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J--^ 5^ssa J, fiy P/wpprMvi, thn possf.-nnon. .n'' i//r p;//i7;.vfi.rr.i. nluuOTj.My & Co.PulJlnWn TtswYm-k. 1 f^Jfi frrf w/.f^u-'i !M,r>rv< F3EW VCTDIK&S.. 21 BEIBMUI STREET v >'?&» cf zA*. d*#*t-i0hc*!urt'fe'-ih* atntthzm. disinter^ S"^~ 4- tfo NATIONAL POETKAIT GALLERY OF feituitt JS-mmtani? : INCLUDING ORATORS, STATESMEN, NAVAL AND MILITARY HEROES, JURISTS, AUTHORS, ETC., ETC., |rom #rinhal full ifntjjtfj gainings b£ ALONZO CHAP PEL. WITH BIOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL NARRATIVES BY EVERT A. DUYCKINCK, EDITOR OF " OTCLOFJIDU Or AMERICAN LITERATURE," RGL IN TWO VOLUMES.— VOL. IL NEW YOEK: JOHNSON, FRY & COMPANY, 87 BEEKMAN STREET. Enter ;d, according to Act of Congrew, by JOHNSON FRY & CO., ttw Clerk's Office of the District Court of the TTnited States for U>e Southern District of Hew York CONTENTS. VOLUME TWO. BIO GR APHIE S. Pagh LXXIII.— JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, 5 LXXIV.— DAVID PORTER 18 LXXV.— JOHN JACOB ASTOR, 30 LXX VI.- JAMES KENT, 39 LXXVIL— JOHN JAMES AUDUBON, 47 LXXVIII.— DEWITT CLINTON, \ 55 LXXIX.— OLIVER HAZARD PERRY 03 LXXX.— JAMES LAWRENCE,. ." 7-1 LXXXL— THOMAS MACDONQUGH, -. 82 LXXXII.— JOHN RANDOLPH, 88 LXXXIII.— WASHINGTON IRVING 99 LXXXIV.— ABBOTT LAWRENCE 110 LXXXV.— ANDREW JACKSON 11G LXXXVI.— HENRY CLAY 144 LXXXVIL— JOHN CALDWELL CALHOUN, 162 [/XXXVIII-DANIEL WEBSTER 173 LXXXIX.— THOMAS. HART BENTON, 190 XC— JAMES FENIMORE COOPER, 199 XCI.— WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON 211 XCII.-WILLIAM HICKLING PRESCOTT, 221 XCIII.— ZACHARY TAYLOR, 231 XCIV.- JAMES KNOX POLK, 247 XCV.— RUFUS CHOATE, 253 XCVI.-JOHN ANTHONY QUITMAN 264 XCVIL— STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS, 273 XCVIIT.-JOHN J. CRITTENDEN, 277 XCIX.— WILLIAM HENRY SEWARD, 280 C.-ELISHA KENT KANE, '. 284 CI.— .CHARLES WILKES '. 298 CII.— WILLIAM JENKINS WORTH 301 CIIL— EDWIN VOSE SUMNER 308 CIV. -MARTIN VAN BUREN 310 CV.-SALMON PORTLAND CHASE, 320 CVI.-JOHN TYLER, 322 CVIL— JOHN CHARLES FREMONT, 329 CVIIL— FRANKLIN PIERCE 333 CIX.— ANDREW HULL FOOTE, 340 CX. -JAMES BUCHANAN 343 CXI.-MILLARD FILLMORE, 847 CXIL— NATHANIEL LYON,. .'....¦ 851 CONTENTS. l'AOB CXIII. -LEWIS CASS, 355 cxiv.— ormsby Mcknight mitchel, 362 CXV.— JOHN E. WOOL, '. 366 CXVI.— ABRAHAM LINCOLN, 373 CXV1L— WINFIELD SCOTT, 376 CXVIII.— GEORGE BANCROFT, ., ¦ • ¦ • 396 CXIX-EDWARD EVERETT, 400 CXX.— GEORGE BRINTON McCLELLAN, 408 CXXI.-HENRY WAGER HALLECK 412 CXXIL— AMBROSE EVERETT BURNSIDE 416 CXXIII.— JOSEPH HOOKER, 419 CXXIV. -BENJAMIN F. BUTLER, 423 CXXV.-JAMES SHIELDS, 428 CXXVL— THOMAS FRANCIS DUPONT, 432 CXXVIL— DAVIE GLASCOE FARRAGUT, ; , 436 CXXVIII.— DAVID D. PORTER, -. 440 CXXIX.— HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW 444 CXXX.— WILLIAM STARKE ROSECRANS, 451 CXXXI.— ULYSSES S. GRANT 456 CXXXII.— NATHANIEL PRENTISS BANKS 459 ¦ CXXXIII.— ANDREW JOHNSON, 462 CXXXIV.— WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT, 464 CXXXV.— THOMAS JONATHAN JACKSON, 471 CXXXVL— ROBERT EDWARD LEE, v 487 CXXXVII.— JOSEPH EGGLE8T0N JOHNSTON, 496 CXXX VIII. -JEFFERSON DAVIS 500 CXXXIX.— WILLIAM TECUMSEH SHERMAN 503 CXL.— CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, '. 521 CXLI.— SAMUEL FINLEY BREESE MORSE, 528 CXLII.— VALENTINE MOTT 535 CXLIII.— GEORGE STONEMAN, 544 CXLIV.^-WINFIELD SCOTT HANCOCK '. 543 .CXLV. -JAMES SAMUEL WADSWORTH, 552 CXLVI.— JOHN SEDGWICK, 550 CXL VII.— QUINCE Y ADAMS GILMORE, 563 CXLVIIL— PHILIP HENRY SHERIDAN, 57! CXLIX.-JOHN ALEXANDER LOGAN,... 681 CL.— JAMES BIRDSEYE McPHERSON, , 585 CLI.-SCHUYLER COLFAX £9S JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. We have already traced the lineage of John Quincy Adams. He comes nobly heralded upon the scene of our Revolutionary annals. His stirring re lative, the zealous and always consist ent Samuel Adams, the very front and seed-plot of obstinate rebellion, had taught the mechanics of Boston to resist, and his eloquence had reached the ears of men of influence throughout the colony and nation. His father, John Adams, thirty-two years old at the time of his birth, deeply grounded in the history of constitutional liberty and with the generous flame of freedom burning brightly in his bosom from boyhood, was already prepared for that warm, enlightened, steady career of patriotism — never swerving, always true to his land— which bore him aloft, the chosen representative of New Eng land to the Congress of his country, and ultimately to her highest authority ; while the nation in turn adopted him her express image in the important ne gotiations at three of the great courts of Europe. ¦ Nor should we forget the tender, heroic mother, the child of sensibility and genius, hardened into the maturity and perfection of the female character by the fire of the Eevolution, the gen tle Abigail, in whose fair friendship n.— 1 and sympathies and feminine graceful ness posterity has an ever-living parti cipation through the delightful pages of her " Correspondence." Of that family, in a house adjoining the old paternal Braintree home, in the present town of Quincy, at this immi nent moment of the Eevolution, John Quincy Adams, the eldest son, was born July 11, 1767. He derived his baptismal name from his great-grand father, John Quincy, the time-honored representative of Quincy in the Colo nial Legislature. The name was given by his grandmother, as her husband was dying. The incident was not for gotten by the man. He recurred to it with emotion, fortified by a sense of duty. In a sentence cited by his recent biographer, the venerable Josiah Quin cy, he says : " This fact, recorded by my father at the time, is not without a moral to my heart, and has connected with that portion of my name a charm of mingled sensibility and devotion. It was filial tenderness that gave the name — it was the name of one passing from earth to immortality. These have been through life, perpetual admoni tions to do nothing unworthy of it." It is interesting to trace the progress of the child in his mother's correspond ence, from the infant lullaby which she JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. prattles to her husband, when "our daughter rocks him to sleep with the song, ' Come, papa, come home to bro ther Johnny.' The boy has just en tered his eighth year, and his father is on his way to the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, when she writes : " I have taken a very great fondness for reading Eollin's 'Ancient History,' since you left me. I am determined to go through with it if possible, in these my days of solitude. I find great plea sure and entertainment from it, and I have persuaded Johnny to read me a page or two every day, and hope he will, from his desire to oblige me, en tertain a fondness for it." The child had some instruction at the village school, but he was especially taught by his father's law students, in the house. As the pressure of war increases, this resource is broken up. The anxious moiher writes, " I feel somewhat lonely. Mr. Thaxter is gone home. Mr. Eice is going into the army as captain of a company. We have no school. I know not what to do with John." In the summer of this year, 1775, " stand- iL£," we are told, " with her on the summit of Penn's Hill, he heard the cannon booming from the battle of Bunker's Hill, and saw the flames and smoke of burning Charlestown. Dur ing the siege of Boston he often climbed the same eminence alone, to watch the shells and rockets thrown by the Ame rican army." 1 A letter from the boy himself, two years later, then at the age of ten, exhibits his youthful precocity. " I love," he writes to his father, " to 1 Quincy's Memoir, p. S. receive letters very well — much better than I love to write them. I make but a poor figure at composition ; my head is much too fickle. My thoughts are running after birds' eggs, play and tri fi.es, till I get vexed with myself. Mam ma has a troublesome task to keep me steady, and I own I am ashamed of myself. I have but just entered the. third volume of Smollett, though I had designed to have got half through it by this time. I have determined this week to be more diligent, as Mr. Thax ter will be absent at court, and I can not pursue my other studies. I have set myself a stint, and determined to read the third volume half out." He asks for directions to proportion his time between play and writing, and in a postscript says, " Sir, if you will be so good as to favor me with a blank book, I will transcribe the most remark able occurrences I meet with in my reading, which will serve to fix them upon my mind." 1 In this letter we may read the aged man backward, from his steadfast, methodical desk in the House of Eepresentatives, to the little boy at his mother's side in Braintree. The "childhood shows the man as morn' ing shows the day." He was an old fashioned, studious youth, nurtured amidst grave scenes of duty, early in harness, a resolute worker from his cra dle to his grave. The next year the boy is taken with his father, on board the frigate Boston, on his first mission to France ; followed, in her first letter after the separation, 1 This letter nppeirs from the manuscript in Mr. Ed ¦ward Era-ett's eloquent Faneuil Hall eulogy on Adams. