YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

¦

The election
of
[John
Q.
Adams]
President
of
the Unit
red Statas,
considered.
By a Citizen.
i
i
Bo st on, 1823.
D

"I gwe ibefe Books
K for the founding 'e fj^CoHege .ir^tXli Colony^

'Y^LH«¥lMH¥lEI^SflirY'' • iLniBiB^isy •

From the estate of
Professor W, G. Sumner
1912

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CONSIDERED.

ADDRESSED TO THE PEOPLE.

\:

BOSTON :
PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR, BT TRUE AND GREENE.
1823.

@©OTlOTSe

PAGE.
1. Preliminary Remarks,  3
2. A Congressional Caucus,  10
3. Local, or ' Sectionaf considerations, viz.
1. The Southern States,  12
2. The Western States,  13
3. The Middle States,  15
4. Mew-York,  15
5. The Eastern States,  17
4. Candidates considered, viz.
1. Mr. Lowndes  19
2. Mr. Calhoun,  19
3. Gen, Jackson,  :  20
4. Mr. Clay,  20
5. Mr. Crawford,  23
6. Mr. Adams,'  25

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PRELIMINARY REMARKS.

J-T is now two years since the canvas for the next
election of President of the United States commenced
in the South, by the publication of a series of articles
in Georgia, with the signature of i( Trio." These
papers were understood to be written by some of the
zealous friends of Mr. Crawford in that state, as the
scope and tendency of them was to favor his preten
sions, by showing the tendency of measures and opin
ions ascribed to him, to promote the public interest.
In the preceding winter several motions were made
by some of his friends in Congress, supposed to have
received his sanction, urging the necessity of " re
trenchment," "radical reform," &c, which, being
unaccompanied by any rational plan of improvement,
but supported by long declamatory speeches alone,
could only be placed to the account of steps en avant,
to prepossess the nation in his favor ; but it was not
till the following session, 1821 — 2, that the canvas
became earnest, frequent, and sometimes violent, espe
cially when any other person was brought in compe
tition with their favorite. About that time it will be
well remembered, a spirit of menace and defiance so
far took place of argument, that the opponents of Mr.
Crawford, unwilling to commence gladiators or duellists,
generally abstained from the contest, and left the field
open to the boasts and bravadoes of his advocates.

4

Until this time, Mr. Adams had been the only person
named or thought of, as likely to be a competitor with
Mr. Crawford. The indication of public opinion in
his favor, had been merely desultory, the spontaneous
expressions of citizens in different parts of the United
States, without the least appearance of concert or com
bination. An undefined sentiment almost universal in
many parts of the country, that he was a man of sound
talents, of great experience, of irreproachable character,
of eminent political sagacity, and of unbending integri
ty, seemed to mark him as the man, to whom the republic
might safely entrust the executive office. Nor let it be
concealed that the belief was equally universal, how
ever it originated, that Mr. Adams enjoyed the unlimited
confidence and esteem not only of the present Chief
Magistrate, but also of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison.
In fact there is no difficulty in tracing the ground of this
belief. Mr. Adams had most ably supported the promi
nent measures of the two last named, the Louisiana
treaty not excepted ; and had been by both appointed
on foreign diplomatick service of the most delicate
character, on the success of which depended the
well-being of their country, and the popularity of
the administration.
Notwithstanding the notoriety of these facts, the
inactivity of the advocates for Mr. Adams, while those
of Mr. Crawford seemed to challenge all opposition to
their favorite, gave rise to an opinion, especially at
Washington, that he would have very little support in
any quarter of the union ; even his native State was
alleged to be vaccinating, and several prominent public
men in Maine having boldly declared for Mr. Crawford,
gave strong assurance that he would not be supported iu

5
that State. Where then, it was asked, was Mr.
Adams to be supported? Surely not in Virginia, the
native State of Mr. Crawford, nor in any of the South
ern States, The Western and Middle States gave no
intimation of preference to him, and assuredly would
not do it, if he was to be abandoned by those of the East.
In this state of things, a strong disposition appeared
almost simultaneously, not only at Washington, but in
various quarters of the country, to fix upon some other
person to (-ope with Mr. Crawford, to whom many insu
perable objections were deemed to exist. Mr Lowndes
had already been nominated in South Carolina, and the
Secretary of War was zealously supported not only in
his native State, but by many respectable citizens of
Pennsylvania and other places. In Kentucky and
several other Western States, Mr. Clay began to be
proposed ; and in others, especially in Tennessee,
Pennsylvania, and Louisiana, General Jackson was
brought forward with considerable eclat. In favor of
each of these gentlemen, arguments adapted to their
several characters were adduced ; but it was perfectly
manifest, that had Mr. Adams been at first supported
pari passu with Mr. Crawford, with half the zeal mani
fested by the friends of the latter, and had this zeal
been sustained by the many and unequivocal testimo
nials since given of the deep rooted esteem which he
possesses in the minds of his fellow citizens, several of
those gentlemen would scarcely have permitted them
selves to be nominated. Having entered the lists how
ever, though with quite different auspices from the
present, they do not hitherto deem it necessary to with
draw. The lamented Lowndes scarcely assented to
his nomination originally, and it cannot be doubted

