its
movables and dependencies, valued at raore than thirty-seven thou
sand dollars. Al Boston, Burgoyne was likewise lodged in the habi
tation of general Heath, who commanded in Massachusetts ; he there
wanted for no attention. He walked at his pleasure through the
city, without ever having found occasion to complain of outrage.
But the other officers did not experience the same reception ; the
Bostonians would not lodge them in their houses, and therefore it
became necessary lo distribute them in the barracks. Burgoyne
complained of it, at first, to general Heath, and afterwards lo Gates.
He insisted that a treatment of his officers so little conformable to
their rank, was a violation of the convention of Saratoga. More
over, fearing that the season, already advanced, might not permit
the transports to arrive soon enough at Boston, where the embarka
tion was appointed by the capitulation, he requested Washington to
consent that it should take place at Newport, in Rhode Island, or
at some other port of the Sound. Washington, not thinking him
self authorized to decide upon this request, submitted it to the de
termination of congress. That body vvas much displeased at this
verbal discussion, and especially at the imputation of a breach of
faith ; apprehending it might be a pretext which Burgoyne was in
clined lo use for not keeping his own.
It appeared, besides, to the congress, tlwt the vessels assembled
al Boston for the transport of the troops, were neither sufficient for
so great a number, nor furnished vvith provisions enough for so long
a voyage. Finally, they observed that the English had not strictly
fulfilled the stipulation in respect to the surrender of arms, as they
had retained their cartridge boxes, and other effects, which, if not
actually arms, are of indispensable use to those who bear them.
Gates undertook to justify the EngUsh upon this point, and vvith
complete success. But the congress had need of a quarrel, and
therefore sought the grounds. They wished to retard the embarka
tion of the prisoners, under the apprehension that, in defiance of
treaties, they would go to join general Howe, or at least, that arriving
too early in England, the government would be able to fill their
place immediately by an equal number in America. They decreed,
tlierefore, that general Burgoyne should furnish the rolls of his army)

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR, 29
that a list might be taken of the name and rank of every commis
sioned officer ; wilh the name, former place of abode, occupation,
size, age and description of every non-commissioned officer and pri
vate soldier.
Burgoyne considered this demand extraordinary, and therefore
resorted to various subterfuges in order to evade compliance. Gen
eral Howe, on his part, proceeded wilh much subtilty and illiberality
in the exchange of prisoners ; and thus the discontents and suspicions
were continually increased.
The ambiguous conduct of each of these generals alarmed the
congress exceedingly ; they decreed, therefore, that the embarkation
of Burgoyne and all the captive troops should be suspended, until
a distinct and explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga should
-be properly notified to congress by the court of Great Britain. At
the same time they sent directions to general Heath, to order any
vessels vvhich might have arrived, or which should arrive, for the
transportation of the army, to quit tke port of Boston without delay.
An additional force was also provided lo guard the British army.
Burgoyne then addressed a letter lo congress, in which he endeavored
to justify his conduct ; he protested that he had never thought him
self released from the conditions of the convention of Saratoga, and
affirraed that aU his .officers individually were ready lo give their
written promise to observe all the articles of that capitulation.
All was in vain ; congress was inflexible ; and the prisoners had to
make up their minds lo reraain in America. This decision they took
in great dudgeon ; and it served as a pretext for the partisans of the
ministry to charge the Americans wilh perfidy. We shall not under
take to decide whether the fears manifested by congress had a real
foundation ; and we shall abstain as well from blaming the imprudence
of Burgoyne, as from praising the wisdom, or condemning the distrust
of the congress.
It is but too (.ertain that in these civil dissensions and animosities,
appearances become realities, and probabilities demonstration. Ac
cordingly, at that time, the Americans complained bitterly of British
perfidy, and the English of American want of faith.
Finding that he could obtain nothing for others, Burgoyne solicit
ed for himself, and easily got permission to return to England. As
soo n as he was arrived in London, he began to declaim with virulence
agamst those ministers, whose favor a little before he had used every
means to captivate, and who had given him, to the prejudice of a
general approved by long services, an opportunity to distinguish his
name by a glorious enterprise. Burgoyne wanted neither an active
genius nor miilary science and experience ; but formed in the wars

30

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX,

of Germany, his movements were made with caution, and extreme
deliberation, and never till all circumstances united to favor thera.
He would, upon no consideration, have attacked an eneray, until the
minutest precepts of the military art had all been faithfully observed
This was totally mistaking the nature of the American war, which
required to be carried on with vigor and spirit. In a region like
America, broken by so many defiles and fastnesses, against an ene
my so able to profit of them, by scouring the country, by preparing
ambuscades, by intercepting convoys and retreats, the celerity which
might involve a transient peril, was assuredly preferable to the slow
ness vvhich, under its apparent security, concealed a fulute and in
evitable danger.
This general lost the opportunity to conquer, because he would
never run the risk of defeat ; and as he would put nothing in the
power of fortune, she seemed to have thought him unworthy of her
favors. Moreover, the employment of savages in the wars of civilized
nations, was never the source of durable success ; nor was it ever
ihe practice of prudent generals lo provoke the enemy by threats,
or lo exasperate him by ravages and conflagrations.
While these events were passing in the north, admiral and gener
al Howe were at sea, undecided whether lo enter the Delaware, or
lo take the route of the Chesapeake bay, in order to march against
Philadelphia. Washington continued in New Jersey, prepared to
defend the passages of the Hudson, if the British army should have
taken that direction, or to cover Philadelphia, should il threaten that
city. But while waiting for certain information respecting the move
ments and plans of the British generals, he neglected none of those
measures which were proper lo place his army in a situation to resist
the storm that was about lo burst upon it. He collected arms and
ammunition, called out the militia of the neighboring provinces, and
ordered to join him all the regiments of regular troops that were not
necessary for the defense of the Hudson. These different corps
were continually exercised in arms and military evolutions ; wherein
they derived great advantage from the example and instructions of
the French officers who had recently entered the service of the
United States. Among these, the splendor of rank, added to the
fascination of his personal qualities, eminently distinguished the mar
quis de la Fayette. Animated by the enthusiasm which generous
minds are wont to feel for greal enterprises, he espoused the cause
of the Americans wilh a partiahty common to almost all the men of
that time, and particularly to the French. He considered it noi only
just, but exalted and sacred; the affection he bore it vvas the more
ardent, as independently of the candor of his character*, he was of that

BOOK IX,

THE AMERICAN WAR, 31

age, not exceeding nineteen years, in which good appears not only
good, but fair, and man not only loves, but is enamored. Inflamed
wilh desire to lake, part in evenls which were echoed by all Europe,
he had communicated, about the close of 1776, to the American com
missioners his intention of repairing to America ; they had encouraged
him in that resolution. But when they were informed of the
reverses of New Jersey, compelled almost to despair of the success
of the revolution, they, with honorable sincerity, endeavored to dis
suade him from it. They even declared to him that their affairs
were so deranged by this unhappy news, that they were not able to
charter a vessel for his passage lo America. It is said the gallant
youth replied, that it was then precisely the moment lo serve their
cause ; that the more people were discouraged, the greater utility
would result from his departure, and that if they could not furnish
him with a ship, he would freight one at his own expense lo convey
himself and their dispatches to America. And as he said, he also
did. The people were astonished, and much conversation was
excited by this determination on the part of so illustrious a personage.
The court of France, either to save appearances, and avoid giving
umbrage to England, or being really displeased at this departure,
forbade La Fayette lo embark. It is even asserted, that ships were
dispatched with orders to arrest him in the waters of the West
Indies. Tearing himself, however, from the arms of his beloved
wife, who was in all the bloom of youth, he put to sea, and steering
wide of those islands, arrived in Georgetown. The congress omitted
none of those demonstrations which could persuade the young
Frenchman, and all the American people, in what esteem they held
his person, and how much they fell the sacrifices he had made, and
the dangers to which he had exposed himself, and was still exposed,
for being come to offer his support to the tottering cause of America.
Touched by this flattering reception, he promised to exert him
self to the uimost of his knowledge and ability ; but requested per
mission to serve at first only as a volunteer, and at his own expense.
This generosity and modesty of the rnarquis de la Fayette, deUghted
the Americans the more, as some of the French who had entered
their service were never lo be satisfied in the articles either of pay,
or of rank. It was Silas Deane vvho had encouraged these exorbi
tant expectations, by entering in France into such engagements with
those officers, as could not be confirmed in America. This conduct
had greatly displeased the congress, and vvas what chiefly determin
ed them to send him, soon aftey, a successor in the person of John
Adams. The congress decreed, that ' whereas the marquis de In
Fayette, out of his great zeal lo the cause of liberty in which the

32 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.
United States were engaged, had left his family and connections,
and at his own expense come over lo offer his services vvithout pen
sion or particular allowance, and was anxious to risk his life in their
defense, they accepted his services ; and that in consideration of
his zeal, illustrious family and connections, he w as invested with the
rank of major-general in the army of the United States.' The mar
quis, having repaired to the camp, was received with consideration
by general Washington, and soon there was established between
them that warm friendship which subsisted until the death of the
American general.
The A-nerican army was at this time strong in number ; it amount
ed, including, however, the militia, little accustomed to regular battle,
lo fifteen thousand men. It was full of confidence in its chiefs ; and
animated by their example and exhortations. The news was then
received that the British fleet was in. sight of Cape May, at the
mouth of the Delaware, steering eastward. Washington immediately
conceived sorae alarm for the banks of the Hudson, which he had
always watched with care from the commencement of the war. He
ordered the troops that were lo come from Peek's Kill to join him
in New Jersey, not to move ; and those who were already on the
march, to halt in their positions.
The seventh of August, the British squadron was perceived anew
at the entrance of the Delaware ; but it disappeared a little after,
and was not heard of again for several days. The commander-in-
chief could not penetrate the design of the enemy ; still in doubt, he
continued stationary, not knowing where the tempest vvas to strike.
But after a certain lapse of time, even the length of delay led him to
suspect that the views of Howe were by no means directed towards
the Hudson ; for the winds having prevailed for a long time from
the south, if such had been his intention, he vvould already have been
arrived at the destined spot. Washington was therefore incUned to
believe that the English meditated an expedition against some part
of the southern provinces. He felt indeed some soUcitude for the
bay of Chesapeake ; but, as it was al no great distance from the
mouths of the Delaware, the enemy ought already to have made his
appearance there. Upon these considerations, he raore feared for
the safety of Charleston, South CaroUna ; but even if so, he was
unable to arrive in lime lo the relief of that city. Besides, that
country was naturally unhealthy, and especially at the present
season. There vvas also danger that Howe might re-embark his troops,
and make a sudden push against Philadelphia, which, in the absence
of the army, must inevitably fall inlo his power. Il Iherefore appear-

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAB, 33
cd much more prudent to maintain a position which admitted of
watching over Pennsylvania, and lo leave the Carolinas with their
own means only to defend themselves as well as they could against
the invasions of the enemy. But in order to compensate the losses
which might perhaps ensue in that quarter, Washington resolved lo
march with all his troops towards the Hudson, lo be ready lo turn
his arms according to circumstances, either against Burgoyne to
wards Fort Edward, or against Clinton towards New York, then
divested of the greater part of its defenders.
He had scarcely formed this determination, when he was informed
that the enemy had appeared wilh all his forces in the Chesapeake.
This intelligence put an end to all his uncertainties, and he then saw
distinctly the course he had lo pursue. He dispatched orders lo
all the detached corps to join him by forced marches in the environs
of Philadelphia, for the purpose of proceeding thence, to the head of
the Chesapeake. The militia of Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware,
and the northern parts of Virginia, were ordered to take arms and
repair to the principal army.
While these preparations were making on the part of the Ameri
cans, the English fleet enterea with full sails into the Chesapeake
bay, and profiting of a favorable wind, proceeded, as far up as the
point called Elk Head. From the time of its departure from Sandy
Hook, this squadron had experienced the most contrary winds, and
had been more than a week in doubling the capes of Delaware. The
English generals were there informed that the Americans had so
effectually obstructed the navigation of that river, that il vvould be
equally dangerous and fruitless to attempt the passage up to Phila
delphia. Though some persons maintain that they might easily have disem
barked al Wilmington, whence there was an excellent road leading
directly lo that city. However this was, they preferred lo proceed
further south, and to sail up the Chesapeake bay as far as that pari
of Maryland which borders on Pennsylvania, and is at no great dis
tance from Philadelphia. But in the passage from the Delaware lo
the Chesapeake, the winds were so constantly unfavorable that they
could not enter the bay till towards the last of August. This delay
tvas excessively prejudicial lo the English army ; the troops being
crowded inlo the vessels along withthe horses and ail the baggage,
in the midst ofthe hottest season ofthe year. The health ofthe
soldiers would have sufiered still more, if tho generals had not taken
the precaution to pul on board a large stock of fresh provisions and
a copious supply of water. The sea became more propitious in the
Chesapeake, and the squadron soon gained the coasts of Maiyland,
VOL, II. 3

34 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK IX.
Thus the two armies advanced, each towards the other, amidst the
anxious expectation ofthe American people.
About this lime an expedition was undertaken by general SulUvan,
against Staten Island, the commencement of which had created hopes
of a more happy termination. He landed without opposition, and
took many prisoners, but was afterwards repulsed vvith heavy loss.
He then rapidly retired towards Philadelphia. On the twenty-fifth
of August, the British array, eighteen thousand strong, was disem
barked not far from the head ofthe river Elk. It was plentifully
furnished with all the equipage of war, excepting the defect of
horses, as well for the cavalry as for the baggage. The scarcity of
forage had caused many of them lo perish the preceding winter, and
a considerable number had died also in the late passage.
This was a serious disadvantage for the royal troops ; vvho, in the
vast plains of Pennsylvania, might have employed cavalry wilh sin
gular effect. On the twenty-seventh, the English vanguard arrived
at the head of the Elk, and the day following at Gray's Hill. Here
it was afterwards joined by the rear guard under general Knyphausen,
vvho had been left upon the coast lo cover the debarkation of the
stores and artillery.
The whole array took post behind the river Christiana, having
Newark upon the right, and Pencada or Atkins on the left. A
column commanded by lord CornwalUs, having fallen in with Max
wells riflemen, routed and pursued them as far as the further side of
White Clay Creek, with the loss of some dead and wounded.
The American army, in order lo encourage the partisans of inde
pendence and overawe the disaffected, marched through the city of
Philadelphia ; il afterwards advanced towards the eneray, and en
camped behind White Clay Creek. A Uttle after, leaving only the
riflemen in the camp, Washington retired with the main body of his
army behind the Red Clay Creek, occupying vvith his right wing
the town of Newport, situated near the Christiana, and upon the
great road to Philadelphia ; his left was at Hockesen. But this line
was little capable of defense.
The enemy, re-inforced by the rear guard under general Grant,
threatened with his right the center of the Americans, extended his
left as if wilh the intention of turning their right flank. W ashington
saw the danger, and retired with his troops behind the Brandywine ;
he encamped on the rising grounds which extend from Chadsford, in
the direction of northwest to southeast. The riflemen of Maxvvell
scoured the right bank of the Brandywine, in order to harass and
retard the enemy. The militia under the command of general Arm
strong, guarded a passage below the principal encampment of Wash-

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR, 35
ington, and the right wing lined the banks of the river higher up,
wliere the passages were most difficult. The passage of Chadsford,
as the most practicable of all, was defended by the chief force of the
army. The troops being thus disposed, the American general wait
ed the approach of the English. Although the Brandywine, being
fordable almost every where, could not serve as a sufficient defense
against the impetuosity of the enemy, yet Washington had taken
post upon its banks, from a conviction that a battle was now inevita
ble, and that Philadelphia could only be saved by a victory. Gene
ral Howe displayed the front of his army, but not, however, without
great circumspection. Being arrived at Kennen Square, a short dis
tance from the river, he detached his light horse to the right upon
Wilmington, to the left upon the Lancaster road, and in front to
wards Chadsford. The two armies found themselves within seven
miles of each other, the Brandywine flowing between them.
Early in the morning of the eleventh of September, the British
army raarched to the enemy. Howe had formed his array in two
columns ; the right commanded by general Knyphausen, the lefl by
lord Cornwallis. His plan was, that v/hile the first should make
repea-ted feints to attempt the passage of Chadsford, in order to
occupy the attention of the repubhcans, the second should take a
long circuit to the upper part of the river, and cross at a place where
it is divided into two shallow streams. The EngUsh marksmen fell
in with those of Maxwell, and a smart skirmish was immediately
engaged. The latter were al first repulsed ; but being re-inforced
from the camp, they compelled the English to retire in their turn.
But at length, they also were re-inforced, and Maxwell was con
strained to withdravv his detachment behind the river. Meanwhile,
Knyphausen advanced with his column, and comraenced a furious
cannonade upon the passage of Chadsford, making all his dispositions
as if he intended to force it. The Americans defended themselves
with gallantry, and even passed several detachments of light troops
to the other side, in order to harass the enemy's flanks. But after a
course of skirmishes, sometimes advancing, and at others obUged to
retire, they were finally, with an eager pursuit, driven over the river.
Knyphausen then appeared more than ever determined to pass the
ford ; he stormed, and kept up an incredible noise. In this manner
the attention of the Americans was fully occupied in the neighbor
hood of Chadsford. Meanwhile, lord Cornwallis, at the head of the
second column, took a circuitous march to the left, and gained un
perceived the forks of the Brandywine. By this rapid movement,
he passed both branches of the river at Trimble's and at Jeffery's
Fords, without opposition, about two o'clock in the afternoon', and

36 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.
then turning short down the river, took the road to Dilworth, in ordei
to fall upon the right flank of the American army. The republican
general, however, received intelligence of this movement about noon,
and, as it usually happens in similar cases, the reports exaggerated
its importance exceedingly ; it being represenled that general Howe
commanded this division in person. Washington therefore decided
immediatel)' for the most judicious, though boldest measure ; this
was to pass the river wilh the center and left wing of his army, and
overwhelm Knyphausen by the most furious attack. He justly re
flected that the advantage he should obtain upon the enemy's right,
would amply compensate the loss that his own might sustain al the
same time. Accordingly, he ordered general Sullivan lo pass the
Brandywine with his division al an upper ford, and attack the lefl of
Knyphausen, while he, in person, should cross lower down, and faU
upon the right of that general.
They were both already in motion in order to execute this design,
when a second report arrived, which represented what had really
taken place as false, or in other words, that the eneray had not
crossed the two branches of the river, and that he had not made his
appearance upon the right flank of the American troops. Deceived
by this false intelligence, Washington desisted ; and Greene, who had
already passed with the vanguard, was ordered back. In the midst
of these uncertainties, the commander-in-chief at length received
the positive assurance, not only that the English had appeared upon
the lefl bank, but also that they were about to fall in great force
upon the right wing. Il was composed of the brigades of generals
Stephens, Sterling, and Sullivan ; the first was the most advanced,
and consequently the nearest to the English ; the two others were
posted in the order of their rank, that of Sullivan being next to the
center. This general was immediately detached from the main body,
to support the two former brigades, and, being the senior officer,
look the command of the whole wing. Washington himself, fol
lowed by general Greene, approached wilh two strong divisions to
wards this wing, and posted himself between it and the corps he had
lefl al Chadsford, under general Wayne, lo oppose the passage of
Knyphausen. These two divisions, under the immediate crders of
the commander-in-chief, served as a corps of reserve, ready to march,
according lo circumstances, to the succor of SuUivan or of Wayne.
But the column of Cornwallis was already in sight of the Ameri
cans. SuUivan drew up his troops on the commanding ground above
Birmingham meeting-house, with his left extending towards the
Brandywine, and both his flanks covered with very thick woods
His artillery was advantageously planted upon the neighboring hills j

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR, 37
but it appears that SuUivan's own brigade, having taken a long cir
cuit, arrived loo late upon the field of battle, and had not yet occu
pied the position assigned it, when the action commenced. The
English, having reconnoilered the dispositions of the Americans, im
mediately formed, and fell upon them with the utmost impetuosity.
The engagement became equally fierce on both sides about four
o'clock in the afternoon. For some length of time t!;ie Americans
defended themselves with great valor, and the carnage was terrible.
But such was the emulation which invigorated the efEarts of the
English and Hessians, that neither the advantages of situation, nor a
heavy and well supported fire of small arms and artillery, nor the
unshaken courage of the Americans, were able to resist their impet
uosity. The light infantry, chasseurs, grenadiers, and guards, threw
themselves with such fury into the midst of the republican battaUons,
that they were forced to give vvay. Their lefl flank was first thrown
into confusion, butthe rout soon became general. The vanquished
fled into the woods in their rear ; the victors pursued, and advanced
by the great road towards Dilworth. On the first fire of the artille
ry, Washington, having no doubt of what was passing, had pushed
forward the reserve to the succor of Sullivan. But this corps, on
approaching the field of battle, fell in with the flying soldiers of Sul
livan, and perceived that no hope remained of retrieving the fortune
of the day. General Greene, by a judicious maneuver, opened his
ranks to receive the fugitives, and after their passage, having closed
them anew, he retired in good order ; checking the pursuit of th-e
enemy by a continual fire of the artillery which covered his rear.
Having come to a defile, covered on both sides vvith woods, he drew
up his men there, and again faced the enemy. His corps was com
posed of Virginians and Pennsylvanians; they defended themselves
with gallantry ; the former, especially, commanded by colonel Ste
phens, made an heroic stand.
Knyphausen, finding the Americans to be fully engaged on their
right, and observing that the corps opposed to him at Chadsford was
enfeebled by the troops which had been detached to the succor of
Sullivan, began to make dispositions for crossing the river in reality.
The passage of Chadsford was defended by an intrenchment and
battery. The republicans stood firm at first ; but upon intelligence
of the defeat of their right, and seeing some of the British troops
who had penetrated through the woods, come out upon their flank,
they retired in disorder, abandoning their artillery and munitions to
the German general. In their retreat, or rather flight, they passed
behind the j)osition of general Greene, who still defended himself,
and was the last to quit the field of battle. FinaUy, il being already

38 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.
dark, afler a long and obstinate conflict, he also retired. The whole
army retreated that night lo Chester, and the day following to
Philadelphia. There the fugitives arrived incessantly, having effected their
escape thfough by-ways and circuitous routes. The victors passed
the night on the field of battle. If darkness had not arrived season
ably, it is very probable that the whole American army would have
been destroyed. The loss of the repubhcans was computed al about
three hundred kiUed, six hundred wounded, and near four hundred
taken prisoners. They also lost len field pieces and a howitzer.
The loss in the royal army was not in proportion, being something
under five hundred, of which the slain did not amount lo one fifth.
The French officers were of great utility to the Americans, as
well in forming the troops, as in rallying them when thrown into
confusion. One of them, the baron St. Ovary, vvas made a pris
oner, lo Ihegreat regret of congress, who bore him a particular esteem.
Captain de Flury had a horse killed under him in the hottest of the
action. The congress gave him another a few days afler. The
marquis de la Fayette, while he was endeavoring, by his words and
example, to raUy the fugitives, was wounded in the leg. He con
tinued, nevertheless, to fulfil his duty both as a soldier in fighting,
and as a general, in cheering the troops and re-establisliing order.
The count Pulaski, a noble Pole, also displayed an undaunted
courage, at the head of the light horse. The congress manifested
their sense of his merit by giving him, shortly after, the rank of brig
adier and the command of the cavalry.
If all the American troops in the action of the Brandywine had
fought with the same intrepidity as the Virginians and Pennsylvanians,
and especiaUy if Washington had not been led into error by a false
report, perhaps, notwithstanding the inferiority of number and the im
perfection of arms, he would have gained the victory, or, al least,
would have made it more sanguinary to the English. However this
might have been, it must be admitted that general Howe's order of
battle was excellent; that his movements were executed wilh as
much abiUty as promptitude ; and that his troops, English as well as
German, behaved admirably well.
The day afler the battle, towards evening, the English dispatched
a detachment of light troops to Wilmington, a place situated al llie
confluence of the Christianaand the Brandywine. There they took
prisoner the governor of the state of Delaware, and seized a consid
erable quantity of coined money, as well as olher properly, both public
and private, and some papers of importance.
The olher towns of lower Pennsylvania followed the fortune of

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAB. 39
the victorious party ; they were all received into the king's obedi
ence. The congress, far from being discouraged by so heavy a reverse,
endeavored, on the contrary, to persuade the people that it was by
no means so decisive, but that affairs might soon resume a favorable
aspect. They gave out, that ihough the English had remained in
possession of the field of battle, yet their victory was far from being
complete, since their loss was not less, and perhaps greater, than that
of the Americans. They affirmed, that although their ar.my was in
part dispersed, still il was safe ; and, in a few days, would be rallied,
and in a condition to meet the enemy. Finally, that bold demon
strations might inspire that confidence which, perhaps, words alone
would not have produced, the congress appeared to have no idea of
quitting Philadelphia. They ordered that fifteen hundred regulars
should be marched to that city from Peek's Kill ; that the militia of
New Jersey, wilh those of Philadelphia, the brigade of general Small-
wood, and a regiment ofthe line, then at Alexandria, should proceed
with all possible dispatch to re-inforce the principal array in Pennsyl
vania. They empowered general Washington lo impress all wagons,
horses, provisions, and other articles necessary for the use of the army,
on giving certificates to the owners, who were lo be satisfied from
the continental treasury. The commander-in-chief exerted himself
to inspire his troops with fresh courage ; he persuaded them that they
had not shown themselves at all inferior lo their adversaries ; and that
at another time they might decide in their favor what was left in
doubt at the Brandywine. He gave them a day for refreshment, in
the environs of Germantown ; but took care lo send out the lightest
and freshest corps upon the right bank of the Schuylkill, as far as
Chester, in order to watch the motions of the enemy, to repress his
excursions, and at the same time to collect the dispersed and strag
gling Americans. As lo himself, he repaired to Philadelphia, where
he had frequent conferences with the congress, in order to concert
with them the measures lo be pursued for the re-establishraent of
affairs. But the fifteenth he returned to carap, and repassing, with
all his forces, from the left to the right bank of the Schuylkill, pro
ceeded on the Lancaster road as far as the W^arren tavern, with the
intention of risking another engagement. Conjecturing that the
enemy must be much incumbered with their sick and wounded, he
ordered Smallwood to hang with his light troops on their flank or
rear, as occasion might require, and do them all the harm he could .
At the same lime, the bridge over the Schuylkill was ordered to be
loosened from its moorings, lo swing on the Philadelphia side ; and
general Armstrong, vvith the Pennsylvania militia, was directed to

to*

40 THE AMERICAN WAE. BOOK IX,
guard the passes over that river, for the defense of which M. de
Portail, chief of engineers, constructed such sudden works as might
be of immediate use.
General Howe, having passed the night of the eleventh on the
field of battle, sent the following day a strong detachment to Con
cord, commanded by general Grant, who was joined afterwards by
lord Cornwallis. They marched together towards Chester, upon
the bank of the Delaware, as if they intended to surprise Phila
delphia. Howe, with the main body of his army, advanced to
gain the Lancaster road, and had arrived on the sixteenth near
Goshen, when he received the intelligence that Washington was
approaching with all his troops to give him battle, and was already
within five miles of Goshen. With great alacrity, both armies im
mediately prepared for action ; the advanced parties had met,
when there came up so violent a fall of rain, that the soldiers were
forced to cease their fire. The Americans, especially, suffered ex
ceedingly from it in their arms and ammunition. Their gunlocks
not being well secured, many of t'heir muskets were rendered unfit
for use. Their cartridge-boxes had been so badly constructed as
not to protect their powder from the severity of the tempest.
These circumstances compelled Washington to defer the engage
ment. He therefore recrossed the Schuylkill at Parker's Ferry,
and encamped upon the eastern bank of that river, on both sides
of Perkyomy Creek. But as this retreat left general Smallwood
too much exposed to be surrounded by the enemy, general Wayne,
with his division, was detached to the rear of the British, with
orders to join him ; and carefully concealing himself and his
movements, to seize every occasion which their march might
offer, of engaging them to advantage.
The extreme severity of the weather entirely stopped the Brit
ish army, and prevented any pursuit. They made no other move
ment than merely to unite their columns, and then took post at
Tryduffin, whence they detached a party to seize a magazine
of flour and other stores, which the republicans had deposited at
Valley Forge. Howe discovered by his spies, that general
"Wayne, with fifteen hundred men, was lying in the woods in the
rear, and not far from the left wing of his army. Suspecting
some scheme of enterprise, he determined to avert the stroke, by
causing Wayne to experience the check he destined for him.
Accordingly, in the night of the thirteenth, he detached general
Grey, with two regiments and a body of light infantry, to sur
prise the enemy. That general conducted the enterprise with
great prudence and activity. Stealing his way through the woods,
he arrived undiscovered, about one in the morning, before the

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR. 41
encampment of Wayne. Having forced his pickets without noise,
the British detachment, guided by the light of their fires, rushed in
upon the enemy, torpid with sleep and chilled with terror. In the
midst of this obscurity and confusion, a shocking slaughter was exe
cuted with bayonets. The Americans lost many of their men, with
their baggage, arms, and stores. The whole corps must have been
cut off, if Wayne had not preserved his coolness ; he promptly ralUed
a few regiments, who withstood the shock of the enemy, and covered
the retreat of the others. The loss of the English was very incon
siderable. When this attack commenced, general Smallwood, who was
coming up to join Wayne, was already within a mile of the field of
battle ; and, had he commanded troops who were lo be relied on,
might have given a very different turn to the night. But his militia.
who were excessively alarmed, thought only of their own safety ; and
having fallen in with a party returning from the pursuit of Wayne,
they instantly fled in confusion.
Having thus secured his rear, the British general rcoolved to bring
the Americans to action, or to press them so far from Philadelphia as
should enable him to push suddenly across the Schuylkill, and turn
without danger to his right, in order to take possession of that city.
To this end he raade such movements upon the western bank, as to
give the enemy jealousy that he intended to cross higher up, where
the river was more shallow, and afler turning his right flank, to seize
the extensive magazines of provisions and military stores, which had
been established at Reading. In order to oppose so great a mischief,
Washington retired with his army up the river, and encamped al
Potts Grove. Howe, on intelligence of this change of the enemy's
position, immediately crossed the SchuylkiU without opposition ; a
part of his troops being passed at Gordon's Ford, and the rest lowei
down at Flatland Ford. On the night of the twenty-third, the vvhole
British army encamped upon the lefl bank ; thus finding itself be
tween the army of Washington and the city of Philadelphia.
It was now self-evident that nothing could save that city from the
grasp of the English, unless the American general chose to risk a
battle for its rescue.
But Washington, more eu'.ded by prudence than by the wishes
and clamors of the multitude, abstained from resorting to that fatal
experiment He deemed it a measure of blind temerity to comrait
the fate of America lo the uncertain issue of a general engagement.
He daily expected the arrival of the remaining troops of Wayne and
Smallwood, the continental troops of Peek's Kill and the provincial
militia of New Jersey, under the command of general Dickinson.
The soldiers were less fatigued than worn down by continual

42

THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK IX,

marches, bad roads, want of food, and sufferings of every denomina
tion, A council of war being assembled, and the condition of the
army considered, it was unanimously decided lo remain on the pres
ent ground, until the expected re-inforcements should arrive, and
to allow the harassed troops a few days for repose,
Washington resolved to proceed in every point with extreme cir
cumspection, holding himself ready to seize the occasions which
Heaven might offer him for the glory of its own cause, and for the
good of the republic. Philadelphia was Iherefore abandoned as a
prey which could not escape the enemy.
When it was known in that city that the violent rain which feU on
the sixteenth, had prevented the two armies from coming lo action,
and that Washington had been constrained to retire behind the
Schuylkill, congress adjourned itself to the twenty-seventh, at Lan
caster. At the same time, the pubhc magazines and archives were
evacuated with all diligence ; the vessels lying at the wharves vvere
removed up the Delaware. About twenty individuals were taken
into custody, the greater part of them Quakers, avowed eneraies to
the stale ; having positively refused lo give any security in writing,
or even verbal attestation, of submission or allegiance lo the present
government. They were sent off lo Staunton, in Virginia, as a
place of security.
With unshaken confidence in the virtue of Washington, as a suffi
cient pledge for the hope of the republic, the congress invested him
with the same dictatorial powers that were conceded him after the
reverses of New Jersey. At length, the rumor of the approach of
the English increasing from hour lo hour, they left the city. Lord
Cornwallis entered Philadelphia the twenty-sixth of September, at
the head of a detachment of British and Hessian grenadiers. The
rest of the army remained in the camp of Germantown. Thus the
rich and populous capital of the vvhole confederation fell into the
power of the royalists, afler a sanguinary battle, and a series of
maneuvers, no less masterly than painful, of the two armies. The
Quakers, and all the other loyalists who had remained there, wel
comed the English wilh transports of gratulation. Washington, de
scending along the left bank of the Schuylkill, approached within
sixteen miles of Germantown. He encamped at Skippach Creek,
purposing to accommodate his measures to the slate of things
The loss of Philadelphia did not produce among the Americans a
particle of that discouragement which the English had flattered them
selves would be the consequence of this event. The latter, on find
ing themselves masters of that city, erected batteries upon the Dela
ware, in order to command the whole breadth of the river, prevent

BOOK IX,

THE AMERICAN WAB. 43

any sudden attack by water, and interdict to the republicans all navi
gation between its upper and lower parts. While they were engaged
in these works, the Americans, withthe frigate Delaware anchored
within five hundred yards of the unfinished batteries, and with some
smaller vessels, commenced a very heavy cannonade both upon the
batteries and the town. They did not, however, display the judg
ment which their knowledge of the river might be supposed to afford ;
for upon the faUing of the tide, the Delaware grounded so effectually
that she could not be got off, which being perceived by the English,
they brought their cannon to play upon her wilh so much effect that
she was soon obliged to strike her colors. The same fire compelled
the olher vessels to retire up the river, with the loss of a schooner
which was driven ashore.
The Americans, under the apprehension of what afterwards hap
pened, that is, .of not being able to preserve Philadelphia, had, with
greal labor and expense, constructed all manner of works to interrupt
the navigation of the river, in order lo prevent the British fleet from
communicating with the troops that might occupy the city. They
knew that the army of Washington, when it should have received its
re-inforcements, would soon be in a condition to take the field anew,
and to cut off the enemy's supplies on the side of Pennsylvania ; if,
iherefore, unable to procure them by water, the EngUsh must in a
short time be compelled to evacuate the city. Pursuant to this rea
soning, the Americans had erecled works and batteries upon a flat,
low, marshy island, or rather a bank of mud and sand which had
been accumulated in the Delaware near the junction of the Schuylkill,
and which from its nature was called Mud, but from these defenses.
Fort Island. On the opposite shore of New Jersey, al a place
called Red Bank, they had also constructed a fort or redoubt, well
covered with heavy artillery. In the deep navigable channel be
tween or under the cover of these batteries they had sunk several
ranges of frames or machines, the construction of which we have
already described in a foregoing book. About three miles lower
down, they had sunk other langes of these machines, and were con
structing for their protection some considerable and extensive works,
which, though not yet finished, were in such forwardness, as to be
provided wilh artillery, and lo command their object, al a place on
the Jersey side, called BilUngs Point. These works and machines
were further supported by several gaUeys, mounting heavy cannon,
together with two floating batteries, a number of armed vessels, and
small craft of various kinds, and some fire-ships.
The English well knew the importance of opening for themselves
a free communication with the .sea, by means of the Delaware ; since

44 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX,
their operations could never be considered secure, so long as the
enemy should maintain positions upon the banks of that river ; and
accordingly they deliberated upon the means of reducing them.
Immediately after the success of the Brandywine, lord Howe, who
commanded the whole fleet, had made sail for the mouth of the
Delaware, and several light vessels had already arrived in that river,
among others the Roebuck, commanded by captain Hammond.
That officer represenled to general Howe, that if sufficient forces
were sent to attack the fort at Billings Point, on the Jersey shore, it
might be taken without difficulty ; and that he would then take upon
himself to open a passage for the vessels through the chevaux-de-
frize. The general approved this project, and detached two regi
ment under colonel Stirling, to carry it into effect. The detach
ment, having crossed the river from Chester, the moment they had
set foot upon the Jersey shore, marched with all speed to attack the
fort in rear.
The Americans, not thinking themselves able to sustain the ene
my's assault, immediately spiked their artillery, set fire to the bar
racks, and abandoned the place with precipitation. The English
waited to destroy or to render unserviceable those parts of the works
which fronted the river, and this success, with the spirit and perse
verance exhibited by the officers and crews of the ships under his
command, enabled Hammond, through great difficulties, to carry the
principal object of the expedition inlo effect, by cutting away and
weighing up so much of the chevaux-de-frize as opened a narrow
passage for the shipping through this lower barrier.
The two regiments of Stirling returned, after their expedition, to
Chester, whither another had been sent to meet them, in order that
they might aU together form a sufficient escort for a large convoy of
provisions to the camp.
Washington, who had not left his position at Skippach Creek.
being informed that three regiments had been thus detached, and
knowing that lord CornwalUs lay at Philadelphia wilh four battalions
of grenadiers, perceived that the army of Howe must be sensibly
weakened. He determined, therefore, lo avail himself of this favor
able circumstance, and to faU unexpectedly upon the British army
encamped at Germantown.
He look this resolution wilh the more confidence, as he was now
re-inforced by the junction of the troops from Peek's Kill and the
Maryland militia.
Germantown is a considerable viUage, about half a dozen miles
from Philadelphia, and which, stretching on both sides of the grea<
road to the northward, forms a continued street of two miles in

BOOK IX.

TIIE AMERICAN WAR, 45

length. The British line of encampment crossed Germantown at
right angles about the center, the left wing extending on the vvest,
from the town to the SchuylkiU. That wing was covered in front by
the mounted and dismounted German chasseurs, who were station
ed a little above towards the American camp ; a battalion of light
infantry and the Queen's American, rangers were iu the front of the
right. The center, being posted within the town, was guarded by
the fortieth regiment, and another battalion of light infantry station
ed about three quarters of a mile above the head of the village.
Washington resolved lo attack the British by surprise, not doubling
that, if he succeeded in breaking them, as they were not only dis
tant, but totaUy separated from the fleet, his victory must be decisive
He so disposed his troops, that the divisions of SuUivan and Wayne,
flanked by Conway's brigade, were to march down the main road,
and entering the town by the way of Chesnut Hill, to attack the
English center, and the right flank of their lefl wing ; the divisions
of Greene and Stephens, flanked by Macdougall's brigade, were to
take a circuit towards the east, by the Limekiln road, and entering
the town at the market-house, lo attack the lefl flank of the right
wing. The intention of the American general in seizing the village
of Germantown by a double attack, was effectually to separate the
right and left wings of the royal army, which must have given him
a certain victory. In order that the lefl flank of the left wing might
not contract itself, and support the right flank of the same wing,
general Armstrong, with the Pennsylvania militia, was ordered to
march down the bridge road upon the banks of the Schuylkill, and
endeavor lo turn the English^ if they should retire from that river.
In like manner, lo prevent the right flank of the right wing from
going to the succor of the left flank, which rested upon German-
town, the militia of Maryland and Jersey, under generals Smallwood
and Forman, were lo march down the Old York road, and lo fall
upon the English on that extremity of their wing. The division of
lord Sterling, and the brigades of generals Nash and Maxwell,
formed the reserve. These dispositions being made, Washington
quitted his camp at Skippach Creek, and moved towards the enemy,
on the third of October, about seven in the evening. Parlies of
cavalry silently scoured all the roads, to seize any individual who
might have given notice lo the British general of the danger that
threatened him. Washington in person accompanied the column of
Sullivan and Wayne. The march was rapid and silent.
At three o'clock in the morning, the British patroles discovered the
approach of the Americans ; the troops were soon called to arms ;
each took his post wilh the precipitation of surprise. About sunrise

46 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX,
the Americans came up. General Conway, having driven in the pick
ets, fell upon the fortieth regiment and the battalion of light infantry.
These corps, after a shorl resistance, being overpowered by numbers,
were pressed and pursued into the village. Fortune appeared al
ready to have declared herself in favor of the Americans ; and cer
tainly if they had gained complete possession of Germantown,
nothing could have frustrated them of the most signal victory. But
in this conjuncture, lieutenant-colonel Musgrave threw hiraself, with
six companies of the fortieth regiment, into a large and strong stone
house, situated near the head of the village, from which he poured
upon the assailants so terrible a fire of musketry that they could ad
vance no further. The Americans attempted to storm this unex
pected covert of the enemy, but those within continued to defend
themselves with resolution. They finally brought cannon up to the
assault, but such was the intrepidity of the English, and the violence
of their fire, that it vvas found impossible to dislodge them. 'During
this time, general Greene had approached the right vving, and routed,
after a slight engagement, the Ught infantry and Queen's rangers.
Afterwards, turning a little to his right, and towards Germantown, he
feU upon the left flank of the eneray's rigbt wing, and endeavored to
enter the village. Meanwhile, he expected that the Pennsylvania
miUtia, under Armstrong, upon the right, and the militia of Maryland
and Jersey, commanded by Smallwood and Forman on the left,
would have executed the orders of the commander-in-chief, by at
tacking and turning, the first the lefl, and the second the right, flank
of the British army. But either because the obstacles they encoun
tered had retarded them, or that they wanted ardor, the forraer
arrived in sight of the German chasseurs, and did not attack them ;
the latter appeared too late upon the field of battle.
The consequence was, that general Grey, finding his lefl flank se
cure, marched, with nearly the whole of the lefl wing, to the assist
ance of the center, which, notwithstanding the unexpected resistance
of colonel Musgrave, was excessively hard pressed in Germantown,
where the Americans gained ground incessantly. The battle was
now very warm at that viUage, the attack and the defense being
equally vigorous. The issue appeared for some time dubious. Gen
eral Agnew was mortally wounded, while charging with great brave
ry, at the head of the fourth brigade. The American colonel Mat
thews, of the column of Greene, assailed the English with so much
fury that he drove them before him into the town. He had taken a
large number of prisoners, and was about entering the village, when
he perceived that a thick fog and the unevenness of the ground had
caused him to lose sight of the rest of his division. Being soon en-

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR. 47
veloped by the extremity of the right wing, which fell back upon
him when it had discovered that nothing was to be apprehended from
the tardy approach of the miUtia of Maryland and Jersey, he was
compelled lo surrender with all his party ; the English had already
rescued their prisoners. This check was the cause that two regi
ments of the English right wing were enabled to throw themselves
into Germantown, and to attack the Americans who had entered it
in flank. Unable to sustain the shock, they retired precipitately,
leaving a great number of killed and wounded. Lieutenant-colonel
Musgrave, to whom belongs the principal honor of this affair, was
then relieved from aU peril. General Grey, being absolute master
of Germantown, flevv to the succor of the right vving, vvhich vvas
engaged with the left of the column of Greene. The Americans
then took lo flight, abandoning to the English, throughout the line,
avictory of which, inthe commencement ofthe action, they had felt
assured. The principal causes of the failure of this well concerted enter
prise, were the extreme haziness of the weather ; which was so thick,
that the, Americans could neither discover the situation nor move
ments of the British army, nor yet those of their own ; the inequali
ty of the ground, which incessantly broke the ranks of their battal
ions ; an inconvenience more serious and difficult to be repaired for
nevv and inexperienced troops, as were most of the Americans, than
for the EngUsh veterans; and, finally, the unexpected resistance of
Musgrave, who found means, in a critical moment, to transform a
mere house into an impregnable fortress.
Thus fortune, who at first had appeared disposed to favor one
party, suddenly declared herself on the side of their adversaries.
Lord Cornwallis, being at Philadelphia, upon intelligence of the
attack upon the camp, flew to its succor with a corps of cavalry and
the grenadiers ; but when he reached the field of battle, the Ameri
cans had already lefl it. They had two hundred men killed in this
action ; the number of wounded amounted to six hundred ; and
about four hundred were made prisoners. One of their most la
mented losses was that of general Nash, of North Carolina. The
loss of the British was little over five hundred in killed and wounded ;
among' the former vvere brigadier-general Agnew, an officer of rare
merit, and colonel Bird. The American army saved all its artillery,
and retreated the same day about twenty miles, to Perkyomy
Creek. The congress expressed in decided terms their approbation, both
of the plan of this enterprise and the courage with which it vvas
executed ; for which their thanks were given to the general and the

48 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.
army. General Stephens, however, was cashiered for misconduct
on the retreat.
A few days after the battle, the royal army removed from German-
town to Philadelphia. The want of provisions would not have
permitted Howe to follow the enemy into his fastnesses, and he was
desirous of co-operating wilh the naval force in opening the navi
gation of the Delavi'are. Washington, having received a small re
inforcement of fifteen hundred militia, and a state regiment from
Virginia, again advanced a few miles towards the English, and en
camped once more at Skippach Creek. Thus, the British general
might have seen that he had to grapple with an adversary, who, far
from allowing himself to be discouraged by adverse fortune, seemed,
on the contrary, to gain by il more formidable energies ; vvho, the
moment after defeat, was prepared to resume the offensive ; and
whose firmness and activity were such, that even the victories ob
tained by his adversaries only yielded them the effects of defeat.
Nor was the taking of Philadelphia attended wilh those advantages
which were expected from il.
The inhabitants of the country were not in the least intimidated
by that event ; and the victorious army, surrounded on all sides by
enemies, found itself, as it were, immured within the precincts of the
city. Washington, posted on the heights of the SchuylkiU, main
tained a menacing attitude ; he employed his cavalry and light troops
in scouring the country between the banks of that river and those of
the Delaware. lie thus repressed the excursions of the EngUsh,
prevented them from foraging with safely, and deterred the disaffect
ed or the avaricious among the people of the country from convey
ing provisions to their camp. Moreover, the congress passed a reso
lution, subjecting to martial law and to death all those who should
furnish the royal troops wilh provioions, or any other aids whatsoever.
Compelled to relinquish the hope of supporting his army from the
adjacent country, the British general now appUed himself with dili
gence to the task of removing the obstructions of the Delaware, and
opening a free communication with the fleet. The enterprise pre
sented difficulties and dangers of no ordinary magnitude. To suc
ceed in this operation, it was necessary lo seize Mud Island, which
was defended by Fort Mifflin, and the point of Red Bank, where the
Americans had erected Fort Mercer. After the reduction of these
two fortresses, the upper chevaux-de-frize might be destroyed.
General Howe, therefore, resolved to attack them both at the same
time, in concert with those ships which had been able to pass the
lower barrier. Batteries of heavy artillery had been erecled on the
Pcniisylvania side, in front of Mud Island, to assisi in dislodging the

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR. 49
enemy from that position. The garrison of Fort Miffiin was com
manded by cotonel Smith, and that of Fort Mercer by colonel
Greene, both officers in great esteem among the Americans.
General Howe had arranged for the attack of Fort Mifflin, that
while the batteries on the western shore should open their fire upon
its right flank, the Vigilant ship of war, passing up the narrow chan
nel vvhich separates Hog Island from the Pennsylvania shore, should
cannonade it in the rear, and the frigates, with the ships Isis and
Augusta in front, approaching it by the middle channel, which is
considerably wider and deeper. As to Fort Mercer, it was also to
be attacked in the rear, on the side of New Jersey, by landing troops
on the left bank of the Delaware.
According lo these dispositions, the EngUsh put themselves in
motion on the evening of the twenty-first of October. Colonel Do
nop, a German officer, who had distinguished himself in the course
of this campaign, passed the Delaware from Philadelphia, with a
strong detachment of Hessians, at Cooper's Ferry. Then marching
down upon the Jersey shore, along the bank of the river, he arrived,
at a late hour the following day, in the rear of Red Bank. The
fortifications consisted of extensive outer works, within which was a
strong palisaded intrenchment, well furnished wilh artillery. Donop
attacked the fort wilh the utmost gallantry. The Americans, afler a
slight resistance in the outer intrenchment, finding their number too
small to man it sufficiently, withdrew into the body of the redoubt,
where they made a vigorous defense.
Their intrepidity and the want of scaling ladders baffled all the
efforts of the Hessians. Colonel Donop was mortally wounded and
taken prisoner. Several of his best officers were killed or disabled ;
colonel Mingerode hiraself, the second in command, received a dan
gerous wound. The Hessians were then severely repulsed ; and
lieutenant-colonel Linsing drew them off wilh precipitation ; but
even in their retreat they suffered extremely by the fire of the ene
my's galleys and floating batteries. The loss of the Hessians vvas
estimated at no less than four or five hundred men. Donop expired
of his wounds the next day. The Americans owed much of tlieir
succcss to the ChevaUer de Plessis, a French officer, vvho directed
the artillery wilh great ability and valor. The vanquished returned
to Philadelphia.
Meanwhile, the ships had advanced, in order lo be in readiness to
attack Mud Island. After having made their way vvith difficulty
through the lower barrier, the Augusta man of war, several frigates
and other smaUer vessels, waited above il for the lide ; the moment
the flood sefin, they proceeded towards their destined stations. . Bui
VOL. n. 4

50 THE AMERICAN W.V.R, BOOK IX,
a strong northerly wind prevented the Vigilant from taking the post
assigned her between Hog Island and the Pennsylvania shore.
Moreover, the obstructions which the Americans had sunk in the
bed of the river, had, in some degree, altered its natural channel,
''By this means, the Augusta and Merlin were grounded so fast, at
some distance from the chevaux-de-frize, that there vvas no possibil
ity of getting them off. The frigates, however, reached their sta
tions, and commenced a cannonade upon Fort Mifflin, while the
batteries on- shore were also opened upon the garrison. The Amer
icans defended themselves with spirit, and night soon put an end to
the engagement. Early next morning the English renewed the
attack, not that in the present state of things they expected to reduce
the fort, but in the hope that, under cover of their fire, the two ships
which vvere grounded might be got off. Notwithstanding their
efforts, the Augusta took fire and blew up ; the Merlin, which could
not be removed, vvas hastily evacuated and laid in a train of destruc
tion. The frigates, despairing of success, and fearing the effect of
the explosion, retired with the utmost expedition. The congress
voted their thanks and a sword to colonels Greene and Smith, for
having so gallantly defended the two forts.
The ill success of these two attacks did not, however, discourage
the British commanders ; and such was the importance of opening
the navigation of the Delaware, as weU to secure the arrival of stores
and supplies, as to obtain a free coramunication with the fleet, that
they resolved to leave no means unessayed for the attainment of this
object. Fort Mifflin vvas placed al the lower end of Mud Island, having
its principal fortifications in front, for the purpose of repelling ships
coming up the river. At the opposite extremity, no attack being
expected, as the naval means of the British in Philadelphia were loo
feeble to excite alarm, the fort was surrounded only by a wet ditch.
This part, however, was flanked by a blockhouse al each of its an
gles, one of which had been much damaged in the lale attack. A
little above Mud Island is another smaU raorassy island called Prov
ince Inland ; this the English had occupied in order lo be able to
batter Fort Mifflin in its rear, and weakest part. They were inces
santly employed in conveying thither heavy artillery, provisions, and
stores, by a difficult channel, near the west bank of the river, behind
Hog Island. They also erected^ fortifications, in the most suitable
places. The Americans perceived distinctly that when the enemy
should have completed his woriis on this island, their position on Mud
I&kmd would no longer be tenable.

BOOK IX.

THE AMERICAN WAR 51

Washington would have desired, by a sudden expedition, to dis
lodge the English from Province Island, but as Howe had thrown a
bridge over the Schuylkill, he might, while the Americans were at
tempting this stroke, have fallen upon their rear and cut off their
retreat. If the American general marched with all his army lo cover
it, he exposed himself to a general battle, which he wished to avoid.
It appeared to him imprudent to put so much at hazard, after the
lale unfortunate actions. He felt the greater repugnance to embrace
adventurous counsels, as he was already apprised of the successes
obtained by the northern army ; in consequence of which, a great
part of the troops employed against Burgoyne, might be drawn to
re-inforce his ov.'n. He abstained, therefore, from undertaking the
enterprise against Province Island, hoping, however, that the courage
of the defenders of Fort Mifflin, and the succors that might be sent
them secretly, would suffice to prolong their resistance.
But every thing being prepared on the side of the EngUsh, they
executed their attack the fifteenth of Noveraber. AU the ships, be
ing arrived at their posts, opened a furious cannonade. The Ameri
cans answered it, al first, with no less vigor from the fort, from the
batteries of New Jersey, and from the galleys which were stationed
near that shore. But at length, the works being battered down and
the ditches filled up vvith their ruins, their situation became critical.
They perceived the English vvere taking measures for storming
the body of the fortress the following morning, and being sensible
that, in the present state of things, it wrvS not defensible, having sent
off their stores, they set fire to everv thing that was capable of
receiving it, and evacuated the place in the night. They withdrew
lo Red Bank. The next day the English look possession of the
fort. It still remained to dislodge the soldiers of congress from Red
Bank, before the obstructions of the Delaware could be entirely re
moved. This operation was of absolute necessity ; for, although
some vessels of easy burden, being loaded wilh provisions from the
country about Chester, where the inhabitants were well affected to
the royal cause, brought scanty supplies to Philadelphia, yet the
scarcity in that city became daily more distressing; and firewood vvas
almost totally wanting.
In consequence of these considerations, general Howe, having
covered Philadelphia by intrenehments, extending frora the Dela
ware to the SchuylkiU, and having received some re-inforcernenls
from New York, sent CornwaUis with a strong detachment to the
Jersey shore, with instructions to collect provisions, and attack Fort
Mercer in the rear. That general, having crossed from Chester to

52 THE AMERICAN WAB, BOOK IX.
Billings Point, prepared to execute the orders he had received. He
was there joined by a body of forces just arrived from New York.
"Washington, upon intelligence of this movement, being earnestly
desirous lo preserve, if practicable, a position so capable of arrest
ing the progress of the enemy, had ordered major-general Greene,
an officer he much esteemed for his talents and intrepidity, to pass,
also, at the head of a strong detachment, inlo New Jersey. A hope
was entertained that he would be able, not only to protect Fort
Mercer, but to obtain some decisive advantage over lord Corn
wallis ; as the situation of the fort, which the British general could
only invest by placing himself between Timber and Manto Creeks,
neither of them fordable for a greal distance from the Delaware,
would expose the assailants to great peril from a respectable force
in their rear. General Greene passed the Delaware, and landed at
Burlington. He was accompanied by the marquis de la Fayette
who was eager to enter the field again, ihough not yet well cured of
his wound.
This division was lo be re-inforced by the troops expected from
the banks of the Hudson. The march was commenced ; but gene
ral Greene, being informed that Cornwallis was become greatly
superior to him in number, by the junction of the re-inforcement
from Nevv York, abandoned the plan of giving him battle. Hence
colonel Greene, who commanded the garrison, losing all hope of
succor, and apprised of the approach of Cornwallis, evacuated Fort
Mercer, and Red Bank, leaving his artiUery, with a considerable quan
tity of cannon ball and stores, in the power of the royalists. The
English dismantled the fort, and demolished all the works.
The American shipping having now lost all protection on either
side of the river, several galleys and other irmed vessels took the
advantage of a favorable night to pass the batteries of Philadelphia,
and escape lo places of security further up. The English, on per
ceiving this transaction, sent an officer with a party of seamen to
man the Delaware frigate, and look such olher measures as rendered
the escaping of the remainder impracticable. Thus environed, the
crews abandoned and set fire to their vessels, which were all con
sumed, to the amount of seventeen, of different sorts, including two
floating batteries, and four fire ships. The English, having secured,
as we have seen, the command of the river, labored to clear il of all
the impediments with which the Americans had obstructed its chan
nel. But the difficulties they had to surmount were extreme, and
the season was far advanced, it being already the last of November.
With all these efforts they could only obtain such an opening through
the upper barrier as admitted vessels of easy burden. These were

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR. 53
accordingly employed for the transport of provisions and stores to
Philadelphia. Although the royalists had thus partly succeeded in
re-estabUshing the navigation of the Delaware, the resistance of the
republicans had been so strenuous and so long, that general Howe
could find no opportunity for attacking the army of Washington
before it was re-inforced by the victorious troops of the Hudson.
Acting always wilh prudence, the British general would never expose
himself to the hazard of a battle until he vvas sure of being able lo
communicate freely with the fleet of the admiral, his brother, as well
on account of supplies, as for the security of retreat in case of mis
fortune. General Greene had remained in New Jersey. He had
already been joined by several corps sent by general Gates to the as
sistance of the army of Pennsylvania ; among thera was that of Mor
gan's riflemen, become celebrated by a multitude of briUiant exploits
Washington was not without hopes that Greene would find occasion
to gain some advantage that might counterbalance the losses, which
it had been im.possible to avoid. But Cornwallis had so fortified
himself on Gloucester Point, that he was perfectly secure from any
enterprise on the part of general Greene. Washington then became
apprehensive that the British general, having accomplished all the
objects of his expedition inlo New Jersey, by the reduction of Fort
Mercer, the junction with his re-inforcements, and the expediting of
a great quantity of provisions lo Philadelphia, might suddenly recross
the Delaware, and thus enable Howe, wilh all his forces, to attack
the American army while divided. Greene was iherefore ordered
to repass the river immediately, and join the principal army at
Skippach Creek. Similar considerations determined general Howe
lo direct the detachment of CornwalUs to rejoin him without delay.
Before, however, *the two parties evacuated Nevv Jersey, Morgan's
rifle corps and some detachments of militia, commanded by the
marquis de la Fayette, gallantly attacked and routed a body of
Hessians and English grenadiers. After this affair, the marquis, vvho
had lill then served as a volunteer, was invested by congress wilh
the command of a division of the army,
Washington had at length been re-inforced by the troops which
Gates had sent him ; their march had experienced difficulties and
frequent delays. Gates himself had shown much repugnance to put
them in motion ; and, besides, they had manifested a mutinous spirit
towards their chiefs, declaring that they would not march without
money and without clothing. Their officers, however, finally suc
ceeded in persuading them to proceed. This aid was composed of
four thousand men of approved courage, and flushed with recent vic
tory ; but squcdid in their appearance, from fatigues and want of

54 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.
necessaries. After the junction of these troops, Washington advan
ced within fourteen miles of Philadelphia, to a place caUed White
Marsh, where he encamped in a very strong position, with his right
to the Wissahickon Creek, and the front partly covered by Sandy
Run. At this lime the American army consisted of twelve thousand
regulars and something over, wilh about three thousand militia.
Howe had with him but little more than twelve thousand fighting
men. He was ardently desirous, however, of giving battle. Hoping that
the lale re-inforcements would animate his adversary with the same
desire, he marched on the fourth of Deceraber towards the enemy,
fully determined lo make another trial of the fortune of arms. He
look post on Chesnut HiU, in front of the enemy's right, at only three
miles distance. Some skirmishes happened, in which the royahsls
generally had the advantage. But Howe, finding that the right of
the enemy afforded no opening for an attack, changed his ground
before day on the seventh, and look a new position opposite to their
center and left, not more than a mile from their lines. He continued
lo extend upon the enemy's left, as if his intention was to turn it, and
attack in the rear. Washington did not shun the battle, but chose to
receive il in his Unes. According to his invariable plan, he thought,
first of all, of the preservation of the army, on which depended the
fale of all America. Al length, the British general, finding that
nolhing could provoke or entice him inlo the field, and that his camp
was in every part inaccessible, after a variety of fruitless maneuvers,
returned lo Philadelphia. The British army suffered greatly in these
marches and countermarches, from the severity of the weather, both
officers and soldiers being totally destitute of tents and field equipage ;
this, added to the fatigues of war, had reduced thera to a deplorable
condition. Upon this account, and considering the steadiness of the
enemy in dechning to fight without every probability of success, gene
ral Howe deterrained to place his troops in winter quarters at Phila
delphia ; having first, however, sent out a strong detachment of
cavalry, under lord Cornwallis, to make a general forage on the west
ern side of the Schuylkill. Washington, in like manner, resoJved to
give his troops winter lodgings ; but he was undecided where tc
choose them. He was not wiUing lo leave the country exposed lo
the depredations of the enemy, and yet he wished to avoid extending
his quarters too much, lest they should be forced at different points
by sudden attacks.
On the west side of the Schuylkill, about twenty miles from Phil
adelphia, is a deep and rugged hollow, called Valley Forge. Upon
the mountainous flanks of this valley, and upon a vast plain which

BOOK IX, THE AMERICAN WAR, 55
overlooks it, as well as all the adjacent country, Washington finally
concluded lo establish his army for the winter.
His soldiers were too ill clothed lo admit of their being exposed
lo the inclemency of that season under mere tents ; it was Iherefore
decided that a sufficient number of huts should be erected, to be
made of logs, and filled in wilh moriar, in which they would find a
more effectual shelter. The whole army began its marcn towards
Valley Forge ; some soldiers were seen lo drop dead with cold ;
others, without shoes, had their feet cut by the ice, and left their
tracks in blood. Afler the most painful efforts, the troops at length
reached their destined quarters. They immediately set about con
structing their habitations, which they erected upon the plan of a
regular city. All was movement ; some cut down trees, others
fashioned them ; in a short lime all the barracks were completed,
and the soldiers comfortably lodged. After a severe and sanguinary
campaign of four months, the two armies appeared thus to enjoy
some repose, sufficiently protected from the rigors of the season.
The British general had derived no other fruit from all his victories,
and from all his maneuvers, than simply that of having procured ex
cellent winter quarters for his army.
1778. In this alternation'of good and ill success, passed the year
1777 for the two belligerent parties in America. If the Americans,
in the war of Canada and upon the banks of the Hudson, gave bril
liant proofs of no common valor ; if, in their campaign of Pennsyl
vania, they bore their reverses vvith an heroic firmness, they exhibit
ed in their quarters of Valley Forge such examples of constancy and
resignation, as we should not dare to pronounce ever to have been
equaled by other nations, in any age or any country. They had not
only to endure the extreme inclemency of the season, but the most
distressing destitution of things the most necessary lo life. These
sufferings of the army originated from several causes, such as the
pressure of circumstances, the avarice of the contractors or purchas
ing commissaries, the adverse dispositions of the inhabitants, and,
finally, the little experience of congress itself in affairs relating lo
public administration, especially in the military department.
Scarcely were the troops established in their encampment of Val
ley Forge, when, Howe having sent a strong detachraent to forage
on the islands of the Delaware, and the country about Derby, Wash
ington, in order to oppose il, was inclined to march a considerable
part of his army towards that point. But on viewing the state of
tlie magazines, il was discovered, with surprise and alarm, that they
contained no more than one day's provision.
In such pressing danger of a total famine, and the entire dissolu-

56 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.
lion of the army, il became necessary not only to relinquish the de
sign of marching against the EngUsh, but instantly to detach parlies
different ways to seize, as in an enemy's country, the provision re
quisite to satisfy the present wants of the army. Washington was
authorized to lake this measure by the urgency of the conjuncture,
and by the decree of congress, vvhich conferred upon hira dictatorial
powers. The foragers executed their commissions, and by incredi
ble exertions, and not without exciting the greatest discontent among
the country people, victualed the camp for a few days ; but soon the
same distress was felt anew, and the same resource could not the
second ti-Tie afford rehef. Whatever efforts were made, little could
be gleaned, as well because the adjacent country was already near
ly exhausted, as because the inhabitants were careful lo conceal in
the woods and swamps, their cattle, and other articles, liable lo be
taken for the use of the army ; they acted thus, either frora contra
riety of opinion, or from love of gain. They preferred to encoun
ter all the perils of carrying their supplies to Philadelphia, where
they were paid for them in ready raoney, to reserving them for the
use of their own soldiers, because, in the latter case, they only re
ceived certificates to be discharged at some future time. They much
doubled whether they would ever be liquidated, so greal was their
want of confidence in the stability of the government, and they
were not ignorant that some of these biUs had been refused payment
when fully due.
The commander-in-chief had not neglected to write, in the most
pressing terms, to the governors of New England, requesting them
to send forward subsistence for the army with all possible expedi
tion, and especially supplies of callie, which abound in those prov
inces. The purchasing commissaries had repaired thither, and con
tracted, particularly in Connecticut, for immense quantities of pro-
V isions, well knowing the impossibility of subsisting an army, for any
length of time, by compulsory requisitions. But these means were
slow in operating the desired relief; and a false measure of congress
had nearly frustrated the effect which was expected from the con--
tracts. The victories of Howe, and the gloomy aspect of affairs in
Pennsylvania, and, perhaps, more than all, the enormous issues of
bills of credit, which the congress, controlled by a fatal necessity,
were continually making, had occasioned these biUs to fall at that
epoch lo one fourth of their nominal value, so that one hundred dol
lars in paper would command no more than twenty-five dollars in
specie. The price of articles of the first necessity had advanced
nearly in proportion, and the commissaries, in order lo conclude
their bargains, had been obliged to conform to the current rates.

BOOK IX, THE AMERICAN WAR, 57
The congress disapprov-ed of their doings, attributing to the avarice
of the citizens what was really the effect of the public distress, Ac-
cording.y, they either annulled the contracts or poslponed the exe
cution of them. Not satisfied with this, they passed a resolution
which could not appear to have been dictated by an indispensable
necessity, since, from its very nature, il could never be carried inlo
effect. They invited the different states of the Union to determine
and establish by express laws, not only the price of labor, but also
that of aU articles of common use in human life. The several states
complied with the recommendation of congress, and apprized things
by law. The result was, that the citizens secreted their effects, and
buyers could find nothing they wanted, either in the public markets
or elsewhere.
Famine began to prevail in the camp of Valley Forge ; already
the most alarming consequences were apprehended. Notwithstand
ing their adrairable patience, the soldiers murmured, and a mutiny
appeared inevitable. The congress, at length constrained by the
force of things, retraced their steps, and recommended lo the several
state legislatures the repeal of all laws on the subject of prices.
The contracts of the purchasing commissaries were allowed lo
take effect. But the difficulty of procuring a sufficient number of
wheel carriages stiff delayed the arrival of the convoys. Washington,
to prevent the total dissolution of his army, ordered a general forage
in the neighborhood of the camp, under the direction of general
Greene. Captains Lee and Mac Lane, officers no less sagacious
than active, were charged with a similar commission in the states of
Maryland and Delaware ; and colonel Tilghman in New Jersey.
Each of these executed the orders of the commander-in-chief with
equal zeal and effect ; they penetrated inlo the most retired places
of concealment, where they found grain and cattle in abundance.
Captains Mac Lane and Lee, in particular, discovered large droves
in the marshy meadows on the Delaware, ready lo be expedited for
Philadelphia, which they soon caused to take the direction of Valley
Forge. Thus the camp found itself again victualed for the present.
It may perhaps appear unaccountable, that the American government
should not seasonably have employed those means which might have
prevented so urgent a peril. It is, however, certain, that soon after
the commencement of hostilities, the congress had appointed colonel
Trumbull, a iv.zn of excellent abilities, and a zealous patriot, to su
perintend the purchasing of necessaries for the troops. But from
his want of experience, and perhaps of sufficient support on the part
of the government, as yet not well consolidated, it had resulted,
that the army was often on the poiut of suffering from, the deficiency

58 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.
of supplies ; hence the plans of the commander-in-chief were fre
quently frustrated, and the movements of his army embarrassed, to
the loss of many fair opportunities for the most important strokes.
When, afterwards, about the middle of the year 1777, the depart
ment of colonel Trumbull began to be administered with more regu
larity, the congress, believing that the more officers of supply they
had under their control, the better the troops would be served, cre
ated two commissaries-general, the one of purchases and the olher of
issues. They determined that each of these commissaries-general
should have four deputies, lo be appointed by congress, not remova
ble by the head of the department, and accountable to themselves
only. They afterwards resolved that the quarter-master-general's de
partment should be executed on the following plan :
' First, the military line, to be styled the quarter-master-general's,
is to include the regulating of marches, encampments and order of
battle. Second, the commissary of forage. Third, the commissary
of horses and wagons. Fourth, the agent for the purchase of tents,
intrenching tools, building of barracks, and for all the smaller sup
plies of the department.' Colonel Trumbull, dissatisfied with this
multiplicity of departments, and stiU more wilh this independence of
the deputies wilh respect lo the head of the department, requested
the congress to appoint him a successor. The congress persisted in
their plan. The old order of things being thus annihilated, and the
new not yet organized, there followed those serious inconveniences
vvhich we have mentioned above.
Congress at length perceived the inevitable preponderancy in
times of wav, and especially in new states, of military men and aflairs
over civil ; they saw there was no possibility of inducing the generals,
who all disapproved it, to execute their plan for the administration of
the army. Il vvas accordingly abandoned, and general Greene, who
enjoyed the entire confidence of the commander-in-chief, vvas ap
pointed quarter-roasler-general, and a very suitable person, named
Wadsworth, commissary-general of purchases ; both having power
tc appoint and remove their assistants. But these measures were
not adopted lill very lale ; and before the salutary effects of the new
system could be felt, the army was a prey to such mischiefs and
miseries, as broughJ the republic lo the very brink of destruction.
The distresses of the troops were far from being conf.ned to dearth
of sustenance ; the greatest scarcity, or rather a total want of aU
other necessaries, was also experienced in the camp. It vvas utterly
unprovided even of clothing, an article so essential to the health, as
well as to the spirits of the soldiers ; tattered and half naked, they

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR. 59,
would sooner have heen taken for so many mendicants, than defend ¦
ers of a generous country.
Some few had one shirt, but many only the moiety of one, and
the greater part none al all. Many, for want of shoes, walked bare-
fool on the frozen ground. Few, if any, had blankets for the night.
Great numbers sickened ; others, unfitted for service by the cold and
their nakedness, were excused by their officers from all military duty,
and either remained in their barracks, or were lodged in the houses
of the neighboring farmers. Near three thousand men were thus
rendered incapable of bearing arms. Congress had neglected no
care to provide a remedy for so alarming an evil. They had author
ized the commander-in-chief, as vve have already said, to seize,
wherever he miglit be, and from any person whatever, all articles of
necessity for the army ; and nothing could be more essential than lo
clothe it. But Washington fell great repugnance to using this power ;
as, on the one hand, it exasperated the citizens, and, on the olher, it
accustomed the soldiers lo lay hands on the properly of others. The
congress considered these scruples unseasonable ; they recommended
to the legislatures of each state to enact laws, appointing suitable
persons to seize and take for the use of the army, all articles proper
for the clothing of soldiers, on condition, however, of paying the pro
prietors for the articles so taken, at a rale lo be fixed by the conven
tion of the committees appointed for this purpose by the several
states. They also created a commissary-general of clothing for the troops,
lo be assisted by a deputy commissary in each slate, as well for the
purpose of superintending the compulsory requisitions, as in order, if
practicable, to procure aU that was necessary by way of contracts.
But these measures were slow in producing the desired effect. Many
detested the thought of wresting from their fellow citizens what they
would not seU voluntarily. There prevailed, besides, al this time, in
all the states, a scarcity of cloths, linens, leather, and generally of
aU the articles that were most wanted. Nevertheless, the deputy
commissary of the clothing department in Massachusetts, had suc
ceeded in concluding contracts with several merchants for large quan
tities of merchandise, al the rate of len to eighteen per cent, above
the current price. Their terms appeared exorbitant to some, and
even to the congress, and much was said about the avarice of the
merchants. It was, however, just to consider, that the bills they re
ceived in payment were already fallen to one fourth of their nominal
value ; that the merchandise in question was extremely scarce in the
country ; that the price of labor was greatly advanced, and' that il ,
was become extremely difficult lo make remiltan ce to foreign countries.

60 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.
Whether it was that these murmurs had piqued the merchants, or that
cupidit) had really more power over them than the promises of the
government^ several of those who had entered into contracts refused
to furnish, unless they were paid in advance. The congress, being
informed of this determination, addressed a letter lo the state gov
ernments, requesting that the goods should be seized from such as re
fused to fulfill their contracts, at prices to be fixed by commissioners
appointed for that purpose under the state authority. These resolu
tions of congress, and the letters written to the states by Washington,
urging them in the most earnest language to come lo the succor of
his suffering army, al length produced all the effect that vvas desired ;
yet not so promptly, however, but that the greater part of the win
ter was already elapsed when the first convoys of clothing arrived
al the camp.
To all the miseries of the army already enumerated, must still be
added the want of straw. The soldiers, overwhelmed with lassitude,
enfeebled by hunger, and benumbed with cold in their service by
day and by night, had no olher bed in their huts except the bare and
humid ground. This cause, joined to the others that have been re
lated, propagated diseases ; the hospitals were as rapidly replenished
as death evacuated them ; their administration was no less defective
in its organization than that of the camp. The unsuitableness of
the buildings in which they had been established, the excessive pen
ury of every kind of furniture, and the multitude of sick that crowd
ed them, had generated an insupportable fetor. The hospital fever
broke out in them, and daily swept off the most robust as well as the
feeble. It was not possible lo remedy it by oflen changing the Un
en, for of this they were utterly unprovided ; nor by a more salubri
ous diet, when the coarsest was scarcely attainable ; nor even by
medicines, which were either absolutely wanting, or of the worst
quality, and adulterated through the cupidity of the contractors ; for
such, in general, has been the nature of these furnishers of armies,
that they should rather be denominated the artisa,ns of scarcity ; they
have alvvays preferred money to the life of the soldier. Hence it
was, that the American hospital resembled more a receptacle for the
dying than a refuge for the sick ; far from restoring health lo the
diseased, il more often proved morlal lo the well. This peslUen
tial den was the terror of the army. The soldiers preferred perish
ing with cold in the open air, to being buried alive in the midst of
the dead. Whether it vvas the effect of inevitable necessity, or of
the avarice of men, it is but loo certain, that an untimely death car
ried off a multitude of brave soldiers, who, with better attentions,

BOOK IX.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 61

might have deen preserved for the defense of their country in its dis
tress. All these disorders, so pernicious to the republic, took their origin
in the causes we have related, and partly also in the military organi
zation itself. The chiefs appeared to acknowledge no system, and
the subalterns no restraint of obedience. Horses were allowed to
perish in the highways, or to escape into the fields, vvithout search.
The roads were incumbered with carts belonging to the army, and
unfit for service. Hence it happened, that when the incredible ex
ertions of the government and of good citizens had succeeded in
coUecting provisions for the army, they could not be conveyed to the
camp, and, by long delays, they were again dispersed, or wasted.
This defect of carriages was equally prejudicial to the transportation
of arms and military stores, which were, in consequence, abandoned
lo the discretion of those vvho either plundered them, or suffered
them lo be plundered. An incalculable quantity of public effects
was thus dissipated or destroyed. In the camp of Valley Forge,
men were constrained to perform, as they really did, wilh incon
ceivable patience, the service of beasts of draught, as well in procur
ing firewood as in drawing the artiUery. And certainly, nothing
could be imagined to equal the sufferings vvhich the American army
had lo undergo in the course of this winter, except the almost super
human firmness wilh which they bore them. Not but that a certain
number, seduced by the royalists, deserted their colors, and slunk
off to the British army in Philadelphia; but these were mostly
Europeans, who bad entered the continental service. The Irueborn
Americans, supported by their patriotism, as by theii iove and vene
ration for the commander-in-chief, manifested an unshaken perseve
rance ; they chose rather lo suffer all the extremes of famine and of
frost, than to violate, in this perilous hour, the faith they had pledged
lo their country. They were encouraged, it is true, by the example
of their generals, who, wilh an air of serenity, took part in all their
fatigues, and shared in all their privations. But can it be dissem
bled, that if general Howe had seen fit lo seize the opportunity, and
had suddenly attacked the camp at Valley Forge, he would inevita
bly have gained a complete victory ? Without military stores and
without provisions, how could the Americans have defended Iheii
intrenehments ? Besides, to enter the field anew, in the midst of so
rigorous a season, was become for them an absolute impossibility.
On the first of February, four thousand of their men were incapable
of any kind of service, for want of clothing. The condition of the
rest was verv Uttle better. In a word, out of the seventeen thou-

62^ THE AMERICAN WAE. BOOK IX.
sand men that were in camp, it would have been difficult to muster
five thousand fit for service.'
We pretend not to decide what were the motives of the British
general for not taking advantage of a conjuncture so favorable. It
appears lo us, at least, that the extreme regard he had lo the preser
vation of his troops, did but lead hira on this occasion to reserve
them for greater perils ; and his circumspection rather deserves the
appellation of tiraidity than of prudence.
Washington was fiUed vvith anguish at the calamities of his army.
But nothing gave him more pain than lo see his soldiers exposed to
(he most pernxious example ; the officers openly declared the design
of resigning their commissions ; many of them had already left the
army, and returned to their families. This determination was prin
cipaUy owing to the depreciation of paper money ; it was become
so considerable, and the price of aU articles of consumption, as weU
for this reason as from the difficulties of coramerce, vvas so prodi
giously advanced, that the officers, far from being able lo live as it be
came their rank, had not even the means of providing for their sub
sistence. Some had already exhausted their private resources to
maintain a decent appearance, and others, destitute of patrimonial
fortune, had been forced to contract debts, or restrict themselves lo
a parsimony little worthy of the rank wilh which they were invested.
Hence a disincUnation for the service became almost universal. Nor
should it be supposed that only the less deserving or worthless
desired to resign ; for the regiments being incomplete, and the num
ber of officers too great, their retreat would not have been an evil •
but it was especially the bravest, the most distinguished, the most
spirited, vvho, disdaining more than others the state of degradation
to which they were reduced, were fully resolved to quit the army, in
order to escape from it. Alarmed al the progress of the evil, Wash
ington endeavored to resist it, by the use of those remedies which
he believed the most suitable ; he spared neither promises nor en
couragements ; he wrote the most pressing letters to the congress,
that they might seriously consider the subject, and take the proper
measures thereon. He exhorted them, especially, to secure half pay
to the officers after the war, either for life or for a definite term. He
observed that it vvas easy to talk of patriotism, and lo cite a few
examples from ancient history of great enterprises carried by this
alone to a successful conclusion ; but that those vvho relied solely
upon individual sacrifices for the support of a long and sanguinary
war, must not expect to enjoy tlueir illusion long ; that it was neces
sary to talvc the passions df men as they are, and not as it might be
wished to find them ; that the love of country had indeed operated

BOOK IX,

THE AMERICAN WAR, 63

great things in the commencement of the present revolution ; but
that to continue and complete it, required also the incentive of inter
est and the hope of reward. The congress manifested at first very
Uttle inclination to adopt the propositions ofthe commander-in-chief,
either because they deemed them too extraordinary, or from reluc
tance to load the state with so heavy a burden ; or, finally, because
they thought the grants of lands to the officers and soldiers, of which
vve have made mention in its place, ought to satisfy the wishes of
men possessed of any moderation. But at length, submitting to
necessity, they decreed an allowance of half pay for life to the offi
cers of the army, with the reservation, however, lo the government,
of, the power to commute it, if deemed expedient, for the sura of
six years' half pay. A short time after they passed another resolu
tion, which restricted the allowance of half pay to seven years, dating
from the end of the war. These measures, Ihough salutary, were
not taken liU too late, and, moreover, were not sufficiently spontane
ous on the part of the government. Already more than two hun
dred officers of real merit had given up their commissions ; and it
was again exemphfied on this occasion, that a benefit long delayed
loses much of its value. Nor should the congress have forgotten,
that the founders of a new state control not, but are controlled by,
soldiers ; and that since their support is so indispensable, and it is
impossible to resist them, the wiser course is to content them.
In the midst of his an.xielics, created by the causes we have men
tioned, Washington had the additional chagrin of finding that certain
intrigues were in agitation against himself. The impatient, who
would have events to succeed each other with the same rapidity as
iheir own desires, and the ambitious, who, to raise themselves, are
aiways ready to impute lo others the strokes of fortune, or the effects
of necessity, gave out on all occasions, and even published in the
gazettes, that the reverses of the two preceding years, in New Jersey
and in Pennsylvania, were more owing lo the incapacity of the com
mander-in-chief than lo any other cause. They enlarged upon the
victories of Gales, whom they placed far above Washington, and
were continually extolling trie Heroic valor ol the Americans, which
rendered them capable of the most splendid achievements, when
they were led lo battle by an able commander. Nor vvas it merely
among private persons that these slanders vvere circulated ; discon
tent caused them lo be repeated by men in office, gave them admit-
lance into several of the state legislatures, into the midst of the
army, and finally, even inlo the congress itself. It appeared, that
the object of these machinations was to give Washington so many
disgusts that he should of himself retire from the head of the army

64 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.
and thus make room for the immediate promotion of Gates to thai
exalted station. Whether this general himself had any hand in the
intrigue, is a matter of uncertainty. If the rectitude and acknowl
edged generosity of his character be considered, it will appear more
probable that he had not. But ambition is a passion of inconceiva
ble subtilty, which insinuates itself under the appearances of virtue,
and loo often corrupts and sullies the most ingenuous minds. It is
certain that Gales was not ignorant of the object of the corfibinalion,
and that he threw no difficulties in the way. Perhaps he enter
tained the opinion, and the authors of these machinations wilh him,
that Washington was not able lo sustain so great a weight, and in
tended, by giving him a successor, lo save the country. As for us,
that respect for truth which ought to be our only guide, compels us
to declare that the leaders of this combination, very Uttle concerned
for the public good, vvere imraoderately so for their ovvn, and that
the aim of all their efforts was, lo advance themselves and their
friends at the expense of others. Among them, and of the first
rank, was general Conway, one of the most wily and restless intri
guers, that passed in those tiraes from Europe into America. De
claiming and vociferating, incessantly besieging all the members of
congress vvith his complaints, he pretended that there existed no
sort of discipline in the American army, that there was no two regi
ments which maneuvered alike, and not two officers in any regiment
who could execute or command the mihtary exercises ; in a word,
he had said and done so much, that the congress appointed him
inspector and major-general. This appointment excited loud mur
murs in the carap, and the brigadier-generals remonstrated. But
this man, bent on attaining his purposes, and whose audacity knew
no bounds, openly spoke of the commander-in-chief in the most
derogatory terms ; and, as it always happens in times of adversity,
he readily found those who beUeved him.
The assembly of Pennsylvania was the first to break the ice ; on
the report that Washington was moving into winter quarters, they
addressed a remonstrance to congress, severely censuring this meas
ure of the comraander-in-chief, and expressing, in very plain words,
their dissatisfaction at the mode in which he had conducted the war.
The Pennsylvanians were excessively chagrined at the loss of their
capital, forgetful of their own backwardness in strengthening the
army, which had twice fought superior numbers in their defense. It
was, moreover, believed, at the lime, that the members of congress
from Massachusetts, and particularly Samuel Adams, had never been
able to brook that the supreme command of all the armies should
have been conferred upon a Virginian, to the exclusion of the gene-

BOOX IX,

THE AMERICAN WAR. 65

rals of their province, who then enjoyed a reputation not infcrioi,
and perhaps superior to that of Washington. It appeared also that
these delegates, being the most zealous partisans of the revolution,
were far from approving the moderation of the commander-in-chief.
They would have preferred placing at the head of affairs a more
ardent and decided republican ; and il is asserted that they were on
the point of demanding an inquiry into the causes of the unsuccess
ful issue ofthe carapaigns of the years 1776 and 1777.
This had not effect. But a board of war was created, under the
direction of generals Gates and Mifflin, both of whom, if they were
not, vvere thought to be, among the authors of these machinations
against Washington. Anonymous letters were circulated, in which
he was cruelly lacerated ; they made him responsible as well for the
disastrous campaigns of Jersey and Pennsylvania, as for the deplora
ble condition to which the troops were reduced in their winter quar
ters. One of these letters was addressed to Laurens, the president
of congress ; il was filled with heavy accusations against the com
mander-in-chief. Another, similar, was sent to Henry, the governor
of Virginia ; both transmitted them to Washington. Supported by
that elevated spirit, and by that firmness which no reverses of fortune
could abate, the serenity he enjoyed was not even for a moment inter
rupted. He received with the same temper another determination
of congress, matured in concert with the new board of war, perhaps
to let it be seen that they knew how to act by themselves, or because
they had really withdrawn from the commander-in-chief a great part
of the confidence they had placed in him in times past. They had
projected a new expedition against Canada. It was proposed lo place
at the head of this enterprise the marquis de la Fayette, whose qual
ifications, as a Frenchman of iUustrious rank, promised peculiar
advantages for the conquest of a province recently French. But,
perhaps, also, the authors of this scheme liad it principally in view, in
separating La Fayett^ from Washington, to deprive the commander-
in-chief of the defense he found in so faithful a friend. He was to
have been accompanied by the same Conway mentioned above, and
by general Starke. Washington, without having been at all consulted
upon this expedition, and even without its being communicated lo him,
received orders to put Hazen's regiment of Canadians on the march
for Albany. He obeyed without delay. The marquis, on his arri
val at Albany, found nothing prepared for the expedition ; neither
men, nor arms, nor munitions. He complained of it to congress ;
the enterprise was relinquished. Washington was authorized to recall
the young Frenchman to his camp ; as to Conway, he was not invited
thither. Soon after, having made hunself the object of general ani-
VOL, II 5

66 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.
madversion by the arrogance of his manners, and his intrigues against
Washington, he requested and obtained leave to resign. He was
succeeded in the office of inspector-general by the baron Steuben, a
Prussian officer of distinguished reputation, who, perfectly versed in
the tactics of Frederick il., undertook to teach them to the soldiers
of congress. By his exertions the Americans learned to mtnoeuvre
with uniformity, and their discipline was essentiaUy improved.
It vvould be impossible to express with what indignation the whole
army and the best citizens were fiUed, on hearing ofthe machinations
that were in agitation against the illustrious chief, who possessed
their entire affection. Ari universal outcry arose against the in
triguers. Conway no longer durst show himself among the soldiers,
who threatened lo wreak their vengeance upon him. He repaired
to York, in Pennsylvania, where at that time the congress resided.
As to Samuel Adams, hurried away by the enthusiasm of his patri
otic sentiments, he had probably acted frora no other motive but the
good of the state ; even he thought il prudent, however, to keep aloof
from the officers and soldiers, under the apprehension of injury from
the effects of their fury. If the congress, yielding to the artifices
and importunities of the enemies of Washington, had been induced
to take the resolutions we have related, they were nevertheless not
ignorant how dangerous, in affairs of stale, are changes made with
out due reflection. They were perfectly aware that France, whose
intervention they hoped soon to obtain, would never repose in a man
EngUsh born, as was Gates, the unbounded confidence she had al
ready placed in the American chief. They could not but perceive
that, though there might be a warrior possessed of talents equal lo
those of Washington, there vvas none who could rival him in fidelity,
in rectitude, in goodness, and still less in the esteem ofthe people and
the affection of thesoldiers. Upon these considerations, the congress
maintained a firm stand against all intrigues, and manifested no ap
pearance of a disposition to take the supreiue command from one
who had approved himselt so worthy to hold il. Washington was
fully apprised of the artifices that were employed to diminish his
well earned reputation ; far from allowing them to intimidate him,
he did not even appear lo notice them. He indulged none of that
secrei discontent which men of weak minds; or whose hearts are de
voured by ambition, ar6 loo apt, in similar circumstances, to cherish
against their country ; his zeal for his duty never experienced the
smallest remission. This conjuncture certainly enabled hira to ex
hibit his moderation and his constancy in all their splendor ; il prov
ed that he GOtadd''vanquish himself. He was in the midst of an ar
my dejenfla® "by.* repeated defeats, destitute of every accommodation,

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR 67
and reduced to the verge of famine. Gales, at the same lime, shone
with all the luster of recent victory, and all the renown of his an
cient exploits. As to Washington, lacerated by the public prints,
denounced in anonymous letters, publicly accused by the represen
tation of different provinces, even the congress seemed ready to aban
don him to the fury of his enemies. In the midst of a storm so"
formidable, he maintained entire, not only the stabiUty, but even the
calmness of his mind ; aU devotion to his country, he seemed to
have forgotten himself. The twenty-third of January he wrote
from Valley Forge, that neither interest nor ambition had engaged
him in the public service; that he had accepted, and not solicited
the command ; that he had not undertaken it without that distrust
of himself, felt by every man not destitute of all knovvledge, from
the apprehension of not being able lo perform, worthily, the part
assigned him ; that, as far as his abilities had permitted, he had ful
filled his duty, aiming as invariably al the object proposed, as the
magnetic needle points to the pole ; that as soon as the nation should
no longer desire his services, or another should be found more ca
pable than himself, of satisfying its expectations, he should quit the
helm, and return to a private station, with as much pleasure as ever
the wearied traveler retired to rest ; that he wished from the bottom
of his heart, his successor might experience more propitious gales,
and less numerous obstacles ; that if his exertions had not answered
the expectations of his fellow citizens, no one could lament il raore
sincerely than himself; but that he thought proper lo add, a day
would come, when the interests of America vvould no longer exact
of him an impenetrable mystery ; and that until then he would not
be the first to reveal truths which might prejudice his country, what
ever wrongs to himself might result from his silence. By the con
cluding words, he alluded lo the insidious proceedings of the ambi
tious, the shameful malversations of the army contractors, and the
peculations or delinquencies of aU those by whose fault the army
was reduced to such an extremity of distress and calamity.
May this admirable moderation of Washington leach those in
elevated stations, that popular rewards and public favor should nev
er be measured by the standard of self-love, and that though the
rulers of nations are often ungrateful, men who sincerely love theii
country, may stiU find consolations and glory in knowing how to
control even a just resentment.
Washington, in the midst of so trying a crisis, not only always
kept the mastery of himself; but he often consulted the congress
upon the military operations lie meditated, upon the measures to be
taken, in order to fill up the regiments ; and, finally, upon aU the

68 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX.
means of placing the army in a condition to commence the ensuing
campaign wilh the necessary resources.
It was known that the British general expected large re-inforce
ments from Europe ; Washington was desirous of resuming hostilities
early, in order lo attack him before they arrived. This plan was of
extreme importance ; he was accordingly indefatigable in urging the
congress and the governments of the several states, by frequent let
ters, that the preparations for the campaign might experience no
delay. All would equally have wished to comply with the desires
of the commander-in-chief ; but deliberations are taken of necessity
but tardily in popular governments.
What ought to have been ready in the beginning of spring, was
but scantily forthcoming in the course of aU the suraraer. Even
the organization of the army was not completed until about the last
of May. Until then there was observed an extreme disparity, not
only between the regiments of different stales, but even between those
of the same state ; a confusion productive of singular detriment to
the service. But by a decree ofthe 27lh of May, the infantry, caval
ry, artillery, and engineers, were organized upon an uniform system
in all parts of the army. These delays might have proved essential
ly prejudicial lo the American arms, if unforeseen events had not
prevented the British generals from opening the campaign so soon
as they would have desired. They contented themselves vvith de
taching their light troops lo scour the country in the neighborhood
of Philadelphia and the nearer parts of New Jersey, in order lo forage
and secure the roads. These excursions produced nothing remarka
ble, except it be that an English detachraent having surprised, in
the monlh of March, a parly of Americans at the bridges of Quinton
and Hancock, all the soldiers who composed it were barbarously
massacred, while crying for quarter. The English, about the same
lime, undertook an expedition up the Delaware, in order to destroy
the magazines of Bordentown, and lo lake or burn the vessels which
the Americans had withdrawn up the river between Philadelphia
and Trenton. In both these enterprises they succeeded to their
wishes. They attempted also to surprise the marquis de la Fayette,
who was encamped at Baron HiU, on the left bank of the Schuylkill,
with a considerable body of troops ; but he baffled their enterprise
by his activity and judicious dispositions, although in the commence
ment of the action, general Grant had obtained some advantage
over him.
While these events were passing on land, hostilities were also
prosecuted upon sea, where the Americans daily acquired reputation.
They manifested so bold and enterprising a spirit in their maritime

BOOK IX. THE AMERICAN WAR 69
expeditions, that the British commerce suffered on their part incred
ible losses. Since the commencement of the war in 1776, they
had already captured upwards of five hundred English vessels, of
different sizes, and all with cargoes of great value. Emboldened by
their success, even the coasts of Greal Britain were not secure from
theii insults, where they daily took numerous prizes. The royal
navy, however, opposed their enterprises, and took many of their
ships in the seas of America and of Europe ; but the advE^nlage,
nevertheless, remained very decidedly wilh the Americans.
In the meantime, sir Henry Clinton was arrived at Philadelphia,
having been appointed commander-in-chief of all the royal forces, in
the place of sir William Howe, vvho returned lo England. Dissatis
fied with the ministers, who had not sent him all the re-inforcements
he considered necessary to the decision of the war, he had offered
his resignation, and the ministers had accepted it wilh promptitude.
They did not forgive him for not having more effectually co-operated
with Burgoyne, and for not having displayed all the vigor, in the
conduct of the war, which they would have desired. And certainly
he rather merits the praise of a prudent than of an adventurous
commander. If commendation is due him for the vigor and rare
abiUty he actually displayed in certain expeditions, perhaps he will
not escape reprehension for not having undertaken any of greater
magnitude and of more importance. In the commencement of the
war, when the minds in America were most inflamed, and the English
had not yet collected their troops, or received their re-inforcements,
perhaps this circumspection and this dilatory system of war, was well
judged ; for never should all be committed lo fortune with only a
partial exertion of force ; and the enemy is attacked at the greatest
advantage after his ardor has already cooled. But when a great
part of the Americans, exhausted by expenses, wearied by a long
war and by the scarcity of every thing, were become more disposed
to return to their former condition, and when the English had receiv
ed all the re-inforcements they could expect, the British general
should have placed all his hopes of victory in the rapidity and terror
of his arms. This course seems to have beeii recommended to him
by prudence itself, when it is considered, that besides the probability
of victory, which a regular battle always offered to the English, the
total defeat of the army of congress involved, if not infallibly, at
least in all likelihood, the absolute submission of America ; while, on
the other hand, the rout of the British army would not have rendered
the Americans more inflexible than they were, and, moreover, would
not m the least have changed the dispositions of the French govern
ment, which, since the capitulation of Saratoga, manifestly tended to

70 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK IX
sv^r. The consequences of a decisive victory were, theiefore, more
advantageous than those of the most complete discomfiture could
have been detrimental. Howe valued himself upon being thought
very sparing of the blood of his soldiers, as he could only draw re
inforcements from so great a distance ; and, perhaps, he feared that
if he lost a pitched battle, the inhabitants might rise in fury and ut
terly exterminate the relics of his routed army. But so sanguinary
an overthrow was not lo be apprehended wilh such soldiers and with
such officers. Besides, in the worst event, he was sure of a retreat
on board the fleet, by rallying the troops in a place accessible to il.
On any hypothesis, things were now got lo such a head, that it
was essential to strike a decisive blow ; for, upon the continuance of
a war in which France was about to take part, the independence of
America could scarcely appear doubtful. However the truth was,
Howe certainly possessed an elevated and generous mind ; he had
also the desire, though rarely the power, to prevent the atrocities
perpetrated by his troops ; no curb could restrain the brutal fury of
the Germans who followed his standard. Humane towards his sol
diers, affable wilh his officers, a foe to disorder and violence, he was
the object of general esteem and affection.
Before his departure, the officers of the army were disposed to
give him a brUliant carousal ; it consisted in jousts and tournaments,
marches, evolutions, triumphal arches and honorary inscriptions.
This entertainment, from the variety of ingredients, was called a
medley. The evening terminated with a magnificent exhibition of
fireworks. Sir William Howe embarked, a few days after, on board
the frigate Andromeda. He arrived the second of July at London,
where the ministerial party assailed him wilh torrents of invective,
while that in opposition exalted him above the stars.

END OF BOOK NINTH.

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAR 71

BOOK TENTH.
1778. On hearing of the catastrophe which had befallen Bur
goyne, and of the almost fruitless victories of Howe, the British
nation vvas seized wilh sullen affliction and discontent. The dejec
tion was as profound as Ihe hopes conceived had been sanguine, and
the promises of ministers magnificent.
The parliament had acquiesced in aU their demands, with respect
to the prosecution of the war, and they had not failed to transmit to
America, wilh promptitude, whatever was essential to the success of
the preceding campaign. The generals invested wilh command,
and the soldiers who had fought under them, vvere not inferior in rep
utation to any that England, or even Europe could produce. Hence
it was inferred, that there must exist in the very nature of things,
some insurmountable obstacle to victory, and fhe issue of the war
began to be despaired of. For better or stronger armies could not
be dispatched to America, than those which had already been sent ;
and if the Americans, in the outset of their revolution, had not only
withstood the English troops, but if they had even vanquished and
disarmed them, of what might they not be thought capable in future,
when, deriving new confidence from their successes, they should
have consolidated their state by practice and experience, and availed
themselves of the time which had been allowed them, to develope
still greater forces against their enemies ? Accordingly, so far from
there being any prospect of gaining what was not possessed, the
danger appeared imminent of losing what was. Greal fears were
entertained especially for Canada, where the garrisons were extreme
ly feeble, and the victorious army was upon the frontiers. No little
apprehension was also felt, lest, in the heat of parlies, some commotion
might break out within that province, prejudicial to the interests of
the king ; independence being an enticing lure for every people, and
especially for distant nations, and the example of the Americans vvas
likely to influence their neighbors. Nor could it be dissembled, be
sides, that the Canadians, being French, for the most part, their na
tional aversion would tend to fortify this natural proclivity, and final
ly, perhaps, produce some formidable convulsion. The British gov
ernment beheld with grief, that enlistments became every day more
difficult in America, where the loyalists appeared intimidated by the
recent victories of the republicans ; and even in England, where the
spirit of opposition showed itself more powerfully than ever, an ex
treme repugnance was evidenced to bearing arms in a distant and

72 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK X.
dangerous war, which many pronounced unjust and cruel, and which,
even at that epoch, every thing announced, must terminate inglori
ously. Nor was the prospect more flattering of obtaining new troops
from Germany ; for the enormous armies kept on foot by the empe
ror, and the king of Prussia, exacted such a multitude of recruits,
that the agents of England could not hope to procure them in any
considerable number. Moreover, the intervention of France and the
commissioners of congress with those sovereigns, or that disposition
to favor the American cause, which unequivocally manifested itself
in all parls of Europe, had already determined several German
princes to refuse a passage through their stales to those feeble par
lies of recruits which, with incredible pains and expense, were glean
ed by the British agents. But there was one consideration which,
more than any other, impeded the success of their negotiations ; the
moment was manifestly approaching, when France would declare
herself in favor of the Americans, no longer by secret intrigues, or the
tacit protection afforded lo their privateers, but openly, and with
arms in hand. Already all her preparations for war, and especiaUy
her maritime armaments, were completed. The late victories of the
Americans upon the borders of the Hudson, and even the constan
cy they had exhibited after their reverses upon the banks of the
Delaware, were sufficient pledges that their cause might be espoused
without any hazard of finding in them a fickle, a faithless, or a fee
ble ally. The occasion so long and so ardently desired by the French
for humbling the British power and arrogance, was at length oflered
them by propitious fortune. Their wishes were admirably served by
the blind obstinacy of the British rainisters and generals, who had
judged as erroneously of the nature and importance of things, as of
the vulor and constancy of the Americans. It was not al all doubted
in England, that France vvould avail herielf of the means which
presented themselves to her grasp, to repiiir her ancient losses. This
inevitable crisis took strong hold of the pubhc attention, and all
perceived the necessity either of a long, and in no common degree
perilous struggle, or of an acoramodation, upon little honorable
terms, vvith that very people whose petitions had always been reject
ed, and who had been exasperated by so many outrages, before they
were assailed by so cruel a war. Though the ministers and their ad
herents failed not to advance plausible reasons to justify themselves,
and to authorize their conduct, yet the general opinion inclined to
consider it as the most prudent counsel to listen al length to the de
mands of the Americans, and to adopt the course of procedure re
peatedly proposed by the orators of the opposition, vvho had lecoin-
mended that hostilities should be suspended, and a negotiation set on

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAR 73
foot, which might lead to an admissible adjustment. Heavy complaints
were heard on all parts, that so many favorable occasions for reconcil
iation had been allowed to escape, as if it was intended to wait the ar
rival of that fatal moment when il would no longer be possible either
to negotiate with honor, or to fight wilh glory; and When, instead
of any hope of subduing or conciliating America, there was too mucli
reason lo fear the loss of other inestimable portions of the British
empire. All the attempts made previous to that time, for reducing the Amer
icans to submission by force of arms, having proved completely
abortive, it was bitterly regretted that, before undertaking new efforts,
the faUure of which must secure the triumph of the enemy, there
had not been a disposition to listen to the conciliatory propositions
submitted to parliament by the earl of Chatham, in the sitting of the
thirtieth of May, of the year last elapsed. Foreseeing the calami
ties which were about to faU upon his country, since the ministers
were resolved to prosecute extreme measures, and perceiving dis
tinctly that to the dangers of an intestine struggle would soon be
added the perils of a foreign war, this illustrious man, Ihough bowed
with age, and laboring under a painful malady, had caused himself
to be carried to the house of lords, where, in that strain of adraira
ble eloquence, which always chained attention, he exerted the raost
magnanimous efforts lo appease animosities, lo extinguish the flames
of war, to procure the repeal of those disastrous laws which had light
ed them, and opposed an insuperable bar to the return of concord.
' My lords,' he said, ' this is a flying moment, perhaps but six weeks
left to arrest the dangers that surround us. The gathering storm
may break ; il has already opened, and in part burst. It is difficult
for government, after all that has passed, to shake hands with the
defiers of the king, defiers of the parliament, defiers of the people.
I am a defier of nobody ; but if an end is not put to this war, there
is an end to this country. I do not trust my judgment in my pres
ent state of health ; this is the judgment of my belter days ; the re
sult of forty years' attention to America.
' They are rebels ; but what are they rebels for ? Surely not for
defending their unquestionable rights ? What have these rebels done
heretofore ? I remember when they raised four regiments on their
own bottom, and took Louisburgh from the veteran troops ofFrance.
But their excesses have been great. I do not mean their panegyric ;
but must observe in attenuation, the erroneous and infatuated coun
sels which have prevailed , the door to mercy and justice has been
shut against therti. But they may stiff be taken up upon the grounds
of their former submission. I state to you the importance of Amer

74 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X.
ica ; il is a double market ; the market of consumption and the mar
ket of supply. This double market for mUlions, with naval stores, you
are giving lo your hereditary rival. America has carried you through
four wars, and will now carry you to your death, if you don't take
things in lime. In the sportsman's phrase, when you have found
yourselves at fault, you must try back. You have ransacked every
corner of Lower Saxony ; but forty thou.sand German boors never
can subdue ten times the number of British freemen ; they may
ravage, thiey cannot conquer.
' But you would conquer, you say ! Why, what would you conquer ;
the map of America ? I am ready lo meet any general officer on the
subject. What will you do out of the protection of your fleet ? In
the winter, if together, your troops are starved ; and if dispersed, they
are taken off in detail. I am experienced in spring hopes and vernal
promises ; I know what ministers throw out ; but at last will come
your equinoctial disappointment. They tell you — what ? That your
army will be as strong as last year, when it was not strong enough.
You have got nothing in America but stations. You have been three
years teaching them the art of war ; they are apt scholars ; and I
will venture to tell your lordships, that the American gentry will make
officers enough, fil to comraand the troops of all the European
powers. What you have sent there, are too raany to make peace,
too few to make war. If you conquer them, what then ? You can
not make them respect you ; you cannot make them wear your cloth.
You wiU plant an invincible hatred in their breasts against you. You
are giving America to France at the expense of twelve millions a
year. The intercourse has produced every thing to her ; and Eng
land, old England, must pay for all. Your trade languishes, your
taxes increase, your revenues dwindle ; France, at this moment, is
securing and drawing lo herself that commerce which created your
seamen, which fed your islands, which was the principal source of
your wealth, prosperity and power. We have tried for unconditional
submission ; try what can be gained by unconditional redress. We
shaU thus evince a concihatory spirit, and open the way to concord.
' The ministers affirm there is no sort of treaty vvith France.
Then there is stiff a moment left ; the point of honor is still safe.
The instant a treaty appears you must declare war, though you had
only five ships of the line in England ; but France will defer a treaty
as long as possible, to wail the effect of our self-destroying counsels.
You are now at the mercy of every little German chancery ; and
the pretensions of France wiU increase daily, so as to become an
avowed party in either peace or war. The dignity of the govern
raent is obiecled; but less dignity wiff be lost in the repeal of

BOOK X THE AMERICAN WAR. 75
oppressive laws, than in submitting to the demands of German chan
ceries. We are the aggressors. We have invaded the colonists
as much as the Spanish armada invaded England. Mercy cannot
do harm ; it will seat the king where he ought lo be, throned in the
hearts of his people ; and miffions at home and abroad, now employed
in obloquy and revolt, would pray for him. The revocation I propose,
and amnesty, may produce a respectable division m America, and
unanimity at home. Il will give America an option ; she has yet
had no option. You have said, " Lay down your arms," and she
nas given you the Spartan answer, " Come, take." '
Neither the authority of such a man, nor the force of his speech,
nor present evffs, nor yet the fear of future, were sufficient to procure
the adoption ofhis proposition. Those who opposed it, contended
that it would by no means satisfy the Americans, since from the out
set they had aimed al independency. They talked of the dignity of
the realm, of the weakness of France, of the number of loyalists
ready to declare themselves, the moment an occasion should offer
itself ; they harangued upon the tyranny of congress, already become
insupportable lo all the Americans, upon the emptiness of its treasury,
and the rapid depreciation of the bills of credit ; finally, they en
larged upon that impatience which was universally manifested for
the return of order, and the blessings enjoyed by the rest of the sub
jects of the British government.
In the midst of these contradictions had been agitated the question
of peace and war, whffe the veil of uncertainty stffl shaded the future,
and experience had not yet ascertained the effect of aff the forces
sent into America. But now the trial had been raade, and the result
being on the one hand so calamitous, and so dubious on the other,
the obstinacy of ministers was almost universally condemned, while
the wisdom and foresight of the earl of Chatham were extolled to
the fekies. That such opinions should have been entertained by those
whose interests and passions were so immediately concerned, is cer
tainly no matter of astonishment ; but it may be advanced with
confidence, that the measure proposed by this, in olher respects,
most sagacious statesman, would have resulted in very doubtful con
sequences, lo use no stronger words.
At this time, the Americans had already declared their indepen
dence ; what the proposed concession, seconded by formidable
armies, might have operated before this declaration, they could no
longer have done after it, especially when by the effect of this very
declaration, and of the lesistance made to the arms of Howe upon
the territory of New Jersey, the Americans confidently expected to
obtain the succors of France. Besides, if, at this epoch, the issue

76 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X.
ofa negotiation was uncertain, it would indubitably have reflected
little honor upon the government to have condescended to an ar
rangement, without having first made a trial of the efficacy of the
armies il had collected and sent to America, with so much effort,
and at so heavy an expense. Victory, too, as it was reasonable to
think, would have produced submission, or at least conditions more
favorable to Great Britain.
The ministers Iherefore being resolved to continue the war, exerted
their utmost diligence lo repair those evils which the faults of men,
or an inauspicious destiny, had drawn upon the state in the course of
the preceding year. Their attention was first direcled to the means
of raising new troops, and of procuring more abundant pecuniary
resources than had been granted them by the parliament. They
reflected, that although there was a powerful party in the kingdom
who condemned the American war, still there existed another who
approved it highly, either from conviction or from their devotion to
the ministry. To this class they addressed themselves, not doubting
their readiness to assist them wilh zeal in procuring the men and the
funds they wanted. Dreading, however, the clamors of the opposi
tion, wh" might represent this levy of soldiers and money, though
voluntary, as a violation of the constitution, they carried this scheme
inlo effect in the recess of parliament, vvhich happened at the begin
ning of the current year, and which, with the same object in view,
they prolonged beyond the accustomed term. They were the more
sanguine in their hopes of success, inasmuch as, since the declaration
of independence, and the secret aUiance with France, of which
every day furnished new evidences, the greater part of those vvho
had shown themselves at first the warmest partisans ofthe Americans,
had now deserted them, and gone over to the ministerial party. The
ministers accordingly dispatched their agents into the different prov
inces of the kingdom, and especiaffy those where they had the
greatest influence, with instructions to spur the inhabitants to enlist,
and to lend their support lo the stale by volunlary gifts. These
emissaries were to expatiate on the ingratitude of the Americans,
the enmity of France, the necessities of the country, the glory and
splendor of the English name, which must be transmitted unsulhed
to posterity. Their exertions were attended with success in some
cities of the first order, and even in some towns of inferior rank ;
but none manifested greater zeal than Liverpool and Manchester,
each of which raised, at their own expense, a regiment of a thousand
men. The Scotch, naturally a warlike people, and much devoted
to the cause of government in the present war, exhibited the utraost
ardor to engage ip the service. Edinburgh levied a thousand men,

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAB. 77
Glasgow an equal number. The Highlanders, a hardy race, descend
ed in hordes from their craggy hills, lo follow the royal standard.
Equal promptitude vvas manifested in contributing to the public
expense, and free gifts multiplied every day. The government would
have wished that the city of London, on account of its population
and wealth, and of its importance as the capital of the kingdom, had
placed itself at the head of this contribution. It vvas hoped that
city would raise and maintain at its own expense five thousand men
for three years, or until the end of the war. This hope proved illu
sory. The citizens, being convened, refused peremptorily. The
common council returned an answer equally unfavorable. The
partisans of the ministry were not discouraged. They vociferated
at every corner that it was a shame for the city ofLondon, that, after
having voted, but a few days before, considerable sums for the relief
of Americans taken with arms in hand leveled against England, it
should now refuse to give the slightest succor lo the country. The
friends of the ministry assembled; and subscribed twenty thousand
pounds sterling. The same maneuvers took place at Bristol, and
with the same success. This city would not furnish troops ; it con
sented only to give the same sum as London. The ministers expe
rienced still more difficulties in the country ; the landholders being
grown sulky at the weight of their assessments, and at having been
deceived by promises that the American taxes were to be in dirainu
tion of their own. Upon the whole, this project of voluntary levies,
and gratuitous contributions, though not absolutely fruitless, was still
very far from affording the resources which had been counted upon.
Il, however, became the subject of violent declamations in parlia
ment ; but wilh the usual event ; the ministry triumphed.
While such was the procedure of the EngUsh government, in order
lo sustain the struggle in which it was engaged, the congress urged
with new fervor the negotiations which they had already, a longtime
back, set on foot with the court of France, The American com
missioners had left nothing unessayed that could decide il to declare
openly in their favor ; but however pressing were their solicitations
wilh the French ministers to induce them to take a definitive reso
lution, they had not as yet obtained any thing but evasive and dila
tory answers. In this first period of the American revolution, con
sidering the uncertainty of its issue, France hesitated lo espouse
the quarrel of a people whose force appeared insufficient to sustain
the pressure of so perilous an enterprise. She. feared lest the colo
nists might all at once desist, and resume aff their ancient relations
with England, Those who directed the counsels of France were
not ignorant, that at the very moment in which she should declare

78 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK X,
herself, the British ministry, by acquiescing in the concessions de
manded by the Americans, raight instantly disarm them, and that
France would then find herself alone saddled vvith a war, without
motive, and without object.
To this consideration was added, that before coming to an open
rupture with Great Britain, it vvas essential to restore order in the
finances, and 'to re-cstabUsh the marine, both having suffered exces
sively from the disorder, disasters and prodigality of the preceding
reign. The declaration of independence, it is true, had removed
the danger of a sudden, reconciliation ; but it was still possible to
doubt the success of resistance. Nor should zve omit to say, that,
though France would rather see America independent, than recon
ciled with England, she relished the prospect of a long war between
them still better than independence. Perhaps, even, she would have
liked best of all a conquest by dint of arms, and the consequent
subjugation; for, upon this hypothesis, the English colonies, rav
aged and ruined, would have ceased to enrich the mother country,
hy the benefits of their commerce in time of peace; and -in time of
war, the English would no longer have found in their colonists those
foiuerful auxiliaries, who so often had. succored them with so much
efiicacy. Should the colonies, though vanquished, preserve their
ancient prosperity, then England would be constrained lo maintain
in them a part of her force, in order to prevent the revolts she
would have continually to dread on the part of a people impressed
with the recollection of so many outrages and cruelties.
But upon the second hypothesis, or that of independence, it was
impossible to dissemble that the example would be pernicious for
the colonies of the other European powers, and that the smaffest of
the probable inconveniences, vvould be the necessity of granting
them, to the great prejudice of the mother country, a full and entire
liberty of commerce. These considerations, carefully weighed by
the French ministers, so wrought, that repressing their ardor for war,
they covered their projects with an impenetrable veil, and drew the
negotiation into length. They restricted themselves lo expressions
of benevolence towards the Araericans, and to granting them clan
destinely the succors we have spoken of in another place. And
even those succors were furnished vvith more or less mystery, more
or less liberality, as fortune showed herself propitious or adverse to
the American arms. Such vvas the rigor vvith which France adhered,
or appeared to adhere, to this wary pohcy, either wilh a view of not
breaking before the time with England, or in order the more effec
tually to place the Americans at her discretion, and constrain them
to subscribe to all her demands, that when the news arrived al Paris

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAR. 79
of the capture of Ticonderoga, and of the victorious march oi Bur
goyne towards Albany, evenls which seemed to decide in favor of
the English, instructions were immediately dispatched to Nantz, and
the other ports of tlie kiiigdom, that no American privateers should
be suffered to enter them, except from indispensable necessity', as
to repair their vessels, to obtain provisions, or to escape the perils
of the sea. Thus France, pursuing invariably the route prescribed
by reason of state, which admirably suited her convenience, on the
one hand amused the British ministers with protestations of friend
ship, and on the olher encouraged the Americans with secret suc
cors, by the uncertainty and scantiness of them, inffaming their ardor,
and confirming their resolution by continual promises of future co
operation. Unshackled in her movements, she thus pledged her
self to no party, but tranquilly waited to see what course things
would take. The agents of congress did not fail, however, to urge
and besiege the cabinet of Versailles lo come al length to a final
decision. But the French ministers, with many losses and shrugs,
alledged a variety of excuses in support of their system of procras
tination, at one time, that the fleet expected from Newfoundland,
crowded with excellent seamen, was not yet arrived ; at another, that
the galleons of Spain vvere stffl at sea, and ndw sorne olher subter
fuge was invented. Thus alternately advancing and receding, never
allowing their intentions to be fathomed, they kept the Americans
in continual uncertainty. Finally, the commissioners, out of all pa
tience, and determined, if practicable, without waiting longer, to ex
tricate theraselves frora this labyrinth, imagined an expedient for
reducing the French ministers themselves to the necessity of drop
ping the vizor ; this was to suggest, that if France did not assist
them immediately, the Americans could defer no longer a voluntarj
or compulsory arrangement with England.
To this effect, they waited upon the ministers about the middle
of August, 1777, with a memorial in which they represenled, that if
France supposed that the war could be continued for any consider
able lime longer without her interference, she was much mistaken,
' Indeed,' continued the memorial, ' the British government have
every thing to lose and nolhing to gain, by continuing the war.
After the present campaign, they will therefore doubtless make it
their great and last effort to recover the dominion of America, and
terminate the war. They probably hope that a few victories may,
by the chance of war, be obtained ; ana that these on one hand, and
the wants and distresses of the colonists on the other, may induce
them to return again to a dependence, more or less limited, on Great
Britain They must be sensible, that if ever America is to be con-

80

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X.

quered by them, it must be within the present year ; that if it be
impossible to do it in this year of the dispute, il will be madness lo
expect more success afterwards, when the difficulties of the Ameri
cans' former situation are removed ; when their new independent
governments have acquired stability ; and when the people are be
come, as they soon will be, well armed, disciplined and supplied with
aU the means of resistance.
' The British ministry must therefore be sensible, that a continu
ation of hostUities against the colonies, after this year, can only tend
to prolong the danger, or invite an additional war in Europe; and
they iherefore doubtless intend, afler having tried the success of this
campaign, however it raay end, to make peace on the best terms
which can be obtained ; and if they cannot recover the colonies as
subjects, to admit their claim of independency, and secure them by
a federal alliance. Therefore no means are left for France lo pre
vent the colonists from being shortly reconciled to Great Britain,
either as subjects or alUes, but lo enter immediately inlo such engage
ments wilh them as will necessarily preclude all others ; such as wiU
permanently bind and secure their commerce and friendship, and
enable them as weff lo repel the attacks, as to spurn at the offers of
their present enemy.
' France must remember,' it vvas added, ' that the first resistance
of the colonists was not to obtain independency, but a redress of their
grievances ; and that there are many among thera who might even
now be satisfied wilh a limited subjection to the British crown. A
majority has indeed put in for the prize of independency ; they have
done it on a confidence that France,. attentive to her most important
interests, would soon give them open and effectual support. Bui
when they find themselves disappointed ; when they see some of
the powers of Europe furnish troops to assisi in their subjugation ;
another povver, alluding to Portugal, proscribing their commerce ;
and the rest looking on as indifferent spectators ; it is very probable
that, despairing of foreign aid, and severely pressed by their enemies
and their own internal wants and distresses, they may be inclined lo
accept of such terms as it will be the interest of the British govern
ment lo grant them. Lord George Germain, but a few weeks sinc«
declared in the house of commons that his hope of ending the Amer
ican war this year, was principaUy founded on the disappointment
which the colonists would feel, when they discover that no assistance
is likely to be given them from France. The British adherents in
America will spare no pains to spread and increase that disappoint
ment, by discouraging representations ; they already intimate thai
France, equally hostile lo both parties, foments the present war,

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAR. 81
only to make them mutually instrumental in each other's destruc
tion. ' Should Great Britain, by these and other means, detach the
colonies, and re-unite them to herself, France will irrecoverably lose
the most favorable opportunity ever offered to any nation, of hum
bUng a powerful, arrogant, and hereditary enemy.
'But it is not simply the opportunity of reducing Great Britain,
which France vvill lose by her present inactivity ; for her ovvn safety,
and that of all her American possessions, wffl be endangered the
moment in which a reconciliation takes place between Britain and
America. The king and ministry of Great Britain know and feel
that France has encouraged and assisted the colonists in their pres
ent resistance ; and they are as much incensed against her, as they
would be, were she openly to declare war. In truth, France has
done too much, unless she intends to do more.
' Can any one doubt but that whenever peace wilh America is, ob
tained by Great Britain, whatever may be the conditions of it, the
whole British force now on the continent of America, will be sud
denly transported to the West Indies, and eraployed in subduing the
French sugar islands there, to recompense the losses and expenses
which Greal Britain has suffered and incurred in this war, and lo
revenge the insult and injury France has done her by the encourage
ment and assistance which she is supposed to have secretly given
the colonists against Greal Britain ?'
Such was the purport of the memorial presented to the French
government, in order to terminate its hesitations ; but this also was
without success. The ministers were no less ingenious in discover
ing new evasions ; they chose to wait lo see the progress of this war.
The news of the taking of Ticonderoga, and the fear of still more
decisive operations on the part of general Howe, maintained their
doubts and indecision. They were loath to have no other part lo
play than extending the hand to insurgents, when already their
wreck appeared inevitable. We venture not to say, that in this
occurrence was again verified the vulgar maxira : the unfortunate
have no friends; but it appeared, at least, that the cabinet of Ver
sailles vvas determined lo procrastinate until the distress of the Amer
icans was arrived at such a point as to become their only law ; that
il might obtain from them the belter conditions for France. Besides,
as al this time there vvas much appearance that the British arms
would carry all before them, an accommodation between the mother
country and the colonies seemed less probable than ever ; and this
was what the French government had feared the most. The minis
ters of England, supposing them victorious in America, would have
VOL. n. 6

82 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK i.
listened to no conditions short of an absolute submission ; and the
French appeared to desire this extremity even more than indepen
dence, provided only, that it was introduced by a long and desolat
ing war.
Disgusted by so many delays, the American commissioners no long
er entertained any doubt as to the secret policy vvhich guided the
French in this conjuncture. In their despair, they had well nigh
broken off all negotiation with a government that reputed their mis
fortunes a source of prosperity to itself. Unable, therefore, to ac
complish their views with France, and discerning no other prospect
of safely, the Americans again addressed themselves to England,
proposing to her the recognition of their independence. This point
conceded, they would have yielded, in aff others, to such conditions
as should most tend to save the honor of the mother country. They
represented, that if the British ministry knew how to profit of the
occasion, il depended on themselves to stipulate an arrangement so
conducive to the prosperity of Great Britain, that she would seek in
vain to procure herself simffar advantages by any other means. But
the British government, elated with the first successes of Burgoyne,
and persuaded that fortune could not escape hira, refused to listen
to any overtures for accommodation, and rejected the proposition
with disdain. The blindness of the British ministers was incurable ;
the Americans, in the midst of the most disastrous reverses, and de
prived of all hope of foreign succor, strenuously refusing to renounce
their independence, insisting even to make it an indispensable con
dition of their reconciliation, it was manifest that the re-union of the
two states vvas become impossible ; and that since the necessity of
things and inexorable destiny pronounced that America should no
longer be subject, it was better to have her for an ally than for an ene
my. But the defeat and capture of Burgoyne, by announcing with
such energy the rising greatness of America, had given new ardor
to the patriots ; new hopes and new fears to the French. Their re
ciprocal situation became less ambiguous ; each began to manifest
more positive resolutions. England herself, if her king and his
ministers had yielded less to their individual prepossessions, would
have prudently paused ; and abandoning an enterprise above her
strength, vvould have resorted lo the only vvay of safety that she had
lefl. But pride, obstinacy and intrigue are loo often the ruin of
states; ancZ lord Bute was incessantly smoothing that route for
king George. After the victory of Saratoga, the Americans pur
sued vvith rare sagacity the policy prescribed by their new circum
stances. Their conduct demonstrated as much abffity as experience
in affairs of state. They reflected, that as their successes had in-

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAR, 83
creased their strength, rendered their alliance more desirable, and
banished all doubts from enlightened minds respecting their inde
pendence, nothing could be better calculated on their part, than to
give jealousy to France, by pretending a disposition to make alliance
with England ; and disquietude to England, by the appearance of
courting the strictest union with France. They hoped by this con
duct to arrive at length to something conclusive. Accordingly, the
same express that carried to England the news of the capitulation of
Saratoga, was the bearer of dispalches, the drift of which was lo
insinuate, that the Americans, disgusted by the excessive delays of
the French, and indignant at not having received in the midst of their
reverses, avowed and more efficacious succors, were eagerly desirous
of an accommodation with England, and lo conclude with her a
treaty of commerce, provided she acknowledged their independence.
In order to give raore weight lo this suggestion, it was added, that
the colonists would feel particular gratification in a reconciliation
with their ancient country ; whereas, in the contrary case, they
should be compelled lo throw themselves into the arms of the in
veterate and iraplacable enemy of the English name.
General Gates, on whom his recent victory reflected so much
luster, wrote, to the sarae effect, to one of the most distinguished
members of parliament. These steps of the chiefs of the American
revolution were likewise necessary to satisfy the people, who would
not, without extreme repugnance, have seen themselves thrust pre
cipitately into the party of France, before having attempted every
probable mode of effecting an adjustment with England. The pre
judices they entertained against France were stffl in all their fouce ;
and the persuasion that this power had speculated upon their misfor
tunes, had greatly exasperated their aversion. These negotiations
were no secret to the court of Versailles, as they had been commu
nicated lo Franklin, who knew how to make the best use of them ;
the umbrage they gave the French ministers will be readily con
ceived. Franklin, about the same time, received instructions lo
reiterate his expostulations with the government, that it might at
length discover itself, since otherwise, it was lo be feared that Eng
land, convinced by the catastrophe of Burgoyne, and even by the
useless victories 'of Howe, that the reduction of America, by dint of
arms, was absolutely impossible, would acknowledge independence.
The Americans, he added, finding themselves deserted by the
French, will be constrained to listen to the overtures of the English,
and to accept of favor wherever they find it ; and such an arrange
ment could not have cftect but to the irreparable prejudice of the
interests of France. The ministers perceived clearly that the time

84 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK X.
was come, in which, if they would not lose the fruit of aU their
policy, it was necessary finally lo lay aside the personage of the fox,
and lo assume the nature of the Uon. Judging the British ministers
by themselves, they supposed them entirely exempt from aff passion,
as statesmen ought to be ; consequently, fearing the measures vvhich
their wisdom might prescribe, they determined to resume, and bring
to a conclusion, the negotiations they had opened already, so long
since, with the Americans, and^ which they had so shrewdly pro
longed. This decision appeared to them the more urgent, as they were not
ignorant that the great body of the inhabitants of Araerica, their
independence once established, would much more willingly have
coalesced vvith the English, a people of the same blood, of the same
language, of the sarae manners, and stiff not entirely forgetful of
former friendship, than wilh the French, a nation not only foreign
and rival, but reputed faithless ; whose long hesitations had counte
nanced the imputation, and against whom, from their tenderest chffd
hood, they had fostered the most unfavorable prepossessions. On
the olher hand, the Americans had supported three entire years of
the most trying distress, without having ever discovered the least
disposition to relinquish their enterprise, or the least mark of weari
ness in their conflict with adverse fortune. Their moderation had
not deserted them in success ; and the perseverance of their efforts
had given lo the first victories of the English all the consequences
of defeats. These considerations had persuaded the ministers of
France, that America had knowledge, power, and will, to keep the
faith of treaties.
The resolution of finally taking an active part in this war, by
extending an auxiliary hand to the Americans, could not fail, besides,
of being highly agreeable lo the greater part of the French nation.
The motive of il was not merely to be found in the inveterate hatred
borne the English, in the remembrance of recent wounds, in the
desire of revenge, and in the political opinions, which, at that period,
had spread throughout tlie kingdom, but also in numerous and pow
erful considerations of commercial advantage. The trade which
had been carried on between France and America, since the com
mencement of disturbances, and especially since the breaking out of
hostilities, had yielded the French merchants immense gains. All
of these, iherefore, eagerly desired that the new order of things
might be perpetuated by independence, in order nevier to see the
times revived, in which the prohibitory laws of parliament, and espe
ciaffy the act of navigation, would have deprived them of these
benefits. It is true, however, that they had not found this com-

BOOK X, THE AMERICAN WAR, 85
merce so lucrative as they had anticipated; for several of them,
hurried away by the excessive love of gain, and principally those of
the maritime cities, had dispatched to America ships loaded with
valuable merchandise, a great number of which had been taken on
the passage by the British cruisers. But even these losses stimulated
their desire to be able to continue the same commerce, and to wit
ness the reduction of that British audacity which pretended lo reign
alone upon an element common to the whole universe. They hoped
that the royal navy in open war would afford protection to the ships
of commerce ; and that force would thus shield the enterprises of
cupidity. The French had, besides, in this conjuncture, the hope, or
rather the certainty, that Spain would take part in the quarrel. This
was a considerction of weight, in addition lo the motives which
always influenced them. That kingdora had a formidable raarine,
and was animated with so strong a desire to make trial of it against
England, that the French court, rigidly adhering to its plan of cir
cumspection, had hitherto thought it prudent to check rather than
stimulate the cabinet of Madrid. Il was not in the least doubted,
that all the united forces of the house of Bourbon, already so long
prepared, and directed towards the same object, were more than
sufficient to take down the intolerable arrogance of the English, lo
protect rich cargoes from their insults, and even to cause the com
merce of the two Indies to pass almost entirely into the hands of
the French and Spaniards.
Thus favored by circumstances, and by the voice of the people,
the French government had more need of prudence to restrain it
from precipitating its resolutions, than of ardor, to incite it lo en
counter the hazards of fortune. Never, assuredly, had any govern
ment to adopt a counsel more recomraended by the unanimous and
ardent wishes of its subjects, or which promised a more fortunate
issue, or more brilliant advantages. Unable, therefore, lo resist
longer the pressing soheitations of the agents of congress, the minis -
ter,s resolved at length to seize the occasion, and to conclude with
America the treaty which had been the object of such long negotia
tions. But as, heretofore, the intention of France hadbeen to elude
any positive engagement, the articles of the convention, though often
and deUberately discussed, were not yet settled. Under the appre
hension, however, that the British government, in case of further
delays, might tempt the Americans with conciliatory overtures, the
French ministers concluded to signify to the commissioners of con
gress the preliminaries of the treaty of friendship and commerce, to
be stipulated between the two states. This communication was made
the sixteenth of December, 1777, by M. Gerard, royal syndic of the

86 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X.
city of Strasbourg, and secretary of the king's council of state. Its
purport vvas as follows : ' That France would not only acknowledge,
but support with all her forces, the independence of the United
States, and would conclude vvith them a treaty of amity and com
merce ; that in the stipulations of this treaty she vvould take no ad
vantage of the present situation of the United States, but that the
articles of it should be of the same nature as if the said states had
been long established, and were constituted in aff the plenitude of
their strength ; that his most christian majesty plainly foresaw that in
taking this step, he should probably enter upon a war with Great
Britain ; but that he desired no indemnification upon that score on
the part of the United States ; not pretending to act solely with a
view to their particular interest, since, besides the benevolence he
bore them, it was manifest, that the povver of England vvould be di
minished by the dismemberment of her colonies. The king expect
ed only, with full confidence, from the United Stales, that whatever
was the peace which might be concluded eventually, they would
never renounce their independence, and resume the yoke of British
domination.' This declaration on the part of France, re-assured the
minds of the Americans ; it was foffowed by very active negotiations
during all the month of January. They were immediately commu
nicated to Spain, that she might also, if so inclined, become a party
lo the convention ; nor was it long before a favorable answer was
received from that court.
All difficulties being surmounted, and the conditions acceded to
on the one part and on the olher, upon the sixth of February was
concluded the treaty of amity between his most christian majesty
and the United States of America. It was signed on behalf of the
king by M. Gerard, and for the United Slates by Benjarain Franklin,
Silas Deane, and Arthur Lee. By this treaty, in which the king of
France considered the United States of America as an independent
nation, were regulated between the contracting parties, various mari
tirae and commercial interests concerning the duties which merchant
vessels were to pay in the ports of the friendly state ; it guarantied
the reciprocal protection of vessels in lime of war ; the right of fish
ery, and especiaUy that which the French carried on upon the banks
of Newfoundland, by virtue of the treaties of Utrecht ahd of Paris ;
it exempted from the right of Aubaine, as weff the French in Arrjcr-
ica, as the Araericans in France ; it provided for the exercise of
commterce, and the admission of privateers with one of the contract
ing parties, in case the other should be at war witb a third power.
To this effect, in order to preclude all occasion of dissension, it was
determined by an express clause, what articles, in lime of war, should

BOOK X.