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. by this noble injunction of the mother : " Enjoin it upon him never to disgrace his mother, and to behave worthily of his father." The boy is a little man on the voyage, securing the favor of the French gentlemen on board, who teach him their language. In a perilous storm which arose, his father records his inexpressible satisfaction at his be havior, " bearing it with a manly pa tience, very attentive to me, and his thoughts constantly running in a serious strain." When they arrive in France, and take up their lodgings with Ben jamin Franklin at Passy, he is put to school with the sage's grandson, Benja min Franklin Bache, in the neighbor hood. At the close of this short sojourn abroad, his father sums up his advan tages : " My son has had a great oppor tunity to see this country ; but this has unavoidably retarded his education in some other things. He has enjoyed perfect health from first to last, and is respected wherever he goes for his vigor and vivacity, both of mind and body, for his constant good humor and for his rapid progress in French as well as his general knowledge, which, for his age, is uncommon." * On the return voyage, in the Sensible, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, the minister to the Unit ed States, and his secretary; M. Marbois, " are in raptures with my son. They get him to teach them the language. I found, this morning, the ambassador seated on the cushion in our state-room, M. Marbois in his cot, at his left hand, and my son stretched out in his, at his right; the ambassador reading out ' Letters of John Adams to his wife, II. 64. loud in Blackstone's Discourse at his en- trance on his professorship of the com mon law at the University, and my son correcting the pronunciation of every word and syllable and letter." 1 In November, father and son are at sea again in the Sensible, on their re turn to France. This time they are landed in Grallicia, and pursue their way through the northern provinces of Spain to the French frontier. When the boy's Diary shall be published, that gigantic work which we are told he commenced on this second voyage, and continued, with few interruptions, through life, the world will doubtless get some picturesque notices of these foreign scenes, so happily sketched in his father's note-book. The boy was again at school in France, and on his father's mission to Amsterdam, in the summer, was placed with an instructor under the wing of the venerable uni versity of Leyden, where in January, 1781, with Franklin's correspondent, Benjamin Waterhouse, then a student of medicine, he went before the Eector Magnificus and was duly matriculated. His father's object in taking him to Leyden was to escape "the mean-spirit ed wretches," as he describes them, the teachers of the public schools at Am sterdam. The youth, however, was not long at the University. His father's secretary Francis Dana, having received the ap pointment of minister to St. Petersburg, in July, took the boy of fourteen with him as his secretary. "In this capa- city," says Mr. Everett, " he was recog- 1 John Adams' Sea Diary, June 19, 1779. III. 214. Works, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS nized by Congress ; and there is, per. haps, no other case of a person so young being employed in a civil office of trust, under the government of the United States. But in Mr. Adams' career there was no boyhood." His know ledge of French, indeed, appears to have been of real service in interpret ing between his chief and the French minister, the Marquis de Verac, with whom the negotiations were conducted at the Eussian capital. In the autumn of the succeeding year he left St. Peters burg for a winter in Stockholm, and in the spring travelled alone through Sweden, Denmark and Germany to the Hague, where in May, 1773, we hear of him in his father's correspondence, as again "pursuing his studies with great ardor." He was present with his father at the concluding peace negotia tions at Paris, where he witnessed the signing of the memorable final treaty. The greater part of the next two years was passed in London and Paris, where he had now the society of his mother. He is still the same vigilant student, while he assists his father as his secre tary. " He is a noble fellow," writes John Adams from. Auteuil to Francis Dana at the close of 1784, " and will make a good Greek or Eoman, I hope, for he spends his whole time in their company, when he is not writing for me. 111 When his father was appointed the first minister plenipotentiary to Eng land, it was but natural to suppose that the secretary who had shared his hum bler labors would have desired to par ticipate in the full-blown honors of the 1 John Adams' Works, IX. 027. royal court. There is not one youth in a thousand who would have resisted the temptation. For what does John Quincy Adams, at the age of eighteen, after his responsible duties in Bussia, his independent sojourn in Stockholm, and intercourse with the brilliant Ame rican circles in Paris, with Franklin at the centre, exchange the splendid pro spect of life in the British metropolis ? For the leading-strings and restraints of Harvard, and a toilsome pupilage at the bar. The choice between inclina tion and duty never wa3 more tempt ingly presented. His own expression of the resolve is too memorable to be omitted. " I have been seven years travelling in Europe," he writes, " see ing the world and in its society. If I return to the United States, I must be subject, one or two years, to the rules of a college, pass three more in the tedious study of the law, before I can hope to bring myself into piofessional notice. The prospect is discouraging If I accompany my father to London, my satisfaction would probably be greater than by returning to the United States ; but I shall loiter away my pre cious time, and not go home until I am forced to it. My father has been all his lifetime occupied by the interests of the public. His own fortune has suffered. His children must provide for themselves. I am determined to get my own living, and to be depend ent upon no one. With a tolerable share of common sense, I hope in Ame rica to be independent and free. Ba ther than live otherwise, I would wish to die before my time." a 1 Quincy's Memoir, p. 6. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. With this creditable, resolve he bore with him from his father a letter to Benjamin Waterhouse, touching his ex amination at Harvard. The solicitous parent, who had read some of the classics with his son, and forsaking the card-table, attempted even an introduc tion to the higher mathematics, in which he failed, candidly admitting that these abstruse studies had quite departed from him in thirty years' ut ter unconsciousness of them, is anxious to impress upon his friend those gene ral acquisitions which might be ob scured at an examination for want of some of the technicalities of instruction. Thus, while he had steadily pursued his studies, and made written transla tions of the iEneid, Suetonius,. Sallust, Tacitus' Agricola and Germany, and portions of the Annals, with a good part of Horace, he might be defective in quantities and parsing. Harvard, however, was not likely to be too inex orable in her demands ; nor was the pupil likely to fall short of them. Af ter a few months' reading with the Eev. Mr. Shaw of Haverhill, he was admitted to the junior class in March, 1786, and continuing in the University long enough to leave a fragrant memo ry of his scholarship and good princi ples, received his degree the following year. His commencement oration, which was published, was on " The Im portance and Necessity of Public Faith to the Well-being of a Community." He now engaged in a three years' course of the study of the law, with Theophilus Parsons, at Newburyport, in which he must have heard much from his vigorous:minded preceptor, who afterwards became chief justice of the State, of the struggle then going on for the adoption of the Constitution. Adams was admitted to the bar in 1790, and at once, as he long afterwards expressed it, " commenced^ what I can hardly call the practice of the law in the citv of Boston." For the first three years he had the usual opportunity of young lawyers for further study ; and unlike many of them, he availed him self of it. A portion of his leisure was spent in the discussion of the impor tant political questions of the day. He answered the plausible sophistries on government, of . Paine' s " Eights of Man," in a series of essays published in Bus- sell's ., " Columbian Centinel,''' signed Publicola ; and in 1793, in the same journal,, urged neutrality upon the country in the contest between Eng land and France, and attacked the in solent Genet in terms of wholesome indignation. This service, and doubt