6
that several of the others, instead of becoming instru
mental in distracting the public sentiment, without any
prospect of personal advantage, will magnanimously
unite their efforts i« support of " the most worthy."
Mr. Crawford's Advocates had, from the beginning,
claimed for him an extraordinary love of economy and
retrenchment ; and in their vehement affection for the
people's welfare, and for their own and their patron's
popularity, had christened themselves "radicals;"
while they charged the Government, the departments
in almost every branch, the navy, and especially the
army, with being "prodigal" and corrupt to the very
core. The President himself was not spared; and one
of the champions of radical reform, and of Mr. Craw
ford, declared on the floor of Congress, that Mr. Monroe
" came in unanimously, and would go out unanimous
ly." In these bold and unprincipled attacks, they were
several times in the session vigorously resisted and
signally overthrown. A large majority in the house of
Representatives, however anxious to pay the national
debt, and to save the resources of the country, could not
be brought entirely to disband the army, though it was
greatly reduced, nor to discontinue the fortifications,
and lose the millions already expended upon them ;
the memory of the defenceless state of our coast, and
of the enormous waste of life and treasure during the
last war, was still too recent, to suffer such flimsy pro
positions to prevail.
These topicks became the theme of publick discussion
in newspapers and elsewhere; the voice of the country
was clear and audible against this wanton prostration
of our military defences ; and the high pretensions of
Mr. Crawford's radical associates, touched by the wand

of publick opinion, dissolved in empty vapor. The
same session also witnessed a bold scrutiny of some
of Mr. Crawford's official conduct ; his mistaken
estimates and calculations, his bungling reports, and
especially his employment of members of Congress in
lucrative duty, were objects of keen animadversion to
his opponents, and of mortification and chagrin to his
adherents.
/ But the most memorabla event of this session in re-
lation to the election was, the celebrated call for the
Ghent Correspondence, supposed to have been at the
instance of Mr. Russell, though subsequently disavow
ed by him. The object of this call was, to disparage
Mr. Adams by making it believed, that he had been
willing to abandon the navigation of the L]VUssissippi to
sayej^e fi^herijSi,, In the vanity of authorship Mr.
Russell prepared a " duplicate" letter with sundry al
terations and amendations in the belief that the original
was lost,J>y which he fondly supposed he could sub
serve the interest of Mr. Crawford, or Mr, Clay, as
the case might be, and at the same time inflict a mor
tal blow on Mr. Adams. The discovery of the origi
nal, which had slept quietly and wholly unread upon
the private file of Mr. Monroe, to whom as Secretary
of State it had been privately addressed by the writer,
contributed in no small degree to the unanimous sen
tence of reprobation drawn down upon the author of
this insidious attack ; while the prompt and powerful
strictures of Mr. Adams in his answer communicated
to Congress by the President, completely refuted the
charge against him, and satisfied the minds of his fel
low citizens, east and west, north and south, that the
peculiar interests of all had been defended with equal

8
vigor and sagacity by Mr. Adams and by the majority
of the Commissioners at .Ghent ; while the fisheries, so
indispensable as the nursery of our seamen, would have
been gratuitously sacrificed by imbecility or corruption.
A more signal triumph could not have been desired by
Mr. Adams himself; and indeed no incident could have
given his fellow citizens a better opportunity to test his
talents and his patriotism.
The result of this attack, so honourable to Mr. Ad
ams, unavoidably recalled the attention of his fellow
citizens to his past services, to his long diplomatick ex
perience under Presidents Washington and Adams ;
bis magnanimous support of Mr. Jefferson in all his
prominent measures, uninfluenced by such jealousies,
as would have warped a meaner mind against the suc
cessful rival of a father ; his faithful and successful ex
ertions as minister at Russia, and his strenuous and dis
interested services in negociating the treaty at Ghent. To
these were added his more recent labors in his present
station, his letter to our minister iu Spain in defence of
the hero of New-Orleans, and of our Government itself,
in relation to the entry into Florida, and the Seminole
war ; and finally, those able negociations, which ter
minated in the cession of the Floridas to this country.
And who, it was asked, and may be asked a thousand
times, without obtaining but one answer — who can be
found in these States, the President, and his illustri
ous predecessors only excepted, to compare with John
Quincy Adams in those qualities, which the people
will require in their future President? Not one. The
other candidates are men of talents, some of them have
been a short time engaged in diplomatick service, but