THE AJIERICAN WAR, 87

be deemed contraband, and what should be consideied free, and
consequently might be freely transported, and introduced by the sub
jects of the two powers into enemy ports ; those excepted, however,
which should be found, at the lime, besieged, blockaded or invested.
It was also agreed, that the ships and vessels of the contracting par
ties should not be subject to any visit ; it being intended that aff visit
or search should take place prior to the clearance of the shipping,
ajid that contraband articles should be seized in port, and not upon
the voyage, except, however, the cases, where there should exist in
dications or proofs of fraud. It was stipulated, besides, that in or
der to facilitate the commerce of the United States wilh France, his
most christian majesty should grant them, as well in Europe as in
the islands of America, subject lo his dominion, several free ports.
Finally, the king pledged hiraself to employ his good offices and me
diation with the emperor of Morocco, and vvith the regencies of Al
giers, TripoU, Tunis, and olher powers of the coast of Barbary, in
order that provision should be made in the best possible mode for
the accommodation and security of the citizens, ships, and merchan
dise, ' of the United States of America.' It is to be observed, that
this treaty, besides the recognition made in it of American indepen
dence, was completely subversive of the principles which the British
government had uniformly attempted to estabUsh as well with respect
to the commerce of neutrals, in time of war, as with regard to the
blockade of the ports of an enemy state by the British squadrons.
Consequently, it was easy to foresee that, although France had not
contracted lo furnish succors of any sort to the United Slates, Greal
Britain, nevertheless, on being so wounded to the quick in her pride,
and ill her most essential interests, Would manifest a keen resent
ment, and would probably declare war against France. Hence it
was, that the contracting parlies concluded the same day another,
eventual, treaty of aUiance, offensive and defensive, vvhich was to
take its effect so soon as war should break out between France and
England. The two parties engaged to assist each other with good
offices, with counsel, and wilh arms. It vvas stipulated, a thing until
then unheard of, on the part of a king, that the essential and express
object of the alliance, was to maintain effectually the liberty, sove-
reignlj', and independence of the United States. Il was also cove
nanted, that if the remaining provinces of Great Britain upon the
American continent, or the Bermuda islands, came to be conquered,
they should become confederates or dependents of the United States ;
but if any of the islands were taken situated within, or at the en
trance of the gulf of Mexico, these should belong to the crown of
France, It was agreed, that neither of the two parties could con-

oo THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK X.
elude truce or peace with Great Britain without the consent of the
other. They reciprocally obligated themselves not lo lay down
arms, until the independence of the United Stales should be either
formally or tacitly acknowledged in treaties which should terminate
the war. They guarantied to each other, that is, the United States
lo the king of France, his present possessions in America, as well
as those he might obtain by the treaty of peace ; and the king of
France, lo the United States, liberty, sovereignty and independence,
absolute and unlimited, as weff in point of government as of com
merce, and likewise those possessions, additions and conquests vvhich
the confederation might acquire in the domains of Great Britain in
North America. A separate and secret article reserved to the king
of Spain the faculty of becoraing a party to the treaty of araity and
commerce, as well as to that of alliance, at such lime as he should
think proper.
Thus France, ever bearing in mind the wounds received in the
war of Canada, and always jealofis of the power of England, at first
by wily intrigues and distant suggestions, then by clandestine suc
cors, and if convenient disavowed, had encouraged the English col
onies in their resistance ; at length, openly laking them by the hand,
she saluted them independent. The French government displayed
a profound policy, and singular dexterity in the execution of this
plan ; it may even be affirmed, that in no other affair, however im
portant, and in no other time, has it ever exhibited so much sagacity
and stability. Its operations were covert, while it vvas perilous to
come out, and il threw off the mask so soon as the successes of the
colonists permitted them lo be looked upon as safe allies. It took
the field when its armies, and especially its fleets, were in perfect
preparation, when all its subjects were favorably disposed, when every
thing, in a word, promised victory. It would be difficult to paint the
transports of exultation vvhich burst forth in France on the publi
cation of the new treaties. The merchants enjoyed in advance those
riches which until then had been confined lo the ports of England ;
the landholders imagined that their taxes would be dirainished in
proportion to the increased prosperity of commerce ; the soldiers,
and especiaUy the seamen, hoped to avenge their affronts, and re
cover their ancient glory ; the generous spirits exulted that France
declared herself, as she should be, the protectress of the oppressed ;
the friends of liberal principles applauded her for having undertaken
the defense of liberty. All united in blessing the long wished for
occasion of repressing the detestable pride of a rival nation. All
were persuaded that the losses sustained in the preceding reign vveie
about lo be repaired ; it was every where exclaimed, that the desii-

BOOK X.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 89

nies promised to the crown of France weie about to be accom
plished. ' Such,' it was said, ' are the happy auspices which usher
in the reign of a clement and beloved prince ; loo long have we suf
fered ; let us haff the dawn of a more fortunate future.' Nor was
it only in France that this enthusiasm of joy was witnessed ; the same
disposition of rainds prevailed in almost aff the states of Europe.
The Europeans lauded, and exalted to the skies, the generosity
and the magnanimity of Louis XVI. Such, at that time, was the
general abhorrence excited by the conduct of the British govern
ment ; or such was the affection borne to the American cause.
Shortly after the subscription of the treaties, and long before they
were made public, the British ministry had knowledge of them.
It is asserted that some of its members, wishing to embrace this
occasion for the re-establishment of concord between the two parties,
proposed in the secret councils to acknowledge immediately the
independence ofthe colonies, and to negotiate with them a treaty of
commerce and affiance. But the king, either guided by his natural
obstinacy, or docile as heretofore to the instigations of lord Bute, re
fused his consent to this measure. It was therefore resolved to pro
ceed by middle ways, which, if they are the least painful, lead also
the most rarely to success. They consisted, on this occasion, not in
acknowledging independence, which, at this time, it was easier to
deny than lo prevent, but in renouncing the right of taxation, in re
voking the lavvs complained of, in granting pardons, in acknowledging
for a certain lime the American authorities ; and, finally, in negotiat
ing with them. This plan of conduct, which was not less, and per
haps more derogatory to the dignity of the crown than the acknowl
edgment of independence, offered, besides, less real advantage lo
England ; it was accordingly blamed by all prudent and intelligent
politicians. None could avoid seeing, that if it was questionable,
whether these measures would have operated the desired effect be
fore the declaration of independence and the alliance with France,
it was indubitable that afterwards they must prove absolutely fruitless.
That proclivity which men have by nature towards independence,
was likely to prevail in the minds of the Americans over the proposal
of resuming their former yoke, whatever were the advantages that
could have resulted from it. Another consideration must have acted
upon them, and particulariy upon their chiefs ; they were not igno
rant, that in state matters it is little prudent to confide in the pardon
of princes ; neither had they forgotten that these very ministers, who
made them such bland proposals, were the same men who haa at
tempted to starve America, had filled it with ferocious soldiers, vvith
devastation and with blood. Besides, if the Americans should have

90 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X.
broken the faith which they had just pledged to France, they would
have declared themselves guilty of a scandalous perfidy ; abandoned
by their new affies, could they have hoped, after such treachery, to
find, in their utmost distress, a single power on earth that vvould deign
to succor them? They would have found themselves exposed,
without shield or defense, to the fury and vengeance of Greal
Britain. But, perhaps, the British ministers believed, that if the measures
proposed were not to bring about an arrangement, they might, al
least, divide opinions, give birth to powerful parties, and thus, by in
testine dissensions, facilitate the triumph of England. Perhaps, also,
and probably they persuaded themselves, that if the Americans re
jected the propositions for an adjustraent, they would at,leasl have a
colorable pretense for continuing the war. But vv hether the proce
dure of the ministers at this juncture vvas free or forced, lord North,
in the sitting of the house pf commons, of the nineteenth bf Febru
ary, made a very grave speech upon the present state of affairs. He
remarked, that sir WiUiam Howe had not only been in the lale ac
tions, and in the whole course ofthe campaign, in goodness of troops,
and in all manner of suppUes, but in numbers, too, much superior lo
the enemy ; that Burgoyne had been in numbers, untff the affair at
Bennington, near twice as strong as the army opposed to him ; that
sixty thousand men and upwards had been sent to Araerica, a force
which even exceeded the demands of the generals ; but fortune had
shown herself so unpropitious, that it had been impossible to reap
those advantages which were reasonably lo have been expected from
it. He concluded vvith saying, that although Great Britain was most
able to continue the war, not only from the abundance of men, and
the strength of the navy, but from the flourishing condition of the
finances, vvhich might be still increased by a loan at low interest, yet
out of that desire which every good government ought lo have, to
put an end lo war, the ministry had determined to submit to the de
liberations of the house certain conciliatory propositions, from which
he expected the most happy results. The general attention was
evinced by a profound sffence ; no mark of approbation was mani
fested by any party. Astonishment, dejection and fear overclouded
tne whole assembly ; so different was the present language of the
ministers from what they had ever used before ; it was concluded
they had been forced lo il by some serious cause. Fox took this
opportunity to exclaim, that the treaty of alliance between France
and the United States was already signed ; the agitation and tumult
becaine extreme. Lord North moved the resolution^ that the par
liament could not in future impose any tax or duty in the colonies

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAR, 91
of North America, except such only as should be deemed beneficial
to commerce, and the product even of those lo be collected under
the authority of the respective colonies, and to be employed for their
use and advantage. He proposed, besides, that five commissioners
should be appointed, empowered to adjust with any assembly or in
dividual whatsoever, the differences existing between Greal Britain
and her colonies, it being understood, however, that the compacts
wore not to lake effect till ratified by the parliament.
The commissioners were, also, to be authorized lo proclaim armis
tices wherever they should think proper, to suspend prohibitory laws,
and generally all lawfe promulgated since the tenth of February, one
thousand seven hundred and sixty-three ; and to pardon whoever,
and as many as they pleased. Finally, they vvere to have authority
lo appoint governors and commanders-in-chief in the reconciled
provinces. Thus the British ministers, now urged by necessity, all at once
conceded what they had refused during fifteen years, and what they
had been contending for in a sanguinary and cruel war, already of
three years standing. Whether it was the fault of fortune, or their
own, they appeared in this conjuncture, as in all others, inflexible
when they should have yielded, and pliant when too late. Incapa
ble of controlling evenls, they were dragged along by them. The
bills proposed passed almost without opposition in parliament ; but
vvithout, they excited universal discontent. ' Such concessions,' it
was vociferated, • are too unworthy of the British name and power ;
they would only be admissible in an extremity, such as. Heaven be
thanked, England is still far from being reduced to ; they are calcu
lated to sow discouragement among us, to enervate our armies, lo
embolden our enemies, and to detach our allies. Since the right of
taxation is renounced, which was the first motive arid cause of the
war, why not go farther, and acknowledge independency ? ' In a
word, the ministers were charged wilh having done too much, or too
little ; the common fate of those, who from timidity betake them
selves to half measures ; whose prudence and vigor prove equally
vam. Nor were the ministers only exposed to the animadversions
of the opposite party ; the most moderate citizens expressed a no
less decided disapprobation. Nevertheless, the king appointed, not
long after, for commissioners, the earl of Cariisle, lord Howe, Wil
liam Eden, George Johnstone, and the commander-in-chief of the
English army in Araerica ; individuals highly distinguished, either
by their rank, or by the celebrity of their achievements, or by their
inteUigence and experience in American affair ; the eari of Carlisle,
Eden and Johnstone, saffed from St. Helen's the twentj-firsl of
April on board the ship Trident.

92 THE AMERICAN WAB, BOOK X,
In the midst of this complication of novel events, and of novel
measures, and while the entire British nation vvas anxiously looking
towards the future, tho marquis de Noailles, ambassador of his most
christian majesty, at the court of England, in pursuance of instruc
tions from his sovereign, delivered, on the thirteenth of March, to
lord Weymouth, secretary of state for foreign affairs, the following
declaration :
' The United States of America, vvhich are in full possession of the
independence declared by their act of the fourth of July, one thou
sand seven hundred and seventy-six, having made a proposal lo the
king to consolidate, by a forraal convention, the connections that
have begun lo be estabUshed between the two nations, the respective
plenipotentiaries have signed a treaty of araity and commerce, in
tended to serve as a basis for mutual good correspondence,
' His majesty, being resolved to cultivate the good understanding
subsisting between France and Great Britain, by all the means com
patible wilh his dignity, and vvith the good of his subjects, thinks that
he ought to imparl this step to the court of London, and declare to
it, at the same time, that the contracting parties have had attention
not to stipulate any exclusive advantage in favor of the French nation,
and that the United States have preserved the Uberty of treating
wilh all nations whatsoever on the same foot of equality and re
ciprocity. ' In making this communication to the court of London, the king
is firmly persuaded, that il wiU find in it fresh proofs of his majesty's
constant and sincere dispositions for peace ; and that his Britannic
majesty, animated by the same sentiraents, wffl equally avoid every
thing that may interrupt good harmony ; and that he will take, in
particular, effectual measures lo hinder the comraerce of his majesty's
subjects with the United States ofAmerica from being disturbed, and
cause to be observed, in this respect, the usages received between
trading nations, and the rules that may be considered as subsisting
between the crowns of France and Great Britain.
' In thi?. just confidence, the underwritten ambassador might think
il superfluous lo apprise the British ministry, that the king his mas
ter, being determined effectually to protect the lawful freedom of the
commerce of his subjects, and to sustain the honor of his flag, his
majesty has taken, in consequence, eventual measures, in concert
with the LTnited States of North America.'
This declaration, so full of matter in itself, and presented with very
Uttle ceremony by the French ambassador, stung British pride to the
quick. If it was one of those shrewd turns which are not unusual
among princes in their reciprocal intercourse, it was also one of those

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAR, 93
which they are not accustomed to forgive. France had foreseen its
consequences, and far from dreading them, they vvere the very ob
ject of her wishes and hopes. Lord North communicated, the
seventeenth of March, the note ofthe French minister to the house of
commons, vvith a message from the king, purporting that his majesty
had thought proper, in consequence of this offensive declaration on
the part of the government of France, to recall his ambassador from
that court ; that he had been sincerely desirous to preserve the tran
quillity of Europe ; and that he trusted he should not stand rcspon-'
sible for its interruption, if he resented so unprovoked, and so unjust
an aggression on the honor of his crown, and the essential interests of
his kingdoms, contrary lo the most solemn assurances, subversive of
the law of nations, and injurious to the riglits of every sovereign
power in Europe. He concluded with saying, that relying wilh the
firmest confidence on the zeal of his people, he hoped to be in a
condition to repel every insult and attack, and to maintain and uphold
the power and reputation of his crown.
This resolution surprised no one ; it was already the subject of
conversation in all companies. Lord North moved the usual address
of thanks to the king, with assurance of the support of parliament.
A member named Baker proposed that the king should be entreated
10 remove from his counsels those persons in whom his people could
no longer repose any sort of confidence. This amendment vvas sup
ported with great spirit. Il was then that governor Pownall, aman
of weight, and particularly conversant in American affairs, rose and
spoke in much the foUowing terms :
' I do not deera it consistent with the business of this solemn day,
which is about to decide upon the immediate re-establishment, or
irreparable ruin of our country, to go into the inquiry whether the
present ministers are longer to be trusted with the conduct of the
1 battered ship ofthe slate, in the midst of tempests, or whether we
are to commit the helm to other hands. Considerations of far higher
importance, if I am not mistaken, demand all your attention. For
whatever these ministers may be, against whom I hear such bitter
murmurs, if we have the wisdom lo take this day a suitable resolu
tion, I have not the least doubt that even they will be capable of
executing it vvith success. If, on the contrary, persisting in the meas
ures which have brought us into this critical position, we add a new
blunder to' all our past errors, neither these nor any other ministers
can save us from perdition.
^ ' Besides, those who are desirous of investigating the causes of our
disasters, and who impute them to the present servants of the crown,
will have an early opportunity for sifting that subject to their wish, in

94 THE AMERICAN WAK. BOOK X,
the regular examination of their conduct, which is to occupy this
house in a few days. But what is the business before us, and what
is the subject of our immediate deliberations ? Faithless and haughty
France rises against us ; she threatens us vvith war, if we presume to
resent, nay, if we do not accept the insulting conditions she dictates.
Where is the citizen vvho loves his country, where is the Briton who
is not fired vvith indignation, vvho is not impatient lo avenge the out
rages of this implacable rival ? I also have British blood in my veins ;
I feel it in the transports vvhich animate me, I approve high ar d mag
nanimous resolutions. But what I condemn, and so long as I have
life will always condemn, is the impolicy of hurrying to encounter
two wars instead of one, and of choosing rather to add a new enemy
lo the old, than to be reconciled with the latter, in order to operate in
concert against the former. To vanquish France and America to
gether, is an enterprise to be reckoned among irapossible events ; to
triumph over the first after having disarmed the second, is not only
possible, but easy. But in order to attain this object, it is necessary
to acknowledge, what we can no longer prevent, I mean American
independence. And what are the obstacles which oppose so salu
tary a resolution ? or by what reasons can it be combated ? Perhaps
the desire of glory, or the honor of the crown ? But honor resides
in victory ; sharae in defeat ; and in affairs of state, the useful is al
ways honorable.
' We should consider also, that in acknowledging the independence
ofthe United States, vve acknowledge not only what is, but also what
we have already recognized, if not in form, at least in fact. In those
very acts of concUiation vvhich vve have so lately passed, we acknowl
edge, if vve would speak ingenuously, that vve have renounced all
sort of supremacy. If our intention is to maintain it, we have already
gone too far ; but if our desire of peace be sincere, vve have not gone
far enough ; and every step we shall take lo pul the Americans isack"
from independency, wiU convince thera the more of the necessity of
going forward. Inveterate inclinations are not so easily changed, and
resolutions taken after long and mature deliberations, are not so
Ugh tly diverted.
' If we look well into the great acts of their proceedings, we shaU
soon bc satisfied that they were not suddenly taken up as an ebulli
tion of enthusiasm, or in the bitterness of passion or revenge, but
rather as coming on of course, by a train of events, linked together
by a system of pohcy. Their march vvas slow, but in measured
steps ; feeling their ground before they set their foot on it ; yet when
once set, there fixed forever. They rnade their declaration of rights
in 1774, itself but hide compatible with British supremacy. They

BOOK X,

THE AMERICAN WAB, 95

afterwards confirmed it by a manifesto, in which they proclaimed
their reasons for taking up arms ; and finally they declared their
independence, which is but the pinnacle and accomphshment of that
work vvhich they had long since commenced, which they were assist
ed in perfecting by the very nature of things, and which they have
so valiantly defended in three successive campaigns,
' If these people, when they viewed their cause abandoned, as to
all assistance vvhich they looked to in Europe ; when sinking, as to
all appearance of what the utmost exertions of their own resources
had done ; when clouded with despair ; would not give up the ground
of independence, on which they were determined to stand ; what
hopes can there be, and from what quarter, that they wiU now, when
every event of fate and fortune is reversed to us, and turned in their
favor ; when they feel their own power able to resist, to counteract,
and in one deplorable instance superior to, and victorious over ours ;
when they see their cause taken up in Europe ; when they find the
nations among which they have taken their equal station, acknowl
edging their independency, and concluding treaties with them as such ;
when France has actually and avowedly done it ; when it is known
that Spain must foffow, and that Holland will ; what hopes cin there
be, and from what quarter, that they wffl, all at once, pull down their
own nevv governraents, to receive our provincial ones ? that they
will dissolve their confederation ? that they wiff disavow all their
reasons for laking up arms ; and give up all those rights which thev
have declared, claimed and insisted upon, in order to receive such
others at our hands, as supremacy on one hand wiff, and dependency
on the other can admit them to? And how can we hope to conquer,
when surrounded by his alUes, the enemy, who, single, has repulsed
your attacks ? France abounds in hardy and gallant warriors ; she
wiff inundate vvith them the plains of America ; and then, whetlier
we shaff be able, I say not to conquer, but to resist, let each be his
own judge.
' We are in sight of the coasts of France ; we see them lined vvith
formidable maritime preparations ; and though we may not fear, we
ought at least to guard against, an attack upon this very territory,
where we are meditating the destruction of America, who combats
us, and of France, who seconds her. It follows that those soldiers
who might have been sent to America, must remain in Groat Britain
to defend our haUowed laws, our sacred altars, our country itself,
against the fury of the French. Already the numerous fleet of
Brest is perfectly prepared to put to sea ; already the coasts of
Normandy swarm vvith troops that seem to menace a descent upon
our natal land. And what are we doing in the mean time ? We

96 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X.
are here deliberating whether it is belter to have divers enemies,
than one only ; whether it is more expedient to encounter at once
America and Europe in league for our destruction, than to make
head against Europe with the arms of America lo back us? But
am I alone in maintaining that the safety of England is attached to
the measure I propose ? All prudent men profess the same opinion ;
the unanimous voice of the people repeats it ; the pompous but vain
declamations of the ministers they have learned lo interpret as the
denuDciations of irreparable calaiuilies to the country. Of this the
loo certain proof is found in the faff of the pubhc funds ; which
look place the moraent there was any mention of this new ministe
rial frenzy, of this obstinacy more Scotch than Enghsh. TeU us
then, ministers, sometimes so weakly credulous, at all limes so obsti
nate in your resolutions, if you have easily effected the late loan,
and what is the rate of interest you have poid ? But you are silent.
Will not this then suffice to convince you of the perversity of your
measures ?
' I know there are some who are careful lo give out that the ac
knowledgment of independence, besides being a measure Uttle to
our h^ior, would offer no certain advantage, since we have no as
surance that it would satisfy the Americans. But how can we believe
that the Americans will prefer the alliance of France to ours ? • Are
not these the same French who formerly attempted to subjugate
them ? Are not these the same French whose wishes would have
led them to extinguish the name and language of the English ? How
can it be supposed that the Americans have not yet refiected that
England, their bulwark, once prostrated, they will be abandoned,
without defense, to the power of France, who will dispose of them
as she sees fit ? How should they not perceive this artifice of the
Frencli, not new, but now prepared and rendered more dangerous
by our own imprudence, which consists in laboring to dissolve our
union in order to crush us separately ? The Americans vvill undoubt
edly prefer the friendship and alliance of France to dependency ;
but believe me, when I assure you, that they will like infinitely bet
ter the alliance of Greal Britain, conjointly with independence.
Besides^, it is a secrei to nobody that the Americans are incensed
against France for having in this very negotiation profited of their
distress, to try lo drive a hard and inequitable bargain wilh them;
thus setting a price upon their independence. Let us avaff our
selves, if we are wise, of the effects of French avarice, and we may
thus make friends of those whom vve can no longer have for subjects.
Independent of the reasons I have urged, the interest of reeiprocal
commerce alone, if every other part of the ground be taken equal,

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAR. 97
would determine the Americans to prefer our friendship to that of
France. But why should I multiply arguments lo convince you of
that vvhich I can in an instant demonstrate beyond all doubt ? I
have seen, and read wilh my own eyes, a letter written by Benjamin
Frankhn, a man, as you all know, of irrefragable authority wilh his
countrymen. In this letter, transmitted to London since the con
clusion of the treaty of alliance between France and America, he
affirms that if Great Britain would renounce her supremacy, and treat
wilh the Americans as an independent nation, peace might be re
established immediately. These are not the news and silly reports
with which our good ministers allow themselves to be amused by
refugees. But if we may count upon the friendship and alliance of
independent America, it is equally clear, that instead of being weak
ened by the separation, we should become but the more capable of
attack, and the more vigorous for defense. For a part of these
troops, which are now employed lo no effect in our colonies, might
then be taken with advantage to form such garrisons in Canada and
Nova Scotia, as would put those provinces ofut of aff insult and dan
ger. The rest of the forces there might be employed to protect our
islands, and to attack those of France, which, thus taken by surprise,
would inevitably fall into our hands. As lo the fleet, we could so
dispose it as to cover and defend at once all our possessions and our
coramerce in the two hemispheres. Thus dehvered from all dis
quietude on the part of America, we should be enabled lo bend all
our thoughts and all our forces against France ; and make her pay
tlie forfeit of her insolence and audacity.
' On these considerations, I think that, abandoning half measures,
we should extend the powers of the commissioners to the enabling
them to treat, consult, and finally to agree and acknowledge the
Americans as independent ; on condition, and in the moment, that
they wiU, as such, form a federal treaty, offensive and defensive and
commercial with us. If I am not greatly mistaken, we should reap
more advantage from this single resolution, than from several victo
ries, in a war become hopel(5ss.
' But if, on the contrary, we persist in our infatuation, we shall
learn, to our irreparable prejudice, how costly it is to trust raore to
appearances than reality, and how dangerous to listen to the perni
cious counsels of fury and pride. Be assured, if the commis
sioners are not empowered to acknowledge independence, they had
better never go : their going will be a mockery, and end in disgrace.'
These considerations, weighty in themselves, and the emphatic
manner of the orator, made a deep impression upon the minds of hia
auditors ; it was perceived that several members of the ministeria/
VOL. 11. 7

98 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X.
party began to waver. But the minister of war, Jenkinson, aperson-
age of no little authority, immediately answered by the following
speech :
' Nations, no less than individuals, ought to pursue that which is
just and honest ; and if this be their duty, it is equally also their
interest, since it generally conducts them to glory and to greatness.
On lii2 other hand, what can be more fatal to the felicity of states,
than the uncertainty and instability of counsels ?
' Resolutions always fluctuating betray, in those who govern, either
weakness of mind, or timidity of spirit ; and prevent them from ever
attaining the end proposed. This axiom admitted, I hope to have
little difficulty in persuading the house that in the present question,
where we see prejudiced men hurried away by vain chimeras, it is
as rigorously required by justice and our dignity as by the most
essential interests of the state, that we should not depart from the
counsels we-pursue. However fortune may turn her wheel, the war
we wage is just. Such the wisdom of parliament has decreed il;
such the voice of the people has proclaimed it ; such the very nature
of things confirms it. Why it has not beep more successful, I wiU
not now take upon me to say. Whatever may have been the causes,
the want of success has at last brought upon us the insults and
meditated attacks of the French. Is there any one here, vvho, in
such a situation, would have Great Britain despond, would have her
stoop to unworthy resolutions, and, through fear of the French, ac
knowledge herself vanquished by her ancient subjects ? But what do
I say ? There are men who would have us trerable for ourselves ;
and vvho imagine they already see the French banners floating at the
gates of London. But disregarding the vain terrors of these, I know
not whether to say ambitious or timorous raen, I pledge myself to
demonstrate, that the course we have hitherto pursued is not only
that of justice and honor, but that it is capable of conducting us to
the object of our desires.
' I shall begin with asking these bosom friends of rebels, if they
are certain that it is all America, or only a seditious handful, whose
craft and audacity have raised them to the head of affairs, who claim
independency ? For my ovvn part, I confess that this independence
appears to me rather a vision that floats in certain brains, inflamed
by the rage of innovation, on that side of the Atlantic as well as on
this, than any general wish of the people. This is what all men of
sense declare, who have resided in the midst of that misguided mul
titude ; this is attested by the thousands of royalists who have
flocked to the royal standard in New York, and vvho have fought for
the king in the plains of Saratoga, and on the banks of the Brandy

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAR. 99
wine. This, finally, is proclaimed by the very prisons, crowded
with inhabitants, vvho have chosen rather to part with their liberty,
than to renounce their allegiance ; and have preferred an imminent
peril of death, to a participation in rebellion. If their co-operation
has not proved of that utility, vvhich, from their number and force,
was to have been expected, this must be imputed not to their
indifference, but rather to the inconsiderate zeal which caused them
to break out prematurely. There is every reason to think that to
such subjects as remained faithful until England set up the pretension
of laxation, many others wffl join themselves now that she has
renounced it ; for already all are convinced how much better it is to
Uve under the mild sway of an equitable prince, than under the
tyranny of new and ambitious men. And why should I here omit
the ties of consanguinity, the common language, the mutual interests,
the conformity of raanners, and the recollection of ancient union ?
I appeal even to the testimony of my adversary, with regard lo the
avarice and levolting behavior of France, during the negotiation of
alliance ; and can it be doubtful that to this new, insatiable, arrogant
and faithless friend, the Americans wiff prefer their old, tried, benefi
cent and affectionate fellow-citizens ? Nor should I omit to mention
a well known fact ; the finances of congress are exhausted ; their
soldiers are naked and famishing ; they can satisfy none of the wants
of the state ; creditors are without remedy against their debtors ;
hence arise scandals without end, private hatreds, and unanimous
maledictions against the government.
' There is not an individual among the Americans, but sees that, in
accepting the terras offered by Great Britain, the public credit will
be re-established, private property secured, and abundance in all parts
of the social body restored. They will concur, with the more ardor,
in estabUshing this prosperity, when they shall see powerful England
resolved on continuing the war with redoubled energy. Certainly
they will not believe that any succors they can receive from haughty
France wiff compel us very speedily to accept of ignominious con
ditions. Yes, methinks I already see, or I am strangely mistaken,
the people of America flocking to the royal standard ; every thing
inv ites them to it ; fidehty tovvards the sovereign, the love of the
English name, the hope of a happier future, their aversion to their
new and unaccustomed allies, and, finally, the hatred they bear to
the tyranny of congress.
' Il is then that we shall have cause lo applaud our constancy,
then shaff we acknowledge that the most honorable counsels, as the
most worthy of so great a realm, are also the most useful and safe.
So far from thinking the new war against France ought to dismay

100 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK X.
as, I see in it only grounds of belter hopes. If, u f to the present
time, we have had but little success against the Americans, whatever
may have been the cause of il, where is the Englishman who does
not hope, nay, who does not firmly believe, that the French are
about to furnish us vvith occasions for the most brilliant triumphs?
As for myself, I find the pledge of it in the recollection of our past
achievements, in the love of our ancieni glory, in the present ardor
of our troops, and especially in the strength of our navy. The ad
vantages we shall gain over the French by land and sea, will recom
pense the losses we have sustained in America. The Americans,
finding their hopes frustrated, which they had so confidently placed
on the efficacy of the succors jf their new allies, will be struck with
terror ; they will prefer the certain peace of an ac'',oramodation lo
future independence, rendered daily more uncertain by nevv defeats
of their allies. Besides, vvho will presume lo affirra that fortune wiU
not become more propitious to us even upon the territory of Ameri
ca ? Is it going too far to believe, that when our arraies shall direct
their raarch towards the open and fertile provinces inhabited by the
loyaUsts, they wiU be more successful than they could be in moun
tainous, steril, savage regions, swarming with rebels ? For myself,
I have not a particle of doubt that we shall find in Georgia and the
Carolinas, the most ample indemnification for the unlucky campaigns
of New Jersey and of Pennsylvania. But I admit, which God for
bid, fresh disasters ; I will nevertheless raaintain that we ought to
prosecute what we have comraenced. If we lose our colonies, we
shall not lose honor. I would rather American independence, if
ever it must exist, should be the ofispring of inexorable destiny, than
of a base condescension on our part.
' Shall France then find us so tame, as, al the bare shadow of her
enmity, to abandon our possessions, and lamely yield up to her all
our glory ; we, who have the time still green in memory, when, after
having by victories on victories trampled upon her pride and prostrat
ed her povver, we triumphantly scoured aU seas, and the continent
of America ?
' Of what country then are the authors of such timid counsels ?
English perhaps. As for myself, I cannot believe it. Who are these
pusiUanimous spirits, who paint our affairs as if they were desperate ?
Are tbey women or affrighted children ? I should incline to believe
the latter, if I did not see them often holding forth within these waUs
their sinister predictions, indulging their favorite whim of reviling
their country, expatiating with apparent delight upon its weakness,
and magnifying the power of its ambitious enemy. And what is then
this France, at the gathering of whose frowns we are to shudder ?

BOOK X,

THE AMERICAN WAR 101

Where are her seamen trained to naval maneuvers ? Where aie her
soldiers form,ed in battles ? I will tell those who do not kuow it, or
who affect not to know it, that she is at this very moment attacked
with an internal malady that wiff paralyze her strength at the very
moinent she raay wish to move. Who of you is ignorant that she
labors under an annual deficiency of thirty millions ? Who knows
not that she is destitute of the resources of loans ? her rich capital ¦
ists being as distrustful as they are rare,
' But it is not in the sinking of credit only that France is distress
ed ; the spirit of free inquiry, and the effects of an extended com
merce, have introduced opinions among the French people, that are
wholly incompatible with their government. Contrary to all prece
dent, contrary to all ideas of that government, a reasoning has prop
agated, and even entered into some of the lines of business, that the
twentieth is a free gift, and that every individual has a right to judge
of its necessity, and oversee its employment.
' Besides this, one bad effect of the zeal wilh which they pre
tended lo take up the American cause, and which they now learn
in earnest to have an affection for, has tainted their principles vvith
the spirit of republicanism. These principles of liberty always di
minish the force of government ; and if they take root and grow up
in France, we shaU see that government as distracted and unsettled
as any other.
' I hear talk of the difficulty of borrowing among ourselves, and
of the depression of the public funds ; but the lenders have already
come forward ; and I understand the first payment is already made.
The interest they have demanded is not only not usurious, but it is
even much more moderate than our enemies would have wished, or
than our croaking orators predicted. As to the fall of the funds, it
has been very inconsiderable, and they have even risen to-day. But
how shall I treat the grand bugbear of French invasion ? We have
a formidable fleet, thirty thousand regular troops ; and at a moment's
warning, could muster such a body of militia as would make France
desist from, or bitterly rue her projects. It is no such easy task to
vanquish Britons ; their country falls not a prey so lightly to whom
soever. We are told also that the Americans are ready lo contract
alliance with us, and that they have manifested such a wish ; and
we have already seen men credulous enough to catch at the lure.
Do we not know that those who agitate these intrigues, if indeed
any credit is due to such rumors, are the very same persons who
violate the capitulation of Saratoga, the same who imprison, who
torture, who massacre the loyal subjects of the king ? For my part,
I fear the gift and its bearer ; I fear American wiles ; I fear the

102 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X.
French school ; I fear they wish lo degrade us by the refusal, after
having mocked us by their offers. Hitherto I have been considering
exclusively what policy demands of you ; I vvill now briefly remind
you of the claims of justice, gratitude and humanity. Think of those
who, in the raidst of the rage of rebellion, have preserved their fideli
ty lo the king, to yourselves, to the country. Have compassion for
those who have placed all their hopes in your constancy.
' Take pity on the wives, on the widows, on the chffdren of those,
vvho, now exposed without defense to the fury of the insurgents,
offer up their prayers to Heaven for the prosperity of your arms, and
see no glimpse of any period to their torments but in your victory.
Will you abandon all these ? Will you allow them to become the
victims of the confidence they placed in you ? WiU the English
show less perseverance in their ovvn cause, than the loyalists have
manifested on their behalf? Ah ! such abominable counsels were
never yet embraced by this generous kingdom. Already, methinks,
I see your noble bosoms pant with indignation ; already I hear your
voices cry vengeance on outrages so unexampled, while your hands
grasp the arms which are about to inflict it. .On, then, ye fathers
ofthe state ! accompUsh the high destiny that awaits you. Save the
honor of the kingdom, succor the unfortunate, protect the faithful,
defend the .country. Let Europe acknowledge, and France prove
to her cost, that il is pure British blood which still flows in your veins.
To condense therefore in a few words what I feel and what I think,
I move, that the proposition of my adversary being rejected, the
king be assured that his faithful commons are ready to furnish him
with the means that shall be necessary to maintain the honor of his
people, and the dignity of his crown.'
As soon as Jenkinson had finished speaking, there followed an
incredible agitation in the house. Al length the votes were taken,
and il vvas carried almosi unaniraously, that an address of thanks
should be presented to the king, that war should be continued against
the colonies, and declared against France.
But in the sitting of the house of lords of the seventh of Aprff,
after the duke of Richmond had concluded a very solid and very el
oquent speech, proving that it vvas time to give another direction lo
the affairs of the kingdom, that house became the scene of a melan
choly event. The earl of Chatham, Ihough sinking under a m.ortal
infirmity, had dragged himself to his place in pariiament. Shocked
at the new measures that were thrown out there, and determined
not to consent lo the separation of America, he pronounced these
words, which were the last of his life : ' 1 have made an effort, almos;
beyond the powers of my constitution, to come down to the house on

BOOK X, THE AMERICAN WAR, 103
this day to express the indignation I feel at an idea, which, I under
stand, has been proposed lo yen, of yielding up the sovei-eignty of
America !
' My lords, I rejoice that the grave has not closed upon me ; that
I am still aUve to lift up my voice against the dismemberment of this
ancient and most noble monarchy ! Pressed down, as I am, by the
hand of infirmity, I am little able to assist my country in this most
perilous conjuncture ; but, my lords, while I have sense and memory,
I will never consent to deprive the royal offspring of the house
of Brunswick, the heirs of the princess Sophia, of their fairest
inheritance. ' Where is the man that will dare lo advise such a measure ? His
majesty succeeded to an empire as great in extent as its reputation
was unsullied. Shall vve tarnish the lustre of this nation by an igno
minious surrender of its rights and fairest possessions ? Shall this
great kingdom, that has survived, whole and entire, the Danish depre
dations, the Scottish inroads, and ihe Norman conquest ; that has
stood the threatened invasion of the Spanish armada, now fall pros
trate before the house of Bourbon ? Surely, my lords, this nation is
no longer what it was ! Sliaff a people that, seventeen years ago, was
the terror of the world, now stoop so low as to tell its ancient invete
rate enemy. Take all we have, only give us peace ! It is impossible.
In God's name, if it is absolutely necessary lo declare either for peace
or war, and the former cannot be preserved vvith honor, why is not
the latter commenced without hesitation ? I am not, I confess, weff
informed of the resources of this kingdom ; but I trust it has suffi
cient to maintain its just rights. But, my lords, any state is bettei
than despair. Let us at least make one effort ; and if vve must fall,
let us faff like men ! '
Here the earl of Chatham ended his speech. The duke of Rich
mond rose, and endeavored to prove that the conquest of America
by force of arms was become impracticable ; that consequently it
was wiser to secure her friendship by a treaty of alliance, than to
throw her into the arms of France. The earl of Chatham wished to
reply, but afler two or three unsuccessful attempts to stand, he fell
down in a swoon on his seal. He was immediately assisted by the
duke of Cumberland, and several other principal members of the
house. They removed him into an adjacent apartment, called the
Prince's chamber. The confusion and disorder became extrsme.
The duke of Richmond proposed, that in consideration of this pubUc
calamity, the house should adjourn to the following day ; and it was
accordingly done. The next day the debate was resumed upon the

104 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK X,
motion of the duke of Richmond ; but it was finally ejected by a
large majority.
The eleventh of May was the last day of WilUam Pitt, earl of
Chatham ; he was in his seventieth year. His obsequies were cele
brated the eighth of June, wilh extraordinary pomp, in Westminster
Abbey ; where a monument vvas erected lo him a shorl time after.
This man, whether for his genius, his virtues, or the greal things he
did for his country, is rather to be paralleled wilh the ancients, than
preferred lo the moderns. He governed for a considerable lime the
opulent kingdom of Great Britain ; he raised it to such a pitch of
splendor, as the English at no olher period had ever known, or even
presumed to hope for ; and he died, if not in poverty, at least wilh
so narrow a fortune, that it would not have been sufficient lo main-
lain his famffy honorably ; a thing al that time sufficiently remarkable,
and which 'in the present age might pass for a prodigy ! But his
grateful country recompensed in the children the virtue of the father.
The parliament granted a perpetual annuity of four thousand pounds
sterhng to the famffy of Chatham, besides paying twenty thousand
pounds of debts vvhich the late earl had been compelled lo contract,
in order to support his rank and his numerous household. No indi
vidual until th&it lime, except the duke of Marlborough, had received
in England such high and liberal rewards. The earl of Chatham
was no less distinguished as a great orator, than as a profound slates-
man, and immaculate citizen. He defended with admirable elo
quence, before parliament, those resolutions which he had maturely
discussed and firmly adopted in the consultations of the cabinet.
Some, il is true, blamed in his speeches the too frequent use of
figures, and a certain. pomp of style much savoring of the taste of
those limes. But this great minister surpassed all the rulers of na
tions of his age, in the art of exciting, even lo enthusiasm, the zeal
of the servants of the state, civil as well as military ; a talent vvhich
Heaven confersbul rarely, and only upon privffeged individuals. In
a word, he vvas a man whose name will never be pronounced with
out encomiums, and the resplendent glory of whose virtues will
eternally recommend them to imitation.
We now resume the thread of events. The British ministers,
seeing that war with France was become inevitable, took all the
measures they judged necessary lo sustain it. They exerted them
selves therein wilh the more ardor, as they could not but perceive
that if England showed herself wilh disadvantage in this contest
against France and America, Spain, and perhaps even HoUand,
would not long remain neuter ; whereas, on the other hand, a prompt
and briUiant victory might intimidate the two latter powers from de-

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN W^AR. 105
daring themselves. Their attention was occupied especially in
pressing their maritime preparations, as therein consisted the princi
pal defease of the kingdom, and the pledge of success. But on a
strict examination inlo the state of the navy, it was found to be nei
ther so numerous, nor so well provided, as had been supposed, and
as the urgency of circumstances required. This afflicting discovery
excited a general clamor. In the two houses of parliament, the
duke of Bolton and Fox inveighed wilh great asperity against the
earl of Sandwich, who was first lord of the admiralty. No diUgence,
however, was omitted to remedy all deficiencies. To cheer the
public mind in so trying a conjuncture, and especially to inspirit the
seamen, by giving them a chief possessed of their full confidence,
the rainisters appointed to the command of the fleet lying at Ports
mouth, admiral Keppel, an officer of distinguished ability, and highly
celebrated for his brilliant achievements in the preceding wars. Lords
Hawke and Anson, those tv;o bright luminaries of the British marine,
had honored him with their esteem and closest friendship ; in a word,
no choice could have been so agreeable to the British nation at large
as that of admiral Keppel. He refused not the appointment, not
withstanding that he was already arrived at an age in which man
prefers repose to action, and that he could aspire to no greater glory
than what he had acquired ; he must even have felt a sort of repug
nance to commit it anew to the hazard of battles. To these con
siderations was added another untoward particular, which vvas, that,
as a whig, the ministers eyed him with jealousy ; a circumstance
which, in the course of events, might occasion him many disgusts.
But more thoughtful for the good of his country, which claimed his
services, than of his private convenience, he hesitated not to accept
the charge, to which he was invited by the public voice. The vice-
admirals, Harland and Palhser, both officers of high reputation, were
appointed to second him in command. On his arrival al Portsmouth,
Keppel, instead of a great fleet ready to proceed to sea, found, to
his extreme surprise, only six sail of the line prepared for immedi
ate service, crews incomplete, provisions insufficient, and naval mu
nitions wanting. The ministers alledged that the olher ships had
been detached on different services, but that they were to return
shortly. However il was, the admiral exerted an activity so astonish
ing, that by the middle of June he found himself in condition to put
to sea with twenty ships of the line, and not without expectation of
prompt re-mforcemenls. He sailed from St. Helens on the thir
teenth, accompanied by the fervent prayers of all England. The
posture of affairs was inexpressibly critical and alarming. It was
known that France had a numerous fleet at Brest, completely man-

106 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X,
ned and equipped for sea ; the ships which conveyed the riches of
India were expected from day lo day, and might become the prey of
the French. This disaster, so great in itself, by the loss of such
treasures, must have involved another of still greater consequence,
that of an immense nuraber of sailors, who were counted upon lo
man the ships of war. To this momentous consideration vvere
joined the defense of the vast extent of the British coasts, the safety
of the capital itself, the preservation of the arsenals, the repositories
of all the elements of the greatness of England, and the basis of aU
her hopes ; and all these objects, rather of vital than of greal impor
tance, vvere confided to the protection of twenty ships !
Meanwhffe the land preparations were pushed with no less ardor
than the maritime. The recruiting service was prosecuted vvith
success ; the militia were assembled, and formed into regiments
upon the model of regular troops. Encampments were established
in such places as were thought most exposed to the attempts of the
enemy. Thus the English made their dispositions to meet the im
pending war. The government had already ordered , by way of reprisal,
the detention of all the French vessels that were found in the ports,
But France, who for a long time had purposed to turn her arms
against England, vvas belter provided wilh all the implements of war.
Her fleet was numerous, and all her arsenals were in full activity.
The court of Versailles, on intelligence of the hostile manner vvith
which king George had answered the declaration of the marquis de
Noailles, immediately dispatched orders lo the different ports, pro
hibiting the departure of all English vessels. This measure, taken
reciprocally by the two powers, produced but Uttle eflecl ; the mas
ters of merchant vessels, foreseeing a rupture, had hastened to re
cover their ovvn shores. France, henceforth, laying aside all hesita
tions, felt it due lo herself to assume the attitude vvhich becomes a
great and powerful nation. She was disposed lo perfect the work
commenced by her declaration, and tore-assure the minds of her new
allies by a step from which it was impossible to fall back without
shame. She therefore resolved to receive, and formaUy acknowl
edge, the American commissioners, as ambassadors of a free and
mdependent nation. How England must have been stung by this
affront it is not difficult to imagine.
On the twenty-first of March, the three commissioners were
introduced by the count de Vergennes before the throne, whereon
was seated the king, Louis XVL, in the midst of the grandees of his
court. In this ceremony, none of those formalities were oraitted
which it vvas usual lo observe, whenever the kings of France gave
audience lo the ambassadors of sovereign and independent nations ;

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAR. 107
a truly remarkable event, and such as history, perhaps, affords no
example of! The Americans herein experienced better fortune
than other nations that have acquired independence ; as, for example,
the Switzers and Dutch, who were not without difficulty, nor tffl af
ter a long time, acknowledged independent by those very powers that
had assisted them to break the yoke of their masters.
France, having thus dropped the mask, could not but.perceive that
in the present war she must depend more upon her fleets than upon
her armies. She was not unmindful, that an essential part of mari
time war consists in capturing, as well the armed ships of the ene
my, to diminish his povver, as those of commerce, to exhaust his re
sources ; an object always of primary importance, but most especial
ly such in a war with England. The court of Versailles according
ly determined to employ an incentive that should stimulate the ardor
of both officers and crews. It had been usual in France, in order
to encourage the armaments on cruise, lo grant certain recompenses
to the captors of ships of war ; and to those of merchant vessels, one
third of the produce of their sale. The king, by a decree of the twen
ty-eighth of March, ordained that the enemy ships of war and cruisers,
which should be taken by his own, should belong in fuff and entire
property to the commanders, officers and crews, who should have
captured them ; and that, in like manner, two thirds of the value
of merchant ships and of their cargoes, should become the property
of the captors ; the other third, being reserved, to be deposited in
the fund destined for the reUef of invalid seamen. This decree, sign-
ed by the king, and countersigned by the duke de Penthievre, grand-
admiral of France, was to have been put in execution the fourth of
the foUowing May ; nevertheless, whether Louis XVL, as some think,
swayed by the natural benignity of his character, was reluctant to
give the signal for the effusion of blood, or that policy disposed him
to wait tiff the English should have committed the first hostilities,
the edict was not pubUshed and executed until the beginning of July.
Wilh a view to prevent the English government, fearing for itself,
from being able to send re-inforcements to America, regiments vvere
ordered to march from all parts of France upon the coasts that look
towards England. Already a formidable army was found assembled,
ana ready, in aff appearance, to be embarked on board the grand ar
mament at Brest, for a descent upon the opposite shore. All the
labors of that port were pushed with unexampled activity ; more than
thirty ships of the line were already completely equipped there, be
sides a greaS number of frigates ; the latter were particularly intend
ed for cruising against the British commerce. Another considerable
fleet was about to put to sea from the port of Toulon.

108 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X.
This sudden resurrection of the French marine was the subject of
extreme surprise to all nations, and particularly to England, who,
accustoriied to domineer upon the ocean, scarcely knew how to
believe that there should thus all al once have risen up a power in
condition to contend with her for the scepter of the seas. In truth,
the state of debility into which France had fallen at the epoch of the
death of Louis XIV. not only rendered it irapossible to remedy the
weakness in which the French navy was lefl at the conclusion of the
war of the Spanish succession, but it even occasioned those ships
which remained to perish in the docks for want of repairs. The wars
of Italy, of Flanders, and of Germany, which took place under the
reign of Louis XV., by drawing all the efforts and all the resources
of the state lo the land service, produced a fatal coldness towards the
marine department. France contented herself with arming a few
ships, rather to protect her ovvn commerce, than to disturb that ofthe
enemy ; hence disastrous defeats, and losses without number. To
all these causes was joined the opinion, natural to the inhabitants of
France, satisfied with the fertiUty of their lands, and the multitude
of their manufactures, that they have little need ofa strong navy and
of raaritirae traffic. But finally, the increase of the products of their
colonies, and the imraense gain they derived from the sale of them
in foreign markets, drew the attention of the French to the impor
tance of external commerce.
They perceived, al the sarae lime, that without a military marine
to protect the mercantile, maritime commerce must alvvays be uncer
tain, and consequently sickly and unprofitable ; and that war may
destroy, in a few days, the fruits of a long peace. On these consid
erations, the court of France devoted its cares to the creation and
maintenance of a fleet sufficiently forraidable to command respect
during peace, or to make war wilh success, and protect commerce
from the insults of enemy vessels.
The present American war, which opened so briUiant a perspec
tive to the French, furnished also a powerful incentive lo these nevv
designs. In order not to want skillful officers to manage the ships,
the seamen of the merchant shipping, in imitation of the example of
the English and Dutch, were called inlo the service of the royal navy.
Besides this, in pursuance of a well conceived plan, there were sent
out in the year 1772, 1775, and 1776, three fleets, commanded by
three excellent seamen, the counts d'Orvilliers, De Guichen, and
Duchaffault. These excursions served as schools of practice, in
which the officers and crews formed themselves to evolutions and
manoeuvres. In brief, the efforts of the French government were so
unremitting, and it was so seconded by the general ardor, that at the

BOOK X, THE AMERICAN WAR. 109
commencement of the present war, its navy equaled, if it did not
surpass, that of England ; speaking, however, of the ffeets which the
latter had then fitted for immediate service, or in such forwardness
that they could put to sea within a short space of time. Nor vvas
France disposed lo keep this navy idle in her ports. The cabinet of
Versaiffes meditated two expeditions equally important ; the one was
to be executed by the armament at Brest, the other by the fleet of
Toulon. The latter, putting to sea as soon as possible, was lo repair
with aff celerity to America, and suddenly to make its appearance
in the waters of the Delaware.
Hence two events were likely lo result, equally pernicious to Great
Britain ; namely, that the squadron of lord Howe, which had gone
up that river, and which was greatly inferior in force to that of France,
would, without any doubt, have been destroyed, or must have fallen
into the power of the French. That squadron annihilated or taken,
the army under general Clinton, pressed in front by Washington, and
in rear by the French fleet thus possessed of the Delaware, vvould
also have been constrained to surrender, or, certainly, would have
had an extremely perffous retreat. So decisive a blow must have
pul an end lo the whole American war. This plan of campaign had
been debated and agreed upon at Paris, between the commissioners
of congress and the ministry. Nor was the execution of it delayed ;
on the thirteenth of April, the French fleet sailed from Toulon. It
was composed of twelve sail of the line, and four large frigates, and
commanded by the count d'Estaing, a man of great valor, and of
an active genius. It look out a considerable corps of troops to serve
on shore. Silas Deane, one of the American commissioners, vvho
was recalled, and M. Gerard, whom the king had appointed his
minister lo the United Stales, were on board. Fortune showed herself
favorable to these first essays. The wind seconded the voyage of
the fleet ; and, Ihough the British ministry had been promptly ad
vised of its departure, their ignorance of the route taken by the count
d'Estaing, and the strong vvest winds which prevailed for some days,
so retarded the decisions of the admiralty, that it was not till the
first of June they ordered admiral Byron to make sail wilh twelve
ships for America ; he was lo replace lord Howe, who had requested
leave to return to England. As for the fleet of Brest, more consid
erable, and commanded by the count d'Orvilliers, who was impa
tient to realize the hopes which had been placed in his talents, it was
destined to scour the seas of Europe, in order to keep alive upon
the coasts of Great Britain the fear of an invasion. He relied espe
cially upon his frigates, which were very numerous, to intercept the
merchant fleets laden with rich cargoes, which the EngUsh then ex-

110 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X.
peeled from the two Indies. Thus things vvere rapidly verging to
an open rupture between the two slates, and immediate hostilities
were expected, Ihough war was not yet declared on either part, ac
cording to the established usages of Europe. Universal attention
was roused by the contest going to commence between France and
England ; events of moraent were expected from the collision of two
such powerful nations. Nor was fortune slow to light the first fires
of this conflagration, which soon involved the four quarters of the
world in its flames. Scarcely had admiral Keppel gol out to sea, the
thirteenth of June, frora St. Helens, and shaped his course for the
bay of Biscay, when he discovered, at no great distance, two ships
of considerable size, with two other sraaller vessels, which appeared
to be watching the motions of his fleet. These were the two French
frigates called the Licorne and the Belle Poule. The admiral found
hiraself in a very delicate situation. On the one hand he desired
much to make himself master of the ships, in order to procure infor
mation respecting the state and position of the Brest fleet ; on the
other, war was not yet declared between the two nations, and the
causing il to break out might be imputed to his temerity. Nor did
he find any thing in the instructions of the ministers which could
remove his perplexity ; as they vvere exceedingly loose, and lefl
every thing almost entirely to his discretion. It should be added,
that Keppel being of a party in opposition to that of the ministers,
his conduct, in case he commenced hostUities, was liable to be inter
preted unfavorably, since his adversaries might attribute to political
motives what appeared to be the inevitable result of circumstances.
In this painful embarrassment, Keppel, like the good citizen he was,
chose rather lo serve his country at his ovvn perff, than to hazard its
interest by his indecision. Accordingly, the seventeenth of June,
he ordered his ships to give chase to the French. Between five and
six in the afternoon, the English frigate Milford came up with the
Licorne, and her captain, in very civil terms, summoned the French
commander to repair under the stern of admiral Keppel. The
Frenchman at first refused ; but seeing the Hector ship of the line
come up, which saluted with ball, he submitted to his destiny, and
following that vessel, took station in the British fleet.
During this lime, captain Marshall, vvith his frigate Arelhusa, of
twenty-eight six pounders, in company with the Alert culler, vvas in
pursuit ofthe Beffe Poule, which carried twenty-six twelve pounders,
and was accompanied by a corvette of len guns.
The Arelhusa, being the belter sailer, arrived about six in the
evening within musket shot of tho Belle Poule. Marshall informed
the French captain, M, de la Clocheterie, of his orders to bring him

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAR. Ill
under the stern of the admiral. To this, de la Clocheterie returned
a spirited refusal. The Arelhusa then fired a shot across the Belle
Poule, which she returned vvith a discharge of her broadside. A
fierce engagement between the two frigates ensued ; animated by an
equal emulation, and bent on carrying the victory, in this first action,
the .most extraordinary efforts of resolution were displayed on both
sides. The conflict continued for more than two hours, with severe
damage to both parties, as the sea was calm, and the vessels extreme
ly near. The French were superior in the weight of metal, the
number of their crew, and the proximity of their coasts ; while the
English were benefited by the number of guns, and especially by
the presence of two ships of the Une, the VaUant and the Monarch ;
which, ihough prevented by the calm from coming up to take part
in the action, nevertheless greatly disquieted the French captain,
and exceedingly circumscribed his movements. FinaUy, after an
obstinate contest, the English frigate, finding herself too close upon
the coasts of France, despairing of being able to overpower her ad
versary, and having sustained much injury in her masts, spars and
rigging, profited of a light breeze, which sprung up at that moraent,
to withdravv. She was afterwards towed off lo the fleet hy the
Valiant and Monarch. During her retreat, the French saluted her
wilh fifty balls ; but she returned them not one. The BeUe Poule
would even have pursued her, but for the damage she had received
herself, besides the proximity of the two men of war, and even of
the whole English armament.
La Clocheterie, thinking it more prudent lo consult his safety, went
lo cast anchor for the night in the midst of the shoals, near Plouas-
cat. The next morning, the two English ships carae to reconnoiter
his position, and ascertain whether it was possible to approach the
frigate near enough to take her. But finding the obstacles of the
rocks insuperable, they abandoned the enterprise, and returned to
join the fleet. For the same causes, and at the same lime, the Eng
lish cutler and the French corvette joined battle with equal fury, but
wilh different success. After an hour of the most vigorous resist
ance, the corvette surrendered. The Arelhusa, in this action, had
eight men killed and thirty-six wounded. The loss of the Belle
Poule was forty killed, and fifty-seven wounded. Among tho
first was M. de St. Marsault, lieutenant of the frigate ; among the
second, M. de la Roche de Kerandraon, ensign ; Bouvet, an auxil
iary officer, and M. de la Clocheterie himself, who received two
contusions. In the morning of the eighteenth, the frigate Licorne, which had
been stationed in the middle of the EngUsh fleet, having made a

112 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X.
movement which gave the English some suspicion, they fired a shot
across her way, as a signal to keep in companywith the other ships.
Immediately, to the great astonishment of the admiral, and of the
whole English fleet, she discharged a broadside and a volley of mus
ketry into the America, of sixty-four guns, commanded by lord
Longford, which lay the nearest to her. This done, she struck her
colors, as if, tired of this middle state between peace and war in
which she was kept, she had preferred, Ihough a prisoner, to consfi-
tute herself in open war. Keppel sent her to Plymouth. In the
mean time, another French frigate, named the Pallas, fell in wilh the
English fleet ; the admiral detained her, changing her officers and
crew. Such was his conduct with regard lo French vessels of war.
As to merchant ships, Ihough a greal number of them fell within
his reach, he perraitted them lo continue their voyage without inter
ruption, not thinking himself authorized lo slop them.
The action of the Belle Poule excited no lillie enthusiasm in
France, where the remembrance of so raany defeats was still recent ;
and it is unquestionable that the officers and all the crew of that
frigate had signalized as much valor as nautical ability. Their con
duct occasioned a sincere joy, and it was diligently extolled, in order
lo animate the public mind by these brilliant beginnings. The
king showed himself lavish of favors towards those who had fought ;
he appointed M. de la Clocheterie captain of ship ; Bouvet, lieuten
ant of frigate ; and gave the cross of Saint Louis to Roche Keran
draon. Pensions were granted to the sister of Saint Marsault, to
the widows, and to the children of those who had faUen in the ac
tion. The English were not so generous towards captains Marshall,
and Fairfax, commander of the cutler ; but they received the enco
miums of the admiralty and of their fellow-citizens.
But the king of France, considering the affair of the Belle Poule,
and the seizure of other frigates, as a sufficient motiv'c for executing
his projects, ordered reprisals against the vessels of Great Britain.
He immediately caused lo be published his decree concerning prizes,
as if the sending of the count d'Estaing to Araerica, with such or
ders as he was the bearer of, was not yet to be reputed a commence
ment of war. The English went through the same formalities, thus
authorizing by words what they had already done, at least with re
gard to ships of war. Until this time, the two parlies had endeav
ored to harm each olher by all possible means, without resorting to
the accustomed declarations.
The papers found aboard the French frigates, and the questions
put to the prisoners, furnished admiral Keppel with important intel
ligence. He learned that in the port of Brest vvere thirty-two ships

BOOK X, THE AMERICAN WAR, 113
of the line, with len or twelve frigates, all in complete readiness to
put to sea ; whereas aff his own forces consisted in twenty saix of tho
line and three frigates. He found himself already in sight of the
Isle of Ouessant, and consequently near the coasts of France, His
position was truly embarrassing. The proximity and superiority of
the enemy rendered his present station imminently perilous. To
encounter the hazards of a battle which might expose the safety of
the kingdom, was rather an act of temerity, than a courageous reso
lution. On the otlier nand, to retire from the coasts of an enemy
he had braved a moinent since, appeared to him a step too unworthy
of his own reputation, and of the English name. But finally, con
sulting utility more than appearances, and his duty rather than the
point of honor, he tacked about for England, and entered Portsmouth
the twenty-seventh of June.
Immediately, some, from the spirit of party, and in order to excul
pate the ministers, others to appease the national pride, pulled him
to pieces without mercy. Il might have seeraed that his retreat had
sullied the glory of England ; and some were so transported by their
fury as lo compare Keppel to Byng. The admiral supported with
admirable constancy the outrages of the multitude, and the invectives
of the party who excited them. He busied himself only with the
means of re-inforcing his fleet, and of putting il in condition lo scour
the seas anew ; the admiralty powerfuUy seconded his zeal, and the
success corresponded to his exertions. The first divisions of the
East and West India fleets arrived about that lime, and furnished a
great number of excellent seamen lo the naval armament. Thus
re-inforced, it weighed anchor and pul to sea the ninth of July. It
was composed of twenty-four ships ofthe line, vvhich vvere afterwards
joined by six more of the same class. It comprehended a ship of
one hundred guns, named the Victory, which bore the admiral's
flag, six of ninety, one of eighty, and fifteen of seventy-four ; the
rest were of sixty-four.
They were aff weff manned and equipped, and commanded by
excellent officers. The frigates were insufficient in number ; there
were only five or six, with two fire-ships. The fleet was divided into
three squadrons ; the van was commanded by sir Robert Harland,
vice-admiral of the Red ; the center by admiral Keppel, assisted by
admiral Campbell, a consummate seaman, who, on the score of an
cient friendship, had chosen to accompany him as the first captain
of the Victory. The rear was conducted by sir Hugh Palliser, vice-
admiral of the Blue, and one of the members of the board of admi
ralty. Finding themselves so strong, and no longer doubting of
VOL. II. o

114 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X.
victory, the English made their appearance upon the coasts of
France. They sought the French fleet with all dffigence, impatient to give
it battle, in order to preserve their commerce, lo efface the dishonor
of having a few days before yielded the sea to the enemy ; finally,
to sustain their ancient renown, and to cause fortune to incline in their
favor from the very coraraenceraent of hostilities. Meanwhile, the
French fleet had also come out of port the eighth of July. It was in
Uke manner formed in three divisions ; the first coramanded by the
count Duchaffault, the center by the count d'Orvilliers, captain-gene-
lal, and the third by the duke de Chartres, prince ofthe blood, who
was seconded and guided by admiral de la Motte Piquet. These
three divisions comprised thirty-two sail of the line, among vvhich
were the admiral's ship, la Bretagne, of one hundred and ten guns,
la Ville de Paris, of ninely, which carried the count de Guichen ; two
of eighty, twelve of seventy -feur, one of seventy, two of sixty-four,
one of sixty, and two of fifty, besides a great number of frigates.
It was the intention of the count d'Orvffliers not lo come to an
engagement except vvith great probabiUties of success ; and this by
no means for want of an intrepid valor, and of a perfect knovvl
edge of naval tactics ; but he chose first lo exercise his crews
thoroughly. He hoped, also, without exposing himself to the hazards
of an action, to give England some severe blows, by employing his
light vessels to capture the convoys which she daily expected from
the two Indies. He shaped his course for the Isle of Ouessant, in
the full persuasion that the British fleet, vvhich he supposed to con
sist but of twenty saff of the Une, would not presume to venture out
of port, or, if it showed itself, that he should certainly defeat or
disperse it, and that, in aU evenls, he should acquire the dominion of
the sea. Fortune appeared lo favor these first efforts ; scarcely had
he quilled the road of Brest, when he discovered the English frigate,
the Lively, which admiral Keppel had detached upon discovery ; he
ordered her to be chased, and she was soon taken. The entire
world was attentive to what might ensue, on seeing the two most
potent nations of Europe marshaled the one against the olher, on
the ocean. To this object, and not in vain, had the government of
France aimed all its calculations for several years back. Its ships
were corapletely equipped, its seamen well trained, its captains
exceffent. It remained only that fortune should smile upon such
magnanimous designs. The two fleets came in sight of each olher
in the evening of the twenty-third of July, the Isle of Ouessant being
thirty leagues distant, and the wind at west. The count d'Orvil
liers, believing the enemy weaker than he was in reality, desired

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAR. ] 15
impatiently to bring him to action. But on approaching the British
fleet, and finding it nearly as strong as his own, he avoided an
engagement no less cautiously than he had eagerly sought it at first.
As he had the advantage of the wind, it vvas impossible for the
English to force him lo it, against his wiU. During the night, two
French ships were driven by the force of the wind to the leeward of
the British fleet. Admiral Keppel, having perceived it in the morn
ing, made signal to give chase and cut them off from the main body
of their fleet. He hoped that in order to save i.hem, the French
admiral would give him battle, or at least that these ships vvould
be taken, or so forced out of their course that it would be impos
sible for them lo rejoin their fleet. The count d'Orvilliers prefer
red not to make any movement to succor them ; and thus the
two vessels, though they had the good fortune lo escape the EngUsh,
were chased so far, that they could take no part in the events which
followed. During the four following days the two fleets remained in sight ;
the British admiral endeavoring all the time to get the wind, or to
beat up so near the French fleet as to force il lo action. But to
arrive at this object, it was impossible to maintain the disposition
entire ; and therefore Keppel had commanded that the ships should
take rank according to their swiftness, as they gained lo the wind
ward, with attention, however, to keep their distances as much as
possible. This movement vvas also necessary, in order not to lose
sight of the enemy. Eut it was not without danger, since il might
offer the French an occasion to fall suddenly with superior force
upon sorae one of the English ships. It was also the cause, that on
the twenty-seventh, the day of battle, the French fleet was formed
in better order than that of England, which appeared deranged.
On the morning of that day, the wind continuing from the west, and
favoring the French, the two fleets were separated, one from the
other, a distance of only three leagues, in such a manner, however,
that the English rear found itself a little more to the leeward than
the center and van. Keppel Iherefore ordered PaUiser, who com
manded it, to press up to the windward, in order to form in a line
with the two other divisions of the fleet. Palhser executed the
orders of the admiral. This movement induced the count d'Orvil
liers to believe, and perhaps not without reason, as Palliser con
tinued to crowd more and more to the windward, that it was the
intention of the enemy to attack the French rear, and to gain on the
opposite lock the weathergage of that division. To defeat this
maneuver, he directly put his ships about, and reversing his order
of battle, his rear became van. "This very movement, together with

116 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X,
some variations in the wind, of which the EngUsh dexterously avaffed
theraselves, brought the two fleets so near each other, that the
action commenced immediately, the wind blowing from the vvest,
and the French running from north lo south, the English from south
to north. This manner of combating, by which a close and station
ary action was avoided, the ships firing only as they passed each
other in opposite directions, vvas the result of the maneuver just
made by the French fleet.
Il suited the count d'Orviffiers so much the better, as, since he
had not been able lo decline the engagement, it assured him, at
least, Ihas it could not be decisive. For il was a necessary conse
quence of this order of battle, that the two fleets must break their
line during the action, and that the party who should have sustained
the least damage, could not iraraediately pursue their advantages,
whether against any particular ship of the enemy, or against his
entire fleet. The two fleets thus standing on opposite tacks, and
but a slight distance apart, the first ships of the English van, and
those of the French rear, which, as we have said, was become the
van, began to exchange broadsides, and the battle vvas joined suc
cessively, as the whole English line passed close alongside of the
whole French line ; so that the rear, comraanded by sir Hugh PaUi
ser, and the van by the count Duchaffault, were the last to attack
each other. The effects of this colUsion were very destructive on
both sides ; but as the French, according to their custom, had fired
al the tackling, and the English, as they usually do, at the body of
the ships, the hulls of the French vessels were more severely dam
aged than those of their enemies ; whereas the EngUsh were much
greater sufferers in their masts, yards, and rigging. The French,
profiting of this advantage of their sails, soon tacked, and formed
their line anew. The British van and center also in a shorl time
recovered their stations, though the admiral's ship had suffered
extremely. But the ships of Palliser and several others, not only
had not yet tacked, but being in a disabled condition, they obeyed
the wind, and fell rapidly to leeward. In this slate of things,
whether the count d'OrvffUers intended, as the English pretend, to
cut their line, and separate these ships from the rest of the fleet, or,
as the French affirm, wishing to place himself under the wind, in
order, as he expected a second battle, to deprive the English of the
advantage he would thus gain for himself, of using the lower batteries
vvith effect, he made signals for all his fleet to advance by a succes
sive movement, and penetrate between the ships of Keppel and
those of Palliser.
The English admiral, perceiving the design of his adversary,

BOOK X, THE AMERICAN WAR, 117
immediately put his ships about, and stood athwart the enemy's
foremost division, directing at the same time sir Robert Harland to
form his division in a line astern, in order to face the enemy, till sir
Hugh Pafflser could bring up his ships, * It is not clear, w^lolher
this movement of Keppel frustrated the project of the count d'Orvil
liers for intercepting Paliiser's division, or whether it was merely
the intention of that admiral loget underthe wind ; but certain it is,
that in consequence of this evolution the English remained to the
windward. It was therefore in their power to renew the battle,
proi'ided, however, that aff their ships had been in condition to take
part in the action ; and ihis would have been the wish of Keppel.
But the squadron of PaUiser, since the admiral and Harland had
thrown themselves between him and the French, to whom they were
now very near, found itself to the windward of the other divisions,
and, of course, remote from the French fleet, and little within reach
to be of any assistance in case of a new engagement. On this con
sideration, Keppel made a signal for allthe ships to the windward to
resume their respective posts in the order of battle. Here a mistake
happened, which prevented the execution of his orders. Palliser's
ship, the Formidable, not having repealed the signal, the captains of
the other ships understood that of Keppel as an order lo rally in
the wake of the commander of their own division, which they did
accordingly. Meanwhile, the French continued drawn up, to leeward, in order
of battle. Keppel renewed the same signal, but with no better suc
cess. Afterwards, about five in the evening, [Palhser says at seven,]
he commanded the captain of the frigate Fox to convey lo Palliser
a verbal message of the same import as the order he had already
intimated by signals. It was stiff in vain ; neither the Formidable
nor the other ships obeyed. On seeing this, and the day far spent,
Keppel made the signal to each of the ships of PaUiser to resume
their stations in the line ; excepting, however, the Formidable, ap
parently from a certain regard to the rank and particular functions
of the vice-admiral. This time, his orders were executed ; but night
came, and put an end to all possibility of further operations against
the enemy.
Such were the causes which prevented admiral Keppel from renew
ing the battle ; whether the disobedience of Palliser proceeded from
the impossibihty of managing his ships, disabled in the engageraent,
as seems probable, and as the court martial decided, in the solemn
trial which followed, or that it was owing to any personal pique of
that officer, who, being of the ministerial party, was politically at
variance with Keppel. Be this as it may, the French thence took

118 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X.
occasion to say, that from noon till night they offered battle to Kep
pel, who would not accept it. The fact in itself is incontestable ;
but as to the intentions of the British admiral, it is certam thai he
was well disposed to recommence the action, but vvas prevented by
the obstacles we have just related.
Satisfied wilh their conduct in this combat, and wilh its issue,
which inight be represenled as a victory, a thing so important at this
first epoch of the war, or finding the condition of their fleet too shat
tered to warrant their exposing themselves to the hazards of a second
battle, the French profited in the night ofa fair wind to recover their
own coasts ; and entered the next day witn full sails inlo the port of
Brest. They had, however, lefl in the place of battle, three ships
with lights at the mast heads, to deceive the English inlo the belief
that all their fleet was still there, Al break of day, the French fleet
was already at such a distance that it was only discernible from the
mast heads of the largest ships in the British fleet ; nothing reraained
in sight but the three vessels above mentioned. Keppel ordered the
Prince George, the Robust, and another ship, to give them chase,
but as they were good sailers, and the English had suffered extremely
in their sails and rigging, this pursuit was fruitless. Admiral
Keppel made the best of his way to Plymouth, where he purposed
to repair the damages of his fleet ; he left, however, some ships that
had suffered the least, to protect the British trade, and especially the
fleets which vvere expected.
The English, in this action, had one hundred and forty killed,
and about four hundred wounded. The loss of the French is
uncertain ; but il is probable that it exceeded that of the English.
Some private authorities lead to this belief, as also the throng of
sailors and marines vvith which they are accustomed to fill their
vessels. The two fleets proceeded again to sea the next month. But
whether they mutually sought to meet each other, as they gave out,
or that each endeavored to avoid the other, as il was reciprocally
asserted, it is certain that they did not meet again. It is equaUy
indisputable that the trade of England was effectually protected ;
while, on the other hand, an immense number of French vessels,
wilh rich and valuable cargoes, fell into the power of the enemy.
These losses excited the complaints ofthe cities of Bordeaux, Nantz,
Saint Malo, and Havre de Grace.
Such was the issue of the battle of Ouessant, which commenced
the European war. The English observed in it, to their greal sur
prise, that the French not only fought wilh their accustomed valor
but that they displayed also no ordinary dexterity in profiling of tbe

BOOK X. THE AMERICAN WAR, 119
advantage of wind, in the management of their ships, and in their
naval evolutions. Hence they could not but infer, that if they ob
tained successes in the present war, they would have to pay dearer
for them than in the last.
Public rejoicings were made in France, to animate the people,
and inspire them with better hopes. The impression was quite dif
ferent in England ; some complained of Keppel, others of Palliser,
according to the various humors of the parties ; all of fortune. Af
ter certain warm discussions, the admiral and vice-admiral were botli
put upon trial ; but both were acquitted ; the first, lo the universal
exultation of the people ; the second, to the particular gratification
of the friends of the ministry.

END OF BOOK TENTH ,

120 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK XI.

BOOK ELEVENTH.
1778. The unfortunate issue of the war of Canada, and the in
utility of the advantages obtained in the campaign of Pennsylvania,
had at length shaken the obstinacy of the British ministers. They
began to believe that it was impossible to reduce the Americans by
force of arms ; and every day confirmed them in this persuasion,
since France, so powerful by land and by sea, had united her forces
to those of the congress It was too manifest to be doubted, that if
the Americans had been able to withstand, in the preceding cam
paign, the utmost efforts of England, il would be infinitely more easy
for them lo resist in future ; their union being raore consolidated by
time, their hopes secured by propitious fortune, and their arms
seconded by those of a formidable potentate. Besides, it was no
longer to be hoped that as many troops could be sent to America in
future years as had been sent thither in the past. For, without refr
erence lo the almost absolute impossibility of procuring more Ger
man troops, and the extreme slowness of recruiting in England, there
was to be feared an invasion of the French, in the very heart of the
kingdom, and moreover, it was necessary to throw strong garrisons
into the West India islands, to shelter them from the assaults of the
French, who were known to have a respectable force in their vicin
ity. It was no mystery in the British cabinet, that the principal ob
ject which the French were aiming al in the present war, after the
separation of Araerica from Great Britain, was the conquest of the
rich colonies of England in the West Indies ; and that in anticipation
of events they had assembled numerous troops in their own posses
sions. The English islands of the West Indies thus found themselves
exposed, almost without defense, to the atterapts of the eneray.
Whether the ministers had believed that war with France was not
likely to break out immediately, or that they had relied upon their
sanguine hopes of a complete triumph in the preceding carapaign,
they had flattered themselves that, in any event, their victories upon
the American continent vvould enable them lo pass inlo their islands,
in good time, all the succors that could be necessary. Jealousy was
also eniertained of Canada, not only on the part of the Americans,
but also, and much more, on that of the French ; for the Canadians
were more French than EnglLsh, and the memory of their origin
appeared to be stiff dear to them. It was therefore necessary lo leave
in that province such garrisons as could answer for il. These vari
ous considerations not only rendered it impracticable to re-inforce

BOOK XI.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 121

the armies which acted against the United States, but even imposed
the necessity of weakening them by detachments for the different
exigencies of the service. But, on the other hand, the courage of
the ministers did not desert them. They hoped that offers of accom
modation, a new mode of conducting the war, and, perhaps, victories
over France, would enable them to compass that which by arms alone
they had hitherto failed to obtain. They persuaded themselves that
the Americans, tired of a long war, and finding their resources ex
hausted, would readily consent lo an arrangement ; or that, even if
the congress refused, the greater part of the nation, al least, would
manifest an eagerness to listen to their proposals ; and already they
beheld intestine dissensions opening the way to the re-establishment
of ancient relations, if not an absolute subjugation.
To provide for this consummation, the clause had been added to
the act of conciUation, vvhich empowered the commissioners to treat,
not only vvith any public authority, but even with every description
of private citizens whatsoever. After having encountered an ob
stinate resistance in the inhabitants of the northern provinces, they
had been assured by the refugees, in whom they put all their trust,
that they would find far more pliable matter in those of the south.
They determined accordingly to make these the seat of the war, in
the hope, that as they abounded more in subjects devoted lo the
crown, they would manifest greater repugnance to combating the
troops of the king, and raore incUnation to Usten lo his negotiators.
Besides, the fertffe lands and exuberant pasturage of these provinces
rendered them extremely accommodate for the subsistence of arraies,
at the same time that the inhabitants would have a motive in this
very abundance the more to dread the devastations inseparable frora
war. But whatever was the foundation of these hopes, the minis
ters were resolved lo resume hostilities as soon as the negotiations
should ceajc to promise any result, in order to avoid the appearance
of yielding to the threats of France. Without allowing themselves
to be intimidated by the consequences which might attend the war
with America, they considered themselves bound by that regard
which every state owes lo its own honor and dignity, to try yet for
a lime the fortune of arms. If it proved necessary at last lo ac
knowledge the independence of America, which vvas become the
principal point in contest, they thought it could never be too late for
that, and they reputed it better to submit honorably to adverse for
tune and the decision of the sword, than to bow ignominiously, and
without combat, lo the menaces of an arrogant enemy. Such vvere
the motives which influenced the British ministers in the present pe
riod of the war, and which were afterwards the basis of all iheir res-

122 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XI.
olutions. But perfectly sensible that if England made no new over
tures, the congress vvould not fail lo ratify the treaty contracted with
France, and that it would become then much more difficult for that
body lo retract its resolutions, the British ministers hastened to
transmit to America the bill of conciliation, even before it had yet
been approved in parliament. They flattered themselves that the
Americans thus finding that England renounced what had been the
first and capital cause of the differences, that is, the right of taxa
tion, aff other difficulties would be promptly smoothed, and the rat
ification of the treaty readily prevented. This first point gained, the
commissioners would only have had, as it were, lo appear, in order
to affix the seal lo a definitive arrangement. Accordingly, copies
of the bill were received at New York about the middle of the month
of Aprff. Governor Tryon, a shrewd and active man, as we have
seen, after having caused it lo be published in the city, found raeans
fo circulate it among the Americans, much extoUing the good dispo
sitions of the government towards Araerica. He wrote at the sarae
time lo general Washington, and lo Trumbull, the governor of New
Jersey, requesting them, a thing really without example, lo bring this
project of an act of parliament to the knowledge of soldiers and of
inhabitants. Washington referred the whole lo the congress, that
they might take the proper measures. Trumbull replied to Tryon
in a very energetic style, that he was not a little surprised at this
strange mode of negotiation between two nations ; that in simffar
cases, demands and propositions are addressed, not lo the multitude,
but lo those who govern ; that there had been a time, indeed, when
such a proposal of the mother country might have been received
with alacrity and gratitude, but that such tirae was irrevocably elapsed .
He reminded of petitions rejected, hostilities comraenced r^nd pros
ecuted with so much barbarity on the part of the Englif .1, their in
solence in good fortune, the cruelties exercised against prisoners,
injuries which had interposed an insuperable obstacle to reconcilia
tion. ' Peace,' he added, ' cannot subsist but with our independence.
The English vvill then find the Araericans as sincere friends as they
are now determined and dangerous enemies. If they would have
peace, let them abandon all insidious procedures, and demand it
openly of those who can grant it.' Meanwhile, the congress, on re
ceipt of their general's dispatches, deliberated upon the step they
had lo take.
Considering themselves as already sure of the assistance of France,
and indignant of these nevv machinations of the English, they decreed
that any men, or body of men whatsoever, who should presume to
make any separate or partial convention or agreement with commis-

BOOK XI.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 123

sioners under the crown of Great Britain, should be reputed and
treated as enemies of the United States ; that these states could not
enter into any conference or treaty wilh the agents of Great Britain,
except they should, as a preUminary thereto, either withdraw their
fleets and armies, or else in positive and express terms acknowledge
the independence of the United States. Finally, it being the design of
the enemy lo full the inhabitants of America, by this soothing sound
of peace, into a neglect of warlike preparations, it was earnestly rec
oramended to l!ie different states to use the most strenuous exer
tions lo have their respective quotas of continental troops in the field
as soon as possible ; and that all the militia of the said states might
be held in readiness to act as occasion might require. The congress
then, in order to show of how little importance they esteemed the
bills of parliament, and the intrigues of Tryon to diffuse them, em
braced the generous counsel of causing them lo be published in the
public prints, together vvith the resolutions they had just passed.
But on the other hand, under the apprehension that many of those
who had hitherto attached themselves to the English party, in de
spair of finding pardon in their country, might not only persist in their
obstinacy, but profiling of the amnesty offered by the British govern
ment, might also employ their influence to draw over lo its interest
even such as had remained faithful lo the common cause, they pass
ed a resolution, recommending to the several states, lo grant a full
remission of all guilt and penalties, except the restrictions they might
deem necessary, lo all those who had borne arms against the United
States, or assisted the enemy in any vvay whatsoever. Each indi
vidual was assured of pardon for the offenses he might have com
mitted up to that lime, and the citizens were invited lo a mutual
forgiveness and oblivion of past wrongs and injuries.
But the English soldiers in America, strangers lo the polilical
considerations by which states are guided, and bitterly irritated at
the obstinate resistance of the Americans, were inconceivably shocked
at hearing of the unexpected resolutions of the ministers. They
were for absolute conquest, and submission without reserve. They
could not endure this shameful condescension ; they asked why
this ignominious retraction, why this solicitude to offer what at first
was refused with so much pertinacity ? They expected, upon the
faith of promises, a re-inforcement of twenty thousand of their feUovv-
soldiers, and they received in their stead acts of concession. The
discontent was so extreme in the camp, as to manifest itself in sedi
tious words, and acts of violence ; the soldiers in their fury presumed
even to rend their colors ; others, and principally the Scotch, tore in
pieces the acts of parhament. If such was the indignation of the

124 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOR XI,
British troops, it is easy to conceive what was the despair ol the
American refugees They saw blasted in a moment their confident
hopes of returning victorious to their habitations ; and perhaps some
of them gnashed al finding themselves frustrated of intended ven
geance. With somuch industry and so little fruit did the agents of England
labor in America to conciliate minds towards the mother country ;
and with so much energy and success did lb" congress endeavor to
^laffle all their efforts !
The second of May was the day destined lo carry to its uimost
height the exultation of the Americans, and to pul the seal to the
dismemberment of the vast and powerful British empire. On this
day arrived at Casco Bay, the French frigate La Sensible, com
manded by M. de Marigny. She had been selected as an excellent
sailer, to bear to the congress the treaties concluded with France ;
she had departed from Brest the eighth of March, having on board
Simon Deane, brother of Silas. She brought, besides, happy news
of aff the European continent, and of an unanimity still more sincere
than ever, of the people and of the princes in favor of America.
The congress was immediately convened : we shall not attempt to
describe their satisfaction and alacrity al the sight of the treaties
They were ratified as soon as read. Unable to control the flush oc
casioned by so great an event, they forgot the rules of prudence. New
states loo frequently err in this ; allowing themselves to be hurried
avvay by an inconsiderate ardor, and impatient to communicate il to
the people they govern, they are betrayed into impoUtic steps. In
this respect, widely different from ancient states ; these, always cir
cumspecl and wrapped up in mystery, are reluctant to break silence
even when every thing appears to exact it. The congress at once
made public the dispatches they had just received ; this disclosure
vvas disagreeable lo several powers, and especially lo Spain, who
would have chosen not lo declare herself before the appointed lime.
The proclamation issued to that effect, spoke not only of the treaty of
commerce concluded wilh France, but even of the treaty of alliance ,
,il announced, without any reserve, that the eraperor of Germany, the
Kings of Spain and Pru&sia, were determined to support them ; that
the king of Prussia, in particular, would not perrait that tne troops
levied in Hesse and Hanau should pass through his territories in
order lo embark in the English vessels, and that he would be the
second potentate in Europe who would acknowledge the indepen
dence of America ; that fifty thousand French were marched upon
the coasts of Normandy and of Brittany ; and, finally, that the navies
of France and Spain (as if the intervention of this power vvas aheady

BOOK XI,

THE AMERICAN WAR, 125

secured) amounted to two hundred ships, ready to sail for the suc
cor of Araerica, The congress afterwards drew up and pubUshed
a solemn address to the people of America ; this piece was wrought
with much care, though a little strange frorn its tumid style, and the
religious sentences with which it was interspersed. It vvas jecom-
mended lo aU ministers of the gospel, of whatever denomination, to
read this address to their congregations, immediately after divine
service. It represenled in the most vivid colors the vicissitudes of
the state in the course of the lale years ; the virtue, the courage, the
patience of the Americans ; the perfidy, the injustice, the cruelty,
the tyranny of the English ; the assistance of God visibly afforded lo
the just cause ; and the ancieni weakness of the colonies succeeded
by their present security. ' The haughty prince,' continued the
address, ' who spurned us from his feet with contumely and disdain,
and the parliament vvhich proscribed us, now descend to offer terms
of accommodation.
' Whffe in the full career of victory, they pulled off the mask, and
avowed their intended despotism. But having lavished in vain the
blood and treasure of their subjects in pursuit of this execrable pur
pose, they now endeavor to ensnare us with the insidious offers of
reconciliation. They intend lo lull you with fallacious hopes of
peace, until they can assemble new armies to prosecute their nefarious
designs. If this is not the case, why do they strain every nerve to
levy men throughout their islands ? Why do they meanly court every
little tyrant of Europe to sell them his unhappy slaves ? Why do they
continue to imbitter the minds of the savages against you ? Surely,
this is not the way to conciliate the affections of America. Be not,
therefore, deceived. You have still to expect one severe conflict.
Your foreign alliances, though they secure your independence, can
not secure your country from desolation, your habitations from
plunder, your wives from insult or violation, nor your chffdren from
butchery. Foffed in their principal design, you must expect to feel
the rage of disappointed ambition. Arise then ! lo your tents ! and
gird you for battle ! It is time to turn the headlong current of ven
geance upon the head of the destroyer. They have filled up the
measure of their abominations, and like ripe fruit must soon drop
from the tree. Although much is done, yet much remains to do.
Expect not peace, whffe any corner of America is in possession of
your foes. You raust drive them away from this land of promise, a
land flowing indeed with mffk and honey. Your brethren, at the
extremities of the continent, already implore your friendship and
protection. It is your duty to grant their request. They hunger and

126 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XI.
thirst after liberty. Be it yours to dispense to them the heavenly
gift, " since a kind Providence has placed it in your power." '
The congress also published those ardcles of the treaty of amity
and commerce vvhich related to the reciprocal intercourse between
the two narions, to the end that the inhabitants of the United Stales
might govern themselves conformably to the same. They exhorted
them to consider the French as their brethren, and to behave
towards them with the friendship and attention due lo the subjects
of a great prince, who with the highest magnanimity and wisdom had
treated with the United States on terms of perfect equality and
mutual advantage, thereby rendering himself the protector of the
rights of mankind.
Great were the rejoicings in aff parts of the United States ; the
name of Louis XVI. was in aff mouths. Every where he was pro
claimed the protector of liberty, the defender of America, the savior
of the country. These joyful tidings were announced wilh great
solemnity to the army, vvhich still occupied the camp of Valley
Forge ; the soldiers were under arms, and all the corps formed in
order of battle.
Meanwhile, the three pacificatory commissioners, CarUsle, Eden,
and Johnstone, had arrived in the waters of the Delaware at the
beginning of June ; they repaired lo PhUadelphia the ninth. Gene
ral CUnlon notified their arrival to Washington, praying him to send
a passport to doctor Ferguson, secretary of the commissioners, that
he might, vvithout danger, deliver their dispatches to the congress.
Washington refused the passport, and his refusal obtained the special
approbation of the government. The commissioners then decided
lo forward their letters by the ordinary post. The congress received
them in their sitting ofthe thirteenth, with an express from Washing
ton. They vvere read to certain words iu the letter directed ' to his
excellency Henry Laurens, the president and others, the members
of congress.' No sooner were they heard, than a violent clamor
arose ; many members exclaimed that the reading ought to be inter
rupted on account of the offensive language against his most christian
majesty. "The words were these : ' We cannot but remark the insidious in
terposition of a power, which has from the first settlement of the
colonies been actuated with enmity lo us both ; and notwithstanding
the pretended date or present form of the French offers to North
America, it is notorious that they have only been made, because it
was believtid that Great Britain had conceived the design of an
amicable arrangement, and wilh a view to prevent reconciliation, and
prolong this destructive war.' After animated debates, the further

BOOK XI.

THE AMERICAN WAR, 127

consideration of the subject was adjourned to the next sitting. The
question was agitated with equal vehemence the following days,
FinaUy, the congress, having demonstrated, by the warmth of this
discussion, the respect they bore lo their august ally, reflected, on the
other hand, that it was more prudent to answer than to keep silence.
It vvas easy lo lay before the people such motives as were likely to
dissuade them from accepting the proposals of England, whereas a
refusal to notice theni might occasion discontents prejudicial to the
state. They determined, accordingly, lo read the dispatches ofthe
commissioners. They consisted in the letter addressed to the
president of congress, a copy of their coramission, and three acts of
parliament. The commissioners offered in their letter more than would
have been required, in the origin of the quarrel, to appease the minds
ofthe colonists and re-establish tranquillity ; but less than was neces
sary al present lo obtain peace. They endeavored to persuade the
Americans that the conditions of the arrangemicnt were not only
favorable, but also perfectly sure, and of such a nature that the two
parlies would know, for the future, upon what footing they vvere to
live together ; that their friendship would thus be established upon
solid bases, as it should be, in order to be durable. They declared
themselves ready to consent to an immediate cessation of hostihties
by sea and land ; to restore a free intercourse, and to renew the
comraon benefits of naturalization throughout the several parts of the
empire ; lo extend every freedom to trade that the respective inter
ests of both parlies could require ; to agree that no military force
should be kept up in the different slates of North America, without
the consent of the general congress, or of the particular assemblies ;
lo concur in such measures as vvould be requisite to discharge the
debts of America, and to raise the credit and the value of the paper
circulation ; to perpetuate the common union by a reciprocal depu=
lation of agents from the different states, who should have the priv
ilege of a seat and voice in the parliament of Great Britain ; or if
sent from Britain, in that case, to have a seat and voice in the assem
bly of the different states to which they might be deputed respective
ly ; in order lo attend lo the several interests of those by whom they
were deputed ; to establish the right and power of the respective
legislatures in each particular state, of settling its revenue and its
civil and military establishment, and of exercising a perfect freedom
of legislation and internal government^ so that the British states
throughout North America, acting with those of Europe in peace
and war, under one common sovereign, might have the irrevocable
enjoyment of every privffege that was shorl of a total separation of

128 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XI,
interest, or consistent with that union of force on which the security
of British religion and liberty depended.
Finally, the commissioners expressed their desire to open confer
ences with congress, or wilh some of its members, either at New
York, at Philadelphia, or at Yorktown, or in such other place as it
might please the congress to appoint.
Thus, to terminate a war, already pushed to a great length, those
who in its origin would hear of nothing shorl of the absolute reduc
tion of America, abated all the rigor of their conditions.
Meanwhile, the congress took into serious consideration the slate
of affairs. The debates that ensued upon this subject, were drawn
into length ; not that any individual thought of renouncing indepen
dence, but all took an interest in the forra of the answer lo be given
to the commissioners. The discussion was continued until the sev
enteenth of June. On that day, the congress answered wilh as much
conciseness as dignity ; they already felt how greatly their position
was meliorated by the success of their arra.s and the alliance of
France. Their reply purported, that the acts of the British parlia
ment, the very coraraission of the agents, and their letters to con
gress, supposed the people of the United States to be subjects of the
crown of Great Britain, and were founded un the idea of depen
dence, vvhich was utterly inadmissible ; that, nevertheless, the Araer
icans were inclined to peace, notwithstanding the unjust claims from
which the war had originated, and the savage manner in vvhich it
had been conducted. That congress would therefore be ready to
enter upon the consideration of a treaty of peace and commerce,
not inconsistent with treaties already subsisting, when the king of
Great Britain should demonstrate a sincere disposition for that pur
pose ; of which no ether proof could be admitted but that of an ex
plicit acknowledgment of the independence of the United States, or
the withdrawing of his fleets and armies.
Thus, the Americans, steady in their resolutions, chose rather to
trust to their own fortune, which they had already proved, and to
the hope they placed in that of France, than to link themselves anew
to the tottering destiny of England ; abandoning all idea of peace,
war became the sole object of their solicitude. Such was the issue
of the attempts to effect an accommodation ; and thus were extin
guished the hopes which the negotiation had given birth to in Eng
land. But not consenting lo concessions untff the time for them was
passed, the EngUsh justified the refusal of the Americans. It can
not be affirmed that these overtures on the part of the first, were
only an artifice to divide the second among themselves, lo detach
them from France, and to have them afterwards at their discretion ;

BOOK XI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 129
but it is certain that after so many rancorous animosities, so many
sanguinary battles, after the innumerable excesses of rapine, cruelty
and lust, the Americans could not be blamed for suspecting the
British ministers of a design to insnare them.
The wound vvas incurable, and friendship could not be restored.
This was a truth of universal evidence ; the seeming inchned to be
lieve the contrary, was sufficient to inspire apprehensions of treach
ery, and the extreme of distrust in all ff altering promises. Whoever
shall reflect attentively upon the long series of evenls which we have
related up to this lime, vvill perceive that the Americans were always
constant in their resolution, the English always versatile, uncertain,
and wavering. Hence it is not al all surprising that those found
new friends, and that these not only lost theirs, but also made ene
mies of them at the very naomenl when they could do them the least
harm, and might receive the most from them. Vigorous resolutions
prevent danger ; half measures invite and aggravate it.
But the chiefs of the American revolution vvere not without appre
hension that the insidious caresses, the new concessions of England,
and the secrei intrigues of the commissioners, might act powerfuffy
upon the minds of such citizens as were weak or impatient for re
pose. The congress, however, was not disposed to give any other
answer except that which has been recounted above'. They excited
therefore several writers to justify, their resolutions and to defend the
cause of America. This course appeared lo them the more proper,
inasmuch as the English commissioners. Laving lost all hope of suc
ceeding vvith the congress, had resorted to the expedient of dissemi
nating in the country a multitude of writings, by which they en
deavored to persuade the people that the obstinacy of congress
would hurry America into an abyss, by alienating her from her old
friends, and giving her up a prey to an inveterate enemy. This
step of the commissioners furnished the patriots with a new argument
to put the people on their guard against the artifices and intrigues of
the agents of England. Among the writers of this epoch, deserving
of particular mention, is Drayton, one of the deputies of South Car
olina, and a raan of no common erudition. He endeavored lo de
monstrate in the public papers, that the United Slates having al
ready treated with France, as free stales, and in order to maintain
their independence, they could not now negotiate with the British
commissioners upon the basis of submission, without renouncing that
faith and ingenuousness which ought lo preside over all their trans
actions, without exposing the American people to be accounted
faithless and infamous, and consequently to lose for ever all hope of
foreign succors ; while on the olher hand they would find them-
voL. n. . 9

130 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XI.
selves placed without resource in the power of those who had given
them heretofore such fatal proofs of their perfidy and cruelty. ' Be
sides,' he added, ' the conventions that we inight make wilh the
commissioners would not be definitive ; they would need the ratifica
tion of the king, of the ministers, and of the parliament ; and what
assurance have we that they would have it ? But let it be supposed.
can we be assured that a future parliament wiU not annul all these
treaties ? Let us not forget, that we have to do with an enemy as
faithless and fraudulent as barbarous. How is it possible not to sus
pect a snare, when we hear the commissioners offer us propositions
which exceed their powers, and contradict even the acts of parha
ment ? ' Thus the patriots repulsed the offers, the proraises, and the
arguraents of the British coraraissioners. Finding no accessible
point, the latter were at length convinced that all hope of concilia-
lion raust be relinquished. If they could stffl have remained under
any iffusion upon this point, il must soon have been dissipated by the
evacuation which their generals made, at the same instant, of the
city of Philadelphia, the acquisition of which had been the fruit of
so rauch blood, and of two arduous carapaigns. The ministers
feared, what actuaUy happened, that a French fleet might suddenly
enter the Delaware, and place the British army, which occupied
Philadelphia, in extreme jeopardy. Their design was, besides, to
carry the war into the southern provinces, and to send a part of the
troops to defend their islands of the West Indies against the attacks
of the new enemy. The diminution that must result frora it in the
army of the continent, induced them to send orders to Clinton, by
the commissioner Eden, to evacuate PhUadelphia without delay, and
lo fall back upon New York. This measure, dictated by prudence,
and even by necessity, vvas interpreted by the Americans as a symp
tom of terror ; and it consequently must have had the most prejudi
cial influence upon the success of the negotiations. What need
have we, they said, to enter into an accommodation with the Eng
lish, when their retreat is a virtual avowal of the inferiority of their

arms

Be this as it may, Clinton prepared to execute the orders of his
government. But in order to repair by land to New York, it was
necessary to traverse New Jersey, a province, in which, for reasons
already stated, he must expect to meet only wilh enemies. It was,
besides, exhausted by long war. Foreseeing, therefore, that he
inight want provisions, the English general, before evacuating Phila
delphia, had collected them in considerable quantity, and loaded
them upon a greal number of carriages. It is true, that as the fleet
of lord Howe still remained in the waters of the Delaware, the army

BOOK XI. THE AMERIC.\N WAR. 131
might have been transported lo New York by sea ; the Americans
themselves expected it, and Washington apprehended it much. But
the difficulties and delays of the embarkation, and perhaps also the
fear of encountering the French fleet in superior force, deterred the
English from taking this route. Clinton and Howe having made the
necessary dispositions, the whole army passed the Delaware very
early on the twenty-second of June ; and, descending the river a
little, landed at Gloucester Point, upon the territory of New Jersey.
It immediately proceeded, vvith all its baggage, tovvards Haddonfield,
where it arrived the same day.
Washington was soon apprised in his camp at Valley Forge, that
the British array was in motion ; without loss of time he sent general
Dickinson to assemble the miUlia of New Jersey under arms. At
the same time, in order lo support them by a respectable corps of
continental troops, he ordered general Maxwell to march into New
Jersey. Their mutual efforts were to embarrass, by all possible im
pediments, the retreat of the British army ; to break up the roads,
to cut the bridges, to fell trees, and to plant them in abatlis. Il vvas
recommended to them at the same time to avoid hazardous move
ments and unexpected actions. Such were the first steps taken by
Washington in order to retard the enemy, until he could advance
himself vvith the main body of his army into New Jersey, and ob
serve in person what there was to be done. In the meantime, he
assembled his council of war at Valley Forge, and submitted to their
deliberation whether it was proper, by harassing the enemy's rear,
to do him aff the harm possible, without, however, coming to a gene
ral engagement ; or whether il was more advisable to attack him in
front, and try the fortune ofa decisive battle. The opinions differed,
and were for sorae time in balance. General Lee, who a little
before had been exchanged for Prescott, considering the equality of
the forces of the two armies, and the posture of affairs, become too
favorable to be exposed without necessity to the hazard of battles,
perhaps also having little confidence in the discipline of the Ameri
can troops, vvas of the opinion that they should not be put lo the
test anew, and that an action should be avoided. He was for being
content with following the enemy, observing his motions, and pre
venting him from ravaging the country. This counsel was adopted
by the greater part of the generals. The others, among whom was
Washington hiraself, thought differently, and were inclined, in case
a favorable occasion should present itself, to engage a general affair.
They could not bring their minds to endure that the enemy should
retire wilh impunity during so long a march, and they persuaded
themselves that they had every thing to expect from soldiers whose

132 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XI.
constancy, the rigor of the seasons, and the scarcity of things the
most necessary to life, had not been able to subdue. They reflect
ed, besides, that the English army was embarrassed with the most
cumbersome baggage, and they doubled not but that, in the nume
rous defiles il would have to thread, some favorable occasion must
offer itself to attack with advantage. Nevertheless, the opinion of
the majority prevailed, not without evident dissatisfaction on the part
of Washington, who, according to his character of personal perti
nacity, remained steadfast in his vvay of thinking.
The same day in vvhich the English abandoned Philadelphia, he
moved from his camp of VaUey Forge, and crossing the Delaware
at Coryeffs Ferry, because Chnlon was marching up the river, he
went to take post at Hopewell. He was in great uncertainty
respecting the designs of the enemy. Their slow march, which was
the effect of the immoderate quantity of their baggage, and not a
stratagem, induced him to suspect that their aim was to draw him
beyond the Rariton, into the open plains of New Jersey, and then,
rapidly, turning his right, to lock him against the river, and constrain
him lo join battle with disadvantage. He proceeded, therefore, with
extreme circumspection, and did not allow himself lo be enticed to
venture across the Rariton.
Meanwhile, the English had already reached Allentown. Wash
ington detached Morgan wilh his light horse, to harass their right
flank, while Maxwell and Dickinson infested them on the lefl, and
general Cadwallader in rear. But when Clinton found himself in
Allentown, he reflected upon the way he had to take in order to
arrive at New York. By turning towards the Rariton, he might pro
ceed to Brunswick, pass the river there, push for Staten Island, and
thence to Nevv York. Another route presented itself on the right,
by passing through Monmouth and gaining with rapidity the heights
of Middletown, whence it was easy to pass to Sandy Hook ; from
that point, the fleet of Howe, which awaited the army, could trans
port it to New York. General Clinton conceived it an extremely
hazardous enterprise to attempt the passage of the Rariton, vvith an
army encumbered by such immense convoys, and in the presence of
that of Washington, which he knew was soon to be re-inforced by
the northern troops, under the command of general Gates. He
concluded therefore to pursue the road of Monmouth, and immedi
ately commenced the march. Washington, vvho liU then had remain
ed in doubt, because the road from Allentown leads alike to New
Brunswick and to Monmouth, as soon as he got this intelligence,
detached general Wayne with a thousand regular troops lo re-
'nforcethe corps of Cadwallader, in order to enable him with more

BOOK XI. THE AMERICAN WAR, 133
effect to harass, and retard the enemy. The simultaneous action of
the detachments of Wayne, Cadwallader, Dickinson and Morgan,
being of extreme importance, the commander-in-chief put them al'
unaer the comraand of major-general La Fayette. But the danger
increasing at every instant, as the American van had alreadv come
up with the English rear, Washington judged it necessary to sup
port it by other corps of regular troops. He directed general Lee
to press forward with two brigades. As the senior, Lee took the
command of the whole vanguard, leaving to the marquis de la Fay
ette only that of the militia and light horse. General Lee occupied
Englishlown. Washington fo lowed a little distance from the main
body of the array, and encamped at Cranberry. Morgan continued
to infest the right flank of the English, and Dickinson their left.
Things were fast verging to a decisive event. The British army was
encamped upon the heights of Freehold ; descending thence towards
Monmouth, a deep valley is entered, three miles in length and one
in breadth ; it is broken vvith hiffocks, woods, and morasses. Gene
ral Clinton, seeing the enemy so near, and the battle inevitable, with
drew aff the baggage from the rear, and passed il into the charge of
the van, commanded by general Knyphausen, that whffe himself
with the rear guard kept the enemy in check, it might be conducted
without molestation to a place of safely upon the hills of Middle-
town. The rear guard, which he retained during the night of the
twenty-seventh in his encampment at Freehold, consisted of several
battalions of English infantry, both heavy and Ught, the Hessian
grenadiers, and a regiment of cavalry.
The next morning at daybreak, Knyphausen descended inlo the
valley wilh the vanguard and his convoy, on his way towards Mid
dletown, and was soon at a good distance from the camp. Clinton,
wilh the selected corps he had kept with him, still maintained his
position, as well to retard the enemy, as to give lime for the baggage
to gain the heights. Washington, promptly informed of all that
passed, and apprehensive that the English would effect their design
of posting theraselves in the mountains of Middletown, the distance
being only a few miles, in which case it became impossible to inter
rupt their retreat to New York, resolved lo give them battle without
further delay.
He ordered general Lee to attack the enemy in front, while Mor
gan and Dickinson should descend inlo the valley upon his flanks,
the first to the right, the second to the lefl, in order to attempt the
column of Knyphausen, encumbered with its long train of carriages
and packhorses. Each put himself in motion to obey. General
Chnton, having resumed his march, was already descended from the

134 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XI.
heights of Freehold, when he perceived that the Americans were
also descending with impetuosity in order to attack him. He was
informed at the same instant, that Knyphausen was exposed to tbe
greatest peril, his convoy being engaged in defiles, that conlumed
several mffes. CUnlon, finding himself under the necessity of fight
ing, instantly took the only resolution that could extricate him from
the embarrassments of his position. He determined to tum upon
the Americans who menaced his rear, and to charge thera with the
utmost vigor. He persuaded himself that, thrown into disorder by
this unexpected attack, they vvould hasten lo recall lo their succor
the corps they had detached to ini rcept the baggage. Thus the
EngUsh rear guard, commanded by (. ornwalUs and Clinton himself,
and the American vanguard, conducted by general Lee, and the
marquis de la Fayette, advanced the one against the olher with a
firm resolution to engage.
The artillery began lo play, and the Queen's dragoons charged
and routed the light horse of La Fayette. Lee, surprised at the un
expected deterraination of Clinton lo face about upon the Americans,
and the rapidity with which he had carried il into execution, was
constrained to form his troops upon ground by no means favorable.
He had behind him a ravine which rendered his retreat almost im
practicable in case of check. Perhups also he was piqued al being
forced to join battle after having supported the contrary opinion.
At the first charge of the English he fell back, not without dis
order, probably occasioned by the difficulty of the ground. The
enemy pursued him across the ravine, and pressed him hard before
he had time lo rally. In this critical moment, Washington arrived
wilh his corps. Having kept himself ready to move at any instant,
he had pushed forward al the first sound of the firing, having ordered
his soldiers to leave behind them whatever could impede their march,
even to the knapsacks, which they usually carried upon all occasions.
On seeing the retreat or rather flight of the troops of ^ee, he was
not raaster of his anger : he addressed some very harsh words to that
general, and applied himself wilh equal prudence and courage lo
restore the fortune of the day. It was necessary, first of aff, to ar-
lest for a f?w moments the impetuosity of the English, in order to
give time for all the corps of the rear guard to come up. Accord
ingly, the commander-in-chief ordered the battalions of colonels
Stewart and Ramsay lo occupy an important post on the lefl, behind
a tuft of wood, and there lo sustain the first efforts of the enemy.
Stung by the reproaches of his general, and stimulated by the point
of honor, even Lee raade extreme exertions lo rally his troops. He
disposed them on more advantageous ground, where they defended

BOOK XI,

THE AMERICAN WAR, 135

themselves valiantly. The English were constrained lo renew their
attacks in order to dislodge them. But at length, Lee, as weU as
Stewart and Ramsay, overpowered by numbers, were forced lo fall
back ; they withdrew, however, without any confusion. Lee retired
to rally anew behind Englishlown ; but in the meantime the Amer
ican rear guard had arrived upon the field of battle. Washington
disposed these fresh troops, partly in a neighboring wood, and partly
upon a hill situated on the left, from which some pieces of cannon,
which lord SterUng had planted there, severely annoyed the enemy.
The infantry were drawn up in the center, at the fool of the hill in
front of the enemy. At the same time, general Greene, who, on this
day, commanded the right vving, and who had advanced considerably.
on being apprised of the retreat of the vanguard, very prudently
concluded also lo fall back.
As soon as he v.'as arrived upon the field of battle, he took a very
strong position on the right of lord Sterling. He likewise posteG
his artillery upon a lofty erainence, whence it cruelly infested th(
left vving of the enemy. The EngUsh, being thus arrested, and find
ing so harsh a reception in front, attempted to turn the lefl flank of
the Americans ; but they were repulsed by the Ught infantry which
Washington had sent there for this purpose. They then direcled
their efforts against his right, which they endeavored to surround.
But overwhelmed by the artillery of Greene, they were soon forced
lo retreat. As soon as Washington saw them give way, he caused
them to be charged vigorously by the infantry under general Wayne.
The English turned the back, and recrossing the ravine, went to
form anew upon the same ground where general Lee had raade his
first halt. Victory was no longer doubtful ; but the new position of
the English was stiff formidable. Their flanks were covered by
v/oods and deep morasses, and their front, being protected by the
same ravine which had deranged the troops of Lee in the beginning
of the action, could only be reached through a narrow pass.
Washington, nevertheless, made his dispositions for renewing the
engageraent, having ordered general Poor to charge them upon the
right with his own brigade and a corps of Carolinian miUtia, and
general Woodfort to attack them upon the left, while the arrillery
should play on them in front. Both exerted themselves wilh alacrity
to execute their orders, and to surmount the obstacles which defended
the flanks of the British army. But the ground was so broken
and difficult that night carae on before they had been able to obtain
any advantage. The action soon ceased throughout the line. Wash
ington vvould have desired to re-commence it the next morning, with
the day ; he therefore kept aU his troops under arms during the night.

136 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XI,
He was vigilant that every thing should be ready ; sparing neither
cares nor fatigue. But the thoughts of Clinton were very differently
occupied. His vanguard and his baggage were already arrived in
safety near Middletown. His calculation had not deceived him, for
he had no sooner attacked the corps of Lee, than that general has
tened to recall the light troops which had been detached to fall upon
the baggage and the soldiers that guarded it, as they filed through the
valley. I)uiing the action, they had conrinued lo march upon Mid
dletown, and Ihey'had arrived the same evening at secure positions
on the hiUs. Clinton, besides, had not lo blush for this day, since
wilh his rear guard he had repulsed the American van, and had finally
arrested the whole army of the enemy. His troops were greatly
inferior in number to those of Washington ; but it vvould have been
an imprudence, even for an army of equal force, to risk a new
engagement, when so great a part of it was at such a distance, and
in a country whose inhabitants and whose surface presented Uttle
else but opposition and obstacles. The loss of the battle would have
been followed by the total ruin of the army. On all these considera
tions, he decided for retreat. He took advantage of the obscurity of
night in order not to ^e foffowed, and to avoid the intolerable sultri
ness of the climate during the day. About ten at night, the Ameri
cans say at midnight, he put his columns in motion for Middletown,
with so profound a silence, that the eneray, though extremely near,
and attentive to observe him, perceived not his retreat. Clinton wrote,
that his march was favored by moonlight. This circumstance afforded
the Araericans an abundance of raerriment ; it being observed that
the raoon was then at its fourth day, and that it was set a lillie before
eleven at night. Washington, on his part, had lo lake into consider
ation the excessive heat of the season, the weariness of his troops.
the nature of the country, very sandy, and without water ; finally, the
distance which the eneray had already gained upon him during the
night. He consequently relinquished the thought of pursuing them
and allowed his army to repose in the carap of Englishlown until the
first of July. He took this step with the less reluctance, as he con
sidered it now impracticable to prevent or disturb the embarkation of
the English at Sandy Hook.
Such was the issue of the battle of Freehold, or of Monmouth, as
it IS called by the Americans. If they had the worse in its com
mencement, it terminated in their favor. And it appears very prob
able, that if the division under Lee had made a fir.m stand, they
would have gained the most decisive victory. The English, in this
engagement, had three hundred killed, and an equal number wound
ed ; about one hundred were made prisoners. Many of them also

BOOK XI,

THE AMERICAN WAR. 137

deserted, especiaUy of the Hessians, Few were slain on the side of
the Americaus. On the one part and on the other many soldiers
died, not of wounds, but of the intense heat of the weather, added to
the fatigue of the day. Washington greatly commended his troops
for the valor they had signalized, and particularly general Wayne,
The congress voted thanks to the army, and especially to the offi
cers and commander-in-chief. But general Lee, a man of an irasci
ble character, could not brook the indignity he believed to have been
offered him by Washington, in the presence of his soldiers. He 'iiere-
fore wrote two letters to the commander-in-chief, in which his resent
ment caused him to forget aff bounds of respect. They occasioned
the revival of an affair which the usual prudence and moderation of
Washington would have incUned him lo pass by. Lee was arrested
and brought before a court martial, to make answer to the three fol
lowing charges ; for disobedience, in not attacking the enemy on the
twenty-eighth of June, agreeably to his instructions : for having made
an unnecessary, disorderly, and shameful retreat ; and for disrespect
.to the commander-in-chief in his two letters. He defended himself
with great ingenuity, and with a sort of eloquence, so that impartial
and military raen remained in doubt whether he was reaffy culpable
or not. Nevertheless, the court martial found hira guffty of all the
charges, bating the epithet of shameful, which was expunged, and
sentenced him to be suapended for one year ; a judgment certainly
either too mild, if Lee was guilty, or too severe, if innocent. This
affair occasioned much conversation, some approving, others blaming
the sentence. The congress, though wilh some hesitation, con
firmed it.
On the first of July, Washington direcled the march of his army
towards the Hudson, in order to secure the passages of the moun
lains, now the English were in force at Nevv York. He left, how
ever, some detachments of light troops, and particularly Morgan's dra
goons, in the lower parts of New Jersey, lo take up deserters, and to
repress the incursions of the enemy.
While such were the operations of Washington and of Clinton in
New Jersey, general Gates, with a part of the northern army, had
descended along the banks of the Hudson, in order lo disquiet the
EngUsh in Nevv York. By this judicious movement, the garrison of
that city, under apprehensions for itself, was prevented from march
ing lo the support of those who were engaged with the enemy in New
Jersey. Meanwhile, the British army was arrived, the thirtieth of June, at
Middletown, not far from Sandy Hook. The fleet under lord Howe
was already at anchorthere, though it had been detained a long time

133 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XI.
in the Delaware by calms. Sandy Hook had been in time past a
peninsula, which, forming a point, extended in the mouth of the bay
of New York ; but in the preceding winter it had been disjoined
from the mainland by a violent storm and inundation, and converted
into an island. The timely arrival of the fleet delivered the army
from the imminent peril lo which it would have been exposed, had it
been unable lo pass this new strait. But a bridge of boats was con
structed with incredible expedition ; and the whole army passed over
the channel inlo Sandy Hook island, whence it was soon afler con
veyed by the fleet to New York ; ignorant of the extrerae danger it
had so narrowly escaped.
The count d'Estaing, wilh his powerful armament, was at length
arrived in the seas of America. After having made his appearance
upon the coasts of Virginia, he had entered the raouth of the Dela
ware, in the night of the eighth of July. If he could have gained
that position a few days sooner, and before the fleet of Howe had got
out of the river, or even if he had fallen in with it on its passage from
the Delaware lo Sandy Hook, it is beyond doubt that he would have
entirely destroyed that squadron, which only consisted of two ships
of the line, a few frigates, and a certain number of transports. The
British army would then have been inclosed by the Araericans at
land, and by the French at sea. Hemmed in by mountains and an
impassable tract of country, il would have found il irapossible to force
its way to New York. Destitute of provisions, and cut off from all
coramunication, it must have been compelled at last lo surrender, and
al Middletown would have been renewed the capitulation of Saratoga.
This event might Iherefore have decided the fale of the whole war.
But after having commenced with favorable winds, the voyage of the
French admiral was so protracted by frequent calms, or by rough
weather, that he not only did not arrive in time to surprise the squad
ron of Howe in the Delaware, and the army of Clinton at Piiiladel-
phia, as had been the scope of his plan, but also that he did not
enter the waters of that river until the one was withdrawn lo the
anchorage of Sandy Hook, and the other behind the waffs of New
York. But though the land troops might think themselves in safety within
that city, the fleet was exposed to manifest perff in the road of Sandy
Hook. As soon as the count d'Estaing was informed of the move
ments of the enemy, he promptly took his resolution. He pul to sea
anew, and suddenly made his appearance, the eleventh of July, iu
sight of the British squadron anchored at Sandy Hook. His own
consisted oftwelve ships of the line, perfectly equipped, among which
were two of eighty guns, and six of seventy- four ;' he had, besides,

EOOK XI.

THE AMERICAN WAR, 139

three or four large frigates. On the olher hand, the British squadron
was composed of only six ships of sixty-four guns, three of fifty, and
two of forty, wilh some frigates and sloops. They were not in good
condition, having been long absent from England, and their crews
were very deficient in number. It is also to be observed, that when
the French fleet appeared so unexpectedly, that of Howe was not
in the order of battle suitable to receive it. If, therefore, the count
d'Estaing, immediately upon his arrival, had pushed forward and
attempted to force the entrance of the harbor, there must have en
sued, considering the valor and ability of the two parlies, a most ob
stinate and sanguinary engagement ; an engagement, however, which
the superiority of 'he French would in all probabiUty have decided
in their favor.
The count d'Estaing appeared disposed to enter; the Enghsh
prepared to receive him. But such is the nature of the moutl. of
the bay of New York, that, though sufficiently broad, il is obstruct
ed by a bar, which runs from Long Island tovvards Sandy Hook, so
that between the latter and the extremity of the bar, there is left but
a very narrow ship channel. Nevertheless, the bar being at a cer
tain depth under water, light vessels may pass it with facffity, espe
ciaUy at flood tide ; but it was doubtful whether large ships, like
those of the French, could surmount this obstacle. The count
d'Estaing look counsel of the American pilots, sent him by the con
gress ; he feared that his ships, and especially the Languedoc and
Tonnant, which drew raore water than the others, would not be able
lo pass. He therefore rehnquished the enterprise, and withdrew lo
anchor upon the coast of New Jersey, about four miles from Sandy
Hook, and not far from the town of Shrewsbury. There, having
recruited his water ac ' provisions, he concerted with the American
gejjerals respecting the expedition of Rhode Island, which he med
itated, since he had missed that of the Delaware.
The English imagined that the French admiral was only waiting
in this anchorage for the high rides at the end of July. Under the
apprehension of an approaching attack, they accordingly prepared
theraselves for a vigorous defensn. The ardor manifested on this
occasion by their troops, both in the land and sea service, cannot
be too highly commended. Meanwhile, several English vessels that
were bound to New York, far from supposing that the French were
become masters of the sea, feff daily into their power, under the very
eyes of their own people of the squadron, whose indignation was
vehement ; but they had no means of remedy.
Finally, on the twenty-second of July, the whole French fleet
appeared at the entrance of Sandy Hook. The wind favored it, and

140 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XI,
the tide was very high. The English expected an action which raust
necessarily issue either in a victory without example, or in the total
destruction of their fleet ; but after some uncertain movements, the
count d'Estaing all at once stood off towards the south, and relieved
his enemy from all fear. His departure could not have been better
timed for the English ; for frora the twenty-second to the thirtieth
of July, several ships of admiral Byron's squadron, which had been
dispersed and shattered by storms and a tedious passage, arrived
successively at Sandy Hook. If the count d'Estaing had remained
a few days longer on that station, not one of them could have es
caped him. Of this number vvere the Renown ani the Centurion
of fifty guns, the Reasonable of sixty-four, and the Cornwall of
seventy-four. Admiral Howe, thus finding himself, with infinite gratification, in
condition lo resume the open sea, sailed in search of the count
d'Estaing, whom he afterwards found at Newport in Rhode Island.
But previous to relating what passed between the two admirals,
the order of history requires that we should recount what happened
between the British commissioners and the congress. The forraer
had not entirely abandoned their enterprise, and they still continued
upon the American continent.
Johnstone, one of their nuraber, had formerly resided a long time
upon the shores of America, where he had formed an acquaintance
with many of the principal inhabitants ofthe countiy. He had like
wise been governor of one of the colonies, where his active and
cultivated genius, with his insinuating manners, had procured him
an extensive influence. Being, besides, a meraber of parliament,
he had there alvvays warmly defended the cause of America, and
had shown himself one of the most resolute antagonists of the minis
try. These motives, to which, perhaps, it was owing that he had
been selected for a comraissioner, persuaded him that he might suc
ceed in effecting in America, by his suggestions and a private corre
spondence, what his coUeagues, perchance, could not have obtained
by open negotiations, always subject to the restraints of circumspec
tion and distrust. He believed, at least, that by enticing the princi
pal republicans with brilliant prospects of honors and wealth, he should
smooth the difficulties vvhich impeded the opere tions of the commis
sioners. Il is not known whether he pursued this course of his own
motion, or with the privity, or even by the command of the govern
ment. Nevertheless, the tenor ofthe letters he wrote upon this head,
would lead to the belief that the ministers were no strangers to his
designs. In fact, contrary to the uniform practice of those who ex
ercise a delegated power, he praised the resistance which the Amer-

BOOK XI.