less his father's great successes in Hol land, led Washington's administration to appoint him, in 1794, minister to the Netherlands. His acceptance of this honorable position was at the cost of a rapidly developing legal practice. Ar riving in London in time to confer with Jay, whose British treaty was then getting adjusted, he reached Hol land in season to witness the occupa tion of the country by the French pro pagandists. He remained at the Hague, availing himself of the opportunities and leisure of the place to add to those stores of knowledge already consider able, which he had accumulated, with the exception of a few months passed in diplomatic business in England till 10 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. the summer of 1797, when he received the appointment of minister to Portu gal. On his father's occupancy of the Presidency this was changed to the mission to Berlin. Before proceeding to his new post he passed over to Eng land to claim the hand of a lady to whom he had become engaged on a formei visit, Miss Louisa Catharine Johnson, the daughter of the American consul at London. Adams felt at first a natural reluc tance to accept an important office at the hands of his father ; but his inde pendence was reconciled to the step when he learned that it had been urged by Washington himself, who considered him fully entitled by his previous ser vices, to diplomatic promotion. He now took up his residence at Berlin. He was engaged in this mission to the close of his father's administration. During this time he negotiated a treaty of commerce with Prussia, and in the summer of 1800 made a considerable tour in Silesia. A number of letters' addressed to his brother in America, descriptive of this country, were pub lished without his advice in the " Port Folio," and a few years after were issued in a volume by a London pub lisher. In this collection they form a methodically written work, descriptive of the industiy and resources of an in teresting country with a comprehensive account of its history and geography. Adams also, during his residence at Berlin, employed himself in several literary compositions, of which the most important was a poetical version of Wieland's " Oberon." He intended this for publication, but found that Sotheby, the English translator, had anticipated him. Several satires of Juvenal were also among his transla tions. He moreover prepared for pub lication in America, a treatise of Frede rick de Gentz, " On the Origin and Principles of the American Eevolution," which interested him by its apprecia tion of American principles of liberty, as contradistinguished from the license of the French Eevolution. On his return to Boston, he turned his attention again to the study and re sumed the practice of the law. He was not, however, suffered to remain long free from official employment. A few months after his arrival he was called to the Senate of Massachusetts, and almost immediately chosen to the Sen ate of the United States. It was at that period of the disintegration of the federal party when the old order of things was fast going out, and the new was not fully established. Adams, who was always inclined to think for himself, chose an independent position. In some things, as the constitutionality of taking possession of Louisiana, in the way in which it was done, he op posed the administration ; in voting for the appropriation of the purchase mo ney, he was with it. When the promi nent measures of Jefferson's administra tion in reference to England began to take shape in the Embargo, he was at variance with his colleague, Mr. Pick ering. He was of opinion that submis sion to British aggression was no longer a virtue. His course, which was considered a renunciation of federalism, created a storm in Massachusetts, where the legislature, in anticipation of the JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 11 usual period, elected a successor to his senatorial term. Upon this censure he immediately resigned. His retirement was characteristic enough. He had been some time be fore, in 1805, chosen professor of rhet oric and oratory on 'the Boylston foun dation at Harvard, and had delivered his Inaugural the following year. The preparation of these lectures, in the de livery of which he now continued to be employed, called for fresh classical stu dies ; but to study he was never averse, and it is the memorable lesson of his career, that the pursuits of literature are not only the ornament of political life, but the best safeguards of the per sonal dignity of the politician, when, as must sometimes happen with an inde pendent man, he is temporarily thrown out of office by party distractions. If he is then found, as Adams always was, making new acquisitions of learning, and preparing anew for public useful ness, he must and will be respected, whichever way the popular favor of the moment may blow. Mr. Adams con tinued his duties at Harvard, reading lectures and presiding over the exer cises in elocution till the summer of 1809. In the following year, his " Lec tures on Oratory, delivered to the Sen ior and Junior Sophisters in Harvard University," were published at Cam bridge. Mr. Edward Everett, who was at the time one of the younger students, bears witness to the interest with which these discourses were received, not merely by the collegians but by various voluntary listeners from the neighborhood. " They formed," he says, " an era in the University, and were," he thinks, " the first successful attempt in the country at this form of instruction in any department of litera ture." Immediately upon the entrance of Madison upon the Presidency, Adams received the appointment of minister to Eussia, the court which he had ap proached, in his boyish secretaryship, during the Eevolution, with Dana. He sailed from Boston early in August, 1809, in a merchant ship, for St. Peters burg ; but from various detentions, a rough passage, and the vexatious exam inations of the British cruisers in the Baltic, then blockading Denmark, he did not arrive in Eussia till October. The commercial embarrassments, in the complicated relations of the great Na poleonic wars of the time, witnessed on the voyage, in the detention and oppression of American ships, furnished his chief diplomatic business at the imperial court. As much as any man, perhaps, he aided in solving these international difficulties. He had a cordial reception at court on his first arrival, and as time wore on, having prepared the way by his- interviews with Count Eomanzoff, the chancellor of the empire, received a proffer of mediation from the Emperor Alexan der, between Great Britain and the United States, in the war which had now broken out. The offer was ac cepted at home, and in the summer of 1813, he was joined at St. Petersburg by his fellow commissioners, Bayard and Gallatin, appointed for the negotia tion. The mediation was not, however, accepted by Great Britain though it proved a step forward to the final con- 12 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. ferences and adjustment at Ghent, England, proposed to treat directly at Gottenburg or London. The American government chose the former, and Adams was placed on the commission with Bayard, Clay, Eussell and Galla tin, to negotiate. Before his arrival on the spot, he learnt that the conference was appointed at Ghent, whither he proceeded in the summer of 1814 ; and, after a protracted round of diplomacy, had the satisfaction of signing the Treaty of Peace the day before Christ mas of that year. The scene of this event in that region which had wit nessed his father's successes, and his early entrance upon the world, and above all, the event itself closing the gates of war, as his father again had signed the great pacification of 1783, must have been peculiarly gratifying, not merely to his patriotic pride, but to the love of method which character ized his life. He may readily have recognized in it that courteous fate which so often marked the career of his family. B: there is a political as well as a poetical justice, it was cer tainly exhibited in the history of John Quincy Adams, and his illustrious father. The coincidences are most striking. Adams having now closed his mis sion to St. Petersburg, and having been appointed minister to Great Britain, was joined by his family from Eussia, in Paris, where he witnessed the return of Napoleon from Elba, and the com mencement of the Hundred Days. It was one of those dramatic surprises of Parisian life, which we may expect to b« faithfully represented in Mr. Adams' Diary, when it shall be given to the world. We get, perhaps, a glimpse of his record in his biographer, Mr. Quin- cy's narrative. Napoleon, we are told, " alighted so silently, that Mr. Adams, who was at the Theatre Francais, not a quarter of a mile distant, was una ware of the fact till the next day, when the gazettes of Paris, which had show ered execrations upon him, announced ' the arrival of his majesty, the empe ror, at his palace of the Tuileries.' In