9
how very inconsiderable their experience compared
with his ! Indeed for many months past? especial
ly since the feeble attack of General Smyth, the
current of public opinion has set strongly in his favor.
Not only in his native State, and those in the section
of country, where he is best known, but in the middle
and western States, he has been spontaneously nomi
nated by respectable conventions of free electors, and
by the independent presses, which speak the sentiments
of their fellow citizens.
It is curious to remark for more than a year past the
vehement protestations of Mr. Crawford's advocates,
against what they call "premature electioneering." —
Their invectives are poured out copiously against those,
who oppose their candidate for disturbing the public
tranquillity so early ; and yet these discreet and modest
persons were the first to begin the contest by many
months, as we have already remarked. Their incon
sistency is easily accounted for, and ought to be par
doned. This early investigation has awakened publick
attention ; Mr. Crawford's merits and demerits, and
those of all the condidates are fully scanned ; Mr. Ad
ams has had an opportunity to apply the besom of truth
to a host of unfounded slanders, which had been circu
lated in whispers by his enemies ; the miserable pre
tences of radical reform are completely dissipated ; and
the plots, cabals, and intrigues of the mercenary bar
gainers for office, wherever they are, in Maine, in
New- York, in Illinois, or elsewhere, are dragged forth
to publick view.
Having occupied more space, than was intended in
this sketch, we hasten to the several topics, which we

10
proposed briefly to discuss. The first that occurs, is
the expediency of a
CONGRESSIONAL CAUCUS.
When the two great political parties, which so long
rent asunder our country, were nearly equal, it was a
measure of necessity for the Republicans in Congress
on some occasions, to assemble in a convention or cau
cus, to ensure a sufficient degree of unanimity to pre
vent defeat by a minority. This sometimes also was
the case on the eve of the election of President ; yet
even then it was deemed a necessary evil, in dero
gation of the rights of the people, and not to be tolerat
ed under less pressing circumstances. In most of those
cases the adversary was in the field, and even a small
loss of Republican strength would have been followed
by discomfiture. But now all the candidates are Re
publicans, — no Federalist has any alternative, but to
throw away his vote, or to give it for some of his polit
ical opponents. Scarce a doubt exists, but that the
candidates will be well apprised of their actual strength
long before the day of election ; and that those, who
have no reasonable prospect, will make a timely decla
ration of withdrawal. Such conduct alone can meet
the approbation of the public, and their best friends
will advise it for obvious reasons.
If however it were admitted that a caucus is indis
pensable, it ought to be held in some other place than
Washington, and by others than members of Congress.
At Washington it is easy to see, that art, intrigue,
management, « bargaining," and corruption, would be
in full operation. Who would be the instigators, who
the instruments, and who the dupes of this foul play,
is immaterial to designate ; one thing is certain, the

11
people of the United States would be defrauded of
their constitutional privilege ; the candidate, whose
election is to be secured by such means, cannot be wor
thy of their suffrage. Besides since the constitution
itself devolves upon the House of Representatives the
election in the last resort it is against sound principle
to prejudge the case; the members ought to remain
unpledged and unbiassed, till called to give their bal
lots. They are the jury to try the great cause between
the candidates and the people, and shall it be tolerated
for a moment that they may be tampered with beforehand?
That they shall meet in secret conclave, and agree upon
their verdict a full year before the evidence is complet
ed and the trial closed ? This is a proceeding so unjust,
that it must be obvious to every eye. How it happens
that the presses which support Mr. Crawford, are so
bold and urgent for a Congressional caucus, must be
left to their fellow citizens to conjecture. Certain it is
that Mr. Adams' advocates can see little prospect of a
fair expression of the opinion of the people in such
a scene. Believing as they do, that more than two
thirds of the people of the United States are in his fa
vour, they only wish such a course to be adopted, as
shall give a full expression of the public will.
To prevent such a perversion of the official character
of members of Congress, and such an unprincipled in
vasion of the right of the people to elect in the mode
pointed out by the constitution, we propose that the
citizens in their several districts in all the States
should instruct their Representatives to oppose a Cau
cus ; or that they should designate the candidate, whom
they will authorize them to support. In some instances
even the latter precaution might be evaded, and is
%