THE AMERICAN WAB. 141

icans had made, up to that time, against the unjust and arrogant
laws of England ; a frankness he would scarcely have ventured, if
he had not been guided by the instructions of the ministers. The
style in which he wrote to the most considerable citizens, and even
to the members of congress, would sponer have caused him lo bo
taken fof an agent of that body, than for an envoy of the British
government. He professed a desire to be admitted into Ihe interior
ofthe country, and to discourse face lo face with men, whose vir
tues he admired above those of the Greeks and Romans, in order lo
be able to describe them to his chffdren. He affirmed that they had
worthily wielded the pen and the sword in vindicating the rights of
their country, and of the human race ; he overwhelmed them with
protestations of his love and veneration. The congress had sorae
suspicions, and at last positive knowledge of these intrigues. They
recoramended to the different stales, and direcled the commander-
in-chief, and olher officers, to hold a strict hand to the effect that all
correspondence with the enemy should cease. By a subsequent res
olution, it was ordained that all letters of a public nature receiveii
by any merabers of congress, from the agents or subjects of the king
of Great Britain, should be laid before that assembly.
Thus became public those letters addressed by Johnstone to three
members of congress, one lo Francis Dana, another to genera]
Reed, and a third to Robert Morris. In the first, he assured that
doctor Franklin had approved the conditions of the arrangement that
was proposed ; that France had been induced to conclude the treaty
of alliance, not from any regard for the interests of Araerica, bot
from the dread of reconcihation ; that Spain was dissatisfied, arid
disapproved the conduct of the court of VersaUles. In the second,
after lavishing praises on general Reed, he continued with saying,
that the man who could be instrumental in restoring harmony be
tween the two slates, would deserve more from the king and people,
than ever was yet bestowed on human kind. In the third, which he
had also fiUed wilh compliments, he admitted that he believed the
men who had conducted the affairs of America incapable of being
influenced by improper motives, and added the following words :
' but in all such transactions there is risk ; and I think that whoever
ventures, should be secured, at the same time, that honor and emolu
ment should naturally foUow the fortunes of those who have st "ored
the vessel in the storm, and brought her safely into port. I think
Washington and the president have a right to every favor that grate
ful narions can bestow, if they could once more unite our interests,
and spare the miseries and devastations of war.' Such were the
baits with which, as the Americans said, George Johnstone attempted

142 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XI.
the fidelity of the first authoriries of the United States ; such
were the words of blandishment he caused to resound in their ears,
in order to seduce them to betray their country. But that which
gave the congress most offense, and which they profited of withthe
greatest address lo render the British cause and propositions alike
odious to the inhabitants ofAmerica, was the following transaction
general Reed stated that a lady had sought him, on the part of John
stone, and had earnestly exhorted him to promote the re-union of the
two countries, promising, in case of success, a reward often thousand
pounds sterling, and any office in the colonies in the king's gift.
The general replied, as he affirmed, that he was not worth purchas
ing ; but that such as he urns, the king of Great Britain was not
rich enough to do it. The congress, in their indignation, declared
that thesc being direct attempts to corrupt and bribe the congress of
the United States of America, it was incompatible wilh their honor
to hold any manner of correspondence or intercourse vvith George
Johnstone ; especially to negotiate with him upon affairs in which
the cause of liberty and virtue was interested.
This declaration, which vvas sent by a flag to the commissioners,
produced a very severe answer from Johnstone, which, if he had
clothed in more moderate language, would have gained him more
credit with his readers. He affected to consider the declaration of
congress as an honor, and not as a matter of offense ; he observed
that while that assembly only contended for the essential privileges
necessary to the preservation of their liberty and the redress of their
grievances, their censure would have filled his soul with bitterness
and with grief ; but since the congress, deaf lo the piteous cries of
so raany citizens overwhelmed by the calamities of war, had sullied
by motives of personal ambition the principles of their first resistance ;
since he saw them bend the knee before the ambassador of France,
and form alliance with the ancient enemy of the two countries, vvith
the manifest intention of reducing the power of the mother country,
he was quite unconcerned what might be the opinions of such men
vvith regard to him. As to the accusations drawn from his letters,
ho neither denied nor confessed. He simply affirmed, that the
present resolution of congress was no better founded than that they
had taken concerning the cartridge-boxes of Burgoyne's army. He
reser -ed, however, the liberty of justifying his conduct, before his
departure from America; and added, that in the mean time, he
should abstain from acting in the character of a commissioner.
His coUeagues, Carlisle, CUnlon, and Eden, issued a couniei
declaration, wherein they disclaimed all participation and knowledge
of the matters specified by the congress in their resolurions, They

BOOK XI.

THE AMERICAN WAB. 143

expressed, at the same time, the highest opinion of the abiliries of
Johnstone, of riie uprightness of his intenrions, and of the equity
and generosity of those sentiments and principles upon which he was
desirous of founding a reconcihation between the disunited parts of
the British empire.
Eut the design of the commissioners in this declaration was not
so much to exculpate themselves, as to counteract the impression
produced by the treaties with France, and to demonstrate to the
people at large that congress had no right lo ratify thera. They
had placed great hopes in this step. They were not igt orant that
raany Americans had abated their ardor, and even conceived a secrei
discontent, since the much magnified succor of the count d'Estaing
had proved of so litrie, or rather of no utility. The commissioners
vvere also, as usual, stimulated by the refugees, who reminded thern
conrinually of the multitude and power of the loyalists. They ex
patiated, iherefore, upon the perfidy of France, upon the ambition of
congress, and they exerted themselves, especially, to prove that the
latter, in a case of this importance, where the salvation or the ruin of
all America was at stake, had not, even by their own constitution,
the power to ratify the treaties vvith France, without consulting their
constituents ; al a tirae, too, when such offers of accommodation
were expected on the part of Greal Britain, as not only far exceeded
the demands, but even the hopes of the inhabitants of America.
They concluded with observing, that the faith of the nation was not
pledged by the ratification of congress.
The opposite party wanted not writers who endeavored to defeat
the effect of these insinuations. The most conspicuous among them
were Drayton, already mentioned, and Thomas Paine, author of the
work entitled Coramon Sense. Whatever were the merits of this
controversy, it is certain that the publicarions of the commissioners
were absolutely fruitless. Not a proselyte was made.
The British agents, being now persuaded that all hopes of recon
cihation were iUusory, deterrained, before their departuie, to pubUsh
a manifesto, in which they threatened the Americans with riie ex
tremes of the most desolaring war that raan could conceive. They
hoped that terror would produce those effects which their conciliatory
offers had failed of attaining. This plan of hosriUlies had long been
advocated in England, by the friends of coercion, as the readiest and
most effectual. It would bring, they beUeved, such distress on the
colonies as would not fail to compel them to submit. They repre
sented the vast continent cf America as peculiarly open to incursions
and ravages ; its coasts vvere of so immense an extent, that they could
not possibly be guarded against an enemy that was master at sea ;

144 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK Xl.
tiiere were innumerable bays, creeks and inlets, where descents raighl
be made unobstructed- The rivers were such as afforded a naviga
tion for ships of force far into the interior of the country ; thus it
would be easy to penetrate lo raost of the towns and settlements,
and to spread destruction into the heart of every province on the
continent. The commissioners, inclining to adopt these views, commenced
their manifesto with a retrospect of the transactions and conduct of
the congress ; charging them wilh an obstinate rejection of the
proffers of accommodation on the part of Great Britain, ajid repre
senting them as unauthorized to exercise the powers they had as
suraed. On the other hand, they raagnified their own endeavors to
bring about a restoration of peace and happiness to Araerica. They
gave notice, that il was their intention lo return shortly to England,
as their stay in a country where their commission had been treated
wilh so little notice and respect, was inconsistent with the dignity
of the power they represented. They professed, however, the same
readiness as ever lo proraote the objects of their mission, and lo
continue the conciliatory offers that were its principal motive. Final
ly, they solemnly warned the people of the alteration that vvould be
made in the future method of carrying on the war, should the colo
nies persist in their resistance to Great Britain, and in their unnatu
ral connection with France.
' The policy, as well as the benevolence of Great Britain,' said
the)', ' has hitherto checked the extremes of war, when they tended
Lo distress a people, still considered as fellow-subjects, and to desolate
a country shortly lo become again a source of mutual advantage ;
but when that country not only estranges herself frora England, but
mortgages herself and her resources to her enemy, the whole contest
id changed ; and the question is, how far Greal Britain may, by every
nieans in her power, destroy or render useless a connection contrived
for her ruin, and for the aggrandizement of France ? Lhider such
circumstances, the laws of self-preservation must direct the conduct
of Greal Britain ; and if the British colonies are lo become an
iiccession of power to France, will direct her to render that accession
of as little avail as possible to her enemy.'
This manifesto, which was the object of the severest animadver
sion, and which was even condemned by several orators of parliament,
and particularly by Fox, as cruel and barbarous, produced no greater
effect upon the minds of the Americans than had been operated by
the offers of peace.
The congress immediately issued a proclamation, warning all the
inhabilantf who lived in places exposed lo the descents and ravages

BOOK XI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 145
of a ferocious enemy, to remove, on the appearance of danger, to
the distance of at least thirty miles, together with their families, their
cattle, and all their movable property. But if the measures adopted
by the British commissioners were justly censured, those taken by
the congress are at least by no means to be commended. They ree
oraraended, that whenever the enemy proceeded lo burn or destroy
any town, the people should, in the same manner, ravage, burn and
destroy the houses and properties of all tories and enemies to the
independence of America, and secure their persons ; without treating
them, however, or their famihes, wilh any cruelty ; since the Ameri
cans should abhor to imitate theif adversaries, or the allies they had
subsidized, whether Germans, blacks, or savages.
Such are the excesses to which even the most civilized men are
liable to be transported, when under the pestilent inffuence of party
spirit. The British threatened to do what they had already done,
and the Araericans, the very thing they so justly condemned in their
enemies. But impassioned man is more prone lo imitate evil in
others, than dispassionate man to imitate good.
Some time after, lest the extreme rigor of the English declarations
should give birth lo nevv thoughts among the people, the congress
published a manifesto, in which they premised, that since they had
not been able to prevent, they had endeavored, al least, to alleviate
the calamiries of war. But they asserted that the conduct of their
enemies had been the very reverse. ' They,' said the manifesto,
' have laid waste the open country, burned the defenseless villages,
and butchered the citizens of America. Their prisons have been
the slaughter-houses of her soldiers, their ships of her seamen ; and
the severest injuries have been aggravated by the grossest insults.
Foiled in their vain attempts lo subjugate the unconquerable spirit of
freedom, they have meanly assailed the representarives of Araerica
vvith bribes, vvith deceit, and the servility of adulation. They have
made a mock of religion by impious appeals to God, while in the
violation of his sacred comraand. They have made a mock even of
reason itself, by endeavoring to prove that the liberty and happiness
of Araerica could safely be intrusted lo those who have sold their
own, unawed by the sense of virtue or of shame. Treated with the
contempt which such conduct deserved, they have applied lo indi
viduals. They have solicited them to break the bonds of allegiance
and imbue their souls wilh the blackest crinces. But fearing thaf
npne could be found through these United States equal to the wicked
ness of their purpo.se, to inffuence weak minds, they have threatened
more wide devastarion.
' While the shadow of hope remained that our enemies could be
VOL. II. 10

146 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XI.
taught by our example to respect those laws which are held sacred
among civilized nations, and to comply with the dictates of a religion
which they pretend, in common with us, to believe and revere, they
have been left lo the influence of that religion and that example.
But since their incorrigible dispositions cannot be touched by kind
ness and compassion, it becomes our duty by other means lo vindi
cate the rights of humanity.
' We, therefore, the congress of the United Stales of America
do solemnly declare and proclaim, that if our enemies presume to
execute their threats, or persist in their present career .of barbarity,
we will take such exemplary vengeance as shall deter others from a
like conduct. We appeal to that God who searcheth the hearts of
men, for the rectitude of our intentions ; and in his holy presence
declare, that as we are not moved by any light and hasty suggestions
of anger or revenge, so, through every possible change of fortune, we
will adhere to .this our determination.'
At the same epoch, the marquis de la Fayette, indignant at the
manner in which the British coraraissioners had spoken of France in
their letter of the twenty-sixth of August, in attributing her interfer
ence in the present quarrel to ambition, and lo the desire of seeing
the two parlies consume each other in a long war, wrote lo the earl
of Carhsle, demanding reparation for the insult offered to his country,
and chaffenging him to single combat.
The earl declined this meeting, saying, that as he had acted on
that occasion in the character of a commissioner, his lansuage and
conduct had been official, and consequently he was accountable for
them to no one except to his king and country. He concluded his
answer with observing, that in regard lo national disputes, they would
be better adjusted when admiral Byron and the count d'Estaing
should have met upon the ocean.
A short time afler, the commissioners, unable to effect any of the
objects of their mission, embarked for England. All hope from ne
gotiation being now vanished, every thought was devoted with new
ardor lo the way of arms. Meanwhffe, the congress had returned to
Philadelphia, a few days afler the English evacuated that city. On
the sixth of August they received publicly, and with all the ceremo
nies usual on simffar occasions, M. Gerard, minister plenipotentiary
of the king of France. This envoy delivered al first his letters of
credence, which were signed by Louis XVL, and directed to his very
dear great friends and allies, the president and members of the gen
eral Congress oj' the United States of America. He made a very
apposite speech, in vvhich he set forth the benevolent intentions of
France towards the United States, and the reciprocal obligation of

BOOK XI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 147
the two contracring parties to execute the engagements stipulated in
the eventual treaty, in order to' defeat the hostile measures and de
signs of the common enemy. He announced, that on his part, his
most christian majesty had already sent lo their assistance a nume
rous and powerful fleet. He closed, with expressing a hope that the
principles vvhich might be adopted by the respective governments
would tend to strengthen those bonds of union, which had originated
in the mutual interest of the two nations.
The president, Henry Laurens, answered with much ease and
dignity ; that the present treaties sufficed to demonstrate the wisdom
and magnanimity of the most christian king ; that the virtuous citi
zens of America could never cease to acknowledge the hand of a
gracious Providence, in raising them up so powerful and illustrious a
friend. That the congress had no doubt, but that the confidence his
majesty reposed in the firmness of the United States would receive
addirional strength from every day's experience. That since Eng
land, from her insatiable lust of domination, was resolved to prolong
the war, and with it the miseries of mankind, they were determined
to fulfill all the conditions of the eventual treaty, although they had
no more ardent wish than to spare human blood, by laying down at
once their resentments and their arras ; that they hoped the assist
ance of so wise and generous an ally, would at length open the eyes
of Great Britain, and bring her to a sense of justice and moderation.
The authorities of Pennsylvania, many strangers of note, the officers
of the army, and a great number of distinguished citizens, were pres
ent at this audience. The public joy was now at its height. All
hearts were filled, not only with the hope of independence, for that
was considered as no longer doubtful, but also with brilliant antici
pations of future prosperity ; the American empire, with the inter
ference of France, appeared already established for ever.
Thus a king eiflended an auxiliary hand to a repubUc against
another king ! Thus the French nation came to the succor of one
English people against another English people ; thus the European
powers, who until then had acknowledged no other independent
nations in America, except the savages and barbarians, looking upon
all the others as subjects, began to recognize as independent and sov
ereign a civilized nation, and lo form affiance with it, as such, by au
thentic treaties. An event assuredly worthy to arrest our particular
attention ; since the discovery of America by Columbus, none of
equal or of similar importance had passed before the eyes of men.
Such, in America, were the fruits either of the love of liberty or the
desire of independence. Such were the consequences, in Europe, of

148 THE AHKRICAN WAR. BOOK XI,
a blind obstinacy, or of a pride perhaps necessary on the one part ;
of jealousy of power and a thirst of vengeance on the other!
"The fourteenth of September, the congress appointed doctor Ben
jamin Franklin minister plenipotentiary of the United Stales al the
court of France,
We have already related how, and by what causes, the expedirion
of the Delaware, by vvhich the allies had hoped to destroy the Brit
ish fleet and army at a single blow, had failed lo have effect. De
sirous, iherefore, of achieving some olher enterprise of importance,
which might both honor their arms, and procure them an essential
advantage, they resolved to direct their operations against Rhode
Island. This expedition offered thera greater facilities than any
olher ; the situation of places being such that the land troops of the
Americans, and the naval forces of the French, could lend each other
mutual assistance, and bring their joint energies to bear upon the
same point. This design had been concerted between the generals
of congress and d'Estaing, while he lay at anchor off Sandy Hook.
General Suffivan had already been sent into that part, in order lo lake
the command of the troops destined for the expedition, and in the
meantime to asserable the militia of New England. General Greene
had likewise been directed to proceed to Rhode Island ; born in that
province, he possessed great credit and influence among its inhab
itants. The general of the British army, having penetrated the de
sign of the allies, had sent from New York considerable re-inforce
ments lo major-general Pigot, who commanded in Rhode Island,
which carried his garrison to six thousand men. General SuUivan
had established his camp near Providence ; it was composed of about
ten thousand men, including miUtia. The plan which had been agreed
upon was, that while Sullivan should make a descent upon the island
from the northward, d'Estaing was to force the harbor of Newport
from the soulh, destroy the British shipping at anchor there, and
assault the town with vigor. The British garrison, thus pressed be
tween two fires, it vvas thought, would soon, of necessity, be com
pelled to surrender.
The state of Rhode Island is principaUy composed of several ad
jacent islands, the largest of which gives its name to the whole prov
ince. Between the eastern coast of this island and the main land,
is an arm of the sea, which, extending considerably towards the north,
expands into the bay of Mount Hope. This arm is denominated
Seaconnet, or the eastern passage. Between Rnode Island and the
island of Conanicut is another very narrow passage, named the Main
Channel. FinaUy, between the western coast of Conanicut island
and the main land is found a third arm of the sea, known by the

BOOK XI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 149
name ofthe western, or Narraganset passage. The town of New
port is situated upon the western shore of Rhode Island Proper, op
posite to the island of Conanicut. At a short distance from the
town, to the northeast, rise a chain of hffls which stretch almosi across
the. island from the eastern passage to the Main Channel. The
English had fortified these heights vvith much care, in order to cover
the town against an attack from the Americans, who were likely to
approach by the north part of the island.
General Pigot prepared himself for an able and vigorous defense.
He very prudently recalled the garrison of Conanicut island, and
concentrated his forces about Newport. ' He also withdrew into the
town the artfflery and the cattle. The posts that were dispersed in
different parts of the island, and especfaUy the soldiers who occupied
the northern point, were ordered lo fall back upon the town as soon
as they should discover the enemy's approach. The part of the town
which looked towards the sea was fortified wilh extreme diligence ;
vessels of transport were sunk in such places as might obstruct the
approaches by water lo the most important batteries ; the rest vvere
burned. The frigates were removed higher up for safer moorings.
But to provide for the worst, they were stripped of their arrillery and
stores. The seamen belonging to the vessels sunk or destroyed, were
employed to serve the artillery of the ramparts ; a service they well
understood, and greatly coveted.
Meanwhile the count d'Estaing, on his departure from Sandy
Hook, after standing to the southward as far as the mouth of the
Delaware, changed his course and bore to the northeast upon Rhode
Island. He arrived the twenty-ninth of July at Point Judith, and
anchored with the most of his ships just without Brenton's Ledge,
about five miles from Newport. Two of his vessels vvent up the
Narraganset passage, and cast anchor to the north of Conanicut.
Several frigates entered the Seaconnet passage ; the English on their
approach set fire to a corvette and two armed galleys which had been
starioned there. During several days the French admiral made no
attempt to penetrate the Main Channel, in order to attack the town
of Newport, as it had been concerted wilh the Americans. This
delay was occasioned by that of the re-inforcemcnts of militia which
general Sullivan expected, and which were deemed essential to the
security of the enterprise. Finally, the eighth of August, all the
preparations being completed, and the wind favorable, the French
squadron entered the harbor of Newport, and coasting the town, dis
charged their broadsides inlo it, and received the fire of the batteries
on shore ; but little execution was done on either side. They anchor
ed a little above the town, between Goats Island and Conanicut, but

150 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XI.
nearest to the latter, which was already occupied by the Americans.
The EngUsh in the meantime, finding they could not save several
frigates and other vessels of less f.'.rce, concluded to burn them.
The next day, general SuUivan, who had moved from Providence
down to that part of the main land which bears from the east upon
Rhode Is'and, crossed the Seaconn?l passage al Rowland's Ferry,
and landed with all his troops upon ,'he north end of the island. It
appears that this moveraent was high.'y offensive to the count d'Es
taing, who expected to have been the first to set foot on shore in the
island. General Sullivan hoped that the attack would now be delay
ed no longer, when the same day, the ninth of August, signals
announced the whole squadron of lord Howe, who, on receiving
intelligence that Rhode Island vvas menaced by the French, had
hastened to the succor of general Pigot. Notwithstanding the
re-inforcement he had lately received, he vvas still inferior to his
enemy, considering the size of his ships, and their weight of metal.
His squadron, though raore numerous, consisted of only one ship of
seventy-four, seven of sixty-four, and five of fifty guns, wilh several
frigates. He hoped, however, that fortune would offer him an occa
sion lo join battle with the advantage of wind, or of some other
circumstances. And certainly if, from the time he had taken the
resolurion of moving to the relief of Rhode Island, the winds had
not retarded his progress, he would have arrived at the very moment
when the French squadron was dispersed in the diflerent channels
formed by the adjacent islands ; in vvhich case he would have had
aff the chances of victory in his favor. But his passage was so
difficult, that he was unable to arrive till the day after that in which
the count d'Estaing had put himself in safety, .with aff his fleet, in
the Main Channel.
Having carefully examined, as well the nature of the places, as
the position of the French ships, and having also communicated to
the same end with general Pigot, the British admiral concluded that
there was no hope lefl him of succoring the town, especially as the
winds continued contrary. The harbor vvas so situated, the entrance
so narrow, the apparatus of defense on the island of Conanicut so
formidable, that the enterprise could not have been attempted, not
only by aji inferior squadron, as was that of Howe, but even by a
greatly superior force, without temerity. For the same cause, if the
French admiral, agreeably to the plan concerted with SuUivan, had
been disposed to persist, and not to quit his station until he had
afforded that general all the co-operation in his power, there is good
reason to believe that the town of Newport would have fallen into
the hands of the aUies.

BOOK XI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 151
But the count d'Estaing, like a true Frenchman, fuff of ardor
and impatience, upon a change of wind to the northeast, in the morn
ing of the tenth, was seized with an impulse that he could not
master, to profit of this circumstance to sail out of the harbor, in
order lo attack the enemy. He accordingly stood out to sea, in
search of the British fleet. Admiral Howe, on seeing so formidable
an armament advance to engage hira, and being under the wind,
which gave the French the weathergage, declined coming lo action,
and maneuvered with greal abiUty in order to gain that advantage for
himself. A contest ensued for it, which lasted the whole day ; the
French admiral striving to retain it with equal eagerness. The wind
still continuing on the eleventh unfavorable to the British, Howe
resolved, notwithstanding, lo meet the enemy. He therefore formed
his squadron so that it could be joined by three fire-ships, which
were towed by the frigates. The French also disposed their ships
in order of battle, and the moment already approached that was to
decide which of the two powerful adversaries should reraain master
of the American seas. But at the same instant, a strong gale com
menced, which, soon after increasing, became a violent storm. The
tempest, which lasted forty-eight hours, not only separated and dis
persed the two fleets, but did thera so much damage, that they were
both rendered unfit for action, and compelled to pul into port lo
repair. The French squadron suffered even more than the English,
especially in their masts and rigging. The Languedoc, of ninety
guns, the admiral's ship, lost her rudder and all her masts. Float
ing in this condition, at the mercy of the currents, she was met by
the English ship Renown, of fifty guns, comraanded by captain
Dawson, who attacked her vvith so much vigor and dexterity, that
had not darkness interposed, together with the gale, wliich had not
yet sufficiently abated, she must inevitably have struck ; as she
could only use seven or eight of her guns. Some French ships ap
peared vvith the return of day. They bore down upon captain Daw
son, and gave chase, Ihough without being able to come up with
him. But they at least delivered their admiral from the imminent
peril to which they found him exposed.
The same day, the English ship Preston, of fifty guns, feff in with
the Tonnant, of eighty, wilh only her mainmast standing. He at
tacked her ; but was compelled, by the coming on of night, lo dis
continue the engagement tffl next morning, when the appearance ot
several French ships constrained him to withdraw. The British
squadron returned to Sandy Hook and New York, for the purpose
of refitting ; the repairs were pushed wilh the greatest dihgence.
Tb.e French recovered the harbor of Newport.

152 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK XI.
In the mean lime, general Sullivan, though impeded by bad
weather, and other difficulties which had retarded the arrival of his
stores and artillery, had advanced very near to Newport. He already
had occupied Honeymans HiU, and was engaged with great activity
in constructing batteries. The besieged were not wanting to them
selves ; they erected new fortifications and new batteries, lo answer
those of the Americans. But notwithstanding their efforts, if the
count d'Estaing, on returning from his more prejudicial than useful
enterprise upon the sea, had chosen to co-operate wilh the Ameri
cans, it is certain, that the position of general Pigot vvould have been
excessively critical.
Assailed on the one side by the Americans, the EngUsh could not
have hoped lo defend themselves, if the French, on the other, in
addition to the fire of their ships, had landed, as.they easily might
have done, a strong detachraent on the southern point of the island,
in order to assault the lefl flank of the town, which was known lo be
the weakest. But the count d'Estaing had very different intentions.
He dispatched a letter lo SuUivan, informing him that, in pursuance
of orders from his sovereign, and of the advice of all his officers, he
had taken the resolution to carry the fleet to Boston. His instruc
tions were, il is true, to saff for that port if his fleet should meet
wilh any disaster, or if a superior British fleet should appear on the
coast. The injuries sustained by the storm, and the information which
had been received that Byron had arrived at Halifax, were consid
ered as producing the state of things contemplated by the instruc
tions of the ministry. The Americans, convinced that the depart
ure of the count d'Estaing would be the ruin of the expedition,
added entreaties to remonstrances, in order lo dissuade him from so
fatal a measure.
Generals Greene and La Fayette besought him that he would not,
by persisting in his resolution, abandon the interests of the comraon
cause; they represented lo hira the importance, to Fiance, as well
as America, of the enterprise commenced ; that it was already so
well advanced as to leave no doubt of success ; that il could not be
relinquished in its present stage without shaming and disgusting the
Americans, vvho, confiding in the promised co-operation of the French
fleet, had undertaken it with alacrity, and made incredible exertions
to provide the requisite stores ; that to be deserted at so critical a
moment would furnish a triumph to the disaffected, who would not
faff to exclaim, that such was French failh, and the fruit of the alli
ance; that the successive miscarriages of the Delaware, of Sandy
Hook, and finaUy this of Newport, could not but carry to its height

BOOK XI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 153
the exasperation of minds. They added, that with a fleet in so
shattered a condition, it would be very difficult lo pass the shoals of
Nantucket ; that it could be lepaired more conveniently at Newport
than at Boston ; and finally, that its present station afforded advan
tages over Boston for distressing the enemy, while in the event of
the arrival of a superior fleet, it would be no more secure at Boston
than al Newport. All was fruitless. The count d'Estaing got
under sail the twenty-second of August, and three days afler came
to anchor in the harbor of Boston.
Whatever is to be thought of this resolution of d'Estaing, which,
it appears, was not only approved, but even strenuously recomraended
by his council, it is certain that it made a violent impression upon
the rainds of the republicans, and excited loud clamors throughout
America. The miUria, who wilh so much zeal had hastened to join
Sullivan in Rhode Island, finding themselves thus deserted by their
aUies, immediately disbanded, so that the besiegers were reduced, in
a short tirae, frora about ten thousand men to not more than half that
number, while the force of the enemy consisted of six thousand vet
erans. In so abrupt a reverse of fortune, and seeing the aUied fleet retire,
while that of the enemy approached, the American general soon
hetermined to fall back upon the main land, and evacuate the island
entirely. He began the twenty-sixth of August to pass his heavy
artillery and baggage towards the northern point of the island, and
on the twenty-ninth he put himself in motion, with all the array.
Though warmly pursued by the Englisii and Hessians, he rejoined
his van without loss. But the enemy coming up in more force, there
ensued a very hot affair in the environs of Quaker Hill, in which
many soldiers fell on both sides. At length, the Americans repulsed
the English with adrairable resolution. In the night of the thirtieth,
the corps of SulUvan recovered the main land by the passages of
Bristol and Howland's Ferry. Such vvas the issue of an expedition,
undertaken, not only with the fairest prospect of success, but which
had been carried lo the very threshold of a brilliant termination.
The American general made his retreat in lime ; for the next day
general Clinton arrived wilh four thousand men and a light squadron,
to the relief of Newport. If the winds had favored him more, or if
general Sullivan had been less prompt to retreat, assailed on tho
island by an enemy whose force was double his own, and his way to
the continent intercepted by the English vessels, his posirion would
have been little less than desperate. His prudence received merited
acknowledgments on the part of congress.

154 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XI.
Admiral Howe, having refitted his ships with astonishing dispatch,
stood out to sea, and sailed towards Boston, He hoped lo arrive
there before his adversary, and consequently to intercept his retreat
thither, or al least lo attack hira in the outer harbor. He arrived,
indeed, on the thirtieth of August, in the 'oay of Boston. But he
was unable to accomplish either the one or the olher of his designs ;
the count d'Estaing was already in port ; and the batteries erected
by the Americans upon the most commanding points of the coast
rendered all attack impracticable. The British admiral, therefore,
returned to New York, where he found a re-inforceraent of several
ships, vvhich rendered his fleet superior to that of the French. He
availed himself of this circumstance, and of the permission he had
received some lime before, lo resign the comraand to admiral Gam
bier, until the arrival of admiral Byron upon that station, which
took place the sixteenth of September. Lord Howe soon afler re
turned to England. This iUustrious seaman rendered iraportant ser
vices to his country, in the campaigns of Pennsylvania, New York,
and Rhode Island, services which would have had more brffliant
results, if the ability of the coraraanders on shore had equaled his
own. Even lo saj nolhing of the activity he displayed in transport
ing to a distant country so nuraerous an army as that of his brother
sir WilUam, the talent and firmness with which he surmounted the
obstacles that opposed his entrance into the Delaware, deserve the
highest coraraendation. When the count d'Estaing made his ap
pearance with a formidable fleet, and much superior lo his own, he
nevertheless prepared lo receive him at Sandy Hook ; afterwards
by offering him battle, he baffled his designs against Newport ; and
then the French admiral, disabled by the tempest, forced lo seek
refuge in the port of Boston, issued no more, except to make the
best of his way to the West Indies ; thus totally abandoning the
execution of the plan concerted by the alUes for the carapaign of
this year upon the coasts of America. Finding Newport secure,
o-eneral Clinton returned to New York. He afterwards detached
general Grey, who was at Nevv London, upon an expedition of much
importance towards the east. Buzzards Bay, and the adjacent
rivers, served as a retreat for a multitude of privateers, the number
and boldness of which occasioned infinite prejudice to the British
commerce of New York, Long Island, and Rhode Island. (Clinton
resolved to chastise an eneray that seemed to defy him, and lo put
an end to his maritime excursions. This task was committed to the
charge of general Grey, He arrived with some transports, effected
his landing in the bay, and destroyed about sixty large vessels,
besides a number of small craft. Proceeding then to New Bedford

BOOK XI. THE AMERICAN WAR, 155
and Fair Haven, upon the banks of the river Acushnet, and con
ducting hirnself more like a pirate than a real soldier, he destroyed
or burned warehouses of immense value, full of sugar, rum, molasses,
tobacco, drugs and other merchandise. Not content with these
lavages, he passed into the neighboring island, called Martha's Vine
yard, the soil of which is very fertile, and which served as a refuge
for the raost daring cruisers. He levied on the inhabitants a con
tribution of live s-lock to the great refreshment of the garrisons of
New York, He carried off, besides, a considerable quantity of arms
and ammunition.
Returned lo New York, he soon undertook another expedition,
against the viffage of Old Tappan, where he surprised a regiraent of
American light horse. His conduct on this occasion vvas not exempt
from the reproach of cruelty. A few days after, the English made
an incursion against Little Egg Harbor, upon the coast of New
Jersey, where they destroyed much shipping, and brought off a
considerable booty. They afterwards attacked by surprise the legion
of' Pulaski, and made great slaughter of it. The carnage would
have been still greater, if Pulaski had not come up, with his usual
bravery, at the head of his cavalry. The English re-embarked, and
returned to New York.
It was at this epoch that the French and American generals medi
tated a new expedition against Canada. Besides the possession of
so important a province, there appeared a possibiUty of ruining the
British fisheries upon the banks of Newfoundland, and, by reducing
the cities of Quebec and Halifax, of putring an end lo the maritime
power of England upon those shores. The French were the princi
pal movers of this enterprise ; their rainister, and d'Estaing, perhaps,
with covert views ; the raarquis de la Fayette, whose youth answered
for his ignorance of these political wiles, vvith frankness, and from
the love of glory. He was to have been employed in the expedition
as one of the first generals. The count d'Estaing pubhshed a
manifesto, addressed to the Canadians in the name of his king, in
which, afler reminding them of their French origin, their ancient
exploits, and happiness they had enjoyed under the paternal scepter
of the Bourbons, he declared that all the ancient subjects of the king
in North America, who should cease to acknowledge the English
domination, should find safety and protection. But Washington
showed himself opposed to this project, and he developed his motives
to the congress ; his opinion prevaUed.
The congress alleged that their finances, their arsenals, their
magazines, their armies, were not in a state to warrant the undertaking
of so vast an enterprise ; and that they should experience too pungent

156 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XI,
regrets to -find themselves in the event unable to fulfill their engage
ments towards their allies. Such was their public language ; but the
truth is, they apprehended a snare, and that the conquest of Canada
would have been made for France, and not for America.
The retreat of the count d'Estaing, at the moment when Newport
was about to fall into the povver of the combined armies, had greatly
irritated the minds ofthe Americans, particularly in the northern prov
inces. Many began to entertain a loathing towards aUies who seeraed
to forget all interests except their own. To this motive of aversion
vvas added the remembrance, sriU recent, especiaUy with the lowei
classes, of ancient quarrels and national jealousies, which the new
alliance, and the need of French succors, had not sufficed to
obliterate. Washington and other leading Araericans endeavored to
appease these discontents, which, they foresaw, might lead lo serious
mischief. The count d'Estaing, on his part, was no less careful,
during his stay in the port of Boston, not only to avoid all occasion of
misunderstanding, but also to conciliate by every means in his power
the affection of his new allies. The conduct of the French officers,
and even of the common sailors, was truly exemplary. This extreme
circumspection, however, did not prevent the occurrence, on the
thirteenth of Septeraber, of a violent affray between some Bostonians
and the French. The latter were overpowered by number, and the
chevaUer de Saint Sauveur lost his life in it. The selectmen of the
town, to aUay the resentment of the French, showed themselves very
solicitous to punish the offenders. They published a reward to
whoever should make known the authors of the tumult. They
declared, at the same lime, that the citizens had not been in fault,
but English sailors made prisoners by the cruisers, and deserters
from the army of Burgoyne, who had enlisted in the Boston priva
teers. TranquffUty was restored. The count d'Estaing, whether
he was satisfied, or that from prudence he chose to appear so, made
no further inquiry into this affair. No offender was discovered. The
government of Massachusetts decreed a monument to be erected to
Saint Sauveur.
The night of the sixth of the same month of September had wit
nessed a scene far more serious, at Charleston, Soulh Carolina,
between the French and A merican sailors. Il terminated in a formal
battle. The Araericans were the first to provoke their allies by
the most Reproachful language ; the latter resented it. From words
il came to blows ; the French were soon driven out of the city, and
forced to take refuge on board their ships. Thence they fired with
artiUery and musketry against the town ; the Americans, on their
part,' fired upon the French vessels from the adjoining wharves and

BOOK XI. THE AMERICAN WAR. 157
shore. Many lives were lost on both sides. A reward ofa thousand
pounds sterling was promised, but in vain, to whoever should discover
the authors of this broil. The commander-in-chief of the province
exhorted the inhabitants, in a proclamation, to consider the French
as good and faithful allies and friends. There was even a law
passed, about this time, to prevent the recurrence of a similar licen
tiousness, whether of words or actions. Thus ended the riots of
Boston and of Charleston, vvhich were attributed, if not with truth,
at least with prudence, to British artifice and instigation. For the
chiefs of the American governraent were not without apprehension
that these ahimosilies might deprive them of their new allies, whose
resolutions, they knew, were not irrevocable.
The savages took a more active part than ever in the campaign of
this year. Though they had been intimidated by the success of
general Gates, and had sent him congratulations for himself and the
United States, the intrigues and presents of the British agents had
not lost their power over them. Moreover, the emigrant colonists,
who had retired among these barbarians, excited them continually
by instigations, which, together with their natural thirst for blood and
pillage, determined them without scruple to make incursions upon
the northern frontiers, where they spread terror and desolation.
The most ruthless chiefs that guided them in these sanguinary expe
ditions, were colonel Butler, who had already signalized himself in
this war, and a certain Brandt, born of mixed blood, the most fero
cious being ever produced by human nature, oflen too prodigal of
simffar monsters. They spared neither age, nor sex, nor condition,
nor even theirown kindred; every where indiscriminately they carried
devastation and death. The knowledge which the refugees had of
the country, the insulated position of the habitations, scattered here
and there in the wilderness, the distance from the seat of government,
and the necessity of employing the national force in other remote
parts, offered the Indians every faciUty for executing their enter
prises, and retiring with impunity. No mearis had hitherto been
found of repressing the inroads of so cruel an enemy.
But in the midst of this general devastation, there happened an
event which, perhaps, would be found without example in the history
of inhuman men. Inhabitants of Connecticut had planted on the
eastern branch of the Susquehanna, towards the extremity of Penn
sylvania, and upon the road of Oswego, the settlement of Wyoming.
Populous and flourishing, its prosperity was the subject of admiration.
It consisted of eight townships, each containing a square of five miles,
beautifully situated on both sides of the river. The mildness ofthe
climate answered to the fertility of the soff. The inhabitants vvere

158 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOCK SI
strangers alike to excessive wealth, which elates and depraves, and
lo poverty, which discourages and degrades. All lived in a happy
mediocrity, frugal of their ovvn, and coveting nothing from others.
Incessantly occupied in rural toils, they avoided idleness, and aff the
vices of vvhich il is the source. In a word, this little country pre
sented in reaUty the image of those fabulous times which the poets
have described under the name of the Golden Age. But their
domestic felicity was no counterpoise to the zeal with vvhich they
were animated for the common cause ; they took up arms and flew
to succor their country. It is said they had furnished to the army
no less than a thousand soldiers, a number truly prodigious for so
feeble a population, and so happy in their homes. Yet, notwith
standing the' drain of all this vigorous youth, the abundance of
harvests sustained no dirainution. Their crowded granaries, and
pastures replenished vvith fat cattle, offered an exhaustless resource
to the American army.
But neither so many advantages, nor even the retired situation of
these unfortunate colonists, could exempt them from the baneful
influence of party spirit. Although the tories, as they caffed them,
were not so numerous as the partisans of liberty, yet they chaUenged
attention by the arrogance of their character and the extent of their
pretensions. Hence, not only families vvere seen armed against
families, but even sons sided against their fathers, brothers against
brothers, and, at last, wives against husbands. So true itis, thatno
virtue is proof against the fanaticism of opinion, and no happiness
against political divisions. The tories were, besides, exasperated at
their losses in the incursions they had made in company with the
savages in the preceding campaign ; but that which envenomed them
the most was, that several individuals of the same party, who, having
quilted their habitations, were corae to claim hospitality, then so much
in honor among the Americans, and particularly al Wyoming, had
been arrested as suspected persons, and sent lo take their trial in
Connecticut. Others had been expelled from the colony. Thus
hatreds became continually more and more rancorous. The tories
swore revenge ; they coalesced wilh the Indians. The time was
favorable, as the youth of Wyoming were al the army. In order
the better to secure success, and to surprise their enemies before they
should think of standing upon their defense, they resorted to artifice.
They pretended the most friendly dispositions, while they meditated
only war and vengeance.
A few weeks before they purposed to execute their horrible enter
prise, they sent several raessengers, charged with protestations of
their earnest desire to cultivate peace. These perfidies lulled the

BOOK XI, THE AMERICAN WAR, 1 59
inhabitants of Wyoming into a deceitful security, whffe they procured
the lories and savages the means of concerting with their partisans,
and of observing the immediate slate of the colony. Notwithstand
ing the solemn assurances of the Indians, the colonists, as it often
happens when great calamities are about lo fall on a people, seemed
to have a sort of presentiment of their approaching fale. They
wrote to Washington, praying him to send them immediate assist
ance. Their dispatches did not reach him; they were intercepted
by the Pennsylvanian loyalists ; and they would, besides, have arrived
loo late. The savages had already made their appearance upon the
frontiers of the colony ; the plunder they had made there was of
little importance, but the cruelties they had perpetrated vvere affright-
ful ; the mournful prelude of those more terrible scenes which were
shortly to foUow !
About the commencement of the month of July, the Indians sud
denly appeared in force upon the banks of the Susquehanna. They
were'headed by the John Butler and Brandt already named, vvith
other chiefs of their nation, distinguished by their extreme ferocity
in the preceding expeditions. This troop amounted in all lo sixteen
hundred men, of whora less than a fourth vvere Indians, and the rest
tories, disguised and painted to resemble them. The officers, how
ever, wore the uniforms of their rank, and had the appearance of
regulars. The colonists of Wyoming, finding their friends so remote,
and their enemies so near, had constructed for their security four
forts, in which, and upon different points of the frontier, they had
distri'buted about five hundred men. The whole colony was placed
under the command of Zebulon Butler, cousin of John, a man, who
vvith sorae courage was totally devoid of capacity. He was even
accused of treachery ; but this imputation is not proved. It is at
least certain that one of the forts vvhich stood nearest lo the frontiers,
was intrusted to soldiers infected with the opinions of the tories, and
who gave it up, without resistance, at the first approach of the enemy.
The second, on being vigorously as.saulted, surrendered at discretion.
The savages spared, il is true, the women and children, but butchered
aU the rest without exception. Zebulon then withdrew, with all his
jieople, into the principal fort, called Kingston. The old men, the
women, the children, the sick, in a word, all that were unable to bear
arms, repaired thither in throngs, and uttering lamentable cries, as to
the last refuge where any hope of safety remained. The position
was susceptible of defense ; and if Zebulon had held firm, he might
have hoped to withstand the enemy until the arrival of succors.
But John Butler vvas lavish of promises, in order lo draw him out,
in which he succeeded, by piirsuading him that if he would consent

160

THE AMERICAN WAB, BOOK XI,

to a parley in the open field, the siege would soon be raised and
every tiling accommodated, John retired, in fact, with all his corps ;
Zebulon afterwards marched out lo the place appointed for the con
ference, at a considerable distance from the fort ; from motives of
caution, he took with him four hundred men weU armed, being nearly
the vvhole strength of his garrison. If this step was not dictated by
treachery, it must, at least, be attributed to a very strange simplicity.
Having come to the spot agreed on, Zebulon found no living being
there. Reluctant lo return without an interview, he advanced toward?
the foot ofa raountain, at a still greater distance from the fort, hoping
he raight there find some person to confer with. The farther he
proceeded in this dismal solitude, the more he had occasion to reraark
that no token appeared of the presence or vicinity of human crea
tures. But far from halting, as if impelled by an irresistible destiny,
he continued his march. The country, meanwhile, began to be
overshaded by thick forests ; at length, in a winding path, he per
ceived a flag, which seemed to wave him on. The individual vvho
bore il, as ff afraid of treachery from his side, retired as he ad
vanced, stiU making the same signals. But already the Indians,
who knew the country, profiting of the obscurity of the woods, had
completely surrounded him. The unfortunate American, without
suspicion of the peril he was in, continued to press forward in order
to assure the traitors that he would not betray them. He was
awakened but too soon frora this dream of security ; in an instant
the savages sprung from their ambush, and fell upon him with hid
eous yeUs.
He forraed his lillie troop into a compact column, and showed
more presence of mind in danger than he had manifested in the
negotiation. Though surprised, the Americans exhibited such vig
or and resolution that the advantage vvas rather on their side, when
a soldier, either through treachery or cowardice, cried out aloud,
'The colonel has ordered a retreat.' The Americans immediately
break, the savages leap in among the ranks, and a horrible carnage
ensues. The fugitives fall by missffes, the resisting by clubs and
tomahawks. The wounded overturn those that arc not, the dead
and the dying are heaped together promiscuously. Happy those
who expire the soonest ! The savages reserve the living for tor
tures! and the infuriate tories, if olher arras fail them, mangle the
prisoners with their nails ! Never was rout so deplorable ; never
was massacre accompanied wilh so many horrors. Nearly all the
Americans perished ; about sixty escaped from the butchery, and
vvith Zebulon, made their way good to a redoubt upon the other
bank of the Susquehanna.

BOOK XI, THE AMERICAN WAR, 161
The conquerors invested Kingston anew, and to dismay the relics
of the garrison by the most execrable spectacle, they hurled into the
place above two hundred scalps, still reeking wilh the blood of their
slaughtered brethren. Colonel Dennison, who commanded the fort,
seeing the impossibihty of defense, sent out a flag to inquire of
Butler what terms would be allowed the garrison, on surrendering
the fort ? He answered, with aff the feffness of his inhuman charac
ter, and in a single word — the hatche' Reduced to this dreadful
extremity, the colonel stiff made what resistance he could. At length,
having lost almost aff his soldiers, he surrendered at discretion, "rhe
savages entered the fort, and began to drag out the vanquished, who,
knowing the hands they were in, expected no mercy. But impa
tient of the tedious process of murder in detail, the barbarians after
wards bethought themselves of enclosing the men, women, and
children promiscuously in the houses and barracks, to which they
set fire and consumed all within, hstening, delighted, lo the moans
and shrieks of the expiring multitude.
The fort of Wilkesbarre stiff remained in the power of the colo
nists of Wyoraing. The victors presented themselves before it;
those within, hoping to find mercy, surrendered at discretion, and
without resistance. But if opposition exasperated these ferocious
men, or rather these tigers, insatiable of human blood, submission
did not soften them. Their rage was principally exercised upon the
soldiers of the garrison ; all of whom they put lo death, wilh a bar
barity ingenious in tortures. As for the rest, men, women, and chil
dren, who appeared to them not lo merit any special attention, they
burned them as before, in the houses and barracks. The forts being
fallen into their hands, the barbarians proceeded, without obstacle, to
the devastation of the country. They employed at once, fire, sword,
and all instruments of destruction. The crops of every description
were consigned to the flames. The habitations, granaries, and other
constructions, the fruit of years of human industry, sunk in ruin
under the destructive strokes of these cannibals. But vvho wiff
beUeve that their fury, not yet satiated upon human creatures, was
also wreaked upon the very beasts ? That they cut out the tongues
of the horses and cattie, and lefl them to wander in the midst of
thpse fields lately so luxuriant, and now in desolation, seeming to
enjoy the torments of their lingering death ?
We have long hesitated whether we ought lo relate particular in
stances of this demoniac cruelty ; the bare remembrance of them
makes us shudder. But on reflecring that these examples may
deter good princes from war, and citizens from civff discord, vve
have deemed il useful to record them. Captain Bedlock having
VOL. II 11

162

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XI.

been stripped naked; the savages stuck sharp pine splinters into all
parts of his body ; and then a heap of knots of the same wood being
piled round him, the whole was sel on fire, and his two companions,
the captains Ranson and Durgee, thrown alive into the flames. The
tories appeared to vie with, and even to surpass, the savages in bar
barity. One of them, whose mother had married a second husband,
butchered her wilh his own hand, and afterwards massacred his
father-in-law, his own sisters, and their infants in the cradle. Anoth
er killed his ovvn father, and exterminated all his family. A third
imbrued his hands in the blood of his brothers, his sisters, his
brother-in-law, and his father-in-law.
These were a part only of the horrors perpetrated by the loyalists
and Indians, at the excision of Wyoming. Other atrocities, if pos
sible, still more abominable, we leave in silence.
Those who had survived the massacres were no less worthy of
commiseration ; they were women and children, who had escaped
to the woods at the time their husbands and fathers expired under
the blow s of the barbarians. Dispersed and wandering in the forests,
as chance and fear directed their steps, without clothes, without food,
without guide, these defenseless fugitives suffered every degree of
distress. Several of the women were delivered alone in the woods,
al a greal distance from every possibility of relief. The most robust
and resolute alone escaped ; the others perished ; their bodies an4
those of their hapless infants became the prey of wild beasts. Thus
the most flourishing colony then existing in America was totally
erased. The destruction of Wyoming, and the cruelties which accompa
nied it, fffled all the inhabitants of America vvith horror, with com
passion, and with indignant fury. They fuffy purposed, on a future
day, to exact a condign vengeance ; but in the present state of the
war, it was not in their power to execute their intent immediately.
They undertook, however, this year, some expeditions against the
Indians. Without being of decisive importance, they deserve to be
remarked for the courage and abiUly with vvhich they were exe
cuted. Colonel Clarke, at the head of a strong detachment, marched
from Virginia against the settlements established by the Canadians
on the upper Mississippi, in the country of the lUinois.
He purposed, also, to chastise, even in their most sequestered
receptacles, this ruthless race. Having descended the Ohio, he
direcled his march northward, towards Kaskaskias, the principal
village of the Canadian establishments. The republicans came upon
the inhabitants in sleep, and met with very little resistance. They
afterwards scoured the adjacent country, and seized other places of

BOOK XI, THE AMERICAN WAR 16.3
the settlement. Filled wilh dismay, tile inhabitants hastened to
swear aUegiance to the United States. Thence, colone' Clarke
marched against the barbarian tribes ; he penetrated into their
inmost retreats and most secret- recesses, and put all to sword
and fire.
The savages experienced in their own huts and families those
calamities vvhich they had so frequently carried home to others.
This casrigalion rendered them, for a while, more timid in their
excursions, and encouraged the Americans to defend them
selves. A simffar expedition was undertaken, some time after, by another
colonel Butler, against the tories and Indians of the banks of the
Susquehanna ; the same who had been the authors of the rmn of
Wyoming. He ravaged and burned several villages ; the houses,
barns, harvests, miffs, every thing was laid in ashes and desolation.
The inhabitants had been apprised in season, and had made their
escape, else they would doubtless have paid dearly for Wyoming.
The Americans, having accomplished their object, retired within their
liraits, but not without having encountered excessive fatigues and no
little perff. Thus terrainated the Indian war of this year. The
republicans had not only to combat the English in front, and lo repel
the savages and refugees who assailed them in rear ; they were also
not a little infested by the disaffected within the country. Of this
class none were more animated than the Quakers. At first, they
had erabraced, or at least appeared to embrace, the principles of the
revolution, and even stiff there existed among them several of the
most disringuished patriots, such as generals Greene and Mifflin,
Nevertheless, the greater number inclined for England, whether
because they were weary of the length of the war, or that they had
merely desired the reformation of the laws, and not independence.
Perhaps, too, they had persuaded themselves, that after the conquest
of Philadelphia, all America would be reduced, vVithout difficulty,
and that therefore it Was useful to their interests to appease the
victor by a prompt submission, in order to obtain favors from the
British governraent, vvhich would be refused to the more obsrinate.
They at least showed themselves forward to serve the English, as
guides and as spies. Several of them, as we have related, bad been
sent out of the slate, or imprisoned. Some had even suffered at
Philadelphia the penalties denounced against those who conspired
against liberty, and held correspondence wilh the enemy. The
republicans hoped, by these examples, to cure the restless spirit ot
the opposite party. The elTorts of the dis^contented were not, how
ever, greatly to be feared ; the open assurance and consent of the

164

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XL

friends of the revolution easffy triumphed over the secret artifices of
their adversaries.
In the meantime, the marquis de la Fayette, desiring to serve his
king in the war, which he doubted not was about to break out in
Europe, and hoping also lo promote by his representations the cause
of the United States with the French government, requested of con
gress permission to repass the Atlantic,
Washington, who bore him a sincere affection, and who considered,
besides, the importance of his name, was desirous that only a tempo
rary leave might be granted him, without the discontinuance of his
appointments. He wrote to congress, accordingly, and they readily
acceded lo his views ; they, moreover, addressed a letter to the mar
quis, returning him their thanks for the disinterested zeal which led
him lo America, and forthe services he had rendered to the United
Stales, by the exertion of his courage and abilities on so many signal
occasions. They also direcled doctor Franklin to present him with
a sword decorated wilh devices commemorative of his achievements.
Finally, they recomraended him strongly to the most christian king.
The marquis de la Fayette took leave of congress, and sailed for
Europe, with the intention of returning as soon as possible. On his
arrival in France, he vvas received equally well by the king and by
the people, Franklin delivered him the sword, engraved with the
emblems of his brUliant exploits. He was represented wounding the
British lion, and receiving a branch of laurel from the hands ofAmer
ica, released frora her chains, America herself was figured by a
crescent, with these words ; Crescam, ut prosim. On the olher side
was inscribed. Cur non ? the motto which M, de la Fayette had
chosen at his departure from France, This masterpiece of art ap
peared a recompense worthy of the vaUant defender of America,
The count d'Estaing stffl lay at anchor in the harbor of Boston,
where he was occupied in victualing his fleet. This operation would
have been of very difficult accomplishment, from the scarcity of wheat
experienced by the northern colonies, since the interruption of their
commerce wilh those of the south, if the privateers of New England
nad not raade so considerable a nuraber of prizes, that not only the
fleet, but also the inhabitants of Massachusetts and Connecticut, were
thereby abundantly supplied. Admiral Byron was no sooner arrived
at New York, than he applied himself with the utraost diligence to
refilling his ships, in order to resume the sea. The moment he was
prepared for it, he gol under saff, and stood for Boston, forthe pur
pose of observing the motions of the French squadron. But the ad
verse fortune which attended hira from Europe to America, seemed
fitill to pursue him on these shores. A furious tempest having

BOOK XI. THE AMERICAN WAR, 165
driven him off the coast, his ships were again so damaged and shat
tered, that he was constrained to lake shelter in Rhode Island, The
count d'Estaing embraced this opportunity of quilling the harbor of
Boston unmolested, and sailed the third of November for the West
Indies ; where he was called by the orders of his sovereign, and the
evenls of the war. The English well knowing his designs, and the
weakness of the garrisons in the islands of their dependency, com
modore Hotham departed the same day from Sandy Hook, and also
shaped his course for the West Indies, with six ships of war. They
had on board five thousand land troops, commanded by major-gen
eral Grant. Admiral Byron followed him the fourteenth of Decem-
Der, with all his fleet.
About the same time colonel Campbell embarked at New York,
with a strong corps of EngUsh and Germans, upon an expedition
against Georgia. He was convoyed by commodore Hyde Parker,
with a squadron of a few ships. Thus the theater of the war, after
several campaigns in the provinces of the north and of the een tei,
was all at once transported into the islands and slates of the south.

END OP BOOK ELEVENTH,

1^6

THE AMERICAN WAB- BOOK XH.

BOOK TWELFTH.
1778. D' Estaing and Holham were not yet arrived in the
West Indies, when commodore Evans had made a descent upon the
two islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, both very favorably situated
for the fishery of Newfoundland. Being almost without defense, he
occupied them easily ; and, as if he had wished to efface every ves
tige ofthe French domination, he imitated the conduct of barbarians,
and utterly destroyed the habitations, storehouses, and scaffoldings
which had been constructed for the use of the fishery. He after
wards embarked all the inhabitants, vvho, with the garrisons, amount
ed to two thousand souls, and sent them lo Europe.
The French made themselves ample amends for this loss, by seiz
ing, as they did soon afler, the island of Dominica ; which, being
situated between Guadaloupe and Martinico, was of the last conse
quence to the future operations in that part. Of this the British
government was not ignorant, and therefore had fortified il with dil
igence, and furnished il wilh a formidable artiUery. But neither the
garrison nor the munitions corresponded to the importance of its lo
cal position ; the public magazines were nearly empty, and all the
soldiers in the island scarcely amounted to five hundred ; the great
er part mffitia. For a long lime, the members of the opposition in
parliament, and the merchants of London, had complained aloud that
the islands of the West Indies were left without sufficient garrisons,
and, as it were, abandoned to the discretion of the enemy. But all
these remonstrances had been vain ; whether the war of America
had absorbed all the cares of the ministers, or that it had deprived
them of the means of sending troops inlo those islands. The French,
on the contrary, were in such force in their colonies, as lo be in a
condition not only to defend themselves, but also lo attack their neigh
bors. Moreover, they had been the first to receive the news of the
declaration of war in Europe. The English frigates dispatched to
announce it, had fallen inlo the power ofthe French, upon the coasts
of St. Domingo ; so that admiral Barrington, vvho was stationed at
Barbadoes with two ships of the line and two frigates, was first
informed of the state of affairs from the manifesto published al Mar
tinico, by the marquis de Bouille, governor of that island. The
capture of the frigates had likewise apprised him that war was not
only declared but commenced. This admiral showed himself very
undecided with respect to the course he had to pursue ; not having

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAR, 167
new instructions, he felt bound -to adhere to the old, which required
him to continue in the station of Barbadoes,
The marquis de Bouiffe, an active man, and prompt in taking his
resolutions, willing to avail himself of the uncertainty and weakness
of the EngUsh, determined to commence his operations wilh an
enterprise of importance. Having em'oarked with two thousand land
troops in eighteen transports, under convoy of the frigates Tourterelle,
DUigente, and Amphitrite, he arrived at the island of Dominica, the
seventh of September, about daybreak. He immediately put aU his
forces on shore. M. de Fonteneau, protected by the fire of the
DiUgente, pushed forward lo fort Cachac, and seized it without
resistance. The English cannonaded briskly from fort Roseau, and
the battery of Lubieres. Nevertheless, M. de la Chaise, at the head
of the rangers of the Auxerrese regiment, advanced impetuously up
to the battery ; the French soldiers entered by the embrasures, and
grappling the mouths of the cannon, made themselves masters of Ihem,
During this time, the viscount de Damas had gained the heights
which commanded fort Roseau, and the raarquis de Bouille, wilh
the main body of his troops, had entered the suburbs. The frigate
Tourterelle also battered the fort on her part ; the English, however,
defended themselves with vigor. But at length, governor Stuart,
seeing his forces so inferior, and the French about to scale for the
assault, demanded to capitulate. The marquis de Bouille, whether
with intent to engage by his moderation the governors of other Eng
lish islands to surrender more easily, or because he feared the arrival
of Barrington, who was very near, or, as it should be presumed,
merely consulting the generosity of his ovvn character, granted the
most honorable conditions to the enemy. Thegarrison were treated
with all the honors of war, and the inhabitants secured in the posses
sion of all their property ; no change was lo be made in the laws or
the administration of justice. If, at the termination ofthe war, the
island should be ceded lo France, they were lo have the option of
retaining their present system of government, or of conforming to that
estabUshed in the French islands. They were also to be at liberty, in
such case, to retire with all their property, wherever they might see
fit ; those who should remain, were not to be bound to any duty to
the king of France, more than what they had owed lo their natural
sovereign. The French found on the fortifications and in the magazines an
hundred and sixty-four pieces of excellent cannon, and twenty-four
mortars, besides a certain quantity of mffitary stores. The privateers
that were found in the ports of the island, were either destroyed or
carried away. The capitulation was observed with the, strictest fidei-

168 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XII.
ity ; no kind of plunder or irregularity was permitted. As a recom
pense for their services upon this occasion, the general distributed
among his soldiers a pecuniary gratification. He remained but a
short time at Dominica, and having left the marquis Duchilleau for
governor, with a garrison of fifteen hundred men, he returned to Mar-.
tinico. But if the moderation and generosity of the marquis de
Bouille were deserving of the highest encomium, the conduct of
Duchilleau was no less memorable for its violence and inhumanity.
He countenanced the unbridled licentiousness of his troops, and thus
abandoned, as it were, the vanquished lo the discretion of the vici -ars.
Such are the deplorable effects of national hatred ! The inhabitants
of Dominica were not delivered from the rigorous domination of
Duchilleau until peace was re-established between the two stales.
As soon as he vvas informed of the attack upon Dominica, admi
ral Barrington, deeming the importance of the occurrence as para
raount lo his instructions, saffed with all possible speed lo its assist
ance, in order, if not too lale, lo frustrate the atterapt of the enemy.
But he did not arrive until the marquis de Bouille was already in
safety under the cannon of Martinico. His presence, however, contrib
uted much to re-assure the inhabitants of the neighboring English
islands, whom the fate of Dominica and their own defenseless con
dition had fiUed with consternation.
But this expedition was only the prelude to more important events,
which succeeded soon after. The count d'Estaing and commodore
Holham had taken their departure for Ihe West Indies, as we have
related, on the same day ; the first for Martinico, the second for
Barbadoes. The two fleets sailed in a paraff el direction during great
part of the voyage, and very near each other, but without knowing
any thing of their proximity ; the English, however, suspecting the
danger, were extremely careful to keep their squadron as close and
collected as possible. If it consisted of smaller vessels than those
of the French, it was also much more nuraerous. The count
d'Estaing, if he had been at all aware of the real state of things, might
have profited of his great superiority lo overwhelm the British fleet,
and especially its numerous vessels of transport, which carried out
the land forces, wherein consisted the only means of preserving to
the British crown its rich possessions in those seas. A violent storm,
however, having dispersed the two fleets, three English vessels fell
in with those of the French, and were taken . This incident apprised
d'Estaing of what had fallen out ; but from the dispersion of his
squadron he was unable to give chase. He determined, neverthe/ess,
to change his course ; and, instead of continuing to stand for Martinico,
he steered in the direction of Antigua, under the persuasion that the

BOOK XII, THE AMERICAN WAR, 169
British were bound for that island, and not to Barbadoes. He hoped
to be able to arrive there before tiiey were landed, or even anchored
in the ports, and consequently to prostrate al a single blow their
whole force by sea and land. This stroke would have been almosi
without remedy for England ; so complete a victory vvould have en
abled the count d'Estaing to annihilate her domination in the West
Indies. But fortune had decided otherwise. The English shaped
their course directly for Barbadoes, and reached it safely the tenth of
December. Holham there made his junction with Barrington, vvho
was already returned.
The French admiral, having arrived very promptly in the waters
of Antigua, remained cruising there for several days ; but at length,
not seeing the enemy appear, and concluding that they had taken
another direction, he changed his own, and stood for Martinico.
The EngUsh generals, having no suspicion of the vicinity of so
formidable an enemy, determined without delay to attack St. Lucia.
Its position in the front of Martinico, its natural strength, and its
works, rendered this post of extreme importance for the operations
of the war. Admiral Barrington, having taken on board his squad
ron a corps of four thousand selected troops, sailed for St. Lucia, and
arrived there the thirteenth of December. General Meadows land
ed at the head of a strong detachment, and advanced with celerity
to gain the heights which command the north shore of the bay ot
Grand Cui de Sac. They were occupied by the chevalier de Micou,
the commandant of the island, with some few regulars, and the mili
tia of the country. He made the most of a few pieces of artiUery
to annoy the debarkation of the EngUah, and their march towards
the hiffs. But unable wilh so small a force to prolong the valiant
resistance he opposed al first, he fell back upon the capital, caUed
Morne Fortune. The English look possession of the heights. At
the same lime, general Prescott had landed with five regiments, and
had occupied all the positions contiguous to the bay. The next
morning, Meadows forming the van and Prescott the rear, the Eng
lish marched against the town of Morne Fortune. Overpowered by
number, the chevalier Micou was forced to abandon it lo the enemy.
He retired into the more rough and difficult parts of the island, where
he was also protected by his artillery. As fast as he fell back, Pres
cott took care to occupy the posts with troops and artiffery. But
general Meadows thought it essential to make himself master of Ca
reenage harbor, situated three miles to the north of Grand Cui de
Sac bay ; the French might, in fact, have landed succors there, and
attacked the British in flank. In defiance of the difficulty of the
places, and the heat of a burning sun, he pressed forward to seize

170

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XII.

the height called de la Vierge, which rises on the riorth side of Ca
reenage harbor, and completely commands its entrance. Another
detachment occupied the south point of the harbor, and erecled a
battery upon it. General Calder, wilh the rest of the troops, look
position on the south side of Grand Cui de Sac bay, so that from
this point lo the northern shore of the Careenage, all the posts fell
inlo the power of the English. The squadron of Barrington lay at
anchor in Grand Cui de Sac bay, his vessels of war at the entrance,
and those of transport within. The chevaUer de Micou continued
still to occupy a very strong fort upon the crest of the mountains.
The English might already consider themselves as sure of success,
and the French had no hope left but in the immediate succor of the
count d'Estaing, when this admiral all al once appeared in view of
the island, with his original squadron of twelve sail of the line, ac
companied by a numerous fleet of frigates, privateers, and transports,
which brought a land force of nine thousand m'en. He had received
early inteUigence of the attack on St. Lucia ; an event which he
considered as the most fortunate ttiat could have happened, il seem
ing lo afford the means of destroying at a single blow, and frora his
great superiority almosi vvithout risk, the British power in the West
Indies. Accordingly, he had not delayed a moment to embark, in
order to pounce upon an enemy that did not expect him. Arid in
truth, if he had arrived twenty-four hours sooner, his hopes must
have been realized. But the English were already in possession of
the principal posts, and had fortified themselves therein ; moreover,
the day was far advanced, when the French armament appeared ;
it was necessary lo defer the attack until the ensuing morning. Ad
miral Barrington profited of the night, to make his dispositions for
sustaining il. He caused the transports to be removed into the bot
tom ofthe Grand Cui de Sac, lo be as remote from danger as pos-
-sible ; the ships of war he placed in their respective stations, so as lo
form a line across its entrance, and repel the efforts of the eneray lo
the most advantage. His force consisted only of his own ship, the
Prince of Wales, of seventy-four guns, the Boyne, of seventy, St.
Albans and Nonesuch, of sixty-four, the Centurion and Isis, of fifty
each, and three frigates.
The count d'Estaing, not mistrusting that Careenage harbor was
already occupied by the enemy, stood in for it with his whole fleet,
on the raorning ofthe fifteenth. His purpose was to take land there,
und hasten to attack the right flank of the English, who, as he had
observed himself, occupied the Grand Cui de Sac. But no sooner
had he presented himself before the entrance of the Careenage than
tlie English batteries erecled upon the two points, opened a heavy

BOOK XA, THE AMERICAN WAR, 17^
fire, which damaged several of his vessels, and particularly his own
ship, the Languedoc, Convinced of the impossibility of operating a
descent in this part, he bore down, with ten saff of the line, on the
British admiral, with intent to force the passage, and penetrate into
the bay, which must have proved the utter ruin of the English, A
warm engagement ensued ; but, supported by the batteries from the
shore, the British valiantly sustained the attack of an enemy so
superior, D'Estaing drew off a liUle ; but, towards evening, he
renewed the battle with twelve ships. His efforts were stiff more
impetuous ; he directed the fire of his artillery principally against
the lefl of the British line. But neither the re-inforcement he had
received, nor the singular firmness and gallantry displayed by all his
people, were capable of rendering this attack more successful than
the former. The English made so vigorous and so well supported a
defense, that d'Estaing was again compelled lo retire, with his ships
severely damaged, and in no httle confusion. Admiral Barrington
acquired imperishable glory ; he secured lo his country the possession
of an island which, only twenty-four hours after its conquest, had
heen upon the point of falling anew under the doifainion of its ancient
masters. But d'Estaing, finding that fortune was disposed lo frown
on his maritime attacks, resorted to his land forces, which were very
considerable. Accordingly, in the night of the sixteenth and the
following morning, he landed his troops in Choc bay, which lies
between Gros islet and the Careenage. His intention was lo attack
general Meadows, who, with a corps of thirteen hundred men, vvas
encamped in the little peninsula de la Vierge, situated between the
Careenage and the above named Choc bay. He had great hopes
of being able to surprise and cut him off entirely, as well by reason
of the difficulty of the places which separated this corps from all the
others, as from the diversions which he proposed to make by threat
ening several points at once. In pursuance of this plan, he advanced
from Choc bay towards the peninsula, wilh five thousand ofhis best
troops, in order lo attack fhe Unes of Meadows, which were drawn
across the isthmus that joins it lo the main land. He had formed
three columns ; the right was commanded by hiraself, the center by
the count de Loewendal, and the left by the marquis de Bouille.
The French moved at first with admirable order ; but as they
approached, their position became extremely critical. They found
theraselves severely enfiladed by the artillery of Morne Fortune,
which the chevalier de Micou, on evacuating that fort, had neglected
to spike. But notwithstanding this impediment, they rushed on to
the charge with incredible impetuosity. The English expected their
approach wilh equal coolness ; they suftered them to advance to the

172 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XII.

intienchments without opposition; when, after firing once, they
received them on the bayonet. That fire had, of course, a dreadful
effect ; but the French, notwithstanding, supported the conflict vvith
undaunted resolution. Already seventy of them had leapt wffhin
the intrenchment, where they acquitted themselves strenuously;
but the English enveloped thera, and soon they were all victims of
their temerity. Nevertheless, the assailants recovered their breath,
and returned lo the charge vvith no less eagerness and fury than at
first. The English encountered them with the same intrepidity, and
a second time compeUed them to withdraw. But d'Estaing, in the
transport of his ardor, unable to endure that so feeble a detachment
should baffle the efforts of his numerous veterans, ordered a third
attack. He was promptly obeyed. But the soldiers, being much
exhausted by their exertions in the first two, no longer displayed the
same vigor. They were totally broken, and obliged to retreat, leaving
their dead and wounded in the povver of the victors. Il was, how
ever, agreed soon after, that the French should be permitted to bury
the one, and to carry off the other ; d'Estaing having rendered
himself accountable for the wounded as prisoners of war. General
Meadows manifested, in this affair, equal ability and v.alor ; though
wounded in the very commencement of the action, no persuasions
could induce him lo quil the field until it vvas decided. The loss of
the French was serious. Four hundred vvere killed on the spot;
five hundred were so severely wounded as to be rendered incapable
of service ; five hundred others were wounded slightly. The loss of
the EngUsh, in consequence of the advantage of their position, was
inconsiderable. The count d'Estaing left his troops on shore stiff,
for several days afler the battle ; during this lime he continued
standing off and on with his fleet, in sight of the island, hoping that
some occasion might present itself of operating more effectively. But
atlength he embarked his troops, in the night ofthe twenty-eighth,
and sailed to Martinico the following day, having abandoned the
enterprise of St. Vincent and Grenada, which islands he had pur
posed to attack. The day afler his departure, the chevalier de
Micou capitulated ; his garrison consisted of only an hundred men.
He obtained the most favorable conditions. He marched out wilh
all the honors of war ; his soldiers retained their baggage, but not
their arms. The inhabitants, and especially the curates, were pro
tected in their persons, property, and religion. They were to pay
to the king of Great Britain the same taxes only, that they were
accustomed to pay to the king of France ; finally, they were not to
be compelled to bear arms ao;ainst their late sovereign.

BOOK Xll. THE AMERICAN WAB 173
The English foUnd in the forts fifty-nine pieces of cannon, a greal
number of muskets, and an immense quantity of mffitary stores.
Thus feff into the power of the EngUsh the island of St, Lucia : ijt
was an acquisition of extreme importance to them. They made of
it a place of arms for all their forces in the West Indies, and the
repository of all theii munitions. From its proximity to Martinico,
they were enabled, vvith.oul risk, to watch all the movements of the
French in tho bay or Fort Royal, and to intercept the re-inforce
ments and convoys that migrit approach it by the channel of St,
Lucia, They strengthened il with many new works, and constantly
maintained in it u numerous garrison, notwithstanding the great loss
of raen it cost thtm fiom the insalubrity of the climate,
A few days after the retreat of the count d'Estaing, admiral Byron
arrived in that part wilh nine sail of the line, and came to anchor at
St. Lucia.
There resulted from it a sort of tacit truce between the two
parlies ; the English having too decided a superiority of naval, and
the French of land forces. This armistice, which lasted five months,
vvas not interrupted untff the squadron of commodore Rawley had
joined the fleet of Byron, and the count d'Estaing had been re-in
forced by that of the chevalier de la Molte Piquet, and of the count
de Grasse. These several re-inforcements vvere dispatched from
Europe to the West Indies about the close of the year ; the two
governments having reffected at the same time how important it was
to have formidable maritime forces in the midst of these rich islands,
situated al little distance one from the olher, and intermingled, as il
were, with those of the enemy.
It is time lo return upon the American continent. The British
ministers and generals had taken the determination lo direct their
greatest efforts towards the southern parls of the confederation.
Under the persuasion that the inhabitants of these provinces sup
ported wilh repugnance the yoke of the republicans, they hoped lc
find in the loyalists an efficacious co-operation for the re-establish
ment of the royal authority. Other, and no less powerful motives,
conduced to decide them for this expedition. The provinces of the
south, and especially Georgia and Carolina, abound in fertile lands,
which produce copious crops of wheat, and particularly of rice, than
which nothing could be more essential to the support of a fleet and
army, at so great a distance from their principal sources of supply.
The parts of the American teirilory which had hitherto fallen into
the power of the English, had offered Jhem but a feeble resource,
and they vvere obliged to draw the greatest part of their provisions
from Europe, through all the perils of the sea, and the swarms of

174

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XII.

American privateers which continually preyed on their convoj's. It
is, besides, lo be observed, that the r-ce of Georgia and South Caro
lina served to nourish the French fleets, and the troops that formed
the garrisons of their islands in the West Indies.
The quiet and security which these provinces had hitherto enjoy
ed, admitted so vigorous a cultivation, that the products of it not
only furnished an inexhaustible resource ic the allies of the Amer
icans, but, being exported to the markets of Europe, constituted the
material of a commerce, by which they received those supplies
which were necessary, as well to the support of the war, as to the
conducting of the common business and affairs of Ufe. The English
also reflected that, as Georgia borders upon East Florida, the latter
was exposed to constant alarms and incursions on the part of the
repubhcans ; and they were convinced that there existed no effectual
means of securing the quiet of that province, short of compeUing the
troops of congress to evacuate Georgia and the Carolinas. The
conquest of the first of these provinces, they had Utile doubt, would
insure them that of the two others ; and they promised themselves
wilh fuU assurance the possession of Charleston, a rich and populous
city, and of extreme iraportance, both for its situation and .port.
Such were the advantages the English expected to derive from their
expedition against the southern provinces.
To these considerations vvas added another ; the severity of the
season no longer admitted operations in the mountainous provinces
of the north. Accordingly, general Clinton, as we have related in
the preceding book, had embarked for Georgia, under convoy of
commodore Hyde Parker, a detachment of twenty-five hundred
men, consisting of EngUsh, Hessians and refugees. He hoped by
the assistance of these last, and their partisans, to find easy admis
sion into that province. This corps vvas under the command of
colonel CampbeU, an officer of disringuished valor and capacity.
Clinton, at the same time, had ordered general Prevost, who com
manded in the Floridas, to collect all the troops that could be spared
liom the defense of those provinces, and to march also against
Georgia, in order that it might be attacked at once in front, on the
part of the sea, by CampbeU, and in ffank, on the banks of the
Savannah river, by Prevost. The plan o'' this expedition thus
arranged, commodore Hyde Parker and colonel Campbell arrived,
towards the close of De ".ember, at the isle of Tybee, situated near
the mouth of the Savannah. The transports had littie difficulty in
passing the bar and entering into that river. They vvere followed, a
few days afler, by the ships of war, so that all the fleet lay together
at anchor in its waters on the twenty-seventh of December, ready to

BOOK Xll. THE AMERICAN WAR. 175
execute the orders of the commanders for the invasion of the prov
ince. The latter, not knowing what were the forces, the measures
of defense, and the intentions of the republicans, detached some
light infantry to scour the adjacent banks. They took two Geor
gians, from whom it vvas understood that no intimation had been
received in the province of the project ofthe royaUsts ; that conse
quentiy no preparations for defense had been made ; that the bat
teries vvhich protected the entrance of the rivers vvere out of condi
tion, and that the armed galleys were so placed that they miajht
easily be surprised. Il was also learned that the garrison of Savan
nah, the capital of the province, was very feeble, but that it was soon
lo be re-inforced. Upon this intelligence, the British commander
no longer delayed to commence his operations.
The whole country on the two banks of the Savannah, from its
mouth to a considerable distance above, being a cbnlinued tract of
deep marsh, intersected by the extensive creeks of St. Augustine and
Tybee, it offers no point capable of serving as a place of debarkation.
The English were therefore under the necessity of moving higher up.
in order lo reach the usual landing place, at which commences a very
narrow causeway that leads lo the city. This post, extremely diffi
cult of itself, might have been vigorously defended by the Americans.
But, surprised by an unexpected attack, or destitute of sufficient
force, they made no opposition to the descent of the English, who
landed at first their Ught troops. The causeway leads through a rice
swamp, and is flanked on each side by a deep ditch. Six hundred
yards above the landing place, and at the head of the causeway, rises
an abrupt eminence, upon which was situated the house of a certain
Gerridoe. It vvas occupied by a detachment of republicans. As
soon as the light infantry, the greater part Scotch Highlanders, had
landed under the command of captain Cameron, they formed, and
pushed forward along the dike lo attack the post of the Americans.
The latter received them wilh a smart fire of musketry ; Cameron
was mortally wounded. Incensed at the loss of their captain, the
Highlanders advanced with such rapidity, that the Americans had
no time for chai-ging again, and instantiy ffed. The English seized
the height ; colonel CampbeU, having ascended it, in order lo view
the country, discovered the array of the enemy drawn up about half
a mile east of the town of Savannah. It was commanded by major-
general Robert Howe, and appeared disposed to make a firra stand,
to cover the capital of the province. It consisted in a strong corps
of continental troops, and the mffitia of the country. It was so dis
posed that its two wings extended on the two sides of the greal road
leading to Savannah. The right, under the command of colonel Eu-

176 THE AMERICAN WAB.

BOOK XII.

gee, and composed of Carolinians, was to the soulh, having its flank
towards the country protected by a wooded swamp and by the houses
of Tatnal. The left, having the road on its right flank, was covered
on the left by rice swamps. Il consisted for the most part of Geor
gians, under the orders of colonel Elbert. One piece of cannon was
planted at each extremity of the American line, and two pieces
occupied the traverse, across the great road in the center. About
one hundred yards in front of this traverse, at a critical point between
two swamps, a trench was cut across the road, and about one hun
dred yards in front of the trench, ran a marshy rivulet, the bridge
over vvhich had been destroyed. Lastiy, the Americans had on
their rear the tcvvn of Savannah itself, which was surrounded by a
moat. The British coraraander, having left a detachment lo guard the
landing-place, and another to secure a neighboring cross road to
cover his rear, advanced directiy towards the enemy. He endeav
ored lo devise the most expedient mode of attacking them in the
strong position they occupied. By the movements ofthe Americans,
he was not long in perceiving that they expected and even desired
that he should engage their lefl wing ; he accordingly omitted no
means in use on sirailar occasions, with experienced commanders,
that could serve lo cherish that opinion and continue its delusion.
He drew offa part of his forces to form on his right, where he also
displayed his light infantry. His intention, however, vvas to attack the
right wing ofthe Americans. While making his dispositions, chance
threw into his hands a negro, by whom he was informed of a private
path through the wooded swamp on the eneray's right, which led to
their rear. The negro offered to show the way, and promised
infaUible success. Colonel Campbell resolved to profit of the occa
sion vvhich fortune seemed to have provided him. He accordingly
direcled sir James Baird to pursue with his light infantry the indi
cated path, turn the right of the Americans, and fall in by surprise
upon their rear. TheNew York volunteers under colonel Trumbull
were ordered lo support the light infantry. While Baird and Trum
bull, guided by the negro, proceeded to execute this movement,
Campbell posted his artillery in a field on the lefl of the road,
concealed from the enemy by a swell of ground in the front. It was
destined to bear upon the Carolinians, and to cannonade any body
of troops in flank, which they might detach into the wood lo retard
the progress of Baird's light infantry. Meanwhffe, the repubhcans
continued to ply their artUlery with greal animation ; the royalists
were motionless ; a circumstance vvhich doubtless vvould have excited
alarm if their enemies had been either more experienced, or less

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAB. 177
sanguine. At length, when Campbell conceived that Baird had
reached his position, he suddenly unmasked his artillery, and
marched briskly on to the enemy, who were stiU lotaffy blind to
their danger.
The charge of the English and Hessians was so impetuous, that the
Americans, unable to withstand its shock, immediately feU into con
fusion and dispersed. The victors pursued them. During this time,
the light infantry of Baird had gained the rear of the American right.
They fell in with a body of Georgian mffitia, who were stationed
to guard the great road from Ogeeche, and routed them at the
first onset. As they were in pursuit of the fugitives, on their vvay to
fall upon the main body of the Americans, the latter, already dis
comfited, came running across the plain fuff in their front. The
disorder and dismay that now ensued, were past all remedy : the
victory of the English was complete. Thirty-eight comraissioned
officers, upwards of four hundred non-commissioned and privates,
forty-eight pieces of cannon, twenty-three mortars, the fort with its
ammunition and stores, the shipping in the river, a large quantity of
provisions, vvith the capital of Georgia, were all in the hands of the
conquerors before dark. The loss of the Araericans, owing to their
prompt flight, was very small. Only about fourscore fell in the
action and pursuit, and about thirty raore perished in their atterapts
to escape through the swamp. The English lost perhaps not twenty
men in dead and wounded. This singular good fortune vvas the fruit
of the exceUent dispositions of colonel Campbell. He distinguished
himself no less by a humanity the more deserving of praise, as he
could not have forgotten the harsh treatment he had received in the
prisons of Boston. Not only was the town of Savannah preserved
from pillage, but such was the exceffent discipline observed, that
though the English entered it with the fugitives, as into a city taken
by storm, not a single person suffered who had not arms in his hand,
and vvho was not, besides, in the act either of flight or resistance. A
strong circumstantial testimony, that those enormities so frequently
committed in time of war, should with more justice be charged to the
negUgence or immediate participation of the chiefs, than to the un
governable license of the soldiers.
1779. Having thus made themselves masters of the capital, the
British troops soon overran the whole province of Georgia. Their
commander issued a proclamation, by which he offered pardon to
deserters, and exhorted the friends of the EngUsh name to repair to
the royal standard, promising them assistance and protection ; this
step vvas not altogether fruitless. A considerable number presented
themselves ; they were formed into a regiment of light dragoon?.
VOL. n. 12

178 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK Xll.
But the more determined republicans, preferring exile to subraission,
withdrew into South Carolina.
The EngUsh also employed all their address to induce the repub
Ucan soldiers they had made prisoners lo enlist in the service of the
king ; but their efforts were nearly fruitless. They were, therefore,
crowded on board vessels, where, from the heat of the weather in the
following summer, and the bad air concomitant with their mode of
confineraent, the greater part perished. The officers vvere sent on
parole to Sunbury, the only town in the province which still held for
the congress ; but Moses Allen, the chaplain of the Georgians, was
retained, and thrust, a prisoner on board the vessels, among the
common soldiers. This rainister of religion had not contented him
self with exciting the people lo assert their independence, in his
discourses from the pulpit; he appeared also, wilh arms in hand,
ou the field of battle, exhibiting in his ovvn person an admirable
example of valor, and devotion to the cause of country.
Weary of the protracted rigors of his captivity, he one day threw
himself into the river, hoping lo escap2, by swimming, lo a neigh
boring island ; but he was drowned, lo the great regret of all his
feUow-citizens, who venerated his virtues, and justly appreciated his
intrepidity. The Americans, too much enfeebled to keep the field,
passed the Savannah at Zubly, and retreated into South Carolina.
The EngUsh, on the contrary, now masters of the greater part of
Georgia, frequently scoured the banks of the river, in order lo dis
quiet the enemy, who was still in possession of the countries situated
on the lefl bank.
In the meantime, general Prevost had put himself on the march
from East Florida, to execute the orders of general Clinton. He
had to struggle with the most formidable irapediraents, as well from
the difficulty of the placesasfrom the want of provisions. Atlength,
after excessive fatigues and hardships, being arrived in Georgia, he
attacked the fort of Sunbury. The garrison, consisting of about two
hundred men, made some show of defense ; and gave him the
trouble of opening trenches. But, although they were supported by
some a med vessels and gaUeys, yet aU hope of reUef being now
totally cut off by the reduction of the rest of the province, they found
il necessary to surrender al discretion. They were treated humanely.
Tills happened just at the rirae when colonel Campbell had aheady
sel out on an expedition for the reduction of Sunbury. The two
EngUsh corps made their junction with reciprocal felicitations.
General Prevost repaired to Savannah, where he took the command
of all the British troops that, coming frora New York and frora St.
Augustine, had conquered to the king the entire province of Georgia.

BOOK XII, THE AMERICAN WAR, 179
After such briUiant success, the British commanders deliberated
upon what they had to do next. They were perfectly aware that
their forces were not sufficient to act in a decisive manner against
Carolina, a powerful province, animated with the same spirit, espe
cially in the maritime parts, and governed by men endowed wilh the
best talents, and exercising a great influence over the multitude.
The reduction of Georgia was, iri truth, the only object which gene
ral Clinton had as yet proposed to himself. He had purposed lo
defer the invasion of Carolina until the arrival ofthe re-tinforcements
vvhich admiral Arbuthnot was to bring him from England, Never
theless, considering the importance to the success of future operations
of continuing offensive war, rather thari hailing upon the defensive, it
was determined to make several excursions into Carolina, in order to
keep alive in that province the terror of the royal arms, and to
re-animate the hopes of the loyalists. Major-general Gardner was
accordingly detached with a numerous corps, to lake possession- of
Port Royal. But this expedition had the most disastrous issue ;
the Carolinians fell vigorously upon the English, and expelled them
from the island vvith severe loss, both in officers and soldiers.
On the failure of this project, the British generals endeavored to
excite a movement among the adversaries of congress. They in
habited, as we have related, in very considerable number, the back
parts of Georgia and the two Carolinas. The hope placed in them
was one of the principal causes that had occasioned the invasion of
the southern provinces to be undertaken. Of these loyalists there
vvere several sorts ; some, more violent and rancorous, had not only
abandoned their country, but had attached themselves to the Indians,
in order to inflict all possible mischief on their fellow-citizens, in the
incursions on the frontiers. Others Uved soUtary and wandering
upon the extreme confines of the Carolinas, watching with the most
eager attention for any favorable occasion that might offer itself, for
the recovery of their settiements. Others, finally, either less bitter
or more politic, continued to reside in the raidst of the republicans,
feigning an acquiescence in the will of the majority. Though they
had quilted arms for the labors of agriculture, they were still always
ready to resume them, whenever the possibility of a new change
should become perceptible. .In the meantime, they had recourse to
artifice, and exerted their utmost diligence to keep their outlawed
friends advised of all that passed within the country, and especially
of all the movements of the repubhcans ; of this, the generals of
the king were not ignorant.
In order, therefore, to encourage and support the loyalists, they
moved up the Savannah as far as Augusta. As soon as they were
in possession of that post, they left no means unattempted that could

180 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XJI.
re-animate their partisans, and excite them to assemble in arms
They sent among them numerous emissaries, who exaggerated to
them the might of the royal forces. They assured them that if they
would but unite, they vvould become incomparably superior to their
enemies ; they were prodigal of promises and presents ; they exas
perated minds already imbittered by flaming pictures of the cruellies
committed by the republicans. Such were the opinions propagated
by the British generals among the friends of the king. Their insti
gations prooluced the intended effect ; the loyalists took arms, and
pultinglhemselves under the command of colonel Boyd, one of their
chiefs, they descended along the western frontiers of Carolina, in
order lo join the royal army. More properly robbers than soldiers,
they continually deviated from their route, in order lo indulge their
passion for pillage. What they could neither consume nor carry off,
they consigned lo the ffames. They had already passed the Savan
nah, and were near the British posts, when they were encountered by
colonel Pickens, who headed a strong detachment of Carolinians,
levied in the district of Ninety-six. Instantly, the action vvas engaged
with all the fury excited by civil rancor, and all the desperation
inspired by the fear of those evils which the vanquished would have
lo suffer at the hands of the victors. The battle lasted for a full
hour. Al length the loyalists vvere broken and completely routed.
Boyd remained dead upon the field ; all were dispersed ; raany fell
into the power of the republicans. Seventy were condemned to
death ; only five, however, were executed. This success made a
deep impression throughout Georgia, where the disaffected were
already on the point of arming against the congress. The incur
sions of the loyalists were repressed, and the republicans could
proceed with greater security in their preparations for defense
against the royal arras. Another consequence of it was, that the
EngUsh evacuated Augusta, and, retiring lower down, concentered
their force in the environs of Savannah.
This measure vvas the more prudent on their part, as general Lin
coln, to whom congress had intrusted the command of all the troops
in the southern provinces, was already arrived, and had encamped at
Black Swamp, on the left bank of the Savannah, at no great distance
from Augusta. This general, born in Massachusetts, having distin
guished himself in the campaigns of the north, had been proposed to
the congress by the Carolinians themselves, on their first receiving
intelligence ofthe projects of the enemy against the southern prov
inces. The congress had yielded the more readffy to their recom
mendation, as they had themselves a high opinion of the talents of
general Lincoln, and were not ignorant how essential it is to the sue-

BOOK XII, THE AMERICAN WAR, 181
cess of operations, that soldiers should have perfect confidence in
their chiefs. The president, Lowndes, employed all the means in
his power to inffame the ardor of the inhabitants of Soulh Carolina,
and to excite them to take arms in defense of country. In private,
as well as in public, he addressed them the most stimulating exhor
tations ; he directed that aU the cattle of the islands and towns situ
ated upon the coast, should be withdrawn into the interior of the coun
try. The militia assembled and joined the continental troops. The
sarae zeal for the public cause broke forth al the approach of danger
in North Carolina ; in a few days, two thousand of its militia were
imbodied under the generals Ashe and Rutherford. If this corps could
have been furnished with arms as proraptly as the conjuncture required,
it would have raade its junction in time wilh that of general Howe,
and perhaps might have decided in his favor the fortune of the day
of Savannah. The enthusiasm of the Carolinian patriots was then
al its height ; every day added to the strength of their army. They
had indeed great efforts to raake. Washington was far from them,
and before succors could arrive, they were exposed to the most fatal
reverses. Moreover, the commander-in-chief was himself much oc
cupied with the guard of the passes of the mountains, and his forces
were continually mined by a pest which was still but imperfectly rem
edied ; the shortness of engageraents. It was not to be expected,
then, that he should strip hiraself in order to re-inforce the army of
the south ; yet more, the same intestine disease which enfeebled the
army of Washington, was also the cause that Uttie reliance could be
placed in tbat of Lincoln, although it was already combined wilh the
relics of the corps of Robert Howe. Wilh the exception of six hun
dred continental troops, the rest were militia. Utile accustomed to
war, and bound only to a few months of service. General Lincoln,
however, not in the least discouraged, found resources even in his
own ardor. In order at first to show himself to the enemy, he had
repaired to Black Swamp, on the north side of the Savannah. This
movement, together with the recent discomfiture of the loyaUsts, had
induced the Brirish general to retire down the river, leaving, howev
er, an advanced post al Hudson's Ferry. But Lincoln extended his
views farther ; he purposed to restrict the enemy still more, and to
press him close upon the coast, in order to deprive him of the re
sources he would find in those fertffe countries, and to put an end
to the intercourse, whether open or secret, which he kept up with
the loyalists of the upper parts. He accordingly ordered general
Ashe to leave his baggage behind, and, passing the Savannah, to take
post on a little river caffed Briar Creek This order was executed
with diUgence, and the camg seated in a very strong posirion. It

182 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK XII.
was covered in front by the creek, which for several mffes above was
too deep to be forded ; on the left by the Savannah and a deep mo
rass ; the right vvas secured by a corps of cavalry. General Ashe
had with him about two thousand men.
Notwithstanding the strength of his encampment, the English
resolved to attack him. Colonel Prevost, vvho was posted at Hud
son's Ferry, set out on this expedition. Having divided his force in
two colimins, he advanced the right, wilh two pieces of cannon,
towards Briar Creek, vvith an apparent view of intending lo pass il,
in order to lake up the attention of the republicans. The left, con
sisting of nine hundred men, among which were grenadiers, light
infantry, and horse, he led himself a circuitous march of about fifty
miles, in order lo cross Briar Creek, nnd thereby, turning the right,
to fall unexpectedly upon the rear of the enemy. At the same time,
general Prevost made such dispositions and movements on the bor
ders of the river, between Savannah and Ebenezer, as were likely
lo divert general Lincoln from thinking of Ashe. This general, who,
in such a proximity of the enemy, should have, redoubled his watch
fulness, instead of having the country scoured by his cavalry, had
detached it upon some distant and unprofitable expedition. The
English, therefore, arrived so unexpectedly, ihough in open daylight,
riiat the Americans received the first notice of danger from the havoc
which the assailants made in their camp. The militia were panic
struck, and fled without firing a shot. But many of them encountered
in flight that death which they might have avoided by a gallant
resistance. Their cowardice did not shield them ; the deep marsh
and the river which should have afforded security became now the
instruments of their destruction. Blinded by their flight and terror,
they vvere swallowed up in the one, or drowned in the olher. The
regular troops of Georgia. and the Carolinas, commanded and ani
mated by general Elbert, made a brave resistance ; but, abandoned
by the militia, and overwhelmed by number, they vvere also compeUed
to retreat. This rout of Briar Creek look place the third of March.
The Americans lost seven pieces of cannon, all their arms and
ammunition, wilh not a few killed and prisoners. The number of
the drowned and wounded is not known ; but il appears that more
perished in tiie water than by wounds. Of all the corps cf general
Ashe, scarcely four hundred soldiers rejoined general Lincoln, who,
m consequence of this disaster, found his forces diminished raore
than a fourth part. This victory rendered the royal troops again
masters of all Georgia. It. opened them communications with the
loyalists in the back parts of this province -and the two CaroUnas.
Those who were not yet recovered of the terror inspired by thfeir

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAR. IS3
recent defeat, took fresh courage ; there was nothing now to prevent
their going to re-inforce the royal army.
The Carolinians, Ihough deeply affected at so severe a check,
were not, however, disheartened ; and, in order to prevent the victo
rious enemy from overrunning their fertile territory, they made every
exertion lo assemble their militia, and lo re-animate their ardor.
Rigorous penalties vvere decreed against those who should refuse lo
march when called out, or to obey their commanders ; high bounties
were promised ; regiments of horse vvere organized ; the officers
were chosen among the most leading men of the country. John
Rutledge, a man of extensive inffuence, was elected governor of
the province, and empowered to do whatever he should judge neces
sary lo the public welfare. Animated by the love of country, and
stimulated by the prospect of those evils which would be their portion
if the English should gain possession of the province, the republicans
displayed so much zeal and activity in their preparations for defense,
that by the middle of April, general Lincoln found himself a* the
head of more than five thousand fighting raen.
Whffe these preparations were in process in the Carolinas, general
Prevost busied himself in Georgia in re-organizing all those parts of
the service vvhich had suffered by the war. He established an in
ternal administration in the province, and strenuously urged the loyal
ists to rally around him. He did not iraraediately attempt to cross the
Savannah, because it was extremely swoln by the rains ; and, besides,
he had not a sufficient force to attack lower CaroUna, where there
were none but patriots ; and general Lincoln, notwithstanding the
rout of Briar Creek, still maintained his position on the left bank,
ready lo oppose him, if he incUned to pass. Not, however, that the
American general was in a condition to act offensively before he vvas
re-inforced ; he might even have deemed himself extremely fortunate
in not being attacked. But as soon as he found his force augmented,
as we have just seen, he made a movement vvhich provoked another
of extreme importance, on the part of his adversary. He marched,
about the beginning of May, towards Augusta, whether to protect an
assembly of the deputies of the province, which was to convene in
that town, or for the purpose of taking a strong position in upper
Georgia, in order to watch over the interests of the confederation in
that part, and to interrupt the transmission of provisions and recruits
whieh the loyalists furnished to the British. He vvas already arrived
in Georgia, and all his measures were taken for the execution of his
design. He had left general Moultrie, with fifteen hundred men, in
front of general Prevost, in order lo dispute his passage across the
Savannah, He considered this corps the more sufficient for the

184 THE AMERICAN WAK.

BOOK XII.

defense of the left bank and the approaches of Charleston, the
capital of South Carolina, inasmuch as the breadth of the river, the
marshes which border it on the north side, and the numerous creeks
which intersect that province, appeared to him obstacles capable by
themselves of arresring the enemy.
But general Prevost saw his position in a different light. His army
was increased by the junction of th* loyaUsts, He hoped that his
presence in CaroUna would excite some movements there ; he wanted
provisions, which he was sure of finding in abundance in that prov
ince ; and lastly, he calculated that the effect of his invasion would
be to recall Lincoln frora Georgia, and perhaps to afford an oppor
tunity of engaging him with advantage. Determined by these con
siderations, he put himself at the head of a corps of three thousand
men, araong EngUsh, loyaUsts, and Indians, and passed the Savannah
with its adjacent marshes, though not without excessive difficulties.
The militia under Moultrie, surprised and dismayed at such intrepid
ity, gave vvay, and after a feeble resistance fell back upon Charles
ton, Moultrie, with the handful he had left, and the light horse of
Pulaski, exerted his utmost efforts to retard the enemy ; but he was
soon compelled to yield to force. Astonished himself at the facility
wilh which he had triuraphed over the natural irapediraents of the
country, and the resistance of the republicans, Prevost extended his
views to objects of greater moment. The drift of his expedition
was at first merely to forage ; he was disposed to give it a nobler
aim, and ventured to meditate an attack upon the important city of
Charleston. He promised himself that it would soon fall into his
power, when he should have acquired the control of the open
country. The loyalists, in the eagerness of their hopes and wishes, whicb
ihey too frequentiy substituted for realities, failed not to improve this
disposition, which was so favorable to them. They assured Prevost
thai they had correspondence with the principal inhabitants of the
city, and that the moment the royal standard should be descried from
its battlements, their adherents would rise and throw open its gates.
Moreover, they offered to serve as guides to the army, and lo furnish
ail the inforraation that could be desired respecting the nature of the
30untry. Another consideration came to the support of their repre
sentations ; ihough general Lincoln could not but know the British
had crossed the Savannah, and menaced the capital, yet he manifest
ed no intention of moving to its relief; so fully was he persuaded
that the royalists designed nothing more than to pillage the country.
General Prevost, therefore, pursued his march towards Charleston
in great security, hoping, in the consternation at his sudden appear-

EOOK XU.

THE AMERICAN WAR 185

ance, to enter it without opposition. Meanwhile, when Lincoln was
convinced, by the continual approaches of the enemy, of the reality
of his designs, he immediately detached a body of infantry, mounted
on horseback, for the greater expedition, lo the defense of the capi
tal, and coUecting the mffitia of the upper country, returned with his
whole force lo act as circumstances might offer for its relief. The
English had arrived at Ashley river, which bathes the walls of
Charleston on the south ; they passed it immediately, and took post
within Uttle more than cannon shot of that city, between the river
Ashley and another caUed the Cooper, which flows a hUle to the
north of it. The Carolinians had made all the preparations for
defense which the shortness of lime admitted. They had burnt the
suburbs, and cut a trench in the rear of the city from .one river to
the other. The fortifications had been repaired, and batteries erecled
upon all the chain of works vvhich formed the cincture of the town.
Governor Rutledge had arrived there two days before, with five
hundred militia, as well as colonel Harris, who had brought the
succor sent by general Lincoln, afler a forced raarch of more than
forty miles at every stage. The count Pulaski was also come to
re-inforce the garrison with the dragoons of his legion, which was
called the American Legion. The presence of all these troops re
assured the inhabitants ; they would have ihoughl themselves fortu
nate in obtaining an honorable capitulation if this succor had not
reached them, or if the English, instead of suspending their march,
as thoy did, had made their appearance two days sooner. The gar
rison passed the whole night under arms ; the houses, and the entire
circuit of the walls, were illuminated. On the following morning, the
British general summoned the town, offering very favorable condi
tions. The Americans sent out their commissioners to negotiate,
and the conference was opened. But they neglected nothing that
could draw it into length, as soon as they discovered that the be
siegers were not in force sufficient to carry the place, before, in all
probability, general Lincoln would arrive to its deliverance. Ac
cordingly, they proposed that their province should remain neuter
during the war ; and that, at the conclusion of peace, it should be
decided whether Charleston was to belong to the United States or to
Great Britain.
The English answered that their generals had not come there wilh
legislative powers, and that since the garrison were armed, they must
surrender prisoners of war. Olher proposals were made on both
sides, which were not accepted, and the English lost the whole day
in this negotiation, which was not broken off till in the evening.
The inhabitants, expecting to be attacked during the night, made

186 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK Xll.
every preparation for a vigorous defense. Finding himself totally
disappointed in every hope that had been held out to him relative to
Charleston, general Prevost began to reflect that the ramparts were
furnished with a formidable artillery, and flanked by a flotiUa of
arraed shipping and galleys; that the garrison was even more'numer-
ous than his own army ; that he had neither battering artillery, nor
a naval force to co-operate wilh his land forces ; that the vanguard of
the army of Lincoln had already appeared, and that himself was fast
approaching ; and lastly, that if he were repulsed with any consider
able loss, which vvas much to be apprehended, his situation, involved
as he ivas in a labyrinth of rivers and creeks, surrounded on all sides
by a superior enemy, seemed scarcely to adrait of a hope that any
part of his army could have been preserved. Under these consid
erations, he profited of the obscurity of night, and directed his re
treat towards Georgia. But instead of taking the vvay of the land,
which vvas too dangerous, he passed his troops into the islands of St,
Janies and St. John, which lie to the southward of Charleston, and
whose cultivation and fertility offered abundant resources. As from
Charleston to Savannah there extends along the coast a continued
succession of little contiguous islands, so separated from the continent
as to afford both navigable channels and excellent harbors, Prevost
could be at no loss about the raeans of repairing to the latter city.
His immediate design was to establish his carap on the island of
Port Royal, situated near the mouth of the Savannah, and no less
remarkable for its salubrity than fruitfulness. These quarters vvere
the raore desirable, as the sickly and almost pestilential season alreadv
approached in the CaroUnas and Georgia, and the British troops,
not yet accustomed to the climate, vvere peculiarly exposed lo its
mortal influence.
While Prevost vvas engaged in passing his troops from one island
lo another, general Lincoln, who by the main land had followed
the movements of the enemy, Ihoughl it a proper opportunity to
attack colonel Maitland, who, with a corps of EngUsh, Hessians and
CaroUnian loyalists, was encamped at the pass of Stono Ferry, on
the inlet between the continent and the island of St. John ; this
post, besides its natural advantages, was weff covered vvith redoubts,
an abaltis, and artillery. The Americans attacked vvith vigor, but
they found a no less obstinate resistance. At length, overwhelmed
by the enemy's artiUery, and unable with their field pieces to make
any impression on his fortifications, they retired al the approach ofa
re-inforcement which carae to the support of Maitland. The Eng
Ush, after establishing posts upon the most important points, proceed
ed lo occupy their cantonments on the island of Port Royal. Tho

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAR, 187
Americans returned, for the most part, into theirs ; and theunhealthi-
ness of the season put a stop to all further operarions of either parly.
The English thus remained in peaceable possession of the whole
province of Georgia ; and the Americans found some consolarion in
having raised the siege of Charleston, though the vicinity of the
enemy still left them in apprehension of a new invasion in South
Carolina. The incursion of which this rich and flourishing province
had just been the theater, so far from serviuj the interests of the
king, was highly prejudicial to his cause. If It enriched his officers
and soldiers, it caused the ruin of a greal number of inhabitants.
The royal troops were not satisfied with pfflaging; they spared
neither women, nor chffdren, nor sick. Herein they had the negroes
for spies and companions, who, being very numerous in aff the places
they traversed, flocked upon their route in the hope of obtaining
Uberty. To recommend themselves lo the English, they put every
thing to sack, and if their masters had concealed any valuable effects,
they hastened to discover them to their insatiable spoffers. Such
was the rapacity of these robbers, that not content with stripping
houses of their richest furniture, and individuals of their most pre
cious ornaments, they violated even the sanctuary of the dead, and,
gasping for gold, vvent rummaging among the tombs.
Whatever they could not carry off, they destroyed. How many
delighlful gardens were ravaged ! What magnificent habitations were
devoted to the flames ! Every where ruins and ashes. The very
cattle, whatever was their utility, found no quarter with these barba
rians. Vain would be the attempt to paint the brutal fury of this
lawless soldiery, and especially of those exasperated and ferocious
Africans. But the heaviest loss which the planters of Carolina had
to sustain, was that of these very slaves. Upwards of four thousand
were taken from them : some were carried to the English islands;
others perished of hunger in the woods, or by a pestilential disease
which broke out among them soon after.
And here should be recollected the barbarous manifesto published
by the British commissioners on quitting America, after the failure oi'
their negotiations ; their abominable threats were but too faithfully
executed in CaroUna. A cry of horror arose throughout the civilized
world, against the ferocity ofthe British armies. Such, also, was the
disordered stale of things to which Georgia, by various progressive
steps, was at length reduced.
About the same time, general Clinton meditated, in his camp at
New York, a project whose execution appeared to him to corre
spond with the views of the ministry, or, al least, proper to second
die expedition of Carolina. He expected to insure its success by

188 THE AMERICAN WAS. BOOK XII,
keeping Virginia in continual alarm by cruel but useless devastations
upon the coast of that opulent province. Having assembled a suita
ble number of ships, under the command of commodore CoUier, he
embarked a corps of two thousand men, conducted by general Mat
thews. They proceeded to the Chesapeake, and leaving a sufficient
force in Harapton Road to block up that port and the entrance of the
river James, went to take land on the banks of Elizabeth river. The
British immediately pushed forward against the town of Portsmouth,
and entered it without resistance. Fort Nelson was also abandoned
lo them at the first rumor of their approach. They found it equally
easy to occupy the town, or rather the ruins of the town of Norfolk,
on Uie opposite side of the river. Pursuing their march with the
same celerity, they made themselves masters of Suffolk, on the right
bank of the Nansemond river. In all these places, as well as at
Kempers Landing, Shepherds, Gosport, Tanners Creek, in a word,
throughout the extent of territory into which they penetrated, their
passage was marked by cruelty and devastation. They demolished
the magazines, brought off or destroyed the provisions, and burned or
took avvay an immense quantity of shipping. Several thousand barrels
of salted provisions, which had been prepared for Washington's army,
and a great quantity of stores, also fell into their power. Their booty
in tobacco even surpassed their hope ; in brief, this rich and fertffe
country was converted in a few days into one vast scene of smoking
ruins. In their indignation the Virginians sent to ask the English
luhat sort of ivar this ivas 1 They answered, that they were com
manded to visit the same ireatmint upon all those who refused to obey
the king. Listening to the insinuations of the refugees, who inces
santly affirmed that Virginia contained a host of loyalists, that were
only waiting for a rallying point lo raise the province in revolt, the
British commanders were much inclined to prolong their stay in it ;
and thought of fortifying themselves in Portsmouth, in order lo make
il their place of arms. They wrote, accordingly, lo general Clinton,
demanding his orders. But Clinton, weary of this piratical war, and
less eager than commodore Collier to swallow the brilliant delusions
of the refugees, did not approve the plan proposed. On the contrary,
he directed the chiefs of the expedition, after securing their prizes,
to rejoin him at New York. He needed this force himself, for an
enterprise of no little importance, which he was upon the point of
undertaking, up the Hudson. Virginia, therefore, ceased for that
time to be the theater of these barbarous depredations.
The Americans had constructed, al great labor and expense, very
strong works al the posts of Verplanks Neck and Stony Point, situ
ated on nearly opposite points of land, the first on the east, and the

BOOK XII, THE AMERICAN WAB, 189
other on the west side of the Hudson, They defended the much
frequented pass caffed Kings Ferry, which could not fall into the
power of the English without corapeffing the Americans lo take a
circuit of ninely miles up the river, in order to communicate between
the northern and southern provinces. General Clinton had there
fore resolved to seize these two positions. Washington, who lay
with his army at Middlebrook, was al loo great a distance lo inter
rupt the execution of the design.
The EngUsh, accordingly, set out upon this expedition about the last
of May. Commodore Collier conducted the squadron that ascended
the river, general Vaughan the column of the right, which landed on
the eastern bank, a little below Verplanks, and Clinton in person, the
column of the left, with which he diserabarked on the western bank,
below Stony Point. The Americans, finding the enemy so near, and
not being prepared to receive him, evacuated Stony Point, where
they were soon replaced by the royal troops. But at Verplanks there
was more resistance ; the republicans had erected on this point a
small but strong and complete work, which they called Fort la Fay
ette ; this was defended by artfflery and a sraall garrison. It was
unfortunately commanded by the heights of Stony Point, upon which
the English, by their exertions during the night, had planted a battery
of heavy cannon, and another of mortars. Early on the following
morning, they opened a tempest of fire upon Fort la Fayette. The
attack vvas supported in front by commodore Collier, who advanced
with his galleys and gunboats within reach of the fort ; and general
Vaughan, having made a circuit through the hills, was al length arriv
ed, and had closely invested it on the land side. The garrison,
seeing that all possibility of relief was now cut off, and that their fire
was totally overpowered and lost in the magnitude of that which they
received, surrendered at discretion the following morning. They
were treated humanely. General Chnton gave direction for cora
pleting the works of Stony Point ; and with a view lo the ulterior
operations of the campaign, encamped his army at Philipsburgh, about
half way between Verplanks and the city of New York. But neither
Clinton nor Washington was disposed to run the hazard of a battle ;
they both expected re-inforcements, the one from England, the other
from the affies of the United States. Such was the cause of the
inaction of the beUigerent parlies, during this campaign in the middle
provinces. In defect of conquests, the British geneials were disposed, at least,
to rid themselves of the privateers that tormented them, and to re
sume the war i f devastation.
The coasts of Connecticut which border the sound, afforded shel

190 THE ASIERICAN WAB. BOOK XII.
ter to a multitude of extremely enterprising privateersmen, vvho inter
cepted whatever made its appearance in their waters, to the utter
destruction of the commerce of Nevv York by the sound, and conse
quently to the infinite prejudice of the British fleet and army, which
had been accustoraed lo draw the greater part of their provisions
from that part. With a view of curing the evil, Clinton ordered
governor Tryon to embark for Connecticut wilh a strong detachment.
He accordingly proceeded to make a descent al Nevv Haven, vvhere
he dislodged the militia, after some irregular resistance, and destroyed
whatever he found in the port. Thence he advanced to Fairfield,
which he devoted lo the flames. Norwalk and Greenfield were in like
manner laid in ashes. The loss of the Araericans was prodigious ; be
sides that of their houses and effects, a considerable number of ships,
either finished or on the stocks, vvith a stffl greater of whale boats and
small craft, with stores and merchandise to an immense amount, were
all destroyed. Tryon, far from blushing at such shameful excesses,
even boasted of them, insisting that he had thereby rendered impor
tant services to the king. Could he have thought that in a war against
an entire people, il was rather his duty to desolate than to conquer?
And what olher narae can be given to ravages and conflagrations
which conduce to no decisive result, but that of gratuitous enormities ?
But, if this raental obliquity, if this cruel frenzy in an individual, who
was not a stranger to civilization, have but too raany exaraples in the
history of raen, still, is it not astonishing, that he should have per
suaded himself that by such means he could induce the Americans to
replace themselves under the royal standard ? It is worthy of remark,
in effect, that in the midst of ravage and combustion, he issued a
proclamation, by which he exhorted the inhabitants lo return to their
ancient duty and allegiance. But whether this mode of operation
was displeasing to Clinton, who perhaps had only desired the destruc
tion of the shipping, and not that of houses and temples, or from what
ever other more real motive, he ordered Tryon to cease hostilities, and
to rejoin him immediately, at Nevv York. But the melancholy ves
tiges of the rage of the English were not effaced by his retreat, and
these piratical invasions redoubled the abhorrence attached to their
name. While the coasts of Connecticut were thus desolated by the
British arms, the Americans undertook an expedition vvhich afforded
a briUiant demonstration that, so far from wanting courage, they
could vie in boldness wilh the raost celebrated nations of Europe.
The English had labored wilh such industry in finishing the works
at Stony Point, that they had already reduced that rock lo the con
dirion of a real fortress, They had furnished it wilh a numerous and

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAR, 191
selected garrison. The stores were abundant, the defensive prepa
rations formidable. These considerations could not, however, dis
courage Washington, who, on hearing of the capture of Stony Point
and Verplanks, had advanced and taken post on the brow of the
mountains of the Hudson, from forming the design to surprise and
attempt both these forts by assault. He charged general Waj ne
with the attack of Stony Point', and general Howe with that of Ver
planks. He provided the first with a stiong detachraent of the most
enterprising and veteran infantry in all his army.
These troops set out on their expedition the fifteenth of ^vAj, and
having accomplished their march over high mountains, through deep
morasses, difficult defiles, and roads exceedingly bad and narrow,
arrived about eight o'clock in the evening within a mile of Stony
Point. General Wayne then halted to reconnoiter the works, and lo
observe the situation of the garrison. The English, however, did
not perceive him. He formed his corps in two columns, and put
himself al the head of the right. It was preceded by a vanguard of
a hundred and fifty picked men, commanded by that brave and
adventurous Frenchman, heutenanl-colonel Fleury. This vanguard
was itself guided by a forlorn hope of about twenty, led by lieutenant
Gibbon. The column on the lefl, conducted by major Stewart, had
a similar vanguard, also preceded by a forlorn hope under lieuten
ant Knox. These forlorn hopes, among other offices, were particu
larly intended to remove the abatlis and olher obstructions, which
lay in the way of the succeeding troops. General Wayne directed
both columns to march in order and silence, with unloaded muskets
and fixed bayonets. Al midnight they arrived under the walls of
the fort. The two columns attacked upon the flanks, while major
Murfee engaged the attention of the garrison by a feint in their front.
An unexpected obstacle presented itself; the deep morass vvhich
covered the works was at this time overffowed by the tide. The
EngUsh opened a most tremendous fire of musketry, and of cannon
loaded with grape-shot ; but neither the inundated morass, nor a
double palisade, nor the bastioned ramparts, nor the storm of fire
that was poured from them, could arrest the impetuosity of the
Americans; they opened their way wilh the bayonet, prostrated
whatever opposed them, scaled the fort, and the two colurans raet in
the centre of the works. General Wayne received a contusion in
the head, by a musket ball, as he passed the last abaltis ; colonel
Fleury struck vvith his ovvn hand the royal standard that waved upon
the walls. Of the forlorn hope of Gibbon, seventeen out of the
twenty perished in the attack The English lost upwards of six
hundred men in kUled and prisoners. The conquerors abstained

192

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XII.

from pillage and from all disorder ; a conduct the more worthy to be
commended, as they had still present in mind the ravages and butch
eries vvhich their enemies had so recently committed in Carolina, in
Connecticut, and in Virginia. Humanity imparted new effulgence
lo the victory which valor had obtained.
The attack meditated against Verplanks had not the same suc
cess ; general Howe encountered insurmountable obstacles. Mean
while, Clinton had received intelligence of the capture of Stony
Point; and, being resolved not to suffer the enemy to estabUsh
themselves in that position, he instantly detached a corps of cavalry
and light infantry to dislodge them. But Washington had attained
his object; he had originally intended nothing more than to make
himself master of the artillery and stores of the fort, lo destroy the
works, and to bring off the garrison. It was absolutely inconsistent
with his views lo risk a general action, in order to favor a partial
operation ; he therefore ordered general Wayne to retire ; which he
did successfully, afler having dismantled the fortifications. This
expedition, so glorious for the American arras, was celebrated vvith
rapture in aU parts of the confederation. The congress decreed
their acknowledgments to Washington, and lo Wayne, to Fleury,
Stewart, Gibbon, and Knox. They presented general Wayne with
a medal of gold, which represented this brilliant achievement.
Fleury and Stewart received a simffar medal of silver. Not willing
to leave the bravery of their soldiers without its retribution, they
ordered an estimate of the military stores taken at Stony Point, and
the value thereof lo be shared among them.
Rendered more daring and adventurous by the success of this
enterprise, the repubhcans frequentiy harassed the outposts of the
royal army. The continual skirmishes that followed vvere alternate
ly advantageous or disastrous to the two parties. One of the most
considerable vvas engaged at Paulus Hook, on the right bank of the
Hudson, opposite to New York ; the Americans vvere treated rather
roughly in it.
An expedition of much more importance took place on the river
Penobscot, near the eastern confines of New England, on the side
of Nova Scotia. Colpnel Maclean had embarked from Halifax with
a strong division of regulars, with a view of establishing a post, at
the mouth of that river, in the county of Lincoln. On his arrival in
the Penobscot, he took possession of an advantageous situation, and
j)roceeded to fortify himself. From that position he purposed to
rmnoy the eastern frontiers of the confederation ; and by this diver
sion in Massachusetts, he hoped to prevent the inhabitants of that
province from sending re-inforcements to the army of Washington.

BOOK XII.