the Place du Carousel, Mr. Adams, in his morning walk, saw regiments of cavalry belonging to the garrison of Paris, which had been sent out to oppose Napoleon, pass in review before him, their helmets and the clasps of their belts yet glowing with the arms of the Bourbons. The theatres assumed the title of Imperial, and at the opera in the evening, the arms of the Empe ror were placed on the curtain, and on the royal box." Adams, again respecting his father's precedents, took up his residence with his family in London. He was the American representative at the court of St. James for two years, when he was called by President Monroe to his cabinet as Secretary of State. His time in England was passed in the best society of books, things and men. After concluding the commercial rela tions of the treaty, he removed from London to a retired residence, at Bos ton House, Ealing, nine miles distant, where he found time — he could always make time — for his liberal studies. The year 1817 saw him again in America, at Washington, the leading member of the new administration, in JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 13 the direct line of promotion to the Presidency. Old party lines were be coming, or had already become extinct. It was a perioa of fusion, " an era of good feeling," as it came to be called on the quiet reelection of Monroe. The chief diplomatic measures of Adams' secretaryship, had reference to Spain. He was always spirited in his assertions of the foreign policy of the country, and on this occasion was greatly instrumental in the negotiations which ended in the cession of Florida. One of his special services was the pre paration of an elaborate Eeport on Weights and Measures, at the call of Congress. He devoted six months of continuous labor to this production, entering into the subject philosophi cally, and in its historical and practical relations. The report was made to Congress in February, 1821. Adams continued to hold his secre taryship through both terms of Mon roe's administration. At its close, he was chosen by the House of Eepresen- tatives his successor in the Presidency, the vote being divided between Jack son, himself, Crawford and Clay, who decided the choice by throwing the vote of Kentucky in his favor. His administration, says Mr. Everett, in the address already cited, "was, in its prin ciples and policy, a continuation of Mr. Monroe's. The special object which he proposed to himself was to bind the distant parts of the country together, and promote their mutual prosperity by increased facilities of communica tion." There were many elements of opposition at work against a reelection, in the complicated struggles of the n.— 2 times. Adams encountered a full mea sure of unpopularity and retired — in political disaster, as well as in diplo matic triumph, like his father — to the shades of Quincy — that long retire ment which had only recently ended in death. The departure from the world of the elder Adams, occurred in the second year of his son's Presidency. Unlike the father, however, he was not to sit brooding over the past. Work, persistent work, was the secret of John Quincy Adams' life. Of a tough mental fibre, there was no such thing as defeat, while he had a mind to contrive, a tongue to utter, or a hand to hold the pen. He was sixty-two at his retirement from the Presidency, within a few years of the age when his father was succeeded by Jefferson. Both felt the storm of unprecedented party spirit and annoyance, and both yielded to great popular heroes. Literature again offered her hand to her assiduous son. " His active, ener getic spirit," we are told, " required neither indulgence nor rest, and he immediately directed his attention to those philosophical, literary and reli gious researches, in which he took un ceasing delight. The works of Cicero became the object of study, analysis and criticism. Commentaries on that master-mind of antiquity were among his daily labors. The translation of the Psalms of David into English verse was a frequent exercise ; and his study of the Scriptures was accompanied by critical remarks, pursued in the spirit of free inquiry, chastened by a solemn reference to their origin and influence on the conduct and . hopes of human 14 JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. life. His favorite science, astronomy, led to the frequent observation of the planets and stars; and his attention was also called to agriculture and hor ticulture. He collected and planted the seeds of forest trees, and kept a record of their development; and, in the summer season, labored two or three hours daily in his garden. With these pursuits were combined sketches preparatory to a full biography of his father, which he then contemplated as one of his chief future employments."1 He was, however, again soon called into action, being elected, in November, 1830, by his district, to the House of Eepresentatives. It was a novel spec tacle — an ex-president of the United States sitting in the lower house, but it was fully in accordance with the spirit of our institutions, which honor all faithful servants of the public. Nor is it to be denied that at least equal talent may be called for, and equal influence exerted in the discharge of duties of public life, which to the eye of the world have a comparative inferiority of position. Power may be wielded by a representative which may govern the administration itself. There are many acts of our legislative bodies more potential than the simple acquies cence of the Executive ; as the origina tor of a measure or line of policy must be of more consequence than the instru ment which gives it effect. For more than sixteen years Adams labored at his seat in the House. He was the most punctual man of the assembly, always on the alert ; cool, resolute, even Josiah Quincy'-B Biography, p. 176-6. pugnacious. There was scarcely a ques tion, involving a point Of morality, of national honor, or of literary and philo sophical culture, on which his voice was not heard. He supported the de mands of Jackson upon France ; he asserted and successfully maintained the right of petition against vast obloquy and opposition; he was especially in strumental in the establishment of the National Observatory, and the Smithso nian Institution. A bare enumeration of his speeches, writings and addresses, would fill the space assigned to this sketch — lectures and addresses on points of law, government, history, biography and science, moral and social, local and national, before sena tors and before youths, on anniversa ries of towns, on eras of the State, eulogies on the illustrious dead, on Madison, Monroe, Lafayette, the oration at the Jubilee of the Constitution. As he had lived, so he died in har ness. Death found him where he could have wished its approach, in the halls of Congress. His robust powers of body and mind had held out surpris ingly, as his vigor, no less than his venerable appearance in the House, enforced an authority not always read ily conceded to the persistence in unpopular appeals of "the old man eloquent." He was approaching eighty : still in the exercise of his extraordinary faculties, when, in a recess of Congress, walking in the streets of Boston, in November, 1846, he was stricken by paralysis, from which, nevertheless, he recovered in time to take his seat in Congress early in the year. The House rose to greet him, and he was conducted JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 15 to his chair with marked honors. He felt, however, his approach to the grave. There is a most touching evi dence of this in the anecdote related by Mr. Everett. His journal, the diary of his long' life, interrupted the day of his attack, was resumed after an inter val of nearly four months, with the title, " Posthumous Memoir." Writing in its now darkened pages, he says of the day when it was interrupted, " From that hour I date my decease, and consider myself, for every useful purpose to myself and fellow creatures, dead, and hence I call this, and what I may hereafter write, a posthumous memoir. He continued in the House another year, when the final messenger came, on Monday morning, the twenty-first of February, 1848. After passing a Sunday in harmony with his elevated religious-life, he was observed to ascend the steps of the Capitol with his accus tomed alacrity. As he rose, with a paper in his hand, to address the Speaker in the House, he was seized by a return of paralysis, and fell, uttering, " this is the last of earth — I am content." He was taken, as the House adjourned, to an adja cent room, where he lingered over Washington's birthday till the twenty- third, when he died in the speaker's apartment, under the roof of the Cap itol. His remains were taken to Bos ton, reposed in state in old Faneuil Hall, and were quietly laid by the side of his parents, in a grave at Quincy. The lesson of such a life is plain. Labor, conscientiousness, religious duty; talent borne out to its utmost stretch of performance by the industrious