IS
therefore less s,afe than a reliance on the press and the
other usual means of concert and unanimity.
LOCAL, or SECTIONAL CONSIDERATIONS.
It is usual to reprobate in strong language the influ
ence of mere local residence upon the approaching elec
tion; and without doubt if the total exclusion of this
ingredient could be secured, it would obviate a thou
sand other difficulties. Since however this is not to be
anticipated, it is proposed to offer a few reflections ap
plicable to several distinct sections of our country.
1. The Southern States. — These states are
chiefly agricultural, and as such their great staples en
gross their industry and capital. So far from collision
with the north and east in these objects, they invite the
latter to be their factors and carriers, which naturally
produces a sense of reciprocal benefit. One character-
istick difference exists indeed the slave population of the
south ; but this is no object of jealousy on the part of the
eastern and northern states. On the contrary it is this
which is most likely to perpetuate a feeling of mutual
dependence. It attracts the southern population to
their plantations and to the production of their staples,
while it withholds them from commerce and prevents
those migratory habits peculiar to the North. However
desirable it may be to the benevolent and enlarged
mind to eradicate slavery, the northern states are well
aware, that this subject is exclusively the province of
the states, where it exists, and that, neither sound dis
cretion nor the constitution permit the least interference.
How then can a surmise be raised or a jealousy excited

13
in the south against a candidate from the opposite
quarter of the union ? The southern states will con
sider too the long period which has elapsed, since the
northern have offered a candidate for the presidency.
Virginia in particular who has already given four
Presidents to the union could scarcely reconcile it to a
liberal and magnanimous course to withhold her sup
port from a northern candidate of acknowledged worth
and pre-eminently qualified, and to throw the weight of
her influence for a fifth in favour of a candidate, who
cannot be for a moment placed in competition with his
rival,merely on the ground of his birth place. A different
policy is expected from that patriotick Commonwealth —
many of her leading statesmen are earnest in their ef
forts to vindicate her reputation against the suspicion
of selfishness and inordinate ambition. It needs hard
ly to be suggested, that to persist in supporting a na
tive and resident of the south under such circumstances
cannot fail to generate disgust, and may be a source of
dissatisfaction and jealousy, which must ultimately
recoil on themselves by denying them hereafter the in
fluence they have hitherto possessed. In fact statesmen
have already appeared in the south and also in the
west, who might be essentially injured by an overween
ing effort in their adherents to propel them premature
ly to the highest honours in the gift of their country.
S. The Western States. — Many of the remarks
under the preceding article are applicable here. The
great interests of the West are objects of regard to the
Middle, and Eastern States on the score of reciprocal
benefit. The staples of the valley of the Mississippi
require the free navigation of that great and almost sole

14
outlet of their commerce, and the protection of New-
Orleans and the whole Gulph of Mexico can only be
secured by a respectable navy. The eastern, and mid
dle States alone can furnish this defence, and the com
merce of that noble river and its tributary streams will
comm ind alike their pride and their interest; for they
are the carriers of most of their productions.
The rapid settlement and cultivation of the lands in
the Western States and Territories, as it must increase
their products for exportation to an immense extent,
cannot fail to increase the commerce and the wealth of
the Atlantic States in due proportion, and consequently
will be promoted with equal zeal and activity. And
this course is the more certain, because the occupations
and products of the West, can never fear the competi
tion of the North and East, nor can the latter appre
hend the rivalry on the ocean of those fertile States so
far from the coast, that few native citizens ever behold
the tall mast, or the sails, which whiten the bosom of the
mighty deep.
For several years past it has appeared to be a pre
valent doctrine among members of Congress from those
States, that the manufactures and productions of our
country require further encouragement by increasing
the duties on importations. They also contend, that
the Constitution authorizes a reasonable application of
the public revenue for roads, canals, and other in
ternal improvements. A western President, they na
turally suppose may favor the accomplishment of both
these objects. It must be considered, however, that a
President can only recommend a favorite measure ; and
where the public attention is alive to the subject, a re
commendation by the Executive of the peculiar objects