THE AMERICAN WAB. 193

This movement occasioned an unusual alarm at Boston, and it was
determined to make all possible efforts to dislodge the enemy from a
post which smoothed his way to more considerable enterprises. An
armament was fitted out with extraordinary dispatch ; and in order
to secure vessels of transport as well as sailors, an embargo of forty
days was laid on all their shipping. The crews and the troops were
assembled vvith equal promptitude, and all the preparations for the
expedition were !^oon completed. The squadron was under the
conduct of commodore Saltonstall, and the land troops were com
manded by general Lovell. They sailed for the mouth of the
Penobscot. Colonel Maclean had received at first rumors, and afterwards
undoubted intelligence, of the preparations that were making at
Boston. He employed all the means which the shortness of notice
left at his disposal, lo secure his defense. The repubhcans appear
ed ; their first attempts to land were rendered vain by the intrepid
resistance of the royal troops ; they redoubled their efforts, and at
length succeeded in effecting that object. General Lovell, instead
of attacking immediately, which would have ensured him victory, set
about intrenching himself. The English resuraed courage. There
was a continual firing of artillery for fifteen days. Finally, the works
which covered the position of the English being partly ruined, the
Americans resolved to proceed to the assault. Colonel Maclean
was informed of their design, and prepared himself to receive
them. In the morning he was under arms ; but a profound sffence pre
vailed in the camp of the besiegers ; their stillness and immobility
appeared inexphcable. The colonel sent to reconnoiter, and he
soon learns, to his extreme surprise, thai the enemy's lines are
totaUy evacuated, that he has not left even a guard, and that he. has
re-embarked his troops, arms and stores. The cause of so abrupt a
resolution was not long in disclosing itself. Commodore Collier had
suddenly made his appearance at the mouth of the Penobscot. He
had been apprised of the critical situation of Maclean, and had
immediately departed from Sandy Hook, with a sufficient squadron.
His maneuvers now indicated the design to attack the flotilla of
Massachusetts ; the republicans fell into confusion, and the royalists
completed their discomfiture without difficulty. The vessels of war
and of transport were all taken or blown up, lo the incalculable detri
ment of the Bostonians, who had taken on themselves the whole
burthen of this expedition. The soldiers and sailors, to escape the
conqueror, were forced to penetrate the most dismal solitudes and
pathless forests, vvhere the extremes of hardship attenaed their
VOL. II. 13

194 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK XII.
retreat. Saltonstall and Lovell, but especially the first, became the
objects of public execration. They vvere every where loaded with
the reproaches of stupidity and cowardice. The fatal issue of the
enterprise of Penobscot, was calculated to teach the inhabitants of
Massachusetts a truth, which it cost them much lo learn, naraely,
that in confederate states, nothing is more imprudent than to operate
partially. For it appears that their leaders in this afl^air, far frora
concerting with the generals of congress, did not even acquaint
them with their designs. Thus, with the exception of the conquest
of Georgia, the operations of this campaign were conducted wilh a
sort of languor, and produced no results of any considerable impor
tance. The monlh of Ju]y was, however, sufficiently remarkable
for the terrible reprisals which the Americans, under the conduct of
general Sullivan, exercised against the Indians. The e.xpeditions
undertaken against thera the preceding year, by the colonels Butler
and Clarke, had not completely satisfied the congress ; they were
still animated wilh desire to exact an exemplary vengeance for the
enormities of Wyoming. Moreover, they deemed it indispensably
necessary to repress the incursions of these savages, who, rendered
more daring by impunity, and excited by the presents of British
emissaries, incessantly desolated the frontiers of the confederation.
But by far the most forraidable of all tne Indian nations, were the
Six Tribes, who derived a degree of power from the league con
tracted between them, from a scheme of polity more resembling that
of civilized states, and, especially, from the great number of Euro
pean adventurers who had established themselves among them, and
had taught them to wield their arms, and to raake war with more
dexterity. Interlinked with these, were other savage tribes of
inferior nole. The Oneidas, however, should be excepted, vvho
observed a perfect neutrality towards the congress. The American
governraent, iherefore, resolved a decisive stroke, to deUver itself
forever from this cruel scourge, and al the same lime to visit upon
the heads of these barbarians the innocent blood of Wyoming. Cir
cumstances appeared to favor the execution of this design, since the
war, as we have already seen, was become strangely torpid in the
maritime parts. Agreeably to the plan of the expedition, general
SulUvan, who vvas charged with its execution, proceeded up the
Susquehanna, with a corps of about three thousand men, as fat as
Wyoming, where he waited the arrival of general James Clinton,
who joined him from the banks of the Mohawk, at the head of six
teen hundred soldiers. He was followed by a great number of
pioneers, sumpter-men, carters, and olher species of workmen, lo
open the roads,' transport provisions, and ravage the country. Tho

BOOK XII. THE AMEBICAN WAR 195
stock of provisions was considerable, but not so aoundant as general
Sullivan could have wished The army had lo traverse an immense
tract of country, where no supplies were to be expected. The
horses were sufficient in number, and the artillery consisted of six
field pieces with two howitzers. The two generals made their junc-
'tion at Wyoraing, the twenty-first of August. Tney immediately
set out for the upper parts of the Susquehanna. LTpon the rumor of
their destination, the Indians had made aff the preparations in their
power, to avert from their country the impending perdition. Under
the conduct of the same Johnson, Butler, and Brandt, vvho have
been raentioned in the preceding book, they had assembled in great
number, and had been joined by two hundred and fifty loyahsts.
Full of confidence in their strength, they had advanced as far as
Newtown, a village which lay upon the route of SuUivan. Here,
while waiting his approach, they threw up a very extensive intrench
ment, which they strengthened with a palisade, and some imperfect
redoubts afler the European manner. As soon as Sullivan arrived,
he ordered the attack. The Indians defended themselves vvith great
vigor for more than two hours, though they had no artillery. To
dislodge them more easffy from their lines, the American coramand
er ordered general Poor to draw off to the right, and turn their
posirion. At sight of this movement, which had not slackened the
attack in front, the Indians lost their courage, and fled in disorder.
Few were killed, however, and none feff into the power of the
victors. The Americans took possession of Newtown. The terror-
struck savages made no other stand. Suffivan had, therefore, no
further obstacle lo contend with in overru ining their country, except
the excessive difficulty of the ways, and ihe embarrassment of sub
sistence. His patience and dexterity hiumphed over both. He
guided his troops into the very heart ofthe settlements, whose inhab
itants, men, woraen, and children, had already escaped to the
deserts, and buried themselves in the most inaccessible forests. The
habitations were burned, the crops were ravaged, the fruit trees cut
down. The officers charged with the execution of these devasta
tions, vvere themselves ashamed of them ; some even ventured lo
remonstrate that they were not accustomed lo exercise the vocation
of banditti. But Sullivan, being himself controled by superior
orders, was inexorable. His soldiers served him with ardor ; the
remembrance of Wyoming was fuel lo their rage. They burned an
immense quanrity of grain.* They utterly destroyed forty villages.
and left no single trace of vegetation upon the surface of the ground.
" One hundred nnd sixty thousand bushels of torn were destroyed

196 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK Xll,
All the cattle which had not been removed by the Indians, were
brought off, or killed upon the spot. None of the bounties of nature.
none of the products of human industry, escaped the fury of the
Americans. This expedition was not only remarkable for the rigor with which
it was executed, but also for the light il threw upon the condition of
these savage tribes. They were found more advanced in civilization
than was behoved, or even than could have been reasonably sup
posed. Their houses were placed in tie most pleasant and healthy
situations ; they were roomy, neat, and not without a sort of elegance,
so that lillie more could have been wished. Their fields, covered
with luxuriant harvests, attested that the art of culture was not un
known to them. The antiquity and marveffous beauty of their fruff
trees, wilh the number of their orchards, vvere incontestable indica
tions that it was no little time since they were arrived al this degree
of civil iraproveraent. The sowing of grain and planting of trees
being an incontrovertible proof that man looks forward to the future,
il is manifest how erroneous was the opinion, which had hitherto
been maintained, that the savages were totally devoid of forecast.
Their progress is lo be attributed lo the increase of their population,
to their intercourse with Europeans, and particularly lo the efforts of
missionaries, who, in limes past, and even perhaps at this epoch, had
lived, or were Uving among them. The catastrophe of which they
were now the victims, so fiffed them wilh consternation, that they
never after made any considerable movement. General Sullivan,
liaving accomplished his mission, returned lo Easton, in Pennsylvania.
His officers and soldiers addressed him letters of thanks and felicita
tion, which were also made public by means of the press ; whether
they did this of their own motion, or in comnUance with the insinu
ations of Sullivan, who was rather a light man, and exceedingly vain
withal. A shorl time afler, alledging the derangement of health, he
requested leave to resign, and obtained il easily ; the members of
congress were weary of his continual ostentation, no less than of the
habitual asperity of his language wilh respect to themselves.
Having related the events, which look place upon ths American
continent, between the royalists and republicans, and between the
latter and the savages, the order of this history requires that vve should
pass to the recital of the operations of the English and French in
the West Indies, after the first had been re-inforced by the squadron
of commodore Rawley, and the second by that of the count de
Grasse. By the addition of these new forces, the strength of the
hostile fleets was rendered nearly equal. The English were strongly
desirous of a naval battle ; but the count d'Estaing, being much

BOOK XII,

THE AMERICAN WAR. 197

superior in land forces to admiral Byron, had principally in view the
conquest of the neighboring English islands. He declined a general
engagement, which, if unsuccessful, would render his superiority by
land of no avail. He iherefore lay quietiy at anchor in Fort Royal
of Martinico, waiting a favorable occasion to attempt some enter
prise of moraent for the service of his sovereign. Fortune delayed
not long to offer it ; admiral Byron had saffed the sixth of June from
St, Lucia, for the island of St, Christophers, where the West India
fleet of merchantmen had assembled, to wait for convoy. His inten
tion was to escort them with his whole squadron, for some con
siderable part of their voyage lo Europe. He reflected that he
could not leave a part of it in any of the ports of those islands, without
exposing it to the attacks of an enemy greatly superior in force ; he
knew, besides, that M. de la Motte Piquet was then on his way from
France with a strong re-inforcement to d'Estaing ; and it was plain,
that no ordinary convoy would have been sufficient for the protection
of the British merchant fleet, in case of its falling in with that squad
ron. No sooner was Byron departed from St. Lucia, than the
French hastened to profit of his absence. D'Estaing detached the
chevalier de St. Ruraain, with five ships and four hundred land
troops, between regulars and militia, to attack the island of St. yin-
cents. This officer fully answered the confidence of the admiral ;
notwithstanding the currents which drifted him out ofhis course, and
the loss of one ship, he at length effected his Janding. He immedi
ately occupied, sword in hand, the heights which command Kingston,
the capital of the island. The Caribbs, or aborigines, an intrepid
and warUke race, came in multitude to join the assailants. Governor
Morris, though he had more troops to defend himself than de Ruraain
had to attack him, perhaps through fear of the Caribbs, whora the
avarice and cruelty of the English had greatly exasperated, surren
dered upon ternis. The capitulation was honorable, and similar to
that which the governor of Dominica had obtained, when that island
fell into the power of the French.
In the meantime, the count d'Estaing was re-inforced by the
arrival of the squadron commanded by M. de la Motte Piquet. His
fleet now consisted of twenty-five sail of the line, among which were
two of eighty guns and eleven of seventy-four.
This increase of force rendered him superior to Byron, who had
only nineteen saH ofthe line, of which one of ninety guns, and eleven
of seventy-four ; the others of inferior rate. La Motte Piquet had
also brought a re-inforcement oi regular troops, wilh a copious supply
of mival and mffitary stores and provisions. Tbe count d'Estaing,

11)8 ¦ THE AMERICAN WAR

BOOK XII.

with such means al his disposal, was encouraged to extend the scale
of his projects.
The conquest of Grenada was the imraediate object of his enter
prise. The natural strength of that island presented greal difficuhies ;
but its situation and products rendered it highly important. He had
long thought of this expedition, but had chosen to defer its execution
until he should become possessed of a superiority by sea. The
junction of la Motte Piquet having therefore decided him, he sailed
the thirtieth of June from Martinico, and the second of July carae to
anchor in the harbor of Mohnier. He immediately landed twenty-
three hundred raen, for the most part Irish, in the service of France.
under the conduct of colonel Dillon. They rapidly occupied the
adjacent posts. The governor of the island was lord Macartney,
and its garrison consisted of two hundred regulars, with six hundred
militia. They vvere posted upon a height called Morne de V Hopi
tal, which, besides being naturally very sleep, the English had ren
dered still more difficult of access by rude walls of stone, erected
from distance to distance up the ascent. They had also fortified its
declivity with a strong palisade, and, above il, with three intreneh
ments, lowering in gradation. This hiff commands the town of St.
George, the fortress, and harbor. D'Estaing sent to summon Ma
cartney. He answered, in truth he did not know the force of the
French, but that he well knew his own, and was determined lo defend
himself. The French commander was not ignorant that the principal
hope of success lay in the celerity of his opr nations. He was fully
persuaded that, if he delayed his attack, he should be interrupted by
the arrival of Byron, to the relief of the island. He, Iherefore, gave
orders for the assault, without hesitation. The foffowing night the
French approached the hill, and by two o'clock in the morning they
had invested it on every side. To divide the attention of the enemy,
they were formed in three columns, the right commanded by the
viscount de Noailles, the left by Dillon, and that of the center by the
count d'Estaing in person, vvho had intrepidly put himself al the
head of the grenadiers. The artiffery, not having cannon to serve,
requested and were permitted to form the van. The action was
fcommenced by a false attack at the foot of the hill, on the part of
the river St. John. At this signal, the three columns, with great
order and greater resolution, pressed up the hill lo the u.-sault. The
besieged sustained their onset with much firmness, and for an instant
the success appeared doubtful. The English even pretend to have
repulsed the assaffants. But animated by their chiefs, they returned
to the charge wilh irresistible impetuosity. The soldiers supported
and impelled one another. Neither the palisades, nor the steepness

BOOK XU. THE AMERICAN WAR, 199
of the accUvity, nor the parapets, nor the most violent fire could
arrest the French ; their victory was complete, D'Estaing, with
his grenadiers, sprung the first into the English intrenehments. The
others followed. In a moment aU the works were inundated with
enemies. The EngUsh demanded quarter ; the French granted it.
The darkness of the night had increased the horror of the combat,
and even the glory of the victors. They seized eleven cannon, of
different sizes, and six mortars. At break of day they turned this
artiUery against the fort, which was stiU in the power of the English.
Al the first discharge. Macartney sent a flag, wilh an offer lo capitu
late, D'Estaing granted him an hour and a half for framing his
proposals ; those, which at the end of this time he presented, were
rejected. The French general then framed some terms himself,
wilh which he required immediate compliance, without the smaffest
deviation on either side, or relaxation on his. But these were so
unexampled and extraordinary, that Macartney and the inhabitants
Ihoughl it better to abandon themselves, without any condition, to the
discretion of the conquerors, than to accepi them ; and accordingly
did so. If the French in this assault displayed a valor deserving of
eternal meraory, the raoderation and humanity which they manifested
after the victory, merit no inferior encomiura. The capital was
preserved frora pfflage, to which il was liable by the ordinary rules
of war. The inhabitants were protected in their persons and prop
erties. Dillon, in particular, distinguished himself by the generosity
of his behavior. The French found in the fort an hundred pieces
of cannon jind sixteen mortars ; they made seven hundred prisoners.
They also seized thirty merchant vessels, wilh rich cargoes, that lay
in the harbor. Their loss, in killed and wounded, amounted lo Utile
more than a hundred men.
The count d'Estaing had soon occasion to felicitate himself upon
the promptitude with which he had prosecuted his enterprise of Gren
ada. For, on the sixth of July, Byron, with aff his fleet, appeared
in view of St. George's harbor. It was accompanied by a great
number of transports, fiffed with troops, drawn from St. Lucia.
This admiral, after accompanying the homeward bound West India
fleet tiff out of danger, and appointing them a convoy to see them
safe iiome, had returned with eighteen ships of the Une and one
frigate to St. Lucia. On being apprised of the reduction of St.
Vincent, he sailed immediately wilh a body of troops under general
Grant for its recovery. They had not proceeded far, when they
were informed that the count d'Estaing had attacked Grenada. On
this intelligence they directly changed their course, and made the
best of their way .for its rehef. The French admiral had been

200 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XII.
apprised, by the frigates he had sent out upon discovery, of Ihe
approach of the British fleet. He immediately ordered the captains
of his ships to get under sail, and form their Une well off the coast.
Some had already obeyed, and the others were preparing to follow
them, when the British armament came up, all sail out, and offered
battle to the count d'Estaing. The winds blew from the east and
east northeast, and were consequently favorable to a squadron com
ing from St. Lucia towards Grenada.
Upon sight of the British fleet, the French admiral ordered those
ships which had not yet hoisted their anchors, to slip their cables,
and proceed to take their stations wilh the others in order of battle.
But as the British approached with rapidity, these vessels placed
themselves in the Une wherever they could the soonest, without hav
ing regard lo their ordinary posts. The English had the advantage q<"
the wind, and were standing for Grenada, under the persuasion that
Macartney still held out. Their transports were far astern of their
rear. The French were under the wind, and standing upon the
opposite lack. The British admiral vvas eager lo come lo close action,
from a confidence that he could thus put the French fleet to rout,
.3.nd recover the island. On the other hand, the count d'Estaing,
who, by the reduction of Grenada, had attained his principal object,
was in no disposition to hazard anew a point already decided. His
intention was, Iherefore, to avoid a decisive engagement, and lo con
fine himself lo the preservation of his new acquisition. With these
different views, the two admirals advanced lo the encounter. Only
fifteen of the French ships were able at first to take part in the ac
tion, the others having been forced lo leeward by the violence of the
currents. Vice-admiral Barrington, vvho commanded the British
rear, advanced with three ships, the Prince of Wales, the Boyne, and
the Sultan, and closed with the van of the enemy. A warm engage
ment ensued, but the three EngUsh ships, not being supported in
lime by the rest of their division, and having to contend wilh a much
superior force, v'ere extremely damaged, especially in their sails and
rigging. Such is the ordinary effect of the manner of firing of the French
in naval battles ; and in this, they leveled from a good distance and
under the wind, which also contributed to raise their shot higher.
Barrington was wounded. Meanwhile, the rest of the British squad
ron joined him ; and on his part, d'Estaing had raffled those of his
ships which had not been able at first to form in a line wilh the fifteen
that commenced the action. The English stiff continued to push
their way towards Grenada, while their transports kept on their left
towards the open sea, their lino of battle coveting them from the

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 201
French fleet. The two armaments being thus drawn out on
opposite tacks, the battle continued till they were entirely passed
each other. But the English ships having arrived in chase, and
consequently rather in disorder, whereas the French' as later from
port, and in belter condition, had more command of their move
ments, and had kept their distances better, it foUowed that some of
the first had to endure the whole weight of fire from many or from
aU of the second. Among those that suffered the most were the
Grafton, the Cornwall, and the Lion. The last was so shattered as
to be very near going to the bottom ; and the Monmouth, having
ventured singly lo arrest the progress of the French van, in order to
bring on a close action, had been left littie better than a wrecL
Meanwhile, the head of the British van, continuing its course, vvas
arrived at the mouth of St. George's harbor. But the French
colors that waved on the fort, and the fire of the batteries, no longer
permitted admiral Byron to doubt of the capture of the island.
Convinced, that in the present state of his fleet he could not hope
for success against so great a superiority of force, he directed captain
Barker, who had charge of the transports, lo alter his course and
make the best of his way to Antigua or St. Christophers. In order
to protect him from the pursuit of the enemy, he stood wilh his fleet
lo the northward. But the three ships, the Grafton, Cornwall and
Lion, from their disabled condition, not only remained far astern, but
fell so fast to the leeward that it was lo be feared they vvould be cut
off by the French. The count d'Estaing, having observed their situa
tion, had in effect put his ships about and steered to the south, in order
to effect what Byron apprehended, that is, to intercept them. But, to
defeat this design, the British admiral instantly changed his tack, and
steered again to the southward. While the hostile fleets thus maneu
vered in sight of each olher, the Lion bore avvay, with what sail she
had lefl, to the west, and in a few days arrived al Jamaica. D'Es
taing might easily have seized her; but he chose- not to disperse
his ffeel, for fear of faffing to leeward of Grenada, whither il was
his intent lo return for moorings. The Grafton and Cornwall found
means to rejoin their udmiral before the French could reach them.
The Monmouth, no longer able lo keep the sea, was sent with all
dispatch to Antigua. The two fleets continued in sight the one of
the other, tiff night, the English still plying to windward, in order to
cover the retreat of the transports. The inferiority of their force,
and the condirion of their ships, deterred them from renewing the
engagement. The French remained to leeward, without attempting
to disquiet them, whether by reason of this position, or because their
admiral thought it imprudent to run new risks He might claim a

202 THE AMERICAN WAB,

BOOK XII.

victory for what he had already achieved, and he nad probably mo
tives for avoiding decisive actions. The foUowing morning he came
to anchor in the road of St. George's, amidst the acclamarions of the
soldiers and of the French inhabitants, vvho had been spectators of
the action. The British transports, one only excepted, which fell
into the hands of the enemy, all arrived in safety al St. Christophers.
Admiral Byron, after remaining a few days longer at sea, repaired
to the same island, for the purpose of refitting his ships, vvhich were
grievously damaged.
The Brirish lost in this engagement one hundred and eighty-three
luffed, and three hundred and forty-six wounded. The loss of the
French was more considerable, owing as well lo the raode of firing
of the English, as to the greal nuraber both of sailors and land forces
with which their ships vvere crowded. Besides many officers of
note, they had about two hundred men killed, and the number of
their wounded amounted to nearly eight hundred.
The news of the battle of Grenada vvas welcomed in France with
great demonstrations of joy. According lo the usage observed on
occasion of important victories, the king wrote lo the archbishop of
Paris, directing that a Te Deum should be sung in the metropolitan
church. The count d'Estaing pretended, in effect, lo have been
victorious ; he alledged in his favor that he had kept his lights burning
during all the night subsequent to the engagement ; that Byron had
for several hours refused lo renew il, Ihough all the while he had the
advantage of the wind ; that the British had made no movement lo
preserve the Lion, when retiring with difficulty towards the west ; that
the French fleet had captured one of the enemy's ships, conquered
Grenada, and baffled the project of Byron for its recovery ; and,
finally, that it had secured the empire of the sea in the West Indies,
Il is indeed true, that the British admiral, in consequence of the dis
abled condition of his fleet, had found it necessary to lake shelter at
St. Christophers, where he was decided lo remain until the enemy
should become weaker or himself stronger. His retreat spread con
slernation amongthe inhabitants of aff the British islands, who had not
for a long time, nor perhaps ever before, seen the French masters at
sea. A short time after the action, d'Estaing, having repaired his
ships, set saff afresh, and paraded with his whole force, in sight of St.
Christophers. Byron lay safely moored in the harbor of Basse
Terre ; the French admiral sought in vain lo draw him out to com
bat. Finding hirii obstinate in his immobility, he shaped his course
for St. Domingo, where he asserabled the merchantmen of the dif
ferent islands, and dispatched them for Europe, under convoy of
three ships of the line and three frigates.

BOOK XII, THE AMEBICAN WAB. 203
In this state of things, there being much of the season for opera
tions still unexpired, the count d'Estaing deliberated upon the
course to be pursued, with most advantage to the interests of his
sovereign. But in the meantime, he received letters from America,
advising him of the extreme dissatisfaction wilh vvhich the republi
cans observed that the alliance with France had hitherto produced
nolhing, upon the American continent, that corresponded either to
the greatness of their ally, or to the general expectation of the Amer
icans. It was represented lo the French admiral that the enormous
expenses incurred in the expedition of Rhode Island, had been worse
than fruitless ; that the zeal wilh which the French fleet had been
equipped and victualed by the Bostonians, had produced no belter
effect than its immediate desertion of their coasts upon distant ex
peditions ; that the benefits of the alliance were a nuUity for the
Americans, since the loss of Savannah and all Georgia, which had
resulted from the retirement of the French, was not compensated
by the recovery of Philadelphia, even throwing that event inlo the
scale, as an indirect consequence of their co-operation, and suppos
ing that the American arms would not otherwise have compelled
the British lo abandon that capital ; that the occupation of Georgia
by the eneray was fraught with consequences still more alarraing,
since it opened him an easy entrance into the Cai cUnas ; that he
was already established in the heart of America, and drew his sus
tenance thence ; that meanwhffe, the French commanders were
cruising the West Indian seas, enriching themselves with the con
quest of British possessions, and leaving the Americans to sustain
by themselves the whole burden of this desperate war ; that it ought
not, therefore, to be wondered al, if the number of the discontented
increased every day in proportion to the rapid diminution of the
partisans of France. These complaints were concluded vvith the
most earnest instances and obsecrations that he would not abandon
a faithful affy in the midst of surrounding perils.
The count d'Estaing could not but Usten lo these representations,
although he had received instructions from his court, to return imme
diately to Europe with the twelve ships of the line and four frigates,
which composed the fleet of Toulon. He was directed, by the same
instructions, to detach three sail of the line and two frigates, under
the conduct of La Motte Piquet, for the station of St. Domingo, and
to leave eight olher ships of the line to winter at Martinico, under
the command of the count de Grasse, who was to co-operate with
the marquis de Bouille, for tiie reduction of other EngUsh islands.
Such were then the intentions of the French ministers ; their nego
tiations with the court of Spain were in full activity, and they wished

204 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XII.
the Americans to feel all their distress, in order to obtain in tho trea
ty ihey vvere about forming wilh his catholic majesty, more favora
ble stipulations for each member of the family compact. But d'Es
taing thought it better to obey the generous impulses of his heart,
than the orders of the ministry. To deprive the Americans of all
pretext for doubting the sincerity of his good dispositions towaids
them, he sel sail with twenty-two sail of the line and eight frigates.
He had two objects in conteraplation, both of the highest impor
tance ; but he could come lo no decision until he had first advised
with the generals of congress. The first was the destruction of the
force under general Prevost, and thus freeing the province of Geor
gia from the presence of the English, and Soulh Carohna from the
danger of their vicinity. The second vvas more decisive, and Ukely
to be attended with raore difflculties ; and that was, to attack, con
jointly wilh Washington, the British force al New York, by sea and
land at the same lime. The success of these two enterprises would
have sufficed to pul an end to the war upon the American continent.
It was on the first of September that the count d'Estaing made
his appearance upon the coasts of Georgia, with twenty ships of the
line. He had detached two to Charleston of South Carolina, to give
notice of his arrival in those waters. It was totally unexpected to
the, EngUsh ; their ship, the Experiment, of fifty guns, commanded
by captain Wallace, was obliged, after a stubborn resistance, to sur
render lo the French. Three British frigates shared the like fate, as
weU as five transports loaded with provisions. This prize was highly
acceptable lo the victors, who were much in want of supplies. Gen
eral Prevost was then at Savannah, wilh only a part of his troops ;
the remainder vvere stiU in their cantonments, on the island of Port
Royal, near the coast of Carolina. At sight of so pressing a danger,
he sent orders by express to colonel Maitland, who commanded on
that island, to rejoin him wilh all possible celerity. He likewise re
called the detachment that occupied Sunbury. The vessels at an
chor in the Savannah were removed higher up, to secure them from
the fire of the enemy, or sunk to obstruct his passage. Other im
pediments for the same purpose were planted in the river. The
British also destroyed the batteries they had erected on the island of
Tybee, and compelled the blacks to work without intermission at
the fortifications. The seamen, who had been put ashore, joined
the land troops, and were especially employed for the service of the
artillery. The news of d'Estaing's arrival excited transports of exultation at
Charleston. General Lincoln immediately commenced his march
for Savannah at the head of a strong detachment. A great number

BOOK XII, THE AMERICAN WAR, 205
of small craft vvere dispatched to the French admiral, to facilitate the
debarKation of troops upon the coast, which large vessels cannot
approach very near. With the assistance of these light vessels, d'Es
taing, who had anchored off the bar which lies at the mouth of the
Savannah, was enabled to land his troops at Beaulieu, about thirteen
miles from the town of Savannah. At the same lime his frigates vvere
occupied in taking possession of the lower river, and of the different
inlets ; approaching as near to the town and lines as the circum
stances of water and defense would admit. On the fifteenth of Sep
tember, the French appeared under the walls of Savannah. They
were accompanied by Pulaski's legion, who had made a forced march
to join them. After some slight skirmishes, general Prevost con
tracted all his posts within the cover of the artillery on the works.
Colonel Maitland not being yet arrived, the garrison, far from being
sufficient for acting offensively, were scarcely competent to the de
fense of the works.
D'Estaing imperiously summoned Prevost lo surrender the place ;
he announced in high language, that he commanded the same troops,
a detachment of whom had recently taken the Hospital Hill, in Gre
nada, by storm ; that he owed il to his huraanity to remind hira of it,
after which, it could not be imputed to him, if he should not be able
to restrain the fury of his soldiers, in the event of a fruitless resist
ance. The Americans observed with extreme displeasure and jeal
ousy, that the summons was made exclusively in the name of the
king of France.
General Prevost, reflecting that his re-inforcements had not yet
joined him, and that his lines were still in a very imperfect state of
defense, thought it prudent to gain all the time that was possible, by
pretending a wilUngness to negotiate a capitulation. He accordingly
answered the French admiral, that he neither could nor should sur
render without being first made acquainted with the conditions, and
that he begged him to be more explicit on that head. Messages passed
backwards and forwards ; and at length, so shrewd was Prevost, and
so simple or so confident was d'Estaing, that a truce of twenty-four
hours was agreed upon, to afford time for deliberation. During this
interval, colonel Maitland arrived with the troops from Port Royal,
after having surmounted a variety of obstructions, and made his way
through almost impassable swamps and morasses. On the junction
of this re-inforcement, upon which depended, in truth, the principal
hope of defense, Prevost gave the French admiral to understand, that
he should hold out to the last. Two days before, however, general
Lincoln had joined the carap of the besiegers with about three thou
sand men, among regular troops and militia. The French amounted

206 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XII,

to between four and five thousand. The garrison, including sailors
and loyalists, consisted of about three thousand men ; the French
established their quarters to the right, and the Americans lo the left
of the place. Afler the refusal of the British coraraander to surren
der upon the first summons, the allies could not expect that a mere
assault should triumph over a formidable garrison, intrenched behind
works which they strengthened every day. It vvas, therefore, resolved
to commence a regular siege. The trenches were opened imme
diately, and were carried on vvith so much vigor, that by the twenty-
fourth of September, a sap had been pushed to within three hundred
yards ofthe abaltis, on the lefl flank ofthe town. The besieged were
active in their endeavors lo interrupt the works ; but their efforts were
ineffectual. FinaUy, the trenches being completed, and the batteries
armed, the bombardment commenced in the night of the third of
October; the fire became still more violent at daybreak on the
morning of the fourth, when thirty-seven pieces of cannon and nine
mortars were unmasked ; whffe sixteen other pieces of cannon
enfiladed the works from the shipping. To increase the terror, the
besiegers launched carcasses into the town, which burned seveihl
houses. Five entire days of this tempestuous fire caused infinite
mischief lo the town, but made little impression upon the fortifica
tions, which the besieged repaired with diligence, wherever they were
at all damaged. It even seeraed, that amidst the storm of balls and
bombs, they daily acquired new strength and solidity. The garrison,
and such of the inhabitants as joined the troops in defending the
ramparts, received Uttie injury. But the fate of the women, chil
dren, and unarmed multitude, was indeed worthy of pity. Their
lives vvere continually threatened by the fall of their burning roofs.
Many perished, others, more unfortunate, vvere miserably crippled.
Touched by their distress, general Prevost wrote to d'Estaing, re
questing permission that they should be sent aboard ships down the
river, and placed under the protection of a French ship of war, in
which state they were to continue until the business ofthe siege should
be decided. At the same time acquainting him, that his own wife
and family should be among the first lo profit of the indulgence. The
anticipation of such a request was more to have been expected from
a generous enemy than its refusal ; since the reduction of the place
depended on force, and not on famine. But the French admiral,
whether he acted of himself or at the instigation of general Lincoln,
who, like aU the inhabitants of Massachusetts, carried the spirit of
party to the extreme, after a delay of three hours, returned a haugh
ty answer to this demand. He objected that Prevost had deceived
him by the truce, and that his present proposition very probably

BOOK XII,

THE AMERICAN WAR, 207

concealed a new artifice. He suspected him of intending by this
stratagem to cover the rich spoils of Carolina. He assured him,
finaUy, that he sincerely lamented the unhappy condition of the
individuals for whom he petitioned, but that general Prevost must
impute il wholly to himself, and those illusions which had darkened
his understanding.
Whatever was the ability of the British engineers, and especially
that of captain Moncrieffe, who rendered eminent services in this
siege ; whatever was the valor with which the garrison defended the
breaches, incessantiy repaired by their exertions, the British general
could have had Uttie hope of holding out long, and still less of a
successful defence, if the enemy had persevered in his gradual ap
proaches. But d'Estaing experienced great difficulties. Far from
expecting to encounter so obstinate a resistance under the walls of
Savannah, he had calculated with such confidence on a prorapt sur
render, that he had corae to anchor with his fleet of heavy capital
ships, upon an inhospitable coast, and in a most critical season of the
year. He had even signified to the Am.ericans, that he could not
remain on shore more than eight or ten days. Twenty had already
elapsed since the siege had commenced, and still there appeared no
iraraediate prospect of its termination. The season was growing
worse every day, and the naval officers were continuaUy representing
lo their admiral the perils to which he would expose the ships and
troops of the king, if he persisted any longer in the prosecution of
this expedition. It might also happen, that a British fleet vvould
arrive vvith every advantage united, and force the French squadron
to engage, at a moment when a part of its crews and artillery were
thus employed in the siege of Savannah. Under these considera
tions, although the trenches were not yet carried to the requisite
perfection, and Ihough no considerable breach had been opened, the
count d'Estaing resolved lo attempt the assault. Necessity now
urged him to this extieme counsel, after having delayed to embrace
it, when, at his landing, he had found the works not yet completed,
and the garrison not yet re-inforced by colonel Maitland.
He consulted wilh general Lincoln upon the plan of attack ; it
was deterrained to direct it against the right flank of the place. On
this side, a swampy hollow way might bring the besiegers under
cover to within fifty yards of Some of the principal works, and. at
some points still nearer.
The ninth of October, before day, the count d'Estaing and gene
ral Lincoln, having formed the flower of both armies in three
columns, advanced by the hollow way lo reconnoiter the point of
attack. But through the darkness, they took a greater circuit to the

206 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XII.
left, and got deeper in the bog than they needed or intended to
have done ; a circumstance which, besides the loss of lime, could
scarcely fail of producing some disorder in the colurans. They,
however, soon formed anew, approached the foot of the walls, and
mounted to the assault with incredible spirit and audacity. It is
said, that the English had notice of it the preceding evening, and
that they were, consequently, prepared. It is certain, at least, that
they defended themselves with a vigor not inferior to that which as
sailed them. A redoubt on the Ebenezer road became the scene of
the most terrible conflict. But every where the same courage was
displayed, and no where could it be conjectured which of the parlies
victory was disposed lo crown. D'Estaing and Lincoln were at the
head of their columns, exposed to the most violent fire. Prevost,
Maitland and Moncrieffe, displayed an equal ardor ; they continually
stimulated their soldiers to repulse frora their walls, lo exterminate
these rebels to the king, and those inveterate enemies of the British
name. The combat was supported for above an hour with the same
fury. But little by little the assailants became exhausted by their
efforts. They were excessively galled by the artillery, vvhich Mon
crieffe had disposed wilh extreme dexterity, and wliich assailed them
in almosi every direction with a deluge of balls and grape-shot. The
violence of the attack abated, and the besieged hailed the raoraent in
which they saw their safety in their own hands. They made a vigor
ous sally ; a corps of grenadiers and marines was at the head of the
column which, in a few instants, swept the ramparts and ditches.
Not content wilh this first success, and hurried on by their impetu
osity, the English pursued their enemies, and drove them in the
greatest confusion through the abatlis into the hollow we have men
tioned. This movement was executed vvith such rapidity, that the
re-inforcements which Prevost had pushed forward could not arrive
in lime to take part in il. Nor should it be omitted, that in the
height of the assault, the count Pulaski, al the head of two hundred
light horse, charging at full speed, attempted lo penetrate into the
town, in order to assail the British in rear. But he received a mor
tal wound ; his troops, on seeing him fall, were discouraged, and fell
back. When the fog and smoke were dissipated, which had darkened
the air during the combat, horrible was the spectacle that discovered
itself. Heaps of dead and dying covered the ground, and particu
lariy near the Ebenezer redoubts ; streams of blood rilled frora the
wrecks ; lamentable cries arose on every side. The allies requested
a truce, wilh leave to bury the dead, and carry off the wounded ; the
first was granted, but a restriction laid in point of distance as lo the

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAR, 209
rest. The assault of Savannah cost the affies a great sacrifice of
men. The loss of the French in killed and wounded amounted to
upwards of seven hundred ; more than forty of whom were officers.
Among the wounded were d'Estaing himself, the viscounts de Fon-
tange and de Bethizy, and the baron de Sleding, The Americans
lost in slain and wounded about four hundred. The loss on the
British side, as they fought secure, was inconsiderable. Great civili
ties now passed between the French camp and the British lines, and
many apologies were made for the answer returned general Prevost
wilh respect to the women and children. They were now pressed
to place themselves in the situation which they had then requested ;
the Chimera, commanded by the chevalier de St. Ruraain, was
named for the reception of the general's wife, her chffdren and
company. Prevost answered wilh a certain bluntness, that what
had been once refused, and that in ternis of insult, could not in any
circumstunce be deemed worth the acceptance.
A few days afler died the count Pulaski, a Pole of fflustrious birth.
Finding no opportunity in his own country lo employ his sword in
the defense of liberty, of which he was one of the most zealous par
tisans, he took the generous resolution to repair to the succor of the
cause he adored in America. If he lost his life there, he also left a
name revered by all the brave. It is related, that when his death
was announced to the king of Poland, he exclaimed, ' Pulaski !
always valiant, but always foe to kings.' It cannot be denied that
king Stanislaus had good reason to complain of him. The congress
decreed him a monument.
The eighteenth of October, the allied army raised the siege of Sa
vannah ; its retreat was effected so precipitately, that il was impos
sible for the English to pursue it. General Lincoln passed his reg
ular troops lo the lefl bank of the Savannah, the militia disbanded
The French re-embarked with all their troops, artillery and stores
The count d'Estaing immediately set sail lo clear the coasts of
America. His intention was to return to Europe with a part of his
fleet, and lo send the reraainder lo the West Indies ; but a violent
storm dispersed his ships, and he had greal difficulty in getting them
together again.
Such vvas the issue of the count d'Estaing's campaign upon the
coasts of North America, of that campaign in which the allies had
placed such sanguine hopes. After missing the expedition of the
Delaware, he twice abandoned that of Newport at the moment for
its accomplishment. FinaUy, under the walls of Savannah, he
showed himself at first too circumspect ; he delayed the attack; and
afterwards precipitated an assault which resulted in discomfiture.
VOL, II, , c 14

210 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XH.
He conquered, it is true, two important islands in the West Indies,
and fought wilh no little glory a veteran British fleet, commanded by
the most able seamen, D'Estaing was no less precipitate in coun
sel than impetuous in execution. If fortune, as the friend of the
adventurous, had shown herself more propitious to his efforts, or to
the excellent plans which had been fraraed for him by the French
ministry, he would indubitably have given paralyzing strokes to the
naval power of England ; he would have afforded America all that
assistance on vvhich she had founded her hopes of promptly termi
nating the war,
Il must be admitted, however, that if the co-operation of the French
admiral was not so advantageous lo the Americans as they might rea
sonably have expected, it was, nevertheless, far from being without
its utihty. His presence was a check upon the English, and pre
vented them from moving so soon as they purposed lo have done
against the southern provinces. Moreover, the British piinisters,
fearing not only for Rhode Island, but even for New York, if their
troops continued dispersedly lo occupy both these provinces, besides
olher positions, ordered general Clinton to evacuate the first. He
accordingly did so, the twenty-fifth of October, and withdrew the
garrison to New York. Thus Rhode Island, which had fallen with
out resistance into the hands ofthe royalists, returned peaceably into
the power of the republicans. As the fleet of the count d'Estaing
vvas then upon the coasts of Georgia, the British generals, under the
apprehension of its coming suddenly upon Rhode Island, made their
retreat from Newport with so much precipitation, that they left be
hind them all their heavy artiUery, and a considerable quantity of
stores. The Americans look possession of them immediately. They
kept the British colors floating on the ramparts for several days ;
this stratagem decoyed inlo their power many of the king's vessels,
which carae to surrender themselves at Newport.
Having related the military operations of this campaign, as well
on the American continent as in the West Indies, it is not without
interest lo cast a glance upon the affairs of the interior, and to ex
amine what was, at this epoch, the state of the finances, what were
the opinions and the intrigues of the different parties' vvhich agitated
a people embarked in the tumultuous career of revolution. If the
union of the arms of France with those of the congress had procured
real advantages to the Araericans, and if it authorized thera lo hope
well of the future, it cannot be denied, on the olher hand, thai it had
a prejudicial effect upon their public spirit. This powerful protec
tion itself, with the hopes which vvere its imraediate and necessary
result, easffy fersuaded the colonists that their quarrel approached

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAR, 211
its decision, that England would soon have to yield, and that m the
meantime they might take their ease till the moment of deliverance
should arrive. This same cause, which should have excited their
emulation towards their great ally, and stimulated them to concur
with fresh ardor to the common aim, seemed, on the contrary, to
have abated their courage. They were impatient to enjoy that re
pose during the continuance of danger which they ought not to have
desired until they had fully attained their intent. Amidst the bril
liant images of approaching felicity with which their glowing imagi
nations continually regaled them, they fprgot to reflect that success
might still elude them while in the act of grasping it. France, on
seeing their torpor, might have changed her counsels ; had she not
in their indolence a plausible pretext and a new motive for a policy
which never hesitates to serve itself at the sacrifice of its affies?
Was it not possible even that Spain, whose accession was ardently
desired as the pledge of victory, might refuse to combat for a cause
so frigidly supported by its ovvn defenders ? The Americans seem
ed not to recollect, that, if forraidable armies hasten the final decision
of wars, they only also can render the conditions of peace honorable.
All these considerations were in a manner slighted by the bulk of the
nation. Content wilh what they had hitherto done, and placing
greal reliance in the efficacy of French succors, they seemed in
clined to leave to their affies the care of setlUng their quarrel. The
indifference which had infected all classes, was as profound as the
enthusiasm of former years had been intense. There could not have
existed a more sinister augury; experience demonstrates that Ihough
it be but too easy to inflame a people the first lime, nolhing is more
difficult than to re-kindle its ardor when once extinct. The leading
Americans, and Washington in particular, were too enlightened not
to take alarm al this state of things ; they saw the evil in aff its extent,
and spared no exertions in applying such remedies as they could.
They had recourse to exhortations, lo the remembrance of past ex
ploits ; they represenled the necessity of not forfeiting the respect
of the affies ; the perils that still impended ; the power and the in
trigues of England ; all was in vain. Imbosomed in apathy, these
recklets spirits abandoned lo chance the decision of their dearest in
terests; nolhing could rouse them. The recruiting of the army pro
gressed with the most tedious slowness. The soldiers that were un
der Washington, sorae because they had completed their engagements,
others because they were tired of serving, deserted their colors, and
retired to their hoTies. And by what means were they to be re
placed ? Scarcely a few individuals were found who would engage,
according to the regulations of congress, for three years or till the end

212

THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XII.

of the war. Engagements for a shorter term cou d be of no utihty
to the service, and the backwardness of the people warranted no cal
culation even upon that resource. To draw them by lot, and con
strain them to march, was thought, and was, in fact, too dangerous
a measure to be adopted in the present temper of minds. The same
lethargy seemed lo have overspread the army itself. It was well for
it, that the English were so little enterprising.
Such was the real origin of the languor that characterized all the
operations of this year's campaign. Washington, besides, adhering
to his uniform purpose of never coming lo action, except wilh every
probability of success, would not commit to the hazard of battles the
fale of a cause, which he considered as already gained. Far from
challenging the enemy, he deemed himself extremely fortunate in
not being attacked. If events had taken the direction they should
have done, he would doubtless have found some opportunity to strike
an important blow for the service and glory of his country. Perhaps
the English would not have passed the year so quietly as they did
in New York ; and perhaps Rhode Island would have fallen less
tardily under the domination of America.
The royal troops, in effect, had been much weakened in the first
months of the year, by the detachments they were obliged to make
to the West Indies and Georgia.* But il almost always happens that
the most propitious occasions are lost amidst the tumult of populai
revolutions ; wherein the government, as being new, shows itself the
more feeble, as the opinions of individuals manifest themselves with
less restraint, and greater violence ; and public opinion, which can
only originate from the settled order of things, as yet, has no basis.
If sometimes success attend the enterprise, il must more frequently
be imputed to chance than to calculation. Such was, at this epoch,
the condition of the people of America. If in Georgia and Carolina
sorae efforts were made lo repel the enemy, it was principally the
work of the miUlia of these two provinces, whose interest vvas then
immediately at slake. The others folded their arms, or contented
themselyes wilh the adoption of spiritless measures. As if they con
sidered themselves released from the ties of the confederation, they
made not their own cause of the danger that menaced the neighbor
ing provinces. Nor were the Americans chargeable only with luke
warmness, and this strange indifference to the fate of country ; there
also began to prevail araong them a shameless thirst of gain, an
unbridled desire of riches, no matter by what means acquired. The
most illicit, the most disgraceful ways, were no obstacle to this
devouring passion. As it happens but too often in poUtical revolu
tions, there had sprung up a race cf men who sought to make their

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 213
private advantage of the public distress. Dependence or indepen
dence, liberty or no liberty, were all one to them, provided they could,
fatten on the substance of the state, Whffe good citizens were
wasting themselves in camps, or in the discharge of the most
arduous functions ; while they were devoting to their country, their
lime, their estates, their very existence, these insatiable robbers were
plundering, and sharing out, without a blush, the public fortune, and
private fortunes. All private contracts became the object of their
usurious interference and nefarious gains ; all army supplies enriched
thera wilh peculations ; and the slate often paid dearly for what it
never obtained. Nor let any imagine that the most sincere and
virtuous friends of their country ever made so pompous a parade of
their zeal ! To hear these vile beings, they only were animated with
a genuine and glowing patriotism. Every citizen of eminent rank, or
invested with any public authority whatever, who refused lo connive
at their rapines, was immediately denounced as lukewarm, lory,
royalist, sold to England ; it would seem that the first duty of those
who governed the republic in times of such distress, was to fill the
coffers of these flaming patriots. That their own praises should
always have hung upon their lips is not to be wondered at ; for there
Has never existed a robber, who had not been first a cheat ; but
what Seems really strange, and almost staggers belief, is that they
could have found partisans and dupes. "This public pest spread
wider every day ; it had already gangrened the very heart of the
slate. The good were silenced, the corruptplumed themselves upon
their effrontery ; every thing presaged an approaching ruin ; it was
the hope of England. Shall we attempt to penetrate the causes of
so great a change, in a nation once so distinguished for the purity of
its manners ?
It will be found, that besides the general relaxation, which war
too generally produces in the morals of the people, new govern
ments, destitute of money, are constrained to procure it, and aU their
resources at the hands of usurers. The example is contagious ; it
rapidly obtains throughout the community. These same govern
ments find themselves compelled by the force of circumstances to
give the preference and yield much to individuals who adhere, or
pretend to adhere to their parly. They accept for security in the
most important transactions, a zeal for the public good, whether real
or feigned. If it is necessary that they should welcome such sort of
beings when they present themselves, they must, for the same rea
son, be tender in punishing when they detect them in delinquency
Briefly, in such an order of things, the man of worth must, of ne
cessity, make room for the man of naught. Not only unpunished.

214 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK XIJ,
but tolerated, but employed, but encouraged, the species rapidly mul
tiplies. Like pestilential bodies, whose bare contact infects those
that are sound, vice soon poisons honesty in the hearts it can steal
upon. But one of the first and most operative causes of so deplorable a
change in American morality, unquestionably lay in the depreciation
of paper money, Il was such al the commencement of this year,
that eight dollars in bills could only command one in specie. The
fall of this paper vvas daily accelerated, as well from the continual
emissions by the congress, as by the Uttle efficacy of the French
succors, and the disasters of Georgia. In the monlh of December,
a dollar in specie could hardly be obtained with forty of paper.*
Nor is there any thing surprising in this, when it is considered that,
independent of the dubious stabUity of the stale, there was, in the
monlh of September, the sum of one hundred and fifty-nine millions,
nine hundred and forty-eight thousand, eight hundred and eighty-two
dollars of the paper of congress in the thirteen United Slates. If lo
this mass be added the biUs emitted by the particular provinces, it
wiU readily be seen how immeasurably the aggregate amount of this
sort of debt surpassed the resources of the new republic. The rapid
declension of this currency is further accounted for by the extreme
activity wilh which the loyalists and English employed themselves in
counterfeiting il. There often arrived from England entire chests of
those spurious bills, and so perfectly imitated that they were scarcely
to be distinguished from the genuine. The British generals, and
especially Chnton, though in reluctant obedience to the orders of the
ministry, spared no pains in disseminating thein throughout the con
tinent. It cannot be doubted, but that the cabinet of St. Jaraes
considered this falsification of the bills of credii, as a most effica
cious mean for the recovery of its colonies. The British ministers
were perfectiy aware that il was the only pecuniary resource at the
disposal of congress for the support of the war, and they calculated
by draining it lo disarm the Americans. Unquestionably il was
neither the first time nor the last that this mode of making war has
been resorted to ; but it will always, nevertheless, be held in abhor
rence by all good men. For public failh should always be respected,
even between enemies ; and of all perfidies is there one more fright
ful, and especially more vile than the counterfeiting of money ? In
addition to aff this, the commerce vvhich the Americans had been
wont lo carry on, by means of their products, with England and other
nations, was totally interrupted ; and as their soil and industry fur-
* The cost of a simple repast, or a pair of shoes, was from forty to fifty dollars ol
this depreciated paper.

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAR, alO
nished'lhem wilh but a small part of the articles essential to war,
they were under the necessity of procuring them from abroad, and
with gold and silver. Hence it resulted that specie, which even
before the war had become distressingly scarce, diminished progres
sively, and daily advanced in price, In the ratio of its rarity. The
biUs proportionably lost their value In public estimation. From their
alarming depreciation it foUowed not only that aU purses were closed,
and that the markets, scantily, and with extreme difficulty supplied,
becarae the object of the continual murmurs of the people, but even
that the failh of contracts was violated, and that individual probity
was every where relaxed. With little, debtors acquitted themselves
of much towards their creditors. Very few, al first, resorted lo this
unworthy expedient ; but as evil propagates itself more rapidly than
good, a multitude of citizens stained themselves with the same re
proach, and the contagion became general. Herein the faithless
and avaricious debtor was no respecter of persons ; Washington him
self experienced this odious return from persons he had generously
succored in their necessities.
The distress of the times had likewise given birth to another race
of men, who devoted themselves to the business of speculating upon
the depreciation of bills, dexterously profiting of a temporary rise or
fall ; and these variations of current price depended much less on
the more or less favorable posture of public affairs, than upon news
invented and circulated by those jobbers, or their intrigues and mo
nopolies. Useful arts, and the labors of a fair commerce, were aban
doned for the more alluring chances of paper negotiations. The
basest of men enriched tiiemselves ; the most estimable sunk into
Indigence. The finances of the slate, the fortunes of individuals,
experienced the same confusion. Nor was avarice the extent of the
evil ; the contagion of that pestiferous passion attacked the very
source of every virtue. Private interest every where carried il
against the interests of the public. A greater number tiian it is easy
to beheve, looked upon the love of country as a mere illusion, which
held out no better prospect than ruin and desolation. Nobody would
enlist without exorbitant bounty ; nobody would contract to furnish
the public supplies, none would supply the contractors, without enor
mous profits first lodged In their hands ; none would accept of an
office or magistracy without perfect assurance of a scandalous salary
and ifficit perquisites. The disorder, the depravation, were pushed
to such a point, that perhaps never was the ancient adage more de
plorably confirmed, that there is no^ halting-place on the road of
corruption. To the insatiable thirst of gold was joined the rage of party spirit ;

216 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOR XII.
even the members of congress could not escape its vortex. Hence
they loo often disputed among themselves about their personal affairs,
instead of discussing the grave and important interests of the slate.
When a feeble nation places itself under the patronage of one that
is powerful, and looks up to it for protection, that nation must expect
to find its bosom agitated by the tumults of parly and the fury of
faction. Some citizens, more occupied wilh their country's Interests,
or their own ambition, than the necessity of maintaining a good un
derstanding with the raore powerful nation, depart from the route
which policy would have prescribed. Unguarded in their language
and actions, they are continually liable lo give umbrage to the agents
of their greal ally. Others, guided by the love of their country, or
by their private Interest, show themselves more feeble ; they yield
without resistance, they flatter and caress. Each of these parties is
equally In error. The first, pluming themselves in vain upon the
name of independents, cannot in aff respects assume the manners it
implies, when they have an indispensable need of a tutelary support.
The second omit to reflect that their excessive condescension does
but embolden their aUy to crave without measure as without end.
To observe a just medium between these extremes, requires a con
summate prudence. The latter class are, of course, by far the most
agreeable lo the agents of the guardian power ; they find them
docile instruments, and if, as too often happens, assailable on the
side of avarice, or ambition, prompt lo serve as spies, as informers,
as tools, whose base devotion no longer knows a check. The con
trast and rivalship of these two factions sogin degenerate into open
war. The one reproaches the other wilh sacrificing the slate lo their
cupidity, wilh betraying it, selling it to their protectors ; with no
longer having a country save that of their new masters ; they load
them with contempt and execration. These answer their adversa
ries that an ill-timed arrogance may deprive the state of an indis
pensable prop ; that it will be time enough to put on airs of indepen
dence when II is actuaffy achieved ; that In all their discussions, wise
men, and especially statesmen, describe a curve, when a right Une
leads to a precipice ; that affairs of slate should not be swayed by
the self love of Individuals ; that in policy the most useful is always
the most honortible ; and, finally, that no one ought to blush when
he attains the object of his aim. Such was the language of fhe
more moderate among those called dependents. But others, hurried
away by the spirit of party, or wishing to disguise their baseness,
exclaimed aloud that the Indep*ndents were the enemies of France;
that they were friends of England ; with her they kept up a trai-

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 217
torous correspondence ; to her they betrayed the secrets of the
stale ; that they would fain violate the faith of treaties, and dissolve
the alliance solemnly concluded with the French, in order to listen
to the proposals of England, and throw themselves into her arms.
It is to be observed, in effect, that at this very time, the British
rainisters were laboring Incessantly to seduce the chiefs of the Amer
ican government with new offers of peace, even al the acknowledg
ment of Independence, The scope of this conduct rnight have
been to excite the jealousy of France, or lo foment factions in Amer
ica, or perhaps really to obtain peace and affiance with the United
States, However il was, these overtures had in part the effect which the
British cabinet probably had expected ; they were but too well
seconded by a species of men who find their proper element in con
fusion; and intestine dissensions agitated every part ofthe American
continent. Not private citizens only, but the very members of the
government, applied themselves wilh infinitely more ardor to puff
each other to pieces, than lo the discharge of their duties. These
seeds of discord had long been germinating ; they developed them
selves with stiff greater rapidity, when Silas Deane returned lo the
United States aboard the squadron of the count d'Estaing. Al first
commercial agent of America In Europe, he had been one of the
three commissioners who had signed the treaty of alliance at Paris
Secretly irritated at having been recalled, in haste to turn accuse?
before being accused himself, and careful lo make his court to the
French, he declared every where, and afterwards printed, that the
congress would not hear the report of his mission to Paris ; that
they refused to adjust his accounts ; that Arthur Lee, one of the three
comraissioners, WilUam Lee, American consul in Europe, and their
two brothers, members of congress, kept up a secrei correspondence
with England ; that they, and all their adherents, endeavored In va
rious ways to disgust the court of France, and especially in opposing
the reimbursement to particular Frenchmen of sums which they
had expended at the commencement of the war In the purchase of
arms and mffitary stores for account of America. That they were
now intriguing to displace Franklin, as they had before attempted to
puH down Washington ; that. In a word, they had conspired to
change men and things, and to give another direction lo the policy of
the slate. The writing which Deane published and distributed with
profusion, In the month of December, 1778, produced a vehement
stir ; the spirit of party eagerly seized this new subject of discord
and hatred. The brothers Lee answered with moderation ; but
Thomas Paine and WilUam Drayton stepped forwaid to avenge them

218 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XII.
roundly. They retorted upon Deane, that the congress not only
consented lo hear him, but that they had already heard him, and had
notified him that they were ready lo give him audience anew ; that
if they had not passed his accounts, it was for want of verifications ;
Deane having hiraself, either through forgetfulness or design, lefl
them behind In France ; that if Arthur Lee kept up a correspon
dence wilh England, he was sufficiently authorized in It by his char
acter of arabassador ; that during his residence at Paris, he had ad
dressed the congress letters incomparably more able, luminous, and
fraught wilh intelligence, than those of his calumniator, who had
never written a word of any soUdity ; that the friendship ofa power
so generous as France could be better preserved by an erect and no-
ole deportment, than by a servile adulation towards its agents ; that
if the reimburseraent of those Frenchmen who had furnished arms
and munitions had not been yet effected, it was because that Deane
himself, in concert wilh the olher comraissioners of congress, had
written that no payment was lo be made for these suppUes, which
were to be considered as the voluntary gifts of zealous friends of
America ; that no thought had ever been eniertained of recalling
Franklin, because it was perfectly well known how much the advices
furnished by that estimable man, as well as the contracts he had made
in France, differed from every thing in the correspondence and op
erations of Silas Deane ; that neither vvas It forgotten what difference
of manners and pretensions existed between those Frenchmen vvho
had treated with Franklin for an engagement in the American ser
vice, and those whom Deane had sent out to America ; that no one
could belter judge than himself whether the facts recapitulated vvere
likely to redound to his honor ; that, as for the rest, it littie becarae
Deane lo call up the intrigues, real or supposed, of which Wash
ington had been the object, since himself, when he resided al Paris
as agent for the congress, had suggested for serious deliberation,
whether it would not be advantageous to confide the suprerae com
mand of the American troops to one of the most distinguished gen
erals of Europe, as for example, to prince Ferdinand, or Mareschal
de Broglie ; that it vvas right and proper to keep the faith pledged lo
France, but that il was right and proper also, agreeably lo the usage
of all states, lo hear the propositions, and lo receive the overtures,
which promised to promote the welfare of the country, from what
ever quarter they might come.
The tenor of the paragraphs pubUshed by Paine and Drayton was
far from being agreeable to Gerard, the minister of France ; he no
ticed with pain the avowal of negotiations kept up with England,
and the declaration of a refusal to liquidate the disbursements made

BOOK XII, THE AMERICAN WAR, 219
by his countrymen. He addressed very energetic complaints to the
congress ; In order lo appease him, that assembly declared that they
disapproved the contents of the published memorials, and that they
were convinced that the supplies furnished by certain French indi
viduals could not be considered as a gift. The congress had, in
truth, been made debtor for them in the accounts presented, whether
the intention of those who furnished them had never been to offer
them as a mere donative, or that Deane had made them the object
ofa sordid speculation. Opinions were then much divided on that
point. The congress, moreover, renewed the declaration that the
United Stales would never conclude either peace or truce with Great
Britain, without the formal and previous consent of their august ally.
Thomas Paine requested and obtained leave to resign the office he
fiUed, of secretary of congress for the foreign department. The
government either vvas, or pretended lo be dissatisfied with him, for
the disclosure he had made, in this discussion, of facts which it
would rather have kept stffl under the veil.
So many elements of discord would perhaps have sufficed to
kindle civil war In America, if its inhabitants had been less familiar
ized with liberty. Their attention vvas, besides, taken up by two
important objects ; one was the imminent peril lo which the two
Carolinas were exposed a shorl time after, in consequence of the
siege of Charleston by sir Henry Clinton ; the olher, the negotiations
opened with Spain, and soon afterwards, the active jarl she took in
the war. The court of Madrid, as we have already seen, glowed
with a desire lo Interfere In the grand quarrel vvhich had just broken
out. Besides the mutual hat ed which animated the English and
Spanish nations, Spain had also in view lo humble the odious British
arrogance, lo recover Gibraltar and Jamaica, and lo conquer the
two Floridas, which appeared to her essential to the entire command
of the gulf of Mexico. She vvas now also stimulated by France,
who, not content with representing to her the common interest she
had In this war, pressed her and summoned her every day to fulfiU
the stipulations of the famffy compact. Meanwhile, particular con
siderations pointed her to a more circumspect procedure. American
independence could scarcely seem to smffe upon her entirely, when
she reflected on the contagion of example, and her own colonies.
Her backwardness to declare herself was also perhaps concerted
with France, in order to obtain belter conditions from the Americans.
The court of Versailles had regretted to find itself constrained to
take a decisive step, after the unexpected victory of general Gates,
which had started the apprehension that England would consent, for
the sake of reconcffiation with her colonies, to acknowledge their

220 THE AMEBICAN WAR, BOOK XII.
independence, France would much rather have persisted in her
original plan, and stood aloof still for a long time, waiting for the
Americans to be reduced to the last extremity, in order to wring
from them more advantageous conditions for herself, than those of
the two treaties of commerce and alliance. But the success cf the
Americans having baffled her designs, she still had in reserve the
chance of making them pay a round price for the accession of Spain,
With this drift, she magnified excessively the advantages they raight
expect from it, in order to extort from their impatience, what precip
itation had defeated her of at the time of her own declaration.
The ultimate object of aff these maneuvers, was to secure lo the
subjects of France, in the future treaty of peace, the fisheries of
Newfoundland, lo the exclusion of the citizens of the United States ;
and to Spain, the possession of the two Floridas, the exclusive navi
gation of the Mississippi, with the sovereignty of the regions situated
on the left bank of that river, and behind the frontiers of the confed
erate provinces. Accordingly, to prove lo the Americans how
strong an interest he took in their cause, and lo Europe, according
to usage, his ardent desire to preserve peace, the king of Spain
offered his mediation. He considered il, moreover, as a justificative
measure of the war he was about to undertake, for he was by no
means ignorant that England would not accept it. The court of
London knew loo well that Spain, united to France by the strictest
lies, could not be an impartial mediatrix ; it knew also, that media
tors of this description always finish vvith becoming declared enemies.
The court of Madrid intending also to estabUsh, as the basis of the
negotiation for peace, that Great Britain should treat her colonies as
independent, it was not presumable that she would accept a condi
tion which was precisely the principal point in contest. Neverthe
less, the marquis d'Almadovar, his catholic majesty's ambassador,
presented lo the court ofLondon a plan of accommodation, vvhich
contained, besides the article above, those which follow. That, in
order the more easily to extinguish the flames of war, the crowns of
France and of Great Britain should lay down arms and consent to a
general truce ; that their respective plenipotentiaries should convene
at a place agreed upon, for the purpose of adjusting their differences;
that Great Britain should grant a like truce to the American colo
nies ; that a hne of boundary should be drawn, which neither of the
belligerent parlies might transcend during the armistice ; that both
his Britannic majesty and the colonies should send one or more
commissioners lo the city of Madrid, In order to consent to the pre
ceding conditions, and all such others as might tend lo conciliation.
To this offer of mediation the British ministers made only evasive

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAB, 221
and dilatory answers. If they were not disposed lo accept it, since
it involved the acknowledgment of independence, they avoided also
to reject it too ostensibly, as well not to excite the discontent of their
nation, as to gain time to open negotiations with the courts of
Europe, Tlieir intention was to offer advantageous conditions to
France, In order lo detach her from America, and lo America, In
order to detach her from France. And, in case, as they presumed,
these negotiations should fail of success, they purposed to use strenu
ous endeavors with the other powers, in order lo excite some move
ment In Europe against France. They hoped thus to find her so
much employment on shore, that she would be obliged to neglect her
marine, and that it would of course become an easy task lo vanquish
it. They conceived also, that when Araerica should see her ally
engaged In a new struggle, she would show herself more disposed lo
enter into an arrangement with England. Such was then the policy
of the powers at war, and of those that were Inclined to take part
therein. Meanwhile, France and Spain, with a view of obtaining from
America the conditions which, since her separation wilh England,
were the main scope of their counsels, notified lo the congress,
through M. Gerard, the French minister at Philadelphia, the offer
of mediation made to the court of London by that of Madrid. He
was directed to observe, that the object of all mediation being peace,
it was natural lo presume that conferences were about lo be opened
for its negoliarion and conclusion. He Invited the congress to ap
point plenipotentiaries to take part in these negotiations, whether
with England or wilh Spain ; he also urged the expediency of their
making known the basis on which they vvere disposed to treat. He
added, that he felt it his duty to Intimate that circumstances did not
perrait the United Slates to carry their pretensions higher than their
fortune ; that, consequentiy, it was desirable that they should be
moderate In their demands. In order not to furnish England with a
pretext for standing out, and that Spain might be enabled to prose
cute her mediation to a successful conclusion. ' As to the acknowl
edgment of American independence,' continued the French minister,
' il is to be expected that Great Britain, out of that pride which
sovereigns have, and which It becomes them to have, will manifest
an extreme repugnance to making it in form. This case has been
provided for in the treaty of alliance, where it is stipulated that its
object is to obtain for the United States independence, whether
express or imphed. France knows, by her own experience, vvha^it
costs monarchs to proclaim in formal terms the independence of
those they have once governed as subjects Spain, in preceding

222

THE AMEBICAN WAR. BOOK XII.

ages, did but tacltiy acknowledge the independence of Holland, aftei
a war of thirty years, and not formally lill after a resistance of
seventy. Up to this very time, the republic of Geneva and the
thirteen Swiss Cantons have not as yet been able to obtain from the
slates of which they made part, an express acknowledgment of their
independence and sovereignty. As for the rest, since you enjoy the
object of your wishes, you ought to attach very Uttle Importance to
mere words.' It is to be remarked, that the French minister affected
to be much in earnest in his efforts to bring over the Araericans to
this way of thinking, because he was convinced that they vvould
not adopt it ; and that therefore to Induce France and Spain to exact
on their behalf an express acknowledgment of independence, they
would acquiesce in whatever demands those powers raight choose to
raake. In order to confirm them the more in the refusal of what he
demanded, he look care lo remind them that the United States
appeared to him, frora their situation and the vigor of their resis
tance, to have higher claims than ever HoUand, Geneva, and Swit
zerland could have made any pretensions lo. Fearing, however,
the insufficiency of these means to decide the Americans lo yield
the desired concessions, he proceeded to suggest, that not only vvas
It necessary to enable the mediator by the moderation of their de
mands lo inspire England vvith pacific dispositions, but that it was
moreover expedient lo offer the mediator such advantages as might
determine hira to make common cause with France and America,
in case Great Britain should refuse peace. He extolled the power
of the triple alliance that was meditated, and repiesented it as the
guaranty of certain triumph. He set forth that Ihough the arras of
France and America were indeed capable of resisting those of the
eneray, the junction of the forces of Spain could alone render them
preponderant, and prevent the catastrophe which might result from
a single sinister event ; that hitherto the balance had been equal be
tween the two parlies, but that a new weight was necessary to make
it turn in favor ofthe Americans. The French minister closed this
declaration with a disclosure of the pretensions of his court with re
spect to the fishery of Newfoundland, and those of Spain relative to
the two Floridas, the Mississippi, and the western territory, which
now forms the state of Kentucky. The congress deliberated upon
these communications. They considered, on the pne hand, that
the intervention of Spain was very desirable for America ; but on
the other, that she held it at too high a rate. They consequently
felt the utmost repugnance to subscribe lo all the concessions which
the courts of Versailles and Madrid appeared disposed to wrest from

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAR, 223
them. Very warm debates ensued upon these different points. All
the members consented to guaranty to Spain the possession of the
two Floridas, but also refused to grant her the exclusive naviga
tion of the Mississippi ; the relinquishment of the western territory
was objected to by many, and that of the Newfoundland fishery al
most universally, especiaffy on the part ofthe Nevv England deputies.
Beside this extreme diversity of opinions, a powerful motive prevent
ed the Americans from taking any definitive resolution ; they ho.d
penetrated, that such was the eagerness of the Spaniards lo come to
blows with the English, that In any event. It could not be long before
a rupture must take place between the two nations. In effect the
congress consumed so much time in answering, in appoinring plen
ipotentiaries, and in preparing their instrucrions, that hostilities were
already commenced between these powers, not only in Europe, but
also In America.
By the beginning of August, don Bernard Galvez, governor of
Louisiana, for the king of Spain, had undertaken with success an
expedition against the British possessions upon the Mississippi. This
news, and still much more, the certain IntelUgence that the same don
Galvez had solemnly proclaimed the independence of the United
Slates at New Orleans, cau~ed the Amfericans lo drop at once afl
further thought of concession. Notwithstanding the hostilities now
coramenced between Spain and England, the French minister per
sisted in maintaining that England manifested pacific dispositions,
and that the cabinets of VersaUles and Madrid were more than ever
animated by the same sentiments. But enlightened by what passed
before their eyes, the Americans instructed their plenipotentiary al
the court of France, as also the one destined to treat with that of
London, to keep steadffy in view that the first object ofthe defensive
war waged by the allies, was to establish the independence of the
United States; that consequentiy the prelirainary basis of all negotia
tion wilh Great Britain must be the acknowledgment ofthe freedom,
independence and sovereignly of the said states, which acknowledg
ment must be secured and guarantied according to the form and
stipulations of the treaty of alliance wilh his most christian majesty.
As to the right of fishery upon the banks of Newfoundland, the
Americans insisted that it should be preserved to them, with the
clause that if they were disquieted by England in its exercise, France
should consider it as case of affiance. They further enjoined their
plenipotentiaries to use all possible exertions to obtain from England
the cession of Canada and Nova Scotia, In favor ofthe United Slates,
observing, however, that the rejection of this proposition should
not be an obstacle to the re-establishment of peace The idea of this

224 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XII.
last demand had been suggested by the deputies of Massachusetts.
and other provinces of New England. The plenipotentiaries were
authorized lo agree to a suspension of arms during the continuance
of the negotiations, wilh the reservation, however, that the aUy of
the United States should likewise consent to it, and that the troops
of the enemy should entirely evacuate their territory. Such was the
substance of the instructions given lo the American plenipotentiaries ;
as to the rest, they were to be guided by their own wisdom, the laws
of tlie confederation, and the counsels of the court of France.
The war being already actually commenced between Spain and
England, the chevalier de la Luzerne^ who succeeded M. Gerard at
Philadelphia, could no longer urge wilh the congress the advantages
and necessity of the co-operation of the Spanish force, as a motive
for their yielding the above mentioned concessions. But he did not
orait to place in the strongest light all the benefits which would result
to the United Slates from connecting themselves with the court
of Madrid by treaties of commerce and aUiance, which should regu
late their coraraon and respective interests, whether present or future.
' It is evident,' he said, ' that Spain will display more vigorous ef
forts against England, when she knows the advantage that is to ac-
c'rue to herself from a war'undertaken chiefly for the ulffily and in
terests of the United Stales. On the olher hand, il is no less man
ifest, how extremely it interests the honor and consolidation of the
republic to have its independence formally acknowledged by so great
and powerful a monarch as his catholic majesty, and to be united to
him by treaties of amity and aUiance. An alliance,' he added, ' than
which nothing could more gratify his most christian majesty, who,
united to the king of Spain by the most sacred ties, and to America
by the bonds of the tenderest friendship, could not but desire wilh
ardor to see the most complete and durable harmony established be
tween them.' The French minister expatiated largely upon this sub
ject, adding still other argunients drawn from public law.
All his efforts were vain. The congress saw too clearly that if
Spain look part in the war, it vvas neither out of regard for the inter
ests, nor for the independence of America, which in the present
slate of things was no longer a matter of doubt, but for her own sake,
and particularly to reduce the maritime power of England. Accord
ingly, they showed themselves little disposed to make nevv sacrifices.
Wishing, however, to testify their desire to form alliance with the
king of Spain, they appointed John Jay their minister plenipotentiary
to the court of Madrid. His instructions were to endeavor to dis
pose that court to be satisfied wilh a mere treaty of amity and com
merce wilh the United States. He was, moreover, directed to declare,

BOOK XII, THE AMERICAN WAR. 225
that if his catholic majesty entered Into the league against Great Brit
ain, the United Slates would consent that ne sriould secure for himself
the possession of the Floridas ; and even. If England gave her consent
to it in the treaty of peace, the United States would guaranty him this
new acquisition wilh the condition that they should continue lo enjoy
the navigation of the Mississippi to the sea. As to the territory situ
ated on the eastern bank of the river, they declared that il could not
be renounced. The minister of congress was hkewise lo solicit the
king of France, as the chief of the alliance, to employ his mediation
in order to accelerate the conclusion of the treaties with Spain. He
was charged with some olher demands at the court of Madrid. But
piqued at the refusal of congress to consent lo the stipulations which
she had most al heart, Spain not only demonstrated on her part a
disposition equaffy unyielding, but after having declared war against
Great Britain, she would neither acknowledge the Independence of
the United Stales, nor receive nor send ambassadors. At the same
time In vvhich Jay was appointed plenipotentiary to the court of Ma
drid, John Adams was elected minister plenipotentiary to negotiate
a treaty of peace and commerce wilh England.
Such was, then, the situation of affairs in America. In Europe
they took the direction which had been foreseen by all prudent men,
and which was desired even by those who pretended a wish to attain
an opposite object. Spain had completed her maritime armaments ;
she was arrived at the point where she had purposed lo throw off the
mask. She wanted to lake an open part in the war ; and joining her
forces with those of France, to aim such rapid blows at the excessive
naval povver of England, as should transfer to the Bourbons the
scepter of the sea. She-would fain have a plausible pretext to justify
hfer conduct. She accordingly resolved to renew her offers of medi
ation at the court of London, and to urge the British government in
such a raanner, that it should al length be constrained to declare itself
the first. The marquis d'Almodovar, the Spanish minister at Lon
don, made, in the monlh of June, the most pressing instances lo the
British ministry, in order lo extort a definitive answer. The moment
seemed the better chosen, as it was already known that the count
d'Orvilliers had sailed from Brest with the whole French armament,
and vvas standing to the south In order to join, near the isle of Cizar-
ga, with the Spanish fleet, which lay, in excellent condition, expect-
inghimln those waters. The two allied courts felt yet more confirmed
in their resolution, when they saw the English marine in no situation
to balance their united forces. Whether from absolute necessity, or
from negligence on the part cf ministers, it is certain that the arma
ments of England at this period were very far inferior to her dangers.
VOL. IL

226 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XII.
She answered, nevertheless, that she could not admit the condition
of independence, even with the modifications proposed by Spain.
The Spanish minister then departed from London, after having de
livered a declaration to lord Weymouth, secretary of state. This
rescript recapitulated, beside the rejection of the mediation, several
other raotives of war, such as insults offered at sea to the Spanish
flag, hostile incursions upon the lands of the king, instigations to the
savages to infest the Spanish subjects of Louisiana, the violation of
the rights of his catholic majesty in the bay of Honduras, and other
Uke grievances. The court of London answered by a counter dec
laration, in which it endeavored, as usual, to destroy all the asser
tions of that of Madrid. The king of England recalled lord Grant
ham, his ambassador in Spain. He afterwards issued a proclama
tion of reprisals on that power, and another regulating the distribu
tion of prizes. At the same time, France, as the preponderant and
leading part of the alliance, published a manifesto. In which she laid
before the eyes of Europe the motives which had constrained the
two allied courts to take up arms.
These motives, detailed at great length, may be reduced to the
foUowing points ; the necessity of avenging Injuries received, and
the desire, certainly sincere, to put down the tyrannical empire vvhich
England had usurped, and pretended lo maintain upon the ocean.
The king of Spain likewise pubUshed different official papers. Two
royal cedulas demonstrated to the nation the necessity and justice
of the war. They were followed by a very prolix manifesto, which
advanced a hundred causes of rupture with Great Britain ; the
greater part had been already announced in the declaration of the
marquis d'Almodovar. Il was added in this, and represented as a
direct outrage, that at the very time when the British ministers re
jected the propositions openly made by Spain, as mediatrix, they
had employed secret agents to make the most alluring offers to the
court of France, if she would abandon the colonies and conclude a
separate peace with England. ' At the same epoch,' said the mani
festo, ' the British cabinet had clandestinely dispatched another agent
to doctor Franklin at Paris. Divers propositions were made to that
minister, in order to detach the Americans from France, and bring
them to an arrangement with Great Britain. The British govern
ment offers them conditions not only similar lo those il has disdained
and rejected when they proceeded from the part of his catholic maj
esty, but much more favorable still.' The first wrongs specified,
that is, the insults on the Spanish flag, the hostile incursions upon
the king's territory, and the unjust decrees of courts of admiralty,
might have obtained a sufficient reparation, if the two parties had

BOOK XII. THE AMEBICAN WAB. 227
been at that time less animated with enmity towards each olher. As
to the reproach of duplicity imputed to the British ministers with
respect to their conduct during the discussions of the mediation, if
the historian cannot positively applaud them, he will find at least
that It is difficult to blame them for it, and still more so to discover
in il a sufficient ground of war. In eflfect, those polilical wiles, far
frora being nevv or extraordinary, are but too frequent ; all states
men, and especiaffy those who employ them, consider such means,
if not honorable, at least allowable for attaining their ends. But, as
we have already observed, the primary and capital motive, to which
all the others did little more than serve as a veil, was the wish lo de
stroy the maritime superiority of England. I'he king of Spain even
made the avowal of it, herein also imitating the candor of the king
of France. He formally declared in his manifesto, that In order to
obtain a durable peace, Il was necessary to set bounds to the Im
moderate power of England by sea, and to demonstrate the falsity of
those principles upon which she founded her usurpation. Ho con
cluded with observing, that the other maritime powers, and all the
nations of the universe, were interested in the triumph of so equita
ble a cause. This argument was no doubt as just as II was noble ;
but il vvould have been more honorable still. If the tyrannical domi
nation of England, about which so much noise was then made, had
not been, not only peaceably tolerated for a long series of years, but
even formally acknowledged. The king of Great Britain replied
with another manifesto, wherein no littie address was displayed in re
futing the assertions of the two kings, his enemies. It closed with
the most energetic, but the most ordinary protestations of his regard
forhumanity. Since these pompous declamations have been brought
into use between the governments of civIUzed nations, Is It found
that wars are become less frequent, or less destructive ?
While the two belligerent parties were endeavoring to justify their
conduct in the sight of the universe, while each of the kings was
protesting that he had not been the first disturber of peace, the fleets
of France and Spain presented themselves with formidable parade
upon the coasts of Greal Britain. They consisted of sixty-six ships
of the line, comprehending a Spaniard of one hundred and fourteen
guns, the San Trinidad, two Frenchmen of one hundred and ten,
and one hundred and four, the Bretagne and the Ville de Paris,
eight others of eighty, and fifteen of seventy-four ; the rest of less
force. This immense armada was followed by a cloud of frigates,
corvettes, cutters, and fire ships. It was commanded in chief by
the count d'Orvilliers, who mounted the Bretagne ; the vanguard
was under the conduct of the count de Guichen, and the rear

228 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XII,
under the conduct of don Gaston, The vanguard was itself pre
ceded by a light squadron commanded by M, de la Touche Tre-
vllle, and composed of five swift sailing ships, and all the frigates
which were notattached to the first divisions. The object oflbis squad
ron was to discover and announce whatever should appear at sea.
Finally, the armament vvas followed by another squadron of observa
tion, composed of sixteen ships of the line, at the orders of don Lewis
de Cordova. The design of the allies was, according to appear
ances, to raake a descent upon that part of the coasts of Great
Britain which they should find the most conveniently accessible.
Every thing seemed lo conspire in their favor ; even the importance
of the enterprise, the immensity of their forces, the defenseless con
dition of Ireland, the inferiority of the British marine, the weakness
of the regular troops that remained for the defense of England, since
the greater part had b^en sent to America and the West Indies.
Beside this fleet, one of the raost tremendous which the ocean had
ever borne, three hundred transports were prepared at Havre de
Grace, St. Malo, and olher ports on that coast. All was in move
ment in the northern provinces of France. Upwards of forty thou
sand men lined the coasts of Normandy and Brilanny ; many other
regiments were on the march to join them from olher parts of the
kingdom. The king appointed the generals vvho were lo conduct
the expedition. The troops, who were already assembled upon the
coasts that looked towards England, daily exercised themselves in
the various maneuvers of embarkation and debarkation. Each
soldier manifested the most eager desire lo set foot on the opposite
shore, In order to combat and prostrate an ancient rival. An artil
lery as numerous as well served, was attached to this army ; five
thousand grenadiers, the flower .of the French troops, had been
drawn from all the regiments, to form the vanguard, and strike the
first blows.
England was seasonably apprised of the preparations of France,
and the invasion wilh which she was menaced. The rainisters had
propiptly directed aff the measures of defense, which the shortness
of lime and the present state of the kingdom admitted ; they had
assembled thirty-eight ships of the Une, under the command of ad
miral sir Charles Hardy, and had sent him to cruise in the Bay of Bis
cay, in order, if stffl possible, to prevent the junction of the two
hostile fleets. It is difficult to comprenend, that armaments which
occupied so vast an extent of sea, and whose light squadrons were
reciprocally on the look out, should not have encountered, or come
lo any knowledge the one of the other. The king of England issued
a proclamation, informing his subjects that the enemy threatened to

BOOK XII, THE AMEBICAN WAR, 229
invade the kingdom. The officers in command upon the coasts were
ordered lo stand on the alert, and al the first appearance of danger to
remove the cattle and provisions to a proper distance. The miUtia
exercised continually in arms, and held themselves in readiness to
march lo the places of debarkation. The royal guards themselves
expected every moment the order to march. All minds were
strongly excited at the danger of the country ; but amidst the senti
ments of fear and hope which agitated them, the resolution to resist
valiantiy was general.
Meanwhile, the combined fleet, which had been detained a long
time by calms at the entrance of the channel, aff at once made Its
appearance there, the fifteenth of August ; it presented Itself before
Plymouth with dread display. The alarm was immediately spread
among the inhabitants of the cpasls ; the miUtia flew to their post ;
the guards were doubled at the arsenals of Plymouth and Portsmouth.
The bank in the latter town was closed ; all commerce was suspend
ed. From all parts of the coast of Cornwall, whole families were
seen flying towards the inland countries with their most valuable
effects. A new incident added lo the universal panic. The Ardent
ship of the line, of sixty-four guns, vvhich had saffed from Ports
mouth, in order to join the fleet of Admiral Hardy, fell inlo the hands
of the French in view of Plymouth. During this time the British
admiral was standing off and on near the mouth of the channel ; his
inferiority, and the position of the enemy, not permitting him to
bring succor to his country, amidst the perils that menaced it. But
what men could not do, was operated by chance. At the moment
when the success of this greal enterprise was going to be decided,
all at once there sprung up a violent gale from the northeast, which
forced the combined fleet lo quit the channel for the open sea. The
gale having abated, il displayed Itself anew from the Lands End and
the Scilly Islands to the chops of the channel, with intent to inter
cept admiral Hardy, and to prevent his retreat Inlo the ports of Eng
land. Nevertheless, he profited wilh so much ability of a favorable
vvind, that on the Ihirty- first of August he made good his entrance
into the channel in tuff view of the allies, who could not hinder him.
His design was, to entice them up to the narrowest part of the strait,
where the superiority of numbers would avail them lillie, and the
advantage of position would thus compensate the inequality of forces.
The allies followed him as far as Plymouth. Each of the hostile
fleets preserved the best order ; the Brirish, to avoid being approach
ed tiU after having arrived at the desirable point, and to be always
prepared to fall upon such of the enemy's vessels as should chase
them too near : the French and Spaniards, to keep together, and to

230 THE AMEBICAN WAE.

BOOK XII,

gain Plymouth before the enemy. But admiral Hardy having eluded
all the projects of his adversary, the count d'Orvilliers decided to
retire from the coasts of England, and return lo Brest, His retreat
was attributed al the time to several causes, such as the continued
prevalence of east winds, the want of provisions, the proximity of
the equinox, and the great sickness and mortality among his crews,
by which some of the ships were totally disabled.
Such was the issue of an expedition which seemed to portend the
downfall of a raost powerful empire. If there never had been so
great a naval force assembled on the seas, so never were effects less
answerable to appearances. Enfeebled by the loss ef more than
five thousand sailors, victims of the epidemic, the combined fleet
could attempt no enterprise during the rest of the campaign. It
followed that the weaker gathered those fruits which the stronger
might reasonably have expected. Not only the numerous fleets
of British merchantmen, loaded wilh the riches of the two Indies,
arrived happily in the ports of Great Britain, but the squadron of
Hardy pul to sea again, and captured a raultitude of French and
Spanish vessels. Europe was astonished ; she had not expectet^
that so many preparations and such mighty efforts were to end in this
wise. The glory of the British marine thus acquired a new luster.
The allies had, assuredly, shown no want either of ability or of
valor ; but the greater part of men judge of merit by success, and
the arms of the enemies of England lost much of their splendor.
But whatever might be the causes which prevented the great nava.
armaments of the belligerent powers from coming to a decisive ac
tion, a few days after their retreat several partial combats were en
gaged, in which the French, the EngUsh, and the Americans seemed
to vie for the palm of deep and desperate valor. The count d'Or-
viUiers had sent out from Brest, to observe the movements of the
British fleet, the frigate Surveillante, commanded by the chevalier
du Couedic, and the cutler Expedition, al the orders of the viscount
de Roquefeuil, These two vessels fell in, near the isle of Ouessant,
with the British frigate Quebec, captain Farmer, accompanied also
by a sloop called the Rambler, The two parlies immediately en
gaged with fury. The forces, skill, and bravery being equal on botn
sides, the action lasted three bours and a half. The frigates fought
so close that several limes their yards got entangled. Their artillery
had already made a frightful ravage ; the decks were covered with
dead and wounded, their masts shivered and shot away ; they could
no longer be steered. Nor one nor other, however, seemed disposed
to retire or surrender. The French captain received a wound in
the head, and fainted ; but on recovering sense, he immediately le-

BOOK XII THE AMERICAN WAB. 231
sumed the command. Two fresh wounds in the belly couid not
constrain him to give over ; on the contrary he gave orders for board
ing. Captain Farmer displayed, on his part, an invincible courage.
To smooth the way for boarding, the French threw a great quantity
of grenades aboard the Quebec. Her saffs look fire; the flames
spread, and soon caught other parts of the ship. The English ex
erted themselves to extinguish them, and obstinately refused to strike.
The chevalier du Couedic, to avoid the combustion, vvas forced to
think of retiring, which he with difficulty accomphshed. His bow
sprit gol embarrassed wilh the rigging of the enemy. Al length
the fire look the magazine of the British frigate, and she blew up,
with her colors waving to the last.
The French captain, with an example of humanity that cannot be
Honored enough, devoted all his cares to saving the greatest possible
number of his enemies, who, to escape the flames, threw themselves
neadlong into the sea. Only forty-three of them could be rescued
from the waves, the sole survivors of three hundred men who com
posed the company of the Quebec. Captain Farmer was swallowed
up with the wreck of his ship. The French frigate was unable to
move ; the cutter Expedition disengaged herself from the Rambler,
which she had combated with advantage, in order to succor the
SurveiUante. She took her in tov/, and brought her the following
day into the port of Brest. The French government, faithful lo
its ovvn examples, and those of civilized nations, sent free to Eng
land the forty-three Englishmen, not wiUing lo retain those prison
ers, who, in the same day, had escaped the fury of men, cannon,
fire and water. The French had forty killed and a hundred wound
ed. The king promoted the chevalier du Couedic to the rank of
captain of a ship. But he could not long enjoy the glorious repu
tation which his valor and humanity had acquired him ; his wounds
proved mortal three days afler the engagement. He was deeply
regretted In France ; his name was pronounced wilh distinction
throughout Europe, but no where with warmer eulogium than iu
England. A few days before, the coasts of Great Britain had witnessed a
combat no less sanguinary, and no less honorable for the two parlies,
Paul Jones, a Scotchman by birth, but engaged In the service of the
United States, had established his cruise at first in the seas of Ire
land, and afterwards In those of Scotland, where he was wailing for
an opportunity to make some prize, or, according to his practice, to
land upon some point of the coast in order to sack the country.
His flotiUa vvas composed of the Bonhomme Richard, of forty guns,
the AUiance, of thirty-six, both American ships ; the Pallas, a French

232 THE AMEBICAN WAB,

BOOK XII.

frigate of thirty-two, in the pay of congress, with two other smaller
vessels. He fell in with a British merchant fleet, on its return from
the Baltic, convoyed by captain Pearson, with the frigate Serapis, of
forty-four guns, and the Countess of Scarborough, of twenty,
Pearson had no sooner perceived Jones, than he bore down to
engage him, while the merchantmen endeavored to gain the coast.
The American flotilla formed to receive him. The two enemies
joined battle al about seven In the evening, with great resolution, and
the conflict was supported on both sides wilh equal valor. The
Serapis had the advantage of metal and maneuver ; to obviate
which, Jones look the resolution lo fight her closer. He advanced
till the two frigates were engaged yard to yard, and their sides so
near that the muzzles of their guns came in contact. In this posi
tion they continued lo fight from eight In the evening till len, with an
audacity bordering on frenzy. But the artiffery of the Americans
was no longer capable of producing much effect. The Richard,
having received several heavy shot between wind and water, could
now make no use whatever of her lower batteries, and two or three
of her upper guns had burst, to the destruction of those who served
them. Jones, atlength, had only three lefl that could be worked, and
he employed them against the masts of the hostile frigate. Seeing
the little Impression made by chain shot, he resorted lo another
mode of attack. He threw a vast quantity of grenades and fire
works on board the British frigate. But his own now admitted the
water on all sides.; and threatened every raoraent to go lo the bottom.
Some of his officers, having perceived il, asked him if he vvould
surrender ? ' No,' he answered them in a tremendous tone, and
continued to push the grenades. The Serapis was already on fire
in several places ; the English could with difficulty extinguish the
flames. Finally, they caught a cartridge, vvhich, in an instant, fired
all the others with a horrible explosion. All who stood near the
helm were killed, and all the cannon of that part were dismounted,
Meanwhffe, Pearson was not disheartened ; he ordered his people lo
board, Paul Jones prepared himself to repulse them. The Eng
lish, In jumping on board him, found the Americans ready lo receive
tbem on the point of their pikes ; they made the best of their way
back to their own vessel. But during this interval, the fire had com
municated Itself frora the Serapis lo the Bonhomme Richard, and
both were a prey to the flames. No peril could shake these despe
rate men. The night was dark, the combatants could no longer see
each olher but by the blaze of the conflagration, and through dense
volumes of smoke, vvhile the sea was ffluminated afar. At this mo
inent, the American frigate Alliance came up. Amidst the confusion

BOOK XII. THE AMEBICAN WAE. 23.']
she discharged her broadside Into the Richard, and kffled a part of
her remaining defenders. As soon as she discovered her mistake,
she fell vvith augmented fury upon the Serapis. Then the vallani
Englishman, seeing a great part of his crew either kiUed or disabled,
his artillery dismounted, his vessel dismasted, and quite enveloped
In fiames, surrendered. All joined to extinguish the fire, and at
length it was accomplished. The efforts made to stop the numer
ous leaks of the Richard proved less fortunate ; she sunk the next
morning. Out of three hundred and seventy-five men that were
aboard that vessel, three hundred were killed or wounded. The
EngUsh had but forty-nine killed, and their wounded amounted tc
no more than sixty-eight. Hislory, perhaps, offers no example of
an action more fierce, obstinate and sanguinary. During this time
the Pallas had attacked the Countess of Scarborough,and had captured
her, not, however, without a stubborn resistance. After a victory so
hard earned, so deplorable, Jones wandered with his shattered ves
sels for some days, al the mercy of the winds in the North sea. He
finally made his vvay good, on the sixth of October, into the waters
of the Texel.
The events which we have just related are all that claim notice in
the latter months of 1779, after the accession of Spain lo the alli
ance formed against England. But al the commencement of the
following year, other powers manifested dispositions which menaced
that stale with new enemies, or at least wilh exceedingly dubious
friends. 1780. Ever since the commencement of the war, the Dutch had
carried on privately a very lucrative commerce ; they conveyed inlo
the ports of France ship timber, as well as all sorts of military, and
especially naval, stores. The English were apprised of it, and the
British government had often complained of it, in strong terms, lo the
States- General, not only as contrary to the rules which England vvas
accustomed to observe in time of war, with respect to the commerce
of neutrals, and vvhich themselves either tacitly or expressly acknowl
edged, but also as a violation of the treaties of commerce and alli
ance existing between tlie two nations. The same government had
also remonstrated against the protection granted in Holland to French
and Araerlcan privateers. The Stales-General answered on.'y by
disavowal, or evasive explanations. But about the beginning of Janu
ary, intelUgence was received in England, that a numerous convoy of
Dutch vessels, laden witii naval stores for account of France, was
already al sea, and that, in order to escape the vigilance of the Brit
ish cruisers, this fleet had placed itself undei- the protecrion of the

234 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XII,
count de Byland, who, with a squadron of ships of the hne and frig
ates, convoyed another merchant fleet bound for the Mediterranean,
The British admiralty dispatched captain Fielding, with a sufficient
number of ships, to examine the convoy, and to seize any vessels
containing contraband articles. The British squadron having met
that of Holland, captain Fielding requested permission to visit the
merchant ships, Il was refused him. This nolwitiistanding, he
dispatched his boats for that purpose, which were fired at, and pre
vented from executing their orders by the Dutch, Upon this, the
Englishman fired a shot ahead of the Dutch admiral ; it vvas answer
ed by a broadside ; and count Byland, having received Fielding's in
return, and being in no condition of force to pursue the contest fur
ther, then struck his colors. Most of the Dutch vessels that were
In the predicament which occasioned the contest, had already, by
pushing close to the shore, escaped the danger, and proceeded with
out interruption to the French ports. The others were seized. The
Englishraan then Inforraed the Dutch admiral that he vvas at liberty
to hoist his colors and prosecute his voyage. He hoisted his colors
indeed ; but he refused to separate from any part of his convoy ; and
he accordingly, wilh the whole of the fleet, which was seized, accom
panied the British squadron to Spithead. The ships and their car
goes were confiscated as contraband. This intelligence excited a
violent clamor in HoUand. The Dutch vvere at this time divided In
two parties, one of which held for France, and the other for England,
All those who belonged to the first were exceedingly indignant; they
exclaimed that no consideration should induce them lo endure
patiently so daring an outrage. Even the partisans of the English
could not venture to justify their conduct. Il was easy to foresee
that this incident was about to produce a rupture. Far from fear
ing, the British government wished it ; it preferred an open war to
the clandestine assistance vvhich Holland vvas lending to France.
It had, besides, already fixed a hankering eye upon the Dutch riches,
which, in the security of peace, were spread over the seas, or were
amassed, vvithout defense, in distant islands. Moreover, the Slates-
General had made no preparation for war, and It was to be supposed
that they could not very suddenly enter the field.
This event, the instigations of France, the disposition lo profit of
the critical situation of Great Britain, at that time assailed by so many
powerful enemies, and especially the desire to liberate the commerce
of neutrals from British vexations, gave origin to that league of the
stales of the north, known by the name of the Armed Neutrahty.
It had, if not for author, at least for chief, the empress of Russia, Cath-

BOOK XII. THE AMEBICAN WAE. 235
anne II. , who was immediately joined by the kings of Sweden and
Denmark. The bases of this confederacy were, that neutral vessels
might freely navigate from one port to another, even upon the coasts
of belligerent powers ; that ah effects appertaining to one of these
powers, become free so soon as they are on board a neutral vessel,
except such articles as by a prior treaty should have been declared
contraband ; that to determine what articles were to be considered
contraband, the empress of Russia referred to the tenth and eleventh
articles of her treaty with Greal Britain, the obligations of which were
lo be extended to aU the olher belligerent powers ; that lo specify
what ports were to be deemed blockaded. It was agreed that those
only should be accounted as such, before which there should be sta
tioned a sufficient number of enemy ships to render their entrance
perilous ; finaUy, that the preceding principles should serve as rules
in judicial proceedings, and in sentences to be pronounced respecting
the legality of prizes. To command respect for this confederation,
the three aUied courts agreed, that each of them should keep a part
of its naval force equipped, and stationed so as to forra an uninter
rupted chain of ships prepared to protect their common trade, and lo
afford each other mutual support and succor. They also agreed,
that when any vessel whatever should have shown by its papers that
It was not carrier of any contraband article, it might place itself
under the escort of ships of war, which should prevent its being slop
ped, or diverted from its destination. This article, which ascribed to
the state Interested, or to its aUies, the right of judging of the nature
of cargoes with respect lo contraband, appeared to exclude the right
of visit, so strenuously claimed by England ; against whom, notwith
standing the general terms that were employed, it was manifest that
all this display of maritime force was direcled. The allies accom
panied the foregoing stipulations wilh professions of the most generous
sentiraents ; they declared that they were armed for the defense of
the rights of nature and of nations ; for the liberty of the human
race, and for the prosperity of Europe in particular. In effect, the
European nations, wilh the exception of the English, manifested an
extreme satisfaction with this new plan of the northern powers ; the
wisdom and magnanimity of Catharine II. became the object of uni
versal encomium ; so universal was the hatred which the maritime
vexations of England had excited against that power ! The aiticles
of the armed neutrality vvere communicated to all the European states,
especially to France, Spain, Holland, England, and Portugal, with
invitation to accede to them. The courts of Versailles and Madrid,
eager to profit of the circumstance to sow the seeds of division be-

236 THE AMEBICAN WAE.

BOOK XII.

tween Great Britsin and neutrals, hastened to address their felicita
tions to the empress of Russia, and to answer that they were ready
not only to join the confederacy, but that they had long before given
their admirals and sea officers such instructions that the principles of
the armed neutrality were already in force as to them. They added,
that equity had directed them to those very measures vvhich were now
proclaimed by the confederate powers of the north. The court of
Lisbon, accustomed to an excessive condescension towards Eng
land, declined the alliance. The Stales-General of Holland delibe
rated upon the course they had to pursue. The British ministers,
either hoping or fearing what was to happen, or in order to constrain
them to declare themselves, had already required them to furnish to
England the subsidies stipulated by the treaty of alliance. The
Dutch alledged the inevitable tardiness of their deUberarions ; the
Iruih was, they were determined lo give nolhing. The cabinet of St.
James then look a resolution calculated to compel them to a decis
ion, and to prevent their joining the northern confederacy. Il gave
them to understand, that notwithstanding the number and power of
its enemies, it was resolved to proceed lo the last extremities with
the Dutch nation, unless it adhered to the ancient system of neutral
ity. Accordingly the king of Greal Britain issued a proclamation,
purporting that the non-performance of the States-General with re
spect to the succors stipulated by the treaty of aUiance, was to be
considered as a violation of that treaty ; that they had thereby fallen
from those privileges which they derived only from the alliance ; and
that the subjects of the United Provinces were, therefore, hencefor
ward to be considered upon the same footing wilh those of othei
neutral stales not aUied. By this step the British king, even before
his demand had been expressly rejected, freed himself from the obli
gations of the treaty of alliance. He hoped, by this vigorous {iroce
dure, so to intimidate the Dutch, that they would decUne entering inlo
the almost universal combination of Europe against the maritime pre
tensions of England. His expectations were rauch disappointed.
The French party possessed a decided preponderance In the repub
lic, particularly in the most influential provinces, such as Holland and
West Friesland. The impression also produced by the insult' offered
Byland, was loo recent ; hence, after long and frequent debates, it
was voted, with unanimity of provinces, that the subsidies to England
should not be paid ; moreover, that the escort of ships of war should
be given to the merchantmen of the republic, wilh the exception
only of those which, according to the stipulations of former treaties,
might be deemed contraband. It was further decreed, that the in-

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 237
vitation of the empress of Russia should be accepted with gratitude,
and that a negotiation for that purpose should be opened with prince
Gallilzin, her majesty's envoy extraordinary to the States-General.
Already surrounded wilh enemies, and seeing Russia waver, whose
power and affiance demanded a serious attention, England, without
consenting to admit the principles of the armed neutrahty, answered
by vague generalities, which manifested, at least, a desire to pre
serve peace. Meanwhile, amidst the open or covert perils against
which she had to defend herself, she not only betrayed no symptoms
of discouragement, but even discovered a determination to prose
cute the war with vigor upon the American continent. The only
change which took place in her plans, as we have already seen, was
to leave merely sufficient garrisons in New York, and to direct all
her efforts against the southern provinces. Accordingly, to enable
CUnlon lo attack the Carolinas, admiral Arbuthnot had sel sail for
America, in the raonth of May, with a fleet of ships of war and up
wards of four hundred transports. But soon after his departure
from the coasts of England, he received intelUgence that the French,
under the conduct of the prince of Nassau, had attacked the isle of
Jersey, situated near the coasts of Normandy. Thinking it belter to
conform lo the empire of circumstances, than to his instructions, he
sent back his convoy into Torbay, and repaired vvith his squadron to
the relief of Jersey. The attempt ofthe French miscarried. The
admiral resumed his original route. But such were the obstaclea
that ensued this retardment, that he lost much time in getting out ol
the channel, and gaining sea room to shape his course for America ;
so that II was late in August before he arrived at New York. The
English, at first, however, made no movement, because they were
inhibited by the count d'Estaing, at that rime engaged in the siege
of Savannah. Finally, on inteffigence of the issue of that enter
prise, and the departure of the French admiral from the coasts of
America, Clinton had embarked with seven thousand men, undei
convoy of Arbuthnot, upon the expedition of South Carolina.
England intended not only lo carry on the war with energy upon
the American conrinenl, and to defend her possession in the West
Indies, but she even projected conquests in this quarter, if the occa
sion should present itself. The ministers accordingly resolved to
send lo those islands a considerable re-inforcement, both of ships and
troops, under the conduct of admiral Rodney, a man In whom the
government, and even the whole Brirish nation, had reposed extreme
confidence. It appeared the more essential to dispatch these suc
cors to the West Indies, as the French were preparmg on theii

238 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XII.
part to pass thither a formidable re-inforcement under the count de
Guichen. But before admiral Rodney had put to sea. It was deemed
expedient to eraploy him in a more important expedition. Spain
had commenced hostilities by laying close siege and blockade lo the
fortress of Gibraltar. The blockade was confided lo admiral don
Barcelo, a seaman of great vigilance. He exerted his utmost dili
gence to prevent any sort of supplies from finding their vvay into the
place. The garrison already began to suffer severely from scarcity.
They could not even hope to receive provision from the neighboring
coasts, by means of light boats which might have eluded the watch
fulness of the Spaniards ; for the inhabitants of the Barbary shores,
and especiaUy the emperor of Morocco, had declared theraselves for
Spain, as soon as they ascertained the inferiority ofthe English In
the Mediterranean. There remained, therefore, no other way of
re-victualing the place but from England itself, and the convoy
destined for this purpose required a formidable escort. Rodney
was charged vvith this enterprise. He departed from the British
coasts in the first days of the year, with a fleet of twenty-one saff of
the line, and a considerable number of provision vessels. Fortune
favored his first efforts. He had only been a few days at sea, when
he fell in with a convoy of fifteen Spanish merchantmen, bound from
St. Sebastian to Cadiz, under the guard of the Guipuscoa, a new
ship of sixty-four g-uns, of four frigates from thirty-two to twenty-
six, and of two smaller vessels. Rodney gave chase, and took the
whole fleet. The capture was the more fortunate, as the greater part
of the vessels were loaded with wheal, flour, and other sorts of pro
vision ; and the remainder with bale goods and naval stores. The
former he conveyed to Gibraltar, and the latter he sent back to
England, where the naval stores were much wanted. But this was
only the prelude lo greater and more brilliant success. On the six
teenth of January, admiral Rodney fell in, off cape St. Vincent,
with a Spanish squadron of eleven ships of the Une, under the com
mand of don Juan Langara. The Spanish admiral, if he had
chosen, might have avoided the encounter of a force so prodigously
superior to his own. But the moment he descried the enemy's sails
from his mast head. Instead of sending out his frigates to reconnoiter,
and falling back upon a port, he immediately formed his ships in
order of battle. When, on the near approach of the English, he
became certain of their superiority, he endeavored ,to withdraw, but
it was already too late. Admiral Rodney had given the signal fora
general chase, with orders to engage as the ships came up in rota
tion ; taking at the same time the lee gage, to prevent the enemy's

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 239
retreat Into their own ports. The English ships so much outsailed
the Spanish, that by four in the evening the headmost had come up
with them, and began lo engage ; their fire was returned with great
spirit and resolution by the Spaniards. The night was dark, tem
pestuous and dismal ; the proximity of the shoals of St. Lucar ren
dered the scene more terrible. Early in the action the Spanish ship
San Domingo, of seventy guns and, six hundred men, blew up, and
aU on board perished. The action and pursuit continued until two
in the morning. The Spanish admiral's ship, the Phcenix, of eighty
guns, with three others of seventy, were taken and carried safely
into Gibraltar. The San Eugenio and San Julian had also surren
dered to the English, who had shifted their officers, and put a cer
tain number of British seamen on board each of them. But the sea
being rough, the night tempestuous, and the breakers very near,
the Enghsh officers, having no pilots that knew the Spanish coast,
placed themselves al the discretion of their prisoners, who, from van
quished becoming victors, carried the two ships inlo the port of
Cadiz. Two other ships of the line and two frigates, all greatly
damaged, escaped into the same port. The following day the Eng
lish had great difficulty in extricating their fleet from the shoals, and
getting back Into deep water. Don Juan de Langara had been
wounded severely.
Admiral Rodney hastened to profit of his victory ; he entered
Gibraltar. In a short time he deposited there all the supplies he had
brought ; provision became so abundant that the fortress found itself
in a situation to endure a long siege without further recruit. Afler
having accomplished, with equal utihty to his country and glory lo
himself, the orders of his court, Rodney proceeded, about the middle
of February, with a part of his force, for the West Indies, He left
the rest of his fleet witii the Spanish prizes on their way to England,
under the conduct of rear-admiral Digby, Fortune, who had shown
herself so propitious to the English, seemed disposed to serve them
StIU on their return. They perceived at a great distance a squadron
consisting of several French ships of different sizes. It was a con
voy bound to the Isle of France, under the protection of the Proteus
and Ajax, both of sixty-four guns, and of the frigate la Charmante.
The viscount du Chilleau commanded the whole. As soon as he
discovered the English, he made a signal to the Ajax and tne bulk
of the convoy to make their escape by the rear. As to himself, he
rallied about the Proteus, the frigate, and some smaller vessels, in
order lo take up the attention of the enemy. His stratagem suc
ceeded. Rear-admiral Digby gave no heed to the Ajax, and the

240 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK Xll,
greater part of the convoy which retired under her escort ; he was
fully occupied in pursuit of the Proteus, which sailed with such
celerity that she had little lo fear ; but unluckily, she carried away
some of her spars, which so retarded her progress that she fell into
the hands of the English, together with three transports. Such was
the success of Rodney's expedition lo Gibraltar, It was celebrated
in England by unusual rejoicings, as weU on account of its real im
portance, as because it vvas the first good news which had arrived
for so long a lime. The parhament voted public thanks to George
Rodney. Thus England, while she defended herself, on the one hand,
against her enemies in Europe, prepared herself, on the other, to
attack al once the republicans upon the American continent, and the
French and Spaniards in the West Indies. Her resolution in the
midst of so many perils, and such powerful foes, became the object
of universal admiration. Her constancy was compared lo that of
Louis XIV., who nobly faced the coalition of all Europe against him.
She was declared lo imitate the still more recent example of Fred
eric the Great, who had withstood all the efforts of the most formida
ble confederacy. Even those who had the most openly blamed the
conduct of the British governraent towards its colonies, were now
the very men vvho most extoUed her present magnanimity. But
thinking men better appreciated the truth ; if they commended the
firmness of the British monarch, they neither compared him lo Louis
XIV. nor yet lo Frederic the Great. They reflected that England,
being an island, cannot, without extreme difficulty, be attacked In its
interior parts, and in the very elements of its force ; and that naval
battles are never so decisive as those of land. It cannot be denied,
however, that the ardor and intrepidity of the British nation seemed
to increase with all the dangers of its position . The most formidable
antagonists ofthe ministry suspended their attacks, in order to devote
themselves exclusively to the necessities of the state. ' Let us first
triumph abroad,' they exclaimed ; ' we will then settle this contro
versy between ourselves.' In the country, as in the most opulent
cities, a multitude of private individuals engaged to advance large
sums in order lo levy and organize troops. Not private subjects
only, but political and commercial bodies vied in promptness to offer
the slate their voluntary contributions. The East India Company
presented the government wilh three ships of seventy-four guns, and
a sum sufficient to raise and maintain six thousand seamen. Extra
ordinary bounties were given to those who presented themselves to
serve the king by sea or land Tnis lure, together with the love

BOOK XII. THE AMERICAN WAB. 941
of country and hatred for the French and Spaniards, drew sailors
to the ships in multitudes ; upon the whole surface of the kingdom
the militia were seen forming themselves to the exercise of arms.
In a word, aff Great Britain was in motion to combat the Bourbons.
The people of Europe, who had thought at first that she would
find il difficult to resist the formidable forces which that house had
marshaled for her destruction, began to believe that so much cour
age and firmness might be crowned with victory, or at least render
the struggle still for a long tune dubious, and consistent with her
safetv.

END OF BOOK TWELFTH.

16

VOL, II,

242 THE AMERICAN WAE. BOOK XIII.

BOOK THIRTEENTH.
1780. I HAVE now to describe an obstinate war, remarkable for
its nuraerous encounters and variety of success, and one which, pei-
haps, more than any other, has demonstrated how uncertain Is the
fale of arms, how inconstant the favor of fortune, and with what per
tinacity the human mind can arm itself in pursuit of that whereon
il has fixed its desires. Victory often produced the effects of defeat,
and defeat those of victory ; the victors frequently becarae the van
quished, the vanquished the victors. In Uttle actions was exhibited
great valor ; and the prosperous or unfortunate efforts of a handful
of combatants had sometimes more important consequences than in
Europe attend those terrible battles, vvhere valiant and powerful na
tions rush to the shock of arms. The Carolinas saw no cessation
of this fierce conflict, till by numberless reverses the cause of Great
Britain began to be considered altogether hopeless upon the Ameri
can continent.
Sir Henry CUnlon, as we have related in the preceding book, had
departed frora the stale of New York for the expedition of the Car
olinas ; the first object of it was the conquest of Charleston, the re
duction of which, it was calculated, would involve that of the entire
province. He look with him seven to eight thousand men, English,
Hessians and loyalists. Among them was found a corps of exceUent
cavalry, a species of force veiy essential lo the success oi operations
in open and flat countries. Clinton had likewise taken care lo fill
his transports with an iraraense quantity of military stores and pro
vision. The EngUsh moved towards their object, animated with ex
treme ardor and confidence of victory. The winds and sea were at
first highly favorable; but there afterwards arose a most violent
tempest, which dispersed the whole fleet, and greatiy damaged the
most of the vessels. Some arrived about the last of January at
Tybee, in Georgia ; others were intercepted by the Americans.
One transport foundered, wilh all its lading ; the horses, both artillerv
and troop, that were on board, nearly aff perished. These losses,
distressing at any time, were grievous and next to irreparable, under
the present circumstances. They, moreover, so retarded the enter
prise of Charleston, that the Americans had time lo put that place
in a state of defense.
All the dispersed corps at length re-assembled in Georgia. The
victorious troops of Savannah received those of Clinton vvith a high
flush of spirits ; all exerted themselves wilh emulation to remedy the

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAB. 243
disasters sustained in the passage. When all their preparations were
completed, that Is, on the tenth of February, they set sail in the
transports, under convoy of some ships of war. Favored by the
winds, they soon reached the mouth of North Edisto, a river which
empties Itself into the sea at a short distance from the Isle of St.
John upon the coast of South Carolina. Afler having reconnoilered
the places and passed the bar, the British army landed, and look
possession first of the above mentioned island, and next, that of
James, which stretches lo the south of Charleston harbor. It after
wards, by throwing a bridge over Wappoo Cut, extended its posts
on the main land to the banks of Ashley river, which washes the
waUs of Charleston. From Wappoo Cut it was intended to pass the
troops in galleys and flat boats to the left bank of the Ashley, upon
which Charleston stands. But the delays occasioned by the events
of the passage having given the Americans time to erect new fortifi
cations, and lo re-inforce the garrison, Clinton determined not lo
undertake the siege tiff , after having drawn a re-inforcement from
general Prevost, stationed at Savannah, whom he accordingly di
recled lo send him twelve hundred men, including the greatest num
ber of cavalry possible. He had likewise written to Knyphausen,
who, after his departure, commanded In the state of New York, to
forward him, with all expedition, re-inforceraents and munitions. A
few days after, general Patterson joined him wilh the troops from
Georgia, after having endured excessive fatigues, and surmounted
the numerous obstacles thrown in his way, not only by swoln rivers
and miry roads, but also by the eneray, whose light detachments
nad hung on his left flank from Savannah to far within the frontiers
of Carolina. Meanwhile, Clinton intrenched himself upon the banks
of the Ashley and of the adjacent arms of the sea, in order to se
cure his communications with the fleet. During this interval colo
nel Tarielon, of whora there will be frequent menrion In the course
of this history, an officer of cavalry, as skillful as enterprising, had
repaired lo the fertffe Island of Port Royal, where, employing money
with the disaffected and force with the patriots, he spared no exer
tions for the acquisition of horses to replace those lost in the pas
sage. If he could not collect as many as the exigencies of the ser
vice demanded, yet the success much surpassed his expectarions.
Thus, about the last of March, every thing was in preparation for
commencing the siege of Charleston ; the British army was separat
ed from the place only by the waters of the river Ashley.
On the other hand, the Americans had omitted none of those
preparations, whether civil or military, which they deemed the most
suitable for a vigorous defense ; although, Inlruth, it had not been

244 THE AMEBICAN WAR. BOOK XHI.
in their power to effect all that was requisite to meet the danger of
the emergency. The paper currency was so out of credit wilh the
inhabitants of South Carolina, that II was excessively difficult to pur
chase wilh it the necessaries of war. The want of soldiers was felt
wilh equal severity. The militia, irapatient to enjoy repose afler the
painful operations of Georgia, during the preceding winter, had dis
banded and retired to their habitations.
Another motive also discouraged them from marching lo the
succor of Charleston ; and that was, the fear of the small-pox,
which it was known prevailed in that city. Moreover, the six regi
ments of the hne, belonging to the provinces, were so enfeebled by
desertions, diseases, battle, and the expiration of engagements, that
all together did not amount lo a thousand soldiers. It should be
added, that many of the CaroUnians were induced lo profit of the
amnesty offered by general Prevost, at Savannah, some through loy
alty towards the king, others to preserve their effects from pfflage.
In effect, the English put to sack and devastation, without lenity, the
properly of all those who continued to serve under the banners of
congress ; and, besides, the victory of Savannah had penetrated
minds with a great terror of the British arms. The major part were
reluctant to immure themselves within a city which Ihey beUeved
little capable of resisting the assaults of so audacious an enemy.
Such was the penury of means to which South Carolina was
reduced ; the congress displayed not much more energy. They
had been seasonably apprised of the designs of the English, and
would fain have averted the storm they saw going to burst upon
South Carolina. But on the one hand, the weakness of the army
of Washington, which a great number of his soldiers had abandoned
at the termination of their engagement ; on the other, the force of
the garrisons which Clinton had left in the stale of New York, ren
dered it unadvisable lo detach any effective succor to Charleston.
Nevertheless, to support by words those whom they vvere unable to
assist by deeds, or under the persuasion that the people, re-animated
at the peril'which menaced South Carolina, would voluntarily fly to
arras, the congress wrote to the chiefs of that province, lo arm them
selves wilh constancy, for it was intended lo send them a re-inforce
ment of nine thousand men. But the fact proved that they could
only send fifteen hundred, of the regular troops of North Carohna
and Virginia. The congress dispatched, besides, two frigates, a
corvette, and some smaffer vessels, lo maintain. If possible, a com
munication by sea with the besieged city. The Carolinians were
also exhorted to arm their slaves ; a scheme, however, vvhich was
not put in execution,#vhether because of the universal repugnance

BOOK XIII, THE AMERICAN WAR, 245
that was felt to such a measure, or because there was not at hand a
sufficiency of arms for the purpose. Notwithstanding this coldness
of the citizens, the magistrates of Chaneston, encouraged by the
presence and words of general Lincoln, who directed all that con
cerned the miUlary part, held a general council, in which it was
resolved to defend the city to the last extremity. Yet more, know
ing how important in the operations of war, and especially in all
cases of emergency, is the unity of measures and povver, they con
ferred a sort of dictature on John Rutledge, their governor, giving
him authority to do whatever he should think necessary lo the safety
ofthe republic. They withheld, however, the power over the life of
citizens ; as he could punish none with death without a legal trial.
Vested with such an authority, Rutledge called out the mffitia ; but
few displayed their colors. He then issued a proclamation, sum
moning all persons inscribed on the military rolls, or having property
in the city, to muster and join the garrison ; their disobedience for
feited their estates. At so rigorous an order, some made their
appearance ; but stffl the number of those who took arras was far
from answering the wishes of the governor. The inhabitants of the
country seemed plunged In a kind of stupor ; they wished, before
they look their side, to see what would be the fate of events ; in
brief, the garrison of so considerable a city scarcely amounted to five
thousand men, inclusive of regulars, mffitia, and seamen. The firsts
who were principally relied on for the defense of the place, were to
the number of about two thousand. Meanwhffe, tiie fortifications
were pushed with indefatigable industry. They consisted, on the
land side, in a chain of redoubts, lines and batteries, extending
from one river to the olher, and covered wilh an artillery of eighty
cannon and mortars. In the front of either flank, the works were
covered by swamps, originaring from the opposite rivers, and tending
towards the center ; through which they were connected by a canal
passing from one to the other. Between these outward impediments
and the works were two strong rows of abatlis, the trees being buried
slanting in the earth, so that their heads, facing outwards, formed a
kind of fraise work against the assailants ; and these were further
secured by a ditch double picketed. In the center, where the nat
ural defenses were unequal to those on the flanks, the Americans
had constructed a horn work of masonry, as weU to remedy that de
fect, as to cover the principal gate. Such were the fortifications which,
stretching across the neck behind the city, and from the Ashley river
to Cooper's river, defended it on the part of the land. But on the
two sides where it is washed by these rivers, the Americans had
contented themselves with erecting numerou^atterles, constructed,

246 THE AMERICAN WAB, BOOK XIH,
the better lo resist shot, of earth mingled wilh palmetto wood. All
parts of the shore, where it was possible to land, had been secured
by strong paUsades, To support the defenses on shore, the Ameri
cans had a considerable marine force In the harbor, consisting in
eight of their own frigates, wilh one French frigate, besides several
smaller vessels, principally galleys. These were judiciously moored
at a narrow pass, between Sullivan's island and the middle ground ;
and if they had continued in this position, they might have severely
annoyed the British squadron, on Its approach lo Fort Moultrie,
situated on SuUivan's island, so much celebrated for the obstinate
and successful defense vvhich il made against the attack of the Eng
Ush in 1776. But when admiral Arbuthnot advanced with his ships
to Charleston bar, the American flotilla, abandoning its station, and
leaving Fort Moultrie to its ovvn fortune, retired lo Charleston ; vvhere
most of the ships, with a number of merchant vessels, being fitted
with chevaux-de-frize on their decks, were sunk to obstruct the
channel of Cooper's river, where il flows between the left part of the
town and a low sand bank caffed Shute's Folly. Thus, wilh the
exception of Fort Moultrie, there remained nolhing to prevent the
British fleet from entering the harbor, to co-operate with the land
forces. In this manner the inhabitants prepared to defend them
selves valiantly against the attack of the enemy ; but they still found
ed their hope on the succors of their neighbors of North Carolina
and Virginia.
Lincoln and Rutledge exhibited a rivalship of zeal and talent In
their efforts to impart fresh confidence lo the besieged, and new
strength to the works. They were admirably seconded by two
French engineers, de Laumoy and de Cambray. The troops of
the line were charged wilh the defense of the intrenehments, as the
post of perff, and the militia had the guard of the banks of the
river. As soon as Clinton had completed all his preparations, the twenty-
ninth of March, having.left a detachment to guard his magazines at
Wappoo Cut, he passed the Ashley river vvithout opposition, twelve
miles above Charleston. Immediately afler his debarkation he sent
a body of Infantry and cavalry lo occupy the greal road and scour
the country to within cannon-shot from the place. The army then
followed, and took post across tbe isthmus behind the city, at the
distance of a mile and a half. From this moment, the garrison lost
all communication with the land ; the enemy being masters of both
sides of the Ashley, there remained no way open for succors of
men and provision but across the Cooper on their lefl. The royal
ists had soon transporied to tiieir camp, through the assislaince to

BOOK Xlll. THE AMERICAN WAR. 247
captain Elphinstone with his boats and armed galleys, all the heavy
artillery, stores, and baggage. On the night of the first of April,
they broke ground within eight hundred yards of the American
works ; and In a week their guns were mounted in battery.
In the meanti.me, admiral Arbuthnot had made his dispositions for
passing the bar in order to gain the entrance of Charleston harbor.
The frigates, as drawing less water, passed without any difficulty ;
but the ships of the line could not be got over lill after having been
lightened of their artiUery, munitions, and even their water ; the
whole squadron passed on the twentieth of March. Arbuthnot came
to anchor at Five Fathom Hole ; he had stiU, however, to surmount,
before he could take an active part in the siege of Charleston, the
obstacle of Fort Moultrie, occupied by colonel Pinckney with a
respectable force. The English admiral, profiting of a south vvind
and flood lide, weighed anchor on the ninth of April, and passing it
under a press of sail, took his station within cannon-shot from the
city near James island. Colonel Pinckney had opened all his artll-
Jery upon the British vessels, at the moraent of their passage ; but
such was the rapidity of their way, that it did them little daraage.
The dead and wounded were less than thirty ; a solitary transport
was abandoned and burned.
In this slate of things, the batteries ready to be opened, and the
place already invested by sea and land, CUnlon and Arbuthnot sent
a joint summons to general Lincoln, holding out the fatal conse
quences of a cannonade and storm, and stating the present as the
only favorable opportunity for preserving the lives and property ofthe
inhabitants. The American answered spiritedly, that he was deter
mined lo defend himself. The English immediately commenced
their fire ; the place answered it briskly. But the besiegers had the
advantage of a more nuraerous artillery, particulariy in mortars, which
made great ravages. The pioneers and miners, under the direction
of the same Moncrieffe who had gained so rnuch honor in the de
fense of Savannah, pushed forward the works with extreme rapidity.
The second parallel was already completed and furnished vvith its
batteries ; every thing promised the English an approaching victory ;
but the Americans had assembled a corps on the upper part of
Cooper river, at a place called Monk's Corner. They were under
the conduct of general Huger ; and from that position they could
invest the besiegers on their rear, revictual Charleston, and in case
of extremity, enable the garrison to evacuate the place, and retreat
with safety irito the country.
Besides, however feeble was this corps, it might serve as an incen-
tiv e and rallying point for continual accessions. North CaroUna had

248 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIU.
already dispatched lo their camp a great quantity of arms, stores
and baggage. Under these considerations, general Clinton detached
fourteen hundred men, under lieutenant-colonel Webster, to strike
at this body of republicans before it should become more considera
ble, to break in upon the remaining communications ofthe besieged,
and to seize the principal passes of the country. Colonel Webster
was accompanied by Tarleton and Ferguson, both partisans of dis
tinguished gallantry. The Americans had established their pilncipa.
cantonments on the left side of the Cooper, and being masters of
Biggins Bridge, on that river, they had passed all their cavalry lo
the right bank. This position was strong, the bridge being accessi
ble only by a causeway through an impracticable morass ; but they
were off their guard, having neglected to post videttes, and lo re
connoiter the environs. Moreover, their dls-positions were defective ,
they had placed the cavalry in front, and the infantry in rear. The
English arrived, unexpectedly, at three in the morning ; their attack
was impetuous ; it routed the Americans in a few instants ; all
perished save those who sought safety by flight. General Huger,
and the colonels Washington and Jamieson, threw themselves inlo
the morass, and were fortunate enough to escape by favor of the
darkness. Four hundred horses, a prize of high value, fell inlo the
hands of the victors, with many carriages loaded wilh arms, clothing
and stores. The royalists took possession of the bridge, and, soon
afler, secured another passage lower down, and overrun the country
on the left side of the river, particularly the district of St. Thomas.
In this manner the besieged were deprived also of the Cooper river,
and Charleston found itself completely enclosed. Thegarrison was
not judged sufficiently strong to warrant any opposition to tills en
terprise. The Americans attempted only lo fortify a point on the
left bank, caUed Point Lamprey ; but Webster's corps being consid
erably re-inforced, and lord Cornwallis having taken the command
on that side of the river, they found themselves constrained lo aban
don this last post. The British foraged without obstacle, prevented
the assembUng of the militia, and cut off every species of succor.
A few days after, Tarielon, having advanced wilh incredible celerity
upon the banks of the Santee river, attacked and routed another
body of repubUcan cavalry, commanded by colonel Buford ; arms,
horses, raunitions, every thing fell into the power of the victor. Ad
verse fortune continued to pursue the republicans. Admiral Arbuth
not landed on Sullivan's island a body of seamen and marines, men
of approved hardihood. He began lo enclose Fort Moultrie ; having
procured a fuU knowledge of the stale of the garrison and defenses
uf the place, he prepared to storm it on the part of the west and

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAB. 249
northwest, where the works were the weakost. The garrison, sen
sible of the impossibility of relief, the English being masters of the
sea, and seeing the means of attack incomparably superior to those
of resistance, surrendered, the seventh of May. Thus Fort Moul
trie, which four years before had repulsed aff the forces of admi
ral Hyde Parker, fell, without firing a shot, into the power of the
royaUsts. In the meantime, the besiegers had completed their third parallel,
which they carried close to the canal we have already described ;
and by a sap pushed to the dam which supplied it wilh water on the
right, they had drained it in several parls to the bottom. They
hastened to arm this parallel with its batteries, and to complete the
traverses and other mines of communication. The place being thus
environed, and the bombardment about to commence, Clinton sum
moned Lincoln anew. A negotiation was opened, but the American
commander required not only that the citizens and militia should be
free with respect to their persons, but that they should also be per
mitted to sell their properly, and retire with the proceeds wherever
they might see fit ; the English general refused to grant these condi
tions. He insisted that the whole garrison should surrender al dis
cretion ; and, as to properly, he would agree to nolhing further than
that It should not be given up to pillage. The conferences were
broken off, and hostilities recommenced. The fortifications were
battered with violence by the heavy artillery ; bombs and carcasses
overwhelmed the town, and lighted frequent conflagrations ; the
Hessian marksmen felled all that showed themselves al the embra
sures, or on the ramparts. Neither shelter nor retreat remained tc
the besieged ; every thing indicated that the moment of surrender
must soon arrive. The fire of the place was already become lan
guid ; Its artillery was in part dismounted, and Its best cannoniers
either killed or out of service ; and the Enghsh had pushed on their
works till they Issued In the ditch of the place. The city was men
aced with an assault ; discord began to break out within ; the timid
and those attached to the royal party murmured aloud ; they con
jured Lincoln not to expose to Inevitable destruction, so rich, so
important a city. They represented that the stock of provision was
neariy exhausted ; that the engineers considered il impossible to
sustain a storm ; in a word, that there was not the least way of safe
ty left open.
In so terrible an extremity, Lincoln divested himself of his natu
ral inflexibility ; and, on the twelfth of May, the capitularion was
signed. The garrison were allowed some of the honors of war ; but
they were not' to uncase their colors, nor their drums to beat a Brit-

250 THE AMERICAN WAR. EOOK. XIII.
isn march. The contir»enlal troops and seamen vvere to keep their
baggage, and to remain prisoners of war until they were exchanged.
The militia were to be permitted to return to their respective homes,
as prisoners on parole ; and while they adhered to their parole, were
not to be molested by the British troops in person or properly. The
citizens of aff sorts to be considered as prisoners on parole, and to
hold their property on the same terms with the militia. The officers
of the army and navy lo retain their servants, swords, pistols, and
their baggage unsearched. As to general Lincoln, he vvas lo have
liberty to send a ship to PhUadelphia with his dispatches.
Thus, after a siege of forty days, the capital of South Carolina.
fell into the hands of the royahsls. Seven general officers, ten con
tinental regiments, much thinned, it is true, and three batlaUons of
artillery, prisoners of the English, gave signal importance to their
victory ; the whole number of men in arms who vvere taken, was
estimated al six thousand. Four hundred pieces of artillery, of
every sort, were the prey of the victors, with no small quantity of
powder, balls and bombs ; three stout American frigates, one French,
and a polacre of the same nation, augmented the value of the con
quest. The loss of men was not great on either side, and was not
very unequally shared.
The Carolinians complained gi-eatly of their not being properly
assisted by their neighbors, particularly the Virginians, in this long
and arduous struggle. The conduct of general Lincoln was unani
mously blamed, ihough very differently judged. Some reproached
him for having allowed himself to be cooped up in so extensive and
indefensible a town, instead of continuing the war in the open field.
They said that if he had taken this course, he might have preserved
to the Union a considerable army, and the most fertile part of the
province ; that it would have been much belter to harass and fatigue
the enemy by marches, retreats, ambuscades, and well concerted at
tacks ; that Washington had acted very differently, and vvith greater
utility lo his country, when, to the loss of his army, he preferred that
of the Island of New York, and even of the city of Philadelphia
itself. Il was not Lincoln alone, however, who should have been
made responsible for events,.but the congress and the neighboring
provincial states ; since they promised, at the approach of danger,
re-inforcements which they did not furnish.
Other censors of the general's conduct condemned him for not
having evacuated the town, when all the roads were still open on the
lefl side of the Cooper river. But if he followed an opposite coun
sel, it should be attributed, at first, to this same hope of proraised
succor ; and then, after the rout of Monk's Corner, and the English

BOOK XIII. . THE AMEBIC.4.N WAR. 251
had occupied the country between the Cooper and the Santee, to
the fear he justly entertained of encountering an Infinite superiority
of force, particularly in cavalry, and to the repugnance he felt to
leave Charleston at discretion in the hands of the enemy.
As soon as general Clinton had taken possession of that capital,
he hastened to take all those measures, civil as well as military,
which were judged proper for the re-estabUshment of order ; he then
made his dispositions for recovering the rest of the province, where
every thing promised to anticipate the wffl of the victor. Determin
ed to follow up his success, before his own people should have
time to cool, or the enemy to take breath, he planned three expedi
tions ; one towards the river Savannah, In Georgia, another upon
Ninety-Six, beyond the Saluda, both with a view to raise the loyal
ists, very numerous in those parts ; the third was destined to scour
the country between the Cooper and Santee, in order to disperse
a body of republicans, who, under the conduct of colonel Buford,
were retiring by forced marches tovvards North Carolina. All three
were completely successful ; the inhabitants flocked from all parts
to meet the royal troops, declaring their desire lo resume their an
cient allegiance, and offering to defend the royal cause with arms in
hand. Many even of the inhabitants of Charleston, excited by
the proclamations of the British general, manifested a like zeal tc
combat under his banners. Lord CornwalUs, after having swept the
two banks of the Cooper and passed the Santee, made hirnself mas
ter of Georgetown. Such was the devotion, either real or feigned,
of the inhabitants towards the king ; such vvas their terror, or their
desire to ingratiate themselves with the victor, that not content with
coming in from every quarter to offer their services, in support of
the royal governraent, they dragged in their train, as prisoners, those
friends of liberty, whora they had lately obeyed wilh such parade of
zeal, and whom they now denominated their oppressors. Mean
whUe, colonel Buford continued his retreat with celerity, and it ap
peared next to impossible that he should be overtaken. Tarleton,
nevertheless, offered to attempt the enterprise, promising to reach
him. Cornwallis put under his command, for this object, a strong
corps of cavalry, with about a hundred light infantry mounted on
horseback. His march was so rapid, that on the twenty-eighth of
May he had gained Caniden, where he learned that Buford had
departed the preceding day from Rugeleys Mills, and that he vvas
pushing on with extreme speed, in order lo join another body of
republicans that was on the march from Salisbury to Charlotte, in
North Carolina. Tarleton saw the Importance of preventing the
junction of these two corps ; accordingly, notwithstanding the fatigue

252 THE AMERICAN WAR'. . BOOK XIII,
of men and horses, many of these having already dropped dead wilh
exhaustion, notwithstanding the heat of the season, he redoubled his
pace, and at length presented himself, after a march of one hundred
and five miles in fifty-four hours, at a place called Wacsaw, before
the object of his pursuit. The English suraraoned the Americans
to throw down their arms ; the latter answered wilh spirit, that they
were prepared to defend themselves. The colonel drew up his
troops in order of battle ; they consisted of four hundred Virginia
regulars with a detachment of horse. He forraed but one line, and
ordered his artillery and baggage to continue their march in his rear,
without halting ; his soldiers were directed to reserve their fire lill
the British cavalry vvere approached within twenty yards. Tarleton
ost no time In preparation, but charged immediately. The Amer
icans gave way afler a faint resistance ; the English pursued them
wilh vigor, and the carnage was dreadful. Their victory was com
plete ; aff, in a manner, that were not kiffed on the spot, were wound
ed and taken. Such was the rage of the victors, that they massa
cred many of those vvho offered to surrender. The Americans
emembered It wilh horror. From that time II became with thera a
proverbial mode of expressing the cruelties of a barbarous eneray, to
call them Tarleton's quarter. Artillery, baggage, munitions, colors,
every thing, fell Into the power of the English. It appears that
colonel Buford committed two faults, the most serious of which was
the having awaited on open ground an enemy much superior in
cavalry. If, instead of sending his carriages behind him, as soon as
he perceived the royal troops, he had formed them into a cincture for
his corps, the English would not have attempted to force il, or
would have exposed themselves lo a sanguinary repulse. The
second was that of forbidding his men lo fire at the enemy, lill he
was within twenty paces; it ensued that Tarleton's cavalry was
enabled lo charge with more order and efficacy. That officer im
mediately returned, followed by the trophies of his victory, to Cam
den, vvhere he rejoined lord CornwaUis. The American division,
which had advanced to Charlotte, changed its plan, on hearing of
the discomfiture of Wacsaw, and fell back wilh precipitation on
Salisbury. This reverse destroyed the last hopes of the Carolinians, and was
soon followed by their submission. General Clinton wrote lo Lon
don, that Soulh Carolina was become English again, and that there
were few men in the province who were not prisoners to, or in arms
with the British forces. But he was perfectly aware that the con
quest he owed to his arms could not be preserved but by the entire
re-establishment of the civil administration. To this end, he deemed

BOOK XIII. THE AMEBICAN WAB 253
it essential to put minds at rest by the assurance of amnesty, and to
oblige the inhabitants lo contribute to the defense of the country,
and to the restoration of the royal authority. Accordingly, in concert
with admiral Arbuthnot, he published a full and absolute pardon in
favor of those who should immediately return to their duty, prom
ising that no offenses and transgressions heretofore committed In con
sequence of political troubles, should be subject to any investigation
whatever. He excepted only those who, under a mockery of the
forms of justice, had imbrued their hands in the blood of their feUow-
citizens, who had shown themselves adverse lo revolt and usurpa
tion. He had then to reflect that a great number of the Carolinians
were prisoners of war on parole, and that while they were considered
as such, they could not equitably be constrained to take arms in
favor of the king. But, in the pride of victory, Clinton thought he
might sport with the public faith, and got over this difficulty by
declaring, in a proclamation issued on the third of June, that the
prisoners of war were free, and released from their parole, with the
exception of the regular troops taken in Charleston and Fort Moul
trie ; he added, that they were re-established in all the rights and
aU the duties of Brirish subjects. But that no doubt might remain
with regard to his intentions, and to prevent all conjecture, he gave
notice that every man must take an active part in support of the
royal government, and In the suppression of that anarchy which had
prevailed already but too long. For the attainment of this object,
he required all persons to be in readiness with their arms al a mo
ment's warning ; those who had families, to form a militia for home
defense ; but those vvho had none, to serve with the royal forces for
any six months of the ensuing twelve, in which they might be called
upon to assist, as he said, ' In driving their rebel oppressors, and all
the miseries of war, far from the province' They were not to be
employed, however, out of the two Carolinas and Georgia. Thus
citizens were armed against citizens, brothers against brothers ; thus
the same individuals who had been acknowledged as soldiers of the
congress, since they had been comprehended In the capltularicn ns
prisoners of war, were constrained to take arms for the king of Eng
land ; a violence, if not unprecedented, al least odious, and which
rebounded, as we shall see by the sequel, on the heads of those who
wereguilly ofit. General Clinton, seeing the province in tranquillity,
and the ardor, which appeared universal, of the inhabitants to join
the royal standard, distributed his army in the most important garri
sons ; when, leaving lord Cornwallis in command of all the forces
stationed In South Carolina and Georgia, he departed from Charles
ton for his government of New York.