im provement of every opportunity; the self-rewarding pursuits of letters and science, in the gratification of an insa tiable desire for knowledge ; a constant invigoration of the moral powers by the strenuous discharge of duty ; inde pendence bought by self-denial and prudence, enjoying its wealth — the calm temper, the untroubled life — in the very means of acquiring it. How noble an illustration of the powers of life ! When the correspondence and Di ary, which Adams maintained through his long life, shall be published — when his writings shall be collected from the stray sheets in which they have been given to the winds, when the literary aids, due to his memory, shall be gathered in the library about his fair fame, there will be seen an enduring monument of a most honorable life of public service and mental activity. DAVID PORTER. This adventurous hero, the "Paul Jones of the second war of Indepen dence, with a more capacious and bet ter regulated mind," was born in Bos ton, February 1, 1780. His father, Captain David Porter, commanded a merchant ship out of that port, and was distinguished as an officer of ener gy and activity in the naval service of the Eevolutionary war. At the con clusion of the struggle the family re moved to Baltimore, where the father commanded a revenue cutter, and be came engaged in the West India trade. It was in one of these latter voyages that his son, at the age of sixteen, was introduced to the service of the ocean. Thus launched on the deep, a youth of courage and mettle, he made the element his home, and speedily famil iarized himself with its scenes of peril and warfare. It was at that unsettled period of our foreign relations, when our shipping was oppressed alike by our old enemy, England, and our recent ally, France. Aggression was rife on all sides. On this first voyage, young Porter was witness to one of those in sults and assaults. While in port at the island of St. Domingo, a press gang endeavored to board his father's vessel. The assailants were manfully resisted, with slaughter on both sides. A man was shot down by the side of the youth. Such was his introduction to the mer cantile service in 1796. On his next voyage to the same island, which he made in the capacity of mate, he was twice impressed by the British, and each time contrived to make his escape, reduced, however, to such circumstances of privation, that in his need he was compelled to work his passage home ward in the winter season, ill clad, and exposed to all the rigors of a northern icy coast. Soon after reaching home he applied for admission into the navy, obtained a midshipman's warrant and joined the Constellation, Captain Truxton, then recently put in commission, and already distinguished by her services on the coast. In the famous action of this vessel, in February, 1799, with the French frigate, the Insurgente, which ended in the capture of the latter, mid shipman David Porter had command of the foretop, a position, as it turned out, of peril and responsibility in the engagement. When the prize was taken, Porter was sent on board of her with Lieutenant Eodgers and eleven men to take possession and remove her prisoners. Before this duty could be discharged, night came on, and a heavy blow separated the vessel from the is Awin- A:$ c'7. ?7\.-zl. _ t ^ ^ -gssvin- vf tlis pzifflisTiers. .TohiiKan.pTj & Co. T^^tpriiarB/Sevv^yorTt. /'>t(S*-A^ «jiT.rv*,Z^s' .v m* ^ Gmjir&s AD.W&j fr,> Jlv^t*?-. «..3£f .-Z's-'k> ,*rfibe ,->? t*3&JJsfr%r£rfrt far tfia a&Jr'arr-rz jv>/>?.-/ s'fjvy DAVID PORTER. 17 Constellation, leaving this little guard to control one hundred and seventy- three unfettered Frenchmen. The hand ful of American seamen, however, were well officered; the prisoners were got into the holdj and though eager to escape, kept there by the superior resolution and vigilance of their cap tors, who, besides their duty of work ing the ship, watched as a guard at the hatchways for three days, till the vessel was brought safely to the Constellation at St. Kitt's. For this brilliant service, Porter, at the time, received no promo tion. Before the close of the year, however, he was made lieutenant. He served with honor and distinction the West India m service, till the termination of this quasi-war with France. The terms of peace with that nation were settled, early in 1801, and in the spring of the same year a new field for our infant navy was opened in a dis tant quarter of the world, in the aggres sions and defiance of the bashaw of Tripoli. Porter sailed to the Mediter ranean in the Enterprise, in Commo dore Dale's squadron, and assisted in the capture of a Tripolitan vessel of some note. In May, 1803, we find him first lieutenant of Commodore Morris' flag-ship, the New York, engaged in a brilliant, adventure in the harbor of old Tripoli, in reconnoitering and setting on fire a number of feluccas laden with wheat, which had taken refuge under the batteries of the town. In this affair he received a slight wound in the right, and a musket ball in the left thigh. These wounds were inflicted at the outset of the attack ; yet he con tinued in command to the close of the action. On his recovery he was transferred, in September, to Captain Bainbridge's frigate, the Philadelphia, at Gibraltar, and speedily returned in that vessel to the scene of his late enterprise off Tri poli. He was thus engaged in the blockade, when the Philadelphia had the misfortune, in chasing a vessel of the enemy, to be thrown upon a reef at the entrance of the harbor. After the most heroic efforts to escape, and fighting to the uttermost, the frigate was compelled to surrender, and her officers and crew to go into captivity. The story of that imprisonment, pro tracted for more than a year and a half, is a memorable event in our national annals. Its tedious, monotonous en durance was broken by many noble attempts at rescue on the part of the American fleet, and by the gallant act of Decatur, in the burning of the cap tured vessel in the harbor ; the arrival of the Constitution, and the successive bombardments of Commodore Preble ; the fatal explosion of the Intrepid in the harbor, sweeping the noble Somers to an untimely end — incidents all of which occurred within sight and hear ing of the prisoners. Within, the cap tives bore their imprisonment with equanimity, and waited for a better day. They even availed themselves of this dismal leisure to strengthen them selves in the duties of their profession for future service. By the kindness of M. Nissen, the Danish consul, an excel lent supply of books was furnished them. These were read with avidity and a systematic course of instruction 18 DAVID PORTER. entered upon by the younger officers. Lieutenant Porter directed these stu dies, and made various acquisitions of his own in general literature, the French language, and drawing. The repeated attacks of Preble, and other operations of the war, finally brought the stubborn Tripolitans to terms of surrender. Peace was con cluded June 3, 1805, and the prisoners released. A naval court of inquiry was then held at Syracuse, which exon erated the officers from censure in the loss of the Philadelphia, after which Lieutenant Porter was appointed to the command of the Enterprise, and cruised along the African coast in the neighborhood of Tripoli, stopping to indulge his historical and antiquarian tastes in a scholar's admiration of the Eoman remains of Leptis Magna. An incident which occurred at Malta, ilhis- trates the temper of the times with re spect to England and the resolute spirit of the young heroes of the American navy. A fOul-mouthed British sailor came alongside the Enterprise, abusing the officers and crew, for which Captain Porter promptly ordered him seized and flogged at the gangway. The governor, naturally indignant, ordered the vessel to be detained ; but Porter, with lighted matches and the men at their posts, swept by the forts without interruption. His last adventure in the* Mediterranean was a conflict with twelve Spanish gunboats, which he soundly punished for their rashness in attacking him, in sight of Gibraltar. After five years' absence from home in the Mediterranean, he returned to America, and signalized a brief interval of leisure by marriage to Miss Ander son, a lady of Pennsylvania. He was then appointed to the New Orleans station, where he was employed in en forcing the embargo and non-inter course laws. It may be noted as a curious coincidence, that his father, an officer in the service, died while under his command on this sta tion. Desirous of exchanging this locality, which was injurious to his health, for another, he was appointed to the command of the Essex, a small frigate of thirty-two guns. The actual breaking out of the war which had been long impending with England, found him, at the time of the declara tion of hostilities, in June, 1812, refit ting his ship at New York. In a few days he was at sea, leaving Sandy Hook on the third of July and cruis ing to the southward. He took some prizes, and was then compelled by stress of weather to change his course to the north. While off the banks, as he was going before a southerly wind, he came up with an English fleet, con sisting of a frigate and bomb- vessel con ducting several transports. It was at night, towards morning, with a dull moon feebly lighting the sea. Coming up first with one of the transports, he learnt the nature of the fleet, and as the ships were sailing widely apart, he determined to push his vessel, a fast sailer, to the frigate in the van, and encounter her as a prize worthy of his steel. The second transport, as he came up, was suspicious of his movements, and was about to give the alarm, when he threatened a broadside and quietly gained possession of her. She was DAVID PORTER. 