15
oi the State or section to which he belongs, might rather
aWaken jealousy, than conciliate favor.
It is not understood, that any of the candidates en
tertain Constitutional scruples unfavorable to either of
those measures ; and not a doubt can exist, that when
ever a majority of both branches of Congress shall
adopt them, they will receive the sanction of the next
President, whichsoever of the present candidates may
be elevated to that dignity. True policy will suggest to
our Western brethren, that it is better to advance to
their purpose with the concurrence and esteem of the
elder States, than to push their pretensions to the ut
most verge, or to compass their views by hurried steps
and extraordinary means. Let no root of bitterness
spring up, to poison our mutual attachment ; the voice
of the West is already strong in our councils, it is soon
to be equal at least to that of the Atlantic States. Let
it then be a voice, not of discord, but of grateful har
mony, ever to be heard with respect and pleasure.
The Middle States have a most important part to
act at the ensuing election. None of the candidates
expect their support from local considerations. Hence
it is, that we see in Pennsylvania, Maryland, New-
Jersey, and Delaware, a stronger disposition to ascer
tain their relative merits ; and there is every reason to
anticipate a result in favor of a man, whose political
talents and experience are united with sound Republi
can principles and an irreproachable private character.
The State of New York has been for some time
contemplated with an unusual degree of interest. Her
physical and moral force is so considerable, that the
election may not improbably depend on its exertion.

16
The frequent struggles of contending parties in that
State of late years, have been fraught with great and
almost i n vetrrate evils. A few ambitious and intriguing
" managers" have obtained uncontrolable sway ; and
rumor has for some time placed these aspiring spirits
in the train of Mr. Crawford. The chief magician
and three or four of his coadjutors, are unquestionably
in his interest. Whether this hopeful cabal have al
ready partitioned all the great offices of the nation
among them, in imitation of the Roman triumvirate;
or whether they will condescend to admit into the part
nership two or three expectants in Maine, who have
promised so much, and effected so little, and a few of
less note in other states, is not yet ascertained ; but
that Mr Crawford's champions in the House of Repre
sentatives are not to be neglected, all will unques
tionably agree.
As the people of New York are intelligent and
liberal, it is matter of curiosity to learn what sort of
logick these men of skill will use to allure their fellow
citizens into their measures. Will they confess the
truth in regard to their own private views and expecta
tions? If they will, we ask no more. Instead of this
their talents will be wholly employed in concealing
these precious facts, which, if known, would consign
them forever to obscurity and contempt. But will the
people of New York run blindfold into their snares ?
Can they be the willing dupes of this little band of
aristocrats P It is not to be believed. The State has
far too great a stake in the issue, and scarcely less
in vindicating her own character, depending as it in
evitably must, upon the part she acts in the approaching
election. If she patiently takes the bit, gives the reins

17
to the arch intriguer, and rushes heedlessly into the
course, as he shall please to guide ; her political influ
ence must be paralysed, her character degraded. On
the other hand, if she breaks forth in her strength, de
tects her seducers, and defies their arts ; if she assumes
an independent attitude, judges of the merits of the
candidates with her own eyes, and boldly sustains his
cause, whom her sober judgment selects ; the contest
will be decided, — she will have the proud satisfaction
of acting with dignity and discernment, and of acquir
ing the esteem and confidence of this great Republic.
In the Eastern States the Republicans may be
considered unanimous in support of Mr. Adams ; for
except the writer of the Ghent letter, a few personal
enemies of Mr. Adams, three or four editors of news
papers, with meagre subscription lists, and needing
patronage from a distance, no voice has been heard
for many months opposed to his election. So popular
has he become, that in many places no candidate could
be elected to Congress or to any important office by
Republican votes, who was not known as a supporter
of his cause. Assured of his distinguished qualifica
tions for the office, it is deemed an ignoble desertion of
the just expectations of the North and East, to be luke
warm in advancing his pretensions. Had Virginia,
the Carolinas, Georgia, or Kentucky, such a citizen,
what ardor, what zeal, what eloquence would be en
listed in his behalf; what an array of newspapers, what
a phalanx of pamphlets would take the field! How
would all his competitors dwindle to insignificance
when compared to such a prodigy of excellence ! While
the pblegmatick conceptions of Eastern statesmen are