254 THE AMERICAN WAE. BOOK XIII.
That city, during his absence, had been exposed to a danger as
unexpected as alarming. A winter, unequaled in that climate for
its length and severity, had deprived New York and the adjoining
islands of all the defensive benefits of their insular situation ; the
Hudson river, with the straits and channels by vvhich they are divided
and surrounded, were every where clothed with ice of such a strength
and thickness, as would have admltttd the passage of armies, with
their heaviest carriages and artillery. This change, so suddenly
wrought in the nature of their situation, caused the British commanders
extreme disquietude ; they feared the more for the safety of New
York, as its garrison was then very feeble, and the army of Washing
ton not far off. Accordingly, they neglected none of those prudential
measures vvhich are usual in sirailar cases ; all orders of men in New
York were embodied, armed and officered. The officers and crews
of the frigates undertook the charge of a redoubt ; and those of the
transports, victualers and merchantmen, were armed with pikes, for
the defense of the wharves and shipping. But Washington was in no
condition lo profit of this unlooked for event. The small array which
remained with him hutted al Morristown, was inferior in strength even
to the British regular force at New York, exclusive of the armed in
habitants and militia. He sent lord Sterling, it is true, lo make an
attempt upon Staten Island, and to reconnoiter the ground ; but that
general, observing no movement in his favor on the part of the city,
returned to his first position. Thus the scourge of short engageraents,
and the torpor which prevailed al that time among the Americans,
caused them to \dse the most propitious occasion that could have been
desired, to strike a blow that would have sensibly affected the British
power. If their weakness constrained them to inaction in the vicin
ity of New York, the English did not imitate their example. As
soon as the return of spring had freed thera from the danger they had
•apprehended during the season of ice, they renewed their predatory
exploits in Nevv Jersey. Their object in these excursions of devas
tation and plunder, vvas to favor the operations In CaroUna, In order
tiiat the enemy, feeling insecure at various points, might carry suc
cor to none.
About the beginning of June, and a few days previous to the return
of general Clinton, the generals Knyphausen, Robertson, and Tryon,
who, during his absence, commanded the troops cantoned at , New
York, had entered New Jersey with a corps of .five thousand men, and
had occupied Elizabethtown ; they conducted themselves there wilh
generosity, and abstained from aU pillage. They aflerwardsadvanced
and took possession of Connecticut Farms, a new and flourishing
village. Irritated at the resistance thoy had experienced in tlieir

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 255
march having been harassed incessantly by the country militia, who
had risen against them from all the neighboring parts, they set fire to
this place ; only two houses escaped ; even the church was a prey
to the flames. This disaster was signaUzed by a deplorable event,
which contributed not a little to redouble the indignation of the
republicans against the royalists. Among the inhabitants of Con
necticut Farms was a young gentlewoman, as celebrated for her
virtues as for the singular beauty of her person. Her husband, James
Gadwell, was one of the most ardent and influential patriots in that
province. He urged her, and resorted to the entreaties of friends to
persuade her to withdraw from the danger ; but trusting to her ovvn
innocence for protection, she awaited the Invaders. She was sur
rounded by her little children, and near her a nursery maid held in
her arms tlie youngest of hei- offspring. A furious soldier appeared at
the window, a Hessian, as it is said ; he took aim al this unfortunate
molher, and pierced her breast with an instantiy mortal shot ; her
blood gushed upon aU her lender orphans. Other soldiers rushed
into the house, and set It on fire, after having hastened to bury theii
victim. Thus, at least, the republicans relate this horrible adventure.
The English pretended that the shot had been fired at random, and
even that it was discharged by the Americans, since it carae frora the
part by which they retired. However the truth may be, the melan
choly fate of this gentlewoman fired the breasts of the patriots vvith
such rage, that they flew from every quarter to take vengeance upon
fhe authors of so black a deed. The royal troops had put them
selves on the march lo seize a neighboring town called Springfield.
They had nearly reached It, when they were informed that general
Maxwell awaited them there, with a regiment of New Jersey regu
lars and a strong body of mffitia, impatient for combat. The EngUsh
hailed, and passed the night in that position. The next morning they
fell back wilh precipitation upon Elizabethtown, whether their com
manders thought it imprudent to attack an enemy who bore so men
acing a countenance, or that they had received intelligence, as they
publisned, that Washington had detached from Morristown a strong
re-iirforcement to Maxwell, The Americans pursued them wiih
warmth, but to Utile purpose, from the valer and regularity displayed
in their retreat.
At this conjuncture, gei*ral Clinton arrived al New York, and
immediately adopted a plan from which he promised himself the most
decisive success. His purpose was to dislodge Washington from the
strong position he occupied in the mountainous and difficult country
of Morrisonia, which, forming a natural barrier, had furnished the
American captain-general with an impregnable shelter against the

256 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIII.
attacks of the English, even when his force was the most reduced.
Accordingly, Clinton, having embarked a considerable body of
troops at New York, executed such movements as made It appear
that his design was lo ascend the Hudson river, in order lo seize the
passes in the mounlains towards the lakes. He had persuaded hira
self that Washington, as soon as he should be Informed of this demon
stration, would instantly put himself in motion, and. In the fear of
losing these passes, would advance wilh the whole or the greater part
of his force. In order lo defend them. The British general intended to
seize this occasion to push rapidly with the troops he had al Eliza
bethtown, against the heights of Morrisonia, and thus lo occupy the
positions which constituted the security of Washington. And, even
on the supposition that their distance should render il unadvisable to
maintain them, the destruction of the extensive magazines which the
republicans had established there, offered a powerful attraction.
Washington, in effect, who watched all the movements of CUnlon,
penetrated his designs. Fearing for West Point, and the important
defiles of that part, he retained wilh him only the force indispensably
requisite to defend the heights of Morrisonia, and detached the rest
upon the banks of the Hudson, under general Greene. The royalists
then marched with rapidity from Elizabethtown towards Springfield.
This place is situated at the foot of the heights of Morrisonia, on the
right bank of a stream that descends frora them, and covers it in
front. Colonel Angel guarded the bridge with a small detachment,
but composed of picked men. Behind him the regiment of colonel
Shrieve formed a second line, and ascending towards the heights near
Shorts Hill, were posted the corps of Greene, Maxwell, and Stark,
There were few continental troops, but the mffitia were numerous
and full of ardor.
On arriving at the bridge, the royalists attacked colonel Angel
with great impetuosity. He defended hiraself bravely, killing many
of the enemy, and losing few of his own. At length, yielding to
number, he fell back in perfect order upon the second line. The Eng
lish passed the bridge, and endeavored lo pursue their advantage.
Shrieve resisted their efforts for a whffe ; but too inferior in men,
and especiaUy in artillery, he withdrew behind the corps of Greene.
The English, then examining the situation of places, and the.strenglh
of the American intrenehments, abando^d the design of assaulting
them. Perhaps the approach of night, The impracticable nature of
the country, the obstinate defense of the bridge, the sight of the
militia rustling towards the camp from all parts, and the danger of
losing all communication with Elizabethto..ii, contributed lo this
abrupt change in the resolutions of the British generals. Exaspe-

BOOK XIII, THE AMERICAN WAE 257
rated at these unexpected obstacles, they devoted to pilkge and
flames the flourishing village of Springfield ; they afterwards return
ed upon Elizabethtown, Enraged at seeing this conflagration, the
republicans pursued the Brirish troops with so much violence, that
only their discipline and the abffity of their commanders could have
saved them from total destruction. They profited of the cover of
night to abandon the shores of New Jersey, and passed into Staten
Island. Thus the design of Clinton was baffled by a resistance for
•vhich he was little prepared. The English gained by this expedi
tion only the shame of repulse, and eternal detestation on the part
of their enemies. Washington, in official reports, greatly commend
ed the valor of his troops.
But il Is time to resume our narrative of the affairs of Carolina,
The English adrainistration, which, after the conquest of that prov
ince, had been established by the royal troops, deliberated upon the
means of repairing the evils caused by the war and by civil dissen
sions, in order to confirm the return of monarchical authority. Since
that of the congress had ceased to exist in the country, the paper
currency had fallen into such discredit, that it was not possible to
circulate it at any rale whatever. Many individuals had been forced
to receive, as re-imbursement for credits of longstanding, those depre
ciated bills ; others had balances still due them upon contracts stip
ulated according to the nominal value of the paper. It was resolved,
therefore, lo compel the debtors of the first to account with them by
a new payraent in specie, for the difference that existed between the
real and the nominal value of the bills ; and to estabUsh a scale of
proportion, according to which, those vvho owed arrearages should
satisfy their creditors in coined money. To this end, thirteen com
missioners were appointed. They were to inform themselves with
accuracy of the different degrees of the depreciation of the paper,
and afterwards to draw up a table of reduction, to serve as a legal
regulation In the payment of the debts above specified. The com
missioners proceeded in the execution of this difficult task wilh equal
justice and discernment ; they compared the price of the products
of the country, during the circulation of the bills, with that they had
borne a year before the war. Examining then the different rates
of exchange ofthe biffs for specie, they formed, not only year by year,
but also monlh by month, a table, the first column of vvhich contain
ed the dates, tiie second the ratio of the value of the bills to that of
specie, tiie third the ratio of the value of bills to the price of produce,
and the fourth the proportional medium of depreciation. This exr
tinction of the value of bills of credit, occasioned by the presence
ofthe English In Georgia and Carolina, induced those inhabitants
VOL. II. 17

2o3 THE AMERICAN WAB, BOOK XIII.
who still held them, to carry or send thera Into otner provinces, where
they continued to have some circulation. But this influx itself, added
to the loss of Carolina, and the sinister aspect which the situation
of the affairs of congress presented al this epoch, accelerated the fall
of paper money In all the states of the confederation. Too well con
vinced that there was no remedy capable of arresting the progress
of this appalling evil, the congress determined to yield to the storm.
They decreed that in future their bills should pass, no longer at their
nominal, but only at their conventional value ; and they also drew
up a scale of depreciation for the regulation of payraents. This res
olution, vvhich, ihough assuredly a violation of the pubhc failh, was,
wilh the exception of dishonest debtors, both agreeable and advanta
geous to all classes. Can there, in fact, exist, for a nation, a great
er calamity than lo have a currency as the representative of money,
when that currency is fixed by law, and variable in opinion ? It is
also lo be considered that the bills of credit were then in the hands,
not of the first, but of the last possessors, who had acquired them at
their depreciated value. It was only to be regretted that the congress
had made so many solemn protestations of their intention to main
tain the nominal value of their paper. Even the tenor of the bills,
the terms of the law of their creation, all the public acts which related
lo them, were so many engagements that a dollar in paper should
always be given and received for a dollar in silver. Scarcely were
a few months elapsed since the congress, in a circular letter, had
spoken of the same resolution they had now taken, as a measure of
the most flagrant injustice. In that letter they affirm, that even the
supposition of a similar breach of faith, ought lo excite universal ab
horrence. But such is the nature of nevv governments, especially
in tiraes of revolution, where affairs of stale are so much under the
control of chance, that they frequently promise what they cannot
perform ; the empire of circurastances seems to them a fair plea for
not keeping faith. Their precarious positions should render them
at least less prodigal of promises and oaths ; but, as inexperienced
as presumptuous, and vainly believing their object attained, when
they have found means to push on for a day, they seem the more
bold in contracting engagements, the less it Is In their power to ful
fill them.
The proclamation by which the British commanders had absolved
the prisoners of war from their parole, and restored them to the
condition of British subjects, in order to compel them to join the
royal troops, had created a deep discontent among the Carolinians.
The greater part desired, since they had lost liberty, to remain at
least in tranquillity at their homes, thus conforming lh';mselves to

BOOK XIIl, THE AMERICAN WAR, 25^
the time, and submitting to necessity. If this repose had been
granted them, they vvould not have exerted themselves to obtain a
change ; they would have supported less impatientiy the unhappy
situation of the republic ; littie by little they would have accustomed
themselves to the new order of things, and would have forgotten the
past. But this proclamation rekindled their rage. They cried with
one voice, ' If vve must resume arms, let us rather fight for America
and our friends, than for England and strangers ! ' Many did as
they said. Released from their parole, considering themselves at
liberty to take arms anew, and determined 'to venture all to serve
their cause, they repaired by circuitous and unfrequented ways Into
North Carolina, which was stffl occupied by the troops of congress.
Others continued to remain in the country, and in the condition of
prisoners of war, deferring to take riieir resolurion tiff the Brirish
officers should actually summon them to enter the field. The greater
part, subraitting to circumstances, could not resolve to abandon their
property, and withdraw inlo distant provinces, as some of their fel
low-citizens had done. In dread of the persecutions of the English,
and even of their own countrymen, and desirous to win favor with
their new raasters, Ihey had recourse to dissiraulation. They pre
ferred to change their Condition, and from prisoners of war to be
come British subjects. This resolution appeared lo Ihem the more
expedient, as a report was then in circulation, perhaps purposely
forged, that the congress vvere come to the determination no longer
lo dispute with the English the possession of the southern provinces.
This rumor vvas directly opposite to the truth ; for in the sitting of
the twenty-fifth of June, the congress had declared wilh much so
lemnity that they purposed lo make every possible exertion for their
recovery. But the prisoners of Carolina knew notliing of what
passed without, and from day to day they became more confirmed
in the Idea that their country would remain under British domina
tion. Thus, between choice and compulsion, the multitude resumed
the bonds of submission. But the English could have wished to
have all under their yoke ; they saw with pain that within as weU as
vN'ithout the province, there remained some individuals devoted to
the party of congress. Their resentment dictated the most extraor
dinary measures against the property and families of those who had
emigrated, and of those who had remained prisoners of war. The
possessions of the first were sequestrated and ravaged ; their fami
lies were jealously watched, and subjected, as rebels, to a thousand
vexations. The second were often separated from their hearths,
and confined in remote and unhealthy places. These rigors con
strained some to retract, and bend the neck under the new slaveiy ;

260 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIII.
others to offer themselves as good and loyal subjects of the king.
Among them were found individuals vvho had manifested the most
ardor for the cause of liberty, and vvho had even filled the first offices,
under the popular government. They generaUy colored their con
version wilh saying, that they had never aspired lo Independence,
and that they abhorred the alliance of France. Thus men will
rather stain themselves wilh falsehood and perjury, than live in mis
fortune and poverty ! Such was the conduct of the inhabitants of
the country ; but those of the city, having, by the terms of capitula
tion, the right lo reraainin their habitations, were not comprehended
in the proclamation of the third of June. It was requisite, there
fore, to employ other means lo Induce them to stoop to aUegiance.
The English and more zealous loyalists maneuvered In such a man
ner, that more than two hundred citizens of Charleston subscribed
and presented lo the British generals an address, by which they
congratulated them upon their victories. This step had been con
certed. It was answered them, that they should enjoy the protec
tion of the state and all t-he privileges of British subjects, if they
would sign a declaration of their allegiance and readiness to support
the royal government. They obeyed ; and their example had raany
imitators. Hence arose a distinction between subjects and prisoners.
The first were protected, honored and encouraged ; the second were
regarded with contempt, persecuted and harassed in their persons
and property. Their estates in the country were loaded with taxes,
and even ravaged. Within the city they were refused access lo the
tribunals, if they had occasion lo bring suits against their debtors ;
while, on the other hand, they were abandoned to all the prosecutions
of their creditors. Thus forced to pay, they were not permitted lo
receive. They were not suffered to go out of the city without a
pass, which was oflen refused them without motive, and they were
even threatened wilh Imprisonment unless they took the oalh of al
legiance. Their effects were given up to the pillage of the soldiery ;
their negroes were taken from them ; they had no means of redress,
but In yielding lo what was exacted of them ; while the claims of
subjects were admitted without question. The artisans vvere aUowed
to labor, but not lo enforce payment for their work, if their custom
ers chose to refuse it. The Jews had been permitted to purchase
many valuable goods of the British traders who had followed the
army ; but unless they became subjects, they were not allowed to
sell them. In brief, threats, fraud, and force, were industriously
exercised to urge the inhabitants to violate their plighted faith, and
resume their ancient chains. The greater part had recourse to dis
simulation, and, by becoming subjects, were made partakers of Brit-

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 261
ish protection ; others, more firm, or more virtuous, refused to bend.
But they soon saw an unbridled soldiery sharing out their spoils ;
some were thrown into pestilential dungeons ; others, less unfortu
nate or more prudent, condemned themselves to a voluntary exile.
Amidst the general desolation, the women of Carolina exhibited
an example of more than masculine fortitude. They displayed so
ardent, so rare a love of country, that scarcely could there be found
in ancient or modern history an instance more worthy to excite sur
prise and admiration. Far from being offended at the name of rebel
ladies, they esteemed II a tille of distinction and glory. Instead of
showing themselves in assemblies, the seat of joy and brffUant pleas
ures, they repaired on board ships, they descended into dungeons,
where their husbands, children and friends were in confinement;
they carried them consolations and encouragements. ' Summon
your magnanimity,' they said ; ' yield not to the fury of tyrants ; hesi
tate not lo prefer prisons to infamy, death to servitude. America
has fixed her eyes on her beloved defenders ; you wffl reap, doubt it
not, the fruit of your sufferings ; they wiff produce liberty, that
parent of all blessings ; they will shelter her forever from the assaults
of British banditti. You are the martyrs of a cause the most grate
ful to Heaven and sacred for men.' By such words these generous
women mitigated the miseries of the unhappy prisoners. They
would never appear at the baffs or routs that were given by the vic
tors ; those who consented to attend them were instantly despised,
and dropped by aU the others. The moment an American officer
arrived at Charleston as a prisoner of war, they sought him out, and
loaded him with attention and civffities. They often assembled In
the most retired parts of their houses, to deplore without restraint the
misfortunes of their country. Many of them imparted their noble
spirit lo their hesitating and wavering husbands ; they determined them
to prefer a rigorous exffe to their interests and to the sweets of life.
Exasperated at their constancy, the English condemned the most
zealous to banishment and confiscation. In bidding a last fareweU
to their fathers, their children, their brothers, their husbands,
these heroines, far from betraying the least mark of weakness,
which In men might have been excused, exhorted them to arm
themselves with intrepidity. They conjured them not to affow fortune
to vanquish them, nor to suffer the Icve they bore their families to
render them unmindful of all they owed their country. When com
prehended, soon after, in the general decree of banishment issued
against the partisans of liberty, they abandoned wilh the same firm
ness their natal soff. A supernatural alacrity seemed lo animate
them when they accompanied their husbands Into distant countries,

262 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XUI.

and even when immured with them in the fetid ships, into which
they were inhumanly crowded. Reduced lo the most frightful indi
gence, they were seen to beg bread for themselves and families.
Among those who were nurtured in the lap of opulence, many passed
suddenly from the most delicate and the most elegant style of living,
to the rudest toils and to the humblest services. But humiliation
could not triumph over their resolution cmd cheerfulness ; their ex
ample was a support to their companions In misfortune. To this
heroism of the women of Carolina, it is principally to be imputed,
that the love, and even the name of liberty, were not totally extin
guished in the southern provinces. The English hence began to be
sensible, that their triumph vvas still far from secure. For, in every
affair of public interest, the general opinion never manifests itself
with more energy than when women lake part in it with all the life
of their imagination. Less powerful as well as less stable than that
of men when calm, it is far more vehement and pertinacious when
roused and inflamed.
Such was the spectacle presented al that time in South Carolina ;
on the one hand, an open resistance to the wffl of the conqueror, or
a feigned submission ; on the other, measures that continuaUy ope
rated an effect directly contrary lo that which their authors expected
from them. Meanwhffe, the heat of the season, the dubious state
of the province itself, and the necessity of deferring the campaign
until the harvest was over, occasioned an almost general suspension
of arms. Il was not possible for the English to think of the con
quest of North Carolina before the last of August or the beginning
of September. Lord Cornwallis resolved lo canton his troops In
such a manner, that they should be In readiness to support the
loyaUsts, lo repress the discontented, and to undertake the invasion
of that province as soon as the proper season should arrive. He
was particularly careful to collect provision and munitions of war.
His principal magazines were established at Camden, a large viUage
situated on the banks of the river Wateree, and upon the road which
leads into North Carolina.
He feared lest the loyalists of that province, stimulated by excess
of zeal, should break out before the time, which might lead lo their
destruction. His emissaries continuaUy exhorted them lo await the
time of harvest in tranquiUity, and to content theraselves wilh prepar
ing subsistence for the royal troops, vvho vvould advance to their
succor towards the month of September. These prudent counsels
had not the effect to prevent the loyalists of Tryon county from
rising al the instigation of colonel Moore. But instantly crushed by
a corps of republicans, under the command of general Piutiierford

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 263
they paid deariy for the contempt with which they had presumed to
treat admonitions dictated by foresight. Eight hundred loyalists,
however, under the conduct of colonel Bryan, raade good their junc
tion vvith the royal troops. But while the British generals vvere
making their dispositions to profit of the favorable season to attack
North Carolina, in order to open themselves a passage inlo the heart
of Virginia, the congress exerted all dffigence to put themselves in
a situation to recover South CaroUna. Their efforts, as we shaff
see, were not without success. Thus the flames of war, for the
moment almost extinguished, were on the point of being rekindled
wilh more violence than ever.
Before entering upon the recital of the events of the bloody cam
paign that ensued, it is necessary lo describe what passed in the
West Indies between two powerful and equally spirited rivals. Al
ready a very obstinate action had taken place between the chevalier
de la Motte Piquet and commodore CornwalUs, in the waters of La
Grange, to the east of Cape Francois. The first had four ships,
two of which of seventy-four guns, the Annibal and the Diademe.
The other had only three, the heaviest of vvhich was the Lion, of
sixty-four guns. But this engagement was merely a prelude to the
battles that followed shortiy after. About the last of March, the
count de Guichen had arrived in the West Indies wilh such consid
erable re-inforcements, that the French fleet there amounted lo twen
ty-five sail of the line. Resolved to profit of their superiority
Dy sea as well as by land, the French embarked a strong body of
troops, under the conduct of the marquis de Bouille, and presented
themselves with twenty-two ships of the line before the island of St.
Lucia. Their intention was to carry It by assault. But general
Vaughan, who commanded on shore, had neglected no measure of
defense ; and admiral Hyde Parker, who had repaired thither from
the coasts of America, had so advantageously posted sixteen saff ot
the line al Gros Islet, that the French commanders abandoned the
project, and returned to Martinico. A few days after, admiral Rod
ney arrived at St. Lucia with re-inforceraents from Europe ; his
junction with Parker placed at his coramand twenty-two sail of the
line. Full of confidence in his strength, the EngUsh admiral sailed
immediately for Fort Royal bay in Martinico, in order to challenge
his enemy to battle. But the count de Guichen, who vvas not dis
posed to engage a decisive action, except when he should think it
e.\pedient, did not go out of the port. Rodney, having left some
swift sailing frigates to watch the motions of the French, and lo give
notice, in case they should saff, returned with tne remainder of his
fleet lo St. Lucia. The count de Guichen did not remain long

264 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIII.
inactive. He put to sea, in the night of the thirteenth of April, vvith
twenty-two sail of the line, and four thousand land troops, prepared
to undertake any operation that should offer sorae hope of success.
Rodney was soon advised of it, and sailed in quest of hira ; his fleet
consisted of twenty ships of the line, and the Centurion of fifty guns.
He commanded the center himself, rear-admiral Hyde Parker the
van, and rear-admiral Rowley the rear division. The French were
standing through the channel of Dominica, intending afterwards to
stretch off to windward of Martinico. Their van was under the
conduct of the chevalier de Sade, the main body was led by the
commander-in-chief, the count de Guichen, and the rear by the
count de Grasse. The two armaments came in sight of each other
towards evening, on the sixteenth of April. The French, whose
ships were encumbered with soldiers, and who found themselves
under the vvind, endeavored lo avoid an engagement. But the Eng
hsh bore down upon them. The count de Guichen profited of the
night to maneuver so as not to be obliged to join battle ; Rodney,
on the contrary, in order lo render it inevitable. On the succeeding
morning, the two fleets executed various evolutions wilh admirable
skffl ; and, a littie before one o'clock, the French rear was brought
to action by the British van. For it is to be observed, that in tack
ing lo lake an inverse order of battle, the French van was become
rear. Meanwhffe, Rodney arrived with his division upon the French
center ; his own ship, the Sandwich, of ninely guns, vvas encounter
ed by M. de Guichen, in the Couronne, of eighty, and by his two
seconds, the Pendant and Triumphant. But in crowding saff before
the action, the French fleet had not been able lo keep its distances
perfectly. Its rear, moreover, which had become head of the line,
being composed of more heavy sailing ships than those of the two
other divisions, there had resulted thence a considerable chasm
between that squadron and the center. This separation was still
increased by the drift of the Actionnaire, which, instead of standing,
as the last vessel of the center, the first of the icar, had suffered
herself lo fall to leeward of the line. Rodney resolved to seize the
opportunity, and moved In order to cut off this rear guard from the
rest of the fleet. ' But the Destin, commanded by M. Dumaitz de
Goimpy, being at the head of that division, threw herself across his
way, and engaged the Sandwich wilh so much vigor as to arrest his
passagv:. The French ship would have been crushed, however, by
a force so greatly superior, if the count de Guichen, perceiving the
design of his adversary, had not made a signal lo the ships of his
center to put about, and push wind aft, all together, in order lo
rejoin and extricate the rear. This movement, executed with

EOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 265
extreme celerity, completely baffled the plan of the British admiral,
and, consequentiy, saved the French fieet from a total defeat. Rod
ney, now finding himself exposed to have the blow he had meditated
agamst his adversaiy retorted upon himself, recoffed instantiy, and
pressed to regain his place in the line wilh his other ships. Soon
after he made his dispositions for renewing the action ; but seeing
the crippled condition of several of his ships, and the particularly
dangerous state of the Sandwich, which was wffh difficulty kept
above water, he thought It more prudent to desist. The count de
Guichen drew off to refit; he afterwards touchcci at Guadaloupe, in
order lo put ashore his sick and wounded. Rodney continued lo
maneuver In the open sea for some days, and then returned lo
cruise off Fort Royal bay, hoping to intercept the French fleet,
which he believed was on its way for that anchorage. But at length,
the enemy not appearing, and finding it necessary lo disembark the
sick and wounded, and to refit and water his fleet, he put into Choc
bay, in St. Lucia. The loss of the British, in this action, amounted
to one hundred and twenty kffled, and lo three hundred and fifty-
three wounded. Of the French, two hundred and twenty -one died,
and five hundred and forty were wounded. Rodney, in the report
of the battle which he sent to England, passed high encomiums on
the talents and gallantry of the French admiral ; and added, that he
had been adrairably seconded by his offlcers. This vvas an indirect
reproach to his own ; of whom, generally, he felt that he had much
reason lo complain. The two parties alike claimed the honor of
victory, as It is usual in every combat, the issue of which is not deci
sive. After having repaired his ships, and taken aboard the troops
under the command of the marquis de Bouille, M. de Guichen again
pul lo sea. His design was to ascend to windward of the islands by
the north of Guadaloupe, and then to disembark his land forces at
Gros Islet, in St. Lucia. Apprised of this movement, Rodney
immediately set sail in search of riie French fleet. He Issued from
the channel of St. Lucia, as it was standing off the extremity of
Martinico, towards Point de Salines. At sight of the British arma
ment, the French admiral became sensible that he must abandon the
attack of St. Lucia. His prudence is to be applauded in abstaining
from coming to battle, although .lis posirion to windward of the
enemy had placed it in his power ; but he inclined first to secure
the advantages which were offered him by the nature of those seas,
and the direction ofthe wind. H3 maneuvered to retain the weather
gage, and, at the same time, to draw the EngUsh to windward ol
Martinico. In case of a check, ne had m that island a certain refuge,
and if victor, he left none for his enemy. The British admiral labor-

266 THE AMERICAN WAR EOOK. XHI.
ed on his part to gain the wind, and continued to approach more and
more. The hostffe fleets had received each a re-inforcement of one
ship of the line ; the French, the Dauphin Royal ; the English, the
Triumph. These evolutions, in which the two admirals displayed
no ordinary degree of skill and judgment in seamanship, were pro
longed for several days, and still Rodney had not been able to attain
the object of his efforts. The French, whose ships were superior in
point of sailing, to entice the EngUsh, as has been said, raore to
windward of Martinico, suffered themselves lo be approached frora
time to time, and then suddenly spreading aff sail, departed out of
reach : this sport succeeded with them al first perfectly ; but at
length the French were nearly entangled into a general engagement,
in a situation vvhich presented more than one sort of perff ; for their
intention being to avoid it, they found themselves in no suitable order
for battle. The wind had gradually veered to the south. Vigilant
to profit of this change, Rodney put his ships about, and pushed
on the olher tack to gain the wind upon the French. He would
have effected his purpose, if the wind had not, in this critical mo
ment, suddenly shifted to the southeast. The count de Guichen
could then also put himself on the other lack, which movement pre
sented such a front to the English as no longer permitted them to
gain the wind of him. He afterwards continued to retire In order lo
avoid an action. But in consequence of the last maneuvers, the
two fleets being brought within cannon-shot of each olher, the Eng
lish pressed forward their van upon the French rear. It was already
towards night fall, on the fifteenth of May. The headmost of the
British ships, and particularly the Albion, found themselves exposed
unsupported lo the fire of the whole French division, and were
excessively damaged. The others rejoined them; but the French,
being belter sailers, then retired. Such was the second rencounter
between admiral Rodney and the count de Guichen. The French
preserved, the advantage of the wind. The two armaments contin
ued in sight of each other during the three ensuing days, both ma
neuvering according lo the plan of operations adopted by their re
spective admirals. Finally, in the raorning of the nineteenth of
May, the English being advanced to the windward of Martinico about
forty leagues, and distant between four and five, to the southeast,
from the French, the count de Guichen determined to accept battie,
and accordingly took in sail. But as soon as the British van was
within reach, he made a signal for his own to bear down upon it,
and the action was engaged wilh great spirit on both sides. The
Olher divisions formed successively in order of battle, the French
retaining the weathergage. The conflict became general, the two

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR, 267
fleets combating, the one wilh its starboard, the other with its lar
board guns. But the ships of the French van and center having
shortened sail In order to come to closer action wilh the enemy, it
was to be feared lest the English should tack all at once In order to
charge the rear, which was then at a considerable distance astern.
To prevent the fatal consequences that might have ensued from such
a moveraent on the part of the enemy, M. de Guichen put about
himself, and proceeded to form again In a line with his rear. No
maneuver could have been more suitable lo the conjuncture ; If it
had not been executed in season, the French admiral would have
found himself in the most perilous predicaraent. A few moments
after, nine British ships, having tacked, advanced with a press of saff
upon the French rear ; but when they saw that the main body and
van had rejoined it, and that the three divisions presented theraselves
in the best order, they resumed their station in their own line.
Rodney rallied such ships as were dispersed, and again drew up his
fleet in order of battle. The two armaments thus remained in pres
ence untff night, and even lill the succeeding morning, but vvithout
renewing the engagement ; they probably found that they had suffered
too much in this and In the preceding action. Rodney sent the
Conqueror, the Cornwall, and the Boyne, which were the most
damaged, to be repaired at St. Lucia, and set sail with the rest of
his fleet for Carlisle bay, in the island of Barbadoes. The Corn
waU vvent lo the bottom near the entrance of Careenage harbor.
The count de Guichen returned wilh his fleet to Fort Royal bay, in
Martinico. The loss of the English in these two last actions was
si.xty-eight kffled, and three hundred wounded. The French lost
one hundred and fifty-eight kffled, and upwards of eight hundred
wounded. Among the former were numbered many officers of dis
tinction, and even the son of count de Guichen. The English
also had to regret several officers of much reputation. Such vvas
the result of the three battles fought between the French and Eng
lish in the West Indies ; their forces were nearly equal ; their valor
and skill were entirely so.
Here il may be observed, of what Importance are the talents and
experience of commanders to the event of combats, and lo preserve
nations from the most terrlbls reverses. For il is evident, that if
either of the two hostile admirals. In the course of the three days we
have been describing, or during all those which they passed in observ
ing each other, had committed a single fault, the defeat and ruin of
his fleet must have been its inevitable consequence.
If hitherto the forces of France and of England had been pretty
equally balanced in the West Indies, it was not long before the first

268 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK XIII.
acqolred a decided superiority, by the junction of a Spanish squad
ron which arrived in those seas. Spain had conceived an ardent
desire to acquire Jamaica; and the French as eagerly coveted the
possession of the olher islands vvhich were still in the power of the
enemy. If these objects had been attained, the English would have
witnessed the total extinction of their domination in the West Indies.
Wilh such views don Joseph SolanoS had departed from Cadiz,
about the middle of April, wilh twelve sail •f the line and sorae
frigates. This squadron escorted upwards of eighty transports, con
taining eleven thousand Spanish infantry, wilh a prodigious quantity
of artillery and munitions of war ; an armament as formidable as
flourishing, and suited, without question, to justify the hopes wilh
which the allied courts had flattered themselves, particularly that of
Madrid. Already don Solano was well on his way across the At
lantic, shaping his course for Fort Royal, in Martinico. It was there
he purposed to make his junction with all the French forces. Rod
ney continued at anchor in Carlisle bay, attending to the health of
his crews, recruiting his provisions and water, and refitting his ships-
He had no mistrust of the storm that was about lo burst upon him.
But captain Mann, who was cruising al large with the frigate Cerbe
rus, fell in wilh the Spanish convoy ; aware of all the importance of
the discovery, and feeling assured that his admiral would receive it
weU, he took upon himself to quit his cruise and return lo the West
Indies, in order to give the alarm. Upon this intelligence, Rodney
put to sea vvith the least possible delay, for the purpose of meeting
the Spanish squadron ; confident of victory, if he could fall upon it
before its union with the French fleet. Conjecturing vvith reason,
that il was bound to Martinico, he awaited it upon the route usuaUy
taken by vessels destined for that island. His dispositions were very
judicious ; but the prudence and precautions of the Spanish admiral
rendered them fruitless. Without any intimation of the design of
the EngUsh, and of the danger that menaced him, don Solano, as if
directed by a secret presentiment, instead of steering directiy to
wards Fort Royal, of Martinico, shaped his course more to the north
on his right, and stood for the islands of Dominica and Guadaloupe.
As soon as he was arrived in their vicinity, he detached a very swift
sailing frigate to the count de Guichen, to request him to come out
and join him. The French admiral issued wilh eighteen ships ; and
being informed that the English were cruising to windward of the
Antilles, in order to avoid encountering them, he sailed under the
lee of those islands. This voyage was so well conducted, that the
two armaments came together between Dominica and Guadaloupe
Assuredly if all these forces, which greatly surpassed those of Rod-

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 269
ney, could have been preserved entire, or if the dlles had acted more
m concert, they must have attained their object, namely, the abso
lute amiihffation of the British power In the West Indies. But these
forces. In appearance so formidable, bore within themselves the ele
ments of their own destruction. The length of the passage, the
want of fresh provision, the change of cUmate, and the defect ff
cleanliness, had generated among the Spanish soldiers a contagious
fever, which had spread with incredible rapidity, and made horrible
ravages. Besides the deaths in the passage, the squadron had put
ashore twelve hundred sick at Dominica, and at least an equal number
at Guadaloupe and Martinico. The salubrity of the air, and that of
the new diet on which they were put In those islands, did not, how
ever, abate the fury of the pestilence ; il swept off every day the
most valiant soldiers ; it soon attacked also the French, though with
less violence than the Spaniards. This unexpected scourge not only
dirainished the ardor of the affies, but also deprived them of great
part of the means essential lo the success of their enterprises ; they
vvere, moreover, thwarted by the clash of opinions. The Spaniards
wanted to undertake in the first place the expedition of Jamaica, the
French that of St. Lucia and the neighboring islands. It followed,
that all these projects miscarried alike. Compelled to relinquish the
brilliant hopes wilh which they had flattered themselves, the allies
re-embarked their troops, scarcely yet well recovered, and made sail
In company tovvards the leeward Islands. The count de Guichen
escorted the Spaniaids inlo the waters of St. Domingo, and then,
leaving them to pursue their voyage, came to anchor al Cape Fran
cois. Here he made his junction wilh the squadron of M. de la
Motte Piquet, who had been stationed In that part for the protection
of commerce. The Spaniards proceeded to the Havanna. At the
news of the juncture of the allied fleets, Rodney repaired to Gros
Islet bay, in St. Lucia. But as soon as he was advised that they
had sailed from Martinico, he profited of a re-inforcement of ships
and troops that was arrived to him from England, under the conduct
of commodore Walsingham, to put Jamaica in a respectable state of
defense against the attacks of the allies. He kept the rest of his
force at St. Lucia, to watch the motions of the enemy and cover the
neighboring islands. Thus vanished the high hopes which had been
conceived in France as well as in Spain, from the formidable war
like apparatus direcled against the British West Indies. This failure
was less the fault of fortune than of that diversity of interests which
too frequentiy produces a want of harmony between allies ; they will
not march together towards the same object, and disunited they can
not attain it.

270 THB AMERICAN WAB. BOOK XIII.
The events we have been relating were succeeded, in the West
Indies, by a sort of general truce between the two parties. But
though the fury of men vvas suspended for a while, that of the ele
ments broke out in a manner much more tremendous. It was now
the month of October, and the inhabitants of the islands were in the
enjovment of that unexpected tranquillity which resulted from the
cessation of arms, when their shores, and the seas that washed them,
were assailed by so dreadful a tempest, that scarcely vvould there be
found a simffar example in the whole series of maritime records,
however replete vvith shocking disasters and pitiable shipwrecks. If
this fearful scourge fell with raore or less violence upon aU the islands
of the V/est Indies, it no vvhere raged wilh more destructive energy
than in the flourishing island of Barbadoes. It was on the morning
of the tenth that the tornado set In, and it hardly began to abate
forty-eight hours after. The vessels that were moored in the portj
where they considered themselves in safety, were wrenched from
their anchors, launched into the open sea, and abandoned to the
mercy of the terapest. Nor was the condition of the inhabitants on
shore less worthy of compassion. In the following night, the vehe
raence of the hurricane became yet more extreme ; houses were
demolished, trees uprooted, men and animals tossed hither and
thither, or overwhelmed by the ruins. The capital of the island
was well nigh rased to a level with the ground. The mansion of
the governor, the walls of which were three feet in thickness, was
shaken to its foundations, and every moment threatened lo crumble
in ruins. Those within had hastened lo barricade the doors and
windows to resist the whirlwinds ; all their efforts were of no avail.
The doors were rent from their hinges, the bars and fastenings for
ced ; and chasms started in the very walls. The governor vvith his
family sought refuge in the subterraneous vaults ; but they were soon
driven from that shelter by the torrents of water that poured like a
new deluge from the sky. They issued then inlo the open country,
and with extreme difficulty and continual perils repaired under the
covert of a mound, upon which the flagstaff was erecled ; but that
mass being Itself rocked by the excessive fury of the wind, the ap
prehension of being buried under the stones that vvere detached from
it, compelled them again to reraove, and to retire from all habitation.
Happily for them they held together ; for, without the mutual aid they
!(!nt each other, they must aff inevitably have perished. After a
long and toilsome march in the midst of ruins, they succeeded In
gaining a battery, where they stretched themselves face downward
on the ground, behind the carriages of the heaviest cannon, still a
wretched and doubtful asylum, since those very carriages vvere con-

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 271
tinually put in motion by the impetuosity of the storm. The other
houses in the city, being less sohd, had been prostrated before that of
the governor, and their unhappy Inhabitants wandered as chance
directed during that mercffess night, without shelter and wffhout suc
cor. Many perished under the ruins of their dweffings ; others
were the victims of the sudden inundation ; several were suffocated
in the mire. The thickness of the darkness, and the lurid fire of
the lightning, the continual peal of tiie thunder, the horrible whistiing
of the winds and rain, the doleful cries of the dying, the despondent
moans of those who were unable to succor them, the shrieks and
wailings of women and children, all seemed to announce the destruc
tion of the world. But the return of day presented lo the view of
the survivors a spectacle which the iraagination scarcely dares to
depict. This island, lately so rich, so flourishing, so covered with
enchanting landscapes, appeared aff of a sudden transformed inlo
one of those polar regions where an eternal winter reigns. Not an
edifice left standing ; wrecks and ruins every where ; every tree sub-
t'erted ; not an animal alive ; the earlh strown with their remains,
intermingled wilh those of human beings ; the very surface of the
soil appeared no longer the same. Not raerely the crops that were
in prospect, and those already gathered, had been devoured by the
hurricane ; tne gardens, the fields, those sources of the delight and
opulence of the colonists, had ceased to exist. In their place vvere
found deep sand or steril clay ; the enclosures had disappeared ;
the ditches were fiffed up, the roads cut with deep ravines. The
dead amounted lo some thousands ; thus much is known, though the
precise number is not ascertained. In effect, besides those whose
fallen houses became their tombs, how many were swept avv^ay by
the waves of the swoln sea and by the torrents, resembling rivers,
which gushed from the hiUs ? The wind blew with a violence so
unheard of, that if credit be given to the most solemn documents, a
piece of cannon, which threw twelve-pound balls, vvas transported
from one battery to another at more than three hundred yards dis
tance. Much of what escaped the fury of the tempest feU a prey
lo the frantic violence of men. As soon as the gates of the prisons
were burst, the criminals sallied forth, and joining the negroes, always
prepared for nefarious deeds, they seemed to brave the wrath of
Heaven, and put every thing to sack and plunder. And perhaps the
whites would have been all raassacred, and the vvhole island consign
ed to perdition, if general Vaughan, who happened to bc there at the
tune, had not watched over the public safety at the head of a bod'i'
of regular troops. His cares vvere successful in saving a considera
ble quantity of provision, but for wiiich rescmrce the inhabitants

272 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XHI.

would only have escaped the ravages of the hurricane, to be victims
of the no less horrible scourge of famine. Nor should it be passed
over in silence by a sincere friend of truth and honorable deeds,
that the Spanish prisoners of war, at this time considerably nume
rous In Barbadoes, under the conduct of don Pedro San Jago, did
every thing that could be expected of brave and generous soldiers.
Far from profiling of this calamitous conjuncture lo abuse their
liberty, they voluntarffy encountered perils of every kind lo succor
the unfortunate islanders, vvho warmly acknovvdedged their services.
The olher islands, French as well as English, were not much less
d(!vaslated than Barbadoes. At Jamaica, a violent earthquake add
ed its horrors lo the rage of the tornado ; the sea rose and over
flowed its bounds wilh such irapetuosity, that the inundation ex
tended far Into the interior of the island.
In consequence of the direction of the wind, the effects of the sea-
flood were the most destructive in the districts of Hanover and West
moreland. While the inhabitants of Savanna la Mer, a considerable
vfflage of Westmoreland, stood observing with dismay the extraordi
nary swell of the sea, the accumulated surge broke over them, and
m an instant, men, animals, habitations, every thing, vvas <;airied with
it into the abyss. Not a vestige remained of that unhappy town.
More than three hundred persons were thus swallowed up by the
.vaves. The most fertffe fields were left overspread wilh a deep
.stratum of sterff sand. The most opulent famili'js vvere reduced in a
moment to the extreme of indigence. If the fate of those on shore
was deplorable beyond all expression, the condition of those who were
upon the water was not less lo be pitied Some of the vessels were
dashed upon shoals and breakers, others foundered in the open ocean,
a few made their way good into port, but grievously battered and
damaged. The tempest was not oiffy fatal to ships under sail ; it
spared not even those that were al anchor in the securest havens
Some bilged in port, and raany weie drifted out to sea by the resist
less fury of the biUows. Among the first was the Thunderer, of
seventy-four guns, which sunk with all on board. Several frigates
were so shattered that they were not thought worth repairing. The
EngUsh had to regret. In all, one ship of seventy-four, two of sixty-
four, and one of fifty guns, besides seven or eight frigates.
.'Vmidst so many disasters, they found, at least, some succor in
the humanity of the marquis de Bouiffe, A number of English
sailors, the wretched relics of the crews of the Laurel and Andro
meda, wrecked upon the coasts of Martinico, fell into the power
of that general. He sent them free to St, Lucia, saying, that he
would not treat as prisoners men vvho had escaped the rage of the

BOOK XIII. THE AMEBICAN WAR. 273
elements. He expressed a hope that the English would exei'^ise the
same generosity towards those Frenchmen whom a simffar destiny
might have delivered Into- their power. He testified his regrets thai
he had only been able to save so few of the English seamen, and that
among them there was not a single officer. He concluded wilh
observing that, as the calamity had been common and general, hu
manity should be extended ahke towards aff its victims. The mer
chants of Kingston, the capital of Jamaica, animated by the most
honorable social sentiments, immediately made a subscriprion of ten
thousand pounds sterling for the relief of the sufferers. The parlia
ment, as soon as It was apprised of this catastrophe, voted, notwith
standing the pressure of the expenses of the war, a donation of eighty
thousand pounds sterling to the inhabitants of Barbadoes, and anoth
er of forty thousand to those of Jamaica. Nor was public munifi
cence the only source of their succors ; a great number of private
citizens likewise contributed largely lo affeviale the distresses of
these unfortunate West Indians.
The fleet of the count de Guichen, and that of admiral Rodney,
were not exposed lo the hurricane. The first was already departed
for Europe, in the monlh of August, escorting, with fourteen sail of
the line, a rich- and numerous fleet of merchantmen. In conse
quence of his departure, and in ignorance of his designs, Rodney,
to whora, moreover, the Spanish troops landed at the Havana gave
no little disquietude, detached a part of his force to cover Jamaica,
and made sail with the rest for New York. But before he reached
the American continent, and even before he departed from the West
Indies, there had happened a surprising revolution in public affairs,
of which we shall give an account in due time. While men were
engaged in so fierce a war upon the continent, and in the islands of
America, while they had to combat there the fury of the elements,
the belligerent powers were far from remaining inactive In Europe,
Greater unity was observable in the counsels of England ; but, how
ever excellent her marine, it was inferior in force to that of the allied
courts. These, on the other hand, had more ships and more sol
diers ; but often directed towards very different objects, by opposite
interests, they did not obtain the success to which they might have
aspired. Thus, for example, the Spaniards, always principaUy aim
ing at the conquest of Gibraltar, assembled their forces, and lavished
their treasure, at the foot of that fortress. From the same motive
tney kept tiieir ships in the port of Cadiz, Instead of joining them
with those of France, and attempting in concert to strike a decisive
blow at the British power. It followed that France was obliged to
VOL. II. 18

274

THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK XIII.

send her squadrons into that same port ; and, meanwhile, the British
fleets were blockading her Atlantic ports, intercepting her comraerce,
capturing her convoys, and the frigates that escorted them.
Admiral Geary, who, on the death of sir Charles Hardy, had been
appointed to the com.mand of the channel fleet, had put lo sea with
about thirty sail of the line. He fell in, the third of July, wilh a fleet
of French merchantmen, loaded with cochineal, sugar, coffee, and
cotton, under the guard of the ship of war Le Fier, of fifty guns.
The English gave chase, and captured twelve sail, and probably
would have swept the whole convoy, but for a thick fog and the great
proximity of the coasts of France ; the rest made their ports in
safety. Several other French ships, and even some frigates, fell, a
short lime afler, into the power of the English, but not without a
gallant resistance. As we cannot go into a narrative of all the en
counters that took place, we will not, however, omit the name at
least of the chevalier de Kergarion, captain of the Belle Poule, who
vvith that frigate, of only thirty-two guns, defended himself a long
time against the Nonesuch man of war, of sixty-four, commanded
by Jaraes Wallace. Nor was it till after the death of the intrepid
Kergarion, that his successor, M. de la Motte Tabouret, yielded lo
the necessity of striking his colors ; his frigate was completely dis
masted ; the greater part of the crew had perished.
The allies made themselves ample amends for these losses on the
ninth of August. Towards the latter end of July, a numerous fleet
of king's ships and merchantmen had set saff from the ports of Eng
land for the two Indies. Five of the first, besides much of munitions
of war^ arms and artillery, vvere loaded wilh an immense quantity
of rigging for the use of the British fleet, stationed in those dis
tant seas. Eighteen others were either victualing ships or trans
ports, carrying military stores and recruits, lo re-inforce the army
of America. The others were vessels of commerce, whose car
goes were extremely valuable. This fleet was escorted by the
Romulus ship of the line, and three frigates. It vvas pursuing its
voyage, having in sight, at a great distance, the coasts of Spain, when,
in the night df the eighth of August, it feff into the midst of a squad
ron of the combined fleet, which was cruising upon the accuslomed
route of ships destined for the East or West Indies. The hostile
squadron was commanded by admiral don Lewis de Cordova. The
Enghsh mistook his lanterns at mast head for those of their own com
mander, and steered accordingly. Atbreakof day,they found them
selves intermingled wilh the Spanish fleet. Don Cordova enveloped
tiiem, and shifted the crews of sixty vessels ; the ships of war escaped

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR, 273
him. His return to Cadiz was a real triumph. The people flocked
to behold the prisoners, and this rich booty; a spectacle the more
grateful for being uncommon, and little expected. Near three thou
sand prisoners were put ashore, of every, condition, and of every age.
Of this number were sixteen hundred saffors, a heavy loss for Eng
land, and passengers not a few. The English even regretted much
less the cargoes of commercial articles than the munitions of war, of
which their armies and fleets in both Indies experienced the most
pressing need. So briUiant a success was received by the Spanish
nation with infinite exultation. The news of it spread, on the con
trary, a sort of consternation In Great Britain, The ministers found
themselves the objects of the bitterest reproaches ; the public voice
accused them of temerity, 'They knew,' it was exclaimed, 'that
the allies had a formidable force at Cadiz ; why did they not direct
the convoy to avoid the coasts of Spain ? '
The events of maritime war did not divert attention from the siege
of Gibraltar, Spain, as we have already seen, attached an extreme
importance to the conquest of this place. She appeared to make it
the capital objectof the war, and the aim of all her efforts. It must
be adraitted, in effect, that, apart from all political considerations, so
powerful a monarch could not have seen, without indignation, a for
tress upon his own territory possessed by foreigners, who, from its
summit, appeared to set him at defiance, Gibraltar revived the his
tory of Calais, which had also long appertained to England, but which
the French at length recovered ; the Spaniards proraised themselves
the like good fortune. Accordingly, after that place had been re-
victualed by Rodney, the Spanish admiral, don Barcelo, exerted all
his vigilance lo prevent its receiving any fresh succors. On Ih^
Other hand, general Mend.oza, who commanded the troops on shore,
endeavored to press the fortress on the land side. He daily added
new works to his camp of St. Roch, and pushed his approaches with
all possible diligence. But whatever was the assiduity and ability of
the Spanish commanders, they were so thwarted by the instability of
the winds and sea, and the British officers displayed so much talent
and activity, that, from time to time, victualing transports found their
way into the place. The garrison forgot their sufferings, and re
sumed courage, while the Spaniards could but gnash wilh rage al
seeing the resistance protracted so long beyond their confident ex
pectations. The efforts of the garrison were powerfully seconded by some
ships of war which admiral Rodney had left in the port; one of this
number was the Panther, of seventy-four guns, 'To remove so

276 THE AMERICAN WAll. BOOK XIII.
troublesome an obstacle, the Spaniards formed a design to burn this
squadron with the transport vessels at anchor behind it. They hoped
even to Involve in the conflagration the immense magazines of rauni
tions which had been constructed upon the shore. They prepared
for this purpose seven fire-ships, which were lo be accompanied by
an immense number of armed galleys and boats. Don Barcelo ad
vanced his fleet, and formed It in line of battle across the mouth of '
the harbor, as well to direct and second the attack, as to,.,inlercept
any vessel that should attempt to escape. On the side of the land,
don Mendoza held himself In readiness to menace the garrison upon
all points ; he was to commence the most vigorous bombardment as
soon as the fire should break out on board the British squadron. The
night ofthe sixth of June was chosen for the enterprise. The dark
ness, the wind, and the tide, were ahke propitious. The English
manifested a perfect security. The fire-ships advanced, and every
thing promised success, when the Spaniards, either through impa
tience, or from the extreme obscurity of the night, misjudging their
distance, or else not wishing lo approach nearer, applied the fire with
too much precipitation. This unexpected sighlapprlsed the EngUsh
of their danger. Immediately, without terror, and without confu
sion, officers and soldiers throw themselves into boats, intrepidly
approach the fire-ships, make fast to them, and tow them off lo places
where they can do no mischief. The Spaniards, afler this fruitless-
attempt, withdrew.
Meanwhile, don Mendoza busied himself with unremitting ardor
in urging the labors of his lines. General Elliot, to whom the king
of England had confided the defense of the place, suffered his ad
versary to go on ; but when he saw his works well nigh completed,
he opened upon them so violent a cannonade, that in a short time he
demolished and ruined them entirely. He also made frequent sallies,
in which he filled up the trenches, and spiked the artiUery of the
besiegers. The English became daily more confident ; the Spaniards,
on the contrary, seemed less animated and sanguine. Chagrined
that a handful of men — since the garrison of Gibraltar, including offi
cers, did not exceed six thousand combatants,^— should not only pre
sume lo resist them, but even to attack them with success, they had
recourse to an expedient, which at length rendered the defense of
the place exceedingly difficult and perilous, and finally operated the
total destruction of the city ; and that was, to construct an Immense
number of craft which they caffed gun-boats. Their burthen was
from thirty to forty tons, and their crew from forty to fifty men ; they
were armed at the prow with a tweniy-six pounder ; others mounted

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 277
mortars. Besides a large saff, they had fifteen oars on each side.
As they were easily worked, it was intended to employ them to over
whelm the town and forts wilh bombs and baffs during the nights,
and even, if the opportunity should present itself, to attack the
frigates. It was beUeved that two of these gun-boats might engage
a frigate with advantage, because of their little elevation above the
vvater, and the diminutive scope they afforded to the balls of the
eneray. The governor of Gibraltar not having a similar flotffia at
his disposal, it became almost Impossible for him to avoid its effects,
The Spaniards were sensible of It, and this consideration revived
their ardor, and reanimated their hopes.
While the arms of England prevailed upon the American conti
nent ; whffe those of the two ancient rivals balanced each olher in
fhe West Indies, and the war vvas carried on In Europe with such
variety of success that it was singularly difficult to conjecture what
Would be the issue of the mighty struggle, the situation of affairs inthe
United Provinces, which had hitherto offered only doubt and incerti
tude, began lo assurae a less ambiguous aspect. It seemed lo have
been decreed by destiny, that the quarrel of America should shake the
whole globe. The coalition of the arms of HoUand wilh those of the
Bourbons and of the congress, seeraed to consummate the formida
ble league that was lo level the last stroke at the British power.
From the very commencement of the troubles ofAmerica, her cause
had found many more partisans in HoUand than that of England.
Many motives concurred to this disposition of minds ; the poUtical
opinions which obtained generally in Europe ; the persuasion that
prevaUed among the Hollanders that the Interests of protestantism
were inseparable from this discussion ; the apprehension eniertained
by the dissenters of the usurpations, real or supposed, of the church
of England ; and, finally, the similarity of the present condition of
the Americans to that in which the United Provinces found them
selves in the rime of their wars against Spain. It is, therefore, not
to be wondered at. If the French party in Holland gained every day
upon the English parly. It Is also to be observed, tiiat even those
most attached to the latter party by the remembrance of ancient
friendship, by the community of commercial predilections, and by
the apprehension of the evil that France might do them in future,
were among the most forward to condemn the policy pursued by the
British government tovvards Its colonies. They censure.f I it the more
sincerely, as they foresaw that one of Its Inevitable consequences
would be to interrupt the good understanding they wished to pre
serve, ahd to confirm the ascendency of French politics In Holland.

. 278 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XIII.

To these considerations should be added, the jealousy that existed
of the power of the stadtholder, allied by consanguinity lo the king
of England ; it was feared lest tha]t monarch might lend him support
to accomplish the usurpations he meditated, or was suspected of
meditating. The republicans, Iherefore, vvere not without anxious
apprehensions respecting the intentions of the British government.
They dreaded the dark reach of its policy ; they shuddered in think
ing that it might one day subject them by the hand of the stadtholder
to that same destiny which it was now striving lo entail on America.
Every day these sinister images were presented to all eyes ; they
had a powerful influence on public opinion. Of the seven United
Provinces, that which IncUned the most decidedly for France was
by far the raost wealthy and powerful — Holland. The first of the
cities of the repubUc, Arnsterdam, manifested the same sentiments.
To foment these dispositions, and lo draw other provinces and
other cities into the same way of thinking, the French government
had recourse lo the agency of that love of gain, whose empire is par
ticularly so despotic with those who apply themselves to commerce,
Tt declared that It would cause lo be seized upon sea every Dutch
vessel found employed in any sort of trade wilh Great Britain, those
only excepted which belonged to the cities of Amsterdam and Har
lem. The effect of this measure was, that several iraportant cities,
UmOng others Rotterdam and Dordrecht, had gone over lo France,
In order to participate in the privileges she granted.
It was already two years since from this complication of different
interests, there had resulted a standing negotiation, at Aix la Cha-
peUe, between John Neuville, acting in the narae of the pensioner
Van Berkel, a declared partisan of France, and WiHiam Lee, com
missioner on the part of congress. Van Berkel, as chief of the gov
erninent of the city of Amsterdam, succeeded, afler many and
protracted discussions, in bringing about a treaty of amity and com
merce between that city and the United States of America. This
treaty, it was said, was merely eventual, since it was not to take
effect untff the independence of the colonies should have been ac
knowledged by England. But was it not a recognition of that inde
pendence as already absolute, to negotiate and treat with the United
Slates ? The treaty, it is true, had only been concluded wilh the
single city of Amsterdam ; but it was hoped that the preponderance
of that capital in the province of Holland would easffy draw after il
the rest of that province, and that the example of HoUand, would
guide the other six.

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 279
Tticse negoriarions were conducted with so much secrecy, thatno
whisper of them had reached England. But the congress, ardently
desirous that the result of these mysterious sripulations should be as
public as possible, appointed to this effect their president, Laurens,
minister plenipotentiary to the Slates-General. This resolution was
the more readily adopted, since it was not doubted in America, and
the correctness of the opinion was demonstrated by the event, that
the Dutch were exasperated to the last degree . by the insulting
shackles which England attempted to impose on their commerce with
France, and especiaUy by that intolerable seizure of the convoy of
the count de Byland. Far from attempting to palliate these out
rages, and to appease discontents, M. York, ambassador of the king
of England at the Hague, had just delivered the States-General a
memorial, framed in so arrogant a style, that it was universally
considered as offensive to the dignity of a free and independent
nation. But fortune, who seems to make her sport of the best concerted
projects, wffled that those of the Hoffanders should come lo the,
knowledge of the British ministers before they could receive their
accomphshment. No sooner was Laurens departed from the Amer
ican shores, than he was encountered and captured offNewfoundland,
by the British frigate Vestal. At sight of the enemy, he had thrown
aU his papers overboard ; but by the celerity and dexterity of a
British sailor, they vvere rescued from the water before they were
materially Injured. Laurens was carried to London, and shut up in
the tower as a state prisoner. Among his papers, the British minis
ters found the treaty above mentioned, and some letters relative to
the negotiations at Aix la Chapelle. Forthwith, M. York made a
great stir at the Hague. He required the Stales- General, In the
name of his master, not only lo disavow the doings of the pensioner
Van Berkel, but also to make instant reparation to his Britannic
majesty, by the exemplary punishment of that magistrate and hl^
accomplices,! as perturbators of the public peace, and violators of the
laws of nations. The Slates-General withholding their answer, the
Brirish envoy renewed his instances with excessive fervor ; but the
Dutch government, either from its reluctance lo drop the mask at
present, or merely from the accustomed tardiness of its dehberations,
signified to York that the affair should be taken under serious con
sideration. The States-General vvere inclined to gain time to recall
into their ports the rich cargoes they had afloat upon the ocean, as
well as those which, in the security of a long peace, had. been
deposited in their islands.

280 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XUI.
On tne other hand, the British ministers, goaded by impatience to
lay hand upon those liches, and little disposed to allow the Dutch suf
ficient leisure to make the necessary war preparations, pretended not
to be at all satisfied witii the answer of the Slates-General. They
recalled the ambassador at the Hague immediately. A little after,
there followed on both sides the usual declarations. Thus were dis
solved all those relations of good understanding, which had so long
existed between two nations connected by reciprocal congenialities,
and by many and important common interests. This new enemy was
the more to be apprehended for England, as his dexterity in maritime
war was rendered more formidable by his pro.xlmity. But on the
one hand, pride, perhaps necessary to a powerful state, and the thirst
of conquest, always blamable and never satisfied ; on the olher,
intestine dissensions, and the debffity of land force, which inspired
more dread of continental neighbors than could weff comport with
independence, precipitated Greal Britain and HoUand into a war
decidedly and openly condemned by all sound statesmen.
• It is tirae lo remand our attention upon the American continent.
After the capture of Charleston and invasion of South Carolina, a
great and astonishing change was wrought In the minds of the colo
nists. Their salvation resulted from those very causes which seeraed
lo prognosticate an impending perdition. So true il Is that the spur
of adversity forces men lo exert, for their own interests, efforts to
which the sweets of prosperity cannot induce them ! Never was
this truth belter exemplified than in the piesent conjuncture ; the
reverses of Carolina, far from having dejected the Americans, devel
oped in them, on the contrary, a courage more active, and a con
stancy more pertinacious. They could no longer be reproached
with that torpor which they had manifested in the preceding years,
with that apathy which had been the source of so much pain to their
chiefs, as of such heavy disasters to the republic. A new ardor In
flamed every heart lo fly lo the succor of country ; there seemed a
rivalry for the glory of imraolaling all to the republic ; things looked
as if the first days of the revolution were come back, when the same
spirit and the same zeal broke out on all parts against England,
Every where private interests were postponed lo the public weal;
every where it was exclaimed, ' Let us drive this cruel enemy from
the most fertile provinces of the Union ; let us fly to the succoi ol
their Inhabitants ; let us crush the satelUtes of England that have
somehow escaped American steel, and terminate at a single blow a
war protracted too long.' Thus III fortune had again tempered the
souls of this people at the very moment when they were supposed

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 281
the victims of dejection and despair. Their lury was still quickened
by the devastations which the royal troops had recently committed
In Carolina and New Jersey. Their hope became confidence, on
observing that the consequences of the reduction of Charleston had
been to divide the enemy's forces, and to distribute them at so great
distances, that they might be attacked at every point with assurance
of success. And how were these hopes multiplied by the authentic
advice of the approaching arrival of French succors ! Already a
great number of Americans counted the conquest of New York as a
compensation of the occupation of Charleston.
The marquis de la Fayette was in effect just returned from France,
whence he had brought the most cheering intelligence. He an
nounced that the troops were already embarked, and the ships that
bore them on the point of getting under sail for America. This
report might be depended on. The marquis de la Fayette had as
certained it with his own eyes, after having exerted himself vvith
much zeal to accelerate the preparatives of the expedition. He vvas
warmly thanked for it by Washington and the congress. His pres
ence was grateful to the American people ; it redoubled, especially,
the ardor of the soldiers, who mutuaffy incited one another, to show
themselves not unworthy of the affies they expected. They declared
aloud that an eternal reproach vvould be their portion, If, through
a base apathy, they should lose the glorious occasion about to be
offered them In this powerful co-operation of France. They re
minded each olher that the eyes of all Europe were upon thera, and that
on the issue of the present campaign depended the liberty, the glo
ry, the future desriny of the American republic. The congress, aU
the established authorities, and even private citizens of weight with
the raulrilude, dexterously profited of this new enthusiasm ; they
neglected no means that could cherish and propagate il. The con
gress addressed circular letters to all the slates, earnestiy exhorting
them lo complete the regiments, and dispatch to the array the con
tingent that each of them was bound lo furnish. These instances
were strongly seconded by generals Washington, Reed, and other
influenrial chiefs.
Their efforts had all the success desirable. The miliria had recoy-,
ered their spirits, and they rejoined their colors from all quarters.
The authority of congress revived on eyery side, and acquired new
vigor. Sensible to the wants of the state, the capItaUsls subscribed
with promptitude considerable sums to the reUef of the public treas
ure, the exhaustion of which was then extreme. The city of, Phil
adelphia first gave tiie example of these sacrifices ; it was not un-

282

THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XIH.

fruitful. It was soon followed by all Pennsylvania and tiie other
previnccs. The ladies of Philadelphia, animated by the most ardent
patriotism, formed a society, and placed at their head mistress Wash
ington, a wife worthy of such a husband. After having subscribed
for the use of the slate to the extent of their means, they went from
house to house lo stimulate the liberality of the citizens in favor of
the republic. Their zeal was not steril ; they collected large sums,
which they lodged in the public chest, to be used in bounties to such
soldiers as should raerit them, and In augmentation of pay lo all.
They were imitated wilh enthusiasm by the ladies ofthe olher slates.
But among all the institutions that signalized this epoch, none is more
worthy of attention than the establishment of a public bank. The
funds lodged in it by the stockholders, by lenders, and by congress,
might be employed to- defray the army. The congress found herein
not only a great faciUty on the part of the most wealthy commercial
houses of PhUadelphia, but even received from them the most gen
erous offers. The subscribers obligated themselves to furnish a cap
ital of three hundred thousand pounds Pennsylvania currency, which
rates the Spanish dollar at seven shillings and sixpence. It was to
have two directors, with authority to borrow raoney upon the credit
of the bank for six months, or any shorter time, and lo give the
lenders bills bearing an interest of six per cent. The bank was to
receive the deposits of congress ; that is, the public revenue accru
ing from taxes or olher sources ; but when these deposits and the
fiinds borrowed should not suffice, the stockholders were bound to
furnish such proportion as should be deemed necessary, of the sums
for which they might have subscribed. The sums obtained in the
different ways above mentioned, were not to be employed for any
other purpose but that of procuring supplies for the troops. The
stockholders were to appoint an agent, whose office it should be to
make purchases, and to transmit the articles bought, such as raeat,
flour, rum, etc., lo the commander-in-chief, or to the minister of
war ; this agent should have authority to draw upon the directors for
his payments. The said agent was also to keep open a store well
stocked with rum, sugar, coffee, salt, and other articles of general
consumption, with obligation to sell them by retail at the sarae price
he should have bought them for In quantity of those with whom he
should have contracted for the suppUes of the army, with a view of
being more promptiy and belter served by those contractors. Al-
thou<Th, out of the bank, few lenders presented themselves, because
the greater pari, before advancing their money, would have wished
more stability in the state, yet subscribers were soon found for a

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 283
capital of three hundred and fifteen thousand pounds of Pennsylva
nia. Each of them gave their written obligation to furnish the di
rectors a definite sum in gold or silver coin. Thus, private citizens,
prompted by the most laudable zeal for the country, stepped forward
to support tbe public credit with their personal responsibihty ; a con
duct the more worthy of encomium, as the situation of affairs still
offered but too many motives of doubt and distrust.
Could il have been imagined, however, that at the very moment
when a victorious enemy stiU threatened the existence of their infant
republic, the Americans did not rest content with offering their blood
and their treasure for its defense ? Amidst the din of arms, they
were studious to accelerate the advancement of philosophy, science
and the arts. They reflected that, without the succor of these
lights, war tends directly to barbarism, and even peace is deprived
of its most' precious sweets. In devoting themselves to these noble
cares, they regarded not merely the advantages that were lo redound
thence for the greater civilization of their country ; they had also in
view to demonstrate at horae and abroad, by fhis profound security,
in the midst of so many agitations, what was their contempt for the
danger, and their confidence in the success of their enterprise. Such
were the considerations under which the stale of Massachusetts
founded at Boston a society, or acaderay of arts and sciences. Its
statutes corresponded lo the importance of the institution. Its labors
were principally direcled lo facilitate and encourage a knowledge of
the antiquities and natural history of America ; to ascertain the uses
to which Its native productions might be applied ; to promote medi
cal discoveries, mathematical Inquiries, physical researches and ex
periments, astronomical, meteorological and geographical observa
tions ; Improvemenls in the processes of agriculture, arts, manufac
tures and commerce ; the academy was, in brief, to cultivate every
art and science that could tend to advance, according to its own lan
guage, the ' interest", the honor, the dignfty, and the happiness of a
free, independent and virtuous people.' On the fourth of July, afler
having celebrated with the greatest solemnity the anniversary of in
dependence, the president of congress, the governor of the state of
Pennsylvania, and the other authorities, both of the city and prov
ince, as also the chevaUer de la Luzerne, the minister of France,
repaired wilh no ordinary pomp to the university, lo attend the col
lation of degrees. The director of, the studies delivered an address
well suited to. the occasion. The generous spirit of the students
was fired with new ardor for their country ; all the audience shared
their enthusiasm, and drew from it the must fehcilous presaiges. It

284 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XIII

was amidst this general display of zeal and efforts to proceed with
honor in the chosen career, that the succors sent by France to the
support of her alUes, made their appearance at Rhode Island. At
this sight, transports of exultation burst forth throughout the Amer
ican continent. They consisted of a squadron of seven sail of the
line, among which was the Due de Bourgogne, of eighty-four guns,
with five frigates and two corvettes, under the conduct of M. de
Ternay. This force convoyed a great number of transports, which
brought six thousand soldiers, at the orders of the count de Rocham
beau, lieutenant-general of the armies of the king. According to
an agreement raadfe between the court of Versailles and the congress,
Washington, as captain-general, was lo comraand in chief aU the
troops, as well French as American. The king of France had
created him, to this intent, Ueutenant-general of his armies, and vice-
admiral of his fleets. The inhabitants of Newport celebrated the
arrival of the French by a general illumination. General Heath
received them with every mark of welcome and courtesy.
It being rumored althat time that Clinton meditated an attack upon
Rhode Island, the French troops were pul in possession of all the
forts. They fortified themselves therein with so much diligence, that
In a short time they were in a situation to defy the efforts of any
eneray whatsoever.
The general assem.bly of the state of Rhode Island sent a deputa
tion to compliment the general of his most christian majesty. They
said many things of the profound acknowledgment of America to
vvards that generous raonarch. They promised on their part every
sort of aid and succor. The count de Rochambeau answered them
that the corps he had brought was merely the vanguard of the army
which the king his master was about to send to their assistance. That
his majesty sincerely wished the liberty and happiness of America,
and that his troops should observe an exemplary discipline among
those whom they were to regard in the light of kindred. He con
cluded with saying, that, as brothers, he himself, his oflicers, and all
his people, had voluntarily devoted their lives to the service of the
Araericans. The presence and promises of the French general inspired all
hearts with courage and with hope ; but the partisans that England
had preserved in the country, were forced lo disguise their rage,
Washington, the more to ceraent the union ofthe two nations, ordered
that in the banners of his array, the ground of black, which is the
color of America, should be surrounded with white, the distinctive
color of France,

ByOK XIII. THE AMEBICAN WAR. 285
At this epoch, admiral Arbuthnot, vvho still occupied the Nevv
York station, had wilh him only four ships of the line ; and, far from
contemplating an attack, was himself In dread of being attacked, A
few days after, however, admiral Graves arrived from England, with
six olher sail of the line. This superiority of force decided the Eng
lish to undertake an expedition against Rhode Island. Admiral
Graves repaired thither first with his squadron, to see If any mean
would offer itself to destroy that of the enemy in the very harbor of
Newport ; but the French had made such imposing preparations of
defense, that, without temerity, nothing could be attempted against
Ihem. Ihe British squadron made the best of its way back to New
York. Meanwhile, general Clinton, being resolutely deterrained not
lo suffer the French to establish theraselves on a permanent footing
in that part, formed a design lo attack Rhode Island wilh a picked
corps of six thousand men, that should disembark at some point the
most favorable lo the enterprise. The admiral gave into the plan,
alth(.iugh,tohis private judgment, It presented little probability of suc
cess. The British squadron gol under saff, and already it had pro
ceeded as far as Huntingdon bay, in Long Island, when Washington,
who watched all the movements of his adversary, began to stir.
Seeing general Clinton advance with so considerable a corps, and
finding himself, thanks to fresh re-inforcements, at the head of twelve
thousand men, he descended by forced marches along the banks ofthe
Hudson. Arrived at Kings Bridge, he menaced lo carry even the city
of New York, then disgarnished, and exposed almost without defense
to a coup de main. On the olher hand, the mihtia of New England
had run to arms, panting to give the French, In the outset, a high
notion of their force and of their zeal. Already ten thousand men
were on the march towards Providence, and a stiU greater number
were preparing lo follow them. The British generals were not long
In being apprised of all these movements, and found themselves stiff
more divided in opinion than before. These motives, combined, de
terrained Clinton to relinquish his projects ; he returned without delay
to New York, with all his forces. The timidity manifested by the
English in this occurrence, was a fresh spur to the ardor of the Amer
icans, They already considered the garrison of New York as van
quished, and within their grasp. They had, moreover, a particular
subject of encouragement. The French that were arrived in Rhode
Island, had brought an Immense quantity ofthe coined money of their
country. According to the custom of the military of their nation,
they never lost any occasion of spending it to the last crown. It fol
lowed that in a short time French specie became so common in the

286 THE AMEBICAN WAB,

BOOK XIII,

United States, as to restore some vigor to the body politic, which,
from the exhaustion of its finances, was become languid to a point
even almosi threatening an absolute dissolution , The bff Is of credit,
It is true, experienced an increase of depression ; but this evil excited
no alarm. For a long lime, this paper had lost all confidence, and
the state soon after relieved itself of it altogether, as w-ffl be seen In
the sequel of this history.
The various causes we have noticed had generally infused new
Ufe into the Americans of the different states ; but it is to be observ
ed that they operated wilh more efficacy on the inhabitants of the
southern provinces. These were more immediately exposed to dan
ger, and they had, besides, pecuUar motives for detesting the inso
lence of the English. Accordingly, as soon as the occasion was
offered them, they asserabled upon different points of North Carolina,
and upon the extreme frontier of Soulh CaroUna. These assemblages,
commanded by daring chiefs, gave no little annoyance to the royal
troops. They insulted their posts, and sometimes even carried them.
But among all the officers w-ho distinguished themselves al the head
of these desultory parties, none appeared with more splendor than colo
nel Sumpter. Born himself in South Carohna, his personal impor
tance, mffitary talents and prowess, had rendered him there an object
of general consideration. The greater part of those Carolinians whom
their aversion to British domination had induced lo fly from their
homes, had hastened to place themselves under the standard of their
intrepid feUow-citizens. They were already sufficiently numerous lo
keep the field, and to menace the eneray upon all points. They had
no pay, no uniforms, nor even any certain means of subsistence ; they
Uved upon what chance, or their own courage, provided them. They
experienced even a want of arms and munitions of war ; but they
made themselves rude weapons from the implements of husbandry ;
instead of baffs of lead, they cast them of pewter, with the dishes
which the patriots cheerfully gave them for that purpose. These
resources, however, were very far from sufficing them. They vvere
seen, several times, to encounter the enemy wilh only three charges
of ammunition to a man.' Whffe the combat was engaged, some of
those who were destitute of arms or ammunition, kept themselves
aside, waiting till the death or wounds of their companions should
permit them to lake their place. The most precious fruit, to their
eyes, of the asdvantaga 5 they gained over the Enghsh. was that of
being enabled to acquire muskets and cartridges al the expense of
the vanquished. At length, colonel Sumpter, finding himself at the
hCad'bf a numerous corps, attacked one of the most important jiosi-

BOOK XIII. THE AMEltlCA-N WAR. 287
tions of the ehemy, at Rocky Mount. He was repulsed, but not
discouraged. Never giving repose either to himself or'to his adver
saries, he fell, a shorl time after, upon another British post, at Hang
ing Rock, and put to the edge of the sword all that defended It,
regulars and loyaUsts. He subjected lo a similar fate colonel Bryan,
who was come from North Carolina wilh a body of loyalists of that
province. Infesting the eneray upon all points al once, he eluded
all their efforts to quell him. His invincible courage and perfect
knowledge of the country offered him continually nevv resourros
As rapid in his attacks as industrious in his retreats, victor or van
quished, he escaped all the snares of his foes. Colortel WiUiams
served no less usefully the same cause, at the head of a light detach
ment of Carolinians of the district of Ninety-Six. In one of his
frequent excursions he surprised and cut In pieces a body of loyalists
on the banks of the river Ennoree. This partisan war had the
double advantage of restoring confidence to the Americans, of con
tinually mining the fojrces of the English, and of supporting the
party of congress in these provinces. These smart skirraishes were
only, however, the prelude of the bloody battles that were about to
ensue between the principal arraies.
As soon as Washington vvas first apprised of the siege of Charles
ton, he had pul on the march towards South Carolina a re-inforce
ment of fourteen hundred continental troops of Maryland and of
Delaware, under the conduct of the baron de Kalb. That offxer
displayed great activity in the execution of his orders, and, if it had
been possible for him to gain the point of his destination, il is proba
ble that things would have taken another direction. But tiie defect
of provision, the difficulty of places, and the excessive heat of the
season, opposed him wilh such and so many impediments, that he
could only progress step by step. It is related, that this detachment
had no olher subsistence for raany days than the cattle that were
found astray in the woods. Sometimes, finding themselves totally
destitute of flesh and flour, the soldiers were constrained to sustain
life with the grain of unripe wheat and such fish as they could pro
cure ; they supported such hardships and distress with an heroic
constancy. In passing through Virginia, they were re-inforced by
the mffitia of that province; and, on their arrival at the banks of
Deep river, they made their junction wilh the troops of North Caro
lina, coramanded by general Caswell. These detachments, combined,
formed a corps of six thousand effective men ; a force so considera
ble with respect to the United States, as to induce the congress to
employ it without delay for the expulsicn of fhe English from the

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIII.
two Carolinas, Wishing to confide this operation to a man whose
name should exercise a happy influence, they made choice of gen
eral Gates, The baron de Kalb was recalled ; as a stranger, unac
quainted wilh the country, and ignorant of the proper mode of gov
erning undisciplined mffitia, he could not retain the command.
General Gates arrived at the camp on Deep river the twenty-fifth
of July. He imrnediately reviewed the troops, to ascertain their
number and quahty. He afterwards advanced upon the Pedee^
river, which. In the lower parts, separates the northern from the
.southern Carolina. The name and fortune of Gales produced so
favorable and so rapid an effect, that not only the militia flocked lo
his standard, but also that munitions and provis,!on abounded in his
camp. The general impulse was given. Already the inhabitants
of that tract of country which extends between the Pedee and Black
rivers, were in arms against the royal troops. Colonel Sumpter,
with a corps of infantry and light horse, incessantly harassed the
lefl of the English, in the hope of intercepting their communication
wilh Charleston; his parlies scoured aff the environs.
As soon as general Gates was arrived upon the confines of South
Carohna, he issued a proclaraation, by vvhich he invited the inhab
itants to join him in vindicating the rights of America. He promised
an entire amnesty, and remission of all penalty in favor of those from
whom the victors should have extorted oaths, excepting only such
individuals as should have exercised acts of barbarity or depredation
against the persons and property of their fellow-citizens. This proc
lamation vvas not unfruitful ; not only the people ran lo arms in
multitude to support the cause of congress, but even the companies
levied in the province for the service of the king either revolted or
deserted. Strengthened by these accessions, colonel Sumpter be
came every day a more formidable enemy for the English. Whffe
CornwalUs was occupied at Charleston with the administration of
Carolina, lord Rawdon had taken the coraraand of the troops can
toned at Camden and the adjacent country. He haJ directed
upon Georgetown a convoy of sick soldiers, under the escort of a
detachment of Carolinians, comraanded by colonel MiUs. About
the raiddle of the route, these mffitia mutined, and having seized their
officers, conducted them with the sick English to the camp of gene
ral Gates- Colonel Lisle, one of those who had taken oalh lo the
king gained over a battalion of militia that had been levied in the
name of CornwaUis, and led it entire to colonel Sumpter. The
latter who incessantiy scoured the western bank of th.e Wateree, had
captured considerable convoys of munitions of war, rum and pro-

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 289
vision that had been sent from Charleston upon Camden. There
had also faUen into his power, at the same time, a great number of
sick, wilh the soldiers that formed their escort. Already the route
from Camden to Ninety-Six was Invested by the republicans;
and they began to show themselves in force upon that from Cam
den to Charieston, Thus the affairs of the king in the Carolinas
began to assume an unfavorable aspect. Lord Rawdon, seeing so
lowering a tempest about to burst upon him, and destitute of suffi
cient means to avert Its effects, concentered what troops he had In
the vicinity of Camden, and distributed his cantonments upon the
right bank of Lynches Creek. He hastened to give norice of his
critical position to lord CornwalUs. In the meantime. Gates ap
peared with all his forces upon the other bank, and encamped in the
front of the enemy. There ensued very warm and frequent skir
mishes, with balanced success. The American general would have
desired a decisive action, and lo profit of his superiority to attack
lord Rawdon even in his quarters. But on examination, finding the
enemy's position too strong, he dropped the design. His conduct
appeared dictated by wisdom ; but al the same time, he let slip an
opportunity for gaining a signal advantage. If he had ascended by
forced marches to the source of the Lynclie, he turned without
difficulty the left wing of lord Rawdon, and might even seize
Camden on the rear of the British army ; this stroke would have
decided the fate of the campaign ; but either Gales did not see it,
or was afraid to undertake il. A short lime after, the British gene
ral, seeing his right menaced by a movement of the Americans, and
fearing for his magazines and hospital, abandoned the banks of
the Lynche, and fell back upon Camden with all his troops.
His retreat was in no shape molested by the enemy. Al that
very time lord Cornwallis arrived in camp. Having surveyed the
state of things, and finding lo what a degree the forces and auda
city of the republicans were augmented, he detached numerous par
ties on discovery, filled up the companies with the more vigorous
convalescents, ordered distributions of arms, and the remounting of
Tarleton's legion, which needed horses. Notwithstanding all his
efforts, he had not, however, been able to assemble above two thou
sand men, of whom about fifteen hundred were veteran troops, the
rest loyalists and refugees. To attack, with means so feeble, an
enemy so superior, appeared littie less than temerity. Cornwallis
inight Indeed have made his retreat to Charleston ; but in that case
he must have left about eight hundred sick, with a vast quantity of
valuable stores, to fall into the hands of tiie enemy. He likewise
Vol, H, ' 19

29(> THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XIU,
foresaw, that excepting Charleston and Savannah, a retreat would
be attended vvith the loss of the two whole provinces of Soulh Caro
lina and Georgia, On the other hand, he observed, that the major
part of his army was composed of soldiers as perfectly equipped as
Inured to war, and coramanded by officers of approved valor and
ability. He saw in victory tiie entire reduction of the two Carolinas,
whereas even discorafiture could scarcely have worse consequences
than retreat.
Under these considerations, he determined not only lo face the
enemy, but even to hazard a general action. Camden, the center
of the British line, not being a fortified place, and the boldest reso
lutions being often also the most fortunate, Cornwallis would not
await the Araericans in his cantonments. He formed a design lo
attack the position of Rugeleys Mills, vvhich the enemy occupied,
vvith a view of forcing him lo an engagement. On the fifteenth of
August, all the royal troops were ordered to hold themselves in readi
ness to march. About len o'clock in the evening, the columns put
themselves in motioai for Rugeleys. The first, commanded by colonel
Webster, consisted in light infantry and dragoons. The second,
under the conduct of lord Rawdon, was composed of Irish volun
teers and loyalists. Two English battalions formed the reserve. In
the rear vvas the baggage and a detachment of grenadiers. The
English marched, amid the obscurity of the night, in the most pro
found silence. The columns passed the lillie stream of Saunder,
and had already left Camden ten mffes behind them. But while
the English were advancing upon Rugeleys Mills, the Americans
themselves had quitted that place, al len o'clock, with Intent to sur
prise them. Gates and Cornwallis had both at once formed the
same design, the one against the other. The American van con
sisted in the legion of cavalry of colonel Armand, flanked on the
right by the Ught infantry of colonel Porterfield, and on the left by
the light infantry of raajor Armstrong. Next, marched the brigades
of Maryland regulars, with the mihtia of North Carolina and Vir
ginia. The baggage followed the rear guard, formed of a numer
ous corps of volunteers, wilh light horse al the two flanks. Gene
ral Gates had commanded his troops to march compactly and in si
lence, and not to fire without order. He had sent lo Wacsaw, on
his rear, the sick, the unnecessary baggage. In a word, whatever
might tend to irapede his march. So many precautions, on both sides,
indicated that the two generals had mutually penetrated one tho
other. Il was yet only two in the morning, when the advanced
guard of the British army encountered the head of the first Ameri-

BOOK xm. THE AMERICAN WAR- 291
ran column. It was briskly repulsed by colonel Porterfield ; but
that officer received a serious wound. The English, supported by
two regiments of infantry, charged the Americans in tiieir turn . The
action was engaged wilh spirit, and the loss considerable on both
sides ; but, aff of a sudden, equally fearing to hazard a nocturnal
conflict, the two generals suspended the fire, and again the most
profound silence reigned In the midst of darkness ; the day was Im
patientiy awaited.
Meanwhile, Cornwaffis ascertained by the people of the country,
that the ground was as propitious to him as it was unfavorable to the
enemy. Gates, In effect, could not advance to the attack but through
a narrow way, bordered on either side by deep swamps. This cir
cumstance, by depriving the Americans of the advantage of supe
rior number, re-established an equality of forces. The British gen
eral formed his plan of battie accordingly. By daylight he disposed
the front of his army in two divisions ; that of the right, commanded
by colonel Webster, had its right flank covered by a morass, and its
left supported upon the great road ; the other division, under the
conduct of lord Rawdon, had in like manner a morass on its left,
while its right was re-united by the highway to the corps of Web
ster. The artillery was placed between the two divisions. A bat
talion, drawn up behind each, served thera as a sort of rear guard.
Tarleton's legion was posted upon the right of the road, in readi
ness to attack- the eneray or receive him, according to the occasion.
The Americans, on their part, raade all the disposirions that appeared
lo them the most suitable. Gates divided his vanguard in three
colui.-ins. That of the right, commanded by general Gist, having
the mo."ass on its right, connected by its left upon the great road
vvith the column of the center, composed of the North Carolina mill
tia, led by g"<?neral Casweff . The column of the left comprised the
mihtia of VIrgi.nia, at the orders of general Stevens. Behind the
Virginians were posted the light infantry of Porterfield and Arm
strong. Colonel Armand had placed his cavalry behind the left, lo
face the legion of Tarleton. The continental troops of Maryland
and Delaware formed the reserve. They were Inured to war, and
upon their valor rested the chief hope of success. They were com
manded by general Smallwood. The arrillery was placed in part
upon the right of the continental troops, and in part upon the
highway. Such was the order of battie of the two armies ; when, just as the
action was about to commence, Gates, not satisfied with the position
of the divisions of Caswell and Stevens, very imprudently ordered

292 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK Xlll.
them to change It for another which appeared to him belter. Corn
wallis, at sight of this movement, resolved lo profit of II instantly.
Accordingly, he ordered colonel Webster lo advance and make a
vigorous attack upon Stevens, whose troops vvere still undulating,
from their not having yet been able to reform their ranks. Colonel
Webster obeyed with celerity. The battle thus comraenced be
tween the right of the English and the left ofthe Americans ; it soon
became general. The morning being still and hazy, the smoke
hung over and involved both armies in such a cloud that it vvas diffi
cult to see the slate of destruction on either side. The British
troops, however, intermingling a quick and heavy fire with sharp
charges at the point of the bayonet, evidently gained ground upon
the Americans. At length the Virginians, pressed by colonel Web
ster, and already half broken by the unadvised movement direcled
by Gates, after a feeble resistance, shamefuUy betook themselves to
flight. The CaroUnian railitia, finding themselves uncovered, soon
began to give way, and at last turned the back wilh a similar base
ness. Their officers attempted in vain to rally them ; they were
themselves involved in the rout. The left wing of the Americans
was totally broken ; Gates and Caswell made some efforts lo reform
il ; but Tarleton adroitly seized the decisive moment, and, with a fu
rious charge, carried to Its height the confusion and consternation of
that vving ; all the troops that composed it threw themselves inlo the
neighboring woods. Their flight exposed the left flank of a Caro
linian regiment, and of the regulars of Maryland and Delaware, vvho
were already attacked in front. The right wing of the English, now
completely victorious, turned furiously upon the American center.
This division defended themselves with the uimost gallantry ; if il
was not in their power to restore the fortune of the day, they saved
al least the honor of the republican standard.
Opposing the enemy vvith a terrible fire, or the push of their bayo
nets, they withstood all his efforts. The baron de Kalb led them
several times to the charge ; and they even recovered lost ground.
But at length, surrounded on aU sides, overwhelmed by number, and
penetrated by cavalry, they were constrained to abandon the field of
hattie, but without having left a bloodless victory lo their foes.
Pierced wilh eleven wounds, the baron de Kalb fell dying Inlo the
power of the victors. The rout was general ; each provided for his
own safely. General Gist could rally no more than a hundred in
fantry, and the dragoons of Armand. The British cavalry pursued
the vanquisned wilh veheraence for the space of twenty-three railes,
and without halting; tiff exhaustion imposed the necessity of repose.

BOOK Xlll, THE AMERICAN WAR, 293
The loss of the Americans In this action was very considerable.
The number of the dead, wounded and prisoners, was estimated al
upwards of two thousand. Among the first was general Gregory,
and among the prisoners, the baron de Kalb, and general Rutherfoid,
of Carolina, Eight pieces of brass cannon, two thousand stand of
arras, several colors, vvith all the baggage and stores, fell into the
hands of the conqueror. The loss of the British, in killed r.nd
wounded, amounted, including officers, only to three hundred and
twenty-four. Three days after the battle, the baron de Kalb, perceiving the
approach of death, requested his aid-de-camp, the chevalier Dubuis-
son, lo express, in his narae, to generals Gist and Smallwood, his high
sense of the valor displayed in the battle of Camden by the regular
troops of Maryland and Delaware. He spent his last breath in declar
ing the satisfaction which he then felt In having fallen in the defense
ofa cause so noble, and, to him, so dear. The congress ordered
that a monument should be erected to him at the city of Annapclis,
the capital of Mar}dand.
General Gates was reproached with several grave errors. The
least excusable was doubtless that of having undertaken to changS
his order of battle in presence of the eneray. Perhaps he was also
in fault to march in the night unwarlike mUitia, who knew not even
how lo keep their ranks. He retreated to Hillsborough, in North
CaroUna. Generals Gist and Smallwood feU back upon Charlotte-
town, and afterwards upon Salisbury, where they endeavored lo rally
the fugitives and to reorganize their divisions ; but the cause of Eng
land triumphed throughout the province of Soulh Carolina ; the
banners of the republic no longer waved in any part of il. Colonel
Sampler alone continued to show himself upon the banks of the
Wateree, with a corps of about a thousand men, and two field pieces.
But on the news of the lale discomfiture of Gales, he retired
promptly towards the fords of Catawba, in the upper parts of North
Carolina. Lord Cor-nwallls, a man of great activity, reflecting- that
his advantages were insecure lill he should have destroyed this last
body of republicans, detached colonel Tarleton In pursuit of it. The
latter, moving with his g.ccustomed celerity, fell unexpectedly upon
the jiosltion of Sumpter, who had thought he might take some re
pose on the banks of Fishing creek. Tarleton surprised him so
completely, that his men, lying totally careless and at ease, were
mostly cut off from their arms. Their only resource was in a prompt
flight; but a great number fell Into the hands of the enemy, who
slaughtered them after they had surrendered. Tarleton alledged

294 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIII,
that he could not grant them Ufe, because his whole party was not
equal in number to one third of Sumpter's. At length the carnage
ceased, when the English and loyalists that were detained prisoners
in the rear of Sumpter's position had been liberated. The cannon,
stores and baggage, were the prey of the victors. Colonel Sumpter,
wilh a few of his followers, made good their escape. The disaster
of his corps could not be imputed lo him; he had not omitted to
send out scouts upon the direction of the eneray, but that service
vvas acquitted with an unpardonable negligence. Tarleton returned
to Caraden the third day, wilh his prisoners, booty, and the loyalists
tie had retaken.
After the battle of Camden, Cornwallis, in order not to lose by
his tardiness the fruits of victory, could have wished to advance imme
diately into North Carolina, a feeble province, and very ffl disposed
towards the congress. Thence he could march lo the conquest of
Virginia. Unquestionably, the presence of the victorious army in that
part would havo dispersed the reljcs of the vanquished, prevented
their rallying anew, and encouraged the friends of the royal cause
to show themselves, and even lo act. But the British general en
countered divers obstacles that opposed the execution of this plan.
The heal of the season was excessive, the climate unhealthy, and the
hospitals were encumbered with wounded and sick. The necessaries
for encampment were almost entirely wanting; there was not ? sin
gle magazine upon the frontiers of the Carolinas ; and North Caro
lina could furnish but very littie provision. Yielding to these con
siderations, Cornwallis rehnquished all ulterior operation, distributed
his troops in cantonments, and returned to Charleston. He thought
himself sure at least of the submission of all South CaroUna, and of
the not distant conquest of North, as soon as the season and the slate
of his magazines should favor the enterprise. In the meantime, he
wrote frequently to the friends of royalty in North Carolina, exhort
ing them to take arms, to assemble in force, and to make themselves
masters of the raost ardent republi:;ans, with their munitions and
niagazines. He counseled them even to seize the fugitiv-es and
slJ-agglers of the rebel army. He promised them, that it should not
be long before he marched lo their assistance. And lo inspire them
w'lh confidence in his words, even before he could move wit|i his
whole army, he detached raajor Ferguson, an able and enterprising
partisan, upon the western frontiers of North Carolina. He had
under his command a thousand loyalists and a corps of cavalry. His
mission was to encourage by his presence tbe enemies of the revo
lution, and especiaUy to open a correspondence with the Inhabitants

BOOK Xlll. THE AMERICAN WAR, 295
of Tryon county, who, more than tht others, showed themselves at
taclied lo the name of England,
Unable lo operate in the field, Cornwallis turned his attention to
wards the Internal administration, In order to consolidate the acqui
sition of South CaroUna, Resolved to have recourse to extreme
remedies for terminating the crisis in which that province found Itself,
he purposed to spread terror among the republicans by the rigoi of
punishment, and deprive them of the means to do harm, by depriv
ing them of the means to subsist. Accordingly, he addressed onlers
to aU the British commanders, that without any delay they should
cause to be hung aU those individuals, who, after having served In
the railitia levied by the king, had gone over to the rebels ; that they
should punish with imprisonment and confiscation those, who, having
submitted al first, had taken part in the last rebellion, to the end that
their effects might be applied to indemnify those subjects whom they
should have oppressed or despoiled. It cannot be denied, that if it
was possible to excuse such severity to'wards those who had exchanged
the condition of prisoners of war for that of British subjects, it was
worthy of an eternal blame in respect to those who had wished to
rerhain in the first of these conditions. In effect, had they not been
released frora their parole by the authentic proclamation of Cornwal
lis himself, under dale of the third of June ? But victors, too often,
by vain subtilties, or .even without deigning lo have recourse lo them,
especially In polilical convulsions, makes port of violating their failh,
as if II were a necessity for them lo add to the evils inseparable fi om
war, all the vexations of perfidy ! However this might be, and how
ever rigorous were the orders of Cornwallis, they were every vvhere
punctually executed. Carolina vvas become a theater of proscrip
tions. Several British officers openly testified their abhorrence of
tliis reign of blood ; but the greater part, and Tarleton more than any
other, commended It vvithout shame, as useful and necessary lo the
success of the royal cause. Already Tarleton had complained bit-
teriy of the clemency, as he called it, exercised by Cornwallis prior
to the battle of Camden ; this clemency, he said, was not only good
for nothing, but also prejudicial in every thing, since II rendered
friends less hearty, and enemies more audacious. This reproach
would certainly have been founded, if it were true that in war utility
alone deserves regard, and that nothing is due to humanity, good
failh and justice. Nobody denies, for example, that to poison springs,
massacre all the prisoners tnat can be taken, bring off Into slavery all
the Inhabitants of a country, without distinction of age or sex, and
without regard for the law of nations, niight sometimes have a use-

296 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIII
ful tendency. We see, nevertheless, that In all time, civilized na
lions, and conquerors not entirely barbarous, have abstained from
these horrible extremities. But in the present occurrence, the Eng
lish showed themselves without pity for the most respectable men of
the country. ThelnhabilantsofCamden, of Ninety-Six, of Augusta
and other places, saw inhumanly gibbeted men whose only crime
was that of having been too faithful to a cause which they consid
ered as that of their country and of justice.
All rainds were penetrated with horror ; all hearts were inflaraed
with an Implacable and never-dying hatred against such ferocious
victors. A cry of vengeance resounded amidst this exasperated
people ; all detested a king who had devoted them to the oppression of
these brutal executors of his will. His standard became an object of
execration. The British generals learned by cruel experience, that
executions and despair are frail securities for the submission of a
people planted in distant regions, actuated by a coramon opinion, and
embarked with passion in a generous enterprise. Nor were these
the only rigors which Cornwallis Ihoughl it expedient to exercise, in
pOrder to confirm the possession of the provinces conquered by his
arms. To complete the reduction of the patriots, he employed ar
rests and sequestrations. He feared that the presence in Charles
ton of the leading men, who, persevering in their character of prison
ers of war, had refused to accept that of subjects, might tend to keep
alive a spirit of resistance. He likewise learned, as the British writers
affiini, that these prisoners had maintained a secret correspondence
with the enemies of the English name, the proofs of which had been
found in the baggage of the American generals captured at the battle
of Camden. These raotives appeared lo him sufficient lo justify
the seizure and imprisonment at St. Augustine, in East Florida, of
more than thirty of the most influential chiefs of the American party.
They were all of the number of those who had taken the most active
part in the organization of the republican governraent, and who had
shown theraselves the raost ardent partisans of the present war. Then,
desirous lo prevent those who were, or whom he believed, opposed
to Great Britain, from assisting the congress wilh their pecuniary
means, or will: a hope to constrain them lo submission, he issued a
proclamation, purporting the sequestration ofthe possessions of who
ever should hold correspondence wilh the congress, act in its narae,
join the enemies of England, or excite the people to revolt by word
or deed. He constituted, at the same time, a commissioner over
sequestrated estates, with obligation to account to the families of the
forfeited for a part of their net revenue ; a fourth to those consisting

BOOK XIIJ , THE AMERICAN WAR. 297
of a wife and chffdren, and a sixth to wives without children, A
clause required, however, that these families should reside in tiie
province. These different measures, combined with a rigorous
watchfulness over the movements of the suspected, appeared to the
English a sure guaranty for the return of tranqufflity and obedience
in the province of South Carolina. And as to North Carolina, it
could no longer hope to resist them when the weather became tem
perate, and the harvests were over. We shall see, in the course
of this history, how far these hopes were confirmed by the event.
Whffe the season had caused the suspension of hostihties in the
two CaroUnas, and whffe, in the state of New York, the superiority
of the Americans by land, and that of the EngUsh by sea, had occa
sioned a simffar cessation of arms, an unexpected event arrested the
general attention. During some time, a design had been maturing
In the shades of mystery, whose execution, had it i-iucceeded lo the
wish of its authors, vvould have involved the total ruin of the army
of Washington, and, perhaps, the entire subjugation of America. A
single instant more, and the work of so many years, cemented at
such a cost of gold and blood, raight have been demolished to it%
foundations by a cause altogether unthought of. The EngUsh had
well nigh arrived, by raeans of treason, al that object which with five
years of intrigues and of combats they had not been able to attain ;
and it was even at the hands of the man they least suspected, that
t|ie Araericans were to have received the most fatal blow. They
had but too manifest a proof, that no confidence can be placed in
courage when disunited from virtue. They learned that raen who
displayed the most enthusiasm for a cause, are often also those who
become the soonest unfaithful ; and that an insatiable thirst of pelf,
coupled with mad prodigalities, easffy conduct the ambitious spend
thrift to barter basely for gold even the safely of his country. Pri
vate virtues are incontestably the original and only basis of public
integrity ; and it should never be forgotten, that the man without
morals, who arrives al the first offices of the republic, has no olher
object but to satiate his ambition or his cupidity at the expense of
his feUow-citizens. If he encounter obstacles, he Is ripe for deeds
of violence within, and treason without. The name of general Ar
nold was deservedly dear to all the Americans ; they considered him
as one of their most intrepid defenders. Numerous wounds, and
especiaUy that which had almost deprived him of the use of one
leg had forced him to take repose at his seat in the country.
The congress, with the concurrence of Washington, in recom
pense for his services appointed him commandant of PhUadelphia,

298 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIII
immediately afler that city was evacuated by the English, and return
ed under American domination. Here Arnold lived at an enorraous
expense, and showed hiraself extremely grasping in order lo support
it. He had established himself in the house of Penn, and had fur
nished it in the most sumptuov.s manner. His play, his table, his
balls, his concerts, his banquets, would have exhausted the most ira
raense fortune. His own, and the emoluments of his employment,
being farfrom sufficient to defray such extravagance, he had betaken
hirnself to commerce and privateering. His speculations proved
unfortunate ; his debts accumulated, his creditors tormented him.
His boundless arrogance revolted al so many embarrassments ; yet
he vvould diminish nothing of this princely state. Under these cir
cumstances, he conceived the shameful idea of re-imbursing himself
from the public treasure for all he had squandered in riotous living.
Accordingly, he r resented accounts more worthy of a shameless
usurer than of a general. The government, astonished and indig
nant, appointed commissioners lo investigate them. They refused
not merely lo approve them ; they reduced the claims of Arnold to
half. Enraged at their decision, he loaded them with reproaches and
insults, and appealed from it lo the congress. Several of its members
were charged to examine these accounts anew, and to make report.
They declared thatthe commissioners had allowed Arnold more than
he had any right lo demand. His wrath no longer observed raeasure ;
the congress itself becarae the object of the most indecent invectives
that ever feff from a man in high station. This conduct, far from
restoring tranqufflity, produced a quite contrary effect. That spirit
of order for which the Americans are distinguished, did not permit
them to quit thus an affair already in progress. Arnold was accused
of peculation by the stale of Pennsylvania, and brought before a court
raartial to take his trial. Among the charges laid against him, he
was accused of having converted to his own use the British merchan
dise he had found and confiscated at Philadelphia, in 1778 ; as also
of having eraployed the public carriages for the service of different
private individuals, and especiaUy for his ovvn and that of his associ
ates in the commerce of New Jersey. The court sentenced him lo
be repriraanded by Washington. This sentence neither satisfied the
accused nor the accusers. The latter exclaimed that more regard
had been shown to the past services of Arnold than for justice ; the
former broke into bffter complaints of the iniquity of his judges and
iiigrarilude of his country. His pride could not brook so public a
disgrace ; he had seen hiraself the idol of his fellow-citizens, and he
was now become the object of their contempt, if not hatred In

BOOK Xiri. THE AMERICAN WAR, 299
the blindness of his vengeance, and In the hope that he might still
glut his passions with British gold, since he no longer could with Amer
ican, he resolved lo add perfidy lo avidity, and treason to pillage,
Deterrained that his country should resume the yoke of England, he
developed his projects in a letter which he addressed to colonel Rob
inson. General Clinton was immediately made acquainted wilh
its contents. He committed this secret negotiation to major Andre,
his aid-de-camp, a young man as distinguished for the suavity of his
manners and the gentleness of his temper, as for the singular comeli-
ne.ss ofhis person. Arnold and Andre corresponded together, un
der the assumed names of Gustavus and Anderson. The American
general was promised a corresponding rank in the British army, and
considerable sums of gold. He, on his part, engaged lo render the
king some signal service. The consequence of this understanding
wasa demand that West Point should be given up lo the royal troops.
That fortress, situated upon the western bank of the Hudson, is of
extreme Importance, in that II defends the passage of the mountains
in the upper part of the river. Accordingly, the Americans had been
at such pains and expense to render it impregnable, that it was called
with reason the Gibraltar of America. Into this all-important citadel,
Arnold forraally pledged himself to Introduce the EngUsh. Hence,
pretending to have taken an aversion to the residence of Philadel
phia, and that he wished to resume an active service In the army, he
requested and obtained the command of West Point, and of all the
American troops cantoned in that quarter. But his plan embraced
more than the mere delivery of the fortress ; he purposed so lo scat
ter his forces in the environs, that Clinton might easily fall upon them
by surprise, and cut them offal the sarae stroke. Masters of West
Point, and having no more enemies before them, the English would
then have marched rapidly against Washington, who had distributed
his troops upon the two banks of the Hudson ; their destruction must
have been total and inevitable. Thus, therefore, besides West Point,
and those passes which had been so often disputed, and for which the
British government had undertaken the fatal expedition of Burgoyne,
tlie Americans would have lost their whole army, their artillery, tbeit
munitions of war, and their best officers. May it not even be con
jectured, that if the English should have profited of the confusion
and consternation which could not fail to have resulted from so
sudden a catastrophe, the United Stales wouid have found them
selves necessitated to receive the law of the conqueror ?
About the middle of September, Washington had been caUed to
Hartford, in Connecticut, upon some affairs which required his pres-

300 THE AMERICAN WAR,

BOOK XIII,

once. The conspirators considered the, occasion propitious for the
accomphshment of their designs, Il was agreed that, in order to
concert more particularly the last measures, major Andre should
repair secretly lo the presence of Arnold. Accordingly, in the night
of the twenty-first of September, he landed from the Vulture sloop
of war, which already long since Clinton had stationed up the river
not far from West Point, to facilitate the correspondence between
tiie two parties. Arnold and Andre passed the whole night in con
ference. The day having dawned before all their dispositions were
concluded, the British aid-de-camp was concealed in a secure place.
The following night, he wished lo regain the Vulture ; but the boat
men would not convey him thither, because the excess of his pre
cautions had inspired them with some distrust. He was obUged to
take the way o*' the land. Arnold gave him a horse and a passport
under the name of Anderson. Until then he had worn the British
uniform under a riding coat; he threw it off, and took a common
dress, though, it is said, much against his wiff, and at the earnest
importunity of Arnold. He had already safely passed the American
guards and outposts, and might reasonably hope to arrive without
obstacle al New York ; but fate had reserved a different issue for
the infaraous perfidy of Arnold, and the generous devotion of major
Andre towards his country.
As he was going through Tarrytown, a vfflage situated in the
vicinity of the first British posts, three soldiers of the miliria, who
happened to be there, threw themselves across his passage. He
showed them his passport; they suffered him to continue his route.
All of a sudden, one of these three men, more distrustful than his
comrades, thought he had observed something particular in the person
of riie traveller ; he called him back. Andre asked them where
they vvere from. ' Frora down below,' they replied, intending to
say ftom New York. The young man, too frank lo suspect a snare,
immediately answered, ' And so am I.' They arrest him. He then
declared himself, for whiit he was, a British officer. He offered all
the gold he had with him, a valuable watch, rewards and rank in the
British army as the price of his release ; aff his efforts were vain.
John Paulding, David WffUaras,and Isaac Van Wert, — such were the
names ofthe three soldiers,— were found incorruptible ; a disinterest
edness the more worthy of eulogium, as they were poor and obscure.
Thus, in the very moment when one of the most distinguished chiefs
of the American army, a raan celebrated throughuut the world for
his brilliant exploits, betrayed, out of a base vengeance, the country
he had served, and sold it for a purse of gold, three common soldieis

BOOK xm. THE AMEBICAN WAB, 301
preferred the honest to the useful, and fidelity to fortune. They
dUigently searched their prisoner, and found in his boots several
papers written by the hand of Arnold himself, containing the most
detailed information with respect lo the positions of the Americans,
their munitions, the garrison of West Point, and the most suitable
mode of directing an attack against that fortress. Major Andre was
conducted before the officer who commanded the advanced posts.
Afraid of hurting Arnold by an Immediate disclosure of his true
character, and braving the danger of being instantly put lo death as
a spy, if it should be discovered that he had concealed his real name,
he persisted in 'affirming that he was Anderson, as indicated by his
passport. The American officer vvas at a loss what lo decide ; he
could not persuade himself that his general, after having so oflen
shed his blood for the country, was now resolved lo betray It. These
hesitations, the negations of Andre, the distance at which Washing
ton, and even Arnold, found themselves, gave the latter time to
escape. As soon as he heard that Andre was arrested, he threw
himself into a boat and hastened on board the Vulture. The news
of this event excited universal amazement. The people could
scarcely credit the treachery of a man in whom they had so long
placed the utmost confidence. The peril they had run filled them
wilh consternation ; the happy chance which had rescued them from
it, appeared a prodigy. ' God,' they said, ' has not permitted that
men of honor should be victims of perfidy ; it is his almighty hand
that has saved us ; he approves and protects the cause of America.'
Maledictions were heaped upon Arnold, praises upon those who
had arrested Andre.
Meanwhile, Washington returned from Connecticut lo his camp.
Suspecting, first of all, that the plot might have more extensive rami
fications, and not knowing on what Individuals to fix his eye, he
busied himself in taking the most prompt an< ' efficacious measures
to baffle their pernicious designs. He feared also lest the contagion
of example might incite even those who were strangers lo the con
spiracy to entertain rash desires for a new order of things. He
knew that the way once cleared by some audacious individuals, tho
multitude are but too apt to hurry blmdly after them. These ap
prehensions offered themselves the more naturaUy lohis mind, as the
pay of his troops was considerably in arrear, and as they were in
want of many of the necessaries not only of war, but even of life.
The precautions of the commander-in-chief were fortunately super-
fliions. Nobody stirred ; nothing led to the presumption of Arnold's
liftwg had accomplices.

302 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XUI.