19 found to be filled with troops. The convoy ship meanwhile sailed away. A few days' sailing brought the Essex within view of a British frigate, which proved to be the Alert, of twen ty guns. Captain Porter's vessel was at the time disguised as a merchant man, " her gun-deck ports in, top-gal lant masts housed, and sails trimmed in a slovenly manner." The English vessel consequently bore down upon her expecting an easy prize, when the Essex knocked out her ports, opened fire, and in eight minutes reduced her adversary to a sinking condition. The Alert, thus captured, was the first ship of war taken in the contest. She was sent as a cartel into St. Johns, with the prisoners. Captain Porter shortly after turned into the Delaware to re plenish his ship's water and stores. The Essex was now attached to the squadron of Captain Bainbridge, his command consisting, in addition, of the Constitution and Hornet. The whole were to cruise on the coast of Brazil, and thence cross the Atlantic to intercept the homeward-bound East India ships. Bainbridge sailed from Boston with his flag-ship and the Hor net, on the 26th October, directing that the Essex -should follow him from the Delaware, stopping at certain appoint ed stations of rendezvous on his grand route. The Essex accordingly sailed two days after the other vessels, tra versing the long distance to the equator without the opportunity of making a prize. Shortly after passing" that line, however, on the twelfth of December, she captured the Nocton, a British gov ernment packet, which yielded fifty-five thousand dollars in specie to his trea sury. Being heavily laden, the Essex did. not overtake her companions at the first appointed station, at the island Fernando Neronha, which wras reached a few days after the capture just men tioned. ¦. They were making their way to St. Salvador, both ships to secure their triumphs on the South American coast : one in the conquest of the Java ; the other, of the Peacock. Capt. Porter, after beating about for some time, in vain efforts to join his comrades of the squadron, the ground, meanwhile, becoming more dangerous, from the presence of British cruisers, took the responsibility of deciding upon his movements for himself. He continued a southerly course, and the eastern parts of the continent being il the English interest, and consequently closed to him, he determined to double Cape Horn, and forage upon the com merce of the enemy in the Pacific. This resolution was formed after he had failed to secure adequate supplies at the island of St. Catherines, the last place of rendezvous on the coast of Brazil, and in face of the thickening dangers which beset him. " The sea son, to be sure," says he in his journal of the 26th of January, 1813, the date of his leaving the island, " was far ad vanced, for -doubling Cape Horn; our stock of provisions was short, and the ship in other respects not well supplied for so long a cruise — to the port of Concepcion, on the coast of Chili — but there appeared no other choice left for me, except capture, starvation or block ade ; and this course, of all others, ap peared to me the most justifiable, as it 20 DAVID PORTER. accorded with the views of the honor able Secretary of the Navy, as well as those of my immediate commander." The Pacific project had, in fact, been submitted to the Secretary of the Navy before the declaration of war, and met with his approval, and Commodore Bainbridge had concurred in the idea, provided the necessary supply of pro visions could be obtained. It was not, therefore, an entirely unauthorized ad venture upon which the Essex was pro ceeding. The voyage round Cape Horn was a rough prelude to its better fortunes. For more than a month in those south ern latitudes, on either side of the ex tremity of the continent, the Essex was tempest tossed in that stormy sea. At length the coast of Chili was reached, and on the sixth of March a landing made at the island of Mocha, a not unfriendly though deserted station, affording a supply of fresh provisions to the crew, in the horses and hogs which ran wild over its surface. From this place the Essex ran down the coast with the hope of meeting some of the enemy's vessels from which supplies might be obtained ; and failing in this, struck boldly into the port of Valpa raiso, the captain reluctantly feeling himself compelled to resort to the ten der mercies of the Spanish officials, from whom little friendship was to be anticipated. Great was his gratifica tion on being received with eminent distinction. The Chilians had just thrown off their allegiance to Spain, and set up their independence. They hailed his national vessel as a timely visitant from a sister republic. Hos pitalities were freely extended, and every facility afforded of replenishing his stores. Intent upon the grand ob ject of his voyage, he did not, of course, linger long amidst these seductions. Stored with a superfluity of jerked beef and other provisions, the Essex left the port eager for approaching con flicts. Overhauling a whale-ship, the Charles, of Nantucket, information was had from the captain that two of his consorts, the Barclay and the Walker, had been taken possession of by a Spanish and an English ship near the port of Coquimbo. The Essex was accordingly hastened on her way, in search of the aggressors. In no long time she fell in with a ship of war disguised as a whaler, the real character of which was at once detected by Captain Porter. He had now raised the English flag, and hailed the vessel, when a shot was fired from her which passed the bow of the Essex. It was responded to by a few shot over the deck of the stranger, which brought alongside a boat, that was sent back with orders to her captain to run along side, and come on board with his papers and offer an apology for his rudeness to an English frigate. The ruse succeeded perfectly. The captain was ill, but a lieutenant arrrived and disburdened himself not only of the required apology, but of much informa tion of a character exceedingly agreea ble to the ears of Captain Porter. He was informed that the vessel before him was the Peruvian privateer Nerey- da, of fifteen guns, out on a cruise for American vessels ; that she had recent ly captured the two whalers of which DAVID PORTER. 21 he had heard, and that one of them, the Walker, had been taken from her by a British letter-of-marque, the Nim- rod, and that, supposing Porter's vessel might be that aggressor, the shot had been fired. The privateer, apart from this, professed the greatest respect for the English flag; his sole object, in fact, on the cruise was the capture of American vessels, of which, though he had been four months out, he had taken but the two alluded to, and that the captain of one of them was now on board his vessel. Upon hearing this, Porter sent for the American captain, and, closeted with him in his cabin, had the whole candid revelation con firmed. He then hoisted the American flag, to legalize the capture, and, firing a couple of guns, the Nereyda struck her colors. She was stripped to her topsails and courses, and in that condi tion sent back to Callao with her crew of Spaniards, bearing a message to the viceroy of Peru, from Captain Porter, commending her commander to such punishment at the hands of his excel lency as as his violation of American commerce might deserve. The Ameri cans on board the privateer were liber ated; a portion of them joining the Charles, the rest volunteering for ser vice in the Essex. The latter then bore up for the northwest, and at the entrance to Callao rescued the Barclay, one of the whalers which had been cap tured by the Nereyda. This vessel uow joined the Essex, and her captain proved of eminent service in directing the cruiser to the haunts of the enemv. He was unintentionally seconded in this good work by the master of a n.