18
slowly advancing in the beaten path, and scarcely keep
ing up with publick opinion, far less giving any impe
tus, in favor of the distinguished citizen of their section
of the uuion. Yet possibly it may happen, that the
tardy measures of the Eastern States may incline their
friends in other quarters to lend their efforts from mere
compassion, in so clear a cause, in which all have in
fact nearly an identity of interest. Something like this
indeed is already visible, and the most favorable con
sequences are anticipated.
In the foregoing pages we have touched only inciden
tally upon the personal characters and merits of some
of the candidates ; — but it would be unpardonable to
omit something further upon that point. We shall,
however, be general in our remarks — scarcely glanc
ing at any thing not strictly relevant— we would " noth
ing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice." Their -
private characters and history are by some fastidious
persons deemed sacred, like the vices of kings; while
others believe that our Republican Institutions and
habits can only be preserved in their purity, by requir
ing private as well as publick virtue and integrity in
those entrusted with the enactment and execution of
the laws. We confess ourselves firmly attached to the
latter doctrine. Yet while we maintain, that he, who
embroils his neighbors and fellow citizens in his per
sonal quarrels, and kills his man in a duel ; or he, who
spends his nights at the gaming table, ovin the revels of
a brothel, in contempt of the laws of God and man, can
never be a safe depository of those laws, whose spirit
and vigor are founded in publick opinion and in pub
lick morals; we cannot be prevailed upon to make
these the topicks of our preseut consideration. We

19
would abstain from such irritating themes, having am
ple materials of a more general character, and which
are less liable to the suspicion of personal antipathy. —
In this course we feel the greater confidence of not be
ing charged with a dereliction of duty by a suppression
of material facts, because it is believed, that the bearing
of such disclosures upon most of the candidates for the
Presidency is well understood, and that the virtuous
and enlightened citizens of the United States will hesi
tate to relinquish the .system hitherto pursued. With
them private virtue is deemed the best pledge of pub
lick integrity.
With these remarks we hasten to a concise delinea
tion of some of the most prominent candidates for the
office of Chief Magistrate of the nation.
1. Mr. Lowndes. — To a sound understanding, dis
tinguished political views, great experience, and un
wearied industry, he united a delicacy of feeling and
a suavity of manners, which attracted universal esteem
and confidence. Had he been spared to this nation it
is difficult to conceive the possibility of any reasonable
' opposition at a future day to his elevation to the office
so enthusiastically claimed for him by his native State.
S. Mr. Calhoun. — The talents of this gentleman
are of a high order ; his services in Congress during
our late war, were eminently useful, and in his present
station his views are bold and comprehensive. Though
he has reached the age made indispensable by the
Constitution, he is far short of that age, which usage
has hitherto prescribed. If he were to be elected at the
age of forty, would he willingly retire at the early age
of forty-eight ; and if he would, ought the country to
forego his services after that period, When most men
3

so
are only ripe for the graver duties of Executive govern
ment? Yet there would be no alternative but to do so>
or to elect him to another and then another term of four
years each, and then after four successive terms, he
would be younger than any President hitherto elected.
This innovation in practice might be less dangerous,
than a violation of the Constitution, but ought not to be
permitted without manifest necessity. Besides it is
thought by many, that some of his publick acts obvi
ously emanate from a sanguine and ardent temperament,
which cannot fail to be greatly chastened and improved
by longer service in stations less responsible, than that
of President.
General Jackson. — This consummate soldier is
the admiration of his country. N o office would increase
his popularity, or add brilliancy to his fame. We have
reason to believe, that his talents are of that compre
hensive character, that he might serve his country with
reputation as a diplomatist or a statesman, and we wish
he may speedily be employed in such service, if agree
able to his feelings. Nor is it improbable, that the
people of the United States might soon acquire the same
high sense of his sagacity, discretion, and talents as a
Statesman, which they so universally entertain of his
military prowess.
MR. CLAY.— The publick career of this Western
luminary is well kuown. At the Bar of his native
State, he obtained a high rank as an advocate, without
being equally remarkable for profound research, or ex
tensive knowledge in his profession. In the House of
Representatives his eloquence is unrivalled ; and
Whether on the, floor as a debater, or in the chair as the