When major Andre, from the time elapsed, could infer that Ar
nold must be in safety, he revealed nis name and rank. He ap
peared less solicitous about his safety, than to prove that he vvas
neither an impostor nor a spy. He endeavored lo refute the ap
pearances which seemed to depose against him. He affirmed that
his intention had been merely to come and confer, upon neutral
ground, vvith a person designated by his general ; but that thence he
had been trepanned and drawn within the American lines. From
that moment, he added, none of his steps could be imputed to his
default, since he then found himself in the power of others. Wash
ington, meanwhffe, created a court martial ; among Its members,
besides many of the most distinguished American officers, were the
marquis de la Fayette and the baron de Steuben. Major Andre ap
peared before his judges ; they were specially charged to investi
gate and define the nature of the offense, and the punishment it
involved, according to the laws of war. The deraeanor of the young
Englishman vvas equally remote from arrogance and from mean
ness. His blooming years, the ingenuous cast of his features, the
mild elegance of his manners, had conciliated him an interest in
every heart.
In the meantirae, Arnold, being safely arrived on board the Vul
ture, immediately wrote a letier lo Washington. He Impudently
declared in it that il was the same patriotism of which he had never
ceased to give proofs since the origin of the contest, which had now
prescribed him his present step, vlfhatever raen might think of it, al
ways so ill judges of the actions of others. He added, that he
asked nothing for himself, having already but loo much experience
of the ingratitude of his country, but that he prayed and conjured
the commander-in-chief to have the goodness to preserve his wife
from the insults of an irritated people, by sending her to Philadelphia
among her friends, or by permitting her to come and rejoin him at
New York. This letter was followed by a dispatch from colonel
Robinson, likewise dated on board the Vulture. He earnestly
demanded that major Andre should be released, urging, in his
defense, that he had gone ashore on public business and under the
protection of a flag, as well by the Invitation of Arnold as by the
command of his own general ; that he was the bearer of a regular
V passport for his return to New York ; that all his doings during the
time he had passed with tbe Americans, and especially the change
of his dress and name, had been dictated by the will of Arnold.
The colonel concluded with aUedging that the major could no longer
be detained without a violation of the sanctity of flags and a con-

ROOK XIII, THE AMERICAN WAR. 303
tempt for all the laws of war as they are acknowledged and practi f;ed
by all nations. General Clinton wrote in much the same style in
favor of Andre. In the letter of that genera! was enclosed a second
from Arnold ; its language could not pretend to the merit of reserve.
He Insisted that In his character of American general, he was invest
ed with the right to grant Andre the usual privilege of flags, that he
might approach In safety to confer with him ; and that in sending
him back, he was competent to choose any way he thought the most
proper. But major Andre betrayed less anxiety respecting his fale
than vvas manifested in his behalf by his countrymen and friends,
Natiirally averse from aff falsehood, from all subterfuge, desirous, if
he must part with hfe, to preserve it at least pure and spotless to his
last hour, he confessed ingenuously that he had by no means come
under the protection of a flag ; adding, that if he had come so
accompanied, he should certainly have returned under the same
escort. His language manifested an extreme attention to avoid
imputing fault to any ; abjuring, on the contrary, aff dissimulation
in regard to what concerned him personally, he often avowed mure
than was questioned him ; so much generosity and constancy vvere
universally admired. The fate oflbis unfortunate young man wrung
tears of compassion even from his judges. All would have wished
to save him, but the fact vvas too notorious. The court marrial, on
the ground of his own confession, pronounced that he was, and ought
to be considered as a spy, and as such to be punished with deatii.
Washington notified this sentence to Clinton, in the answer lo his
letter. He recapitulated all the circumstances of the offense, in
viting him to observe, that although they were of a nature to justify
towards major Andre the summary proceedings usual in the case of
spies, stiff he had preferred to act in respect of him with more
deliberation and scruple ; that it was Iherefore not without a perfect
knowledge of the cause that the court martial had passed the judg
ment of which he apprised hira. But Chnton, half deUrious with
anguish at the destiny of Andre, whom he loved wilh the utmost
tenderness, did not restrict himself to the efforts he had already
made lo preserve him. He again wrote lo Washington, praying him
to consent to a conference between several delegates of the two
parties, in order to throw all the light possible upon so dubious an af
fair. Washington complied with the proposal ; he sent general
Greene lo Dobb's Ferry, where he was met by general Robertson on
the part of the English. The latter exerted himself with extreme
earnestness to prove that Andre could not be considered as a spy.
He repeated the arguments already advanced of the privilege of flags,

304 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOR XUI.
and of tha necessity that controlled the actions of Andre while he
was in the power of Arnold, But perceiving that his reasoning pro
duced no effect, he endeavored to persuade by the voice of humani
ly ; he alledged the essential importance of mitigating by generous
counsels the rigors of war; he extolled the clemency of general Chn
ton, vvho had never put to death any of those persons who had violat
ed the laws of war; he reminded, that major Andre was particularly
dear to the general-in-chief, and that if he might be permitted to re
conduct him lo New York, any American, of whatever crime ac
cused, and now in the power of the English, should be immediately
set at liberty. He made still another proposition ; and that was, to
suspend the execution of the judgment, and lo refer the affair lo the
decision of two officers familiar alike vvith the laws of war and of
nations, such as the generals Knyphausen and Rochambeau. FinaUy,
general Robertson presented a letier from Arnold, directed to Wash
ington, by which he endeavored to exculpate the British prisoner,
and lo take all the blame of his conduct upon himself. He did not re
tire till after having threatened the most terrible retaliations, if the
sentence of the court martial was executed ; he declared in particu
lar, that the rebels of Carolina, whose life general CUnlon had hith
erto generously spared, should be immediately punished with death.
The interposition of Arnold could not but tend lo the prejudice of
Andre ; and even if the Americans had been inclined to clemency,
his letter would have sufficed to divert thera frora it. The conference
had no effect.
Meanwhile, the young Englishman prepared himself for death.
He manifested, at its approach, not that contempt which is often no
other than dissimulation, or brutishness ; nor yet that weakness
which is peculiar to effeminate, or guilty men ; but that firmness
which is the noble characteristic of the virtuous and brave. He re
gretted life, but he sighed still deeper at the manner of losing it. He
could have wished to dis as a soldier, thatis, to be shot ; but he vvas
doomed to the punishmeni of spies and malefactors, to the infamous
death of the halter. This idea struck him with horror ; he painted
it with force to the court martial. It made him no answer, not wiff
ing to grant his request, and esteeming It a cruelty to refuse it ex
pressly. Two olher causes of despair increased the anguisli of the
unhappy youth. One was the fear that his death would reduce to
indigence and wretchedness a mother and three sisters, whom he
tenderly loved, and whom he supported with his pay ; fhe second,
lest the public voice should accuse Clinton of having precipitated
hira, by his orders, inlo his present dreadful situation. He could not

BOOK XIII, THE AMERICAN WAE, 305
think, without the most bitter regrets, that his death might be laid to
the charge of that man, whom he loved and respected the most.
He obtained permission to write to him ; he used It but to recom
mend to his protection his unhappy mother and sisters, and to bear
testiraony tlial it was not only against his intentions, but even against
his posftlve orders, riiat he had introduced himself into the camp of
the Americans, and had assumed a disguise. The second day of
October was destined to be the last of his existence. Brought lo the
foot of the gibbet, he said ; And must I die thus ? He was answer
ed, that It could not be otherwise. He did not dissemble his pro
found grief. At length, after having passed a few moments In prayer,
he pronounced these words, which were his last ; ' Bear witness that
I die as a brave man should die.' Such was the just but melan
choly end of a young man deserving in so many respects of a better
destiny. It cast a damp of sadness over enemies as well as friends.
Arnold gnashed with rage, if, however, that polluted soul was still
capable of remorse. The English themselves eyed him with abhor
rence, both as traitor, and as original cause of the death of the
hapless Andre. In policy, nevertheless, any instrument being thought
good, provided it serves the end proposed, Arnold was created briga
dier-general in the British armies. Clinton hoped that the name
and influence of this renegade would induce a grfeat number of the
Americans to join the royal standard. Arnold at' least was weU
aware, that since he had abandoned them, he could not show too
rauch fervor for the cause of England. And such being the irresisti
ble ascendant of virtue, that even the most depraved are forced to
assume its semblance, he thought fit to publish a memorial, by vvhich
he hoped to mask his infamy. He aUedged that in the commence
ment of the troubles, he had taken arms because he believed the
lights of his country were infringed ; that he had given inlo the
declaration of independence, although he had thought it ill limed ;
but that when Great Britain, Uke a relenting and tender mother, had
extended her arms to embrace them, offering them the most just
and the most honorable conditions, the refusal of the insurgents, and
especially their alliance with France, had entirely changed the nature
of the quarrel, and transformed a glorious cause into a crirainal
revolt ; that ever since that epoch he had been desirous lo resume
the relations of ancieni allegiance towards England. He declaimed
with violence against the congress ; he painted in the most odious
colors its tyranny and avarice ; he railed against the union with
France, affecting a profound grief that the dearest interests of the
country had thus been sacrificed to an arrogant, inveterate and per-
voL. 11. 20

306 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIII,
fidious enemy. He represenled France as too feeble to establish
independence, as the bitterest foe ofthe protestant failh, as deceitfully
pretending a zeal for the liberty of the human race, while she held
her own children In vassalage and servitude, Arnold finished with
declaring, that he had so long delayed the disclosure of his senti
ments, from a wish, by some important service, lo effect the dehver
ance of his country, and at the same lime lo avoid as much as possible
the effusion of blood. He addressed this memorial lo his country
men in general, A few days after, he pubUshed another, directed
lo the officers and soldiers of the American army. He exhorted
them lo come and place themselves under the banners of the king,
where they would find promotion and increase of pay. He vaunted
of wishing to conduct the flower of the American nation lo peace,
liberty and safely ; to rescue the country from the hands of France,
and of those vvho had brought il lo the brink of perdition. He
affirmed that America was become a prey to avarice, an object of
scorn for her enemies, and of pity for her friends ; that she had ex
changed her Uberty for oppression. He represented the citizens
thrust inlo dungeons, despoiled of their property ; the youth dragged
to war, blood strearaing in torrents. ' What,' he exclaimed, ' is
America now, but aland of widows, orphans and beggars? If Eng
land vvere to cease her efforts for her deliverance, how could she
hope to enjoy the exercise of that religion for which our fathers once
braved ocean, climate and deserts ? Has not the abject and profli
gate congress been seen of late to attend mass, and to participate in
the ceremonies of an anti-christian church, against the corruptions of
which our pious ancestors would have borne testimony at the price
of their blood ? ' These declamations of a traitor proved the more
fruitless the more they were insolent and exaggerated. America,
moreover, had writers who stepped forward to lefute them, in a style
as animated as the reasoning was triumphant. They observed,
among olher things, that none raore than Arnold, even subsequent
to the rejection of accommodation vvith England, had been the de
voted and obsequious courtier of France, none more than him had
danced attendance upon her generals and agents ; that on the first
arrival of the minister Gerard at Philadelphia, he had pressed him
to inhabit his house ; that he had lavished, in his honor, the most sump
tuous banquets, the most splendid balls, the most gorgeous galas ;
that he had been the supple flatterer of Silas Deane, the most ser
vile tool of France ; in a word, that on all occasions he had given the
French grounds to believe that they had not in all the United Slates
a more sincere friend than himself. ' But such,' it was said, ' is the

BOOK XIII. , THE AMERICAN WAE, 307
ordinary conduct of the ambitious ; alternately cringing and super
cilious, they are not ashamed to lax others wfth tlieir own vices,'
Thus Arnold found retorted against himself those arguments from
which he had anticipated the most success.
As to the congress, they deemed it beneath their dignity to appear
to lake the least norice of the perfidy or the pamphlets of Arnold.
Only to lesrify their high sense of the noble conduct of the three
soldiers who had arrested major Andre, they passed a resolution
creating in favor of each of them a life annuity of two hundred dol
lars, free of all deductions. They also decreed that they should be
presented with a silver medal, struck express, bearing upon one face
the word Fidelity, and upon the olher the following motto ; Vincit
amor patrice. The executive council of Pennsylvania issued a proc
lamation, summoning Benedict Arnold, in company with some other
vile men, to appear before the tribunals to make answer for their
defection, and declaring them, otherwise, subject to aff the pains and
penalties usually inflicted on criminals convicted of high treason.
This was the only act in which any public authority deigned to make
mention of Arnold.
The details of the conspiracy of New York have necessarily
diverted our attention for some tirae from the theater of war. We
proceed now to recount the various success of the British arms in
the Carolinas. The month of September approached its close, when
the Brirish generals, who had re-inforced their troops and recruited
their necessary stores and provision, resolved lo re-enter the field and
complete those operations which they had commenced, and which
were to be the raost important fruit of the victory of Camden, They
flattered themselves that the rumor alone of their march upon
North Carolina would suffice lo determine the American army to
evacuate it immediately. They already beheld in no distant per
spective not only the conquest of that province, but also that of Vir
ginia. They calculated that when to the possession of the two
CaroUnas, of Georgia and Nevv York, they should have added this,
Virginia, so fertile and so powerful, the Americans, crushed by the
burthen of the war, must of necessity submit to the laws of Great
Britain. The decline and humihation of their enemies appeared to
them inevitable. Lord Cornwallis and general Clinton were to co
operate simultaneously to bring about this grand result ; the first, by
advancing from South into North Carolina ; the second, by sending
a part of his army from New York into the lower parts of Virginia,
wheie, after having passed the Roanoke, it was to operate its junc
tion with the army of Cornwallis upon the confines of North Caro-

308 THE AMEBICAN WAB, BOOK XIIJ,
Una. In pursuance of this plan, Clinton had detached upon the
Chesapeake bay a corps of three thousand men, under the command
of general Leslie. He landed his troops as well at Portsmouth as
upon the adjacent points of that coast, ravaging and burning all the
magazines, and especially those of tobacco, of which an immense
quantity was destroyed. Many merchant vessels fell Inlo the hands
of the English. In this quarter, they were lo wait for news of the
approach of Cornwallis, then to push rapidly forward lo the banks
of the Roanoke, where the junction was to be effected. But the
distance being greal, and as unforeseen accidents might impede the
contemplated union of the two corps, Clinton had directed LesUe to
obey the orders of Cornwaffis. His intention was, that if the junc
tion by land was found subject to insurmountable obstacles, Corn
waUis raight cause a part of that corps lo come round to him in the
Carolinas, by way of the sea. That general, on his part, had put
himself on the march from Camden upon Charlottetown, a village
situated in North CaroUna. Nevertheless, to hold South Carolina in
check, and to preserve the way open to retreat thither, if it vvas
necessary, he had not contented hiraself with leaving a strong garri
son in Charleston. Several detachments were distributed upon dif
ferent points of the frontier ; colonel Brown was posted al Augusta,
colonel Cruger at Ninety-Six, and colonel Trumbull with a stronger
corps at Camden. Lord CornwalUs had then advanced, vvith the
main body of the army and some cavalry, by the way of Hanging
Rock, toward Catawba, while Tarleton wilh the rest of the cavalry
passed the Wateree and ascended along its eastern bank. The two
corps were lo rendezvous, and re-unite al Charlottetown. They
arrived there in effect about the last of September. But the Eng
lish were not slow in perceiving that they had undertaken a far more
arduous enterprise than they had contemplated. The country in the
environs of Charlottetown was steril, and broken by narrow and intri
cate defiles. The inhabitants were not only hostffe, but also most vigi
lant and audacious in attacking detached parties, in cutting off couri
ers and convoys while on the way from Camden lo Charlottetown.
Hence the royalists could not sally into the open country, whether to
forage, or gain inteffigence, except in strongdelachments. Moreover,
colonel Sumpter, always enterprising, and prompt lo seize any occa
sion for infesting the British, seemed to be every where at once,
upon the frontiers of the two Carohnas. Another partisan corps, of
similar audacity^ had just been formed under the conduct of colonel
Marion. Finally, the alarraing inteUigence was announced, that
colonel Clarke had assembled a numerous body of mountaineers

BOOK XIII THE AMERICAN W.VR, 309
from the upper parts of the Carolinas, a most hardy and warlike
race of men. Though the valiant defense of colonel Brown had
defeated a coup de main whieh they had attempted against Augusta,
yet they still kept the field. Their chief had led them Inlo the
mountainous part, in order to unite vvith colonel Sumpter, or, at least,
if the corps of Ferguson prevented that, to await new re-inforce
ments of the Inhabitants of those regions, whose ardor he well knew
The royalists thus found themselves surrounded by clouds of re
publicans. Placed in the midst of a country where every thing
combined against them, they more resembled a besieged army than
troops marching upon an expedition. An unexpected accident came
to aggravate yet more the distress of their position. Colonel Fergu
son, as we have already seen, had been detached by lord CornwalUs
upon the frontiers of North Carolina, to encourage the loyaUsts lo
take arms. A considerable number had repaired to his standard,
but the greater part were of the most profligate jind of the most
ferocious description of raen. Believing any thing admissible with
the sanction of their chief, they put every thing on their passage to
fire and sword. Excesses so atrocious must have inflamed the
coldest hearts wilh the desire pf vengeance ; they transported the
mountaineers with fury. They descended into the plain by torrents,
arming themselves wilh whatever chance threw within their reach.
They foamed at the name of Ferguson ; they conjured the chiefs
they had given themselves, to lead them upon the track of this mon
ster,- that they might make him expiate the ravages and blood with
which he had stained himself. Each of them carried, besides his
arms, a wallet and a blanket. They slept on the naked earth, in the
open air ; the water of the rivulet slaked their thirst ; they fed on
the cattle they drew after thera, or on the game they killed in the
forests. They were conducted by the colonels Campbell, Cleveland,
Selby, Seveer, Wffhams, Brandy and Lacy, Every where they
demanded Ferguson with loud cries. At every step they swore to
exterminate him. At length they found him. But Ferguson was
not a man that any danger whatever could intimidate. He was
posted on a woody eminence which commands aff the adjacent plain,
and has a circular base. Il is called Kings Mountain. An advanced
guard defended its approach by the direct road. The mountaineers
soon forced them to fall back ; then, forming in several columns,
they endeavored to make their way good to fhe summit. The attack
andthe defense were equally obstinate ; some from behind trees,
others under the cover of rocks, maintained an extremely brisk fire
At length those commanded by Cleveland arrived upon the brow of

310

fHE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK Xlll.

the hill. The English repulsed them with the bayonet. But the
column of Selby came up at the same instant, and it was necessary
to dispute the ground wilh it immediately. It began to give way,
when colonel Campbell took part in the combat. Ferguson received
him with gallantry ; but what could aVail his efforts against assaults
incessantly renewed, and always wilh more fury 1 He was surround
ed ; and he did all that a man of skill and courage could do lo e.x-
tricate himself. But already the crown of the mount was inundated
with Americans. They summoned Ferguson in vain lo surrender ;
he perished sword in hand. His successor iraraediately demanded
and obtained quarter. The carnage had been dreadful ; the royal
ists had to regret above eleven hundred raen in killed, wounded and
prisoners, a loss extreraely serious in the present circumstances. AU
the arms and munitions feU into the power of the conquerors. They
observed the laws of war towards the English ; but they displayed
an excessive rigor against the loyalists. They hung several without
listening to their remonstrances. They aUedged, that this execution
was only a just reprisal for that of the republicans put to death by
the loyalists al Camden, at Ninety-Six, and at Augusta. They even
insisted that the persons whose hves they had taken, had forfeited
them by their crimes according to the laws of the country. Thus
was added to the inevitable rigors of war all the ferocity of civil
dissensions. The mountaineers, after this victory, returned lo their horaes. The
check of Kings Mountain was a heavy blow to the British interests
in the Carohnas. The position of Cornwallis became critical. The
loyalists no longer manifested the same zeal to join him ; and he
found himself vvith a feeble army in the midst of a hostile and steril
country. He clearly foresaw that a movement forward would but
increase the embarrassments under vvhich he already labored. Com
peUed, therefore, to reUnquish for the present the invasion of North
CaroUna, where the public mind was decidedly in favor of the re
publicans, he resolved, at least, to maintain himself in South Carolina
until he should have received re-inforcements. He accordingly
abandoned Charlottetown, repassed the Catawba, and took post at
Winnsborough. From that point, he was at hand to correspond with
Camden and Ninety-Six; and the fertility of the adjacent country
secured him better quarters. At the same lime, he sent orders to
general LesUe, who was still In Virginia, lo embark his troops forth
with, and after having touched at Wilmington, to repair with all
expedition to Charleston.
The retreat of the EngUsh from Charlottetown to Winnsborough.

BOOK XIII. THE AMERICAN WAR. 31 1
and their defeat at Kings Mountain, animated the republicans vvith
uncommon alacrity. They hastened in multitude to place themselves
under the standards of their most daring chiefs, among whom the
more prominent were the colonels Sumpter and Marion, The latter
scoured the lower, the former the upper parts of the province.
Sometimes Camden, sometimes Ninety-Six were raenaced. The
royal troops could scarcely quit their camp for provision, wood or
forage, without running the greatest hazard of being surprised To
put an end to these continual alarms, Tarleton made a movement
which menaced colonel Marion ; but the American, who intended
only lo harass his enemy, and not lo engage him in the open field,
retired precipitately. The Englishman pursued him ; but he receiv
ed, at the same instant, orders from lord CornwaUis, enjoining him
to turn upon colonel Sumpter, That partisan vvas on the march
towards Ninety-Six ; he had already surprised major Wemis upon
Broad river, and captured many prisoners, both horse and foot,
Tarleton, exerting a scarcely credible dffigence, appeared unexpect
edly in the presence of Sumpter, who was encamped upon the right
bank of the river Tiger, at a placc called Blackstocks. The position
of the Americans vvas formidably strong ; it was covered in front by
the river, log houses and paUsades ; and upon the two flanks by
inaccessible mountains, or narrow and diffi.cult defiles. Tarleton,
hurried on by his ardor, and fearing lest Sumpter should pass the
Tiger and escape him, left his light infantry, and even a part of his
legion, behind, and pushed forward upon the enemy wilh a body of
grenadiers and the rest of his cavalry. The action was engaged
with reciprocal desperarion. A Brirish regiment was so roughly
treated that it Vv'as compelled to fall back in the greatest disorder.
Tarielon, to restore the battie, headed an Impetuous charge upon the
center of the Americans ; they received it without giving way. The
Enghshman then found himself constrained to retreat, leaving upon
the field of battie a great number of dead and wounded, among
whom were found several officers of nole. But night being come,
colonel Sumpter, who was dangerously wounded in the shoulder, did
not judge it prudent lo await the Brirish troops that Tarleton had
left behind him, and he accordingly repassed the river. His wound
notpermllting him to retain the command, he was carried by faithful
soldiers into the secure regions ofthe mountains. The greater part
of his corps then disbanded. Tarielon, afte ¦ having scoured, for a
few days, tiie country on the left bank of the Tiger, returned by easy
marches to resume his position uponi Broad river, in South Carohna.

312 THE AMERICAN WAE. BOOK Xlll.
This petty war, these frequent rencounters, more and more invigo
rated the warlike spirit of the troops of the two parties.
Meanwhile, general Gates had succeeded in assembling sorae few
troops, the greater part cavalry, and in order to support the partisans
of congress, as well as lo afford them a rallying point, he recrossed
the river Yadkin, and took post at Charlottetown, with intent lo
winter there. He thought that hostffities could not be continued
during the bad season /vhich was then about to set in. While he
applied himself witb zeal lo these preparatory dispositions, and for
tune seemed incUned to smile upon him anew, general Greene arrived
al camp. His military reputation and his tried devotion lo the cause
of the republic, had decided the congress and Washington lo intrust
him wilh the command iL' the southern provinces, in the room of
Gates, The latter evinced, in this conjuncture, that country was
dearer lo him than power and glory. He supported so unpleasant
an incident with such constancy, that he did not betray a single mark
of discontent. When he passed through Richmond, in returning to
his own province, the asserably of Virginia sent a deputation to com
pliment him. Il gave him assurance that the remembrance of his
glorious achievements could not be effaced by any misfortune, pray
ing him lo be persuaded that the Virginians in particular would never
neglect any occasion to manifest the gratitude they bore him, as
members of the American Union. General Greene brought with
him no re-inforcement from the northern army ; he expected lo find
sufficient forces in the southern quarter. He was accorapanied only
by colonel Morgan with some riflemen, who had acquired the highest
reputation. His army was consequentiy extremely feeble ; but the
woods, the swamps, the rivers, with which the country was every
where broken, were means of defense sufficient to re-assure him.
As his intention was merely to infest the enemy, by avoiding gene
ral actions, he hoped to be able to harass, and lillie by little to re
duce him. Il was about the same lime that general Leslie arrived
from Virginia at Charleston, wilh are-inforcemenl of more than two
thousand regular troops. He found fresh orders in that city, in pur
suance of which, he put himself immediately on the march with fif
teen hundred men, to rejoin lord Cornwallis at Winnsborough.
1781. This addition of force renewed with the British general
the desire to reduce North Carolina, and to proceed thence into
Virginia. But the bel ter to secure the success of this enterprise, a
council of war decided that il should not be confided to the army of
Cornwallis alone ; and tiiat it was proper that it should be supported
by another expedition simultaneously directed on the part of Virginia

BOOK XUI. THE AMERICAN WAR, 313
itself; not that the troops which could be employed In that part were
m a situation to achieve the conquest of the province without the
assistance of lord Cornwallis, but they might at least be able to dis
courage the Virginians from passing re-inforcements ,to general
Greene, Agreeably to this plan, Arnold had been detached lo the
fjhesapeake bay, where he was lo disembark his troops al whatever
point he might judge the most favorable to a mischievous Impres
sion, The English also flattered themselves, that his name and ex
ample would influence a great number of the Americans lo desert
from the colors of the republic lo those of the king, Arnold received
this commission with ecstasy ; he departed lo execute it vvith fifty
transports and sixteen hundred raen. The moment he had landed,
he commenced the most shocking ravages. Richmond and Smith-
field experienced all his fury. But the country was alarmed on all
parts ; the inhabitants flew lo arms ; he was obliged lo faff back upon
Portsmouth, where he labored to intrench himself. He would not
abandon that coast, because he was sensible how much his presence
disquieted the Americans. On the other hand, however, he could
not, with forces so insufficient, keep the field in the midst of a prov
ince whose numerous population was animated by the raost violent
hatred against England.
This piratical expedition, therefore, produced but very imperfectiy
the effect which the British generals had hoped from it. It delayed
it is true, those succors which the Virginians destined for the Caro
linas ; but not one of them joined Arnold. Devastations, plunder,
conflagrations, had no such fascination as could gain hira partisans.
The campaign had already opened In South CaroUna. The two
hostile generals maneuvered each according to the plan he had
framed. Lord Cornwallis had set out from Winnsborough, and vvas
marching between the Broad and Catawba rivers, on the upper route,
towards North Carolina. He had already arrived at Turkey Creek,
To arrest his progress, general Greene resolved lo demonstrate an
intention to attack Ninety-Six, while colonel Morgan, wilh five hun
dred Virginian regulars, some companies of militia, and the light
horse of colonel Washington, was detached to guard the passages of
the river Pacolet, As lo Greene himself, he went to encamp at the
confluence of Hicks Creek with the Pedee, opposite to Cheraw HiU,
He was blamed, by many military critics, for having thus divided his
forces. In effect, if the English had pushed rapidly forward, they
might have thrown themselves between the corps of Greene and
Morgan, and crushed them both without difficulty. But perhaps the
American general had calculated that the royaUsts were embarrassed

314 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK .XIU.
by too many obstacles to act wilh such celerity ; perhaps, also, he
had not yet heard of the junction of Leshe and Cornwallis. The
latter general immediately detached Tarleton with his legion of cav
alry and a body of infantry lo cover Ninety-Six. On arriving in
that part, Tarielon found every thing quiet ; the enemy had retired
after some light skirmishes. He then determined to march against
Morgan, confident of being able either to rout him by surprise, or at
least to drive him beyond the Broad river, which would have left the
ways clear to the royal army. He consulted lord Cornwallis by let
ter, vvho not only approved his design, but resolved also to concur to
its execution, by ascending the left bank of the Broad, in order lo
menace the rear of Morgan. Every thing went well for them at first.
Tarleton, after having passed wilh equal celerity and good fortune the
rivers Ennoree and Tiger, presented himself upon the banks of the
Pacolet. Morgan retreated thence forthwith, and Tarielon set him
self to pursue him. He pressed him hard. Morgan felt how full of
danger was become the passage of Broad river, in the presence of so
enterprising an enemy as now hung upon his rear. He therefore
thought it better lo make a stand. He formed his troops in two
divisions ; the first, composed of militia, under the conduct of colo
nel Pickens, occupied the front of a wood, in view of the enemy ;
the second, commanded by colonel Howard, vvas concealed in
the wood itself, and consisted of his marksmen and old continental
troops. Colonel Washington, wilh his cavahy, vvas posted behind
the second division, as a reserve. Tarleton soon carae up, and
formed in two lines ; his infantry in the centre of each, and his horse
on the flanks. Every thing seemed to proraise him victory. He was
superior in cavalry, and his troops, both officers and soldiers, mani
fested an extreme ardor. The English attacked the first American
line ; after a single discharge, vvith little harm to the enemy, il fled
in confusion. ' They then fell upon the second ; but here they found a
more obstinate resistance. The action was engaged and supported vvith
equal advantage. Tarleton, lo decide il in his favor, pushed forward
a battalion of his second line, and at the same time directed a charge
of cavalry upon the right flank of the Americans. He vvas afraid lo
attack their left, supported by colonel Washington, who had already
vigorously repulsed an assault ofthe British light horse. The maneu
ver of Tarielon had the expected effect ; the American regulars gave
way. and were thrown into disorder. The English rushed on, per
suaded that the day was now their own. Already Tarleton, with his
cavalry, was In full pursuit of the routed, when colonel Washington,
whose troop was stiff entire, fell upon the enemy with such irapetu-

BOOK XIII, THE AMERICAN WAR, 315
osity, that in a few moments he had restored the battle. During this
mterv al, colonel Howard had raffled his continental troops, and led
them back upon the English, Colonel Pickens had also, by prodi
gious efforts, re-assembled the militia, and again brought them to the
fire. Morgan was visible every where ; his presence and words re
animated the spirits of his soldiers. He profited of that moment of
enthusiasm to precipitate them In one general charge upon the enemy.
The shock was so tremendous, thatthe English al first paused, then
.•ecoiled, and soon fied in confusion. The Americans pursued them
wilh inexpressible eagerness. It vvas in vain that the British officers
employed exhortations, prayers, and threats, to stay the fugitives ; the
liscomfiture was total, Tarleton lost, in dead, wounded, and prison
ers, more than eight hundred men, two pieces of cannon, the colors
of the seventh regiment, all his carriages and baggage. He regretted
especially the horses killed or taken in this engagement. The nature
of the country, which is flat and open, renders cavalry of the uimost
importance to a campaign in that quarter.
Such was the issue of the battle of Cowpens, the effects of which
were heavily felt by the English during the whole course of the war
of the Carolinas and Virginia ; it was, in a word, decisive of the fale
of those provinces. The destruction of the British cavalry, the total
defeat of Tarleton, who had been, until that epoch, the terror of the
inhabitants, aniraated thera with fresh spirits. Dejection and de
spondency were exchanged for confidence and enthusiasra. The
congress voted pubhc thanks to colonel Morgan, and presented him
with a medal of gold. Colonels Washington and Howard received
medals of silver, and colonel Pickens a sword.
The news of the sanguinary check of Cowpens vvas extremely
afflictive to lord Cornwallis. He had lost in il the best part of his
light troops, and they vvere to have been the principal instrument of
his ulterior operations. But far from allowing himself to be discour -
aged by this blow, he resolved lo prosecute his designs with the
corps he had left. He hoped to obtain from it the same service
as from light troops, by destroying his heavy baggage, and all the
carriages that were not of absolute necessity. Two entire days
were employed in the destruction of superfluous Incumbrances. A
few wagons only were kept, for the accommodation of the sick and
wounded, andthe transportation of salt and ammunition. Thesoldlei
witnessed the annihilation ofhis most valuable effects ; thecaskscon-
taining wine and rum were all staved, and the troops sel forward with
no other provision than a small quantity of flour. The royal army
submitted to all these inconveniences wilh admirable temper and

316 THE AMERICAN WAE. BOOK XIII.
patience, and manifested the utmost eagerness to accomplish the
wishes of its general. He had two objects in view al that time. One
was, lo fall immediately upon Morgan, worst him, retake the prisoners
he had made, and prevent his junction vvith general Greene, who still
continued upon Hicks Creek. The second, and by far the most
important, was to push forward by forced marches upon Salisbury,
and tovvards the sources of the Yadkin, before Greene should have
crossed that river. Ifhe effected thlsdesign,il followed of necessity,
that the American general would be cut off from the succors he
expected from Virginia, and constrained either to retreat precipitate
ly, vvith the loss of his artillery and baggage, or to accept a battle
under every disadvantage. Lord CornwaUis set out upon the firstof
these projects. He directed his march with celerity upon the Ca
tawba, in the hope of surprising and crushing Morgan before he could
pass that river. But the Americans were upon their guard. After
nis victory of Cowpens, Morgan, who knew very well that Cornwallis
was not far off, had sent his prisoners upon his rear, under the guard of
an experienced officer, and soon after set forward himself vvith all his
troops towards the Catawba. Such was the diligence of his march,
that on the twenty-ninth of January he had crossed the river, wilh all
nis artillery, stores, baggage and prisoners. The Americans were no
sooner upon the left bank than the British appeared on the right ; the
chagrin of CornwalUs is readily conceived. Morgan, stiff keeping
his prisoners on the march towards Virginia, neglected no measures
that might tend, if not to arrest, at least to retard the progress of the
royal troops. But they soon had even the elements to contend wilh.
There had fallen the preceding night such an abundant rain in the
neighboring mountains, that the ford of Catawba became immediately
impassable. If this swell of the waters had taken place a few hours
sooner, Morgan would have found himself in a critical position.
In this stale of things, general Greene arrived al the camp of
Morgan, and look the command upon himself. Penetrating the
designs of Cornwaffis, he had left orders with the troops stationed at
Hiclcs Creek, lo make the be?t of their vvay, without baggage or
incumbrance of any sort, towards the mountainous part, in order to
approach the sources of the rivers, where they become more forda
ble. Their point of rendezvous was indicated at Guildford Court
House, in North Carolina. While Greene rejoined the corps of
Morgan, upon the lefl bank of the Catawba, general Huger executed
his orders wilh as much zeal as intelligence. The rains were such
as to be thought extraordinary even at this season ; the bridges were
broken, the streams excessively swoln, the roads deep and heavy, or

BOOK XIII. THE AMEBICAN WAE. 317
stony and knobbed by frost. The soldiers were destitute of shoes,
of clothing, and often of bread. They seemed lo vie with the Eng
lish In constancy, and supported all their sufferings without a mur
mur. Not one of them deserted, and in this respect they had more
merit than their adversaries. The Americans, in disbanding, re
paired lo their homes and repose ; whereas the English deserter
must have wandered in a country where every thing opposed him.
During the march of this division upon Guildford, the waters of the
Catawba diminished, and the royal troops prepared themselves to
cross It, But the republicans seemed determined to dispute their
passage. Besides the intrepid phalanx of Morgan, all the miUtia of
the counties of Rohan and Mecklenburgh, where the British name
was loathed, had assembled upon that point. Notwithstanding these
obstacles, Cornwallis took a resolution to attemp: the enterprise.
He was excited lo this movement by the hope of giving the
enemy a decisive blow, either by reaching the corps of Huger before
its arrival at Guffdford, or by throwing himself between il and Vir
ginia, He accordingly marched and counter-marched along the
right bank of the Catawba, holding out an intent to pass in different
places. In order to elude the attention of the Americans, But his
real design vvas to cross at Gowan's Ford, In effect, on the morn
ing of the first of February, the EngUsh entered the water ; ' the
river was broad, deep, and full of large stones. The republicans
were drawn up on the left bank, and commanded by general David
son, But this corps was composed entirely of miUlia ; Morgan with
his veterans guarded another passage. The English, however, had
to encounter a very brisk and well-directed fire ; but they supported
It with intrepidity, successfully traversed the bed of the river, and
gained the opposite bank. The Americans were formed to receive
them, and the action commenced. General Davidson was killed at
the first discharge ; his militia betook themselves lo flight, and the
detachments posted at other points ran off in the same manner.
The whole royal army arrived without obstacle upon the left bank,
A single corps of mihtia, amidst the general rout, made a stand af
the post of Tarrant ; colonel Tarielon charged them vigorously, and
routed them with severe execution. But colonel Morgan retired
untouched, and with celerity, towards SaUsbury. He hoped to
arrive there in season to cross the Yadfehi'at thaf place; and thus lo
put a large river between him and the royal army. The EngUsh
followed him vvith great ardor, panting to take their revenge for tbe
defeat of Cowpens. But the American displayed so much activity,
and threw so many impediments in the way of his pursuers, that he

318 THE AMEBICAN WAR.

BOOK XIII.

passed the Yadkin with all his troops, and withoui any loss, in the
first days of February ; partly by the ford, and partly in batteaux.
He drew all the boats he could find to the lefl bank. The EngUsh
at length arrived, under the conduct of general O'Hara. They per
ceived the enemy drawn up on the opposite side, prepared to oppose
their passage. They would, nevertheless, have attempted it but for
the sudden swell of the Yadkin, through the rains that feU that very
day. The pious inhabitants of America considered this sudden
increment of the rivers as a manifest token of the protection which
Heaven granted to the justice of their cause. They observed, that if
the waters of the Catawba, and afterwards those of the Yadkin, had
swelled a few hours sooner, their army, unable to cross, must have
been cut in pieces by the furious enemy that pursued it. If, on the
contrary, these rivers had not increased all of a sudden, a few hours
later, the British would have passed as easily as the Americans, and
would have intercepted their retreat. These two consecutive events,
and the critical moraent at which they took place, were esteeraed
alike providential. ¦ Seeing the impossibffity of crossing the Yadkin
at the ford of Salisbury, which is the most commodious, and the
most frequented, CornwaUis resolved to march up the river, hoping
to find il fordable at the place where it branches ; this he effected ;
but the delay occasioned by the circuit, afforded the Araericans time
enough to reach Guildford withoui being disquieted. It was there,
that, on the seventh of February, the two divisions of the American
army operated their junction ; that of general Huger, which, notwilh-
stuudlng all his diligence, vvas the last lo arrive, and that of colonel
Morgan. Greene felt the more joy al tbis union, as it was highly
honorable lo his ability. Thus, by the prudence of the American
commanders, and by the fortitude and celerity of their soldiers,
together with a happy coincidence of fortuitous causes, was defeated
the double plan of lord CornwaUis. He could neither exterminate
Morgan, nor prevent his re-union with Huger. There remained now
but one operation which could indemnify him for so many losses ;
and that vvas to cut Greene off frora Virginia. The two armies
vvere already upon the confines of that province. It is separated
from North Carolina by the Roanoke, which in Its upper part Is
called the Dan. The British general, conceiving that river not ford
able in the lower parls, calculated that if he could gain the high
country, he should be at liberty to move as he might see fil. For
supposing that Greene could not pass the Dan, he would then be
surrounde({ on all sides ; on the north by Cornwallis himself, on the
west by great rivers, on the soulh by lord Rawdon, vvho remained

BOOK XUI THE AMEBICAN WAR. 319
at Camden with a respectable force, and on the east by the sea.
Moreover, notwithstanding the juncture ofthe American troops, they
were still so inferior to those of the English, that the latter consid
ered themselves perfectly assured of a complete victory. The two
parnes vvere equally aware that success must depend on the rapidity
of raarches ; they accordingly both bent their course, wilh aff possi
ble velocity, upon the formidable parls of the Dan. The English,
desirous to repair the lime lost in their preceding passages, exerted
prodigious efforts, and occupied the fords the first. The position of
Greene was now truly critical. He turned rapidly towards a lower
ford, called Boyds Ferry, uncertain of the safety or destruction of
his army, since he was ignorant if that ford vvas practicable. The
royal troops pursued him with vehemence ; they looked upon their
approaching victory as a positive certainty. Greene, in so pressing
an emergency, summoned all the faculties of his soul, and did all
that could have been expected of a consummate general.
He formed a strong corps of his best light troops, consisting in the
regiments of cavalry of Lee, of Bland, and of Washington, in cora
panies of light infantry, drawn from regiments of the line, and in
some riflemen. He charged the commander of this corps to sustain
the efforts of the enemy, and lo bear in mind that the salvation of
the army was in his hands. As lo himself, wilh the rest ofhis troops
and the heavy baggage, he proceeded with all expedition towards
Boyds Ferry. The royalists pushed forward with eagerness from
Salem lo the sources of the Haw, from that point to Reedy Fork,
from there to Troublesome Creek, and thence towards the Dan.
But the detached corps which has just been mentioned, by continual
skirmishes, and the breaking up of roads and bridges, materially
retarded their march. Greene had already reached the margin of
the river ; he found it fordable ; some boats al hand accelerated the
passage ; he gained the Virginian shore ; all the baggage vvas passed
over vvith equal success. Even the gallant rear guard, which had
preserved the army, arrived a little after, and crossed with the same
happy auspices, to the safe side of the river.
It was not long before the English, full of earnestness, made their
appearance upon the right of the Dan ; they perceived upon the
opposite bank the American army formed In menacing array. Ail
their hopes were vanished ; the fruit of all their efforts, of all their
sufferings, was lost irrecoverably. The retreat of general Greene
and the pursuit of lord ComwaUis, are worthy lo be placed among
the most remarkable events of the American war ; they would have
done honor to the most celebrated captains of that, or any former
epoch

320 THE AMERICAN W VB, BOOK XIII,
Compelled so unexpectedly to relinquish the object ofhis sanguine
hope, lord Cornwallis meditated upon the course he had now to
pursue The attack of Virginia, with forces so enfeebled as were
his own, appeared to him the more perilous, as the American army
preserved the most imposing attitude. Under this consideration, he
determined to remain in North Carolina, of which he was master,
and set himself to levy troops in the name of the king. With this
intent he quitted the banks ofthe Dan, and repaired by easy marches
to HUlsborough ; where, having erecled the royal standard, he Invited
riie inhabitants, by an energetic proclamation, to form themselves into
regular companies. But these efforts were not attended with the
success he had hoped ; a greal nuraber of the country people carae
to his head quarters, but the greater part to satisfy their curiosity, lo
gain inteffigence, and lo make their profit of il. All manifested an
extieme repugnance lo arming against the congress. Lord Cornwallis
complained publicly of their coldness. He saw that he could place
no dependence upon the assistance of the people of this province,
formerly so celebrated for their attachraent lo the name of the king.
The long domination of the republicans, and the horrible enormities
committed by vne royal troops in different parts of the American
continent, had given birth to sentiments of quite another cast. In
sensibly detached from the cause ofthe king, the inhabitants, besides,
could not forget the vicinity of the republican army, which at any
moment might again penetrate into their province. About this lime,
a British squadron, and a body of troops detached from Charleston,
look possession of Wilmington, a city of North CaroUna, situated not
far from the mouth of Cape Fear river. They fortified themselves
there, seized munitions of war, and even some vessels, both French
and American. This expedition had been ordered by Cornwaffis
prior to his departure from Winnsborough, in pursuit of Morgan.
Its principal object vvas that of opening a coraraunication between
the country about Hillsborough and the sea, by the way of Cape
Fear river ; an object of the utmost importance, as it afforded a sure
mode of passing supplies lo the army.
The retreat of Greene into Virginia, although it had not produced
upon the minds of those Carolinians who remained faithful to the
king, all that effect which Cornwallis had expected from it, had,
nevertheless, excited, in some, fresh hopes and desires of a new
order of 'things. The British general redoubled his efforts and in
stances to induce them to take arms. The district situated between
the Haw and the Deep river, was represented as particularly abound
ing in loyalists ; Cornwallis sent them Tarleton, to animate and

BOOK XIU. THE AMERICAN WAR. 321
imbody them. His exhortations were not In vain. The family of
Pill, one of the most considerable of the country, was also the most
ardent to set the example. Already a colonel of that family had
asserabled a considerable body of his most audacious partisans, and
was on his way to join Tarleton. But general Greene, who was fully
sensible how prejudicial it would prove to the arms of congress if he
suffered its cause to succumb entirely in North Carolina, and fearing
lest the loyalists might operate a revolution In that province, had
detached anew, upon the right bank of the Dan, a body of cavalry
under the conduct of colonel Lee, wilh a view of intimidating the
partisans of England, re-assuring those ofthe congress, and disquiet
ing the movements of the enemy in the interior of the country. He
intended also himself, as soon as he should have received his re-in
forcements, which were already on the march, to repass the river,
and show himself again upon the territory of the Carolinas. The
recovery of those provinces was the fixed aim of all his thoughts.
Meanwhffe, colonel Lee was by no means lardy In acting accord
ing to the instructions of his general. The troop assembled by
colonel Pffl was the first that feff in his way. These loyalists, totally
unacquainted with the profession of arms, knew so little how lo clear
their march, that thinking they were going to meet Tarleton, they
threw themselves headlong into the corps of Lee. The Americans
enveloped and charged them with rapid vigor. The loyalists, stiff
supposing their affair was with Tarleton, and that he mistook them
for republicans, were eager to make themselves known by reiterated
cries of ' Long live the king .' The fury of the assailants did but
rage the fiercer, and In a few instants all that survived were obliged
to surrender. Thus, this inexpert troop were led to slaughter by a
presumptuous chief, who had imagined that the spirit of parly could
fiU the place of knowledge and talents ! At the news of this event,
vvhich was rather an execution than a combat, Tarleton, who was
not far off, put himself in morion, with intent to encounter Lee ; but
an order of Cornwallis checked him, and drew him back to Hillsbo
rough. The cause of this sudden resolurion of the British general,
was, that Greene, though even yet he had received only a small part
of his re-inforcements, had boldly re-passed the Dan, and menaced
again to overrun Carolina. Not, however, that his real intention
was to give his adversary battle before having assembled his whole
force ; but he wished to show Cornwallis and the patriots of the prov
ince that he was In being, and able to keep the field. He chose a
position upon the left of the Dan, and very high up, towards the
sources of the Haw, In order to avoid the necessity of fighting.
VOL. n. 21

322 THE AMERICAN WAE. BOOK XIU,
CornwaUis, on hearing that the American banners had re-appeared
in Carolina, quitted Hillsborough forthwith, and crossing the Haw
at a lower ford, proceeded to encamp near AUemance creek, detach
ing Tarleton with his cavalry lo scour the country as far as Deep
river. Thus the two armies found themselves so near each olher,
as tobe separated only by the river Haw, Hence frequent skirmishes
ensued. In one of these rencounters, Tarielon did great mischief
to the corps of Lee, vvhich was joined by the mountaineers and mili
tia, under the command of captain Preston. The two generals ma
neuvered a long time with uncommon ability ; the American lo avoid
battle, the Englishraan to force him lo it. Greene had the good for
tune, or the skill, to continue master of his movements. But to
wards the middle of March, ne received re-inforcements, which con
sisted principally of continental troops. He was joined, al the same
time, by militia from Virginia, under the conduct of general Law-
son, as also by some Carolinian militia, led by the generals Butler
and Eaton. Having acquired more confidence in his strength, Greene
took a resolution no longer to decline a decisive action, but, on the
contrary, to march directly lo the eneray. He accordingly pushed
forward with all his troops, and look post at Guildford Court House.
He had reflected that being superior in nuraber, and principally in
cavalry, he could not experience a total and Irreparable defeat. The
worst consequence that could follow a loss of battie, was that of
placing him under the necessity of retiring inlo Virginia, where he
would have found the utmost faciUty in re-establishing his army. He
had also to consider that the numerous mffitia assembled in his carap
would soon disband, unless he avaffed himself immediately of their
first ardor. On the olher hand, if the English were beaten, far from
their ships, entangled in a country where they were detested, and
without means of retreat, how could their army escape a total de
struction ? They had therefore much more al risk than the Amer
icans, in refering the decision of their fate to the chance of arms.
Lord CornwaUis saw distinctly, on his part, that it would be an
inexcusable imprudence to reraain longer in the midst of a popula
tion which every thing taught him to distrust, whffe a formidable
enemy menaced him in front. But retreat, in all respects so preju
dicial to the interests of the king, was accompanied with so many
dangers, that it became next lo impracticable. In turning his eyes
upon his carap, the British general beheld all soldiers nurtured in
the toils of war, and trained to victory in a host of combats. Bacf
ishing,lhen all hesitation, he embraced, if not the least perilous, as
suredly the most honorable course, and gave orders to advance upon

BOOK XIII THE AMERICAN WAE. 323
Guildford. This resolution was undertaken irrevocably to put an
end lo uncertainties by striking a decisive blow. To relieve his
march, and facilitate his retreat in case of a check, lord CornwalUs
sent his carriages and baggage under strong escort to Bells Mills, a
place situated upon the Deep river. Greene In like manner passed
his wagons to Iron Works, ten mffes in the rear of his position.
The reconnoitering parties of the two armies went out in aff direc
tions for inteUigence. The legion of Lee and that of Tarleton fell
in with each other in one of these excursions, and a fierce conflict
ensued. Lee at first had the advantage ; but he was obliged lo
give way in his turn, when Tarleton had been re-inforced. These
skirraishes were but the prelude of the battle for which both parties
were preparing themselves.
The Americans, on their side, numbered about six thousand men,
the greater part militia of Virginia and North Carolina ; the remain
der consisted in regular troops from Virginia, Maryland and Dela
ware. The English, including the Hessians, amounted to upwards
of twenty-four hundred soldiers. All the adjacent country was
clothed with thick wood, interspersed, here and there, with spots of
cultivation. A gentle and woody decUvity traverse(l and extended
far on both sides of the greal road which leads from Salisbury lo
Guildford. This road itself runs through the center of the forest.
In front, and before coming to the fool of the hill, there was a field
six hundred yards in breadth. Behind the forest, between its lower
edge and the houses of Guildford, lay another field still more open,
and adapted to mffitary evolutions. General Greene had thrown
troops into the wood that covered the slope, and had Ukewise occu
pied the contiguous plain. In this position he purposed to receive
the enemy. His order of battle consisted in three divisions ; the
first, composed of the militia of North CaroUna, and commanded
by the generals Butler and Eaton, was posted towards the foot of
the hill, upon the fore edge of the forest ; its front was covered by
a thick hedge ; two pieces of cannon defended the great road. The
second division comprised the mffitia of Virginia, under the conduct
of the generals Stevens and Lawson ; it was formed In the wood
parallel lo the first, and about eight hundred yards behind It.' The
regular troops, under general Huger and colonel Williams, filled
the plain which extends from the forest lo Guildford ; this ground
permitted them to maneuver, and to signalize their valor. Two
other pieces of cannon, planted upon an eminence which covered
their flank, commanded also the highway.
Colonel Washington, with his dragoons and Linch's riflemen, flank-

324 THE AMERICAN WAH BOOK XIII.
ed the right wing, and colonel Lee, with a detachment of light infan
try and the dragoons of Campbell, the lefl. The British general drew
up on his part. General Leslie, with an English regiment and the
Hessian regiment of Bose, occupied the right of the first line ; and
colonel V/ebsler, vffllh two English regiments, the lefl. A battalion of
guards formed a sort of reserve to the first, and another under gene
ral O'Hara to the second. The artillery and grenadiers marched
in close column upon the great road. Tarleton was posted there
likewise with his legion ; but his orders were not to move, except
upon emergency, until the infantry, after having carried the forest,
should have advanced into the plain behind it, vvhere cavalry could
operate vvith facffity. The action was commenced on both sides
by a brisk cannonade. The English, afterwards, leaving their artil
lery behind, rushed forward through the fire of the enemy into the
intermediate plain. The Carolinian mffitia suffered them lo ap
proach withoui flinching, then began lo fire. TUe English made but
one discharge, and immediately ran forward to charge wilh bayonets.
The CaroUnians showed no firmness. Without awaiting the shock
of the enemy, notwithstanding the strength of their position, they
recoiled, and took shamefully to flight. Their officers vainly endeav
ored to dissipate their terror, and lo rally them. Thus the first line
of the American array was totally routed. General Stevens, seeing
the panic of the Carolinian militia, hastened to re-assure those he
commanded, by giving out that the other had orders lo fall back,
afler the first discharges. He Opened his ranks to let the fugitives
pass, and reclosed them immediately. The English, stiff advancing,
attacked the militia of Virginia. These bravely withstood their shock,
and disputed the ground with them for some time. At length, obUged
to give way, they also fell back, not without some disorder, upon the
continental troops. Meanwhffe, as well by the effect of the combat,
as from the Inequality of the ground, and thickness of the wood, the
line of the British was Ukewise broken, and open In several places.
Their coraraanders, lo fiU up these vacant spaces, pushed forward the
two reserves. Then, aff this division, having passed the forest, forraed
in the plain that was behind it, and fell upon the continental troops ;
but all the impetuosity of this attack was of no avail against the intre
pidity of that division. Their resistance was so obstinate that victory
for a while appeared uncertain. General Leslie, finding he could
make no impression upon the lefl of the Americans, and having suf
fered excessively in the attempt, was constrained to retire behind a
ravine, in order to await the news of what might have passed in other
parts. Tne action was supported in tho center with inexpressible

BOOK XIII, THE AMERICAN WAR, 325
fierceness. Colonel Stewart, with the second battalion of guards
and a company of grenadiers, had fallen so vigorously upon the
troops of Delaware, that he had broken them, and taken from them
two pieces of cannon ; but the Marylanders came promptly to their
assistance, and not only restored the battle, but even forced the
English to recoil in disorder. At this nomenl colonel Washington
came up with his cavalry, charging the royaUsts with impetuosity ;
he put them to flight, cut most of them down, and recovered the two
pieces of cannon.
Colonel Stewart himself perished in the carnage. Al this instant
the fale of the day bung by a single thread. If the Americans had
done all that was in their power, the whole British army was crushed.
Afler the defeat of the British guards and the death of Stewart, if
the republicans had occupied the hill which rises on the side of the
greal road upon the hinder border of the wood, and furnished it with
artillery, it cannot be doubted that victory would have declared for
them. For then the EngUsh would not have had power to advance
fresh troops into that part ; their left wing would have been separated
from the center and right ; and the battalions of guards would not
have been able to recover from the confusion inlo which they had
been thrown. But the Americans, content wilh the advantage
they had already obtained, instead of taking possession of the height,
repaired to the posts they occupied before the engagement. At sight
of this error, lieutenant-colonel Macleod hastened lo take advantage
of It ; he advanced the artillery, placed il upon the aforesaid emi
nence, and opened a destructive fire against the fiont of the conti
nental troops. The grenadiers and another English regiment re
appeared at the same instant upon the right of the plain, and made a
vigorous charge upon their flank. Another English regiment fell at
tho same time upon their left, and Tarleton came up at full speed
with his legion. General O'Hara, though dangerously wounded,
had succeeded in rallying the British guards. All these succors
arrived so opportunely that the disorder of the center and first line
was promptly repaired.
The American regulars, who had lo sustain unsupported the whole
weight of the action, finding themselves assailed on so many parts,
began lo think of their retreat. They made it step by step, without
breaking their ranks ; and invariably preserving a menacing atrilude.
They were constrained, however, to abandon upon the field of battie,
not only the two field pieces which they had retaken, but two others
besides. Colonel Webster, then rejoining the center wilh his lefl
wing, made a brisk charge upon the extremity ofthe right of Greene,
and forced it to give way. Cornwallis abstained from sending the

326 THE AMERICAN AVAR, BOOK XU .
cavalry of Tarlet in's legion m pursuit of the Americans ; he had
need of them in another part. His right was still engaged with the
left of Greene, The Hessian regiment of Bose, commanded by
colonel de Buy, who In this day displayed an undaunted valor,
and the other British troops, exerted the most desperate efforts lo
break tbe enemy, who defended himself wilh equal gaUantry, The
ground was rough, and incumbered wilh trees and bushes ; the Amer
icans availed themselves of it to combat as marksmen wilh their
accustomed dexterity. If broken, they reformed, if forced to retire,
they returned, if dispersed, they ralUed, and charged anew. In the
height of this engageraent, or rather of this raultitude of partial ren
counters, Tarielon, vvho had defiled behind the right wing of the
royalists, and who was covered by the smoke of their arms, as they
and purposely fired altogether to this end, fell briskly upon the ene
my, and in a moment swept them from the ground they occupied.
The miUtia threw themselves into the wood, and the Hessians at last
found themselves entirely disengaged from this long and obstinate
conflict. Thus terminated the stubborn and much varied battle of Guildford,
which was fought on the fifteenth of March, The American loss in
killed, wounded, prisoners, and missing, amounted to upwards of
thirteen hundred men. The prisoners were few. Almost all the
wounded belonged to the continental troops, and the fugitives dis
persed, or returned to their homes, to the militia. Thegenerals Huger
and Stevens were among the wounded. The loss of the British
was, in proportion to their number, much more considerable. Their
dead and wounded exceeded six hundred. Besides colonel Stew
art, they had to lament colonel Webster. The generals Howard and-
O'Haraj the first in the army after lord CornwalUs, and colonel
Tarleton, received very severe wounds.
After the action, Greene withdrew behind the Reedy Fork, where
ho reraained some time lo collect the fugitives and stragglers.
Afterwards, continuing his retreat, he went to encamp at Iron Works,
upon Troublesome Creek, Cornwallis reraained master of the field
of battie. But he was not merely unable to reap any of the ordi
nary fruits of victory, he vvas even constrained lo embrace those
counsels, which are the usual resource of the vanquished. The
fatigue of his soldiers, the multitude of his wounded, the strength of
the new position which the American general had taken, and the
superiority ofthe enemy in light troops, and particulariy in cavalry,
prevented him from pursuing his success. Moreover, the number
and spirit of the partisans of congress seemed to increase wilh the
coldness of the loyalists. Far from rearing the crest after the battie

BOOK XIII, THE AMERICAN WAR. 327
of Guildford, they showed themselves quite deaf to the invocations
of Cornwallis, who urged them to take arras and assemble under his
banners. To crown his embarrassments, the scarcity of provision
becanie continually more and more sensible. These motives united,
deterrained the British general to fall back as far as Bells Mills,
upon the Deep river ; leaving at New Garden those of his wounded
that were least in condition lo move. They fell Into the power of
the republicans.
After having given his troops a few days' repose at Bells Mills,
and collected some provision, he marched towards Cross Creek,
upon the road to Wilralngton. Greene followed him briskly, and
with a cloud of light infantry and horse, continuaUy infested his rear.
He did not cease the pursuit till Cornwallis had arrived at Ramsays
Mills. The British had destroyed the bridge at that place over the
Deep river, and the country, being excessively steril, afforded no
means of sustenance. Swayed, however, by his daring and enter
prising character, the American general resolved to profit of the
present condition of the royalists. He took the determination to
march boldly upon South Carolina, which was then almost entirely
stripped of troops. He accordingly defiled by forced marches to
wards Camden. Though worsted at Guildford, Greene thus showed
himself in the field, with forces more formidable than ever. It was
the victors who fled before the vanquished ; the latter seemed to
have gained new alacrity and new ardor by their reverses.
After a painful march, lord Cornwallis reached Wilmington, on
the seventh of April. Here he held a council upon two operations,
both of extreme importance. One was to repair forthwith to the
relief of South Carolina ; the other lo march into Virginia, in order
to raake his junction with the troops of Arnold and wilh those which
had lately been sent thither under the conduct of genera] Philips.
The British generals were much divided in opinion respecting the
course to be adopted in a conjuncture which might decide the fate
of the vvhole war. Some were inclined that the army should march
immediately into Virginia, They aUedged ' that all the country
between the Cape Fear river and Camden was poor, exhausted,
and interrupted by frequent rivers and creeks ; that the passage of
the Pedee, in the presence of so formidable an enemy, was a rash
enterprise ; that the road by Georgetown presented the same diffi
culties ; that the transportation of the troops to Charieston by sea,
was an undertaking that vvould require too much time and toff ; that
there was nolhing to fear for the latter city ; that by attacking Vir
ginia with an imposing force, Greene would be forced to abandon
the CaroUnas ; that it would be impossible to arrive in time lo the

328 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIII.
relief of lord Rawdon, who was then at Camden ; and that if he
was beaten before the arrival of re-inforcements, these succors them
selves would be exposed to the almost inevitable peril of being cut
in pieces by an enemy incomparably superior in force,'
The partisans of the contrary opinion maintained, ' that the roads
of Virginia were not less, and perhaps more difficult, than those of
the Carolinas ; that the tediousness of embarkations proceeded al
ways frorn cavalry, and that this might easily make its way good by
land ; the cavalry officers had asserted it, and especially Tarleton,
who had offered to execute It ; that consequently, with fair wind,
nolhing was easier than to arrive in season lo the succor of the Caro
linas ; that since it had not been possible to conquer Virginia, it was
essential at least to retain those provinces ; that the invasion of Vir
ginia involved the certain sacrifice of two provinces, already in pos
session, if not of three, from the dubious prospect of gaining one
only ; that the people of the Carolinas, imboldened by the approach
of Gr-eene, and by the distance of the royal army, were already
openly lending to a new order of things ; that the colonels Sumpter
and Marion showed themselves audaciously in the open field ; that if
there was nothing to fear for Charleston, there was assuredly equal
reason for security with respect to Camden, defended by a numerous
garrison, and a general as skUful as valiant; that so long as the
places of Charleston and Camden should remain In the power of his
majesty, the Carolinas could not be wrested from his authority, with
out being immediately and easily replaced under the yoke ; that it
was deeply lo be regretted that the march upon Camden had not
been undertaken at the very moment when, the army being still
upon Cross Creek, il was ascertained that thence lo Wilmington the
Cape Fear river no longer afforded an open and safe navigation ;
that whatever uncertainty might have been thrown upon the success
of this operation by the delays which- had already taken place, il was
nevertheless still possible, and that, consequently, il ought to be
undertaken,' The first opinion obtained, Afler having made some slay at Wil
mington, for the refreshment of his troops and the collection of pro
vision, Cornwallis directed his march upon Virginia, This resolu
tion of the commander of the British forces had the most remarka
ble consequences ; It led to an event which may be considered as
the principal cause of the prompt termination of this war, and the
consequent acknowledgment of American independence,
END OF BOOK THIRTEENTH,

EOOK XIV, THE AMERICAN WAE. 3^^

BOOK FOURTEENTH.
1781 After having pursued each other alternately, for a consid
erable length of time, Greene and Cornwallis diverged, as we have
seen, the first upon South Carolina, the second upon Virginia, But
while they were thus contending for American provinces, England
and Holland were preparing for war, and had even already com
menced reciprocal hostilities. The former, who appeared to have
anticipated this war for some lime back, and who, beingalready cora
pletely armed, could seize the occasion for making It with advantage,
hoped, by a sudden and impetuous attack, to level a decisive blow
at the power and wealth of her enemy. Such was the motive
which had Induced her lo hasten her declaration of war. It was not
doubted In England but that the success which would be gained
over Hoffand, would afford ample compensation for the losses which
had been sustained on the part of the French and Americans, The
British cabinet expected thus to bring into the negotiations for peace,
whenever they should lake place, such an aggregate of advantages,
as would be sufficient lo procure it the most favorable conditions.
The Hoffanders, on the other hand, persuaded themselves that they
saw in the simultaneous display of those formidable forces lo vvhich
they were about lo join their ovvn, the sure means of resuscitating
their ancient maritirae glory. They were especially elated with the
prospect of recovering the rich possessions which had been wrested
from them in preceding wars, and of rescuing their commerce from
the outrageous vexations of England, The ardor which animated all
minds, manifested itself In the preparations that were made in the
ports of the republic. The Slates-General ordered the equipment
of ninety-four ships of war, of vvhich, eleven of the Une, fifteen of
fifty guns, two of forty, and the rest of less force. Eighteen thou
sand seamen formed the crews of this fleet. Fast-sailing vessels
were dispatched to the different Dutch possessions, to apprise the
governors of the commencement of hostilities; and to recornmend
to them the greatest vigilance. The king of France ordained that in
all tiie ports ofhis dominions, any Dutch vessels found therein should
receive prompt notice of the new danger they had lo fear at sea, on
the part of an alert and enterprising enemy. In laking this care of
the interests of her new ally, France wished to manifest her grati
tude for the warmth with which Holland had espoused her cause.
But unfortunately all these precautions could not operate the bene
ficial effects wnich were expected from them The English, who.

330 THE AMERICAN WAE,

BOOK XIV

long before the rupture, had meditated the design of attacking Hol
land, profiled with success of all the means which they had prepared
for her annoyance, before she had time to put herself in a state of
defense. Some ships of war and several merchant vessels with
valuable cargoes feU into their power. In the number of the first
was the Rotterdam, of fifty guns, which was taken by the Warwick
ship of the Une, But these losses were trivial, in comparison with
those which the Dutch sustained in the East Indies. The British
commanders in that part had received early instructions to make
themselves masters ofthe possessions ofthe republic, whether insular
or continental. The security of a long peace had occasioned in
them a desuetude of all defensive precaution ; and thus the riches
therein amassed might easily become the prey of the first enemy
vvho should present himself.
Admiral Rodney, who towards the close ofthe preceding year had
returned frora New York to St. Lucia, and general Vaughan, con
certed their operations forthwith. Herein they moved with the more
alacrity, as the king, by a late order, had granted lo his land and sea
officers a considerable part of the booty that should be gained upon
the Dutch. Afler a vain attempt to re-capture the island of St.
^'incent, and having, in order to mask the real design, alarmed the
Inhabitants of Martinico by a sudden appearance upon their coasts,
Rodney and Vaughan presented themselves unexpectedly, the third of
February, before the Island of St. Eustatius, belonging to the Dutch
Their forces consisted of seventeen ships, and four thousand land
forces. This island was as defenseless as the wealth it contained
was prodigious. Although it is rough and mountainous, and affords
one only landing place, and that easily defensible, yet the governor,
with a handful of men for all garrison, could have no hope of being
able to repulse an attack. The population itself comprised but a
very small number of Dutch ; the remainder was composed of men
of divers countries and sentiments ; French, Spaniards, Americans,
EngUsh, all persons occupied exclusively with their commerce, and
strangers to mffitary service. The governor himself, almost without
soldiers and without arms, would sooner have believed any thing else,
than that he was menaced with an approaching attack.
The island of St. Eustatius is by nature arid and steril. Il pro
duces not above six or seven hundred hogsheads of sugar a year.
But it was become at this epoch the most frequented and richest em
porium of the West Indies. Being a free port, il attracted a vast
conflux of merchants from all parts of the world, assured of finding
in it protection, facility of exchanges, and money in abundance. Its
neutrality in the midst of beUigerent powders, bad brought it to this

BOOK XIV THE AMERICAN WAR, 331
flourishing condition, and rendered it the mart of nations. Thither
went the Spaniards and French to dispose of their commodities,
and to procure the manufactures of England, Thither repaired the
English to sell these merchandises, and to buy those of France and
Spain, But no people derived more profit than the Americans from the
fortunate neutrality of St. Eustatius. They carried thither the prod
uce of their soil, and to the incalculable utility of the cause they
defended, they obtained, In return, arms and mffitary stores, with
which the French, Spaniards, Dutch, and even the English them
selves, kept that market well supplied. Hence, an orator of the
House of Commons, hurried away by a blamable resentment, did
not scruple lo say, ' that if St. Eustatius had been sunk to the bot
tom of the ocean, American independence would have been crushed
in an instant.' The facts which followed were but loo much in con
sonance with this inhuman language. All Europe resounded with
complaints against British avarice.
Rodney and Vaughan sent a peremptory summons lo the governor
to surrender the island and its dependencies within an hour ; accom
panied with a declaration or threat, that if any resistance was made,
he must abide by the consequences. M. de Graaf, totally ignorant
of the rupture, could scarcely believe the officer who delivered the
summons lo be serious. He, however, returned for answer, that,
being utterly incapable of making any defense against the force which
invested the island, he must, of necessity, surrender il ; only recom
raending the town and inhabitants to the clemency and mercy of the
British commanders. We are about to relate what were the effects of
this recommendation. The wealth found in the place was so immense,
as to excite the astonishment even of the conquerors, notwithstand
ing even their intimate previous knowledge of Its nature and circuin-
stances. All the storehouses were not only filled whh the most
precious merchandises, but the very streets and beach were covered
with hogsheads of tobacco and sugar. The value of the commodities
was estimated al a loose, but supposed moderate calculation, as being
considerably above three millions sterling. All, withoui distinction,
were seized, inventoried and confiscated.
The loss of the Dutch was severe ^ il fell principaffy upon their
West India company, with the magistracy and citizens of Amsterdam,
to whom a considerable part of the property belonged , The EngUsh
observed it with no littie gratification ; they were irritated against that
city more than against any other part of the Unfted Provinces, on
account of the warmth il had manifested in favor of France. The
greatest weight of the calamity, however, appears to have fallen upon

332 THE AMERICAN WAK. BOOK XIT.
the British merchants, who, confiding m the neutra.ity of the place,
and in some acts of parliament, made lo encourage the bringing of
their property from the islands lately taken by the French, had accu
mulated a great quantity of West India produce, as well as of Euro
pean goods, in this place. Nor was the loss of the Dutch confined
to the seizure of the raerchandise on shore ; above two hundred and
fifty vessels of all denorainations, and many of them richly loaded,
were taken in the bay ; exclusive of a Dutch frigate of war, of thirty-
eight guns, and five armed vessels of less force. But fortune showed
herself still more adverse to the Hollanders. Rodney having infor
mation that a fleet of about thirty large ships, richly laden with sugar
and other West India commodities, had, just before his arrival, sailed
from St. Eustatius for Holland, under convoy of a flag-ship of sixty
guns, he, with his ordinary activity, immediately dispatched two ships
of the Une, the Monarch and Panther, with the Sybil frigate, in pursuit
of them. These soon overtook the convoy. The Dutch admiral,
Krull, notwithstanding the great inferiority of his force, resolved lo
brave all the dangers of combat, rather than to surrender dishonora
bly. Wilh his ship, the Mars, he engaged the Monarch, of seventy-
four guns ; but he was kiffed soon after the commencement of the
action, and his successor immediately struck. The Panther and
Sybil having in the mean time restrained the flight and separation of
the merchantmen, the whole convoy vvas taken.
The Dutch colors vvere kept up for some lime in the fort of St.
Eustatius ; this stratagem v/as fatal to a considerable nuraber of
French, Dutch, and American vessels, which were thus decoyed into
the hands of their enemies. The violation of the properly of private
men, though enemies, a violation not sanctioned by the usages of
civilized nations, excited energetic remonstrances on the part of the
inhabitants of the British West India islands, and of Greal Britain
itself, so far as they were interested. They alledged, that their con
nections with St. Eustatius, and the property they had lodged in II,
were all in pursuance to, and under the sanction of repeated acts of
the British parliament ; that in every age, all conquerors who havo
not chosen to be classed with barbarians, have respected not only the
private properly of their fellow-citizens, but even that of their ene
mies ; and that this exaraple raighl have the most pernicious conse
quences. ' In effect,' said they, ' if, throngh the incalculable chances
of war, our islands should fall into the power of the enemy, would he
not be authorized, by the right of reprisal, to violate the property of
private Englishmen, and even to ruin them totally ? Did the French
give an example of this barbarous conduct when they became masters
of Grenada ? Did they lay hands upon the property of a single pri-

BOOK XIV, THE AMEBICAN WAB, 333
vale individual, ihough they had taken the island by assault, and with
out any capitulation ? If the count d'Estaing went so far as lo se
quester, until peace, the estates of absentees, the court of Versailles
was not slow to condemn this resolution of its admiral, by ordering
the removal of the sequestrations. St. Eustatius was a free port,
and as such recognized by all the maritime powers of Europe, not
excepting England herself. Our kws had not only permitted, but
even encouraged a commerce with that island. The officers of the
British customs delivered clearances for those very goods destined
for St. Eustatius, which are now subjected to confiscation. Has not
this trade furnished the means of subsistence to the Islands of Anti
gua, and St. Christophers, whose inhabitants, but for this resource,
must have perished by famine, or thrown themselves into the arms
of the enemy ? The colonists of St. Eustatius are indebted in large
sums lo British merchants ; how will they be able to clear these
balances if their effects remain confiscated ?
' In a word, it is lo be presumed that the conquest of the Dutch
islands by the arms of the king, has been undertaken with nobler
views than that of pillaging and ruining their inhabitants.'
All these representations were of no avail. Rodney had acted in
strict conformity to the instructions ofhis government. He answer
ed the complainers, that he could not recover from his astonishment
that British merchants, instead of sending their goods into the wind
ward islands belonging to England, had sent them lo a leeward island,
whither they could only have been transported with intent lo supply
the wants of the enemies of their king and country. But it is to
be observed, that if these British merchants were In fault, the com
manders of the king's vessels were still raore blamable for having
brought in and sold at this same port of St. Eustatius the prizes they
had captured al sea ; some laden with provisions, others with arms
and mffitary stores ; which thus found their way lo the enemies of
Greal Britain, and served lo recruit their resources for continuing the
war. Rodney added, that the island of St. Eustatius was Dutch, every
thing In it was Dutch, was under the protection of the Dutch flag,
and as Dutch It should be treated. 'The rigor of these principles
was applied likewise to the neighboring small islands of St Martin
and Saba, which fell at the same lime into the power of the EngUsh,
But the British commanders, not content with piUaging property,
proceeded to wreak their cruelty on persons. All Individuals noi
English were not only banished from the Island, but subjected to
the most odious vexations. The Jews, who were nunierous and
wealthy, were the first to experience the brutality of the conqueior.
They were all crowded into the custom house ; searched from head

334

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIV

to foot ; then the skirls of their coals were docked to the waist
Their trunks and portmanteaus were forced open and ransacked.
Stripped of their money and effects, they were, in that state of naked
ness and wretchedness, transported as outlaws, and landed on the
island of St. Christophers. A sea captain named Santon was the
superintendent and chief executioner ofthe barbarity ofhis chiefs.
The Americans soon shared the fate ofthe Jews. After having un
dergone a total spoliation, these unhappy people were sent to St.
Christophers, as a race devoted to misery and death. Among them,
however, were many of those loyalists, who had been obliged to fly
their native country through the part which they had taken in sup
port of the British cause and government.
Thus expelled by their fellow-citizens as friends lo the English, and
expelled by the English as friends to the Americans, these ill-fated
refugees were punished as severely for having preserved their fidelity
towards the king, as if they had violated it. The asserably of St.
Christophers manifested the most honorable compassion for these vic
tims at once of rapine and of cruelty ; they passed an Imraediate act
for their relief and future provision, untff they should have time lo
recover from their calamitous situation. The French and Dutch
merchants were banished the last from St. Eustatius. This decree
was executed with particular rigor towards those of Amsterdam. In
the meantime, pubhc sales were advertised, invitation given, and pro
tection offered, lo purchasers of all nations and sorts ; and the island
of St. Eustatius becarae one of the greatest auctions that ever was open
ed in the universe. It was attended by an immense concourse ofthe
merchants of friendly or neutral nations ; they bought as weU for their
own accoun t as on coraraission for the French and Spaniards, to whom
their vicinity and the war rendered those goods more valuable. Thus,
after having so cruelly treated the inhabitants of St. Eustatius, under
the pretence that they had supplied the enemies of England, in the
ordinary way of commerce, the British commanders undertook them
selves to supply those enemies by opening a public market, and bid
ding buyers by proclamation. Never perhaps was a more consider
able sale; the gains of Rodney and Vaughan were immense; but it
was fated that they should not long enjoy them ; Heaven, as we shall
soon see, had In reserve an exeraplary chastisement for their avarice.
The loss of St. Eustatius was not the only misfortune which befell
the Dutch In the West Indies. Il seemed as if the English, in their
zeal to >reduce their new enemy, had forgotten that they had any
other lo encounter. Holland possessed on the continent of South
America, in that vast country anciently called Guiana, the important
colony of Surinam. The governor had made no prepEirations for

BOOK XIV. THE AMERICAJT WAR. 335
defense ; he was even Ignorant of the declaration of war. But all
ofa sudden he was visited by a squadron of British privateers, mostly
belonging to Bristol, In contempt of all danger, they entered the
rivers of Demerary and Issequibo, and brought out from under the
guns of the Dutch forts and batteries, almost all the vessels of any
value In either river. The colonists of that.part, seized with con
sternation at the approach ofihese audacious cruisers, sent lo make a
lender of their submission to the governor of Barbadoes ; requiring
no olher terms but a participation of those which had been granted
to St, Eustatius, without knowing, however, what they were. The
governor readily consented to their wishes. When shortly after they
were apprised of the fale of St. Eustatius, they began to tremble for
their own. But Rodney showed himself more humane towards the
colonists of Demerary, Issequibo, and- Berbice, vvho had voluntarily
put themselves under the British dominion, than he had been towards
those of St. Eustatius. He guarantied the safety of persons and
property, and made no change in their existing laws and authorities.
Thus fortune every where smffed upon the English, in their first
atterapts against the Dutch possessions in the West Indies. They
were less successful against the Spaniards, who had recently invaded,
in considerable force, the confines of West Florida. Don Galvez,
the governor of Louisiana, and admiral don Solano, afler having
been battered by a horrible tempest, had arrived before, and laid
siege to Pensacola, the capital of that province. The place was
strong ; and general Campbeff, the commandant, defended himself
for a long time with great valor. But a bomb having fallen upon the
powder magazine, it exploded, and demolished the principal redoubt.
The Spaniards occupied It immediately, and made their dispositions
for assaulting the body of the place. Campbell then ihoughl II best
lo capitulate ; he obtained the most honorable conditions. Thus aU
West Florida, which had been for the English one of the most
precious fruits of the war of Canada, returned after a few years
under the dominion of the Spaniards.
The order of hislory requires that we should now turn our atten
tion from fields of battle, upon the cabinets which directed the
operations we have witnessed ; and that vve should endeavor lo
describe what was, at this perioa, the policy of the belligerent
powers. The Americans conceived they had grounds to complain bitterly
of the French, their allies. They alledged that, saving some vain
demonstrations from without, France had afforded them no effica
cious assistance whatever ; and that she left them to struggle by
themselves against a powerful enemy. They affirmed, that ' the

336 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XIV.
French troops disembarked at Rhode Island, had not been able to
render them any service, through defect of a sufficient naval force ;
that they must continue equally useless, so long as they were not
supported by a respectable squadron ; that no success could be hoped
for, in that part, without being masters at sea ; that, meanwhile, the
English continued lo . possess Georgia, the greatest part of South
Carolina, aU New York, and, moreover, they had now invaded Vir
ginia ; that not a French battalion had been seen lo move for the
defense or recovery of any of these provinces ; that while awaiting the
co-operation of their allies, the United Slatesvvere oppressed by the
vveight of an enterjjrise so much above their strength, that the war
consumed their population, paralyzed all industry, suspended al
culture, and, consequently, drained the sources of public revenue ;
and that to crown so many calamities, there appeared no prospect of
their termination.
While the Americans thus vented their discontent, no little aston
ishment was excited in Europe, that so formidable a coalition should
have proved so feeble in effect against the common enemy. Far from
bending, the English seemed, on the contrary, to have acquired raore
elastic forces, and a raore daring spirit. They pressed the Ameri
cans wilh vigor, while they held the mastery of the West Indian
seas, possessed themselves of the Dutch colonies, made conquests in
the East Indies, and kept fortune in equilibrium in Europe. This
slate of things seemed to cloud the glory of the French and Spanish
names. The court of Versaiffes, as the soul and principal raover of
aU this mass of forces, was itself the object of the heavy complaints
of the cathoUc king, who reproached il for not having proraoted the
execution of his favorite projects, the conquest of Jamaica, and the
reduction of Gibraltar ; the siege of which he had already com
menced. The Hollanders, on their part, vvho already fell the anguish
of so considerable losses, exclaimed that they were abandoned,
without any appearance of sympathy, to perffs which they should not
have involved themselves In but for the counsels and instigations of
France. Their complaints were the more dolorous, as they had just
been inforraed that a formidable expedition was fitting out, in the
ports of Great Britain, against the Cape of Good Hope, an eslabUsh-
ment so vital for the preservation of their East India coramerce.
They saw themselves menaced, in the oriental hemisphere, with
blows no less cruel than those which had so lately stunned them in
the New World, They perceived but loo clearly that before it
would be possible for them to complete their preparations of defense,
and to dispatch succors into those remote regions, the English
would have time to accompUsh their long meditated designs.

BOOK XIV, THE AMERICAN WAR, 337
Yielding to these various considerations and to the voice of his
own interest, the king of France determined to exert twofold vigor
and activity in the present campaign, in order to repair the lime lost
in the preceding year. Accordingly the labors of the arsenal at
Brest were pushed with new ardor, whffe upon the different points
of the kingdom, the land forces held themselves In readiness to act.
Three principal objects vvere contemplated by the ministry. The
first was, to send such a fleet to the West Indies, as, when united
to the squadron already in the ports of Martinico, should secure to
France a maritime superiority in those seas. This fleet, the com
mand of which vvas intrusted lo the count de Grasse, was lo carry
out a strong body of land troops. By means of this re-inforcement,
the marquis de Bouille would find himself In a situation lo undertake
some important expedition against the British Islands. Afler the
accomplishment whereof, and before the season of hostilities should
have elapsed, the count de Grasse was to repair lo the coasts of
America, in order to co-operate with the count de Rochambeau and
general Washington. The second, was lo send a squadron into the
African seas, in order lo shield the Cape of Good Hope from the
danger that menaced il. Afler having provided for the security of
that colony, the squadron was to proceed to the East Indies, where
admiral Hughs had given a temporary superiority to the British flag.
Finally, the ministers meditated a brffliant stroke, in the seas of
Europe, in favor of the allied courts, and principally of Spain. An
expedition against Minorca vvas decided vvith unanimity. The Eng
lish had penetrated, in great part, the plans of their enemies; and
were preparing to oppose them with all those obstacles which they
deemed the most likely to render them aborrive. They exerted an
extraordinary activity in equipping a fleet, which was lo carry lord
CornwalUs a re-inforcement of several EngUsh regiments and three
thousand Hessians. It was hoped that this addition of force would
enable that general not only to maintain the conquests he had made,
but also to extend still further the progress of his arms. The victo
ries of Camden and Guildford had inspired the British nation with
new confidence ; all promised themselves a speedy conclusion of the
war, and the subjugation of Araerica. The British ministers even
flattered themselves that the fleet they sent to the West Indies, though
It was not considerable, would nevertheless prove sufficiejit, by Its
junction with the naval force already stationed there, to uphold the
present preponderance of England In those seas. The public atten
tion was particularly attracted by an armament which consisted of
one ship of seventy-four guns, one of fifty-four, three of fifty, with
some frigates, cutters, fire-ships and other light vessels. This squad-
voL. 11. 22

333 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIV.
ron was lo serve as escort to a great number of transports loaded
with an imraense quantity of arms and military stores. General
Meadows erabarked in il with a body of three thousand picked sol
diers. The fleet was under the orders of comraodore Johnstone
Manifold were the conjectures in public circulation respe?,ting the
object of this expedition, which the governraent studied to cover with
impenetrable secrecy. Il was generally presumed lo be destined for
the East Indies, in order to reduce all the French possessions in that
part. This supposition, so far as appeared from the evenls vvhich
followed, was not destitute of foundation. But it would seem also
that the war which broke out against Holland, constrained the British
rainistry lo change the destination of this armament, or at least lo
restrict it to the attack of the Cape of Good Hope, and the re-in
forceraent of the troops which guarded the establishraents in the
hither peninsula of India. It was deemed essential lo provide for
their safety, even though il were not permitted by circumstances to
think of conquering those of the enemy. But of all the cares which
occupied the British cabinet at this epoch, it assuredly had none
more urgent than that of re-victuaUng Gibraltar. Herein, besides
the importance of the place, the honor of the British nation was
deeply interested. The Spaniards and English seemed to have set
each other al defiance at the foot of this rock. The first, relying
upon the fleet vvhich they had at Cadiz, expected to be able to in
tercept whatever succors should approach for the rehef of the
garrison. It already began to suffer excessively from the scarcity of
provisions ; the supplies which admiral Rodney had introduced the
preceding year, were almost entirely consumed, and what remained
were so marred as to be scarcely edible. Already general Elliot
had been constrained lo lessen a fourth of his soldiers' ration. In
order to give thera the exaraple of privations, the officers ceased
to dress their hair with powder. But the inhabitants of the city
suffered sliU more from the absolute want of the necessaries of life.
Such vvas the vigffance, and such the industry of the Spaniards in
tiieir endeavors to cut off all relief by sea, that since the supplies of
Rodney, scarcely a few vessels from the African shore and Minorca
had been able to make good their entrance inlo the port of Gibraltar.
But how far were these feeble succors from being in proportion to the
exigency ! Besides, the prices which the masters of these vessels
demanded for their commodities vvere so exorbftant, as to exceed
the faculties of the greater part of the inhabitants. The raiserable
remains of tiie old provisions, spoilt as they were, commanded ex
travagant rales.*
* Old sea biscuit, quite molJy,brouglitaslulUng sterling the pound; anddifTicultto
bo found Sour flour, aud damaged peas, vrerc worth one shilling and four penes the

¦OOK XIV. THE A.MERICAN W.V.R. 339
The garrison supported aff their sufferings with a heioic firmness ;
but without prompt succors it was impossible to prevent that for
midable place, the key of the Mediterranean, from soon returning
under the domination of its ancient masters. The general attention,
in England, was directed towards this important point.
In Holland, meanwhffe, the greatest industry was exerted in equip
ping a fleet that should be capable of maintaining the dignity of the
republic, and of resuscitating its ancient glory. It was parlicu.aily
intended to protect the coramerce of the Baltic against the rapacity
of England. These laudable intentions, however, were not attended
with all that effect which was lo have been wished. Thegovernment
overruled the conflicting parties, but it could not prevent their fer
menting covertly. Besides, a long peace had enervated rainds, and
caused the neglect of naval preparations.
Such Were, about that time, the projects and dispositions of the
powers engaged in this memorable contest. The preparatives of
war were imraense; the universe was in expectation of the most
important events. The English were the first to pul to sea. Their
intent vvas to succor Gibraltar. On the thirteenth of March, a
fleet of twenty-eight ships ofthe line set saff from Portsmouth. It
was obliged to cruise some days upon the coasts of Ireland, to wait
for the victualing ships and merchantmen which were assembled, in
very great number, in the road of Cork. The convoys bound to the
two Indies departed under the protection of the fleet. When con
ducted out of danger from the hostile fleets, they were to continue
their voyage. The squadron of comraodore Johnstone sailed in
company wilh the great fleet ; being destined upon the expedition
against the Cape of Good Hope, it was to escort the East India
convoy up to that point. The armament vvas commanded by the
admirals Darby, Digby, and Lockhart Ross, each heading one of
¦ the three divisions of vvhich it vvas composed. The necessity of re-
victualing Gibraltar was notoriously evident, and the preparations
made by Great Britain for its accomplishment, could no longer be
concealed. The English themselves openly professed their inten
tions on that head. The Spaniards were consequently too well
advised, not to have taken all the precautions in their power to con
found the efforts of their enemies. They had armed, in the port of
pound. Black salt, the sweepings of warehouses, eight pence per pound ; butter, three
Bhillings per pound; a turkey, when to be had, thirty shillings; a sucldng pig, forty
shillings ; a duck, ten shillings and six pence ; a lean fowl, nine shillings ; a loin of veal,
at least a guinea; and the head of an ox was sold at a still greater price. Firewood
was so scarce, that cold water was used for washing linen, and the flatiron was
(iispensed with; a thing which proved very prejudicial to the health ofthe troops.during
the cold, humid season, which prevailed in the course of that winter.

340 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XlV,
Cadiz, a fleet of thirty sail of the line. The court had placed it
under the conduct of don Lewis de Cordova, a seaman of high
reputation. This was without doubt an imposing force, and the
Spaniards had exaggerated it greatly beyond the truth, in order to
deter the English, if possible, from executing their intended enter
prise. Wishing to corroborate also, by his audacity, any discouraging
apprehensions which the enemy might have entertained, don Lewis
oflen issued from the port of Cadiz, to parade along the coast of
Portugal, and even upon the route vvhich the English must keep in
saiUng towards Gibraltar. The Spaniards, moreover, gave out that
they were about lo be joined by strong divisions ofthe French squad
rons then al anchor as well in the Atlantic ports as in that of Toulon.
There was, in effect, in the single port of Brest, so formidable a fleet,
that it would have sufficed alone lo make a stand against the vvhole
British armament, and even to engage il wilh good hope of victory.
No less than twenty-six sail of the line vvere in that port in readiness
to put lo sea. If this fleet should have made its junction wilh that
of Spain, the alUes would have acquired such a preponderance in
those seas, as lo have rendered the re-victualing of Gibraltar an ex
tremely difficult enterprise for the English. The Spaniards confi
dently depended upon the co-operation ofthe French. But the lat
ter had it too much al heart to prosecute their designs in the West
Indies, and upon the American continent, as likewise to re-estabUsh
their affairs in the east, to be willing to direct all their efforts singly
towards an object which had no real and direct utility but for Spain
alpne. Accordingly, the count de Grasse put to sea, the twenty-
second of March, from the port of Brest, shaping his course towards
the West Indies. M. de Suffren sailed in company wilh him, having
under his orders a squadron consisting of five ships of the line, seve
ral frigates, and a strong body of land forces. He had instructions
to separate from the great fleet off Madeira, and lo steer to the south,
towards the point of Africa ; lo preserve the Cape of Good Hope,
and afterwards proceed lo the East Indies. Thus all these naval
forces, charged by their respective governments with the most im
portant operations, got under sail almosi at the same lime. Without
the delay which detained the English upon the coasts of Ireland, It
?s altogether probable that the French would have fallen in wilh
them, and that they would have settied, by a decisive battie in the
seas of Europe, that quarrel for vvhich they were going lo fight in
the two Indies.
Admiral Darb} , sped by a favorable wind, stood for Cape St.
Vincent, which having made, he proceeded with the greatest circum
spection, on account of the proximity of the Spanish armanienl.

BOOK XIV. THE AMERICAN IVAR. 341
But don Lewis de Cordova, who for several days had been Tuising
in the bay of Cadiz, was no sooner apprised of the approacn of fhe
English, than he lost all confidence in his own force. Forgetting
the importance of the post he had to defend, instead of awaiting the
eneray, he returned with precipitation to Cadiz, leaving him the ways
free lo Gibraltar.
Admiral Darby reconnoilered Cadiz, and finding the Spaniards
were In no disposition to come forth, he immediately pushed forward
his convoy, consisting of about a hundred sail, under the guard of a
certain number of ships of war. A part of this squadron vvas tp
take post in the bay of Gibraltar itself, to cover the transports against
the attempts of the Spanish gunboats ; the rest was destined lo cruise
at the entrance of the strait, towards the Mediterranean, in order to
oppose any hostile force that might present itself on that side. The
admiral himself remained before Cadiz to observe the motions of the
Spaniards with due dffigence. The event justified his dispositions.
The gunboats, it is true, made frequent attacks upon the transports,
and that vvith the more audacity, as their inconsiderable size screened
them in a manner from the effects of the enemy's artfflery. The
annoyance of this musquito fleet put the English out of aU patience ;
but still It had no result of any importance. They succeeded in
getting ashore all their munitions of war, and all their provisions ;
their exultation equaled the consternation of the Spaniards ; all Eu
rope was in astonishment. The king of Spain, who had set his heart
upon the conquest of -Gibraltar, and who had already expended so
much treasure In the prosecution of this enterprise, persuaded him
self that he was on the point of reaping the fruit of his efforts. —
When apprised of the event which still retarded the attainment of
his hopes, he flattered hlm.self that his land troops would prove, per
haps, more fortunate than his naval forces. His ardor was also
Btimulated by an eager desire to wipe off the slain which he was
apprehensive would attach to his arms from the relief of Gibraltar,
The labors of the camp of St. Rock were resumed with Increase of
activity ; the trenches and works which beset the fortress, were fur
nished wilh an immense quantity of artillery. The batteries mount
ed no less than one hundred and sixty pieces of heavy cannon, with
eighty raortars of the largest caliber. On the twelfth of April, the
British fleet being still at anchor In the port of Gibraltar, the whole or
this train began to shower upon the place its tremendous voHey s of bahs
and bombs. The narrow extent ofthe spot Upon which they fell left
no other refuge to the besieged but the casemates and vaulted places.
. General Elliot, the governor, did not remain a peaceable spectator
of this tempest; he answered it bolt for bolt, thunder for thuriiier

342 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIV.
The whole mountain, enveloped in flame and smoke from its base to
iis summit, resembled a volcano in the height of the most terrible
eruption. The two neighboring shores of Europe and Africa were
lined with people, who had thronged thither lo contemplate this dread-
lul spectacle. But the inhabitants of the unhappy town were raore
exposed even than the soldiers themselves. Their terror was greal,
but their dangers were sliU greater. Thellmbsof the dead and dying
were scattered upon the ground ; women, wilh children in their arms,
ran distractedly, imploring a shelter vvhich could not be offered them.
Some were seen crushed at the same lime with their precious
burthen, and torn in a thousand pieces by the bursting bombs.
Others, vvith trembling hands, let themselves down precipices, in
order to retire the farthest possible from the seat of danger ; many
threw themselves inlo the casemates, where, breathing an infected
air, and deprived of repose by the dismal cries of the wounded vvho
expired around them, they thought themselves happy in having
escaped an inevitable death. The town, situated upon the declivity of
the rock, and next the sea towards the west, was demolished to its
foundations. The Spanish gunboats contributed especially to this
disaster. Under cover of night, they slipped between tlie British
vessels, and after having effected their purpose, profited of a wind,
which commonly springs up in the morning, lo return to the port of
Algesiras. Their destructive fire often reached those unhappy per
sons who had sought, upon the flank of the mountain, a refuge
against the artiUery of the Spanish lines. Il continued to baiter
the place for upwards of three weeks, wilh hardly any intermis
sion, and was answered with equal vigor. The firing vvas then
relaxed on both sides ; the besiegers became sensible that their efforts
resulted in littie more than a vain noise, and the besieged thought it
imprudent lo expend their ammunition without necessity. Scarcely
a few shot, discharged by intervals from the fortress, attested that
the garrison were upon the alert ; the greater part of ftie time, gene
ral Elliot observed, in apparent tranquillity, the fruitless toils of his
enemy. It was calculated that In this short space of time, the Span
iards consumed fifty tons of gunpowder ; they had fired seventy-
five thousand voffeys of cannon balls, and twenty-five thousand of
bombs. Notwithstanding the narrowness of the place in which the
English were imraured, they had lost but few men by the fire of this
immense artfflery ; their wounded did not exceed two hundred and
fifty. As to the Inhabitants, seeing their houses destroyed, and in
continual dread of new disasters, they demanded permission to retire.
General Elliot acquiesced in their desires, after having furnished
them wilh aU the assistance in his power. The greater part em-

BOOK XIV THE AMERICAN WAR. 343
barked in the fleet which had victualed the place, and repaired to
England. ^nc*
Before it had arrived there, fortune, propitious to the French,
Inflicted a heavy stroke upon their enemies ; which was considered
as a just chastisement for the robberies committed at St. Eustatius.
InteUigence had been received in France, that a numerous convoy
of ships laden with the rich spoils of that island, had left It about the
last of March, and were on their vvay for the ports of Greal Britain.
It was also known, that this convoy was to be foUowed by another
not less valuable, which was freighted with the produce of Jamaica.
The fii-sl was guarded by four ships of war under admiral Hotham.
The moment could not have been more favorable to the French,
since the great English fleet was employed in succoring Gibraltar
The court of Versailles knew very well how lo profit of so fair an
occasion ; it had equipped wilh greal celerity. In the port of Brest, a
squadron destined lo intercept the expected convoys. The cheva
lier de la Molte Piquet pul to sea the fifteenth of Aprff, at the head
of eight ships of the line, aU excellent sailers. He struck into the
middle of ti.e convoy of St. Eustatius, and dispersed II entirely.
Twenty-two ships fell Into his power, two others vvere taken by pri
vateers. Some few, with the ships of war that had escorted them,
made their way good Into the ports of Ireland. The British mer
chants who had insured the captured ships, lost by this stroke
upwards of seven hundred thousand pounds sterling. Admiral Darby,
during his homeward passage, was very early informed of the disaster.
He instantly made his dispositions for cutting off the retreat of la
Motte Piquet. But the French admiral, £.ltentive lo all the movements
of the eneray, and content with the brilliant advantages which he had
just obtained, left the convoy of Jamaica to pursue its voyage in
tranquiUity, and returned without accident lo Brest. So rich a cap
ture created no little festivity in France.
Those who had projected this expedition, and those who had
executed it, were loaded with just praises. The fleet of admiral
Darby recovered the ports of England. In the meantime, the two
fleets of Johnstone and Suffren had put to sea for the Cape of Good
Hope. These two .".dmirals had the most exact information respect
ing each other's departure, intended route, and ulterior destinrtion.
But the Englishman was obliged to touch at the bay of Praya In St.
Jago, the most considerable of the Cape de Verd islands. He was
occupied in recruiting his water and provision for the long voyage
tie was about to undertake, and a great part of his crews were on
shore. M. de Suffren was soon apprised of it, and immediately
shaped his course wilh press of sail for the bay of Praya, where he

344 THE AMEBICAN WAB. BOOK XIV.
hoped to sui prise the enemy He kept so close along under a
?ongue of land whicha -ivers the port towards the east, that he was
already on the point of entering il without being discovered. But
the British ship Isis, which lay near the mouth of the bay, perceived
beyond the eastern point the tops of several masts. Aftervvards, by
the mode of maneuvering, it vvas known that they were French, and
the signal of enemy sails was given immediately. The commodore
recalled his crews from the shore, and made all his dispositions for
battle Meanwhile the French squadron doubled the point, and
appeared aff at once al the entrance of the bay. The attack com
raenced forthwith. The English had one ship of seventy-four guns,
four others of inferior force, three frigates, with several East India
Company ships, armed for war. The French had two ships of
seventy-four, and three of sixty-four guns. After having cannonaded
the Isis, which presented herself the first, they forced the entrance
ofthe harbor, passing into the midst of the British squadron, and
firing double broadsides, M. de Treraignon, with his ship the Hanni
bal, which was ahead of the rest, advanced as far as possible, and
with admirable intrepidity cast anchor in the midst of the British
line, which assaffed him frora right and left. He vvas followed by
M. de Suffren, In the Hero, and afterwards the chevalier de Car-
daillac joined them with the Artesien. The two other ships couid
not approach near enough to support them, and having fallen lo
leeward after having discharged a few broadsides, they stood out lo
sea. Two British ships, the Isis and the Roraney, were unable to
take any considerable part in the action ; the first having suffered
severely from the fire of the French, at the time of their entrance
into the bay, the second finding herself advanced too far within it.
The engagement was therefore reduced to that of three ships of the
line on either side ; the French fired both starboard and larboard
guns, as they had placed themselves in the centre of the English.
But al length, the British frigates, with the armed ships of the India
Company, having raUied, came up lo the support of the commodore.
Afler the action had lasted an hour and a half, the Artesien, having
lost her captain, and being no longer able to sustain so fierce a fire,
cut her cables and drew off, M, de Suffren, finding himself de
prived of his rear guard, pnd exposed lo be cannonaded at once on
both sides as well as in front and rear, took a similar resolution- to
withdraw from the harbor. The retreat of the Hero and Artesien
left the Hannibal alone lo sustain the whole weight of the enemy's
iire, and of course she suffered excessively ; she lost first her mizzen-
mast, then her mainm.asl, and at last her rudder. Nevertheless,
by incredible exertions she made her way good to the mouth of the

BOOK XIV. THE AMERICAN WAR, 345
bay, where she was taken in low by the ship Sphynx, Her masts
being refitted as well as it was possible, she rejoined the rest of the
squadron. The English would fain have foUowed the French, In
order to re-commence the engagement ; but the wind, the currents,
the approach of night, and the disabled slate of the Isis, prevented
thera from doing it. Such was the combat of Praya, which gave
occasion to several observations upon the conduct of the two admi
rals. The British commander was censured for having anchored so
imprudently in an open and defenseless bay, when he must have
known that the enemy could not be far off. Vainly vvould he have
alledged, that he believed himself protected by the neutrality of the
place, the island of St. Jago belonging to the crown of Portugal ; for
he affirmed himself, that when the French see an opportunity for
seizing their advantage, they are not wont to respect these neutrali
ties ; an accusation which, though it were founded, appears not the
less extraordinary from the mouth of an Englishman. Commodore
Johnstone committed, besides, great errors, in landing so greal a
part of his crews, in placing his weakest ships at the entrance of the
bay, and in letting the Hannibal escape notwithstanding her crippled
condition. M. de Suffren, il was said on the other hand, ought not
lo have attempted to combat at anchor. Every probability assured
him a complete victory, if, instead of losing time in coming to anchor,
he had immediately resorted to boarding, or even if he had fought
under saff an eneray that was in a good degree surprised and unpre
pared for action.
As soon as the British squ.adron was refitted, it put to sea in pur
suit of the French ; but finding thera drawn up In order of battie, it
avoided a second engagement ; night, which soon came on, separat
ed the two squadrons. Comraodore Johnstone returned to the bay
of Praya. M. de Suffren, continuing his voyage to the south, and
towing the Hannibal, repaired lo False Bay at the Cape of Good
Hope. He was rejoined there by his convoy, vvhich, during his
attack of Praya, he had left at sea, under the escort of the corvette
la Fortune. Thus was frustrated the design which the English had
meditated against the Cape. Constrained to reUnquish all hope of
conquest, they directed their force against the commerce of their ene
mies. Commodore Johnstone was advised by his light vessels, that
several ships of the Dutch East India Company, very richly laden,
lay al anchor in the bay of Saldana, not far from the Cape itself.
Upon making the coasts of Africa, acting himself as pilot to his
squadron in the midst of shoals and reefs, crowding all sail by night,
concealing himself by day, he maneuvered wilh such dexterity, that
he arrived unexpectedly before the bay. He captured five of the

346 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIV
most valuable ships ; the others were burnt. After having obtained
this advantage, which preserved him at least from the reproach of
having undertaken an expedition without utiUty, he detached a part
of his force to India, under general Meadows, and returned himself
with the Romney, his frigates, and rich prizes, to England. M. de
Suft'ren, having thrown a strong garrison into the Cape of Good Hope,
continued his voyage for the East Indies. Thus the war which
raged already in Europe, America, and Africa, was about lo redouble
its violence upon the distant banks of the Ganges.
Meanwhile, Gibraltar continued to hold out ; lo the furious attack
given that place, had succeeded an almost total calm. The gun
boats, alone, profited of the obscurity of night, lo keep the gar
rison in continual alarms. In order to restrain them, the governor
caused his advanced batteries to be armed vvith guns and mortar
pieces, peculiarly calculated to throw their shot lo a great distance.
As they could now reach the camp of St. Roch, every time the gun
boats made their attacks, the Spanish lines were assailed by the most
violent fire. Don Mendoza, having perceived that general Elliot did
thus by vvay of reprisal for the assaults of the gunboats, ordered the
commanders of the flotilla to desist from all further insult against the
place, and lo keep their station quietly in the port of Algesiras. He
enjoined them, however, lo exert the greatest vigilance lo prevent
the entrance of supphes inlo tho place. The Spaniards were inde
fatigable In pushing forward their trenches. They had now brought
them quite lo the fool ofthe rock, so that the circumvaUation extend
ed from right to lefl across the whole breadth of the isthmus by
which the rock itself connects with the raain land. They had exca
vated upon their left the mine of communication between their outer
circumvallation and the parallels. General Elliot, full of security
upon the summit of the rock he defended, unwilling to lavish his
ammunition, without utffily, had not disturbed the workmen. But
when he saw that their works were completed, he resolved lo de-
sti oy them by the most unexpected and vigorous sally. The twenty-
seventh of November, towards midnight, he issued from the place at
the head of three brigades of infantry, commanded by general Ross.
These troops were followed by a great number of pioneers, miners,
and engineers. The sally vvas conducted with suitable order and
silence. The English appeared all of a sudden before the advanced
guards, and routed them in a few instants ; they found themselves
masters of tne first parallel, and proceeded to destroy it. The engi
neers, furnished with combustible materials, sel fire lo every thing
that was capable of receiving it. The carriages of the cannon were
rendered unserviceable, and the pieces, including the mortars, were

BOOK XIV THE AMERICAN WAR, 347
spiked with admirable promptitude. The workmen tore up the plat
forms and traverses, and leveled the breastworks with the ground.
All the magazines vvere successively consigned to the flames, A sin
gle half hour witnessed the destruction of those works which had been
erected at so vast an expense of toil and treasure. The Spaniards,
whether from the stupor of consternation, or supposing the enemy to
be rauch stronger than he was In reality, were afraid to go out of
their camp lo repulse him. They contented themselves with keep
ing up an incessant, though harmless fire, with balls and grape-shot.
The English, after having accomplished their purpose, returned
sound and safe Into the fortress.
In the meantime, a project vvas conceived in Europe, the execution
of vvhich could not fail to give a severe shock to the British power in
the Mediterranean, The Spaniards remained very ill satisfied with
France ; they believed themselves authorized to reproach her with
having hitherto consulted exclusively her own Interests, to the prej
udice of her allies. They complained wilh pecuhar bitterness, that
she had in no shape promoted the expeditions of Jamaica and Gib
raltar, as if she vvere loth to see the prosperity of the Spanish arms
in the seas of America and upon the European continent. The
revictualing of Gibraltar, on the part of the English, by dint of force,
without a single movement 'of any sort being made by the French
lo prevent il, and the despair experienced by the Spaniards al having
consumed themselves in vain efforts for the reduction of that place,
had prodigiously increased their ill humor, and caused It lo degene
rate into an open discontent. The Spanish people murmured in bold
language ; the court was become the object of the most vehement
animadversion. It was accused of having undertaken this expedition
inerely In subservience to the ambitious views of France, and not at
all for the interests of the Spanish nation ; the Spaniards called It
« court war, a family -war. Stimulated by the vivacity of these com-
plainls,and reflecting,moreovef,that the reduction, in whatever mode,
ofihe British power, was the augmentation of her own, France took
the resolution lo give Into sorae enterprise whose immediate fruit
should be gathered by Spain, An expedition against Jamaica neces
sarUy involving long delays, and a fresh attack upon Gibraltar prom
ising no better than dubious results, it was dstermined to attempt
an operation, the success of vvhich appeared the more probable, as
the English vvere far from expecting il ; and that was, the conquest
of the island of Minorca. If France had motives for wishing it with
eagerness, il must have been still more desirable for the Spaniards.
Minorca is so favorably situated for cruising, that It was beconie the
habitual resort of an immense number of privateers. Their audacity

348 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XIV,
was not confined to ihfesring the seas, and disturbing the navigation
and commerce of the Spaniards and French ; they even intercepted
neutral vessels employed in trafficking with these two nations ; this
Island also served as a place of arms for the EngUsh, They deposited
in it the munitions of war and provisions, 'which they drew from the
neighboring coasts of Africa, whether for the use of their shipping or
for the consumption of Gibraltar. The faciUty ofthe enterprise was
another persuasive invitation to attempt it. In effect, however im
posing was fort St. Philip, from its position and works, the garrison
which guarded it was far from corresponding to the strength and
importance of the place ; it consisted of only four regiments, two of
them Brirish and two Hanoverians, who altogether did not exceed
two thousand men. Notwithstanding the salubrity of the air, and the
abundance of fresh provisions, these troops were infected with the
scurvy. They were commanded by the generals Murray and Draper.
In pursuance of the plan concerted between the courts of Versailles
and Madrid, the count de Guichen departed from Brest, towards
the last of June, with eighteen saff Of the line, and repaired to the
port of Cadiz, in order to join the Spanish fleet vvhich awaited him
there. He had under him two general officers of great reputation,
M. de la Motte Piquet, and M. de Beaussel. The Spanish fleet,
commanded by don Lewis de Cordova, and by the two vice-admi
rals, don Gaston and don Vincent Droz, was composed of thirty
ships of the line. A corps of ten thousand selected troops was
embarked withoui any delay on board of this armament. It set sail
the twenty-second of July, and after having been much thwarted by
the winds, appeared in sight of Minorca the twentieth of August.
The debarkation was effected in Musquito Bay. The whole island
was occupied without obstacle, including the city of Mahon, its
capital. The gairison, too feeble lo defend aff these posts, had
evacuated them and thrown itself inlo fort St. Philip. A little
after, four French regiments arrived from Toulon, under the conduct
of the baron de Falkenhayn. The two courts had confided the
ofeneral coraraand of aU the forces employed upon this expedition lo
the duke de Crillon, distinguished as well for his mffitary knovvledge,
as for his courage and thirst of glory. He had entered inlo the
service of Spain, and, as a Frenchman of illustrious birth, he vvas
thought the most suitable personage to head the common enterprise.
But the siege of fort St. PhUip presented difficulties of no ordi
nary magnitude. The works are cut in the solid rock, and mined in
aff tiieir parts. The glacis, and covered way, likewise cut in the
rock, are mined, countermined, palisaded, and furnished with batteries
which defend their approaches. Around the fosse, which is twenty

BOOK XIV, THE AMERICAN WAB 349
feel in depth, runs a covered and looped gallery, which affords a
secure shelter to the garrison. Subterraneous communications are
excavated between the outer works and the body of the place. In
the latter, which forms a sort of labyrinth, are sunk deep wells wilh
drawn covers, and barbacans pierce the walls in all directions. The
castle itself, also surrounded by a countermined covered vvay, is
defended not only by counterscarps and half moons, but also by a
waff sixty feet high, and a fosse thirty-six feet deep. Finally, the
nucleus, which is a square tower flanked by four bastions, presents
walls eighty feet high, and a ditch forty feet deep, and cut in the
rock. This ditch has also its corridor and lodges. In the center of
all is an esplanade for marshaling the garrison. Around it are con
structed the soldiers' barracks, and magazines for the munitions, both
bomb proof, and all wrought in the hard rock. To add to their safety,
the EngUsh had lotaffy rased the neighboring city of St. Philip.
The allies approached the citadel wilh circumspection ; its lofty
position overlooking all the adjacent country, it was not by scooping
trenches, but by transporting and heaping earth, that they formed
their parallels. They raised a wall of about two hundred feet in
length, five In height, and six In thickness. This laborious construc
tion was finished, without the besiegers having experienced any loss,
as Murray did not attempt a single sally, whether In consequence of
the weakness of the garrison, or from excess of confidence in the
strength of the place. He contented hiraself with keeping up a fire
of cannon and mortars, which produced no effect. The parallels
being completed, the duke de Crillon unmasked his batteries, and
fulminated the fortress with one hundred and eleven twenty-four
pounders, and thirty-three moriar pieces opening thirteen inches of
diameter. During the siege of fort St. Philip, the combined fleets of France
and Spain, amounting to near fifty sail of the line, under the count
de Guichen, bent their course tovvards the coasts of England. The
intention of the French admiral was lo throw himself in the way
of the British fleet, and to attack it. The great inferiority of the
British rendered their defeat almosi inevitable. The count de Gui
chen also designed, by this movement, to prevent the enemy from
passing succors from England to Minorca. He even hoped lo cut
off and capture the convoys that were then on their passage from the
two Indies, bound for the ports of Great Britain. His views were
likewise direcled upon another convoy, which was assembled at. the
pert of Cork, in Ireland, in order to watch its opportunity to make
sail for tiie East and West Indies. Perhaps the French admiral was
not without hopes that the sudden appearance of so formidable an

350 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIV.
armament upon the coasts of the British islands, might afford hira an
occasion to reach them wilh a stroke of the last iraportance. He
hastened therefore to occupy the entrance of the channel in all its
breadth, by extending his line from the isle of Ushanl to those of
Scilly. Admiral Darby was then at sea wilh twenty-one ships of the
line, and on the way to meet his convoy. He had the good fortune
lo fall in with a neutral vessel, which apprised him of the approach
of the combined squadrons. But for this intelligence, he must inevi
tably have fallen headlong into the midst of forces so superior lo his
own, that he could hardly have retained the smallest hope of safety.
He instantly retired vvith all sails upon Torbay. He was there soon
re-inforced by several ships of the first rank, which carried his fleet
to thirty saff of the Une. He disposed his order of battle in the form
of a crescent within the bay itself, although it is open, and Utile sus
ceptible of defense. These dispositions, however, appeared lo him
sufficient to repulse the enemy, in case they should present them
selves. But the perff was reaffy extreme ; they menaced al once the
fleet and the maritime cities. None was more exposed than Cork,
an unfortified place, and containing immense magazines of every
denomination. All England was thrown into a stale of the most
anxious alarm. The allied armament al length appeared in sight of
Torbay. The count de Guichen immediately held a council of war,
to deliberate upon the course to be pursued in the present conjunc
ture. His own opinion was in favor of attacking the British fleet in
the position it now occupied. He alledged, that it mightbe considered
as if caught in a nel, and that a more auspicious occasion could never
present itself for wresting from Great Britain the dominion ofthe sea.
He represented what disgrace, what eternal regrets, would be incur
red by aUowing it to escape them. He maintained that the enemy,
cramped in his movement within a bay, from which there was no
outiet, must inevitably becorae the prey of the innumerable fire-ships
wilh which the corabined fleets raight support their attack . Finally,
he declared that the honor of the arms of the two allied sovereigns
was slaked upon the issue of this expedition. Don Vincent Droz not
only concurred in the opinion of the admiral, but even offered to lead
the attempt at the head of the vanguard. But M. de Beaussel, the
second in command, a seaman of high reputation, manifested a con
trary opinion. He contended that the situation of the EngUsh squad-
lon would enable it to fight them at their great disadvantage ; they
could not attack It in a body, but must forra their line ahead, and
fall down singly upon the enemy. This would expose every ship to
the collected fire of the whole British fleet, lying fast at anchor, and
drawn up in such a manner as to point aU its gunsatany object within

BOOK XIV. THE AMERICAN WAR,
its reach. He concluded with observing, that since an attack under
such circumstances could by no means be justified. It became expe
dient to bend their attention exclusively upon an expedition, which,
ihough less brilliant, was certainly of great moment, the capture of
the West India convoy, probably at that instant not very far from the
shores of Europe. Don Lewis de Cordova, and all the other Spanish
officers, with the exception of don Vincent Droz, adopted the senti
ment of M. de Beaussel. The project of attacking the British fleet
was therefore rejected by a majority of votes. But if the allies would
not, or knew not how to profit of the occasion which fortune had
provided them, she seemed to take her revenge in baffling the designs
to vvhich they had given the preference. Contagious maladies began
to rage on boardtheir fleet, and especially on board the Spanish ships
The weather becarae shortiy after so tempestuous, that the two admi
rals were obliged to think of their safety. The count de Guichen
returned to Brest, and don Lewis de Cordova to Cadiz. The Brit
ish convoys reached their ports without obstacles. Thus this second
appearance of the affies upon the coasts of England proved as vain
as the first. Its only fruit was that of having impeded the succors
destined for Minorca. But If this campaign between France, Spain
and England passed, in the seas of Europe, without any great effu
sion of blood, and almosi entirely in demonstrations of little avail, it
was ac least remarkable for the reciprocal animosity manifested ber
tween the English and Dutch. Il brought to mind those fierce and
sanguinary battles vvhich had procured so much celebrity for these
two nations in the seventeenth century. The Dutch carried on a
very lucrative commerce with the produce of their colonies in the
Baltic sea. Having become, as il were, the general factors of the
nations of the north and of the south of Europe, their gains were
immense. They were drawn, besides, tovvards the countries of the
north, by the necessity of procuring from that part aU the articles
employed In the construction of shipping. This intercourse was
become stiU more essential tO' them since their rupture with Great
Britain, in order lo be able lo put their navy in a condition to defend
the possessions and comraerce of the republic, and lo maintain the
honor of Its flag. Their arsenals, however, were far from being
supplied with all the stores and materials requisite to the present
emergency. The English perceived of what importance it vvas for
them lo Impede the suppUes of their enemies. With this intent, so
early as the month of June, they had put to sea four ships of the
line and one of fiftv guns, under the command of admiral Hyde
Parker, r. very experi seaman, and father of him vvho served at that
time upon the coasts of America. His instructions were, to scour

352 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIV.
the northern seas, and do all the harm possible to the Dutch trade,
and, at his return, to take under his protection a rich convoy which
was assembled in the port of Elsineur,
Admiral Hyde Parker accomplished his mission vvith diligence ;
and already, being returned frora the Baltic, he vvas conducting the
convoy through the Gerraan ocean on his way home. Since his
departure frora Portsmouth, he had been joined by olher ships,
among vvhich one of seventy-four guns, caffed the Berwick, one of
forty-four, named the Dolphin, and several smaller vessels; so that
his squadron was coraposed of six sail of the line, exclusive of the
rest. The Dutch, during this tirae, had not neglected their prepara
tives. They had succeeded in fitting out a squadron of seven ships
of the line, wilh several frigates or corvettes. They had given the
command of it lo admiral Zoulraan. He set sail, towards the mid
dle of July, wilh a convoy of merchantmen, which he purposed lo
escort into the Baltic. The Dutch squadron was joined soon after
by a stout American frigate called the Charlestown ; and, on the fifth
of August, it fell in with admiral Hyde Parker upon the Dogger
Bank. The British squadron was lo windward ; al sight of the im
posing force of the enemy, it sent its convoy homeward, under the
guard of frigates, and bore down upon the Dutch. The latter, as
soon as they discovered the English, likewise dispatched their con
voy towards their own ports, and prepared themselves for battle.
They appeared to desire it with no less ardor than their adversaries.
The English formed their line with seven ships, of which one of
eighty guns, but old and in bad condition, two of seventy-four,
excellent, one of sixty-four, one of sixty, one of fifty, and lastly, a
frigate of forty-four. The line of the Dutch vvas formed in like
manner with seven ships, one of seventy-six, two of sixty-eight, three
of fifty-four, and one frigate of forty-four. The light vessels kept
themselves aside of the line, feady to carry succor wherever it
might be required. The English came down upon the Dutch with
full sails, and before the wind ; the latter awaited them, firm at
their posts. A profound silence, the ordinary sign of pertinacious
resolution, reigned on board of both squadrons. No olher sound
vvas heard but that of the creaking of puffeys, the whistiing of the
wind, and the dashing of waves. The soldiers were formed upon
the deck, the cannoniers stood by their pieces, awaiting the signal to
commence the fire. Il vvas not given until the squadrons were within
half musket shot distance of each olher. The two admiral ships,
namely, the Fortitude, which carried Parker, and the admiral de
Ruyter, mounting Zoulraan, attacked each other close alongside
with extreme impetuosity. The other ships imitated them, and soon

BOOK XIV. THE AMEBICAN WAR 353
the action became general. The Dutch had the superiority in
weight of metal, and in the aid of frigates, particularly in that of the
Charlestown. The rapidity of their evolutions enabled them lo act
against the whole line, assaffing the ships of the enemy In flank.
The English, on the other hand, were advantaged by the agility of
maneuvers and a belter supported fire. During near four hours,
the action was kept up vvith an equal spirit, and a balanced success.
The Dutch stood firm upon every point of their hne, and the English
redoubled efforts to carry a victory vvhich they deemed II beneath
them to relinquish. But the rage of men was constrained to yield to
the force of elements. The ships, on the one part as well as on the
other, were so terribly shattered that they vvere no longer manage
able. They floated upon the water, like wrecks, at the discretion of
the wind, and their relative distance became at length so greal, that
it was impossible to renew the engagement. The English received
incalculable damage in their masts and rigging.
Afler some hasty repairs, Hyde Parker endeavored to re-forra his
line, in order to recommence the battle, provided Zoulraan did not
decline it. He attempted to follow him, on seeing him stand for the
Te.v:el. But aff his efforts vvere vain. The Dutch ships, however,
were in no better condition. During the passage they had now
before them, their masts fell one after another ; the leaks vvere so
considerable, that the work of pumps became fruitless. AU the
captains successively made their admiral signals of distress. The
Holland, of sixty-eight guns, went to the bottom, within thirty leagues
of the Texel ; the crew had but just time to save themselves, leav
ing, in their precipitation, the unhappy wounded to a certain death.
The frigates were obliged lo lake the other ships in tow to enable
them to gain the port.
The loss of the EngUsh in killed and wounded amounted to four
hundred and fifty, araong whom were several distinguished officers.
In the number of the slain was captain Macartney, who commanded
the Princess Amelia, of eighty guns. The valor he signalized in the
combat honored his last moraents ; but II vvas stiff less astonishing
than the intrepidity of his young son. This child, yet but seven
years old, remained constantly al the side of his father in the very
height of the action ; the unfortunate but heroic witness of the stroke
which snatched him from his fond affection. Lord Sandwich, first
lord of the admiralty, knowing that captain Macartney had left a nu
merous family, and httle fortune, adopted this courageous infant. In
England, unanimous praises were lavished upon all those vvho had
combated at the Dogger Bank, King George himself, as soon as he
knew that admiral Hyde Parker was arrived at the Nore, went to
VOL, II, 23

354 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK XlV.
pay him a visit on board of his ship, and expressed to him, as well
as to all I.MS officers, the high sense he entertained of their valiant
conduct in this bloody rencounter. But the old seaman, irritated
against the board of admiralty, who, in giving him so inadequate a
force, had frustrated him of an occasion for signalizing himself by a
great victory, told the king, with the blunt freedom of his profession,
that he wished him younger officers and better ships ; that for his
own part, he was become too old to serve any longer. In defiance
of the solicitations of the sovereign, of the courtiers, and of the
ministers, he persisted In his resolution, and immediately tendered
his resignation.
The government and public were no less forward, in Holland, fo
acknowledge the services of the officers and men who, in the action
of the fifth of August, had sustained the ancient renovvn of the flag
ofthe United Provinces, The stadtholder, in the name ofthe States-
General, addressed pubhc thanks lo rear-admiral Zoulraan, apprising
him, at the same time, ofhis promotion to the rank of vice-admiral.
The captains Dedel, Van Braam, and Kindsburghen, vvere created
rear-admirals. The same honor, and particular regrets, were con
ferred upon the count de Bentinck, who was put ashore mortally
wounded. He had displayed equal skill and gallantry in the com
mand of the Batavia. The loss of the Dutch in kffled and wounded
was greater than that of the English. Such was the issue of the
naval battle of Dogger Bank, the best conducted, and the best
fought of all this war. Il would be impossible lo decide who came
off with the advantage ; but it is certain that the Dutch, having been
constrained to regain their ports for the purpose of refitting, found
themselves under the necessity of abandoning their design, vvhich had
been to repair to the Baltic. This disappointment, however, did not
prevent the nation from cherishing new hopes ; the glorious recoffec-
tion of past times revived in every breast.
As soon as the count de Guichen had re-entered the port of Brest,
tiie French government began lo frame new designs. Il was not
ignorant that the count de Grasse, who commanded the West India
fleet, must soon stand in need of supplies and re-inforcemenls, both
of ships and troops. Naval stores are extremely scarce in that
quarter, and the nature of the climate and of the waters Is singularly
prejudicial to ships, which get out of condition there with an incredible
rapidity. The forces vvhich had been sent thither in this and the
preceding campaign, might appear sufficient lo execute the plans
which had been formed in favor of the United States, and against the
more feeble of the British islands. But In order to attempt the
e.\pedItIon of Jamaica, to which Spain was continually stimulating

BOOK XIV, THE AMERIC.4.N WAR, 355
her ally, it was requisite to have recourse to more formidable arma
ments, as well by land as by sea. The court of Versailles was also
aware that the state of affairs in the East Indies required that fresh
forces should bo sent thither, and moreover that the want of arms
and munitions of war began to be felt wilh urgency. Orders were
therefore given for the Immediate equipment, at Brest, of a convoy
laden with all the necessary articles, Re-inforcemenls of troops
vvere prepared for embarkation, and the arraaraent was pushed with
extraordinary activity. As soon as it was In readiness, the count de
Guichen pul lo sea at the head of the great fleet, and the marquis de
Vaudreuil with a particular squadron. The convoys destined for the
two Indies sailed under their protection. After having escoited
them tiU they were out of danger from the fleets upon the watch in
the ports of England, the count de Guichen was to stand to the south,
in order to join the Spanish squadron in the port of Cadiz. The
object of their combined action was to intercept the succors which
the English might attempt to send to Minorca. As lo the marquis
de Vaudreuil, his destination was to conduct the re-inforcemenls of
troops to the West Indies, and lo unite with the count de Grasse,
vvho was making dispositions in concert vvith the Spaniards for the
attack of Jamaica.
For a long time there had not issued from the ports of France
convoys so numerous and so richly laden with stores of every denom
ination. The news of these immense preparations soon found its
vvay to England ; but, strange as il must seem, the ministers were not
informed of the force of the formidable squadrons that vvere to escort
the transports. They consequently directed admiral Kempenfeldt
lo pul to sea, with twelve ships of the line, one of fifty guns, and four
frigates, in order to cut off the French convoys. But the count de
Guichen had nineteen sail of the line ; and Kempenfeldt, instead of
taking, ran great risk of being taken.
In defiance of all probabilities, chance did that which human pru
dence could not have brought lo pass. The twelfth of December,
the weather being stormy, and the sea rough, the British admiral fell
in with a French convoy. He had the good fortune lo be to windward
of the fleet of escort, which for that reason could not act. The
Englishman 4)rofited with great dexterity of so favorable an occasion :
he captured twenty vessels, sunk several, and dispersed the rest.
He would have taken more of them If the weather had been less
thick, the sea more tranquil, and the number of his frigates greater.
Night came on ; the two admirals had rallied their ships. Kempen
feldt sailed In company during the whole night, with intent to engage
the enemy at break of day. He knew not, however, what was his

356 THE AMERICAN WAB BOOK XIV.
force. When the morning came, he discovered il lo leeward, and
finding II so superior to his own, he changed his plan. Not wiffing
to lose by imprudence what he had acquired by ability, or a benign
glance of fortune, he made the best of his way towards the ports of
England, where he arrived in safely with all his prizes. The num
ber of his prisoners amounted lo eleven hundred regular troops, and
six or seven hundred seamen. The transports vvere laden vvith a
considerable quantity of artillery, arms, and military stores. The
provisions, such as wine, oil, brandy, flour, biscuit, salt meats, &c.
were not in less abundance. But this loss was still but the com
mencement of the disasters of the French fleet. Il was assailed, the
following day, by a furious tempest accompanied wilh continual thun
der and lightning, and a most impetuous wind from the southwest
The greater part of the ships were obliged lo recover the port of
Brest, in the most deplorable condition. Only two ships of the Une,
the Triumphant and the Brave, wilh five or six transports, were able
to continue their voyage. This event had the most afflicting conse
quences for France ; she had not only to regret armaments and mu
nitions of immense value, but also the precious lime consumed in the
reparation of the ships of war. Six whole weeks elapsed before it
was possible for thera lo make saff anew for the West Indies. This
delay, as we shall soe, was extremely prejudicial to the French arms
in that part.
Whffe the war was thus prosecuted In Europe wilh varied success,
the count de Grasse sailed prosperously towards Martinico. To
accelerate his voyage, he had caused his ships of war lo tow the
transports. Such was his diligence that he appeared in sight of that
island with an hundred and fifty sail, thirty days only after his depar
ture from Brest. Admiral Rodney was promptiy informed of the
approach of the French admiral. He saw very clearly the irapor
tance of preventing the junction of this new fleet with the squadrons
already existing in the ports of Martinico and of St. Domingo. The
count de Grasse brought with him twenty ships of the line, wilh one
of fifty guns, and seven or eight others awaited hiin in the ports
above mentioned. Rodney had only twenty-one ships of the line.
Il Is true, that Hyde Parker had four others at Jamaica. But besides
their being thought necessary lo the defense of the island, they were
to leeward of the principal fleet, and consequently it would have
been next to impracticable for them to join it. Under these consid
erations Rodney sent the two admirals Hood and Drake with seven
teen ships to cruise before the entrance of Fort Royal harbor, in
Martinico whither he knew the count de Grasse had bent the course
of his voyage.

BOOK XIV THE AMERICAN WaR. 357
It is quite difficult to explain the motives which induced the British
admiral lo establish this cruise under Fort Royal ; his fleet vvas there
liable to fall to leeward, and thus to be compelled to leave between
itself and the land a free passage for the French fleet into the ])ort,
A station more to windward, off the point of Salines, seemed proper
to obviate these inconveniences. It was written, that Hood, who
was a man of great skill in naval affairs, had made remonstrances on
tiie subject of these disposirions ; but that Rodney, whose character
was headstrong, h.id dismissed him with an order to obey punctually.
The event soon demonstrated that the station of the point of Salines
would have been more suitable than that of Fort Royal. The twenty-
eighth of Aprff, at evening, the count de Grasse appeared off that
point, with a most magnificent display of force. Admiral Hood was
immediately apprised by his frigates ofthe appearance ofthe French.
He instantly formed his line of battle, and bore down upon the ene
ray. His Intention was to press to windward, in order afterwards
to approach so near the coasts of Martinico as to prevent the French
from passing between his ships and the land. Night came on during
this maneuver. At daybreak the English discovered the fleet of
the count de Grasse, standing along the coast in the best order. His
convoy of transports defiled behind the line of battle which he pre
sented lo the enemy. All his efforts were everted to double the
Diamond Rock, which once past, nolhing could prevent his entrance
into the port. The English, being to leeward, were not able to pre
vent the four ships of the line, with that of fifty guns, in Fort Royal
harbor, from coming out to join the great fleet. This junction carried
the forces of the count de Grasse lo twenty-six sail of the line ; and
gave him a decided superiority over Hood, although that admiral was
joined, at the same lime, by a ship of seventy-four guns, which came
frora St. Lucia. The English, however, persuading themselves that
a part of the French ships vvere merely armed In flute, took confi
dence, and again bore down upon their adversaries. The French
admiral, mindful lo save his convoy, and reposing On his force, neither
sought nor shunned an engagement. As soon as the EngUsh were
within long shot of the French, the fire commenced on both sides.
It was supported thus, at a great distance, for about three hours, with
heavy damage to the first, and very littie to the second. During the
act-ion the convoy entered the bay of Fort Royal. Disengaged from
this care, the French advanced in older to engage t|jp enemy in close
fight. The English, on the contrary, began to retire, but in good
order. Their ships, being coppered, had such a superiority in point
of sailing, that It became impossible for the count de Grasse to come
up with them. Besides, the French rear guard not having crowded

358 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XIV,
ali saff, there had resulted such an opening between il and the
remainder of the fleet, that admiral Hood was near profiting of il to
cut the line. The count de Grasse perceived II In lime, and filled
up so dangerous a void. He continued to pursue the English for
two days, and afterwards came to anchor in Fort Royal. Admiral
Hood had gained Antigua ; his ships, the Centaur, the Russell, the
Torbay and the Intrepid, were excessively damaged in this engage
ment. Admiral Rodney was stiff al St. Eustatius, much occupied
wilh the sale of the immense booty he had made, when he learned
that the count de Grasse, afler having obtained an advantage over
sir Samuel Hood, was safely moored al Fort Royal. Hc perceived
that il was lime to think of something besides his mercantile interests,
and that the e.\ertion of all his force was required of him ifhe wished
lo maintain himself in the West Indies. He accordingly directed
the promptest dispositions, and hastened wilh three ships and a body
of troops to rejoin admiral Hood at Antigua. His plan was, to put
lo sea again immediately, in order to oppose the designs of the
enemy, who, not content wilh his first successes, appeared to medi
tate others, and more considerable. The French, in eflecl, lost no
time ; they were disposed lo profit of the advantages which they had
now secured themselves.
Afler having attempted, Ihough without effect, to surprise St.
Lucia, they proceeded with all expedition to attack the island of
Tobago, M, de Blanchelande debarked the first, al the head of
sixteen hundred men. He seized Scarborough aud the foil vvhich
defended il ; general Ferguson, the governor, had little over four
hundred regular troops ; but they were supported by a great num
ber of militia, well trained, and much attached to England, These
sentiments were common lo all the inhabitants of Tobago, The
governor, finding himself too weak to defend the coasts, with.irew
into the interior of the island, to a post caUed Concordia, From
this lofty situation, the sea is discovered on the right and on the K ft ;
an important advantage for being promptly apprised of the approach
of succors. The marquis de Bouille disembarked soon after, wjIIi
a re-inforcement of three thousand men. He made his junction
with M, de Blanchelande under the walls of Concordia, which was
then closely invested. At the same time, the count de Grasse
appeared in sight of the island with twenty-four ships of the line, to
prevent Its being relieved. Governor Ferguson, as soon as he found
himself atlacke * had dispatched a swift-sailing vessel to Rodney
with the intelligence, and a request for prompt assistance, Rodney
tad already passed from Antigua to Barbadoes. Whether he be
lieved the assailants more feeble^ and the besieged more strong, than

BOOK XIV, THE AMERICAN WAR, 359
they really were, or that he was not apprised of the saiUng of the
French admiral wilh all his fleet for Tobago, instead of repairing
with all his own to the relief of that island, he contented himself with
sending admiral Drake thither vvith six sail of the line, some frigates,
and a body of about six hundred troops. Drake approached Toba
go ; but seeing the enemy in such force, he relinquished the enterprise,
and hastened to regain Barbadoes. The count de Grasse pursued
him, but could not prevent his reaching that island in safety, and
advising admiral Rodney of the critical state of affairs. Meanwhile,
the governor of Tobago was hard pressed. The French having
taken possession of different heights vvhich overlooked Concordia,
he determined to retreat to a post on the Main Ridge, where a few
huts had been buffi, and some provisions and ammunition previously
lodged for the purpose. The garrison was already arrived at Cale
donia, and thus occupied the road or path which leads to the post
vvhich they had in view. This road is so narrow and difficult that a
few men might defend it against a whole army. The marquis de
Bouille had reflected, that time and the nature of his enterprise did
not admit of the lingering process ofa regular siege. It vvas evident,
however, that if the British governor should entrench himself in those
inaccessible positions, the reduction of the island would acquire a
series of operations as protracted as perilous. It would moreover
prove an obstacle lo the execution of ulterior designs. Finally, It
was lo be presumed that Rodney could not long delay to appear.
Under these considerations, the marquis de Bouille Ihoughl proper
to resort to more expeditious means than are usually employed in
war. Departing from the accustomed lenity of his character, per
haps through irritation al the obstinacy of the islanders, and perhaps,
also, from resentment for the late transactions at St. Eustatius, he
sent to apprise the governor that he should begin wilh burning two
habitations and two sugar plantations. His menaces vvere immedi
ately accomplished. They were followed by that of consigning
twice as many to the same fate, at the commencement of every four
hours, until the island was laid waste or that a surrender should be
made. The inhabitants, convinced that perseverance was total ruin, vvere
in no disposition to wait the slow approach of succors which the
precipitate retreat of Drake rendered hourly more uncertain. They
began lo murmur ; and very soon, to negotiate for conditions with
the French general. Governor Ferguson at length perceived the
impossibiUty of controlling events. He observed a manifest dis
couragement in his regular troops themselves, and fell that tne
moment of capitulation was come. He obtained honorable terms.