-3 Spanish brig from Callao, which the Essex met with. The latter, under the English flag, enjoyed again the most confidential communication with the unsuspecting Spaniard, who imparted much interesting information regarding the English and other vessels she had left in port. The Essex continued her voyage along the coast, and meeting with no thing of importance turned her course to the Gallipagos Islands, near the Equator, a favorite resort of the whal ers. Chatham Island, the most easterly of this group, was made on the 17th of April, and Charles and Albemarle were visited in succession, without re sult beyond a curious inspection of these remarkable volcanic islands and the capture of an occasional turtle or land tortoise, till the morning of the twenty-ninth brought a long-coveted sail in sight, which proved to be the whale-ship Montezuma, with fourteen. hundred barrels of spermaceti oil. She was spoken under British colors, and the captain, being invited on board, gave such information in the cabin as he had to communicate, while his crew were quietly taken from his vessel to the deck of the Essex. There were two other vessels in sight, the Georgiana, of six eighteen pounders, twenty-five men, and two hundred and eighty tons, and the Policy, of ten six-pounders, twenty-six men and one hundred. and seventy-five tons. Both these vessels surrendered an easy prey to a boarding party led by Lieutenant Downes, in the boats of the Essex, the wind be coming too light for the latter to follow in pursuit. 22 DAVID PORTER. The gallant leader of this daring ad venture was a man of comprehensive mind, whose plans, rapid and flourish ing as were his fortunes, always went beyond them. In his gigantic enter prise, his single small frigate expanded as if by a miracle into a fleet, destined not only to sweep the commerce of a great nation from an ocean, but to con trol her armed cruisers. The Essex swept on her way with a tributary train of British vessels behind, some converted into storeships, others fitted up as supplementary vessels of war. The Georgiana became thus as formid able, in point of armament, as any of the British privateers afloat in those waters. This prize was commanded by Lieutenant Downes, who, parting from the Essex, in a cruise among the islands, made three important captures, with two of which, dismissing the third with his prisoners on parole, he very skilfully managed to join Captain Por ter, falling in with him again at Tum- bez, in the gulf of Guayaquil, whi ther he had gone to procure water for his fleet. The Essex meanwhile had added to her conquests two other Brit ish whalers, the Atlantic and Green wich, respectively of 355 and 338 tons, 24 and 25 men, and eight and ten guns. The Atlantic having proved her qualities as a good sailer, and being, in every way, a better ship than the Geor giana, was fitted up with twenty guns,- christened the Essex Junior, and given to Lieutenant Downes as her comman der. A few days after leaving the har bor, the Fourth of July was celebrated by a salute of seventeen guns fired from the Essex, Essex Junior, and Greenwich, the crews spending the day in " the utmost conviviality," by aid of a bountiful supply of spirits furnished by the enemy's stores. The Essex Jun- ior, being now fully equipped, was pre sently sent with four of the prize ships to Valparaiso, that they might be sold with their cargoes. ; and this being ac complished, Lieutenant Downes was directed to sail with supplies to join him either at Banks Island or at one of the Marquesas, whither Captain Por ter would proceed with the Essex, Which now stood in need of a thorough refitting.' . t. The latter, having with him the Georgiana and the Greenwich, now sailed for the old whaling rendezvous of the Gallipagos, in the waters of which, off Banks Bay, a favorite resort, he made three fresh captures, including the Seringapatam, of fourteen guns, " the finest British ship in those seas," having been built as a man of war for the renowned Tippoo Saib, and now commanded by an enterprising captain, who had already taken a Nantucket whaler. Some six weeks afterwards, in September, the Essex had the good fortune to fall in with the armed whaler, Sir Andrew Hammond, of 301 tons, twelve guns and thirty-one men. She was overtaken off the island of Albemarle, while engaged in cutting up whales. Her capture completed a list of twelve British privateering Ares- sels taken in a few months by Captain Porter and his companions in the Paci fic Proceeding to Banks Bay to rejoin his prizes, he was there joined by Lieu tenant Downes, on his return from Val paraiso, in the Essex Junior. With DAVID PORTER. 23 that vessel and his little fleet of prizes, now consisting of the storeship Green wich, -the Seringapatam, the Hammond, and New Zealander — the Georgiana and another having been freighted with oil and dispatched to the United States, two dismissed with the prison ers on parole, and% the rest being at Valparaiso — Captain Porter proceeded to the group of the Marquesas, which he reached on the twenty-third of Oc tober, the very month in which, a year before, he had r sailed frOm the Dela ware. The first land which they made of the islands was one of the group claimed to be discovered some twenty years before by" Captain Eoberts, of Boston, and patriotically named by him the. Washington Islands. There was some intercourse of a friendly character with the natives before the little fleet sailed into its resting-place, a few leagues further to the westward, in the bay of Nooaheevah. Here Cap tain Porter, finding the anchorage good, the disposition Of the inhabitants favor able to his views, and the land abun dantly stored with the fresh provisions of which he stood so much in need, determined to remain till the object of his visit, in refitting his vessel, was accomplished. His plans at the outset were greatly facilitated by the pre sence of an Englishman, who, having been many years on the island, was perfectly familiar with the language, and who showed himself quite willing to act as interpreter.. He also found there, oddly enough, a midshipman of the United States navy on furlough, who had been left by a Canton trader to Collect sandal- wood against his re turn. With these introductions, and the easy manners of the tribe who oc cupied the bay, the party soon felt themselves quite at home. The only difficulty wdiich they had to anticipate was from the tribes who were at war with one another in the valleys which seanied the mountainous surface of the island-^-the Happahs, and more formid able Typees. With his usual direct ness, Captain Porter soon taught these belligerents a lesson of fear by an armed incursion into their territories, after which he was perfectly secure in his little settlement on the shore, and the whole island was tributary to his larder. It was, in fact, something more than a temporary resting-place which he pro posed to establish while his frigate was undergoing repairs. He meditated no thing less than a permanent occupa tion for his countrymen, and for this purpose, on the 19th November, when he had become somewhat acquainted with the people, took possession of the island, with a formal declaration, in which he set forth the usual claim to priority of discovery, conquest and pos session ; the customary good will of the natives who welcomed his protection, and the imposing ceremonial 01 raising the flag, firing a salute from a fort which he had armed from the ships'' guns, and burying a copy of the instru ment, with several United States coins, in a bottle at the foot of the flagstaff. This is the ready way in which empires then and since have been created on the bosom of the broad Pacific. The proceeding was completed by naming w DAVID PORTER. the island, in honor of the war Presi dent at home, Madison ; the fort, Fort Madison ; the village, Madison's Ville, and the bay, Massachusetts Bay — names, we fear, quite lost sight of by the French, who have since enacted their ceremonies in their turn, and who now hold possession. Six weeks were passed at the island, in refitting the Essex and in various intercourse with the natives, which was of so enticing a nature that it required all the commander's energy to with draw his men from this seductive rest ing-place. After this exercise of au thority, leaving three of the prizes moored under the guns of the fort, to which he detailed a small force under Lieutenant Gamble, and forwarding the fourth prize to the United States, he set sail from the pleasant bay in company with the Essex Junior, in quest of more stirring adventures on the coast of Chili. Captain Porter, indeed, was already aware, by information brought him on the return of Lieutenant Downes from Valparaiso, of the warlike preparations making by the British to drive him from the ocean. The frigate Phoebe, thirty-six guns, and the Eaccoon and Cherub, of twenty-four each, were, he knew, in search of him ; and he had no disposition, under tolerably equal circumstances, to thwart their endea- Nor was he unwilling to seek vors. an opportunity of acquiring greater glory in a conflict with an armed fri gate, than could accrue from conquests, however numerous, over less powerfully protected merchantmen. He accord' ingly sailed along the South American ports, looking in at Concepcion and other harbors, and finally anchoring, on the third of February, 1814, in the bay of Valparaiso. The Essex Junior was left to watch outside for the arri val of the enemy, who