21
presiding officer, he attracts the unfeigned admiration
of his audience. In all great measures, which, have
been before Congress, while he was a member, his in
fluence has been felt, and with difficulty resisted.
It is not our province to doubt his patriotism, or to
irafljugn his motives, but we will be bold to remark, that
some of the measures introduced or ardently supported
by him, were characterized by rashness, and fraught
with mischief to our country. While the government
were earnestly engaged in a most tedious and embar
rassing negotiation with Spain, with faint prospect of
success, Mr. Clay we believe in 1820, introduced his
resolution to acknowledge the independence of her
South American provinces. A step, which could not
have advanced a single iota the cause of the provinces,
yet must in all probability have produced a war with
Spain, drawing after it the destruction of a vast portion
of our commerce, and would certainly have broken off
the pending negotiations. Happily he failed in his
object ; a treaty was made, the floridas acquired,
and the spoliations of our commerce indemnified. We
know very well the specious arguments employed in
favor of the acknowledgment. As" they were falling in
impassioned profusion from the lips of the Orator, they
almost persuaded the most discreet ; but no sooner
were they transferred to the pages of the newspapers,
than their fallacy was manifest, their weakness glaring.
Indeed a similar remark has often been made of other
speeches of Mr. Clay; how imposing then, how dan
gerous, we may say, is that eloquence, which cannot
only transport' an audience, and drive the most grave
and sober from the moorings of solid reasoning, "but

2S
which makes the orator himself the convert or dupe of
his own powers !
Mr. Clay's attack upon the Seminole war aud
Gen. Jackson, was not more violent, than that of others,
both in Congress and elsewhere ; but his conspicuous
station and talents attracted unusual attention. Qpn.
Jackson had been justified by the Executive, and to all
the opponents of the administration, as well as to many,
who sincerely disapproved the acts, the propriety of
which was drawn in question, this subject afforded a
common point of attack.
It is a fact known to many, that Mr. Clay aspired
to a place in Mr. Monroe's administration, which was
assigned to another ; and though he is said to have been
intended for a different place, which he declined, his
opposition to the administration from that hour has
been strenuous and persevering ; and it is a high hon
our to the House of Representatives no less than to the
administration, that he was never able with so many
materials of discontent and opposition, to frustrate any
important measure. That Mr. Clay is popular in his
native state and those adjacent, and that he has many
aealousMndividuals in all the western states, wholly
devoted to his promotion, may easily be accounted for
by considering his character, and his course of policy.
His zeal for the new tariff and for internal improve
ments is highly popular, his premature zeal in favour of
South America was equally so. In fact the great dan
ger is in a course so rapid, a path so luminous, and at
the same time so erratick, that he might precipitate
himself and with him the nation into* those bold and
perilous adventures, which might gratify the ambition

23
of the rash and unprincipled, while our constitution and
liberty might be the sacrifice.
Mr. Clay is yet a young man ; he has many redeem
ing qualities, and a substantial and permanent change
in his political course may hereafter conciliate the con
fidence of the reflecting part of the community, who at
present dread him, as a portentous comet, threatening
destruction to our system.
Mr. Crawford. — It is scarcely necessary to devote
much time to the peculiar situation and character of
this Gentleman. His period of service in the Senate
and his short mission to France have left small trace
behind of able or successful exertion. His talents and
his experience in the duties of a statesman require evi
dence which has never been adduced. When Mr.
Monroe was first elected, he was his rival ; yet why
he was proposed or was supported in the Congression
al Caucus it is difficult to comprehend ; unless we
ascribe to him the possession of some talisman, some
secret charm, to steal away men's hearts. Before that
Caucus his confidential friends declared that he de
clined the contest, yet those same friends supported him
with all their strength. The friends of Mr. Monroe
were lulled to security by this seeming disavowal of
competition, and were near being defeated by the
stratagem. Notwithstanding this ominous circumstance
Mr. Monroe appointed him to the Treasury, and he has
on nearly every important measure arrayed himself
against the administration, of which he thus became a
member. The direct and proper patronage of the Office,
he holds, is very great in all parts of the United States :
yet a law was passed under his auspices several years

24
since, by which new appointments were to be made or
the occupants confirmed at his pleasure through all the
ramifications of the customs. He is the professed
champion of economy, and some small officers of the
customs have been considerably curtailed of the usual
stipends for the support of their families under his re
gulations, or laws made at his suggestion ; yet the ratio
of expense in collecting the revenue is greater, than
before he was at the head of the department. This has
been proved in the publick newspapers.
We have already adverted to his " radical" econo'
my in considering its effects upon our army, fortifica
tions, and navy ; to his employment of members of Con
gress in lucrative duty contrary to the spirit if not the
letter of the law ; and we have long looked, but looked
in vain for some explanation of the causes of the
loss of near a million dollars in his famous " una
vailable funds" Several motions have been made in
Congress* particularly by the bold and independent
member from Illinois, Mr. Cook, for the express pur
pose of obtaining this explanation. The torrent of
abuse heaped upon Mr. Cook by the champions of
Mr. Crawford, could not deter him from repeating the
call. The suppression of a letter, which had a strong
bearing on this subject, was last winter mentioned by
an anonymous writer in a newspaper ; and Congress
were forthwith assailed from the same quarter with
loud clamours for a " committee of inquisition ;" the
Secretary appeared personally before them with his
confidential clerks, yet has he never availed himself
of these favourable opportunities, or rather of these
loud calls, to give a frank and ample exposition of
his arrangements, indulgences, and negotiations with