360 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XlV.

and similar to those which the marquis de Bouille, naturaUy gene
rous towards his vanquished enemies, had granted to the inhabitants
of Dominica, These transactions took place in the early part of
June, Admiral Rodney appeared shortly after in view of the island
with all his armament. But, on intelligence of its surrender, and at
sight of the imposing force of the count de Grasse, he avoided an
engagement, and returned to Barbadoes. In this manner, the
French, availing themselves with equal sagacity and promptitude of
their naval superiority in the West Indies, both galled their enemies
at sea, and deprived them of a rich and well fortified island.
These operations, however, were sfill but a part of the plan
formed by the French government, and committed lo the care of the
count de Grasse. The instructions of that admiral enjoined him,
after having attempted all those enterprises which the season should
admit of in the West Indies, to repair with all his force to tbe coasts
ofAmerica, and there to co-operate vvith the French troops and those
of congress, to the entire extirpation of the British power in those
regions. Washington and Rochambeau awaited his arrival, in order
to commence the work. Already, by raeans of swift-saffing vessels,
they had concerted the plan of their combined action, after their
junction should have taken place. Il was hoped by the repubhcans,
that besides his fleet, the French admiral would furnish five or sh
thousand land troops, munitions of war and provisions, and especiaUy
money, of which the Americans, and the French themselves, expe
rienced the greatest penury. Finally, they pressed him lo show
himself promptly, as well lo support their efforts as to prevent the
arrival of British re-inforcements. The count de Grasse was per
sonaUy stimulated by these important considerations. His imagina
tion offered him a vivid perspective of the glory to be acquired by
achieving what the count d'Estaing had attempted in vain, naraely,
the finishing of the American war by a decisive stroke. He accord
ingly made saff from Martinico for Cape Francois, in the island of
St. Domingo. He was constrained to tarry there some lime, to take
on board the troops and military stores destined for the continent.
But he exerted himself in vain to procure the needed funds. Ho
was joined, in that anchorage, by five ships of the Une, All his prep
arations being corapleted, he sailed the fifth of August, and com
menced wilh escorting his numerous convoy till out of danger.
Afterwards, having touched at the Havanna for money, which the
Spaniards readily furnished hira, he directed his course wilh a favor
able wind for the Chesapeake. His fleet, composed of twenty-eight
sail of the line and several frigates, carried three thousand regular
troops, with every kind of succor • and might be considered as tlie

BOOK XIV THE AMERICAN WAR. 361
great hinge upon wnicn the fortune of the war, at least in America,
was to turn.
On the olher hand, admiral Rodney, who followed wilh an atten
tive eye the movements of the count de Grasse, saw the importance
of taking a decisive resolution. He instantly detached admiral
Hood to the coast of America with fourteen sail of the line lo join
admiral Graves, and counteract the designs of the enemy. Being
liimself in feeble health, he set sail for England with some ships
much out of condition, and a large convoy. Rodney was censured
with extreme asperity for the counsels taken by him about that time ;
and some even made him responsible for the sinister events which
ensued shortiy after. His adversaries contended, that if he had
sailed with all his force, and without delay, in quest of the French
admiral, had touched at Jamaica, in order lo make his junction with
the squadron of Hyde Parker, and then had proceeded to the coasts
of North America, the count de Grasse would at least have found
himself compelled to relinquish his projects, if not exposed to a
defeat. ' Instead of adopting this measure,' said they, ' the only one
that suited the occasion, Rodney, by returning to England with a part
of the heaviest ships of his fleet, has reduced it lo an alarming stale
of weakness, and abandoned the field of battle lo the enemy.
' It is a capital error thus lo have divided the armament into several
littie squadrons, as leaving some ships at the leeward islands, where
the French have not left one, and detaching three others to Jamaica,
which nobody thought of attacking, and, finally, sending sir Samuel
Hood with an unequal and insufficient force lo America. Is it possi
ble lo be loo much astonished that our admiral has chosen to fritter
away his force into small parts, at the very moment when the French
assembled all theirs upon a single point ? The world may see what
are the effects of this fatal resolution ; it has already cost but too
many of England's tears.' Rodney nevertheless found defenders.
' The admiral's return to Europe,' they answered, ' was rather con
strained by the state of his health, than decided by his choice. The
ships he has brought with him are in such a worn out stale, that they
could not have been repaired In the West Indies. The French
admiral having under his protection a rich and numerous convoy, it
was fairly to be presumed that he would not have left II to pursue Its
homeward voyage without a respectable escort. It vvas even lo be
supposed that he would have sent the greater part of his fleet along
witii the merchantmen to France, and that he would only have
retained those ships vvhich were in condition to undergo the Ameri
can service. But independent of that circumstance, the force sent
to America under sir Samuel Hood, when combined wilh th«ai of

362 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XIV.
admiral Graves, would have been perfectly adequate to sustain the
brunt of the vvhole French fleet. But what has Graves done ?
Instead of keeping his squadron entire and together in the port of
New York, he preferred to fatigue himself in a fruitiess cruise before
Boston, untff the bad weather which he met had disabled the greater
part of his ships. Hence it foffowed of necessity that even after the
arrival of admiral Hood al New York, our force was still inferior to
that of the French, Il Indeed now appears that no timely notice
had beeiii received by admiral Graves either of the count de Grasse's
motions, or of Hood's destination lo the coasts of America, But if
the expresses which sir George Rodney had dispatched for that
purpose Wire taken by the enemy, or otherwise detained, il is no
fault on his side ; it is a misfortune lo be regretted ; but which could
neither have been absolutely foreseen, nor prevented if it could.
Finally, the commander-in-chief cannqt be reproached for having
detached sir Samuel Hood to America, instead of repairing thither
himself ; for what naval officer is more worthy of all our confidence
than Hood ? '
Without undertaking to decide between these opposite opinions,
we shaff content ourselves wilh remarking, that though, in military
facts, il is not allowable to judge by the event, It is nevertheless just
to consider the causes which have produced it ; and nothing Is more
certain than that the conduct of admiral Rodney, in the present
conjuncture, had an influence upon the chances of the continental
struggle, upon the fortune of America herself, and even upon the
issue of all this war.
Having sketched the events which signaUzed the present year, as
well in Europe as in the West Indies, we are now to record those
which occufSed the scene upon the continent of America. It vvas
the theater of the principal efforts of the two parties that contended,
arras in hand, for its possession. Every where else the contest had
in view the success of the campaign, and to obtain a better peace ;
there, its object was . existence itself. But before undertaking the
portraiture of mffitary operations, it is necessary to apply the atten
tion to objects which, though less brilliant and glorious, are, however,
the first source, and the firmest foundation of warlike exploits. Such,
doubtless. Is the internal administration of the state. The situation of
the United Stales at the coraraenceraent of the year 1781 , presented, in
general, only objects of affiiction and disquietude. The efforts which
the Americans had made the preceding year, and the events which
liad passed in the Carolinas, had revived public spirit and produced
happy effects. But these effects being founded only upon the fugi
tive ardor of particular men, and not upon a settled and permanent

BOOK XIV. THE AMERICAN WAR, 363
order of things, il followed that discouragement and distress re-ap
peared with more alarming symptoms than ever. The public
treasury was empty, or only filled with bills of credit, no longer of
any worth. The army supplies lotaffy failed, or were only procured
by compulsion, accompanied with certificates of receipt, which had
lost all sort of credit. The Inhabitants became disgusted, and con
cealed their commodities. If by dint of effort some scanty recruit
of provision was at length coUected, It could not be transported to
the place of its destination, for want of money to pay the wagoners.
In some districts, where it was attempted to impress them, there arose
violent murmurs ; which even degenerated Into more strenuous col
lisions. No where had il been possible lo form magazines ; scarcely
did there exist here and there some repositories, which often cun-
tained neither food nor clothing of any denomination ; even the
arsenals were without arms. The soldiers, covered wilh tatters, or
half naked, destitute of all comforts, implored In vain the compassion
of the country they defended. The veterans deserted ; the recruits
refused to join the army. The congress had decreed that by the
first of January, there should be thirty-seven thousand men under
arms ; Il would have been difficult to have mustered the eighth part
of that number in the month of May. In a word, it seeraed as if
America, at the very crisis of her fate, was about to prove wanting
to herself, and that afler having gained the better part of her career,
she vvas more than half Inclined to retrace her steps. Far from the
Americans being thought capable of waging an offensive war, il vvas
scarcely believed that they could defend their firesides. Already, il
began to be feared that instead of assisting the French lo drive out
the soldiers of king George, they would prove unable to prevent the
latter from expelling the troops of Lewis XVI. So disastrous vvas
the change of fortune occasioned by the exhaustion of the finances,
and, still rr.ore, by the want of a system of administration proper lo
re-establish them. This state of things was not overlooked by the
American government, and it exerted every utmost effort lo apply a
remedy. But its power was far from corresponding to Its intentions.
The only means that congress had for administering to the wants of
the state, consisted In a new emission of bffls of credit, or an Increase
of taxes. But the paper money had lost all sort of value. The
congress Itself had been constrained to request the different states to
repeal the laws by which they had made the bills of credit a tender
inaU payments. It had even ordained that in all future contracts lor
the supplies of the army, the prices should be stipulated in specie.
This was the same as declaring formally that the state Itself would
no longer acknowledge its own bills for current money, and that this

364 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XIV.

paper not only no longer had, but no longer could have, the least
value. As to taxes, the congress had not the right to impose them ;
it belonged exclusively to the provincial assemblies. But these
exercised it wilh more backwardness than could comport with the
public interests. This coldness proceeded from several causes.
The rulers of the particular states were, for the most part, men who
owed their places to popular favor. They apjjrehended losing il, if
they subjected to contributions of any iraportance, the inhabitants ofa
country where, from the happy, shall I call it, or baleful facility of
issuing paper money, to answer the public exigencies, they were
accustomed to pay no taxes, or next to none. Moreover, although
the bills of congress were entirely discredited, the particular stales
still had theirs, which, though much depreciated, were still current at
a certain rale ; and the provincial legislatures apprehended, and not
withoui reason, that taxes, payable in specie, would cause them lo
fall stiff lower. Nor should it be passed over in silence, that no gene
ral regulation having established the quota of contribution to be paid
by each province according to its particular faculties, all, through
mutual jealousy, were reluctant lo vote taxes, for fear of loading
themselves more than their neighbors. Such was the spirit of dis
trust and selfishness which made its appearance every where, when
ever il was necessary lo require of the citizens the smallest pecuniary
sacrifice. While they were looking at one another with a jealous
eye, and none vvould give the example, the finances of the state
were entirely exhausted, and the republic itself was menaced wilh a
total dissolution. It could not be hoped, on the other hand, that the
particular states would consent lo invest the congress with authority
to impose taxes, as well because men wilh authority in hand are little
disposed to part with il, as because the opinions then entertained by
the Americans on the subject of liberty, led them to view with dis
quietude any increase of the power of congress. Finally, it should
be observed, that at this epoch, the Americans cherished an extreme
confidence in the pecuniary succors of friendly powers, and especiaffy
of France. They were persuaded that no more was necessary than
that a minister of congress should present his requisition to arty
European court, in order to obtain immediately whatever sums of
money it might please him to specify. As if foreigners were bound
to have more al heart than the Araericans themselves, the interests
and prosperity of America. In aword, the resource of paper money
was no more, and that of taxes was yet to be created. Nor couid it
be dissembled, that even upon the hypothesis of a system of taxation
in full operation, and as productive as possible, the produce vvould
still fall infinitely short of supplying the gulf of war, and, by conse-

BOOK XIV- THE AMERICAN WARf 3C5
quence, that the revenue would continue enormously below the
expense. Indeed, so ruinous were the charges of this war, that they
amounted to no less than twenty mfflions of dollars a year ; and not
more than eight could have been counted upon, from the heaviest
taxes which, under these circumstances, the United Stales would
have been able to bear. A better admlnistratiqn of the public treasure
might doubtless have diminished the exorbitant expenses of the milita
ry department ; but il is nevertheless clear that they would always
have greatly exceeded the revenue. Actuated by these different re
flections, the congress had hastened to instruct doctor Frankhn to
use the most pressing instances with the count de Vergennes, who
at that time had the principal direction of affairs relating lo America,
in order to obtain from France a loan of some mfflions of Uvres, to
wards defraying the expense of the war. Franklin was also direct
ed lo solicit permission of the court of Versailles lo open another loan
for account of the United States, wilh the French capitalists that vvere
Inclined to favor the cause of America. The sarae instructions were
sent, with a view of effecting similar loans, lo John Adams, and John
Jay ; the first, minister plenipotentiary of the United States, near the
republic of Holland ; the second, at the court of Madrid. The latter
was to Insinuate lo Spain, so greal was the discouragement which
prevailed at that lime in America, that the United Slates would re
nounce the navigation of the Mississippi, and even the possession of
a port upon that river ; the olher was to persuade the Dutch that
important commercial advantages would be granted them. Franklin,
especially, was to represent to France, that without money the affairs
of America were desperate. It was recommended to these different
envoys to set forth all the resources which America offered as guar
antee of her fidelity in fulfilUng her engagements. The congress
attached so much importance to the success of these negotiations,
that not content with having sent these new instrucrions to their min
isters, they also dispatched colonel Laurens to France, with orders
lo support by the most urgent solicitations the instances of Franklin
at the court of Versaffles.
The court of Madrid was inflexible, because Jay would not agree
to the renunciation above mentioned, Holland showed herself no
better disposed, because she dcyibted the responsibility of the new
slate, France alone, vvho judiciously considered that aiding the vic
tory ofthe United StateSj and preserving their existence, was of more
worth to her than the money they demanded, granted six millions of
jvres, not as a loan, but as a gift. She seized this occasion to ex-
piess her dissatisfaction at tiie coldness wilh vvhich the Amerlcan.s
tnemselves contemplated the distress of their country. She exhorted

366 THE AMERICAN WAR,

BOOK XlV,

^hein to reflect, that when it is desired lo accompUsh honorable enter
prises, it is requisite not to be avaricious in the means of success.
The court of VersaiUes did not omit to make the most of its munifi
cence, by setting forth all the weight of its own burdens. But the
sum it gave being too far short of the wants, it consented to becorae
security, in Holland, for a loan of ten miffions of Uvres, to be nego
tiated there by the United States. Notwithstanding this guarantee,
the loan progressing but slowly, the king of France consented to
make an advance of the sum total, which he drew from his own treas
ury. He would not, however, authorize the loan proposed to be
opened vvith his subjects. The Americans had thus succeeded in
procuring from the court of France a subsidy of sixteen miUions of
livres. A part of this sum, however, was already absorbed by the
payment of preceding drafts of the congress upon Franklin, for par
ticular exigencies of the slate. The remainder was embarked for
America in specie, or employed by colonel Laurens in purchases of
clothing, arras, and munitions of war. The intention of the giver
of the six millions was, that this sum, being specially destined f(,r the
use of the American army, should be kept in reserve, at the disposal
of general Washington, or placed in his hands, to the end that it might
not fall into those of olher authorities, who might perhaps apply it
to other branches ofthe public service. This condition was far from
being agreeable lo the congress ; ori the contrary, it displeased that '
body particularly, under the impression that its soldiers vvould thus
become, as it were, stipendiaries of France ; and it feared lest they
might abate much of their dependence on itself. It therefore decreed,
that the articles bought wilh the money given by France, should be
consigned, on their arrival in America, to the department of war ;
but that all the ready money should be placed in the hands ofthe treas
urer, lo remain under his charge, and to be expended agreeably to
the orders of congress, and for the service of the stale. This succor
on the part of France was of great utffily to the United Slates ; it
increased exceedingly their obUgations towards Lewis XVL But
before the negotiations which led to it vvere terminated, and the raon
ey or supplies were arrived in America, a long time had elapsed ;
and the evil was grown to such a head, that the reraedy had weff nigh
come too late. The subsidy in itseff was by no means adequate to
the nscessity. But even had it been sufficient lo answer the present
exigencies, it could not be considered as having accomphshed its ob
ject, so long as the same disorder continued lo reign in the public
expenses. The treasury suffered still less from the poverty of reve
nues than from the prodigalities it had to supply. It had not escaped
the congress that this primordial defect in the adrainistration of the

BOOK XIV.

THE AMEBICAN WAR. 367

finances was the source of those perpetual embarrassments which had
beset thera since the origin of the revolution. Firmly resolved to in
troduce into that department a rigorous system of order and economy,
they appointed for treasurer Robert Morris, one of the deputies of
the stale of Pennsylvania ; a man of high reputation, and possessed
of extensive knowledge and experience in commercial and financial
affairs. His mind was active, his manners pure, his fortune ample,
and his zeal for Independence extremely ardent. He was author
ized lo oversee and direct the receipt and disbursement of the pubii''.
money, to investigate the state of the public debt, and to digest and
report a new plan of administration. If the charge Imposed on Mor
ris was ponderous, the talent and firmness with which he sustained it,
were not less astonishing. He was not slow in substiluring regularity
for disorder, and good faith in the room of fraud.
The first, the most essential of the qualities of an administrator,
being exactness in the fulfiUraent ofhis obligations, the new treasurer
adhered vvith rigor to an invariable punctuality. He soon gathered
the fruits of It ; instead of a general distrust, there sprung up; by little
and Uttle, a universal confidence. One of the first operations of ihe
treasurer was to lay before congress an outline of a national bank,
for all the United States of America. He assigned to this bank a
capital of four hundred thousand dollars, divided In shares of four
hundred dollars each, in money of gold or sffver, lo be procured by
means of subscriptions ; by the same means this capital might be
increased, wdien expedient, and according to certain restrictions.
Twelve directors were to raanage the bank ; it was recognized by
congress under the name of the president, directors and company of
the bank of North America. All its operations were to be subject to
the inspection of the treasurer. Such were the bases and principal
features of this establishment. The utiUty to be derived from it was,
that the biUs of the bank, payable on demand, should be declared
legal money for the payment of all excises and taxes in each of the
United States, and receivable into the chests of the public treasury
as gold or silver. The congress adopted this plan by a special
decree. Subscribers presented themselves In throngs, and all the
shares were soon taken. The stales realized an extraordinary
benefit from this institution. The treasurer, by means of exchequer
notes, was enabled to anticipate the produce of Imposts and taxes.
Not content with having brought, by means of the bank, the capitals
and credii of the stockholders to the support of public credit, he was
disposed to operate the same effect in his own name, and with hi?
private credii. He accordingly threw into circulation no small sum
of obligations signed by himself, and payable at different terms out ol

368 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIV,
foreign subsidies, or even out of the revenues of the United Stales,
And although with time these obligations had amounted to upwards
of five hundred and eighty-one thousand dollars, they still never de
preciated, excepting, perhaps, a little towards the end of the war ;
so great was the confidence of the public in the good faith and
punctuality of the treasurer. Thus, at the very epoch in which the
Cl edit of the slate was almost entirely annihUated, and its bffls nearly ¦
without value, that of a single individual was stable and universal.
It is impossible to overrate the advantages which resulted lo the
government from having, in these obligations of the Ireasuier, the
means of anticipating the produce of taxes, al a time when such an
ticipation was not oiffy necessary, but indispensable. By this aid It
was enabled lo provide for the wants of the army, no longer by vvay
of requisitions, but by regular contracts. This new mode had the
most happy effects ; it produced economy in purchases, exactness in
supplies, and a cordial satisfaction among the people, vvho had always
manifested an extreme disgust at the compulsory requisitions. It
cannot be advanced, assuredly, that this anticipated employment of
the produce of taxes is an example to be imitated ; nor even can it
be denied, on the contrary, that it has dangers. But Robert Morris
had the faculty of using this resource with so much discretion, and of
introducing so adrairable an order and economy inlo all parts of the
pubhc expense, that no raanner of inconvenience resulted from il.
But a foundation was necessary lo all these new dispositions of the
treasurer ; and this foundation consisted in taxes. The congress
therefore decreed riiat the states should be required to furnish the
treasury, by way of assessraents, with the sum of eight millions of
dollars ; and at the same time deterrained what should be, in this
sum, the contingent of each stale. Such was the urgency of the
affairs of the republic, and the confidence that all had placed in the
treasurer, that the states conformed wiUingly lo this new decree of
congress ; and thus an efficacious remedy vvas al length applied to
the penury of the treasury. The solicitude of Robert Morris for the
prosperity of the slate did not end here.
The province of Pennsylvania, as a country abounding in wheal,
was that from which was drawn the greater part of the supplies of
flour for the use of the array. The want of money had occasioned,
towards the beginning of the year, an extreme slowness in the de
livery of these suppUes. But Morris was no sooner in place, than
he emploved his private credit In the purchase of flour for the sol
diers. He afterwards undertook, wilh the approbation of govern
ment, lo furnish the requisitions foi similar supplies that might be
made upon Pennsylvania during the present year, on condition, now-

BOOK XIV. THE AMERICAN WAR, 369
ever, of being authorized to reimburse himself front the produce of
the apportioned contribution of that province. It amounted lo up
wards of eleven hundred and twenty thousand dollars. In this man
ner, by the cares of the treasurer, public credii was resuscitated, and
the exhausted treasury vvas sufficiently replenished to meet expenses.
To hiin il was principaffy owing that the arraies of America did not
disband ; and that the congress, instead of yielding to an inevitable
necessity, recovered the means not only of resisting the efforts of the
enemy, but even of resuming the offensive with vigor and success.
Certainly, the Americans owed, and stiff owe, as much acknowledg
ment lo the financial operations of Robert Morris, as to the negotia
tions of Benjamin Franklin, or even to the arms of George Washington,
Before the salutary effect of this new system had braced the tot
tering state, a sinister event had given room to fear that the present
year would prove the last of the repubUc. The terror it occasioned
was the first cause, or at least the most powerful incitement, of the
introduction of a better method. At this lime, as we have already
remarked, the soldiers experienced the most intolerable destitution,
not only of all the parts of mffitary equipment, but even of articles
the most necessary lo life. Their discontent was extreme A par
ticular motive still aggravated the ffl humor of the regular troops of
Pennsy I vania. They had enlisted for three years, or during all the war.
The ambiguity of the terms of their engagement led thera lo think it
had expired with the year 1780. They claimed, therefore, the right to
return to their homes, while the government contended that they were
bound lo serve to the end of the war. These two causes combined,
so heated all heads, that a violent tumult broke out in the night of the
first of January. The mutineers declared that they would march
under arms, lo the very place where congress was in session, in order
lo obtain the redress of their grievances. Their number amounted to
near- fifteen hundred men. The officers endeavored to quell the In
surrection, but it was in vain ; and in the riot that ensued, several of
the seditious and one officer were kiffed. General Wayne presented
himself, a man by his valor of greal authority with the soldiers ; he
advanced against the mutineers pistol in hand ; but he was told to
take care what he was about to do, or that even he would be cut to
pieces. Already their bayonets were directed against his breast.
Immediately after, collecting the artiffery, baggage and wagons, vvhich
belonged to their division, they put themselves on the raardh. In the
best order, upon Middlebrook. At night they intrenched themselves
with the same caution as If they had been in an enemy's country
They had elected for the r chief a certain Williams, a British desert
er, and had given him a sort of councL of war, composed of aU llie
VOL. II, 24

370 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XIV.
sergeants of the companies. From Middlebrook they marched upon
Princeton, and encamped there. They would not suffer officers
among thera. The raarquis de la Fayette, general St, Clair, and
colonel Laurens, vvho had hastened to Princeton lo endeavor to allay
the ferment, were constrained to leave the town.
The news of the insurrection reached Philadelphia, The con
gress viewed the affair in that serious light which its importance de
manded. They immediately dispatched comraissioners, araong
whom were generals Reed and Sullivan, to investigate facts and
ordain measures calculated to re-establish tranquillity. Arrived in the
vicinity of Princeton, they sent to demand of the mutineers what was
the motive of their conduct, and what would content them ? They
answered with arrogance, that they were determined to be put off no
longer vvith empty promises ; and their intention was, that all the
soldiers who had served three years should have their discharge ;
that those who should be discharged, and those who should remain
in service, should receive immediately the full arrears of their pay,
clothing and provisions : and moreover, that they insisted on being
paid punctually for the future, withoui even the delay of twenty-four
hours. General Clinton, ^^^o ^^^ '^t New York, being soon informed of
this defection in the American army, resolved to leave no means
untried that could turn it to advantage. He hastened lo dispatch
to the insurgents, three Araerlcan loyalists, commissioned lo raake
the following proposals to them in his name ; to be taken under the
protection of the British government ; to have a free pardon for all
past offenses ; lo have the pay due to them from congress faithfully
paid, without any expectation of military service in return, although
it vvould be received if voluntarily offered ; and the only conditions
required on their side, were to lay down their arms, and return to
their allegiance. The inability of congress to satisfy their just de
mands, and the severity wilh which they would be treated if they
returned to their former servitude, were points lo be strongly urged
by the agents ; and the insurgents were invited to send persons to
Amboy, lo meet others vvho would be appointed by Clinton, in order
to discuss and settle the treaty, and bring matters to a final conclu
sion. But the British general thought proper to do yet more ; in
order to embolden the insurgents by his proximity, he passed over to
Staten Island with no smaU part of his troops. He would not, how
ever, proceed still farther, and venture lo sel foot in New Jersey, for
fear of exciting a general alarm, and throwing the mutineers directly
back inlo the arms of congress. The insurgents made no positive
answer to Clinton ; and they detained his emissaries. In the mean-

BOOK XIV. THE AMERICAN WAR, 371
time, the committee of congress and the delegates of the rebels had
opened a negotiation ; but such was the exasperation of niinds on
both sides, that it seemed next to impossible that the differences
should be settled by an amicable adjustment. They first offered to
grant discharges to those who had taken arms Indeterminately, for
tiiree years, or for the term of the war. In cases where the written
engageraents could not be produced, the soldiers should be admitted
to raake oath. They were promised certificates In reimbursement
of the sums they had lost by the depreciation of paper money ;
they were assured of the earUest possible payment of arrears ; of the
immediate delivery of such articles of clothing as they stood in the
raost urgent need of; and of a total oblivion wilh respect to their
past conduct. These propositions were not fruitless ; the mutineers
accepted them, and the disturbance was appeased. They afterwards
raarched to Trenton, where the promises vvhich had been made them
were realized. They delivered into the hands of the commissioners
the emissaries of Clinton, who were accordingly hanged without
ceremony or delay.
Thus terminated a turault which had occasioned the most anxious
apprehensions to the American government, and inspired the British
general with the most flattering hopes. It is true that many excel
lent soldiers solicited their discharge, and abandoned the army to
rejoin their famUies. Washington, during the mutiny, made no move
ment whatever. He remained tranquff In his head-quarters at New
Windsor, on the banks ofthe Hudson. His conduct Is to be attrib
uted to several motives. He apprehended lest his own soldiers
might take part in the insurrection, or lest their inconsiderable num
ber might not be capable of overawing the mutineers. In retiring
from the borders of the Hudson, he must have left exposed lo the
enterprises of the British general those passages which already had
been so often contested. His principal fear, however, was that of
lessening his authority over the troops, Ifhe exerted it without suc
cess, and it must be admitted mat it might have had the most disas
trous consequences. Perhaps also, within his own breast, he was
not sorry that the congress, as well as the governments of the several
stales, should have been roused by such a spur ; that being struck
with the difficulty of collecting the funds necessary to the support of
the army, they might for the future redouble activity in that vita!
part of the public service. A few days after this event, the regular
troops of New Jersey, excited by the example of the insurrection of
the Pennsylvanians, and encouraged by the success that attended it,
erected In like manner the standard of revolt. But Washington
inarched against them a strong corps of soldiers whose fidelity has

372 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOB XIT.
been proved in the late sedition ; the mutineers were soon brought
to a sense of duty ; and their ringleaders chastised with exemplary
severity. This act of rigor put an end lo all mutinies. They were
followed at least by this salutary consequence, that the governraent,
more clear sighted with respect lo its interests, raade useful efforts lo
reraedy the origin of the evff. It sent lo camp a sufficient quantity
of money, in gold and silver, lo discharge the pay of three months.
The soldiers, consoled by this relief, resumed patience to wait lill the
operations of finance, which vve have mentioned above, had produced
the happy effects that were lo be expected from them.
During the lime in which the congress, supported by the opinion
of Washington and of the most influential individuals of the confed
eration, labored to re-establish order In the internal administration,'
the first source of mffitary successes, the war was carried on wilh
spirit in the provinces of the south. General Greene marched al the
head of formidable forces to the deliverance of South Carolina.
Lord Cornwallis, considering it as a prey that could not escape him,
had left it almost without defense, in order to prosecute his designs
against Virginia. After his departure, the comraand of that province
devolved upon lord Rawdon, a young man full of ardor and talents.
He had established his head-quarters al Camden, a place fortified
with much diligence. Its garrison, however, was feeble, and, if il
sufficed for the defense of the town, it vvas by no means In a condi
tion lo keep the field. The same weakness existed in all the olher
posts of the province, that vvere stffl occupied by tiie EngUsh. As
the pubhc sentiment was every where hostile to their domination,
they were cornpelled to divide their troops into a great number of
petty detachments, in order lo maintain themselves in positions neces
sary lo their safety and subsistence. The principal of these points
were, the city of Charleston itself, and those of Camden, Ninety-
Six, and Augusta.
Upon the first rumor of the retreat of Cornwallis towards Virginia,
the Carolinians had conceived hopes of a new order of things. Al
ready, in many places, they had broken out with violence against
the British authorities. Sumpter and Marion, both very enterprising
men, fanned the fire of insurrection. They organized in regular com
panies all those of their party who raUied under their banners. They
held in check the frontiers of lower Carolina, while Greene, wilh tiie
main body of his army, marched upon Camden. His approach was
already felt in that city by a secret movement in his favor. To
animate the minds stiff more, he had detached colonel Lee, wilh his
U,ght horse, to join Marion and Sumpter. Thus lord Rawdon found
himself all of a sudden assailed not only in front by the army of

BOOK XlV. THE AMEBICAN WAR. 373
Greene, but also in jeopardy of having the way intercepted to his
retreat upon Charleston. He was slow, however, in believing the
accounts which reached him respecting the movements of the enemy.
Lord Cornwallis had not neglected lo notify him In an authentic
manner, that he evacuated Carolina to march against Virginia ; but
the inhabitants were so adverse to the British cause, that none of his
couriers had been able to traverse the country without falUng into
their hands. And how was Rawdon to conceive that the fruit of the
victory of Guildford should be lo constrain lord Cornwallis to retire
before the enemy he had beaten ? Rawdon, however, did not allow
himself to be intimidated by the perff of his position ; he set hiraself,
on the contrary, lo devise means for eluding it by his courage and
prudence. He would have wished lo approach Charleston, but see
ing the country infested by the light troops of Sumpter and Greene,
he soon relinquished the idea. He was also determined by the
consideration that Camden was a strong place, and capable of sus
taining the first efforts of the enemy. He hastened, however, to
re-inforce the garrison with all those which he withdrew from posts
unsusceptible of defense ; only leaving troops in fortified places.
Greene, at the head of his army, appeared In view of the ramparts
of Camden ; but he found them tod weff guarded to afford any
prospect of success from an attack, which he could only undertake
with insufficient forces. He accordingly merely occupied the
heights, and intrenched himself upon an eminence, called Hobkirk
Hiff, about a mffe from the place. He was not without hopes of
being able to entice the British to combat ; for, ihough not In a
situation to force them behind their walls, he fell strong enough to
fight them in the open field. His position was formidably strong.
His front between the hill and Camden was covered by thick brush
wood, and his left by a deep and impracticable swamp. The Araer
icans guarded themselves wilh little care In this encampment ; they
placed too much confidence in the strength of the place, or in the
weakness of the enemy, or perhaps they did but abandon themselves
to that natural negligence which so many disasters had not yet been
able to cure them of. Lord Rawdon caused them to be watched
attentively ; he knew that they had sent their artfflery to some dis
tance In their rear, and immediately took a daring resolution, but
urged by circumstances, that of attacking. After having armed the
musicians, drummers, and every being in his army that was able to
carry a firelock, he left the city to the custody of the convalescents,
and marched towards Hobkirk.
Not being able lo cross the brushwood, nor yet the swamps,
which he had before him, he drew off to the right, and by taking

374 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIV.
an extensive circuit, turned the morass, and came down by surprise
upon the left flank of the American line. At the appearance of so
pressing a danger, Greene endeavored to repair, by the promptitude
of his dispositions, the negligence of which he felt himself culpable.
Having observed that the English marched very compact In a single
column, he conceived hopes of being able to faff upon their two
flanks. He accordingly ordered colonel Ford to attack the enemy's
left with a Maryland regiraent, while colonel Carapbell should assail
them on the right. He then directed a charge in front to be led
by colonel Gunby, while colonel Washington vvith his cavalry should
turn their right, and assault them in rear. The combat soon becaine
general, and was pushed with equal resolution on both sides. The
royal troops began at first to give way ; the ranks of their infantry
and cavalry were broken. Their disorder was still increased by a
violent fire of grape-shot, with which they were taken in rear by an
American battery which had just arrived upon the field of battle. In
this critical moment, lord Rawdon pushed forward a battaUon of
Irish volunteers and some other companies, of which he had formed
a reserve. These fresh troops restored the fortune of the day.
The action was grown excessively hot, and alternate undulations
equalized the success. But at length a Maryland regiment, vigor
ously charged by the enemy, fell inlo confusion and took flight.
This struck a damp inlo the vvhole line, and the rout was shortiy
general. The Americans attempted several times lo rally, but
always in vain ; the English pushed them loo fiercely. They enter
ed almost at the same time with them into the intrenehments upon
the ridge.
Meanwhile, colonel Washington, agreeably to the orders of his
general, had arrived with his corps of cavalry upon the rear of the
British army, before it had recovered from the disorder into which
it had been thrown by the first shock. He look advantage of it to
make a great number of prisoners. But when he saw that the posi
tion of Greene was forced, he thought proper to retreat A part of
the prisoners escaped ; the remainder he conducted to camp, where
he rejoined the main body of the army.
General Greene, after this check, had faffen back upon Gun
Swamp, five mffes from Hobkirk, where he remained several days,
to collect the fugftives and re-organize the army. This affair, which
was called the battie of Hobkirk, was fought the twenty-fifth of
April. Lord Rawdon, being inferior in cavalry, and enfeebled by a
great loss of men, instead of pursuing Greene, had re-enlered within
the walls of Camden. He was desirous lo make that place ihe
center of his operations, and this he was the more uichned to do.

BOOK XIV, THE AMERICAN WAR. 375
since he nad just received a re-inforcement of troops under the con
duct of colonel Watson, But he was Informed that the inhabitants
of the whole Interior country at his back, had revolted with one con
sent, that already fort Watson had capitulated, and that those of
Granby, Orangeburgh and Motte, .were closely Invested, The last,
situated near the junction of the Congaree with the Santee, and con
taining extensive magazines, was of no little importance. Lord
Rawdon, reflecting that all these forts were upon his rear, judged
his situation imminently hazardous. He Iherefore resolved to evac
uate Camden, and retire lower down tovvards Charleston ; this
resolution he executed the ninth of May. He razed the fortifica
tions, put In safety aff the artiUery and baggagej and brought off the
families of the loyalists, who by their zeal for the royal cause had
rendered themselves odious to the republicans. The whole army
arrived on the thirteenth at Nelsons Ferry, upon the banks of the
Santee river. Here, having received the unwelcome tidings thai all
the forts mentioned above were fallen into the hands of the Ameri
cans, the British general raised his camp, and carried it stffl farther
back to Eutaw Springs,
General Greene, perceiving that Rawdon, by retreating Inlo the
lower parls of Carolina, had abandoned aff thoughts of maintaining
himself in the upper country, formed a design to reduce Ninety-Six
and Augusta, the only posts that still held out for the king. These
two forts were already invested by the militia headed by colonels
Pickens and Clarke, Greene appeared wilh his army before the
waUs of Ninety-Six, and proceeded lo push the siege by regular
approaches. One of the officers who distinguished themselves the
most in that operation was colonel Kosciusko, a young Pole. fuU ot
enthusiasm for the cause of the Araericans. The defense of the
place was directed by lieutenant-colonel Cruger. During this tirae,
colonel Pickens vigorously pushed his operations against the town of
Augusta, vvhich was defended with equal bravery and abffity by
colonel Brown. These two places were very strong, and could not
be reduced but by a long siege.
Meanwhffe, Lord Rawdon saw with extreme solicilude that in
losing these posts, whose value he justly appreciated, he must also
lose the garrisons which defended them. A re-inforcement of three
regiments, newly arrived at Charleston from Ireland, gave him hopes
of being able to reUeve these fortresses, and principally Ninety-Six.
Every course which presented itself lo his mind being equally diffi
cuh and dangerous, he preferred, without hesitation, that which
appeared the most magnanimous. He received intelligence on his
inarch of the loss of Augusta. Pressed with great industry by colo-

376 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK XIV,
nel Pickens, and witnout hope of relief, that place had just surren
dered lo the arms of congress. This disaster operated with the
British general as a new motive for endeavoring to preserve Ninety-
Six. Upon the rumor ofthe approach of Rawdon, Greene reflected
that the number and discipline of his soldiers was not such as to
afford a hope that he vvould be able to resist, at the same lime, the
garrison of Ninety-Six, and the fresh and warlike troops that were
advancing against him. On the olher hand, lo raise the siege berfore
having attempted some vigorous stroke against the place, appeared
to him loo disgraceful a step. Accordingly, however imperfect
were the works of attack, be resolved lo hazard an assault. He
had already reached the ditch, it Is true, and had pushed a sap lo
the foot of a bastion, but the fortifications were yet in a great meas
ure entire. The body of the place was therefore to be considered
as being proof against insult. But general Greene was desirous at
least to save in his retreat the honor of the American arms. A
gen-sral assault was Iherefore given with extreme impetuosity, which
the English sustained with no less valor. Greene, seeing the terrible
carnage which the artillery made among his soldiers, in the ditch
not yet fiffed up with the ruins of the breach, determined al length
to retire. Soon after this check, lord Rawdon being now but a
small distance from his camp, he raised it aU at once, and withdrew
beyond the Tiger and the Broad rivers. The royalists followed
him, but In vain. The British general, having entered into Ninety-
Si.x, examined the stale of the place, and was of opinion that it
could not hold out against a regular attack. He Iherefore pul him
self again on the march, directing it towards the lower parts of
Carolhia, and proceeded lo establish his head-quarters at Orange
burgh. Imboldened by his retreat, Greene soon showed himself
before this last place. But at sight of the British forces, and of
their excellent position, covered by the windings of the river, he
paused, and bent his march towards the heights vvhich border tiie
Santee. The hot and sickly season being arrived, it effected that which
Could not have been expected from the rage of men ; hostilities
ceased. It would seem that during this suspension of arms, civil
hatreds were rekindled wilh increase of fury. The English especial
ly . as if lo revenge their defeats, showed themselves more exasperated.
tnan the Americans. It was at this epoch that there passed a lament
able event, which excited to the highest degree the indignation of
all America, and particularly of the Carolinas. Colonel Isaac Hayne
had warmly espoused the cause of American Independence. Dur
ing the siege of Charleston he had served in a volunteer corps of

BOOK XIV. THE AMERICAN WAR. .377
light horse. Afler the surrender of that city, Hayne, who was
tenderly attached to his family, could not find in his heart to part
with it, In order to seek refuge in distant places against the tyranny
of the victors. He knew that other American officers had obtained
permission to return peaceably lo their habitations, on giving their
parole not to act against the interests of the king. He repaired
therefore to Charleston, went to the British generals, and constituted
himself their prisoner of war. But knowing all the resources of his
mind, and the authority he possessed among the Inhabitants, they
wished lo have him entirely in their power, and refused to receive
him in the character he was come to claim. They signified lo him
that he must acknowledge himself for a British subject, or submit
to be detained in a rigorous captivity. This Idea would not have
Intimidated colonel Hayne ; but he could not endure that of being
so long separated from his wife and children. He knew also that
they were under the attack of small-pox ; and soon after, in effect.
the mother and two of the children became the victims of that crue!
malady. Neither could he overlook, that if he did not accede to
what was exacted of him, an unbridled soldiery waited only the
signal to sack and devastate his plantations.
In this distressing alternative, the father, the husband triumphed
in his breast ; he consented to invest himself vvith the condition of
British subject. The only favor he demanded was, that he might
not be constrained to bear arms against his party. This was solemnly
promised him by the British general Patterson, and by Simcoe, su
perintendent of police at Charleston. But before taking this peril
ous resolution, he had walled upon doctor Ramsay, the same who
afterwards wrote the history of the American revolution, praying
him to bear witness to the future that he by no m^ans intended to
abandon the cause of independence. As soon as he had signed the
oath of allegiance, he had permission to return lo his residence.
Meanwhile the war re-kindled with new violence ; and the Amer
icans, hitherto beaten and dispersed, resumed the offensive with such
vigor thatthe British generals were alarmed at their progress. Then,
no longer regarding the promises which they had made to colonel
Hayne, they Intimated to him an order to take arms and march wilh
them against the revolted republicans. He refused. The troops of
congress afterwards penetrated into the country ; the inhabitants of
his district rose and elected him for their chief. No longer considering
himself bound to keep that faith which it appetired that others were
not disposed to keep towards him, he yielded to the wish of his
countrymen, and again took up those arms which he had laid
down through necessity. He scoured the country In the vicuiity ot

378 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIV.
Charleston, at the head of a corps of dragoons. But II was not
long before he fell into an ambuscade laid for him by the British com
manders. He was immediately conducted to the city, and thrust
inlo a deep dungeon. Without form of trial, lord Rawdon and
colonel Balfour, the commandant of Charleston, condemned him
lo death. This sentence appeared to every one, as it was in reality,
an act of barbarity. Even deserters are indulged wilh a regular
trial, and find defenders ; spies only are deprived of this privilege by
the laws of war. Royalists and republicans all equally pitied the
colonel, whose virtues they esteemed ; they would fain have saved
his Ufe. They did not restrict themselves lo mere wishes ; a depu
tation of loyalists, having the governor in behalf of the king at their
head, wailed upon lord Rawdon, and earnestly solicited him in favor
of the condemned. The most distinguished ladies of Charleston
united their prayers to the general recommendation that his pardon
might be granted. His children, still of lender age, accompanied by
their nearest relations, and wearing mourning for their molher, whora
they had so recently lost, threw themselves at the feet of Rawdon,
demanding wilh the most touching cries the life of their unhappy
father. All the bystanders seconded with floods of tears the petition
of these hapless orphans. Rawdon and Balfour obstinately refused
to mitigate the rigor of their decision.
When about to be conducted lo death, colonel Hayne called into
his presence his eldest son, then thirteen years of age. He delivered
him papers addressed lo the congress, then said to him ; ' Thou
wffl come to the place of my execution ; thou will receive my body,
and cause it lo be deposited in the tomb of our ancestors.' Being
arrived at the foot of the gibbet, he took leave in the most affecting
manner of the friends vvho surrounded him, and armed himself to his
last moment with the firmness which had honored his life. He vvas,
in the same degree, a man of worth, a tender , father, a zealous
patriot, and an intrepid soldier. If the tyranny of the prince, or
the impatience of the people, render polilical revolutions soraetimes
inevitable, il Is certainly much to be deplored that the first and prin
cipal victims of this scourge, should be, almosi always, citizens the .
most worthy of general esteem and affection. After having taken
this cruel vengeance of a man so universaUy respected, lord Rawdon
left the capital of Carolina clouded with melancholy, and brooding
terrible reprisals; he made sail for England. To this act of rigor
on the part of the English generals, without doubt, may be applied
the ancient adage ; ' An extreme justice is an extreme injury.' But
whatever may be thought of its justice, it must be admitted, tnat the
EngUsh, in showing themselves so ruthless at a moment wnen tneir

BOOK XIV.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 379

affairs were already in such declension, appeared much more eager
to satiate the fury of a vanquished enemy than to accomplish an
equitable law. The aversion of the Americans for their barbarous
foes, acquired a new character of implacable animosity. The officers
of the army of general Greene solicited him to use reprisals, declar
ing that they were ready lo run aU the risks that might ensue from it
He issued, in effect, a proclamation, by which he threatened to retali
ate the death of colonel Hayne upon the persons of the British
officers that might fall Into his hands. Thus to the evils inseparable
from war, were joined the excesses produced by hatred and ven
geance. General Greene, during this interval, had not remained idle In his
camp upon the heights of the Santee. He had occupied himself
without relaxation In strengthening his army, in perfecting the old
troops by frequent maneuvers, and in disciplining the new corps.
His diligence had not failed of success. Re-inforced by the militia
of the neighboring districts, he saw under his banners soldiers no less
formidable to the English by their warlike ardor than by their num
ber. The temperature of the season being become less burning, at
the commencement of September, he resolved to employ his forces
in expelling the British troops from the few towns which they stiff
occupied in South Carolina, besides the city of Charleston. Having
taken a circuitous march towards the upper Congaree, he passed it,
and descended rapidly along the right bank with aff his army, In order
to attack the English, vvho, under the command of colonel Stewart,
occupied the post of Macords Ferry, near the confluence of that
river wilh the Santee. The royalists, on seeing the approach of an
enemy so superior in force, and especially in caval»y, reflected that
they were loo remote from Charleston, whence they drew their sub
sistence. They hastened therefore lo quil Macords Ferry, and fell
back upon Eutaw Springs, where they labored to intrench them
selves. Greene pursued them thither, and the eighth of September
witnessed the battle of Eutaw Springs. According lo the dispositions
of the American general, the vanguard was composed of the militia
of the two Carolinas, and the center of the regular troops of those
provinces, of Virginia, and of Maryland . Colonel Lee with his legion
covered the right flank, and colonel Henderson the left. The rear
guard consisted ofthe dragoonsof colonel Washington and the militia
of Delaware. It was a corps of reserve destined lo support the first
lines. The artUlery advanced upon their front.
The British commander formed his froops In two lines ; the first
vvas defended on the right by the little river Eutaw, and on the left
by a thick wood. The second, forming a reserve, crowned the

380 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIV.
heights which command the Charleston road. After some skir
mishing between the marksmen of the one and other army, they feff
back behind the ranks, and the engagement became general. It vvas
supported for a considerable time with balanced success ; but at
length, the militia of Carolina were broken, and retired In disorder
The British division, which formed the left ofthe first line, quilted its
position lo pursue them. In this movement il lost Its distances, and
could no longer combat in company with the other part of the line.
Tho Americans observed this opening, and profited ofit immediately.
Greene pushed forward his second Une; it charged so vigorously,
that the English, in their turn, were shaken, and began to recoil in
confusion. To complete their rout, colonel Lee wilh his cavalry
turned their left, and feU upon their rear. This maneuver precipi
tated the flight of aff that vving ofthe British army. The right alone
still held firm. But Greene caused il to be attacked briskly in front
by the regular troops of Maryland and Virginia, while the cavalry of
colonel Washington took it in flank. The trepidation then became
general ; all the corps of fhe British army tumbled one over another,
through haste to recover their inlrenchraents. Already the Ameri
cans had taken several pieces of artillery and a great number of
prisoners. Victory seemed completely in their hands. But how
often has II been remarked, that the events of war depend upon the
caprices of chance ! Troops accustomed lo a rigid discipline are
frequently able to rally in the midst of disorder, apd recover, in an
instant, what they appeared to have lost irreparably. The battle we
describe affords a meraorable example of it. The English, in their
flight, threw theraselves into a large and very strong house, where
they resolved lo make a desperate defense. Others took shelter in
a thick and almost impenetrable brushwood ; and others in a garden
fenced with palisades. Here the action re-commenced with more
obstinacy than at first. The republicans did all that was to be ex
pected of valiant soldiers, to dislodge their enemies from these nevv
posts. The house was battered by four pieces of artillery. Colonel
Washington, on the right, endeavored lo penetrate into the wood, and
colonel Lee to force the garden. Their efforts were vain ; the
English defended themselves so strenuously, that they repulsed the
assailants with heavy loss. Colonel Washington himself was wounded
nnd taken. The conflict was fierce, the carnage dreadful ; but no
where more than about the hoUse. Meanwhffe, colonel Stewart,
having rallied his right wing, pushed it forward, by a circuitous
movement, against the lefl flank of the Americans. This bold ma
neuver convinced the American general that he would but vainly
waste torrents of blood in further attempts to drive the enemy fi-om

BOOK XIV. THE AMERICAN WAB. 381
tbeir posts, and he ordered a retreat. He returned to his first en
campment, some mffes distant from the field of battie. This retro
grade march was attributed to want of water. He brought off about
five hundred prisoners, and all his wounded, with the exception of
those who were too near the walls of the house. He lost two pieces
of cannon. The English passed the rest of the daj in their intreneh
ments. At night, they abandoned them, and descended lo Monks
Corner. The Americans write that the royalists, in their hurry, had
staved the casks containing spirituous Uquors, and broken, or thrown
into the Eutaw, a great quantity of arms. The loss of Greene in this
action was estimated at upwards of cix hundred men in killed,
wounded and prisoners ; that of Stewart, inclusive of the missing,
was much more considerable. The American soldiers exhibited in
this combat an extraordinary valor. Impatient to close wilh their
enemies, they promptly resorted to the bayonet, a weapon which
they seemed lo dread in the commencement of hostffities, and which
was now become so formidable in their war-trained hands. The
congress voted public thanks lo those who had taken part in the
battle of Eutaw Springs. They presented general Greene with a
conquered standard a;^d a medal of gold.
A short tiriie after, having received some re-inforcements, he re
solved lo make another trial of fortune, and marched against the
EngUsh in lower CaroUna. His appearance In the environs of
Monks Corner, and of Dorchester, decided them to evacuate the
open country, and shut themselves up entirely within Charleston.
They contented themselves wilh sending out scouts, and foraging
parties, who durst not venture far from the place. Greene, from his
great superiority in light troops, repulsed them upon all points, and
intercepted their convoys. In this manner the American general put
an end to tbe campaign of the soulh; After a long and sanguinary
struggle, his masterly maneuvers recovered to the confederation the
two Carohnas and Georgia, excepting only the two capitals of the
one and other province, which still obeyed the EngUsh, with a slender
portion of territory in their iramediate vicinffy ; such were the fruits
of the resolution taken by lord Cornwallis, at Wilmington, of carry ing
his arms against Virginia. But to Greene great eulogies are due for
the talents he signalized in this conjuncture. When he came to
reheve general Gates in the command of the southern army, the
stale of lhings.was not only calamitous, but almost desperate. By
his genius, activity and boldness, tiie evil was remedied so promptly,
that from vanquished, his soldiers became soon victorious; from
despondency, the people passed to a confidence without bounds j

382 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XIT.

and the English, but now so arrogant, vvere forced to seek their only
safety behind the walls of Charieston.
The social qualities, ingenuousness and affabfflty of manners, set
off in Greene the glory of the warrior. His virtiies triumphed over
envy itself; iffuslrious for the eminent services which he rendered
his country, and uniformly modest and unaffected, he merited that
his name should be transmitted imraaculate to posterity. Virginia
was less fortunate than Carolina ; Arnold, as if he had coveted to
couple the narae of bandit with that of traitor, carried fire and sword
into that province. Private properly he respected as Utile as that of
the state. This horrible expedition, as vve have already remarked,
had been ordained by the British generals with no other view but
that of seconding the efforts of CornwaUis in the Carolinas, by
diverting the attention and dividing the forces of the enemy. In
effect, the reduction of Virginia to the power of the king, with means
so inadequate, vvas a thing impossible lo be executed, or even lo be
expected. This was soon demonstrated. The disastrous conse
quences of the plan adopted by CornwaUis, were equally fatal for
Arnold. Already, the rising of the mffitia of aff the adjacent parts
had forced him lo abandon the open country, and fall back with
precipitation upon Portsmouth, where he fortified himself vvith
extreme dUigence. On the other hand, Washington, attentive lo aff
his movements, and wishing lo gratify the just resentment of the
American nation tovvards its betrayer, formed a design to environ him
so effectually, by land and sea, as to render his escape Irapossible.
Wilh this intent, he had detached the marquis de la Fayette towards
Virginia, at the head of twelve hundred light infantry ; and had also
induced the commander of the French fleet at Rhode Island to
dispatch a squadron of eight sail of the line, under the chevalier
Destouches, to cut off the retreat of Arnold- from the Chesapeake.
But the EngUsh being early apprised of it, admiral Arbuthnot made
saff from New York with a squadron of equal force, and fell in wilh
the French off Cape Henry. A warm engagement ensued, in which
the loss of the two fleets was nearly balanced. The French, how
ever, found themselves constrained to reUnquish their designs, and
returned to Rhode Island. Upon this inteUigence, M. de la Fayette,
who was already arrived at Annapolis In Maryland, raarched thence
lo the head of Elk. Thus Arnold escaped from, probably, the
most imminent danger in which he had ever been irtvolved. The
Americans had afterwards occasion to send a flag to his head
quarters. It is related, that the traitor general asked the person vvho
bore it, what they would have done wilh him if they had taken him ?
The American answered without hesitation ; " Tf ^e had taken thee

BOOK XIV, THE AMEBICAN WAR, 383
we should have burled, with every mark of honor, that of thy legs,
which was wounded when thou wast In our service ; the rest of thy
body vve should have hanged,"
On hearing of the danger which had menaced Arnold, general
Clinton doubted the generals of congress might be more happy in a
second attempt. He therefore immediately dispatched a re-inforce
ment of two thousand men, under the conduct of general Phfflips,
His junction with Arnold put them in condition to resume the
offensive ; and their inroads into Virginia were again signalized by
devastation and pillage. At Osborn, they destroyed a great number
of vessels, rich magazines of merchandise, and principally of tobacco.
The baron Steuben, who commanded the republicans, found himself
too weak lo resist. Fortunately, the marquis de la Fayette arrived
in time lo save the opulent city of Richmond. There, however, he
was forced lo witness the conflagration of Manchester, a town situated
opposite to Richmond, upon the right bank of the James river.
The Enghsh were pleased to burn it without any necessity. But
soon this partisan war was directed towards a single and determinate
object. General Phillips had received intelligence that lord Corn
waUis approached, and that he was already on the point of arriving
at Petersburgh. M. de la Fayette was advised of It likewise.
Both, accordingly, exerted themselves to reach Petersburgh before
the troops that were advancing from CaroUna ; the one lo join Corn
waffis, the other to prevent this junction. The English outstripped
their adversaries, and occupied that Uttie city. There general
Phillips was carried off by a malignant fever ; his military talents
rendered his loss peculiarly painful to his party.
After a march of three hundred miles, in the midst of difficulties
of every sort, lord Cornwallis at length arrived at Petersburgh,
where he took the general command of all the British forces. The
establishment of the seat of war in Virginia, coincided perfectiy with
the designs which the British ministers had formed upon this prov
ince. As soon as they were informed of the victory of Guildford,
they had persuaded themselves that the two Carolinas were t nlirely
reduced under the authority of the king, and that little else remained
to be done, besides re-organizing in them the accustomed civil admin
istration. They had not the least doubt that wise regulations would
consumraate the work, which the arms of CornwalUs had so happily
commenced. They built, with particular confidence, on the support
of the loyalists. Notwithstanding so many fatal experiments, so
many abortive hopes, they stiff eagerly listened to aff the iffusions.
and to all the news spread by the refugees, so unavoidably Impelled
by their position to cherish the wildest chimeras, Tlie British

384

THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XIV.

government therefore expected that the co-operation of the loyalists,
a few garrisons left in the most Important posts, together wilh the
terror of the arms of Cornwaffis, vvould suffice lo curb the patriots
and to confirm the submission of these provinces. As lo Virginia,
intersected by a great nuraber of broad and deep rivers, whose
mouths form upon its coasts several gulfs or bays suitable for anchor
age, the naval forces sent thither by Rodney from the West Indies,
seemed to guaranty the naval superiority of England in those wa
ters. Accordingly, the ministers never allowed themselves lo doubt,
that if this province could not be entirely reduced, il would at least
be very easy lo press il and waste il to such a degree that its utility
should cease for the American union. They had therefore decided
that the commanders of the land forces should make choice of an
advantageous position upon the coasts of Virginia, and that they
should secure the possession of il by fortifications capable of repel
ling all attacks of the enemy. This measure and the presumed
superiority of the British marine, appeared lo the cabinet of St.
James a sure pledge of the entire subjugation of Virginia ; and
for the reasons already stated, it felt perfectly assured of the posses
sion of the two Carolinas, as also of Georgia. Il was deemed the
more certain that nothing was to be feared from the French squad
rons, as the coasts of these vast provinces are neai-ly without ports,
and since the few they offer were in the power of the royal troops.
Finding themselves thus already masters of four rich provinces in the
south, as well as of that of New York, inestimable alike for its
resourees, and for its ports, the ministers persuaded themselves that
the moment could not be distant when the Araericans would yield
through weariness and e.xhaustion. They felicitated themselves that,
at aff events, they vvere able to resume the offensive.
Such vvere the reasonings at London ; but it was not known there
that the British fleets, instead of having the advantage in point of
force, were decidedly inferior in the American seas ; that the Caro
linas, instead of being in the power of the king, were returned
almost totally under that of the congress ; and that although Corn
wallis vvas indeed arrived in Virginia, he had shown himself there,
notvvilhstanding his success at Guildford, rather as vanquished than
victor. Meanwhile, Cornwallis, after having staid a few days at Peters
burgh, where he was re-inforced by some hundred soldiers, sent him
from New Yorkby Clinton, took a resolution to cross tbe river James,
and penetrate into the interior of Virginia. He had Utile apprehen
sion of meeting American troops ; supposing thom both too weak
and too much dispersed lo attempt resisilance In effect, the baron

BOQK XIV. THE AMERICAN WAR, 385
Steuben occupied the upper parts of the province, the marquis de la
Fayette, the maritime districts, and general Wayne, who was on the
march wilh the regular troops of Pennsylvania, was still al a great
distance. The British general iherefore crossed the river without
opposition at Westover ; the marquis de la Fayette had retired behind
the Chickahorainy. Thence Cornwallis detached a corps which
occupied Portsmouth. The loyalists, or those who wished to appear
such, repaired to that city in order to give in their paroles and
receive protections. The county of Hanover was entirely overrun
by the foragers of the British army. Lord CornwalUs vvas informed,
about this lime, that many of the most considerable men of the
country were assembled in convention al CharlotlevIUe, to regulate
the affairs of the province ; and that the baron Steuben was posted
at the Point of Fork, situated at the junction of the rivers James
and Rivana. The Americans had established al this place maga
zines of arms and munitions of war. These advices, added to the
consideration that this part of the territory, not having yet been the
theatre of war, was likely lo abound in every kind of suppUes, deter
mined lord Cornwallis to attempt, first of all, the expeditions of
CharlottevIUe and the Point of Fork. He committed the first to
Tarleton, the .second to Simcoe. Both were crowned with success.
The first, by the rapidity of his march, arrived so unexpectedly upon
the city that he seized a greal number of deputies, and made himself
master of a considerable quantity of warlike stores and provision.
But the personage whom he had il most at heart to secure, was one
of those vvho escaped him, and that was Thomas Jefferson, since
president of the United Stales ; having had the good fortune lo be
timely apprised of the approach of the British troops, he put himself
out of their reach ; not, however, withoui having first, with extreme
pains and the assistance of his neighbors, provided for the safety of
no smaff quantity of arms and ammunition. If Tarleton had some-
limes complained of the loo great benignity of his comrades, no one,
assuredly, could make him the same reproach. His rapacity and
imprudence no longer observed any bounds ; nolhing was sacred in
his sight, nothing escaped his barbarous hands. Simcoe, on his part,
had raoved wilh equal celerity against the baron Steuben. That
general raight have made a vigorous resistance ; it is not known what
motive could have decided him to a precipitate retreat ; and yet he
was not able to protect his rear guard against the pursuit of the Brit
ish, who reached it, and cut a part of il in pieces. When the
colonels Tarleton and Simcoe were returned to camp, lord Corn
wallis, traversing a rich and fertile country, marched upon Rich
mond, and, a little after, upon WilUamsburgh, the capital of Virginia
VOL. II. 25

386 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XIV,
His light troops, however, could no longer forage at large ; the
marquis de la Fayette had joined the baron Steuben, and having
been re-inforced by the Pennsylvania regiments of general Wayne,
he found himself in a situation to watch all the movements of the
British army, and to cut off the parlies that ventured to stray from
it. CornwalUs received at this same time orders from general Clin
ton, requiring him lo re-embark a part of his troops for New York
Not that CUnlon meditated any important stroke ; but he had been
adv ised of the- approach of the allies, and he expected to see the
storm burst upon his head. He feared at the same tirae for New
York, Staten Island, and Long Island ; his force was not sufficient
for their defense. In order lo obey, Cornwallis raarched his troops
towards the banks of the Jaraes river. He intended, after having
passed it, to repair to Portsraouth, where he vvould have embarked
the corps destined for New York. But as M. de la Fayette follow
ed him extremely close, he found himself constrained to make a halt
upon the lefl bank of the river, and to take possession of a strong
position, in order to repress the Impetuosity of his adversary, and
give lime lo his troops for passing the artiUery, munitions and bag
gage to the other side. He encamped Iherefore along the river,
having his right covered by a pond, and the centre and left by
swamps. Meanwhile, the American vanguard, commanded by general
Wayne, had advanced very near. The English dispatched spies
among the Americans, In order lo make them believe that the bulk
of the royal army had already passed to the right bank, and that
only a feeble rear guard remained upon the left, consisting of the
British legion and some detachments of infantry. Whether the
republicans allowed themselves lo be caught in this snare, or that
they were hurried away by an inconsiderate valor, they fell with
greal fury upon the royal troops. Already the regular regiments of
Pennsylvania, led by general Wayne, had passed the swamp, and
fiercely assailed the left wing of the royalists ; and notwithstanding
the great superiority of the enemy, the assaffants appeared nowise
daunted . But the English, having passed the pond, advanced against
the left wing, which consisted entirely of mffitia. Having dispersed
il without difficulty, tbey showed themselves upon the left flank of
Wayne. Al the same time, e.vtending their own left beyond tiie
swarap, they had turned his right, and manifested an intention of
surrounding him on every side. The marquis de la Fayette per
ceived this maneuver, and iraraediately direcled Wayne to fall back.
He was unable to execute this movement without leaving two pieces
of cannon in the power of the enemy M. de la Fayette remained

BOOR XlV, THE AMERICAN WAR, 387
some time at Green Springs, In order to collect the scattered soldiers.
CornwaUis re-entered his intrenehments. The approach of night,
and the nature of the country, broken with woods and marshes, pre
vented him from pursuing the Americans, The next morning before
sunrise, he detached his cavalry upon the route taken by the marquis
de la Fayette, with orders to hang upon his rear, and harass him as
much as possible, Aff the harm it did him, consisted in the taking
ofa few soldiers who had lagged behind. It is presumable, that if
CornwaUis had advanced the following day withall his force, he might
have cut off the republicans entirely. But all his views were directed
towards Portsmouth, in order to embark the troops there which Clin
ton expected at New York. When he had passed the river James
wilh his whole army, he accordingly hastened to Portsmouth ; but
upon a strict examinalion of places, he was convinced that they did
not offer him a position suitable by its strength and other advantages
to favor the ulterior designs of Clinton. He proceeded, however, with
diligence to embark the troops. In the meantime, he received new
instructions -from Clinton, directing him to return lo WUIiamsburgh,
to retain all the troops he had with him, and instead of Portsmouth,
to make his place of arms of Point Comfort, in order to have, in any
3vent, a secure retreat.
Two principal causes had determined general Clinton to embrace
this new resolution ; he had received from Europe a re-inforcemenf
(jf three thousand Germans ; and he was influenced, besides, by a
desire to open himself a passage by way of Hampton and the Janies
river, towards that fertffe and populous part of Virginia which lies
between the James and York rivers. But Point Comfort, on attentive
examinalion, was found an equally unfavorable and defective position
for an intrenched camp, and no less incompetent than Portsmouth
for the purposes in view. It was therefore determined to reUnquish
the design of fortifying It. The plan of future operations requiring,
however, the occupation ofa fixed point in the country comprehend
ed by the above mentioned rii ers, lord Cornwallis resolved lo repass
the river James with aU his a rmy, and take up his head-quarters at
Yorktown, The marquis de la Fayette was desirous to oppose his
passage ; but the Americans that were in his camp would not con
sent to march lower down towards Portsmouth,
Yorktown is a village situ; ited upon the right bank of the river
Tork, and opposite to anothe r smaller town called Gloucester, The
laUer is built upon a point of land which projects inlo the river from
the left side, and which consideiably diminishes the breadth of its
channel. The water is deep there, and capable of receiving the largest
ships of war On the right of Yorktown flaws a marshy stream ; m

388 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIV
front of the place, for the distance of a mile, the ground is open and
level. In advance of this plain is a wood, whose left extends to the
river, and whose right is bordered by a creek. Beyond the wood
the country is champaign and cultivated. CornwaUis appUed his
attention to intrench hiraself in the strongest possible manner upon
this ground.
After the affair of Jamestown, the marquis de la Fayette had
retired between the rivers Mattapony and Pamonky, the waters of
which, united, corapose the York river. Upon intelligence of the
new position taken by Cornwallis, he re-crossed the Pamonky, and
took post in the county of New Kent ; not that he intended to attack
the Enghsh ; his force did not admit of II ; but he was disposed, at
least, to harass thera, to repress their excursions, and to prevent
their foraging in the country. Washington had intrusted M. de la
Fayette with the charge of defending Virginia ; he acquitted him
self of it in the most satisfactory manner ; sometimes by his maneu
vers hoiding CornwaUis in check, and sometimes combating hira wilh
vigor, he at length conducted him to a place, where he might hope
to be seconded by the powerful French fleet that was expected upon
the American coast.
Hitherto the campaign of Virginia had presented no inconsidera
ble vicissitude of events ; but aU equally destitute of importance.
The scene was changed ; and the plan which tended, by a decisive
stroke, to put an end to the whole American war, drew day by day
more near lo its accomplishment. The American government was
informed that the count de Grasse, with his fleet and a body of land
troops, was about lo arrive. It therefore neglected no dispositions
that were demanded by the occasion, in order lo be in a situation lo
profit of the greal superiority which the affies were soon to have,
as weff by land as by sea. To this end, Washington and Rocham
beau had an interview at Welhersfield. The count de Barras, who
comraanded the French squadron at anchor in Rhode Island, was
likewise to have been present at the conference, but was detained by
other duties. The siege of New York was resolved upon between
the two generals. They agreed, that it was necessary to wrest from
tiie English that shelter, which, from the commencement of hostUities
to the present hour, had been so favorable lo their enterprises.
From that day, aff the movements of the French and Americans
were directed towards this object. They had calculated thera in
such a manner as that the appearance of the count de Grasse upon
the American coasts, should be the signal for comraencing the siege.
Clinton so dreaded the blow, that solely on this account he had
determined, as we have seen, to recaU a part of the tioops of Corn-

DOCK XIV. THE AMERICAN WAR, 389
wallis, prior to the arrival of the German corps, Washington cher
ished good hope of success in the expedition of New York ; he felt
assured that the slates of the Union, particularly those of the north,
would promptiy satisfy the requisitions which had been made them,
to furnish each a determinate number of soldiers. But they had
accoraplished only In part the desires of the commander-in-chief.
Instead of twelve or fifteen thousand continental troops that he had
hoped to assemble for an operation of this importance, he found him
self at the head of only four or five thousand regulars, and about an
equal number of mffitia. It was, however, to be considered, that the
conquest of New York would require great efforts, since general
Clinton had a garrison there of more than ten thousand men. The
enterprise could not reasonably be undertaken with so inadequate a
force. Moreover, the count de Grasse had declared that, in conse
quence of the orders of his sovereign, and of the convention he had
raade with the Spaniards in the West Indies, it would not be possible
for him to remain upon the coast of America lator than the middle
of October ; and assuredly so short a space of time would not have
.sufficed for the reduction of New York. Finally, it vvas known that
sea officers in general, ancj especiaffy the French, had no little repug
nance to crossing the bar which lies al the entrance of the harbor of
that city. AU these considerations diverted Washington from his.
purpose of besieging Nevv York. He reflected, that although his
army was too weak for that enterprise, it was nevertheless sufficient
lo act vvith great probability of success against Cornwallis in Vir
ginia ; and he accordingly decided for the more attainable object.
But the movements he had already made, having given jealousy to
Chnlon for New York, he resolved, notwithstanding that he had
changed his plan, to nourish the suspicions of his adversary by a
series of the most spirited demonstrations ; to the end that he might
not penetrate his real design, and throw obstacles in its way. In
order to lead him more speciously into the snare, he wrote letters to
the southern commanders and to members of thegovernment, inform
ing them of his determination lo attack New York. He sent these
dispatches by such ways as he knew would expose them to be inter
cepted by the enemy. The stratagem succeeded perfectly. Clin
ton, full of apprehension for a city which had become his place of
arms, was indefatigable in multiplying its defenses. In the mean
time the count de Rochambeau had set out from Rhode Island, at
the head of five thousand French, and was already advanced near
the borders of the Hudson. Washington broke up his camp at
New Windsor, and went to meet him upon the eastern bank. After
their junction, the combined armies encamped at Philipsburgh, in a

390 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIT.
situation to overawe Kingsbridge and the adjoining posts, and even
to alarm the island of New York. They afterwards actually took
post al Kingsbridge, and continued lo insult the British outposts on
all sides. Not content with these demonstrations, the principal
officers of both armies, attended by the engineers, reconnoilered the
island of New York closely on both sides from the opposite shores ;
and to render appearances the more serious, look plans of aff the
works under the fire of their batteries. At the same time, a report
of the expected daily arrival of the count de Grasse was sedulously
propagated ; and to give it full confirraation, wben they had received
advices from that commander of the time at which he hoped lo
arrive at the Chesapeake, the French troops advanced tovvards
Sandy Hook, and the coasts opposite Staten Island, wilh an apparent
view of seconding the operations of the fleet. In forcing the one and
seizing upon the olher. This deception was carried so far, as to
the establishment of a bakery near the raouth of the Rariton, and
just within the Hook.
According to these different movements of the combined army,
general Clinton no longer doubted but that New York was menaced
wilh an immediate attack: But the time was now at hand, when
this bandage, which had been drawn with so much address over the
eyes of the British commander, was ready to fall, and admit him lo
a clear view of the truth. When Washington had authentic inteffi
gence that the count de Grasse was no longer far from the Chesa
peake, he suddenly passed the Croton, then the Hudson ; and
proceeded by forced marches through New Jersey to Trenton upon
the Delaware. He gave out, however, and even persuaded the
British general by his demonstrations, that his only object vvas to
draw him out of New York, in order to fight him in the open field
with superior forces. Clinton, thinking lo defeat one shrewd turn
by another, remained behind his walls ; but the American general
issimo, having at length received advice that the French fleet was in
sight of the coasts, no longer delayed to cross the Delaware. He
marched wilh extreme celerity across Pennsylvania, and appeared
all of a sudden al the head of Elk, upon the northern extremity of
the Chesapeake bay. An hour after, so admirably had the operations
been concerted, or rather by the most fortunate accident, the count
de Grasse entered inlo the bay the twenty-eighth of August,, with
twenty-flve sail of the hne ; and no sooner was he arrived than he
set himself to execute the plan agreed upon. He blocked up the
mouths of the two rivers of York and James. By making himself
master of the first, he cut off all maritime correspondence between
Cornwaffis and New York ; by the occupation of the second, he

BOOK XIV„ THE AMERICAN WAR, 391
o]iened a communication with the marquis de la Fayette, who had
already descended as far as Wffliamsburgh, His position had occa
sioned at first some disquietude. It was feared lest Cornwallis,
perceiving at length the circle that was traced around him, might
profit of the superiority that he stili had over the marquis, to fall
upon him, overwhelm him, and thus escape into the CaroUnas, Not
a moment was lost in preventing so fatal a stroke ; three thousand
French troops erabarked in light boats, and, comraanded by the
marquis de St. Simon, ascended the James river, and made their
junction wilh the marquis de la Fayette ; he had established his
head-quarters at WilUamsburgh. The English had already much
increased the fortifications of Yorktown, and vvere stffl al work on
thera with indefatigable industry. The allies had therefore lo
expect a siege in form ; and a powerful train of heavy artillery was
indispensably necessary. Three days before the arrival of M. de
Grasse in the Chesapeake, the count de Barras had made saff from
Rhode Island with four ships of the line and some frigates or cor
vettes ; he had embarked whatever implements of siege he had
been able lo coffect. But he was not ignorant that a numerous
British squadron lay in the port of New York, and he was sensible
that the succor wilh which he was charged could not be intercept
ed withoui destroying aff hope of success. He had therefore stood
far out to sea, and, after reaching the waters of the Bahama Islands,
had shaped his course for the Chesapeake. Admiral Hood had
appeared at the entrance of that bay, with fourteen sail of the line,
the very day on which the count de Grasse had arrived there ; dis
appointed at not finding admiral Graves, whom he had counted upon
meeting in those waters, he immediately dispatched a swift-saffing
frigate to apprise him of his arrival, and proceeded, without loss of
time, to join him with all his fleet al Sandy Hook. Admiral Graves,
as we have already seen, had received no previous notice whatever
of the intended approach of Hood. His ships also had suffered
extremely by violent gales of wind, during his cruise in the waters of
Boston, and were entirely out of condition to put to sea. The chief
coramand having devolved on him, as senior officer, the moment he
was informed that the count de Barras had set sail from Rhode
Island, he had pushed the reparation of his fleet with so much activ
ity, that by the last day of August II was again fitted for sea. At
the head of nineteen sail of the line, he set sail for the Chesapeake,
which he hoped to gain before the count de Barras. It appears., that
he vvas still In total ignorance of the arrival of the count de Grasse
in that bay. As soon as the British admiral had made Cape Henry,
he discovered the French fleet, which consisted at that moment of

392 . THE AMERICAN WAR,

BOOK XIV

twenty-four sail of the Une, It extended from the cape to the bank
called the Middle Ground, Notwithstanding he had five ships less
than his adversary, Graves prepared himself instantly for action. On
the other hand, the count de Grasse, al sight of the British fleet,
slipped his cables with admirable promptitude, and, full of confi
dence in victory, advanced with press of sail to encounter the enemy.
The intention of the English was to engage as close an action as
possible. They perceived how fatal an influence the loss of so im
portant an occasion might have upon the success of the British arms,
and even upon the issue of the war, A total defeat would scarcely
have been raore prejudicial to the interests of England than a loose
and indecisive battle. It lefl the French raasters of the Chesapeake,
and lord CornwaUis still exposed lo the sarme perils. But the count
de Grasse, sensible of his advantages, would not commit to the
caprices of fortune the decision of events, which he considered him
self as already certain of controUing. This prudent course seemed
also to be prescribed him by the absence of fifteen hundred of his
seamen, vvho vvere then employed in conveying M. de St. Simon's
troops up the river James ; and the British fleet raade its appear
ance so suddenly, that there was no time for recaUing them. The
count de Grasse wished only lo arrest the eneray by partial and
distant collisions, long enough lo cover the arrival of the count de
Barras. With these opposite intentions the two adrairals advanced the one
against the other. The engagement soon became extremely warm
between their vans ; some ships of the center also look part in it.
The French, who were not willing that the action should become
too general, drew off their vanguard, vvhich had already suffered
severely. The approach of night, and the nearness of hostile shores,
dissuaded the British admiral from the resolution of renewing the
engagement. His own van had Ukewise been very roughly treated.
The ships most damaged were the Shrewsbury, the Montague, the
Ajax, the Intrepid, and the Terrible. The latter vvas so shattered
and torn, that the water gained upon all the efforts of her pumps ; she
was burnt by order of admiral Graves. The English lost in this
action, in killed and wouiided, three hundred and thirty-six sailors
and marines ; the French Uttle more than two hundred.
The hostile fleets continued for four successive days, partiy repair-
mg their daraages, and partiy maneuvering in sightofeach other; but
the French having generaUy raaintained the wind, and their raotives
for not engaging a general affair remaining alvvays the sarae, the
battie vvas not renewed. Wheri at length the count de Grasse had
advice that the count de Barras was entered sound and safe into the

BOOK XIV.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 393

Chesapeake, with his squadron and convoy, he retired from the open
sea and came to anchor in the interior of the bay. Fortune showed
herself in every thing adverse to the English, They had endeavored
to profit ofthe absence ofthe count de Grasse, to transmit dispatches
to lord CornwaUis, by the frigates Isis and Richmond ; they could
not accomplish their mission, and both feff Into the power of the
French. Admiral Graves, seeing the disastrous condition of his fleet, the sea
becoraing daily more tempestuous, and his hopes of intercepting the
convoy of M. de Barras entirely foiled, had, a few days after,
returned to New York. The French, becoming thus entirely mas
ters of the bay, disembarked, in the first place, the artiUery and
munitions of war which they had brought from Rhode Island, and
then employed the transports, with the frigates and light vessels of the
fleet, in conveying the army of Washington from Annapolis to the
mouth of James river, and thence to WiUiamsburgh. At the head
of Elk, the combined army had not been able to collect shipping
enough for this passage.
Thus CornwaUis found himself restricted to ihe-place he occupied.
By an 'admirable concurrence of well concerted operations, and of
circumstances the most auspicious to his adversaries, his troops, still
seven thousand strong, were surrounded on every side. An army of
twenty thousand combatants, of which only a fifth part vvere militia,
invested Yorktown upon every point on the side of the land, while a
fleet of near thirty sail of the line, and a multitude of li.Q:ht vessels,
stationed al the mouths of the rivers James and York, rendered -;lic
blockade of the place as complete as possible. The head-quarters
ofthe combined army had been estabUshed at first in WiUiamsburgh,
a city which is only a few miles distant from Yorktown. Care had
been taken, however, to detach a considerable corps, consisting
mostly of cavalry, under the conduct of M. de Choisy and general
Wieden, to encamp on the left bank of the York, before the viUage
of Gloucester, in prder to prevent the English from issuing thence lo
forage. The French had taken post before Yorktown, on the left of
the camp, extending from the river above the town to the morass in
the center, where they were met by the Americans, who occupied
the right from the river lo that spot.
General Clinton had it very much at heart to extricate Cornwallis ;
and in consequence, while admiral Graves was under sail for the
Chesapeake, had meditated a diversion in Connecticut, He hoped,
by insulting that province, to draw thither a part of the American
forces ; knowing but too weU that If they were left at liberty to push'
the siege of Yorktown, the blockaded armv must inevitably surrender

394 THE AMEBICAN WAB,

BOOK XIV,

The principal object of this expedition was lo seize New London, a
rich and fiourishing town, situated upon the New Thames, The
command of it was given to Arnold, who had just returned lo New
York from his inroad into Virginia,
The access of the port of Nevv London vvas rendered difficult by
two forts erecled upon the opposite banks ; one called fort Trum
bull, the other Griswold, The royalists, having disembarked, unex
pectedly, at daybreak, carried the first withoui much effort ; but the
siicond made a vigorous resistance. Colonel Ledyard had promptly
thrown hiraself inlo it with a body of miliria, and the work itself vvas
very strong, consisting In a walled square vvith flanks. The royal
troops nevertheless attacked with extreme vigor and gallantry ; they
were received with no less bravery and resolution. Afler a very
heavy fire on both sides, the English, with the uimost difficulty and
severe loss, effected a lodgment upon the fraizing, and al length made
their way good, wilh fixed bayonets, through the embrasures, not
withstanding the fierce defense made by the garrison, who, now
changing their weapons, fought desperately hand lo hand with long
spears. The assailants, when finally masters of the place, massacred
as well those who surrendered as those who resisted. The town of
New London itself was laid in ashes ; it is not known whether by
design or chance. A great nu.Tiber of vessels, richly laden, fell into
the power of Arnold. This first success obtained', the English, seeing
no movement made in their favor, and observing, on the contrary, the
most menacing dispositions among the-inhabitanls, decided for retreat.
It was signaUzed by the raost horrible devastations. This expedition
was, on their part, but a piratical inroad, absolutely withoui utility.
f n vain did they endeavor lo make a great noise with their march,
and their bloody executions in Connecticut ; Washington scarcely
deigned to notice it. Unshaken in his prior designs, he knew per
fectly that whoever should triumph at Yorktown would have decided
the whole oflbis campaign In his favor. Instead, Iherefore, of send
ing troops into Connecticut, he drew them all inlo Virginia.
Of the two attempts made lo succor CornwalUs, the naval battle,
and the diversion against New London, neither had obtained its
object. Clinton assembled aU the principal officers of his army in
councU, in order to take their opinion upon the most prudent course
to be pursued in the present circumstances. Admiral Digby had
just arrived from Europe al New York, with three ships of the line,
another ship of the sarae force, and several frigates had also repaired
thither from the West Indies, And although, notwithstanding these
different re-inforcements, the British fleet was still inferior lo that ol
Prance, yet the pressure of the peril, and the importance of the con-

BOOK XIV, THE AMERICAN WAR, 395
juncture, determined the British commanders to put to sea, and
hasten to the relief of the besieged army. They would have wished
not to defer an instant the execution of their resolution ; but the
refitting of the ships damaged in the late engagement, constrained
thera to wait. They hoped, however, that nothing would detain
them later than the fifth of October, This is what Clinton announced
lo CornwaUis in a dispatch written in ciphers, which, notwithstand
ing the extreme vigilance of the besiegers, reached him the twenty-
ninth of September. This letter made such an impression upon the
mind of Cornwallis, that he abandoned all his outposts and defenses,
and withdrew entirely within the works of the place. This resolu
tion has been much censured by experienced military raen ; and
some even of the superior officers of the garrison, opposed it openly.
Though the general-in-chief wrote that he had every reason to hope
his re-inforcements would set saff from New York the fifth of Octo
ber, should not Cornwaffis have reflected that a multitude of unfore
seen causes might derange this plan ; in a word, that of all human
enterprises, maritime expeditions are the most exposed to the acci
dents of fortune ? All his cares, all his efforts, should therefore have
tended to prolong his defense ; and the outer works afforded him
the means for it. They were sufficiently strong ; nothing had been
neglected in that respect, and the troops were numerous enough lo
man them suitably. Is it possible, therefore, not to disapprove the
determination taken by Cornwallis to crowd his army into a town, or
rather inlo an intrenched camp, the works of vvhich were slUl imper
fect ? Except, perhaps, upon the declivity of the hill towards the
river, the British troops were exposed on all sides to be raked by the
artillery of the enemy.
It may be presumed that in contracting his defenses, the British
general flattered himself this apparent indication of fear vvould re
double the temerity of the French, and that by rushing immediately
to the assault, Ihey vvould place in his hand.s a certain and decisive
victory. But Washington was as prudent as intrepid ; and the
French generals, in those distant regions, showed themselves with
leason extremely sparing of the blood of Ihe/r soldiers. An unani
mous sentiment, moreover, repulsed every measure that could render
doubtful an enterprise having such fair pretensions to be considered
as certain. It vvas therefore resolved to open trenches, and lo cany
oa the siege in form, before attempting any attack vvith open force
against the body of the place.
Yorktown, as we have already said, is situated upon the right bank
of the river York, Its narrow circuit now comprised the definitive
fate of aU the war. The English had surrounded it with fortifications

396 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIV,
of different kinds. On the right or upper part, they had walled it
vvith a chain of redoubts, curtained one to another by a parapet and
palisade. The redoubts were fraized and palisaded, and were
covered besides by abatlis and breastworks. A morassy ravine
extended along the front ofihese works. The besieged had erecled
upon it another large redoubt with palisades and ditch ; this vvas the
strongest side of the place. In front, that is, in the center of the
circuit of the place, before which the morass becarae inundated, the
defenses consisted in a Une of strong palisades, and in batteries which
commanded the dikes over which it was necessary to cross the ravine.
Upon the left flank of this front had been constructed a horn work,
in like raanner defended by a ditch and palisade ; and although not
yet entirely completed, it was in. such forwardness as already to have
opened several embrasures. As to the lefl, or lower part, it was
likewise fortified wilh redoubts and batteries interlinked by an
earthen parapet. Two other smaller, and not yet finished redoubts,
had been erected at a certain distance without towards the country,
in order the more effectually to cover this side, against which il was
presumed the principal attack would be directed. The adjacent
grou.nd vvas flat, or furrowed by ravines, and consequentiy favorable
to the besiegers. The space comprised within the fortifications was
extremely circumscribed, and afforded no safely lo the garrison.
Upon the opposite side of the river, the village of Gloucester had been
surrounded wilh earthen works, furnished vvith artillery where the
position admitted ; but these works were of Uttie iraportance. The
trenches were opened by the allied armies in the night, between the
sixth and seventh of October. Notwithstanding the violent fire of
the besieged, they pushed their works with so much perseverance,
that soon they had completed their first parallel, erecled the batteries,
and covered thera with lillie less than a hundred pieces of heavy
ordnance. The thickest walls could not have withstood the shock of
so heavy a fire, much less those of Yorktown, which were not com
pleted. So far vvere they from that stale, that the British troops were
not less employed in their construction under the fire of the enemy,
iJian they were in their defense. In a few days most of their guns
vvere silenced, their defenses in raany places ruined, and the sheUs
reached even the ships in the harbor, where the Charon of forty-four
guns, with some of the transports, were burnt. It was manifest that
valor was impotent against so formidable means of attack, and, conse
quentiy, that the defensecould not be of long duration. The artillery
ofthe Americans was commanded by general Knox, vvho in this siege,
as in all the other actions of the war, displayed the talents of a
consummate engineer. He had formed his cannoniers with such

BOOK XIV.

THE AMERICAN WAB. 397

success, that tiie French themselves were astonished at the precision
of tneir maneuvers.
In the midst of so many perffs, Cornwallis received a dispatch from
CUnlon, which held out the hope that if the winds and unforeseen
accidents did not prevent, the relief would sail from New York the
twelfth of October. He reminded him, however, that a plan of this
nature was subject lo a thousand unlucky casualties ; that he wished,
therefore, lo be informed if it was deemed possible lo hold out till
the middle of November ; his intention, in the contrary case, beino,
lo march himself by way of the land, and to faff upon Phffadelphia.
He could not, doubtless, have undertaken a more efficacious diver
sion In favor of the besieged. Such were the formal promises of
general Clinton to lord Cornwaffis. How, it raay be asked, could
the English have deceived themselves so grossly wilh respect to the
tirae necessary for the reparation of their ships, that instead of de
parting from New York the fifth of October, as they had announced,
they did not make saff until the nineteenth ? This miscalculation
seems difficult lo be accounted for. It is certain only that the
promise of succors, and their unexpected delay, occasioned the loss
of the army. In the firm expectation of being soon relieved, Corn
wallis persisted In his defense, and thus abstained from resorting lo
the means of safely that were in his power. If il be just lo acknowl
edge a motive of excuse for his conduct in the first letter, by which
Clinton assured hira that the fleet would sel saff the fifth of October,
ff will still remain very difficult to- justify the resolution to which he
adhered, when he had been apprised by a second dispatch, that the
squadron could not put to sea untff the twelfth, a dispatch which left
room for doubts even with respect lo that. Among the principal
officers of the garrison commanded by lord CornwalUs, there
were not wanting those who advised him lo evacuate a place
so Uttle, susceptible of a long defense, and to transport his army
suddenly to the lefl side of the river, where there vvas still left
him a way lo escape from the fate that menaced him. They urged
him lo withdraw in the night to Gloucester wilh the greater part of
his army. This passage might be effected easily wilh the shipping
that lay in the harbor. The superiority of force, and the surprise ol
an unexpected attack, precluded all doubt of their being able to dis
perse the corps of M. de Choisy, who Invested Gloucester. The
Brihsh army would thus find Itself in that fertile country which is
situated between the York and the Rappahanock. Not having yet
been made the seat of war, It was sure to afford horses and provision
in abundance. By forced marches II would be possible lo gain an
hundred mffes upon the enemy, and lo protect the retreat by a rear

398 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK xir.

guard of three thousand picked men, both infantry and cavalry
Once masters of the country beyond the York, they would be at
liberty to march upon Philadelphia, and there join general Clinton
who would have repaired thither through New Jersey, or to bend
their course towards the Carolinas, keeping the upper route, in order
to pass the rivers above the points where they divide into several
branches. Either of these ways offered some hope of safety, since
Washington, for want of shipping, would not be able lo cross the
river soon enough to follow the British army ; and not knowing the
direction it would have taken, he would be obUged to divide his
troops into several detachments. And even in the supposition that
he was apprised in time of their march, his pursuit would not be
prompt enough to come up with them ; since lodgings and subsist
ence for so numerous an army must necessarily fail hira. - By
remaining here,' added the partisans of this opinion, ' we devote
ourselves to certain destruction ; by opening ourselves a passage, we
may yet find safety. We shaU, in any event, have the consolation of
thinking that so magnanimous an attempt wffl shed nevv lustre upon
the arms of the king. If il is fated that so gaffanl an army cannot
escape captivity, let this not be lill after It has exerted its utmost
force to avert it, and after having acquired an honored name and
bright fame among the brave ! '
Lord Cornwallis, whatever might have been his raotives, would
never listen to these salutary counsels ; he persisted in his deter
mination lo defend hiraself behind walls that were indefensible
Perhaps he persuaded himself that he could prolong his resistance
until the arrival of relief, and thus escape the blame to whieh he
exposed himself on the part of his sovereign, in hazarding his
array by an attempt to retreat. Perhaps, also, the uncertainty of
saving it by this resource, appeared to him as great as that of the
arrival of succors. But whatever was the private opinion of the
British general, it could have no influence upon that fatal issue which
was rapidly approaching. The besiegers had already commenced
the labors ofthe second parallel, and their activity seemed lo increase
every day. They were now bu' three hundred yards from the place.
The English endeavored to airest them by a deluge of bombs and
balls. But the artillery of the hrst parallel kept up so heavy a fire,
that the besieged, far from being able lo interrupt the labors of the
second, soon beheld all their batteries upon their left flank dismount
ed. This event was the raore prejudicial lo them, as it was against
that very part that the allies directed their principal attack. In order
to complete their trenches, il remained for them to dislodge the Eng
lish from the two advanced redoubts of vvhii b we have made mention

BOOK xrv.

THE AMERICAN WAR, 399

above. Washington gave orders that they should be carried by
assault. With a view of exciting eraulation between the two nations,
the attack on the redoubt upon the right was committed lo the
Americans, and of the other to the French. The American detach
ment was commanded by the marquis de la Fayette and by colonel
Hamilton, aid-de-camp of the coraraander in chief, a young man of
the highest expectation. They were accompanied by colonel Lau
rens, son of the former president of congress, who was at that lime
confined in the tower ofLondon. He was also a youth of the fairest
hope, and would infaUibly have furnished a brilliant career if an un
timely death had not snatched him from his family, and from his
country. The baron de Viomesnil, the count Charles de Daraas,
and the count de Deux Ponts, commanded the French. The
commanders addressed their soldiers a short exhortation to in
flame their courage ; they represented that this last effort vvould
bring them to the term of their glorious toils. The attack was
extremely impetuous. On its success depended in a great meas
ure that of the siege. Relying entirely upon their bayonets, the
Americans advanced wilh unloaded arms ; they passed the abaltis
-and palisades without waiting to remove them. The EngUsh, as
tonished at so much audacity, attempted in vain to pul themselves
upon defense. "The humaniiy of the conquerors equaled their
courage. They granted life lo aU those who demanded it, notwith
standing the cruelties recently committed at New London. Youno-
Laurens gained great credit upon this occasion, and personaUy look
the commanding officer prisoner. The Joss vvas very moderate
on both sides. The redoubt upon the left cost more efforts ; but at
length, the French chasseurs and grenadiers, animated by the exam
ple of their chiefs, carried it with the'bayonet. This double conquest
was no less useful lo the allies than it was honorable for tiieir arm?
Washington presented the two regiraents of Gatinois and Deux Pont?,
who had contributed to it, with the two pieces of cannon which they
had taken. The besieged made no atterapt to recover the two
redoubts. The besiegers hastened to include them in the second
parallel, which before the next morning was entirely cocipleled.
The situation of the garrison was become so critical, that it could no
longer hope for safety.. Cornwaffis foresaw perfectly, that when the
besiegers should have opened the fire of the batteries of their second
paraUel, all means of resistance would fail him. The greater part
of his artiUery was dismounted, broken, or otherwise disabled ; the
walls were crumbled into the ditches ; in a word, almost all the de
fenses vvere rased. Having lost the use of his heavy artillery, the

400 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIT.
British commander gave with difficulty some .sipn of resistance by
firing al Intervals vvith his howitzers and small mortars.
In this state of things Cornwallis, in order lo retard as much as
was in his power the completion of the batteries upon the second
parallel, resolved to reach thera by a vigorous sortie. He did not
flatter himself, however, that even by this expedient he should be able
to extricate himself from the alarming position he was in, nor yet to
protract his defense for any considerable space of time. He wrote
to general Clinton, that being exposed every moment to an assault
in ruined works, and an almost open town, with a garrison weakened
by sickness, the distress of Yorktown vvas such that he could not
recommend to the fleet and army to run any great risk in endeavor
ing to save it.
Meanwhile a detachment sallied from the place, on the night of
the sixteenth of October, under the conduct of colonel Abercrom
bie. They deceived the enemy by answering as Araericans ; and
having penetrated to the second parallel, made themselves masters of
two batteries, the one French and the other American. The French,
who had the guard of that part of the intrenchment, suffered con
siderably. The English spiked eleven pieces of cannon, and would
have done much raore mischief, if the viscount de Noailles had not
charged thera furiously, and driven them before him into the town.
This sortie was not of the least advantage to the besieged. The
cannon, which were hastily spiked, were soon again rendered fit for
service. The fire of the place was entirely extinct. Scarcely did il throw
from time to time a cohorn shell inlo the camp of the besiegers ; and
this last source of defense vvas nearly expended. The garrison was
sensibly enfeebled by disease ; fatigue and discouragement over
whelmed even the soldiers who remained for service. AU hope
was vanished ; an assault must prove irremediable. Straitened
on all sides, CornwaUis was constrained to resort lo new expe
dients. He had recourse lo a measure -which he ought lo have
embraced before it was loo late ; and that was, to pass the river
suddenly wilh hisgarr'ison,and to try fortune upon the opposite bank.
He reflected, that even if it was not in his power to escape the enemy
entirely, he had al least the hope of retarding the moment of his
surrender ; and that, in any event, the allies occupied in pursuing him,
would not so soon have it in their power lo turn their thoughts and
arms upon new enterprises. The boats are prepared ; the troops
embark ; they leave behind the baggage, the sick and wounded, and
a feeble detachment, in order lo capitulate for the town's people,
witn a letter from Cornwallis to Washington, recommending to the

BOOK XIV.

THE AMERICAN WAR. 401

generosity of the conqueror the persons not in a condition to be
removed. Already a part of the troops are landed at Gloucester
Point ; another embarks ; the third division only Is wailed for ; a
perfect calm prevails in the Eiir and upon the waters ; every thing seem
ed to favor the design of the British commander. But all of a sud
den, at that critical moment of hope, apprehension and danger, arose
a violent storm of wind and rain, and all vvas lost. The boats were
aU driven down the river, and the army, thus weakened and divided,
was involved in a slate of the most imminent danger. The day be
gan to appear. The besiegers opened a tremendous fire from all
tiieir batteries ; the bombs showered copiously even into the rivet-.
But the tempest, in the meantime, had abated ; the boats were able
lo return, and the English, finding this last way of safely Interdicted
them by inexorable fortune, came back, not without new perils, to
that shore, vvhere a certain death or an Inevitable captivity awaited
them. Again in Yorktown, CornwaUis being sensible that his
position was now past all remedy, and preferring the life of his brave
troops lo the honor they might have acquired in a murderous and
desperate assault, sent a flag to Washington, proposing a cessation of
arras for twenty-four hours, and that commissioners might be appoint
ed on both sides for settUng the terms of capitulation. The Amer-
icpn general was not disposed to grant so long a lime, on account
of the possible arrival of British succors. He answered, that he
could only grant a truce of two hours ; and that during this interval
he should expect the propositions of the British commander. Corn
wallis vvas desirous that his troops might obtain the liberty of return
ing to their respective countries, the English to England, the Ger
raans into Germany, upon giving their parole not to bear arms against
France or America untff exchanged. He demanded, besides, the
regulation of the interests of those Americans, who, having followed
the British army, found themselves involved in its fale. Both of
these conditions were alike refused ; the first, because it vvas not In
tended to leave the king of England al liberty to employ his captive
regiraents in the home garrisons ; the second, because it was a civil
affair, and not within the competence of the military commanders,
As to this last article, Cornwallis prosecuted the negotiation of it
with so much ardor, that he al length obtained permission to dispatch
the sloop Bonetta to New York, wilh the privilege of passing without
search oi visit, he being only answerable that the number of persons
she conveyed should be accounted for as prisoners of war upon
exchange. Afler various discussions, the two hostile generals having
agreed upon the terms of capitulation, the commissioners charged
with drawing It up convened In a habitation near the river, called
von u. 26

402 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIT.
Moore's house ; they were, on the part of the English, the colonels
Dundas and Ross ; on the part of the allies, the viscount de Noailles
and colonel Laurens The posts of York and Gloucester were sur
rendered on the nineteenth of October. The land forces became
prisoners lo America, and the seamen to France. The officers
retained their arms and baggage. The soldiers vvere to be kept
together as much as possible in regiments, and to be cantoned in
Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania ; a part of the officers engaged
to accompany the corps into the interior ofthe country; the others
were at liberty to go upon parole either lo England or New York,
The Bonetta, on her return from that city, vvas to be deUvered lo
the count de Grasse. All the shipping and naval munitions vvere
put inlo the hands ol the French, The British flotffia consisted of
two frigates, the Guadaloupe and Fowey, besides about twenty trans
ports ; twenty others had been burnt during the siege. The Amer
icans had for their portion the field artfflery. They found in York-
town and Gloucester a hundred and sixty pieces of cannon, the
greater part brass, and eight mortars. The number of prisoners,
exclusive of seamen, amounted to upwards of seven thousand. Out
of this number, more than two thousand vvere wounded or sick.
The besieged had about five hundred and fifty slain ; but they lost
no officer of note except major Cochrane. On the side of the be
siegers, about four hundred and fifty were killed or wounded.
When the garrison had deposited their arms, they were conducted
to the places of their destination. The talents and bravery displayed
in this siege by the allies, won them an immortal glory ; and they
still enhanced it by the humanity and generosity with which they
treated their prisoners. The French officers, in particular, honored
themselves by the most delicate behavior. They seemed to have
no other cares but that of consoling the vanquished by every mark
of the most sympathising inteiest. Not content with professions,
they made the English the most pressing offers of money, both pub
lic and private. Lord Cornwallis in his public letters acknowledged
in warm terms the magnaniraity of this conduct.
The fate of Yorktown and its defenders was thus decided, when
the twenty-fourth of October, the British fleet, consisting of twenty-
five saff of the line, wilh two of fifty guns and several frigates, ap
peared al the entrance of the Chesapeake. It had made sail from
New York the nineteenth, the day of the capitulation ; il brought a
corps of seven thousand men lo the succor of Cornwallis. Upon
positive intelligence of the catastrophe of Yorktown, the British
commanders, fiUed wilh grief and consternation, re-conducted iheir
forces to New York.

BOOK XIV, THB AMERICAN WAR, 403
At the news of so glorious, so important a victory, transports of
exultation broke out from one extremity of America to the other.
The remembrance of past evils gave place, in aff minds, to the most
brilliant hopes. Nobody dared longer to doubt of independence
If the victory of Saratoga had produced the aUiance with France,
that of Yorktown was tohave the effect of estabUshing, on an unshak
en basis, the liberty of the American people. If the one had been
the cause of the successes of the war, the other was about to create
the blessings of an honorable peace. In all parts of the United
States, solemn festivals and rejoicings celebrated the triumph of
American fortune and the downfall of that of the enemy. The
names of Washington, of Rochambeau, de Grasse, la Fayette,
resounded every vvhere. To the unanimous acclaim of the people,
the congress joined the authority of its decrees. It addressed thanks
to the generals as well as to the officers and soldiers of the victori
ous army. It ordained, that there should be erected at Yorktown of
Virginia, a marble column, adorned wilh emblems of the alliance
between the United Stales and the king of France, and inscribed
with a succinct narrative of the surrender of the earl CornwaUis. It
decreed, that Washington should be presented wilh two stands of
British colors ; the count de Rochambeau with two pieces of can -
non, and that his most christian majesty should be requested to per
mit the count de Grasse lo accept a like present. The congress
repaired in body to the principal church of Philadelphia, to render
their joyful thanksgivings to the most high God for the recent victory.
By a special decree, the thirteenth of December was appointed to
be observed as a day of prayer and acknowledgment for so signal
an evidence of the divine protection.
The demonstrations of public gratitude towards the captain-general,
were not confined to these honors. The provincial assemblies, the
universities, the literary societies, addressed hipi the sincere homage
of their felicitations and admiration. He answered with exemplary
modesty, that he had done no more than what his duty required of
him ; he vvas eloquent in extolling the valor of the army, and the
efficacious assistance of an ally no less generous than powerful.
Washington would have wished so to profit of the conjuncture as
to expel the British entirely from the American contineirt". He
meditated in particular the recovery of Charleston. His design
might have been put in execution, if the count de Grasse had been
al liberty lo remain longer upon the American coasts ; but the express
orders of his government recaUed him lo the West Indies. He made
saff for those islands the fifth of Novembei, laking with him the corps
which had served under the marquis de St. Simon. The troops:

404 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIT.
which had reduced Yorktown vvere marched In part upon the banks
of the Hudson, to watch the motions of Clinton, who had stiff a great
force at New York. The rest were sent lo the Carolinas to re-in
force general Gieene, and confirm the authority of congress in those
provinces. The EngUsh totally evacuated the open country, and
withdrew behind the walls of Charleston and Savannah. The mar
quis de la Fayette embarked about the same time for Europe, bear
ing wilh him the affection and the regrets of the Araericans. The
congress, while testifying their high satisfaction wilh his services,
prayed hira to advocate the interests of the United States with the
Frencii ministry, and to recommend them especially lo the benevo
lenre of his most christian majesty. Washington repaired to Phila
delphia, where he had frequent conferences wilh the congress upon
military operations, and the business of the stale. Thanks to his
cares and activity, the service of the war department vvas secured for
the foUowing year much earlier than il had ever been before.
Such was the termination of the carapaign of Virginia, which was
well nigh being that of all the Araerlcan war. The disaster of York-
town so prostrated the British power upon that continent, that thence
forth the English, utterly despairing of being able lo re-establish it,
abandoned aU ideaof acting offensively, and thought only of defend
ing theraselves. Wilh the exception of strong places, or countries
accessible to their powerful navy, such as the province of New York,
the contiguous islands, and the cities of Charleston and Savannah, all
the territory was recovered Into the power of congress. Thus, by a
sudden reverse of fortune, the victors became vanquished ; thus tiiose,
who, in the course of a cruel war, had learned from their enemies
themselves how to wage it, made such proficiency in the art as in
their turn to give lessons to their masters.
The arms of England were not more fortunate in the West Indies
than they had been upon the American continent. The marquis de
Bouille was inforraed that the governor of St. Eustatius, relying upon
the strength of the island, or upon the absence of the fleet of the
count de Grasse, kept a very negligent guard. Withoui loss of tirae
he erabarked, at Martinico, twelve hundred regular troops vvith some
militia in.three frigates, one coi-vette and four smaller armed vessels.
He sailaif immediately for St. Eustatius. To confirm the enemy in
that profound security to which he abandoned himself, he gave out
that he was going lo meet the French armament on its return from
America. He appeared in sight of the island the twenty-fifth of
Noveraber. But formidable obstacles awaited him there; an
unusually rough sea not only prevented him from landing all his
troops, but even rendered it Impracticable for the frigates to approach

BOOK XIV. THE AMER/ CAN WAR. 405
the shore, and the boats were dashed in pieces against the rocks.
The activity of the marquis de Bouille enabled him, after unprece
dented efforts, to put ashore four hundred soldiers of the Irish legion
vvith the chasseurs of two French regiments. This detachment,
separated from the rest of the troops by the fury of the sea, was
exposed lo the most imminent danger ; it was about to encounter a
garrison consisting of seven hunared veteran soldiers. But the
marquis de Bouille, with the presence of mind that characterized
hira, immediately took the only determination that could lead him to
success ; and that was to push rapidly forward, and seize by surprise
what he was In no condition to carry by force. He appeared unex
pectedly under the walls of the fortress ; such was his celerity, and
such the negligence of the enemy, that he found a part of the garrison
exercising in fuff security upon the esplanade. The day had but
just commenced. The rest of the soldiers were dispersed in the
barracks and houses. Deceived by the red coats of the Irish, the
garrison look them at first for EngUsh ; they were first made sensible
of their error by a discharge of musketry, at half portlce, which killed
several, and wounded a great number. They were thrown into con
fusion ; governor Cockburne, who returned at this moment from a
promenade on horseback, came up, on hearing the strange noise,
and was made prisoner. Meanwhile, the French chasseurs had
pushed rapidly behind the English, and had already reached the gate
of the fortress. The EngUsh rushed into It tumultuously, and
attempted to raise the drawbridge; but the French, still more
prompt, threw themselves in pell mell with them. Surprised upon
all points, and unable to rally, the garrison laid down arms and sur
rendered. Thus the island of St. Eustatius fell inlo the power of
the French. The booty they made was Immense ; twenty pieces of
cannon were the fruit of victory. A million of Uvres, which had been
put in sequestration by the English, was forthwith restored by the
generous victor to the Dutch, from whom it had been wrested.
Governor Cockburne claimed a sum of two hundred and sixty-four
thousand Uvres as belonging lo him personally ; it was assigned him
with the same liberality. But the marquis de Bouille thought he
had right to distribute among his troops sixteen hundred thousand
livres appertaining to admiral Rodney, general Vaughan and other
British officers ; as being the produce of the sales they had made at
St. Eustatius. Thus M. de la Molte Piquet, at first, then the mar
quis de Bouille, stripped the plunderers of this Island of the riches
they had amassed In it ; they had scarcely any thing left of all their
spoffs. The neighboring islands of Saba and St. Martin came Uke
wise the next day into the power of the French.

406 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XlV
1782. In the commencement of the following month of February,
a squadron of seven light vessels armed for war, under the command
ofthe count de Kersainl, recovered lo Hoffand the colonies of Deme
rary, Issequibo and Berbice ; so that all the conquests of admiral
Rodney, on which the British nation had founded the most brilliant
hopes of mercantile advantage, were wrested from it wilh as much
promptitude and facffity as they had been made. As to France, the
fireservation of the Cape of Good Hope, and the retaking of the
Dutch colonics in America, acquired her the reputation of a faithful
and disinterested ally, and thus considerably increased the nuraber of
her partisans in HoUand. After the conquest of St. Eustatius, the
return of the count de Grasse decided the French lo follow up their
victories. Their superiority, both in land and naval forces, authorized
them, in effect, to entertain hopes of the most important successes.
They direcled their views al first towards the opulent island of Bar
badoes. Its position, to windward of all the others, renders il very
proper for securing the domination of them. Twice they embarkea
upon this expedition with all the means fitted to ensure its success,
and twice they were driven back by contrary winds. Il was neces
sary that the efforts of human valor should yield to the power of the
elements. The French commanders then determined to attack the
.'sland of St. Christophers, situated to leeward of Martinico. The
3ount de Grasse arrived there the' eleventh of January, with thirty -
two saff of the Une, and six thousand men, under the marquis de
Bouille. The fleet anchored in the road of Basse Terre, and the
troops Were disembarked. The inhabitants of the island vvere dis
contented with the British government; they had always condemned
the American war, and they considered themselves, besides, aggrieved
by certain acts of parliament. Their indignation was extreme,
raoreover, that the merchandise vvhich they deposited in the ware
houses of St. Eustatius, had been so shamefuUy pillaged by Rodnej
and Vaughan. Consequently, instead of laking arms against the
French, they remained tranquil spectators of evenls.
The British retired from Basse Terre upon Brimstone Hill. Their
force consisted of seven hundred regulars, who were afterwards joined
by about three hundred militia. The governor of the island was
general Frazer, a very aged officer. The miUtia were commanded
by general Shirley, governor of Antigua. Brinistone Hiffis a steep
and almost inaccessible rock. Il rises upon the sea shore, not far
from the little town of Sandy Hiff, vvhich is considered thesecond of
theisland, and situated about ten miles from Basse Terre, vvhich is
thecapilal. The fortifications constructed upOn the summit of Brim
stone Hill, were by no mean-? coi respondent to its natural strtngth.

BOOK XIV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 407
They were, besides, too extensive to be susceptible of an efficient de
fense by so feeble a garrison. No sooner were the French dlsembarkedj
than they marched in four columns to invest the hiU on all its faces
at once. As the artillery of the place incommoded them exceeding
ly, they found themselves necessitated to proceed vvith much regular
ity and caution. They opened trenches, and covei-ed themselves by
breaslwo'ks. They vvere almosi entirely destitute of heavy artillery,
the ship that bore it having foundered near Sandy Point. Tlieir
industry and patience, however, succeeded in recovering from the
bottom of the sea the greater part of the pieces. They hastened
also to procure them frora the neighboring islands. They likewise
made themselves masters of some heavy cinnon at the foot of the
mountain, which had been sent from England a long time before, and
vvhich, through the negligence of the governor, had not been carried
Into the fortress. Independent of this artiUery, a considerable quan
tity of bombs and cannon-ball fell into the power of the French
Thus the arms and amraunition, sent by the British governraent for
the defense of the island, were lefl to be employed for its reduction.
The late surprise of St. Eustatius ought, however, lo have put the
commandant of St. Christophers upon the alert.
The French, thus finding themselves provided with the apparatus
necessary for their operations, established themselves upon the most
commanding of the neighboring heights, and began lo batter the
fortress. The garrison defended themselves valiantly, and with more
effect than could have been expected from their smaU number.
In the meantime, admiral Hood returned from the coasts of
America to CarUsle bay, in the island of Barbadoes, vvith twenty-tv.'o
sail of the line. Upon intelligence of the peril of St. Christophers,
notwithstanding the great inferiority of his force to that of the count
de Grasse, he put lo sea again iraraediately for the relief of the island
attacked. He first touched at Antigua lo lake on board general
Prescott with a corps of about two thousand men, and then sailed
without delay for the road of Basse Terre, in St. Christophers. At
the unexpected appearance of the British fleet, the count de Grasse
instantly took his resolution ; he weighed anchor, and sailed forth
with to meet the enemy. His inlenrion, in standing out of tiie har
bor, was to put himself in condition to take advantage of the
superiority of his force, and lo prevent Hood from anchoring off
Sandy Point, whence he might easily have thrown succors into the
fort on Brimstone Hiff. The British admiral, vvho observed the
movements of his adversary, made a feint of intending to await the
battle ; then, al' at once, fell back, in order to draw the count de
Grasse more and more distant from the fort. As soon as hn had

408 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK XIV.
effected this object, avaffing himself of the swiftness of his ships and
the advantage of the wind, he stood inlo tne bay of Basse Terre, and
came to anchor in the same spot whence the French admiral had
departed. This able maneuver vvas admired by the French them
selves. They followed, however, and with their van engaged that
of the English, but to little effect. The count de Grasse afterwards
presented himself ' wilh all his fleet al the entrance of the bay.
The attack was extremely vigorous ; but the British ships, lying
fast at anchor In a line across the mouth of the harbor, afforded no
assaffable point. The French were unable to make the least effec
tive impression, and lost not a few men in the attempt. It vvas
followed, however, by a second, which had no better success. The
count de Grasse then renounced open force, and contented himself
with cruising near enough to block up the British fleet in the bay,
and protect the convoys of munitions which were on their way to him
from Martinico and Guadaloupe.
Admiral Hood, on finding that the French had given up aU
thoughts of disturbing him in his anchorage, pul ashore general
Prescott, with a corps of thirteen hundred men ; that general, having
driven In a French post stationed in that part, encaraped in a strong
position upon the heights. He hoped to find some favorable occasion
to succor the fortress. The strength of the place seeraed to prom
ise him that general Frazer would be able to hold oat still for a long
tirae. Admiral Hood, moreover, had received positive advice, that
Rodney was not far off, and that he had brought from Europe a
re-inforcement of twelve sail of the line. Il appeared to hira impos
sible that after the junction of all the British forces, the count de
Grasse, and still less the marquis de Bouille, should be able to keep
the field.
The capture of all the French troops then on shore was in his
opinion an InfaUible event. But, in spite of all calculations, already
the marquis de BouUle, having marched two thousand men against
general Prescott, had compeUed him lo evacuate the island and
re-embark precipitately. On the other hand, the French artillery
kept up so terrible a fire against Brimstone HiU, that a number of
breaches began to open in the walls ; one of them in the part fronting
the French camp was already practicable. A general assault vvould
inevitably carry the place. The governor did not think proper to
await this terrible extremity. All hope being now extinct, he de
manded to capitulate. The conditions granted hira were lionoraDle
for the soldiers, and advantageous for the inhabitants of the island.
In consideration of their gallant defense, the generals Frazer and
Shirley were left in perfect liberty upon their parole. The surrender

BOOK XIV. THE AMERICAN WAR.

409

of Brimstone Hill placed the whole island of St. Christophers in the
povver of the French. Admiral Hood, Iherefore, had no longer a
motive for maintaining his anchorage in the bay of Basse Terre ;
and, moreover, his fleet was in sorae degree exposed there to the fire
of the batteries which the French might have established upon the
shore. Nor could he overlook the importance of effecting his junc
tion wilh admiral Rodney, who was daily expected, and who perhaps
was already arrived al Barbadoes. Retreat, however, was perilous
in the presence of so formidable a force as the French fleet. But
the conjuncture admitted of no hesitation. Accordingly, in the night
that followed the capitulation, the French being four leagues off, the
English cut their cables in order to gel under way al the same
time, and thus keep their ships more collected and together. This
maneuver succeeded perfectly ; they gained Barbadoes without op
position. Great was their joy at meeting Rodney In that island, who
had just arrived there with twelve saff of the line. The count de
Grasse incurred, on this head, the most violent reproaches of negli
gence and excessive circumspection. It was maintained, that he
should have closely blockaded the British fleet in its anchorage, or
attacked it at its departure, or else pursued It in its retreat. His
partisans defended him, by alledging that he experienced an extreme
scarcity of provisions ; that his ships were by no means so good
sailers as those of the enemy, and finally, that he was under an
absolute necessity of returning promptly lo Martinico, in order to
cover the arrival of convoys which were expected there from Eu
rope. However these things might be, it remains demonstrated that
the junction of the two British admirals produced, in the issue, an
incalculable prejudice to the interests of France ; as the sequel of
this hislory wffl sufficiently evince. About the same time, the island
of Montserrat surrendered lo the arms of the counts de Barras and
de Flechln. A few days afler, the count de Grasse came to anchor
at Martinico. We have just seen the fortune of Great Britain depressed alike
upon the American continent and in the West Indies. The arms of
king George were not more successful in Europe than In the New
World. His enemies had there also the gratification of witnessing
the declension of his power. It was especially agreeable lo Spain,
who first gathered Its fruits. The duke de Griffon, knowing with
what ardor the CathoUc king desired to have in his power the
island of Minorca, applied hiraself with the utmost zeal to the siege
of fort St. Philip. All the resources of the art of war had been
employed to reduce it ; a more formidable artfflery had never been
leveled against a place. But its natural strength, the immense

410 THE AMERICAN WAR BOOK XIV,
ff works which covered II, and the perseverance of the besieged, creat
ing apprehensions thatthe defense might be protracted stiff for a long
lime, the Spanish general had recourse lo an expedient loo little
worthy of him. He attempted lo seduce governor Murray, and to
obtain by corruption what he despaired of carrying by force. He
had, itis true, for this degrading step, the positive instructions of his
government. General Murray repulsed the offers of his adversary
with as much dignity as disdain. He reminded the duke de Griffon,
that when one of his valiant ancestors had been requested by his
king to assassinate the duke de Guise, he had made him the answer
that his descendant should also have made to those who had pre
sumed to commission him lo attempt the honor of a man sprung from
a blood as fflustrious as his ovvn, or that of the Guises. He ended his
letter with praying him lo cease lo write or offer parley, his resolution
being to communicate with him no more, except al the point of the
sword.* The duke de Crillon gave general Murray to understand, that he
could not but honor him for his conduct ; that he rejoiced il had
placed them both in that position vvhich befitted them alike ; and
that it had greatly increased the high esteem in which he had alvvays
held the governor. Meanwhile the situation of the besieged vvas
become painful in the extreme. Notwithstanding the success of a
vigorous sortie, in which they had dislodged the duke de Crfflon from
Cape Mola, where he had estabUshed his head-quarters, their weak
ness rendered this transitory triumph more hurtful to them than
beneficial. The garrison would by no raeans have sufficed ^for the
defense of so extensive forlificdtions, even if they had been free from
sickness. But very far from that was their condition. The seeds
of the scurvy, with vvhich they were infected, even before the opening
of the siege, had developed themselves with a fury which increased
from day lo day. All vvho vvere seized with it either died, or be
came totally useless for the defense of the place. The causes of
this mortal disease were principally the scarcity, or rather absolute
want of vegetables, the amassment of soldiers in the casemates, the
horrible fetor which resulted from it, and the excessive fatigues of a
* Henry III., despairing of being able to reduce the Duke of Guise, consulted Uie
juareschals d'Aumont, de Rambouilet and de Beauvais Nangis, who decided that con
sidering the Impossibility of bringing that illustrious rebel to trial, it was necessary to
take llim off by surprise. The lung proposed to the celebrated Crillon to undertake the
execution of this murder ; ' I will not assassinate him, answered the h-avest of the brave,
but I will fight him. When a man is ready to give his life, he is master of that of
another.' The aifectation of general Murray in vaunting in his answer the nobility of hia origin,
grew out of his pretending to have descended from the earl of Murray, natural son of
James V. and brother of Mary Stuart.

BOOK XtV, THE AMERICAN WAR 41]
service almost without remission. To the scurvy, as If not sufficient
of itself to exterminate the unhappy garrison, jitutrid fevers and the
dysentery united their destructive rage. Overwhelmed by so many
evils, these intrepid warriors piqued themselves upon braving them.
Those who were already attacked with pestilential maladies, dissem-
hled their sufferings, for fear of not being admitted to share the perils
of their comrades. Their ardor had survived their bodily strength ;
some of them were seen to expire under arms.
Nature al length triumphed over the firmness of these generous
spirits. In the beginning of Februaiy, the garrison found itself so
diminished, that there remained only six hundred and sixty men
capable of any sort of service ; and, even of this number, the raost
part vvere tainted with the scurvy. Il was to be feared lest the ene
my, apprised of this disastrous state of things, might precipitate his
attacks, and carry the place by storm. There was the more founda
tion for such an apprehension, as the artillery had already ruined the
greater part of the upper defenses. Scarcely did there remain a
few pieces of cannon In a serviceable slate, and the fire of the eneray
was still unremitting.
In a situation so utterly hopeless, lo resist any longer would have
been rather the delirium of a senseless obstinacy, than the effect ofa
generous constancy. Murray accepted a capitulation, the tenor of
which was honorable for his garrison. He was aUowed all the nonors
of war ; the British troops were to be sent lo England as prisoners
upon parole ; all the foreigners had permission lo return to their
counlries vvith their effects ; the Minorcans, who had adhered to the
British party, were lefl at liberty lo remain in the island In the undis
turbed enjoyment of their possessio-ns. When the reraains of this
valiant garrison evacuated fort St, Philip, they had more the appear
ance of specters than of men.
They marched through the French and Spanish arraies, vvhich
were drawn up fronting each other, and formed a lane for their pas
sage. They consisted of no more than six hundred old decrepit
soldiers, one hundred and twenty of the royal artillery, two hundred
seamen, and about ififty Corsicans, Greeks, Turks and Moors. The
victors manifested compassion for the fate of their prisoners ; tiiey
cbuld not refuse them even a tribute of admiration, when, arrived
at the place where they laid down their arms, they heard them
'declare, while lifting up to heaven their eyes bathed in tears, that
they had surrendered them to God alone. The humaniiy of the
French and Spaniards was highly conspicuous, and worthy of last
ing praise. Yielding to =lhe most generous emotions, the common
'soldiers of the two nations were forward lo administer refreshments

412 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XlV,
and consolations to their unfortunate enemies. The duke and count
d'i Crillon, as well as the baron de Falkenhayn, commander of the
French troops, signalized themselves by Ihe'most feeUng and delicate
attentions. Such actions and conduct cast abroad a pleasing
shade, which serves to soften the horrors of war, and to hide and
alleviaie its calamities ; should they not also mitigate the fury of
national rivalships and animosities ?
Thus did the Island of Minorca return to the dominion of Spain,
after il had been In the possession of Great Britain for upwards of
seventy years.
The news of so many and so grievous disasters, and especiaUy
that of Yorktown, produced in England a general consternation,
accompanied by an earnest desire of a nevv order of things.- The
length of the war was already become wearisome lo all ; the enor
mous expenses it had occasioned, and which it still exacted, were
viewed wilh disquietude and alarm. The lale reverses still increased
Ibis universal discontent ; and with the diminution of the hope of
victory was strengthened in all the impatience forthereturn of peace.
The possibffity of resuming the offensive upon the American conti
nent, and of re-establishing there, by dint of arms, the sovereignty of
Great Britain, was now considered as a chimera. The secrei machi
nations in order to divide the people of America, the terror and
barbarity of the Indians, the attempts of treason, the destruction ot
commerce, the falsification of bills of credit, odious means to vvhich
the British ministers had resorted, and even the victories of their
generals, all had failed of wresting from the Americans the smallest
indication of a disposition to resume their ancient yoke. If such had
been their constancy, when their ship, battered by the tempests, seem
ed hastening to the bottom, how could it be .hoped to see them bend,
while the most propitious gales were conducting them into the wished-
for port ? It was self-evident that henceforth the war of America
could have no other object but that of obtaining the most honorable
conditions possible, after having acknowledged independence. On
the olher hand, the immense losses sustained In the West Indies,
gave occasion for fear lest they raight be foHowed by others still raore
afllicting. The most anxious apprehensions were eniertained for
Jamaica, against which the house of Bourbon seemed ready to dis
play the entire apparatus of its power. The fall of a place of such
importance as fort St. Phffip, and the loss of the whole island of
Minorca, inspired doubts for Gibraltar itself.
The people, always the same every where, imputed these disas
ters, not lo the contrariety of fortune, but to the Incapacity of minis
ters. Their adversaries, both within parliament and without, raised

BOOK XIV, THE AMERICAN WAR, 413
the most violent clamors. They exclaimed, that such were the fore
seen results of ministerial infatuation and obstinacy. They demanded
with vociferation the immediate dismission of these perverse and
imbecUe servants of the crown ; they affirmed, that il was urgent lo
prevent those who had brought the country to the brink of a preci
pice, from plunging II headlong down It by the last frantic shock ;
that there was no chance of safety but In removing instantly those
senseless instigators of a fatal war. These cries of haired coincided
with the prevailing spirit ; they were echoed vvith unanimity by the
discontented multitude. Besides, it escaped no one that since the
course of things had created the necessity of entering into negotia
tion with the Americans, and of acknowledging their independence,
it was not suitable that those who had at first so highly exasperated
them by their laws, and afterwards had imbittered them lo the utmost
by a barbarous war, should undertake to treat wilh them. The work
of a durable pacification appeared little proper lo be confided to
liahds which had fanned the fire of war. Already general Conway,
by a very eloquent speech, pronounced the twenty-second of Febru
ary, in the house of commons, had moved and obtained that his
majesty should be entreated lo command his ministers not lo persist
any longer in the attempt to reduce the colonies to obedience by
means of force, and by continuing the war upon the American con
tinent. He did more ; in the sitting of the fourth of March, he
proposed and carried a resolution, purporting that those who should
advise the king to continue the war upon the continent of North
America, should be declared enemies of the sovereign and of the
country. From this moment, the leading members of the privy
council, the center and source of all great deliberations, perceived
that il vvas full time to resort to the usual remedy of a change of
ministry. The general attention was excited lo the highest degree.
At length, the twentieth of March, the earl of Surrey having moved
in the house of commons that the king should be supplicated to
change his ministers, lord North rose, and declared with dignity that
it was superfluous to spend any more time upon this subject, since it
had already occupied the attention of his majesty, who vvould shortly
make known his new choice. ' Before I take leave of this house,'
added lord North, ' I feel It a duty lo return it thanks for the support
and favor it has afforded me during so long a course of years, and in
so many trying situations. It will be easy lo give me a successor,
endowed with a greater capacity, of belter judgment, and more qual
ified for his situation ; but il will not be equally so to find a man
more zealous for the interests of his country, more loyal to the sov
ereign, and more attached to the constitution. I hope the new ser-

414 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XIT
vants ofthe crown, whoever they may be, wffl take such measures
as shall effectually extricate the country from its present difficulties,
and retrieve its fortune at home and abroad. I should declare, in
retiring, that I am ready to answer to my country for all the acts of
my administration. If It Is wished to undertake the Investigation
of my conduct, I offer myself to undergo it.'
The new ministers were selected from among those members of
the two houses of parliament, who had shown themselves the most
favorable lo the pretensions of the Americans. The marquis of
Rockingham was appointed first lord of the treasury ; the earl of
Shelburne and Mr. Fox secretaries of stale ; lord John Cavendish
chancellor of the exchequer. Admiral Keppel was at the same
tirae created viscount and first lord of the admiralty. So greal was
the exultation caused by this event, particularly in the city of Lon
don, that II was feared the people of that capital, would, according
to their custom, break out into some blamable excesses. Every
body felt assured that the end of the war was at hand, and that of
all the calamities it had caused. All that was desired was, that the
conditions of peace might be honorable. Accordingly the partisans
of the new ministers were earnest in their prayers that some favora
ble event might gloriously repair the checks which the British arms
had received towards the close of the past, and in the commence
ment of the present year.