25
the banks where the losses occurred. Instead of this
his friend's have in all such cases ardently lent their
whole force to arraigning the manner of the call, or
the individual, who had the courage to promote it. In
timidation, and menace were the arguments which in
their judgment could alone be successful. Notwith
standing these inauspicious circumstances, and while
not more than one or two states have given any tokens
of supporting his pretensions to the Presidency, it is
well known that he has a considerable corps of indi
viduals, backed, by several publick newspapers, dis
persed through the country, who identify themselves
with his election ; and who in ordinary cases might
give an irrisistible impulse to publick opinion. It is
unnecessary to inquire by what invisible ligament these
persons are united and retained in service ; their
utter discomfiture may be safely predicted. The force
of publick opinion is already arrayed for their over
throw. MR. ADAMS.— While the adversaries of Mr.
Adams acknowledge his superior talents, and his great
experience ; while they admit his long and eminent
services, and the purity of his private life, they af
fect to doubt the correctness of his political principles.
It is alleged, he was once a Federalist. When the
constitution went into effect in the union, and while
the flames of revolution in France were threatening her
existence, Mr. Adams commenced the career of man
hood. At that time, he wrote certain essays in the
newspapers against some of the errors of the ephemeral
writers of the day, and especially against those broach
ed in a work of Thomas Paine. Most of the doctrines
attacked by him are long since exploded. — Those es-

says have been recently republished by Mr. Adams'
friends, and are found to contain very few positions,
which the severest Republican would at this time
scruple to admit. Being appoiuted on foreign service
by the great Father of his country, he was absent
from the United States, and took no concern in the
doraestick feuds of Mr. Adams' administration. His
support of Mr. Jefferson and his successors to the pre
sent time, has been already stated ; and in ransacking
records, journals, newspapers, and publications of every
sort, the utmost industry of his adversaries has scarcely
brought to light a single word from his lips or his pen,
inconsistent with the principles he at present professes —
those principles emphatically denominated Republi
can, which have guided our country through manifold
dangers, to peace and glory.
And by whom is this objection made ? Even by the
adherents of the man, who in 1798, approved under his
own hand, the very measures most obnoxious to Repub
licans ; of the man whose chief prop and ablest cham
pion in the House of Representatives is, and always
has been, with his whole connexion, a marked and
unwavering Federalist ; of the man who numbers in
his train and among his confidential friends and zealous
advocates, more Federalists of the old school, than all
the other candidates put together ! If this is a crime in
others, is it less so in their favorite ; or does their sup
port of Mr. Crawford alone, entitle the Federalists to
absolution and amnesty?
But of whatever else Mr. Adams may be accused
by the virulence of his adversaries, he can never be
justly charged with intrigue. JVb man ever received
from him directly or indirectly, the least encouragement

27
to expect personal advantage, by promoting Ms election.
Does this require proof? We have it in the notorious
fact, that no ambitious intriguer or interested manager,
has lifted a finger or uttered a syllable in his faver. All
such characters through the nation are earnestly en
gaged in supporting others, from whom probably they
have better hopes, and all with one consent oppose the
election of John Quincy Adams. We know indeed
that many men of high character and unsuspected in
tegrity are favorable to his cause ; and it is matter of
satisfaction and pride to observe how differently they
manifest their preference from the interested hirelings
of corruption. " Expede Herculem." The sponta
neous and disinterested support of " good men and
true," is so distinctive and characteristick in the man
ner and feature, that the most careless observer can
distinguish it from the other. The same observation
applies to the newspapers in various parts of the Union,
which adopt a corresponding course. From these con
siderations and many others, we augur a favourable
result of the great election canvass.
We cannot close wi-hout expressing our conviction,
that the pending election is fraught with consequences
of universal interest to the people of the United States.
It is in its leading features a contest of talents against
intrigue, of Republican simplicity against cunning,
of integrity against corruption. The appeal is made
under God to the wisdom and virtue of a great Repub-
lick. May the decision be in accordance with truth
and right, and add a proud leaf to our history, for the
instruction of succeeding ages
A CITIZEN.

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