BKD OF BOOK FOURTEENTH.

B&OK XV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 415

BOOK FIFTEENTH.
1739. The beUigerent powers, in order to execute the plans
they had formed In the beginning of the present year, only waited
the completion of their preparations, the return of spring, and the
fitness of occasion. AUke weary of a long war, all had the same
persuasion that this campaign was to be decisive. Nor were they
ignorant that it, is at the moment of peace that reverses have the
most fatal consequences, as there no longer remains either time or
hope for retrieving them. Under these considerations, each of the
powers at war redoubled vigilance and efforts, in order to secure the
definite triumph of Its arms. The aUied courts directed their
views especially upon the dominarion of the European seas, the
reduction of Gibraltar, and the conquest of Jamaica. The French
were in the highest degree soUcitous to transmit succors lo their
establishments in the East Indies, where, notwithstanding the valor
and distinguished ability displayed by M. de Suffren, in several hard
fought engagements with admiral Hughes, their affairs were in a
state of declension ; and already two Dutch places of greal Irapor
tance, Trincomale and Negapatam, were faUen inlo the power of the
English. The attention of the aUies had therefore two principal
objects ; lo defend their own possessions, and to seize those of the
enemy. It was agreed that the Dutch and Spanish fleets should effect their
junction with the French in the port of Brest. This mighty armada
was afterwards to scour the open sea, and clear it of all hostile force
from the straits of Gibraltar to the coasts of Norway. It was intend
ed that the ships of the line should blockade the squadrons of the
enemy in all the channels and ports, whffe the frigates and other
light vessels should intercept the convoys, and utterly ruin the com
merce of the English. The views of the allies extended yet farther ;
they hoped by Incessantly spreading nevv alarras upon the coasts of
fireat Britain, that some opportunity might present itself for making
descents, ravaging the country, and even for striking still raore
important blows, according to circurastances. They proceeded wilh
the greatest zeal to the execution of their designs ; the junction of
their armaments was lo present a powerful mass of sixty sail of the
line, besides a prodigious number of frigates and sloops of war. The
EngHsh were very far from possessing means sufficient to withstand
so formidable a display of forces. Accordingly, the allied courts
entertained not the least doubt but that their arms would bc as sue-

416

THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK X'<'.

cessful in the West Indies and Europe, in this year's carapaign, as
they had bfeen in the last upon the American continent. A glorious
peace raust, they fell assured, inevitably result from these decisive
successes. On the olher hand, the new members of the British cabinet
neglected nolhing that could lend lo reraedy the calamitous slate of
aflairs, and enable them to resist with effect the storm that rumbled
over their heads. They hoped to compensate the inequality of force
by the skffl of commanders, the courage of troops, and the success
of projected expeditions. Their cares were direcled lo the equip
ment of the fleet and the lading of the convoy destined to re- victual
Gibraltar. After the security of the kingdom, there was nolhing
which they had so much at heart as the safety of that place. But
they were sensible that, first of all, it was necessary to prevent the
junction of the Spanish and Dutch squadrons wilh the French fleet;
thus interrupting also, at the same lime, the comraerce of the Dutch
in the Baltic, and protecting that of England against their insults.
Admiral Howe was therefore ordered lo put lo sea from Ports
mouth wilh twelve sail of the line, and lo establish his cruise upon
the coasts of Holland. This measure had the desired effect. The
Dutch squadron, vvhich had already set saff from the Texel, aban
doned the sea lo the English, and made the best of its way back
inlo port. After having cruised off the Dutch coasts for the term of
a month, admiral Howe, finding that the enemy made no movement
demonstrative of a disposition to pul to sea again, and the unheallhi
ness of the season having occasioned much sickness on board his
fleet, look tiie determination to return lo Portsmouth. Admiral
Milbanke relieved him almost immediately. If he was not able lo
annoy tiie Dutch trade in the Baltic, he al least effectuaffy protected
that of the English ; and, moreover, he constantiy interdicted to the
enemy's squadron the entrance of the channel. Thus, with the
exception of the briUiant action of Doggers Bank, the republic of
Holland, formerly so famous, did nothing in aU this war that was
worthy of her, and of her ancient renown. Such was the decay of
her glory and of her power, the deplorable resuft of excessive riches,
of insatiable avidity, and perhaps still more of the party spiiit which
rent those provinces. If in a republic the counterpoise of parlies,
In matters relating to internal administration, may sometimes turn to
the advantage of liberty, and maintain more energy in the people,
those factions which have foreign powers for object, produce an
entirely opposite effect. They divert the public spirit upon that
which is abroad, and paralize aU its activity al home. The most
evident symptom of the decay of the strength of a stale, and of the

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 417
loss of Its independence, is, doubtiess, a division between citizens in
favor of foreigners ; and such was the situation of the Dutch at this
epoch. If, at the conclusion of the present war, their republic was
not reduced to the last degree of depression, if it even repaired a
great part of its losses, this il owed, not lo Its own force, but entirely
lo the arms and protection of France.
We resume the course of events ; undoubted inteffigence had
been received in England that a considerable convoy of troops and
military stores, destined for India, was on the point of saffing from
the port of Brest. Fearing, on the one hand, for Jamaica, and on
the other, for the establishraents of the coast of Malabar, the minis
ters, without any delay, dispatched admiral Barrington, al the head
of twelve sail of the line, with orders to watch this convoy, and to
capture it, if the opportunity should offer itself. He shaped his
course for the bay of Biscay, and soon discovered the convoy, which
consisted of eighteen transports, under the guard of two ships of the
line, the Pegase and the Protecteur. The vvind was violent and
the sea tempestuous. The English nevertheless continued to crowd
sail. The ship Foudroyanl, an excellent sailer, commanded by
captain Jarvis, at length came up with and engaged the Pegase,
under the chevalier de Siffan. The forces of the two ships being
about equal, the action lasted with extreme violence for a full hour.
The Frenchman did not strike tiff after having seen the greater part
of his men either kiffed or disabled. The sea was so rough that
captain Jarvis was scarcely able to shift a small part of the crew of
the prize. It was tp be feared that the shiall nuraber of men he sent
aboard of it might be risen upon, and the ship rescued. But captain
Maitland, who commanded the Queen, came up at this moment, and
assisted his companion to secure his prize. Immediately after, they
were again separated by a gust of wind. Captain Maitland after
wards feff in with another French ship called the Actionnaire, and
captured her, afler a feeble resistance. In the meantirae, the frigates
had given chase lo the transports, which, al the first appearance of
the English, had obeyed a signal for dispersing with all celerity.
Twelve feU inlo the power of the enemy. This was a sensible loss
to France ; for independent of the artillery, munirions of war, and
provision, there were on board these vessels upwards of eleven hun
dred regular troops. Admiral Harrington brought his prizes safely
mto the ports of England.
The Brirish admiralty, having realized the utiUty of cruises in the
seas of Europe, resolved to raultiply them. It adopted this deter
mination the more wllling'y, as it had not yet received any intima
tion nf the approaching ppearance of the grand comtined fleet
VOL. II. •2'7

418 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XT.
NotwilhstaniJIng the ardent desire which animated alike the French
and the Spaniards, to depress the power of their implacable enemy,
their operations suffered too often from that slowness which seems
inseparable from all coalitions. The English, on the contrary,
enjoyed the advantages attached to the unity of powers, and to the
concert of movements. As soon as Barrington was returned, Kem
penfeldt had orders to pul lo sea, and sland in Uke manner towards
the bay of Biscay. His instructions were, to do the French com
merce all the harm possible, to protect that of the British, and espe
ciaUy to cover the arrival of two rich convoys shortly expected, the
one from Jamaica, the other from Canada.
After having wasted much precious lime, the allies had set them
selves at length to carry inlo effect the plans they had meditated.
The count de Guichen, coraraanding the French squadron, and don
Lewis de Cordova, admiral in chief of the combined fleet, set sail
from the port of Cadiz, in the beginning of June, with twenty-five saff
of the Une, between Spanish and French. They stood lo the north,
towards the shores of England, animated with a desire and with a
hope lo wrest frora those audacious islanders the empire of the
ocean. As they saffed along the coasts of France, they were joined
by several ships of war, which lay in the ports of that part, and even
by a squadron that came from Brest to meet thera. These different
re-inforcements carried the combined fleet to forty saff of the line.
Fortune smiled upon these first operations. The two convoys of
Newfoundland and Quebec, escorted by admiral Campbell with one
ship of fifty guns, and some frigates, fell into the midst of this im
mense Une. A part were taken, the rest dispersed. Eighteen
transports came into the power of the victors ; this capture was
valued at considerable sums. The ships of war made good their
escape, and gained the ports of England in safety. This advantage
indemnified the French, in some measure, for the loss of their convoy
destined to the East Indies.
Afler this, if not difficult, at least useful success, become entirely
masters ofthe sea, they repaired towards the entrance of the channel.
As they had done in their preceding campaigns, they stretched tneir
line across il, from the Scilly islands lo that of Ushanl. While ob
serving the coasts of England, two objects especially occupied their
attention ; the protection of their own convoys, and the seizure of
those of the enemy. Meanwhile, the Brirish ministers were not
reckless of the danger. Admiral Howe put to sea wilh twenty-two
saff of the line. His instructions enjoined him to avoid a general
action, and to use every possible endeavor to protect the arrival of
the Jamaica convoy, become still more precious since the loss of that

BOOK XV, THE .AMERICAN WAR, 419
of Canada, This able commander displayed the rarest talents in
the cvecutlon of bis orders. He put himself out of the reach of the
hostile fleet, by steering to the west, upon the route likely lo be
taken by the convoy. This maneuver was crowned wfth full success.
Admiral Howe rallied to himself the whole convoy, with its escort,
commanded by Peter Parker, and, towards the last of July, entered
with them sound and safe Into the ports of Ireland. The allies then
returned to their own coasts, after demonstrations as vain and fruit
less as those of their two preceding campaigns.
But of all the enterprises of the belligerent powers in Europe,
none appeared to them more worthy to absorb all their attention than
the siege of Gibraltar. The English were all intent upon succoring
that fortress ; the French and Spaniards upon preventing it. These
Iwo opposite aims vvere become the object of their reciprocal emula
tion. Independent of the glory of their arras, and the honor of
crowns, there was nothing less at stake than the empire of the Medi •
lerianean. which seemed lo depend on the possession of this cele-
Drated rock. Never did any military operation attract, lo the sarae
legree, the gaze of the entire world ; this siege was compared to the
most famous recorded In history, whether ancient or modern. To
jreserve Gibraltar, was in England the first wish of all minds ; it was
inown there that a scarcity began lo prevaff, within that place, of
munitions of war, and especially of provisions. It was equally known
Ihat the besiegers intended to convert the blockade into an open
attack. Already they vvere preparing machines of a neiv construc
tion, in order lo carry, by dint of force, what they had faffed of
atraming by famine. Accordingly, since Gibraltar, notwithstanding
all that art and nature had done for its defense, was menaced vvith
perils of a new species, the British government asserabled at Ports
mouth all the naval forces of the kingdom. The squadrons that
We cruising upon the coasts of Holland and of the bay of Biscay,
kad orders to repair thither. An immense number of transports
were there laden with munitions and necessaries of every denomina
tion. At length, all prepararions being terminated, tovvards the
heginning of September, admiral Howe, commander-in-chief, accom
panied by the admirals Milbank, Robert Hughes, and Hotiiam, set
sail from Portsmouth. His force consisted of thirty-four sail of the
line, and a proportionate number of frigates and fire-ships. Upon
the fortune of this armament hung that of the besieged fortress.
Arras were not, however, the only means which the British
ministers resolved lo employ in order to attain the object they had in
I'iew ; namely, a glorious war and an honorable peace. It was not
permitted them to hope to be able to reduce their enemies entirely,

420 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XT.
SO longas they persisted in their strict union ; they, therefore, formed
a design to throw division among them, by making to each of them
separate proposals of peace. The dissolution of the coalition
appeared lo them the certain pledge of definitive triumph. They
calculated also, that even in case they should not succeed In their
attempt, they would nevertheless obtain a real advantage ; that of
contenting the minds ofthe people of Great Britain, and of rendering
die war less odious to them, by demonstrating the necessity of con
tinuing il. Another no less ipowerful consideration had influence
upon their determination ; they felt, that in order to preserve the
partisans they had made themselves both in and out of parliament,
it vvas necessary that they should hold out al least an appearance of
inclining towards peace. Under these considerations, the British
cabinet made application to the empress of Russia. She accepted
the character of mediatress vvith the Slates-General of Holland ; she
offered them. In the name of king George, a suspension of arms, and
conditions of peace upon the footing of the treaty of 1674. The
ambassador of France, who vvas then al the Hague, watched these
secret maneuvers, and labored vvith all his power to prevent the
effects of them, and to maintain the Slates-General in their fidelity'
to, the aUiance. He reminded them that they were pledged not to'
make peace with England untff that power should have acknowledged'
ihe unrestricted freedom of the seas. While recapitulating the plans*
of naval operations concerted between the two stales against the com--
mon enen>y, he intimated that Holland could not renounce them all=
of a sudden, without as much prejudice to her own honor, as lo the '
interests of her faithful ally, the king of France. He glanced also'
at the gratitude by which the Dutch were bound lo his most christian:!
;iiajesty for the preservation of the Cape of Good Hope, and theJ
recovery of St. Eustatius, as well as the colonies of Guiana, owing i
entirely lo his arms. In support of the representations of the French t
ambassador, the Slates-General could not but add a tacit reflection. ;
The colonies above mentioned were still in the hands of the French,!
as guarantee of treaties ; was il not lo be feared that they would!;
refuse to restore them, if their allies departed frora their engage-^
ments ? These considerations were backed also by the efforts of the;
partisans of France. They at length prevailed totally. The Stales-,
ijreneral rejected the propositions of the court of London, declaring,
that they would not disparage the incorruptible faith of which iheiK
ancestors had left them the example. The overtures that wen,^
made at the same time lo the governments of France and of Spain
were not attended wilh any better success. The first eiitertained,
hopes of expelling the British altogether from the West Indies, and i

BOOK XV, THE AMERICAN WAR 421
thereby of acquiring more efficacious rights to stipulate for the liberty
ofthe seas. The second, swayed by the same motives, had, besides,
the prospect of recovering possession of Jamaica and Gibraltar. In
timately united also by the family compact, the two monarchs would
have thought It derogatory to the dignity of their crowns, not to have
fulfilled the obligations it imposed.
But the British ministers hoped for more fruit from their intrigues
with the United States of America. With a view to this object, they
had recalled general Clinton, and replaced him by general Carleton,
who, by his moderation and humanity during the war of Canada, had
conciliated the esteem and confidence of the Americans He was
invested, as well as admiral Digby, with power to negotiate peace
with the United States, upon the basis of independence, and to con-
dude with them a treaty of amity and comraerce.
Butthe Americans took Into consideration, thatno act of the par
liament had as yet authorized the king to conclude peace or truce
with America ; and consequentiy it was to be apprehended that pro
posals and promises, made at the mere motion of ministers, raight
afterwards be disavowed by the two houses. They were aware also
of the extreme repugnance which the king personaUy had to acknowl
edge their independence. They began therefore to suspect the
existence of a hidden snare. These conjectures acquired new force
with them, on hearing that the British cabinet had made separate
overtures to each of the belligerent powers. They no longer doubted
but that its drift was, by means of these overtures, to sow division
among Ihem, and lo amuse them by vain words. The proposition of
peace appeared to them a mere stratagem of the English to divert
their attention from the preparations requisite to the prosecution of
the war, and thereby secure for themselves easy advantages. The
French minister at Philadelphia exerted himself lo the utmost lo
interrupt all negoriarions. He placed in the strongest light the
pounds vvhich the Americans had for apprehending bad faith on the
part of England, and for confiding, on the contrary, in the sincerity
and generosity of the king of France. The raost influential raerabers
of the American government were Uttie disposed of themselves to
commence their career in the political world by a violarion of treaties,
and lo exchange an approved aUIance for a suspicious friendship :
their opinion prevailed. The congress declared formally, that they
would enter Into no negotiation wherein their ally should not par
ticipate. Moreover, tiiat not the slightest doubt should remain respecting
tke good faith of the United States, in order to bar all hope lo Eng-
¦iind, and all suspicion to France, the provincial assemblies decreed,

422 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK XV.
that peace should never be concluded with Great Britain without
the consent of his most christian majesty ; declaring enenues to the
country all those who should attempt to negotiate without authority
from congress. Thus the first days of the year witnessed the
failure of all hope of pacification. The cause for winch the beffige-
rent powers had taken arms, appeared still undecided. In the midst
of that reciprocal distrust which imbittered minds, no form of con
ciliation was admissible, tffl ushered by the last necessity. While
such was the posture of affairs upon the American continent, they
were about to be decided, in the islands, by one of those events'
which triumph over all the raeasures of prudence. The war of the-
West Indies was destined to have an issue similar to that which the
catastrophe of Cornwallis had operated in Virginia. The aUied-
courts had made forraidable preparations for executing al last their
long raeditated projects against Jamaica. The Spaniards had, in the'
islands of St. Domingo and Cuba, a numerous fleet, and a considera--
ble body of troops, both perfectiy equipped, and in readiness lo move-
wherever the good of the service might require. On the other hand,''
the count de Grasse was at Fort Royal in Martinico, with Ihirty-four-
sail of the line, and a great number of frigates. The French admi-''
ral was occupied with the care of refilling his fleet, while awaiting^
a second convoy, which departed from Brest early in February, andl
which brought him an immense quantity of arms and military stores,;'
of which he stood in great need. After having terminated his prepa-';
rations, his intention was, lo effect his junction with the Spaniards at '
St. Domingo, in order lo act in concert against Jamaica. Theiri
combined forces were to consist of sixty sail of the line, and near^
twenty thousand land troops ; a prodigious armament, and such as'
had never before been seen in those seas. The English were very f
far from having the means of resistance adequate to those of attack, i
When Rodney, who was then anchored at Barbadoes, had been
joined by admiral Hood, and three ships of the Une from England, he;
found himself at the head of no more than thirty-six saff of the line. .
The garrisons of the British islands were all very weak ; and even in:
Jamaica there were only six battaUons of troops. Inclusive of militia.
The terror was so greal there, that the governor of the island pro-i
clairaed martial law, the effect of which was lo suspend all civffs
authority, and to confer II entire upon the mffitary commanders.
Admiral Rodney was perfectly aware that the success of the West;
Indian war, and the late of all the British possessions in those, seas,
depended on two decisive events. Il vvas necessary lo intercept the
Brest convoy before it should arrive at Martinico, and to prevent the
French fleet from uniting with that cf Spain at St. Domingo. In

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAR, 423
order to accomplish the first of these objects, he had put to sea, and
so stationed his fleet to windward of the French islands, that it
ejtiended from the island of Deslrade to that of St, Vincents ; thus
0(;cupylng the route usually foffowed by vessels coming from Eu
rope bound to Martinico. He had also taken the precaution to de
tach his frigates still more to windward, that they might observe and
pjomptiy report to him all the movements of the enemy. But the
Fiench presaged the snare that vvas laid for them. Instead of laking
the ordinary track, they stood wilh their convey to the north of
Dgsirade, and then keeping close under the lee of Guadaloupe and
Dominica, brought it in safely to the bay of Port Royal in Martinico.
This re-inforcement was most opportune for the French. It was, on
the contrary, extremely fatal for the EngUsh, who had now no other
means of averring their total ruin In those parts, but by prevenring
the junction of the fleets of France and Spain at St. Domingo.
With this object In view, Rodney came to anchor in Gros Islet bay
at St. Lucia, in order to be able to watch continually all that passed
at Fort Royal, His frigates kept up a very active cruise; and in
the meantime he took care to recruit his water and provisions, in
order to be in a situation to keep the sea as long as possible. Mean
while, the count de Grasse feft himself pressed to act. His instruc
tions required It of him ; and their object was of the last importance
to the glory and prosperity of the French realra. On the safely of
his convoy depended the success of the expedition of Jamaica. He
sent it forward under the escort of two ships of the line, the Sagit-
taire and Experiment, and foffowed it shortiy after wilh aff his fleet.
Hewould have wished to avail himself of the trade winds to saff
directiy towards St. Domingo ; but he reflected that in so doing,,
incumbered as he was with upwards of a hundred transports, and
lie wind always blowing ftom the same point, it was almost impos
sible for him to keep out of the reach of the British fleet. Il was
evldentiy in the interests of his designs lo avoid a battle ; he there
fore took a different route. He shaped his course lo the northward,
standing along near the shores of the islands wilh all his vast arma
ment. Prudence could not but applaud this measure, and every
thing promised its success. The pffots of the count de Grasse had
He advantage over those of the enemy of being better acquainted
with the bearings of these coasts, for the most part French or Span-
ish; and they might of course approach them as near as they should
ttlink proper. Besides, the different channels formed between these
islands, offered both secure retreats and favorable winds for escapmg
the pursuit of the enemy. The French admiral might thus pass his

424

THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XV.

convoy along the coasts, while his ships of war should form in ordei
of battie lo cover it against the attempts of his adversary. It was
easy for the French by this means to keep to windward of the
British, and consequentiy to preserve a free passage lo St. Domingo.
The count de Grasse had Iherefore sufficient grounds for hoping that
aff the vessels under his command would, by little and Uttle, raake
their vvay good to the point of general rendezvous. The British
frigates, which kepta diligent watch, soon apprised Rodney ofthe sail
ing of the French fleet. Immediately, with his accustomed prompti
tude, he put to sea in quest of the enemy. . It was the ninth of Aprff.
Already the French had begun to pass Dominica, and were lo lee
ward of that island when they descried the vvhole British fleet. The
count de Grasse ordered the captains of the transports lo crowd all
sail and take shelter in the port of Guadaloupe. The two admirals
prepared themselves for battle with equal skiff and bravery. The
Frenchman, however, chose to keep his enemy al a distance in
order to give his convoy time lo retire, and not lo commit to the
caprice of fortune a certain operation. The Englishman, on the
contrary, fell that he could not, engage his adversary too close, since
there was no reraedy for the critical situation of affairs except in a
coraplete and decisive victory. The count de Grasse had thirty-
three sail of the line ; araong which, one of one hundred and ten
guns, the Ville de Paris, five of eighty, twenty-one of seventy-four,
and the rest of sixty-four. The crews were coraplete, and there
vvere on board the French fleet five or six thousand land troops,
forming the garrison of the ships. The center was under the imme
diate orders of the count de Grasse ; the marquis de Vaudreuil
commanded the van, and M. de Bougainville the rear. The fleet
of admiral Rodney consisted of thirty-six sail of the line, of which
one of ninety-eight guns, five of ninety, twenty of seventy-four, and
the others of sixty-four. The British van was commanded by vice-
admiral Hood, and the rear-guard by rear-admiral Drake. The
EngUsh were desirous lo engage a general action, but they had not
yet been able lo get abreast of the island of Dominica, and their
advance was retarded by calms. They endeavored nevertheless to
profit of the puffs of wind vvhich sprung up from time to time, in
order to fetch the French. But the latter, favored by a breeze,
made for Guadaloupe. The van of the British fleet receiving the
wind soon afler, admiral Hood seized the occasion to come up with
the French within cannon-shot reach, and the action commenced
towards nine o'clock In the morning. The count de Grasse was
full of confidence at seeing that he could bring all his force to bear
upon a part only of the enemy's.

BOOK XV . THE AMERICAN WAR, 425
The engagement vvas extremely fierce ; but however impetuous
was the attack of the French, the British wfthstood il without losing
their order. The headmost ships of their center having at length a
sufficiency of wind to carry them to the support of their van, which
suffered excessively, they renewed the acrion with Inexpressible fury.
The French received their shock with a valor no less worthy of
admiration. Rodney's own ship, the Formidable, of ninety-eight
guns, and his two seconds, the Namur and the Duke, both of ninety;
made a tremendous fire. The captain of a French seventy-four, so
far from being dismayed at It, ordered his mainsail to be furled, that
his crew might abandon all idea of retreat, and fight with the more
desperation. He waited the approach of the three British ships,
and engaged them with admirable intrepidity. His conduct inspired
the English themselves with so much enthusiasm, that one of them,
in a letter which was made public, did not hesitate to call him the
godlike Frenchman. The other ships of the British center carae up
successively, and the rear, under admiral Drake, vvas not far behind
them. But the French admiral, who had accomplished his purpose,
thought proper to draw his ships out of action, and accordingly gave
the signal for retreat. Such was the issue of this first combat ; il
would be difficult to decide on vvhich part the most ability and
gallantry were signalized. The EngUsh made no attempt to foUow
their enemies, whether because the vvind was less in their favor, or
Decause their van, and especially the Royal Oak and the Montague,
had been grievously damaged. On observing iTiis, the French admi
ral ordered the convoy, which had taken refuge at Guadaloupe, to
pul to sea again immediately, and continue its voyage. This order
was executed with as much precision as promptitude by M. de
Langle, who commanded the convoy ; which a few days after
arrived safe and entire at St. Domingo. Some French ships had
suffered considerably In the action. Among others the Cato" was
so damaged, that it became necessary lo send her to Guadaloupe lo
be repaired. The Jason also had been so shattered in her engage
ment with the Zealous, that she was also obliged to make the best
of her vvay to the same Island. These accidents prevented the
count de Grasse from gaining so soon as he could have wished to
windward of the group of Islands called the Saints, In order after
wards to sland to windward of Deslrade, and repair to St. Domingo
by the north of the islands. The English, after having hastily refit
ted their ships, had again set themselves to pursue the French. The
count de Grasse continued to beat to windward, in order lo weather
the Saints, and he was already arrived, on the eleventh, off Guada
loupe. He had gained so much distance upon the British fleet, that

426 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XV,
its topsails only could be descried, and that vvith diffici lly, by the
French, Rodney had pushed his pursuit with all the diligence
exacted by the urgency of the conjuncture ; but he began to despair
of overtaking the enemy. It was agitated in a council of war^
whether il would not be better for the interests of their affairs lo give
over the direct pursuit of the enemy, and sland to leeward, in order
to arrive, if possible, before them in the waters of St. Domingo.
While this important point was under deliberation, and whffe an
anxious lookout was kept at the mastheads, in painful expectation
of the moment which weis to decide tiie fate of Jamaica, and whether
the empire of the West Indies was to remain with the French or
vvith the English, a signal announced, about noon, the appearance of
two French ships. They had faffen to the leeward, and were drift
ing continually nearer to the English. They were the Ztld^, of
seventy-four guns, a ship vvhich seemed destined lo bring disaster lo
the French fleet, and the frigate Astree, which the count de Grasse
had detached lo take her in low. A liUle before, the Zeli had got
foul of the ViUe de Paris, and lost her foremast and mlzzenmasl in
the shock. In consequence of this accident she was unable to keep
up with the rest of the fleet. The English now conceived new
hopes of engaging the battle for vvhich they so ardently panied.
They calculated that by bearing down rapidly to cut off the drifted
ships, they should constrain the French admiral to come to their
succor, and thereby place himself under the necessity of fighting.
They accordingly maneuvered with so much promptitude and sagaci
ty, that the two ships could no longer escape them, unless the French
ftdmiral bore down vvith his whole fleet for their preservation. It is
thought, and not withoui reason, that if the count de Grasse, content
vvith the glory acquired upon the coasts of Virginia, had known how
to yield in lime to fortune, and had abandoned the two fatal ships lo
the destiny that menaced them, he raight easily have made his way
good to St. Domingo. Once arrived in that island, where the forces
of Spain would have joined his own, he might have given the final
blow to the British power in the West Indies. He had already
gained so far to windward, that if he had continued his voyage, it
was become impossible for the English to come up wilh him. But
deeming il contrary to the dignity and reputation ofthe raighty arma
ment which he commanded, to suffer two ships to be taken almost
under the fire of Its guns, he took the brave but no less adventurous
resolution of going to their succor ; thus, for the sake of protecting
an inconsiderable part of his fleet, exposing himself to the hazard of
losing the vvhole. He formed his line of bf.ttle, bore down upon the
English, and rescued the Zele. But this movement had brought

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 4ji7
him so ncai to tiie enemy, that it was no longer in his power to
avoid an engagement. The two admirals prepared for it with eriual
ardor. The same high spirit was shared by all their crews ; there
was not a sailor of the two nations who did not feel that he was
about to contend for the honor of his sovereign, and the dominion of
the West Indies. But the night was already come ; it was employed
on either side in making every preparation for the great day of the
morrow. The space of sea which was to serve as the field of battie, is con
tained between the islands of Guadaloupe, Dominica, the Saints, and
Maria Galante. Both lo windward and leeward, the waters abound
in shoals and very dangerous reefs. The twelfth of April, at six in
the morning, tiie two fleets found themselves drawn up in presence
of each olher, but on opposite lacks. The wind at this moment,
having veered from east to southeast, became raore favorable lo the
English. They profiled of it without loss of ti.me ; their van and
the greater part of their center ranged up to within half cannon-shot
of the enemy, and commenced the attack vvith unexampled fury.
The action lasted from seven In the morning till seven at night.
The other ships of the center, and the greater part of those of the
rear, edged up successively, and took part in the battle. Among
them was distinguished the Barfleur, of ninely guns, the ship of ad
miral Hood. During this time the Zele, towed by the Astree, was
endeavoring lo gain Guadaloupe.
Never did warriors the most Inflamed with desire of victory, dis
play more desperate valor or determined resolution, than the French
and English In this memorable day. The broadsides, from their rapid
succession, appeared continual , through the thick smoke that covered
the two fleets, nolhing was seen but the blaze of their guns, nothing
was heard but the thunder of artillery, and the crash of the spars
that vvere shivered into splinters. The Formidable, admiral Rod
ney's ship, discharged, in the course of this terrible conflict, no less
than eighty broadsides ; the Ville de Paris an equal number. The
fight continued for several hours without any apparent superiority of
success ; almost all the ships were excessively shattered ; the crews
were exhausted with fatigue. From the very commencement of the
action, the English, according to their custora, had endeavored to
break the enemy's line of battle. But the wind was not strong
enough; and the French, perceiving their design, held firm and
repulsed them wfth vigor. Meanwhile the van and center of the
count de Grasse had suffered extremely in their rigging, which occa
sioned a sensible retardment in the movements of these two divisions.
The tiiird commanded by M. de Bougainville, not having regulated

428 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XV.

its maneuvers by those of the rest of the Une, had faUen into ex
treme disorder. To this fatal event, whicn coi Id only be imputed
to men, there soon succeeded another, originating in the contrariety
of fortune. The wind became all at once so unfavorable lo the French,
that their saffs filled aback ; Il was for the same reason extremely pro
pitious lo the English. Rodney took advantage ofit instantly. He
bore rapidly down with the Forraidable, the Namur, the Duke and the
Canada, and penetrated through the French Une at the post occupied
by the Glorieux, which vvas completely dismasted, at the distance of
three ships from the Vffle de Paris. His other ships were direcled
by signal lo follow him. This order having been executed with great
promptitude, the whole British fleet found itself to windward of the
enemy's. From this moment the fate of the day could no longer be
doubtful. The English wore round close upon their adversaries,
who, bioken and In total confusion, could ill withstand an enemy
fighting in compact line, and animated by the prospect of infallible
victory. The French protracted their resistance only by detached
groups, or partial engagements of ship with ship. Their desperate
situation, however, had not yet abated their courage. They endeav
ored to re-establish the Une to leeward, but all their efforts were vain,
though they signaUy honored their misfortune. The English of pref
erence closed with those ships vvhich they judged unable lo escape
them. The Canada engaged the Hector, which did not surrender
lill after having exhausted all its means of defense. The Centaur
attacked the Cesar ; they both remained entire. A furious action
ensued. The French captain vvould not surrender. Three other
ships of war assailed him ; but after his ship had been battered to
pieces, and his ensign-staff .shot avvay, M. de Marigny, who com
manded the Cesar, ordered his colors to be nailed to the mast, and
redoubled the fire of all his batteries. He was slain ; his successor
defended himself wilh the sarae courage. At length his mainmast
being fallen, and all his tackling destroyed, he yielded lo number.
The captain of the Glorieux did not surrender riff after the most hon
orable resistance.' The Ardent, afler a no less gaffanl defense, fell
also into the power of the English. The Diademe, torn all lo pieces,
went lo the bottom. If aU the French captains, whom fortune be
trayed on this day, displayed an heroic bravery, none of them
deserved more lasting praises than the unfortunate count de Grasse.
He seemed inflexibly resolved rather to sink wilh his ship, than to sur
render her to the enemy. Totally dismasted, and admitting the water
on all parls, the Ville de Paris, afler acombat of len hours, continued
to keep up a terrible fire wilh starboard and larboard guns. Captain
Cornwa'Us, in the Canada, appeared to rest his glory upon reducing

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAB.

429

her ; but by her very mass she repulsed all his efforts ; six other
British ships joined the Canada, to give the final blows to the French
admiral, but still in vain. Several of his ships had atterapted lo
succor him ; at first his two seconds, the Languedoc and Couronne,
then the Pluton and the Triumphant. But, overwhelmed by num
ber, the captains of these ships had been constrained to abandon
their captain-general lo all the dangers of his position. The count
de Grasse found his last hope extinct ; his fleet, Mely so flourishing,
were either dispersed or fallen into the povver of the enemy, but hii
Invincible courage refused to bend. He persisted in this manner,
facing wilh tbe most admirable intrepidity the repealed attempts that
were made upon him from every quarter, lill past six o'clock in the
afternoon. Admiral Hood's approach in the Barfleur, of ninety
guns, did not alter his determination. He bore a heavy fire from
him during some time, without any appearance of yielding ; and it
was not tffl after a dreadful destruction of his people that he con
sented at last to strike. He and two more vvere the only raen left
standing upon the upper deck. Thus fell into the hands of the
English the Vffle de Paris, justly considered as one of the fairest
ornaments of the French marine. This magnificent ship had been
presented to Louis XV. by his capital, al the epoch of the disasters
occasioned by the war of Canada. Il had cost four millions of livres.
Thirty-six chests of money, and the whole train of artillery, intended
for the attack on Jamaica, became the prey of the victors. The
EngUsh lost in this battle, and In that of the ninth, upwards of a
thousand men. The loss of the Fiench was much more consider
able, without reckoning prisoners. The first had in particular to
regret the captains Bayne and Blair of the Alfred and Anson. Lord
Robert Manners, son of the marquis of Granby, a young man of the
greatest promise, survived his wounds but a short time. This day
cost life to six captains of French ships ; among whom were the
viscount d'Escars and M. de la Clocheterie ; the first of the Glorieux,
the second of the Hercule.
To reap the fruits of his victory, admiral Rodney would have
wished to pursue the enemy after the battle. But as it grew dark,
he thought it necessary. In order to secure his prizes, and lo afford
time for Inquiring into the condition of the ships that bad suffered
in the action, to bring to for the night. The foffowing morning he
was stiff detained upon the coasts of Guadaloupe by a calm, which
lasted three days. Having at length examined the bays and harbors
of the neighboring French islands, and being satisfied that the ene
my had sailed to leeward, Rodney dispatched sir Samuel Hood, whose
division being in the rear, and coming up late, had suffered but little

430 THE AMERICAN WAR,

BOOK XV

in the battie, to the west end of St, Domingo, in the hope that he
might be able to pick up some of their disabled ships. Hood was
afterwards to repair to Cape Tiberon, where admiral Rodney had
appointed to meet him vvith the rest of his fleet.
Wilh the exception of some French ships, which M. de Bougainville
conducted to St. Eustatius to be repaired, all the others under the
marquis de Vaudreuff, keeping together in a body, made the best of
their way to Cape Francois. In the meantime, admiral Hood had
arrived in the waters of St. Domingo, and whffe cruising in the
Mora passage, which separates that island frora Porto Rico, he de
scried four sail of French vessels, two of the Une, and two of less
force. These were the Jason and Caton, which were returning from
the anchorage oi" Guadaloupe, wilh the frigate Aimable and the sloop
of war Ceres. Their captains were not informed of the action of
the twelfth of April, and were pursuing their voyage in full security.
They fell inlo the midst of the squadron of sir Samuel Hood, who
had little difficulty in forcing them lo surrender. A fifth saff, which
was discovered in the distance, had the fortune lo escape the pursuit
of the English by an unexpected shift of wind In her favor. Thus
the French loss amounted to eight ships of the line ; but the Diademe
having been sunk, and the Cesar having blown up, there remained
but six in the possession of the English, as trophies of their victory.
Admiral Hood rejoined sir George Rodney off Cape Tiberon ;
the latter then proceeded with the disabled ships and the prizes lo
Jamaica. The former remained, vvith twenty-five ships that had
suffered the least, in the waters of St. Domingo, lo watch the enemy,
and prevent him frora attempting any expedition of importance
against the British possessions. Though discouraged by the check
which they had just received, the allies were still formidable. They
had al Cape Francois twenty-three sail of the line, under the marquis
de Vaudreuil, and sixteen Spanish, coramanded by don Solano.
Their land forces amounted lo near twenty thousand men. They
rehnquished, however, the enterprise of Jamaica, and indeed every
sort of attempt in the West Indies. The Spaniards returned lo the
Havanna. Some French ships took under their guard a convoy of
merchantmen, and arrived in Europe without accident. The mar
quis de Vaudreuil repaired with the rest of his fleet to the ports of
North America. Thus ended the projects against Jamaica, and aU
this campaign in the West Indies. It produced afterwards one only
event; the Bahama islands, which had hitherto served as a sheltei
for British privateers, surrendered the sixth of May lo the Spanish
arms. The French obtained also another success in the raost north
ern regions of America ; a feeble compensation of their late losses.

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAB. 431
The marquis de Vaudreuil, a little before his departure for the Unit
ed States, had detached M. de la Peyrouse, with the ship of war
Sceptre, and the frigates Astree and Engageanle. His instruction.*
were, lo repair to Hudson's bay, and do all the harm possible to the
establishments of the British northwest company. The expedition
succeeded completely ; the English estimated the damage he caused
them at seven mfflions of livres. It was much more remarkable
for the almosi insurmountable obstacles which the nature of tbe places
and climate presented to the Fiench, than for the resistance of their
enemies, whom they surprised in full security and withoui defense.
The coasts were difficult and lillie known, and the shoals very dan
gerous. Though it was only the last of July when the ships of the
expedition arrived in Hudson's bay, yet the cold was already so
rigorous there, and the masses of floating ice so numerous, that Ihey
were very near being shut up for the winter in those bleak and dis
mal regions.
In the meantime, admiral Rodney had repaired to Jamaica ; he
had made a triumphal entry into the port of Kingston. The inhab
itants of the island crowded with eagerness to behold their deliverer,
and to enjoy the spectacle of the victorious and of the captured ships.
But no object more excited their curiosity, than the French admiral
himself, vs'ho, already becorae fflustrious by grea* success in Araerica,
and ready but now to faff upon their island at tne head of the most
formidable armament, appeared there at present as a memorable
example of the caprices of fortune. The victory of Rodney and the
exultation of the colonists did not, however, cause Ihem to forget
what generosity exacted of them towards an unfortunate enemy.
They loaded him wilh aff the attentions which they judged suitable
to console him.
Meanwhile, before the news of the victory of the twelfth of April
had reached England, admiral Pigot had been appointed to the com
mand ofthe West India fleet, in the room of Rodney. The lattei
obeyed without delay, and departed for Europe after having em
barked the count de Grasse in the homeward bound Jaraaica convoy.
The odious pillage committed at St. Eustatius, had brought Rodney
into great discredit with the public. His conduct had been censured
with extreme asperity even in parliament. The complaints which
arose on all parts against this admiral, raight have contributed no less
to his recall tban his attachment to the party In opposition lo minis
ters. But when arrived in England, he answered his accusers only
by showing them the count de Grasse prisoner. Immediately, the
infamous spoiler of St. Eustatius became the Idol of the nation.
Those same indivriduals, who had inveighed against hira with the most

432 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XV.
vehemence, showed themselves the most forward to load him with
panegyric in the same raeasure.
The count de Grasse encountered in England the most honorable
reception ; he owed il perhaps as rauch lo ostentation as to politeness.
As soon as he was arrived al London, he was presented to the king,
and waited on by all the great. The people assembled in throngs
before the hotel where he lodged ; forced to appear at the balcony, the
raultitude greeted him with loud acclamations, and applauses vvithout
end. They called him the brave, the valiant Frenchman. Such is
the fascination of courage even in an enemy ! In the public places
where the count made his appearance, numerous crowds gathered
about him, not lo insult him, but, on the contrary, to pay him horaage.
The enthusiasra of the people of London seemed to redouble, when
it was generally agreed to find him an English physiognomy. He
was obliged to consent to have his portrait painted ; copies of it
were profusely distributed throughout the country ; and who
ever was without it, exposed himself to be accounted a bad patriot.
Admiral Rodney was created an English peer, .by the litle of lord
Rodney. Hood was honored wilh an Irish peerage ; Drake and
Affleck with baronetages.
The grief which the news of the disaster of the twelfth of April
produced in Fiance, was the more profound, as il iraraediately
succeeded the most sanguine hope. But the French, constant in
their gayety, and intrepid by their nature, rapidly lose impressions of
sadness ; they soon resumed courage. The king was the first lo give
the exaraple of firraness ; it was imitated by all France. In order
to repair the losses ofhis marine, the monarch ordered the immediate
construction of twelve ships of the line of one hundred and ten,
eighty, and seventy-four guns. The counts de Provence and d' Ar
tois, his brothers, offered him each one of eighty ; the prince ot
Conde one of one hundred and len, in the name of the slates of
Burgundy. The chamber of commerce, wilh the six corps of re
tailers of the city of Paris, the merchants of MarseUles, of Bordeaux.
of Lyons, resolved with the same zeal to furnish to the stale each a
ship of one hundred and ten guns. The receivers-general of the
revenue, the farmers-general, and other financial companies, offered
to advance considerable sums. All these offers were accepted, but
not those which patriotism had dictated to private citizens ; the king,
not wffling to increase the burdens that already weighed upon his
people, ordered the sums which had been subscribed or advanced
by particulars, lo be placed again at their disposal. Thus the ardent
zeal which manifested itself in all parts towards the country and the

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN VT.4.R. 433
sovereign, raised the French above the malice of adverse fortune,
and cheered thera with new hopes of a brilliant future.
We have seen the war brought lo an end upon the American con
tinent, by the Irreparable check which the arms of England sustained
al Yorktown ; and we have also seen it suspended In the West Indies,
by the disaster of the French marine. We shall now return from
those distant regions, lo consider the issue of this long and bloody
war in that part of the globe vvhich we inhabit, and in those countries
whence it drew its principal aliment. The attention of all the In
formed pett of mankind was turned upon the siege of Gibraltar.
For many ages, Europe had not witnessed an enterprise of this sort
which presented more formidable difficulties, or more important
results. Admiral Howe had sailed for the relief of that fortress. Various
were the conjectures of men respecting the success of his efforts.
Sorae, full of confidence In the dexterity and audacity of the English,
inferred from the event of their preced ing expeditions, the most favor
able issue lo this ; others, reflecting upon the naval superiority of the
aUied courts, and impressed with esteem for the talents and valor of
the count de Guichen and don Lewis de Cordova, formed a contrary
opinion. In one place, the extraordinary preparations that hadbeen
made and were still making by the besiegers, appeared to answer
for the approaching faff of Gibraltar. In another, on the contrary,
the strength of its position, the perfection of its works, and the intre
pidity of its defenders, seemed to place il beyond the reach of dan
ger. Every where but one opinion prevaffed upon this point ; that
the obstacles were numerous, and that blood must stream copiously
before they were all surmounted. But the very hazards of this greal
enterprise so infl.amed the valor of all warlike men, that even those who
were not called to take an active part in it, wished al least to be
spectators of the glorious scenes that were about to be represented
at the foot of this formidable rock. Hence it was, that not only from
France and Spain, but also from Germany, and the reraoter regions
ofthe north, the most distinguished personages were seen hastening
to arrive al the camp of St. Roch, and in the port of Algesiras.
Even those nations which are accounted barbarous, and who have
comraunicated that appellation to so large and so fine a portion of
Africa, were seized with an irresistible curiosity ; they repaired lo
the nearest shores In order to contemplate a spectacle so new for
them. All was in movement in the camp, in the arsenals, and aboard
the fleets of the allies. From the summit of his rock, Elliot awaited
with an heroic constancy the attack with vvhich he was menaced.
But before relating the memorable evenls that ensued, it appears to
VOL. n. 28

434 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XV.
us necessary to enter into a description of the places, and of the
works within and without the citadel ; and to trace an outline ofthe
plans and preparations ofthe besiegers.
The fortress of Gibraltar is seated upon a rock which projects in
the form of a tongue for the space of a league, from north to soulh,
out of the continent of Spain, and which is terminated by a promon
tory called the point of Europe. The top of this rock is eleva ted a
thousand feet above the level of the sea. Its eastern flank, or that
which looks towards the Mediterranean, is entirely coraposed of a
living rock, and so perpendicularly steep as to be absolutely inacces
sible. The point of Europe, vvhich is also of soUd rock, slopes and
terminates in an esplanade, vvhich rises twenty feet above the sea ;
here the English had planted a battery of twenty pieces of heavy
artUlery. Behind this point the promontory dilates, and there is
formed a second esplanade, which overlooks the first, and affords
space enough for the troops of the garrison to parade in without diffi
culty. As the declivity is gentle, and of easy access, the English
have made cuts in the rock in front, and surrounded the platform wilh
a wall fifteen feet in height and as many in thickness, copiously fur
nished vvith artfflery. Within this platforra they have constructed,
besides, an intrenched camp, which offers them a secure retreat in
case they should be driven from their outer works. From this post
they communicate with another stiff more elevated, and situated
among steep and irregular masses ; here the besieged had established
their camp. Upon the western flank of the promontory, and upon
the seashore, the town of Gibraltar itself occupied a long and narrow
space. It had been almost totally destroyed by the artfflery, in one
of the preceding attacks. It is closed on the south by a wall, on the
north by an ancient fortification called the castle of the Moors, and in
front, next the sea, by a parapet sixteen feet thick, and furnished
from distance to distance with batteries, which fire level vvith the
water. Behind the town, the mountain rises abruptly quite to its
summit. The English, for the greater security of this part, have
constructed two other works, which project considerably into the sea.
Both are armed with formidable batteries. The first, which looks to
the north, is caffed the Old Mole ; the second the New Mole. Not
content with these defenses, they have erected in front ofthe castie of
the Moors, and of Old Mole, another work consisting in two bastions,
connected by a curtain, of vvhich the scarp and covered way, being
weU countermined throughout, are very difficult to mine. The object
of this construction is to sweep, by a raking fire, that narrow strip of
land which runs between the rock and the sea, and vvhich forms the
only communlcatioi of the Spanish continent wilh the fortress. In

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 435
the front of this work, the vvater of the sea had been Introduced by
means of dikes and sluices, vvhich, forming a pool or fen, adds much
10 the strength of this part. The north side, or that which faces
Spain, is by far the loftiest flank of the rock. Il fronts the camp ol
St. Roch, and presents upon all its surface a prodigious quantity of
batteries which descend in tiers towards the Spanish camp. Thus
art had combined with nature to raake of this immense rock an im
pregnable citadel. Between the promontory of Gibraltar and the
coast of Spain, lies, tovvards the west, a deep gap filled by the waters
of the sea ; it is the bay of Gibraltar or of Algesiras. The port and
city of this name are situated upon the western shore of the bay.
The garrison of Algesiras amounted to little over seven thousand
men, wilh about two hundred and fifty officers. Such was the nature
of that rock, against which the Spanish monarchy displayed the
greatest part of its forces, and invoked besides the powerful assist
ance of France. This enterprise was the object of the most ardent
wishes of Charles III. ; he considered the honor of his crown as
deeply interested in its success. The king of France likewise saw
in the reduction of Gibraltar the termination of the war. In order
to push the operations of the siege and secure its success, the con
duct of it was committed to the duke de Crfflon ; the public opinion
designated the victor of Minorca as the conqueror of Gibraltar.
The preparations directed against this place exceeded every thing
that had ever been heard of in like circumstances. Upwards of
twelve hundred pieces of heavy cannon, eighty-three thousand bar
rels of powder, a proportionable quantity of bombs and balls, were
destined to batter the works ofthe English. Forty gunboats, with
as many bomb ketches, vvere to open their fire on the side of the bay,
under cover of a formidable fleet of fifty sail of the line, twelve
French, the others Spanish. Frigates and light vessels hovered in
front of this Une, in waiting to carry succor wherever it might be
Wanted. Upwards of three hundred large boats had been assembled
from all parts of Spain, which carae to join the iraraense number
already In the bay of Algesiras. It was intended to employ them,
during the attack, in carrying munitions and necessaries lo the ships
of war, and in landing the troops as soon as the works should be
rained. Nor were the preparations by land inferior to those that were
made by sea. The Spaniards had already advanced by sap ; and their
lines, as soon as they were terminated, presented an astonishing
number of batteries of heavy artillery. Twelve thousand French
troops were brought to diffuse their peculiar vivacity and animation
through the Spanish army, as well as for tl e benefit to be derived
from the example and exertions of their sup( rior discipline and expe-

436 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XV,
lience. At sight of the Immense warlike apparatus assembled against
the place, and of the ardor manifested by the soldiers, the generals
vvho direcled the siege considered themselves as so sure of success,
that Ihey were upon the point of ordering, without further delay, a
general assault. They had resolved, that while the land forces should
assaff the fortress on the side ofthe isthmus, the fleet should batter
it upon all the points contiguous to the sea. They hoped that the
garrison, already little numerous, experiencingbesides a great diminu
tion in dead and wounded, would be lotaffy incapable of sufficing for
the defense of so extensive works. The loss of some thousands of
men, and several ships ofthe line, would have seemed to the be
siegers but a slender price for so inestimable a conquest. Mean
while, the project of an attack by main force was not adopted by all
the members of the council. Those who blamed its temerity,
observed, that until the defenses of the place on the land side were
entirely prostrated, lo attempt the assault would be sending the
troops lo a certain death, withoui any hope of success. On the part
of the sea, they showed that an attack vvould be attended vvith the
inevitable destruction of the ships, without producing the smallest
effect upon the fortress. ' Nevertheless,' they added, ' as a simple
attack by land must necessarily be fruitless, it is highly desirable that
a kind of ships could be procured raore capable of resisting arliUerv
than those of an ordinary construction.' It could not be expected to
carry Gibraltar by an attack of short duration ; but was it possible
lo prolong il without hazarding the ruin of the fleet ? This considera
tion occupied the thought of several men of talents. They present
ed plans of various inventions, all having for object to facilitate the
battering of the fortress on the part of the sea. These schemes
were examined with extreme attention. Several were rejected as
incompetent lo the purpose in view, none as too expensive. Al
length, after long deliberation, it was agreed to adopt the plan of the
chevalier d'Arcon, a French engineer of high note ; it was thought
ingenious and infallible. His project went lo the construction of
floating batteries, or ships, upon such a principle, that they could nei
ther be sunk nor fired. The first of these properties was lo be
acquired by the extraordinary thickness of limber, wilh which their
keels and bottoms were lobe fortified ; the second, by securing the
sides of the ships, wherever they were exposed to shot, with a strong
waU, composed of timber and cork, a long lime soaked in vvater, and '
including between a large body of wel sand. But the ingenious'
projector, not being yet satisfied with his work, and wishing lo render'
il more proof against the redhol shot from the fortress, executed a-
contrivance for communicating water in every direction to restrain'-

BOOK XV, THE AMERICAN WAR, 437
its effect. In imitation of the circulation of the blood In a living
body, a great variety of pipes and canals perforated all the solid
workmanship, in such a manner, that a continued succession of
water was to be conveyed to every part of the vessels ; d number of
pumps being adapted to the purpose of an unlimited supply. By
this means, Il was expected that the redhol shot would operate to
the remedy of its own mischief; as the very action of cutting through
those pipes would procure its iramediate extinction.
To protect his floating batteries from bombs, and the men at tho
batteries from grape or descending shot, the chevalier d'Arcon had
contrived a hanging roof, which vvas lo be worked up and down with
ease, and at pleasure. The roof was composed of a strong rope-
work netting, laid over with a thick covering of wet hides ; while its
sloping position was calculated to prevent the shells from lodging, and
to throw them off into the sea before they could lake effect. Al'
this scaffolding was constructed upon the hulks of great ships, from
six hundred lo fourteen hundred tons burthen, cut down to the state
required by the plan. There were len of these floating batteries;
they were armed In all with a hundred and fifty-four pieces of heavy
brass cannon, that were mounted ; and something about half the
number of spare guns were kept ready to supply the place of those
which might be overheated, or otherwise disabled In action. The
Pastora alone, which was the largest, carried twenty-four in battery,
and twelve in reserve. The Talia Piedra, commanded by the
prince of Nassau, and the Paula, which was also one of the stoutest,
mounted a no less numerous artiffery. That its fire might not be
slackened by losses in dead or wounded, thirty-six men, as weff
Spaniards as French, were allotted to the service of each piece.
The command of this flotilla had been confided to admiral don
Moreno, a seaman of equal valor and ability, who had served with
distinction at the siege of Port Mahon, The vast bulk of the bat
tering ships, the materials employed In their construction, and the
weight of their artfflery, seemed likely lo render them extremely
heavy and unmanageable. They were, however, rigged vvith so much
skill and Ingenuity, that they executed their various evolutions with
all the ease and dexterity of frigates.
When all these preparations were completed, there were few per
sons in the camp of the besiegers who did not consider the fall of a
place so vigorously attacked as inevitable. It was at this epoch,
towards the middle of August, that two French princes arrived at
the army before Gibraltar ; the count d'Artois, and the duke de
Bourbon, The object of their mission was to animate the troops by
their presence, and that they might themselves come In for a share of

438 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XV.
the glory of so signal and fflustrious an enterprise The army
were impatient lo receive the signal of attack ; their ardor had more
need of restraint than incitement. So sanguine vvas the general
hope, that the duke de Crillon vvas thought extremely cautious of
hazarding an opinion, when he affowed so long a term as fourteen
days to the certainty of being in possession of Gibraltar. Twenty-
four hours appeared more than sufficient.
The arrival of the French princes afforded an opportunity for the
display of that politeness, and the exercise of those humanized atten
tions and civilities, by which the refined manners of modern Europe
have tended so rauch lo divest war of many parts of its ancient
savage barbarity. The Spaniards had intercepted some packets,
containing a number of letteis directed to the officers in Gibraltar,
and had transmitted them to the court of Madrid, where they lay
al the lime that the count d'Artois arrived at that capital. The
French prince obtained the packets from the king, and on his arrival
al the camp, had them forvyarded to their address. The duke de
Crillon sent wilh them a letter lo general EUiot, in which, besides
informing him of this particular mark of attention shown by the count
d'Artois, he farther acquainted him that he was charged by the
French princes, respectively, lo convey to the general the strongest
expressions of their regard and esteem for his person and character.
He requested, in the most obliging terms, that he vvould accept of a
present of fruit and vegetables, for his own use, which accompanied
the letter, and of some ice and partridges for the gentlemen of his
household ; farther entreating, that as he knew the general lived
entirely upon vegetables, he would acquaint him with the particular
kinds vvhich he liked best, with a view to his regular supply. Gene
ral Elliot answered with the same politeness ; he returned many
thanks to the princes and the duke de Crillon, for the flattering
attentions they were pleased to show him. But he informed the
duke that in accepting the present, he had broken through a resolu
tion which he had invariably adhered to from the commencement
of the war, vvhich vvas, never to receive, or lo procure by any meEms
whatever, any provisions or other commodity for his own private use ;
and that he made il a point of honor, to partake of both plenty and
scarcity, in common wilh the lowest of his brave fellow-soldiers. He
therefore entreated the duke not lo heap any more favors of the
same kind upon him, as he could not in future apply Ihcm to his
own use. This exchange of courtesies was deemed worthy of their
authors, and of the sovereigns they represenled.
But while these civffities were passing, as in the midst of profound
peace, the dispositions were in process for redoubling the horrors oi

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAR 439
war. Elliot had hitherto observed in a sort of inaction the prepara
tions of the besiegers, when aff of a sudden he saw Issuing from the
port of Algesiras the enormous masses of the floating batteries. If
his courage was not shaken, he could not, however, but feel al least a
strong emotion of surprise. In this uncertainly as to what might be
the effect of those new invented machines, prudence urged him to
raake every defensive preparation that was calculated to elude and
defeat it. Confiding, moreover, in the strength of the place, and
the valor of his garrison, he vvas under no apprehension for the Issue
of the approaching attack. He did more ; he resolved to anticipate
It, by attacking himself. The besiegers had pushed their works with
so much dffigence that some of them were already far advanced
tcwai'ds the fortress. The governor determined to try how far a
vigorous cannonade and bombardment with redhol balls, carcasses,
and sheUs, might operate to their destruction. A powerful and
admirably directed firing accordingly coramenced from the garrison,
at seven o'clock in the morning of the eighth of September. By
ten o'clock, the Mahon battery, with another adjoining to II, were in
flames ; and by five in the evening were entirely consumed, togelhei
wilh their gun-carriages, platforms and magazines, although the latter
were bomb proof. A greal part of the coraraunications to the east
ern parallel, and of the trenches and parapet for musketry, vvere
hkewise destroyed ; and a large battery near the bay suffered exces-
.sively ; the works vvere on fire in fifty places at the same instant. It
was not without extreme exertions and considerable loss that the
besiegers al length succeeded in extinguishing the flames, and pre
serving their works from total destruction.
This affront was so much resented by the duke de Crillon, that
having pressed the reparation of his works during the night, he
unmasked all his batteries by break of day on the following morn
ing ; they mounted one hundred and ninety-three pieces of cannon
and mortars, and continued to pour their fire of shot and sheUs, with
out intermission, upon the garrison, through the whole course of the
day. At the same time, a part of the fleet, taking the advantage of
a favorable wind, dropped down frora the Orange Grove at the head
of the bay, and passing slowly along the works, discharged their shot
at the Old Mole and the adjoining bastions, continuing their cannon
ade until they had passed Europa Point and gol into the Mediterra
nean. They then formed a line to the eastward of the rock, and
the admiral leading, came to the attack of the batteries on the point,
and under a very slow sail, commenced a heavy fire with all their
guns. But these combined efforts did very little harm to the besieg-

440 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XV.
ed. There prevailed for sorae days a calm, which was soon lo be
interrupted by a most sanguinary combat.
The thirteenth of Septeraber was destined lo witness an ever
memorable conflict. History, in effect, presents nolhing more terri
ble for the desperate fierceness and resolution of tiie two parties, noi
more singular for the species of arms, nor more glorious for the
humanity manifested by the conquerors. The season beginning lo
be late, and admiral Howe approaching with intent lo re-victual Gib
raltar, t,he allied commanders felt the necessity of precipitating tht
attack they meditated. According to the plan agreed upon, the
artiUery of the lines, the floating batteries, the ships of war and gun
boats were to attack the place upon all points al once. While the
cannon, mortars and howitzers of the isthmus kept up a heavy fire
on the land side, it was intended that the floating batteries should
direct their fire against the works which comraanded the bay, laking
their station in front of the Old Mole. A I the same time, the gun
and moriar boats, wilh the bomb-ketches, laking post on the two
flanks of the line of battering ships, were to enfilade the British
artillery which defended the fortifications constructed upon the
margin of the sea. As lo the fleet, il was destined to concur no less
effectuaUy to the attack, according to the wind or the necessity of
the service. In this manner, the fortress would be battered simulta
neously by four hundred pieces of ordnance, witiiout including the
artiUery afloat.
General Elliot, on his part, had neglected nothing that could ena
ble him to make a vigorous defense. The soldiers vvere at their
posts, the artiUerists at their places with lighted matches ; numerous
furnaces were prepared for heating the shot. At seven in the morn
ing, the ten battering ships, under the conduct of admiral don Mo
reno, put themselves in motion. Between nine and ten they came
to an anchor, being moored in a line, at raoderate distances, from
the Old to the New Mole, lying parallel to the rock, and al about
nine hundred yards distance. The admiral's ship was stationed
opposite the king's bastion ; and the others took their appointed
places successively, and vyith great regularity, on his right and left.
The cannonade and bombardment, on all sides, and in all directions,
from the isthmus, the sea, and the various works of the fortress, was
not only tremendous, but beyond example. The prodigious showers
of redhol balls, of borabs, and of carcasses, which filled the air, and
were withoui intermission thrown to every point of the various
attacks, both by sea and by land, from the garrison, astonished even
the commanders of the allied forces. The battering ships, however,
appeared to be the principal objects of vengeance, as they were of

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAR, 441
apprehension, to the garrison ; but such was the excellence of Iheir
construction that they not only resisted this terrible fire, but answer
ed it with equal fury ; and already they had operated a breach in
the works of the Old Mole. The result of so many mutual efforts
seemed for a long time uncertain. Al length, however, some .smoke
began lo issue from the upper part of the battering ships Pastora and
Talia Piedra. It was caused by some redhol balls, which had pt ne-
trated so far Into their sides, that they could not be extinguished by
the water of the internal canals. They had set fire lo the contiguous
parts, which, after smouldering for some time, suddeiriy broke out in
flames. The men were seen, at the hazard of Ufe, using fire
engines, and pouring water into the shot-holes. This fire, ihough
kept under during the continuance of daylight, could never be
thoroughly subdued. The disorder in these two commanding ships
In the center, affected the whole Une of attack ; and by the evening
the fire from the fortress had gained a decided superiority. The fire
was continued from the batteries in the fortress with equal vigor
through the night, and by one o'clock in the morning the first two
batteries were in flames, and the others visibly on fire, whether by
the effect of the redhot shot, or, as the Spaniards pretended, that
they were purposely set on fire, when It appeared no longer possible
to save them. The confusion was now extreme. Rockets were
continually thrown up by each of the ships, as signals to the fleet of
their distress and danger. These signals vvere immediately answer
ed, and aff means used by the fleet to afford the assistance they
required ; but as it was deemed Impossible to remove the battering
ships, their endeavors were only directed to bringing off the men. A
great nuraber of boats were accordingly employed, and great intre
pidity displayed. In the attempts for this purpose ; the danger from
the burning vessels, filled as they were with instruments of destruc
tion, appearing no less dreadful than the fire from the garrison,
terrible as that was, since the Ught thrown out on aU sides by the
flames afforded the utmost precision in its direction. Never, per
haps, has a more deplorable spectacle passed before the eyes of
men. The thick darkness which covered the land and waters in the
distance contrasted with the frightful glare of the flames which de
voured so many victims ; In the midst of the roar of artillery their
dolorous cries were audible. A new Incident occurred to Interrupt
the attempts that were made for their rescue, and to complete the
general confusion and destruction. Captain Curtis, a seaman as
ible as he was adventurous, advanced at this moment with twelve
gunboats, each carrying one eighteen or twenty-four pounder. They
had been constructed to oppose those of the Spaniards, and their low

442 THE AMERICAN WAB. BOOK XV.
fire and fixed aim rendered thera extreraely formidable. Captain
Curtis drew them up in such a manner as to flank the line of batter
ing ships. The scene was wrought up by this fierce and unexpect
ed attack to the highest point of calamity. The Spanish boats dared
no longer to approach, and were compeUed lo the hard necessity of
abandoning their ships and friends lo the flames, or to the raercy of
a healed and irritated eneray. Several of their boats and launches
had been sunk before they subraitted to this necessity ; and one in
particular, with fourscore men on board, who were all drowned,
excepting an officer and twelve men, vvho, having the fortune lo float
on the wreck under the walls, were taken up by the garrison. Some
feluccas had taken shelter upon the coast during the night, but as
soon as the day appeared, the English soon corapelled them lo sur
render. It seemed that nothing could have exceeded the horrors of
the night ; but the opening of daylight disclosed a spectacle still more
dreadful. Numbers of men were seen in the midst of the flames,
crying out for pity and help; others floating upon pieces of timber,
exposed lo an equal though less dreadful danger from the opposite
eleraent. Even those in the ships, where the fire had yet made a
less progress, expressed in their looks, gestures, and words, the
deepest distress and despair, and were no less urgent in iraploring
assistance. Moved with compassion at this disraal scene, the Eng
lish discontinued their fire, and thought only of saving the enemy
they had vanquished ; a conduct the more generous, as it was
attended with manifest peril. Captain Curtis in particular acquired
an imperishable glory, by showing himself regardless of his own
existence in his endeavors to preserve that of his enemies. He
advanced intrepidly with his boats towards the burning ships, in
order to rescue those who vvere about to become the prey of the
one or other element. He vvas himself the first to rush on board
the blazing batteries, and to set the example of dragging with his
own hands the terrified victims from the jaws of destruction. Mean
while death hovered incessantly round him. He was equaUy expos
ed lo the peril arising from the blowing up of the ships as the fire
reached their magazines, and lo the continual discharge on all sides
of the artillery, as the guns became to a certain degree healed.
Several of his people vvere. kiffed or severely wounded in this honor
able enterprise. He was near sharing the fate of one of the largest
ships, which blew up only a few moraents after he lefl her. Near four
hundred raen were thus saved, by the noble exertions of Curtis, from
inevitable death. The French and Spaniards, however, lost no less
than fifteen hundred men. Including the prisoners and wounded, in
the attack by sea. The wounded that *ell Into the power of the

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 443
conqueror were carried to the hospitals of the fortress, and treated
with the greatest humanity. Nine floating batteries were burnt by
the redhot shot, or by the Spaniards themselves. The tenth was
burnt by the English when they found she could not be brought off.
Their loss was inconsiderable ; il amounted, according lo their
account, since the ninth of August, to no more than sixty-five killed,
and three hundred and eighty-eight wounded. The fortifications
received but slight daraage ; or at least not so considerable as to
afford any room for future apprehension.
In this manner was victory obtained wilh lasting glory to general
EUiot, and the whole garrison of Gibraltar. The treasures which
the king of Spain had expended for the construction of these enor
mous raachines, the bravery and perseverance ofhis troops, the valor
and spirit of the French, were all In vain.
It cannot Indeed be positively affirmed, that if such formidable
means of attack had even been employed in all their efficacy, ana
according to the intention of the generals, they would have sufficed
to carry the place ; but neither can il be denied that the allies com
mitted several faults of no little importance. The first was undoubt
edly that of having hurried on the attack before M. d'Arcon had
been able to bring his floating batteries lo that degree of perfection
which he could have wished. By working the pumps, he had per
ceived that the water of the pipes leaked upon the Inward parts, and
that the powder was exposed to be wet by II, and rendered unfit for
use. He would have found a remedy for this inconvenience ; but
he was not allowed lime to seek it. The inner pipes vvere iherefore
stopped up, and only the outer ones filled wilh water, vvhich were
found an insufficient defense against the effect of the redhot shot.
It is, besides, lo be considered that don Moreno was ordered so ab
ruptly to repair to the attack from the point of Majorca, that he found
It impossible to form the line of his floating batteries in front of the
Old Mole, as contemplated in the plan of attack. From that point
his fire would assuredly have been more efficacious, and he raight
also have retired thence without difficulty if he had thought II neces
sary ; but he was constrained to take post between the Old and the
New Mole. Nor did the Spanish gunboats answer the general ex
pectation, whether they were in effect opposed by the wind, as was
pretended, or that their spirit of adventure sunk under the dreadful
fire frora the garrison Only two of thera look any considerable share
In the attack. The great fleet Itself reraained In a state of almost
total Inaction. Il is uncertain whether this faffure should be attrib
uted lo an unfavorable wind, or lo secret jealousies between the land
and sea commanders. The batteries on shore, whatever was the

444 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XV.
cause of il, were equallv far from performing the services which
were expected from them. Their fire was neither so weff supported,
nor so weff directed as it should have been. It resulted from the.se
several causes, that the garrison, instead of being disquieted upon all
points at the same instant, found themselves al liberty to direct the
whole weight and force of their fire against the floating batteries.
In this manner was disconcerted the most ingenious design which
for a long time had been fraraed by the wisdom of man. The most
sanguine hopes suddenly gave place to the opinion, that Gibraltar
was not only the strongest place known, but that It was absolutely
inexpugnable. Convinced by this attack, that a regular siege could not have the
desired issue, the allied commanders resolved lo convert it inlo a
blockade, and to await from famine what they despaired of oblEunlng
by dint of arms. It was Iherefore of the highest importance to pre
vent admiral Howe from throwing into the place the intended relief.
The combined fleet had accordingly taken its anchorage in the
bay of Algesiras, to the number of about fifty saff ofthe Une ; among
which were five of one hundred and ten guns, and the Trinidad, of
one hundred and twelve. The design of don Lewis de Cordova,
the commander of these forces, was lo engage the British fleet as
soon as II should appear, while his light squadron should give chase
to the transports, and capture them, one after another. Il is not easy
lo explain why this admiral, instead of advancing to meet the enemy
off Cape St. Mary, where he would have been able to display his
whole line, took the determination lo await him in a narrow bay,
vvhere the number of his ships, so far from being an advantage, could
only tend to embarrass him. Il appears that this disposition eraa
nated immediately from the king of Spain, whose thoughts were all
absorbed in the conquest of Gibraltar.
In the meantime, adrairal Howe met with much delay through
contrary winds and unfavorable weather, on his way to Gibraltar.
His anxiety was Iherefore extreme, lest the place should find itself
necessitated to surrender before the arrival of succors. It was not
rill the fleet had arrived near the scene of action that his apprehen
sions vvere removed, by Intelligence received from the coast of Por
tugal, of the total discomfiture of the combined forces. This news
increased his hope of succeeding in his enterprise ; he calculated
that the enemy, discouraged by so severe a check, would show him
self less eager lo encounter him. Near the mouth of the straits he
met wilh a furious gale of wind, which damaged several of his ships.
The combined fleet suffered much more in the bay of Algesiras.
One ship ofthe line was driven ashore near the city of that name;

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAB.

445

another fine Spanish ship, of seventy-two guns, was driven across
the bay, under the works of Gibrajtar, and was taken by the boats of
the garrison. Two more were driven lo the eastward into the Med
iterranean ; others lost masts or bowsprits ; and many suffered more
or less damage.
On the morning that succeeded the storm, the British fleet entered
the straits' mouth in a close Une of battle ahead, and in the evening
of the same day It was opposite the port of Gibraltar ; but the wind
failing, only four victualing ships could enter the harbor. The rest
of the transports, with the squadron, were drifted by the currents Into
the Mediterranean. The combined fleet took the same direction.
A general action seemed inevitable ; a calm and fog which came up,
prevented it ; or perhaps the admirals themselves were not disposed
to engage, withoui all probabilities of success. However it was,
admiral Howe, profiting dexterously of an east wind which sprung up
in the strait, passed his whole convoy lo Gibraltar harbor. To cover
this operation, the British fleet had formed In order of battle at the
mouth of the straits, fronting the Mediterranean, between the op
posite points of Europa and Ceuta.
The corabined fleets then made their appearance, bearing directly
down upon the enemy ; but the British admiral considering that the
re-victualing of Gibraltar, the principal object of his raission, was
accomplished, he saw that it would be the highest imprudence and
rashness to hazard an action In the strait. He knew the superiority
of force that he would have lo encounter ; and he could not but per
ceive that the vicinity of the enemy's coasts would exceedingly aggra
vate, for him, the consequences of a defeat. He chose, if he was
obliged lo come to action, to have sea room enough, In order, by his
evolutions, to prevent its being decisive, as il must necessarily be in
a confined space. Under these considerations, he look the advan
tage of a favorable wind, and re-passed the straits into the Atlantic.
The aUies followed him with only a part of their fleet. Twelve
of their largest ships of the line, being heavy saffers, were left behind.
Meanwhffe their van came within reach ofthe British rear, and there
iraraediately ensued between them abrisk, Ihough distant cannonade,
the only effect of which was to damage some vessels on both sides.
Profiting of their superiority of sailing, the English drew off to such
a distance, that the allies lost aff hope of coming up with them. They
then took the resolution of repairing lo Cadiz. Admiral Howe de
tached eight of his ships for the West Indies, six others to the coasts
of Ireland, and returned wilh the rest lo Portsmouth. The destruc
tion of the floating batteries and the re-victualing of Gibraltar,
relieved England from all disquietude respecting the fate of that

446 THE AMERICAN W.4.R. BOOK XV.
place. This double success was no less glorious for her arms, than
afflicting for the enemies she combated. The allies are reproached
wilh having shown upon land too much precipitancy and loo little
concord ; upon sea, too much indecision and too little spirit. In this
occurrence, as in those v/hich had preceded it, the display of their
great naval forces had resulted in little more than a vain parade. It
Is, however, to be considered, that if, during the course of all this
war, the fleets of the affied courts gained no briffiant advantages, or
rather sustained reverses, in general actions, their seamen more often
than once acquired signal renown in particular engagements of ship
with ship. The French, especially, manifested in these rencounters
a valor and ability alike worthy of admiration, and often crowned
with victory. We leave those to account for this difference who
are more versed than ourselves in naval tactics.
The events which vve have related, as well In this as in the fore
going book, had occasioned araong the beUigerent powers an ardent
desire, or rather an avowed will, to put an end to the war:. On all
sides, a hope was cherished that an honorable adjustment would soon
be brought about. Several successive carapaigns, without any ira
portant advantage, and the loss of the army taken at Yorktown, vvith
lord Cornwaffis, had al length convinced the British ministry of the
impossibffity of subjugating the Americans by force of arms. The
maneuvers employed to divide thera among themselves, or lo detach
them from their allies, had not been attended with any better success
than military operations. On the other hand, the victories of Rod
ney and Effiot had not only dissipated aff fears for the West Indies
and Gibraltar, but also pul in safety the honor of Great Britain.
With the exception of the independence of the United Slates, which
she could no longer refuse to acknowledge, she found herself in a
situation to treat upon a footing of equality with her enemies relative
to aU other articles. Victorious at Gibraltar, holding the scale of
fortune even in the seas of Europe, she had caused il lo incline in
her favor in the West Indies. If she had sustained sensible losses
in that quarter, she had, however, acquired the island of St. Lucia,
so important from its strength, the excellence of its ports, and the
advantages of its position. Although It could not be considered as a
sufficient indemnification on the part of Great Britain for the loss of
Dominica, Grenada, Tobago, and St. Christophers, yet England had
made so considerable conquests in the East Indies that she brought
into a negotiation more objects of exchange than France could offer.
But all these considerations yielded to another of far greater mo
ment; the public debt of Greal Britain, already enormou=! expe
rienced every day an alarming augmentation. The people did not

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 447
conceal their desire for the return of peace, and the protraction ol
the war e.xcited public murmurs. The ministers themselves, who
had so severely censured the obstinacy of their predecessors in con
tinuing the war, openly inclined for peace ; whether because they
thought it reaffy necessary, or that they were aftaid of incurring
similar reproaches. An untimely death had carried off the marquis
of Rockingham, who, in the general direction of affairs, had concili
ated universal esteem, and Fox had resigned. The first had been
replaced by the eari of Shelburne, and the second by William Pitt,
son of the earl of Chatham ; both known forconsenring rather from
necessity than choice lo the independence of America. The ma
jority of the ministry, however, was coraposed of those who had
obtained the repeal of the rigorous laws against the Araericans, and
who had afterwards distinguished themselves in parliament by advo
cating wilh singular warmth and eloquence an early acknowledg
ment of their independence. It was therefore determined to send
Thoraas Grenville to Paris, in order to sound the intentions ofthe
French government, and to prepare the ways for the plenipotentiaries
that vvere to follow hiin. A shorl time after. In effect, M. Fitz Her
bert and M. Oswald repaired to the French capital in that character;
they had little difficulty in penetrating the dispositions of the court of
Versailles. The United Stales had taken care that their plenipo
tentiaries should assemble at Paris in this conjuncture ; they were
John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens^
who had recentiy been released from his detention In the lower of
London. If great was the desire of peace in England, it was not less ar
dently wished for In France, as well by the government as by the
people. The court of Versailles had attained the object it had most
al heart, thatis, the separation of the British colonies from the molher
country. The first of the proposals of the court of London was, in
effect, to acknowledge the independence of the United Slates ; and
this was the principal, and indeed the only avowed motive of Fiance
for taking up arms. As lo the situation of affairs in the West Indies,
the operations that were in contemplation against those islands, inter
ested Spain much more than France. And, besides, the discomfiture
of tbe twelfth of April had deranged all plans, and extinguished all
hopes. Nor vvas there any room to expect belter fortune in the seas
of Europe, since their empire had already been disputed for several
years, without the occurrence of any decisive event.
The losses which France had sustained In the East Indies, might
counterbalance the conquests she had made In the West. Upon the
whole, therefore, she found herself in a condition lo treat for herself

448 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XV.

on equal terms with respect to the chances of war, and upon a foot
ing of decided superiority in regard to its principal cause ; the inde
pendence of the United Stales. Independent of the foregoing
considerations, there existed others vvhich po-werfuffy urged a speedy
re-estabUshment of peace. The finances vvere exhausted ; and not
withstanding the j udicious regulations and econoray which the govern
ment had endeavored to introduce into all the departments, the
resources were no longer in proportion lo the exorbitant charges of
the war. The expenditure exceeded the receipt, and every day
beheld the increase of the public debt. The re-establishment of the
marine, expeditions in distant countries, the capture of several
convoys which it had been necessary to replace, such were at first
the charges which consumed the royal treasure. The Americans
afterwards, deprived in a great measure of all revenue by the slow
ness with which taxes were paid in their country, authorized them
selves, from the insufficiency of their raeans, lo present ihcessantly
new deraands to the court of Versailles. After having perraitted the
farmers-general to lend them a million of livres, after having guaran
teed the loans which they had negotiated in Holland, Louis XVI.
had advanced them himself eighteen millions, and they still soUcited
six others. The French, al this epoch, had applied themselves with
singular ardor lo the extension of their commerce. The war had
proved extremely prejudicial to il, and the merchants who had been
the greatest sufferers could no longer hope lo retrieve their losses,
but by the cessation of hostilities. AU these considerations led lo a
general opinion, that to the possibility of concluding an honorable
peace, was added the expediency and even the necessity of so doing.
As to Spain, the hope of conquering Gibraltar and Jamaica hadj
been annihilated by the fatal days of the twelfth of April and the
thirteenth of September. The conrinuation of the war, wilh a vieWj
lo these two objects, would Iherefore have been rather the effect of,
obstinacy than of constancy. On the other hand, the court of Madrid,,
had acquired by its arms the province of West Florida and the island^
of Minorca. As England had no compensation lo offer it for these twt
acquisitions, it was natural to think that a treaty of peace vvould coU'
firm the possession of them to Spain. Though her views had beei
aimed much higher, these advantages were at least sufficient to pre'
vent the. Spaniards from complaining that they had taken part in th
war without any personal interest, and through mere complaisance
It had never ceased to excite general surprise that the court o
Madrid should have furnished fuel to a conflagration vvhich migh*
become so fatal to itself, in taking part in a war whose professed ol"
ject was that of establishingan independent republic in the immedial"'

O'^ X^> THE AMERICAN WAR. 449
inity of her Mexican possessions. The contagion of example, the
luction of novelty, the natural proclivity of men to shake'off the
ke, afforded, without doubt, reasonable grounds of apprehension
d alarm. But If Spain had interfered in this great quarrel against
r particular interests, she would have been doubly blamable in
ishing so much blood and treasure to prolong It, especially since
; possession of Minorca and West Florida secured her honorable
ndirions. This power therefore inclined also towards the genera]
cification.It remains for us to cast a glance upon the Dutch. Following
iir affies at a distance, rather than marching at their side, they were
istrained by their position to wffl whatever France willed. Il was
ly from that power, and not from their own forces, that they could
pect the termination of their disquietudes. If they had recovered
Eustatius and Demerary, were they not indebted for it entirely
the arms of the king of France ? They wished therefore for
ice, since experience had taught them that war could yield them
advantage, and that it is never more detrimental than to a peo-
; whose existence is founded upon commerce.
To this inclination for peace, manifested at the same time by all
) beUigerent powers, was added the mediation of the two most
werful princes of Europe ; the erapress of Russia and the emperor
Germany. Their Intervention was accepted with unanimous
nsenl ; every thing verged towards a general peace.
Thus, towards the close of the present year, the negotiations at
ris were pushed with mutual ardor. The English and Americans
re the first to come to an accommodation. They signed, the
rtielh of Noveraber, a provisional treaty, vvhich was lo be defini-
3, and made public, as soon as France and Great Britain should
re adjusted their differences. The most important conditions of
s treaty were, that the king of England acknowledged the liberty,
rerelghty, and independence of the thirteen United States of
nerica, which were aff named successively ; that his Britannic
ajesty renounced, as well for himself as for his heirs and successors,
trights whatever over the government, properly or territory, of the
id states. In order to prevent any occasicm for complaints on either
iJe upon the subject of liraits, iraaginary lines of boundary were
ijieed upon, which brought within the territory of the United Slates
iainense countries, lakes and rivers, to which, up to that lime, they
kid never pretended any sort of claim. For, besides the vast and
fertile countries situated upon the banks of the Ohio and Mississippi,
le limits of the United Slates embraced a part of Canada and Nova
taa; an acquisition which nermltted the Americans to participate

450 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XV.

in the fur trade. Some Indian nations, which had hitherto existed
under the domination of the English, and especially the Six Tribes,
who had always adhered to their party and alliance, were now in
cluded in the new territory of the United States. The English were
to evacuate and restore all the parts which they still occupied, such
as Nevv York, Long Island, Staten Island, Charleston, Penobscot,
and all their dependencies. There was no mention raade of Sa
vannah, as the evacuation of that place and of all Georgia, by the
English, had already lefl il entirely in the povver of congress.
The Americans were also secured by the treaty of peace in the
right of fishhig on the banks of Newfoundland, in the gulf of St.
Lawrence, and all other places where the two nations had been
accustomed to carry on fishery before the rupture. It was expressly
stipulated, that the congress should recommend to the dintrent slates
that they should decree the restitution of all confiscated effects,
estates, and properly whatsoever, as well lo British subjects as to
those among the Araericans vvho had adhered lo the party of Eng
land. It was agreed, besides, that such individuals could not be
questioned or prosecuted for any thing which they had said or done
in favor of Great Britain. These last articles displeased certain
zealous republicans, and became the object of vehement declama
tions on their part. They little reflected how vengeance, al first so
sweet, raay prove bitter in the result. The loyalists were not any more
satisfied ; gaffed at seeing their fate depend on a raere recommenda
tion, which might have effect or not, according to the good pleasure of
the several states, they complained ofthe ingratitude of England, who
unworthily abandoned thera io chance. Animated discussions also
arose in parliament relative lo this point. The party in opposition
represented in glowing colors the infamy vvith vvhich the ministers
were about lo cover the narae of England, in suffering those vvho had
served her to become the prey of their persecutors. It seemed to
have been forgotten that in these political convulsions it is necessary
to have regard rather to what is possible or advantageous, than to
that vvhich is merely just and honorable. Every man vvho lakes
part In a civil conflict, must expect, sooner or later, to submit lo this
common law. Exclusively occupied with its greal interests, the stale
deigns not even lo perceive those of individuals. Its own preserva
tion is the sole object of its cares ; for it the public good is every
thing, private utility nothing. Upon the adoption of these bases, It
was agreed that hostilities, whether by land or sea, should cease
immediately between Great Britain and America
1783. The preliminaries of peace between France and England
vvere signed al Versaiffes on the twentieth of January, 1783, by the

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAR, 451
count de Vergennes, minister of foreign affairs, and M. Fitz Herbert,
minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty, England acquired
thereby an extension of her right of fishery upon the banks of New
foundland. But she restored to France in full property the islands
of St. Pierre and Miquelon. She Ukewise restored her the island of
St. Lucia, and ceded her that of Tobago. On the other hand,
France restored to England the island of Grenada, with the Grena
dines, Dominica, St. Vincent, St. Christopher, Nevis, and Montserrat.
In the East Indies, Fiance recovered possession of Pondicherry, and
Karical, and all her other establishments in Bengal, and upon the
coast of Orixa. Still other concessions of no littie importance were
made her, relating to trade and the right of fortifying diirerent places.
But an arricle singularly honorable for France, vvas that by which
England consented to consider as entirely annulled aff stipulations
which had been made in regard to the port of Dunkirk, since the
peace of Utrecht, in 1713.
The court ofLondon ceded to that of Madrid the island of Minorca
and the two Floridas. It obtained, at the same lime, the restitution
of the Bahama islands ; a restitution vvhich vvas aftervvards found
superfluous, since colonel Deveaux had just re-conquered those
islands with a handful of raen, equipped at his own expense. These
preliminaries were converted into a definirive treaty of peace the
third of September, 1783. It was signed on the part of France by
the count de Vergennes, and on that of Spain, by the count d' Aranda,
and in behalf of England, by the duke of Manchester. The defini
tive treaty between Great Britain and the United Slates was signed
the same day al Paris, by David Hartiey, on one part, and by John
Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay, on the other. On the
preceding day had likewise been concluded, at Paris, the separate
treaty between Great Britain and the States-General of Holland ;
the duke of Manchester stipulating in the narae of his Britannic ma
jesty, and M. Van Berkenroode and M. Branslen, in behalf of their
high mighrinesses. The court of London restored to the Dutch
their establishment of Trincomale ; but they ceded lo the English
the city of Negapatam vvith its dependencies.
Notwithstanding aff the pomp with vvhich the aUied courts had af
fected lo assert the maritime rights of neutrals, no mention whatever
was made in these different treaties of so important a point of
public law.
Such was the issue of the long struggle undertaken for the cause
of America. If ft may be supposed, that the colonists had for a long
time sought an opportunity to throw off the yoke, it must be admitted
also thatthe English were themselves the first to excite them to ft.
Their rigorous laws irritated, instead of restraining; the insuffi-

452 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XV.
Ciency of their mffitary force and the versality of their measures did but
the more imbolden the resistance of the Araericans. The war which
ensued was carried on, as civff wars have usuaffy been, oflen with
valor, always with desperation, and soraetimes with barbarity. Be
tween the English, on the contrary, and the olher European nations
which they had lo combat, the reciprocal demonstrations of prowess
received new luster from that humanity and courtesy which emi
nently characterize the age in vvhich we live. The congress, and the
Americans in general, displayed the most extraordinary constancy ;
the British ministers perhaps merited the reproach of obstinacy, and
the cabinet of France distinguished Itself by the singular sagacity of
Its policy.
From these different causes resulted the foundation in the New
World of a Repubhc, happy within by its constitution, pacific by its
character, respected and courted abroad for the abundance of Its
resources. So far as il is possible lo judge of sublunary things, from
the extent and fertility of its territory, and the rapid increase of its
population, it is destined, at no distant day, to become a vast and
exceedingly powerful state. To consolidate their work, and render
its duration eternal, the Americans have only two things to avoid.
The one is, that moral depravation which too comraonly results from
an excessive love of gain ; the olher is, the losing sight of the prin
ciples upon which the edifice is founded. May they at least return lo
them promptly, if the ordinary course of human events should intro
duce disorder and decay inlo that admirable system of government
which they have established !
With the exception of an affair of little importance, in which colonel
Laurens was slain, and the evacuation of Charleston, nothing had
passed upon the American continent, deserving of particular atten
tion. As soon as the preliminaries of peace were known there, the
public joy manifested itself, but wilh much less enthusiasra, however,
than might naturally be supposed. Peace had for a long lime been
looked upon as certain ; and man enjoys more calmly the possession
of happiness itself, than the hopes which precede it. New appre
hensions." besides, soon arose lo cloud the horizon ; a secret fire
menaced a conflagration, and at the very moment In which peace
disarmed external enemies, an intestine war appeared ready to rend
the republic. The pay of the army was excessively In arrear ; the
greater part of the officers had spent in the service of the slate, not
only aU they were possessed of, but also the fortunes of their friends.
They were very apprehensive that the resolutions of October, 1780,
by which congress had granted them half pay for a certain term of
years, would not be carried into effect. They had therefore deputed

BOOK XV, THE AMERICAN WAR, 453
a comnnttee of officers, to solicit the attention of congress to this
subject. Their instructions were, to press the immediate payment
of the money actually due, the commutation of the half pay above
mentioned for a sum In gross, and the indemnification of the officers
for the sums which they had been compelled to advance in conse
quence of the faffure of their rations. Some security that the
engagements of the government would be complied wilh, was also
lo be requested. But whether because a part of the members of
congress were little disposed to favor the army, or that others were
desirous that the particular slates, and not the federal treasury, should
support the burthen of these gratifications, nothing was decided.
Discouraged at this slowness, the deputies wrote to the army. The
other public creditors raanifested no less disquietude than the officers.
They foresaw plainly that the ordinary revenuo would be altogether
Inadequate to the payment of the sums that were due to them ; and
they were equaffy convinced of the repugnance which the states
would have to impose new taxes for the purpose of raising the means
to satisfy their demands. The discontent of the first and of the
second was extreme ; they already anticipated their total ruin.
The American government, at this epoch, was divided in two par
ties; one was sincerely disposed lo do ample justice to the pubhc
creditors generally, and to this end they desired the establishment
of a general tax ; they labored to fund the public debts on solid con
tinental securities ; they wished also to create a revenue to answer
the necessities of the republic, and to be subject to the disposal of
congress. The opposite parly considered this revenue as dangerous
to liberty. They contended that the particular states alone, not the
congress, should have authority to impose taxes or duties. Already,
at the recommendation of congress, twelve states had subjected to a
duty of five per cent, all foreign produce or manufactures that should
be imported into the United States. One stale, however, out of the
thirteen, had refused lo comply with the wishes of congress, and
this refusal paralyzed the action of the twelve others.
It was at this epoch that intelligence was received ofthe signature
of the preliminary and eventual articles of peace ; the disbanding of
the army must be Its necessary consequence. The partisans of the
tax then became apprehensive that their adversaries, when relieved
from the maintenance of the troops, and from the fear which they
inspired, would show themselves still more adverse to the creation of
a national revenue They saw not only that the creditors of the state
would thus be cut off from all hope, but tiiat the republic itself would
be exposed for the future to Incessant and Inextricab e embarrass
ments, for want of a general authority invested will the power of

454

THE AMEBICAN WAR. BOOK XV.

imposing taxes. They resolved, Iherefore, to profit of an occasion
which vvould never again present itself, lo procure the adcption of a
plan whose utility appeared to them incontestable. They were un
decided, however, as to the means to be employed in this conjunc
ture; several contradictory opinions were advanced. The more
resolute, not reflecting upon the danger of an irregular appeal to the
multitude, in affairs of state, were inclined to resort lo force, and to
make ofthe army itself the instrument of their designs. Al the head
of these were Alexander Hamffton, then member of congress, the
treasurer, Robert Morris, wilh another Morris, his assistant in office.
But the more circumspect thought it advisable to pursue a middle
course, and to permit the army to threaten, but not to act ; as if the
hand vvhich has excited a popular movement could also appease il al
pleasure ! In the secret councils that were held upon this affair, the
latter opinion prevailed. Colonel Stewart, of the regular troops of
Pennsylvania, was sent to camp under pretext of entering upon the
exercise of his office of inspector-general. He had instructions lo
sound the dispositions of Washington, and to endeavor to ascertain
how far he would consent to give into the plan agreed upon. It was
especiaffy recommended to him to foment the agitation which pre
vaffed in the army, and lo persuade il not to disband untff il had
obtained full assurance that the arrears of pay should be liquidated,
together with an indemnification for the supplies vvhich il ought to
have had, but which had been withheld up lo that time. Whether
the commander-in-chief was not disinclined towards this scheme, or
that hc Ihoughl it prudent not lo declare himself too ostensibly, colo
nel Stewart beUeved, or at least made others believe, that Washington
approved it entirely. Meanwhile, the members of the opposite party
were soon apprised of what was passing, and sel themselves to coun
teract it. Convinced of the importance of obtaining the countenance
of Washington, they put forward a certain Harvey, who had mani
fested an extreme ardor in these discussions. This man wrote lo
the commander-in-chief, that, under the pretense of wishing to satisfy
the public creditors, the most pernicious designs were meditated
against the republic ; that nolhing less was in agitation than a plot to
demolish the fabric of freedom, and introduce tyranny. To these
insinuations he joined others relating lo Washington personally ; he
intimated to him thatit was wished to deprive hira ofhis rank, lo pul
down his friends, and, in a word, to destroy the work vvhich they had
accomplished with so much glory, and al the expense of so much toff
and blood. Washington could not but entertain certain apprehen
sions. He doubted there were machinations in agitation which por
tended no good to the state. He circulated the letter of Harvey, that

BOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 455
its contents might be known even to the soldiers. He e.xerted all his
authority lo prevent an insurrection. The commander-ui-chief thus
declared himself publicly against a design, which perhaps within
his own breast he did not altogether disapprove, though he blamed,
and not without reason, the means by which ft was to have been
carried Into execution. The most alarnring rumors wei c propagated
on all parts. It was loudly exclaimed that the troops, before they
disbanded, ought to obtain justice ; that they had a right to claim the
fruit of victories which their valor had won ; that the other creditors
of the slate, and many members of the congress itself, invoked the
interference of the army, prepared to foffow the example which they
e.xpected frora it. Minds became highly Inflamed ; assemblages were
forraed In the camp, and it was openly proposed in them to make law
forthe congress. In the midst of this effervescence, circulated anony
mous invitations to the officers lo convene in general assembly. On
the eleventh of March, was passed from hand to hand an address, the
author of which did not name himself, but who was known afterwards
to be raajor John Armstrong. This writing, composed wilh great inge
nuity, and with greater passion, was singularly calculated to aggravate
the exasperation of the soldiers, and to conduct them to the most
desperate resolutions. Blamable in a time of calm, it becarae really
criminal at a moment when all heads were in a state of the most
vehement Irritation. Among other incendiary passages, it contiined
the following : ' After a pursuit of seven years, the object for which
we sel out is at length brought within our reach ; yes, my frionds,
that suffering courage of yours was active once ; it has conducle I the
United Stales of America through a doubtful and a bloody war. It
has placed her In the chair of independency, and peace returns a5ain
to bless — Whom ? A country willing to redress your wrongs, cherish
your worth, and reward your services ? A country courting 3 our
return to private life, with tears of gratitude and smiles of admira
tion, longing to divide with you that independence vvhich your gal
lantry has given, and those riches which your wounds have preserved ?
Is tills the case ? or is il rather a country that tramples upon your
lights, disdains your cries, and insults your distresses ? Have you
not more than once suggested your wishes, and raade known your
wants lo congress ? wants and wishes which graritude and policy
should have anticipated rather than evaded. And have you not lately,
in the meek language of entreating memorials, begged from their
justice what you could no longer expect from their favor ? How have
you been answered ; Let the letter of your delegates to Philadel
phia reply.

456 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XV.
' If this, then, be your treatment while the swords you wear are
necessary for the defense of America, what have you to expect
when your voice shall sink, and your strength dissipate by division ?
when those very swords, the instruments and companions of your
glory, shall be taken frora your sides, and no reraaining mark of
military distinction left but your wants, infirraities and scars ? Can
you then consent to be the only sufferers by this revolution, and re
tiring from the field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness and conlemi)t ?
Can you consent lo wade through the vile mire of dependency, and
owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto
been spent in honor ? If you can, go — and carry vvith you the jest
of lories and the scorn of whigs — the ridicule, and what is worse, the
pity of the world. Go, starve, and be forgotten ! But if your spirit
should revolt at this ; if you have sense enough to discover, and
spirit enough to oppose tyranny, under whatever garbil may assume;
whether il be the plain coat of repubUcanism, or the splendid robe
of royalty ; if you have yet learned to discriminate between a people
and a cause, between raen and principles, awake ; attend to your
situation and redress yourselves. If the present moment be lost,
every future effort is in vain ; and your threats then will be as empty
as your entreaties now.'
These words, more worthy of a raving tribune of the people, than
of a discreel American, chafed minds already exasperated inlo a
delirium of fury. The general fermentation announced the most
sinister events ; and war between the civff and mihtary powers ap
peared Inevitable. But Washington, whose constancy no crisis could
shake, strong in the love and veneration of the people, contemplated
the danger of his country, and instantly formed the generous design
of extinguishing the kindling conflagration. He was not ignorant
how much better it is, in such circumstances, to lead misguided
minds than to resist them ; how much easier il is lo obviate intem
perate measures than to correct them. He resolved, Iherefore, to
prevent the meeting of the officers. With this view, in his orders
addressed to the officers, he expressed the conviction he felt that
their ovvn good sense would secure them from paying any attention
to an anonymous invitation ; but his own duty, he added, as weU as
the reputation and true interest of the army, required his disapproba
tion of such disorderly proceedings. At the same lime he requested
the general and field officers, with one officer from each company,
and a proper representation from the staff of the army, to assemble
in order to deliberate upon the measures to be adopted for obtaining
the redress of their grievances.

BOOK XV. THE AMEBICAN WAR. 457
By this conduct, the prudence of which is undeniable, Washington
succeeded In impressing the army with a belief that he did not°dis-
approve their remonstrances, and the leaders of the insurrection, in
particular, that he secretly favored their designs. By this means he
gained time for disposing rainds and things in such a manner, that
the military committee should take only those resolutions which
entered' into his plan. ^ The following day, Armstrong cftculated a
second anonymous paper. In which he congratulated the officers
upon the prospect that their measures were about to receive the
sanction of public authority ; hfe exhorted them to act wfth energy in
the assembly convoked for the fifteenth of March.
In the meanrime, Washington exerted the whole weight of his
influence to bring the agitarions of the moment to a happy termina
tion ; he endeavored to Impress on those officers individually, who
possessed the greatest share of the general confidence, a just sense
of what the exigency required ; lo sorae, he represenled the dangers
of the country ; to others, the constancy they had hitherto raanifest
ed ; lo all, the glory they had acquired, and the interest they had in
transmitting It entire and unsullied to their posterity. He reminded
them also ofthe exhauslure of the public treasury, and of the infamy
with which they would brand themselves In giving birth to civil war,
at the very moment in which the public happiness was about to
revive in the midst of peace. On the day appointed by Washington,
the convention of officers assembled. The commander-in-chief
addressed them a speech, as judicious as it was eloquenlj in which
he endeavored lo destroy the effect of the anonymous papers. He
demonstrated aff the horror of the alternative proposed by the author,
that In case of peace the army should turn their arms against the
State, unless it instantly complied wilh their demands, and if war
continued, that they should abandon its defense by removing into
some wffd and unsettled country.
'My God ! ' he exclaimed, ' what can this writer have in view, by
recommending such measures ? Can he be a friend to the army ?
Can he be a friend to this country ? Rather is tie not an insidious
foe; some emissary, perhaps from Nevv York, plotting the ruin of
hoth, by sowing the seeds of discord and separation between the
I'ivil and military authorities of the continent ? ' 'Let me entreat
you, gentiemen,' he added, ' not to lake any measures, vvhich, viewed
in the calm light of reason, will lessen the dignity, and sully the glory
you have hitherto maintained ; let me request you to rely on tiie
plighted faith of your country, and place a full confidence in the
Piirity of the intentions of congress, that, previous lo your dissolu
tion as an army, they will-cause all your accounts lo be fairly liqui-

453 THE AMERICAN WAR. BOOK XV,
dated ; and that they wffl adopt the most effectual rheasures In their
power to render ample justice to you for your faithful and meritorious
services. And let me conjure you in the name of our comraon
country, as you value your own sacred honor, as you respect the
rights of huraanity, and as you regard the raiUtary and national honor
of Araerica, lo express your utmost horror and detestation of the
man who wishes, under any specious pretenses, to overturn the
Uberties of our country ; and who wickedly 'attempts to open the
flood-gates of civil discord, and deluge our rising empire in blood,
' By thus determining, and thus acting, you will pursue the plain
and direct road lo the attainment of your wishes ; you will defeat
the insidious designs of our enemies, vvho are compelled lo resort
from open force lo secret artifice. You will give one more distin
guished proof of unexampled patriotism and patient virtue, rising
superior to the pressure of the most complicated sufferings ; and you
will, by the dignity of your conduct, afford occasion for posterity to
say, when speaking of the glorious example you have exhibited to
mankind ; " Had this day been wanting, the world had never seen the
last stage of perfection to which huraan nature is capable of attaining." '
When Washington had concluded his discourse, a profound silence
ensued in the assembly : soon those who coraposed it comraunicated
lo each olher, in a low voice, the sentiments with which they vvere
irapressed. The authority of such a personage, the weight of his
words, the sincere affection which he bore to the army, operated
irresistibly. upon all minds. The effervescence gave place to a calm.
No voice was heard In opposition to that of the chief. The deputies
of the army declared unanimously that no circurastances of distress
or danger should induce them to sully the glory vvhich they had
acquired ; that the array continued to have an unshaken confidence
in the justice of congress and their countiy ; that they entreated the
commander-in-chief to recommend to the government the subject of
their meraorials ; and, finally, that they abhorred the infamous prop
ositions contained in the anonymous writing addressed to the officers
of the army. Thus Washington, by his prudence and firmness, was
instrumental In preserving his country from the new danger that
menaced it, at the very moment when its, safety seemed to have been
established forever. Who knows what might have happened, if
civil war had ensanguined the very cradle of this repubUc ! The
captain-general kept his word, and was himself the advocate of his
officers with the congress. He obtained of them a decree, commut
ing the half pay into a sum in gross equal to five years' full pay, and
that either In money, or securities bearing an interest of six per cent.
According to the orders of congress, three months' pay was ad-

SOOK XV. THE AMERICAN WAR. 459
vanced to the officers and soldiers in the notes of the treasurer. But
this measure was npt taken tiff late, and not untff the Pennsylva
nia militia had broken out into so violent an Insurrection, al Phila
delphia, that they blockaded, with arms in hands, the very haff of
congress for some hours. The reduction of the continental army
hecame then the principal object of attention, and discharges were
granted successively to those soldiers, who, during seven campaigns
of a most obstinate war, had struggled with an heroic constancy, not
only against sword and fire, but also against hunger, nakedness, and
even the fury of the elements. Their work completed, their country
acknowledged independent, they peaceably returned lo their fami
hes. The congress voted them public thanks, in the name of a
grateful country. The English were not slow to evacuate New
York and its dependencies, in .which they had made so long a
stay. A httle after, the French departed from Rhode Island for
their possessions, carrying wilh them the benedictions of all the
Americans. The congress, in order to celebrate worlhffy the establishment of
peace and independence, appointed the eleventh of December, to bc
observed as a day of solemn thanksgiving to the Dispenser of all
good. By another decree they ordained, that an equestrian statue
of bronze should be erected lo general Washington, in the city
where the congiess should hold its sessions. The general was to
be represented by il in the Roman costume, with the staff of com-'
mand in the right hand, and the head encircled with a crown of
laurel. The pedestal of marble was to be invested with bassi relievi
commeraorative of the principal events of the war, which had taken
place under the immediate command of Washington ; such as the
deliverance of Boston, the taking of the Hessians at Trenton, the
affah of Princeton, the battle of Monmouth, and the surrendci nf
Yorktown. The anterior face of the pedestal was to bear the fol
owing inscription : The United States, assembled in Congress, voted
this statue, in the year, of our Lord 1783, in honor of George Wash
ington, captain-general ofthe armies ofthe United States of Amer
ica, during the vjar which vindicated and secured their liberty,
mereignty, and independence.
Such was the issue of a contest, which, during the course of eight
consecutive years, chained the attention of the universe, and drew
tlie most powerful nations of Europe to take a share in ft. It Is
Worthy of the observer to investigate the causes which have concur-
'ed to the triumph of the Americans, and baffied the efforts of their
enemies. In the first place, they had the good fortune not to en
counter opposition from foreign nations, and even to find among

4()0 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XV.

them benevolence, countenance, and succors. These favorable
dispositions, while they inspired them with more confidence in the
justice of their cause, redoubled also their spirit and energy. The
coalition of several powerful nations, leagued against a single one, on
account of some reform il wishes lo establish in the frame of its
governraent, and which threatens not only to defeat Its object, but to
deprive it of liberty and independence, usuaffy causes Its rulers lo
divest themselves of all moderation and prudence, and to have re
course to the most violent and extraordinary raeasures, which soon
exhaust the resources of the country, and excite discontent among
its inhabitants ; lill, oppressed and harassed in every form by the
officers of government, they are driven at last into civil convul
sions, in which the strength of the coraraunlty is consumed. And
besides, these violent raeasures so disgust the people with the whole
enterprise, that, confounding the abuse of a thing wilh the use of it,
they choose rather to retreat lo the point from which they set out,
or even further back, than lo continue their progress towards the
object originally proposed. Hence il is, that, if that object vvere
liberty, they afterwards rush into despotism, preferring the tyranny
of one to that of many. But lo these fatal extremities the Ameri
cans were not reduced, as well for the reason at first stated, the
general favor of foreign states, as on account of the geographical
position of their country, separated by vast seas from nations which
keep on foot great standing armies, and defended on all other points
by impenetrable forests, imraense deserts and inaccessible mountains,
and having In all this part no other enemy to fear except the Indian
tribes, more capable of investing and ravaging the frontiers, than ot
making any permanent encroachments. One of the most powerful
causes of the success of the American revolution, should, doubtiess,
be sought in the little difference which existed between the form oi
government which they abandoned, and that which they wished lo
establish. Il vvas not from absolute, but from limited monarchy,
that they passed to the freedom of an elective government. Moral
things, wilh men, are subject to the same laws as physical ; ihe laws
of all nature. Total and sudden changes cannot take place without
causing disasters or death.
The royal authority, tempered by the very nature ol the govern
ment, and StUl enfeebled by distance, scarcely made itself perceptible
in the British colonies. When the Americans had shaken it off en
tirely, they experienced no considerable change. Royalty alone was
effaced; the adrainistration -remained the sarae, and the republic
found itself established without shock. Such was the advantage
enjoyed by the American insurgents, whereas the people of other

BOOK XV. THE AMEBICAN WAR. 461
countries, who should undertake to pass all at once from absolute mon
archy to the republican scheme, would find themselves constrained
to overturn, not only monarchical institutions, but all others, in order
to substitute new ones in their stead. But such a subversion cannot
lake place without doing violence to the opinions, usages, manners,
and customs of the greater number, nor even without grievously
wounding their interests. Discontent propagates itself ; democratic
forms serve as the mere mask of royalty ; the people discover that
they have complained of imaginary evils ; they eagerly embrace the
first opportunity to measure back their steps, even to the very point
which they started from.
Another material cause ofthe happy Issue oflbis grand enterprise,
wiff be seen In the circumspect and moderate conduct invariably
pursued by that considerate and persevering people by whom it was
achieved. Satisfied vvith having abolished royalty, they paused
there, and discreetly continued to respect the ancieni laws, vvhich
had survived the change. Thus they escaped the chagrin of having
raade their condition worse In attempting lo iraprove it. They had
the good sense to reflect, that versatility in counsels degrades the
noblest cause, chills its partisans, ana multiplies its opponents. There
will always be more alacrity m a career whose goal Is fixed and ap
parent, than in that vvhere it Is concealed in obscurity. The Amer
icans reared the tree, because they suffered it to grow ; they gather
ed its fruit, because they allowed ft to ripen. They were not seen
to plume themselves on giving every day a new face to the state.
Supporting evff with constancy, they never thought of imputing illo
the defects of their institutions, nor to the Incapacity or treason of
those who governed them, but to the empire of circumstances.
They were especiaffy indebted for this moderation of character to
the simplicity of their hereditary manners ; few among them aspired
to dignity and power.
They presented not the afflicting spectacle of friends dissolving
' their ancient IntlmaGles, and even declaring a sudden war upon each
other, because one was arrived at the helm of state without calling
the other to it. With them patriotism triumphed over ambition.
There existed royalists and republicans; but not republicans of
different sects, rending with their dissensions the bosom of their coun
try. There might be among them a diversity of opinions, but never
did tiiey abandon themselves to sanguinary feuds, proscriptions, and
eonfiscallons. From their union resulted their victory ; they Immo
lated their enmities to the public weal, their ambition to the safety
of the state, and they reaped, the fruit of it ; an ever memorable
proof that if precipitate resolutions cause the failure of pohtical

462 THE AMERICAN WAR.

BOOK XV.

enterprises, temper and perseverance conduct them to a glorious
issue. The army was disbanded ; but the supreme command still remain
ed in the nands of Washington : the public raind was intent upon
what he was about to do. His prudence reminded him that it vvas
time lo pul a term to the desire of military glory ; his thoughts were
now turned exclusively upon leaving lo his country a great example
of moderation. The congress was then in session at the city of
Annapolis in Maryland. Washington comraunicated to that body his
resolution to resign the command, and requested to know whether it
would be their pleasure that he should offer his resignation in writing,
or al an audience. The congress answered, that they appointed the
twenty-third of December for that ceremony. When this day ar
rived, the hall of congress was crowded with spectators ; the legisla
tive and executive characters of the state, several general officers.
and the consul-general of France, were present. The members of
congress reraained seated and covered. The spectators were stand
ing and uncovered. The general was introduced by the secretary,
and conducted to a seat near the president. Aftera decent interval,
silence vvas coraraanded, and a short pause ensued. The president,
general Mifflin, then informed hira, that the United States in congress
asserabled were prepared to receive his coramunications. Washing
ton rose, and wilh an air of Inexpressible dignity, delivered the fol
lowing address : —
' Mr. President ; The great events on which my resignation de
pended having at length taken place, I have now the honor of offer
ing my sincere congratulations to congress, and of presenting rayself
before them to surrender inlo their hands the trust committed to me
and to claira the indulgence of retiring from the service of my coun
try. Happy in Iheconfirmationof ourindependenceand sovereignly,
and pleased wilh the opportunity afforded the United Stales of be
coming a respectable nation, I resign with satisfaction the appoint
ment I accepted vvith diffidence, a diffidence in my abffities to
accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superseded by a
confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme
power of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven, The successful
termination of the war has verified the most sanguine expectations ;
and my gratitude for the interposition of Providence, and the assist
ance I have received from my countrymen, increases with every
review of the momentous contest. While I repeat my obligations to
the army in general, I should do injustice to my own feelings not lo
acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar services and distinguished
merits ofthe gentlemen vvho have been attached lo my person during

BOOK XV, THE AMERICAN WAB, 463
the war. It was impossible the choice of confidential officers to
corapose my faraily should have been more fortunate. Permit mo,
sir, lo recommend, in particular, those who have continued in the
service to the present moment, as worthy of the favorable notice and
patronage of congress,
' I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last act of my
ofiicial life by commending the interests of our dearest country to
the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superinten
dence of them lo his holy keeping. Having now finished the work
assigned me, I retire from the great theater of action, and bidding
an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I
have so long acted, I here offer my commission, and take my leave
of aU the employments of public life.'
Having spoken thus, he advanced to the chair of the president.
and deposited the commission in his hands. The president made
him, in the name of congress, the following answer : —
' Sir ; The United Slates, in congress assembled, receive with
emotions too affecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of the
¦ authorities under which you have led their troops with success through
a perilous and a doubtful war. Called upon by your country to
defend its invaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge, before
it had formed alliances, and whUg it was vvithout funds or a govern-
mentto support you. You have conducted the great military contest
vvith wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the civff
power, through all disasters and changes. . You have, by the love
and confidence of your fellow-citizens, enabled them to display their
martial genius, and transmit their fame to posterity. You have per
severed, until the United Stales, aided by a raagnanlmous king and
nation, have been enabled, under a just Providence, to close the war
in freedom, safely, and independence ; on vvhich happy event, w-e
sincerely join you in congratulations. Having defended the standard
of liberty in this new world, having taught a lesson useful to those who
inflict, and to those who feel oppression, you retire from the great
theater of action, vvith the blessing of your fellow-citizens ; but the
glory of your virtues wiff not terminate with your mffitary command ;
it will continue to animate the remotest ages. We feel, with you,
our obligations to the army In general, and wffl particulariy charge
ourselves wilh the interests of those confidential officers vvho havo
attended your person to this affecting moraent. We join you in com
mending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of
Almighty God, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of its
citizens to improve the of;portunity afforded them of becoming a
' and respectable nation. And for you, we address to Him our

464 THE AMERICAN WAR, BOOK XV,
earnest prayers that a life so beloved may be fostered wilh all his
care ; that your days may be happy as they have been illustrious ;
and that he will finally give you that reward which this world can
not give.'
When the president had terminated his discourse, a long and pro
found silence pervaded the whole assembly. All minds appeared
impressed with the grandeur of the scene, the recollections of the
past, the feUcily of the present, and the hopes of the future. The
captain-general and congress were the objects of universal eulogium.
A short time after this ceremony, Washington retired to enjoy the
long desired repose of his seat of Mount Vernon, in Virginia.

BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR.

Charles Joseph William Botta was born at St. George, prov
ince of Vercelli, in Piedmont, In 1766. He studied medicine al the
university of Turin, and was employed as physician to the army of
the Alps ; afterwards to that of Italy. About this time he composed
an extensive work, containing a plan of government for Lombardy.
Towards the close of 1798, he was sent to the Islands of the Levant
with the'division detached thither by general Buonaparte.
On his return to Italy, he published a description of the island of
Corfu, and of the maladies prevalent there during his stay ; 2 vols.
Svo. In the year seven of the French Republic, (1799,) general Joubert
appointed him member of the provisional government of Piedmont.
This provisional government having been dissolved at the arrival of
the comraissioner Musset, Botta was appointed member of the ad
ministration of the department of the Po, Al the epoch of the Aus-
tro-RussIan Invasion, he again took refuge in France, The minister
of war, Bernadotle, re-appointed him physician of the Alps ; and af
ter the battle of Marengo, the commander-in-chief of the army of
reserve appointed him member of the Consulta of Piedmont,
At the commencement of 1801, he was member of the executive
commission, and afterwards of the council of general administration
of the twenty-seventh mihtary division , Botta likewise made part of
the deputation which came lo Paris in 1803 to present thanks to the
government upon the definitive adjunction of Piedmont, and there
published an historical sketch of the hislory of Savoy and Piedmont,
Immediately after the union, he was elected member of the legisk;:-
tive body by the department of the Doura, the tenth of August, 1804,
The twenty-eighth of October, 1808, he was created vice-president,
and on the expiration of his term, was re-elected In 1809, and pro
posed the ninth of December, as candidate for the questorship,
VOL, II. 30

466 BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR.
The emperor granted him soon after the decoration of the order of
the Union.
The third of January, 1810, he presented to Buonaparte, in the
name of the academy of sciences of Turin, the last two volumes of
its memoirs. He adhered, the third of April, 1814, to the deposition
of Napoleon and his family. The eighth he accepted the constitu
tional act which recalled the Bourbons lo the throne of France, but
ne ceased to make part of the legislative body on the separation of
Piedmont, At the return of Buonaparte in 1815, he was appointed
rector of the academy of Nanci, but lost this place after the second
restoration of the king.
Besides the works already named, he has pubUshed,
1. At Turin, 1801, an Italian translation of the work of Born, ot
which Broussonet had given to the pubUc a French version, in 1784
2, A memoir upon the doctrine of Brown, 1800, in Svo,
3, Memoir upon the nature of tones and sounds, read before the
academy of Turin, and inserted (hy extract) in the Bibliotheque
Ilalienne, tome I,, Turin, 1803, Svo,
4, The history of the war of the independence of America, 1809,
4 vols, Svo,
5. II Camillo, O Vejo conquistato, (CamiUus, or Veil conquered,)
an epic poem in twelve cantos, Paris, 1816, This work has re
ceived high encomiums in the European journals. Botta has con
tributed some articles to the Biographic Universelle, among others,
that of John Adams.
6, The history of Italy,

The Translator is indebted for the preceding notice of Botta, to
the complaisance of an estimable countryman and acquaintance ol
the Historian.

LIST OF WORKS

COSSULTED BY THE AUTHOK FOK WRITING THE HISTORV OF THE AMERICAN WAR.

ENGLISH.
Journals of the House of Lords ; Journals ofthe House of Commons, in
folio; printed by order ofthe two houses, from 1764 to 1783.
Authentic Account of the Proceedings of Congress, held at New York
in 1765. Almon, 1767.
Journals of the Proceedings of the Congress, in Svo. DUly, 1775.
Journals of Congress held at Philadelphia, for Almon, 1786.
The Parliamentary Register, &-c. ; all the volumes from 1766 to 1783
The Annual Register ; all the volumes from 1764 to 1783.
Historical Anecdotes relative to the American Rebellion, 1 vol. Svo. 1779.
The Remembrancer, or impartial repository of public events; the sec
ond edition, London, for 1. Almon, with the prior documents.
Letters on the American Troubles, translated from the French of M,
Pinto, 1776.
An impartial History of the War in America between Great Britain
and her colonies, from its oommencement to the end of the year 1779, in
Svo. for Faulders, 1780.
The History of the Civil War in America, comprehending the campaigns
of 1775, 1776, 1777; by an officer ofthe army, in Svo. for SewaU, 17^1.
A genuine detaff of the several engagements, positions and movements
of the royal and American armies, during the years 1775 and 1776,
with an accurate account of the blockade of Boston, &c. ; by WUliam
Carter, in 4to. for Kearsley, 1785.
An impartial and authentic narrative of the battle fought on the 17th
June, on Bunker's Hill ; by John Clarke, 1775.
A History of the Campaigns of 1780 and 1781, in the southern prov
inces of North America ; by lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, Dublin, 1 vol,
Svo. 1787.
Strictures on lieutenant-colonel Tarleton's History of the Campaigns
of 1780 and 1781, by Roderick Mackenzie, in Svo. 1787.
The History of the American Revolution, by David Ramsay, 2 vols.
Svo. Philadelphia, 1789.
History of the War with America, France, Spain and Holland, com
mencing in 1775, and ending in 1783, by John Andrews, 4 vols, in Svo.
London, for J. Fielding, 1785.
The History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment of the Indepen
dence of the United States of America, by William Gordon, London,
printed for the author, and sold by Charles DUly, 1788, 4 vols. Svo
An Historical, Geographical, Commercial, and Philosophical View of
the American United States, and ofthe European settlements in America,
and the West Indies ; by W. Winterbotham, 4 vols, in Svo. London, 1795.
The Life of George Washington, by John Marshall, chief justice ofthe
United States, 5 vols, in Svo. London, for Richard Philips, 1804, 1 805, 1807. '

468 LIST OF WORKS.
The Life of Washington, by David Ramsay, 1 vol. Svo. Nevv York
1807, printed by Hopkins and Seymour.
Letters addressed to the army of the United States, in the year 1783
with a brief exposition ; by Buel, Kingston, state of New York, 1803.
FRENCH.
Revolution d'Amerique, par I'abbfe Raynal, Londres, 1781.
Lettre adresee a I'abbe Raynal, sur les affaires de I'Amerique Septen
trionale, traduite de I'Anglais de Thomas Payne, 1783.
Essais historiques et politiques sur les Anglo-Americains, par M. Hil
liard d'Auberteuff, 4 vols, in Svo. Bruxelles, 1781.
Histoire de I'administration de Lord North, et de la guerre de I'Ame
rique Septentrionale, jusqu' a la paix de 1783, 2 vols, in Svo. Londres et
Paris, 1784.
Histoire impartiale des eveneraens militaire et politiques de la derhiere
guerre dans les quatre parties du monde, 3 vols. Amsterdam et Paris,
chez la veuve Duchesne, 1785.
Constitution des treize Etats Unis d'Amerique, PhUadelphie et Paris,
1783. Affairs de I'Angletere et de I'Amerique, 17 vols, in Svo. Anvers.
Voyages de M. le Marquis de Chastelux dans I'Amerique Septentrionale,
pendant les annees 1780, 1781, et 1782, 2 vols, in Svo. Paris, chez
Prault, 1786.
Histoire des troubles de I'Amerique Anglaise, &c. par Francois Soules,
4 vols, in Svo. Paris, chez Buisson, 1787.
Histoire de laderniere guerre entre la Grande Britagne et les Etats Unis
d'Amerique, la France, I'Espagne et la Hoffande, depuis son commence
ment en 1775, jusqu'a safin en 1783, 1 vol. 4to. Paris, chez Brocas, 1787.
Histoire de la Revolution de I'Amerique, par rapport k la Caroline
Meridionale, par David Ramsay, membre du Congres Americain ; traduit
de I'Anglais, 2 vols. Svo. Londres et Paris, chez Frouffle, 1787.
Recherches historiques et politiques sur les Etats Unis de I'Amerique
Septentrionale, par un citoyn de Virginie, 4 vols, in Svo. Paris, chez
Frouille, 1788.
Disoussiones importantes, debattues au parlement Britannique, 4 vols.
in Svo. Paris, chez Maradan et Perlet, 1790.
Memoires historiques et pieces authentiques sur M. de la Fayette, 1
vol. in Svo. Paris, I'an 2, (1793.)

To the foregoing works should be added, a great number of pamphlets,
which, during the American revolution, were published daily, as well in
England as in America and France. Lastly, even among the actors of
the great events vvhich he has related, the author has had the good for
tune to find individuals as polite as well informed, vvho have deigned to
furnish him with important manuscripts. He prays them to accept here
the public expression of his acknowledgment.

I