might naturally be expected at the port. With his usual gallantry, Commodore Porter, again welcomed to the city, was bent upon returning the courtesies of the townspeople, whose entertainment on board his vessel had been inter rupted on his previous visit. The ladies, this time, were not disap pointed of their dance. Before, how ever, the awnings and flags which had been set up for the occasion could be cleared away, a signal from the Essex Junior announced the arrival of the enemy's ships, the Phoebe, Captain Hill- yer, and her consort, the Cherub. Both vessels of Porter's command awaited their arrival in the harbor, ready for action should an attack be made, but unwilling to take the initiative, out of respect for the neutral port. As it proved, Captain Porter's generous for bearance on the occasion was entirely misplaced. The Phoebe came up in ad vance of her consort, fully prepared foi action, drawing close alongside the Es sex as if for attack, which was every moment expected. As she continued to approach, Captain Porter " observed" to Captain Hillyer, who had politely inquired after his health — the two hav ing been previously on the best of terms in the Mediterranean — that he was ready for action if attacked, receiv ing the reply, " Oh, sir, I have no in tention of getting on board of you." To this Porter answered, if he did DAVID PORTER. 25 there would be much bloodshed. The British officer then renewed his assur ances, but kept nearing, clumsily bring ing the jib-boom of his vessel across the forecastle of the Essex. This posi tion, seemed to demand prompt action from the American, and her boarders were ready for their work, when Cap tain Hillyer protested so vigorously that the attack was suspended. " At that moment," says Porter, " not a gun from the Phoebe could be brought to bear on the Essex or Essex . Junior, while her bow was exposed to the fak ing fire of the one, and her stern to that of the other. Her consort was too far off to afford any assistance. The Phoebe was completely at my mer cy. I could have destroyed her in fif teen minutes." We shall see how this forbearance was rewarded. The four vessels were now together in harbor, floating side by side in armed neutrality, enlivened, however, by. frequent intimations of defiance. The Phoebe, for instance, would hoist a flag bearing the motto, " God and country; British sailors' best rights; traitors offend both," — which, it was alleged, was in reply to Porter's favor ite motto, " Free trade and sailors' rights." This defiance was met by the American with the counter motto, " God, our country and liberty — tyrants of fend them." While these taunts were spread to the breeze aloft, Jack below was engaged in a pastoral contest of ri val songs, sounded from deck to deck of the hostile vessels. Some of these were original ; others selected for their suitability, from the copious stock of the forecastle. "The songs from the Cherub," says Porter, in the interesting narrative of the Cruise of the Essex, which he subsequently published, "were better sung, but those of the Essex were more witty and more to the point. The national tune of Yankee Doodle was the vehicle through which the crew of the Essex, in full chorus, conveyed their nautical sarcasms; while The Sweet Little Cherub that Sits up Aloft, was generally selected by their rivals. These things were not only tolerated, but encouraged by the officers, through the whole of the first watch of the calm, delightful nights of Chili, much to the amusement of the people of Val paraiso, and the frequent annoyance of the crew of the Cherub." Captain Hillyer was inclined to check this con test, but Captain Porter, anxious to provoke an engagement, was quite dis posed to encourage it ; so it was kept up, " the poetical effusions of our op ponents," humorously records Porter himself, " becoming so highly meritori ous as to cause a suspicion of their being the production of Captain Hill yer himself." Various attempts were made by Cap tain Porter to provoke a challenge, or gain an opportunity for an engagement between the Essex and Phosbe. The advantage of armament, it should be observed, was on the side of the latter ; the force of the Essex consisting of forty thirty-two pound carronades, and six long twelves, with a crew of two hundred and fifty-five men ; the Phoebe mounting thirty long eighteen pounders, sixteen thirty-two pound carronades, one howitzer, and six three-pounders in the tops, with a complement of three 26 DAVID PORTER. hundred and twenty men. But not withstanding this' inequality, the wary. Captain Hillyer would only contend when he had clearly an overpowering superiority. The Cherub, Which he kept alongside of him, was far more powerful than' the ' Essex Junior. In vain Porter would run out, and seek to engage the Phoebe alone ; on one occa sion, provoking an encounter by defi antly towing out one of his prizes, and burning the vessel in sight of the ene my. This came near bringing on an engagement, when the Phoebe, as usual, ran for her consort. Captain Hillyer was prudently waiting for reinforce ments to secure his prize. Fully aware of the toils which, were closing in upon him, and trusting to the superior sail ing qualities of his ship, Porter at length determined to put to sea, draw ing the British vessels after him, while the Essex Junior could escape at her leisure. On the twenty-eighth of March, the desired opportunity seemed to have arrived. There was a fresh wind from the southward which carried the Essex to the mouth of the harbor, where the enemy were lying in wait. Unhappily, as the American was rounding the point of the bay, she was struck by a heavy squall, which carried away the main-top-mast, throwing the men who were aloft into the sea, where they were drowned. Both ships then chased the Essex into the neutral waters of the bay, where she took refuge, within three miles of the town, under the guns of a fort, within pistol shot of the shore. It was evident from the display of mot-tos and jacks on board the Phoebe, that she was moving on to the attack. Captain Porter, consequently, prepared the Essex for action, and was endeavor ing to get a spring on his cable, when the Phoebe, about four o'clock in the afternoon, placed astern, and the Cherub on the starboard bow, opened their fire. The' Cherub presently, also, took her station astern. The enemy had the advantage both in position and in the range of their guns at the long dis tance, when Captain Porter bringing three of his long twelves to bear from his stern ports — they were worked so well, that, in half an hour, both vessels were compelled to haul off to repair damages. The Essex received consid erable damage in her rigging, while, for the greater part of the time, help lessly exposed to this fire. Three times she had succeeded in getting springs on her cables, but so fierce was the fire that they were shot away before the broadside could be brought to bear. There was but one feeling, however, on her deck as both vessels of the enemy came up on the starboard quarter for a fresh attack, which was prudently con ducted by her long range guns out of reach of the ineffective carronades of the Essex. The only resort for the lat ter was to close, if possible ; but, unfor- fortunately for any such movement; there was not a practicable sail left but the flying jib, the remaining halliards being cut away. With this some head way was made, feebly assisted by let ting fall the foretopsail and foresail, the tacks and sheets of which were destroyed. The Essex was thus ena- bled, for a short time, to close with the enemy. The firing on both sides DAVID PORTER. 27 now was tremendous — the decks were strewed with dead, the cock-pit filled with wounded, and the ship had been several times on fire, yet the men held on, encouraged by seeing the Cherub haul off. But the Phoebe, with her long guns pouring in upon a disabled vessel, was a fearful adversary. Guns were overthrown on board the Essex, and the crews of Others shot away. The survivors manned the guns that were left. One gun was thus three times manned, losing fifteen men in the action. In this extremity, Porter de termined to run his vessel on shore, and destroy her rather than be cap tured, and had nearly succeeded in doing no, when a change of wind drove him again upon "the dreadful raking fife" of the Phoebe. Porter still hoped to board. In the midst of this scene Of carnage, the brave Lieutenant Downes, of the Essex Junior, made his way through the fire to Captain Porter to receive his orders ; but nothing could be done, and he returned to his own ship, carrying away in his boat several wounded, and leaving three of his crew to make room for them. " The slaugh ter on board my ship," continues Por ter, "had now become horrible, the enemy; raking us, and we unable to bring a gun to bear." But even yet the resources of this skilful mariner were not exhausted. Ordering a hawser to be bent to the sheet-anchor, he let it go, and thus brought the head of the vessel around, and gained opportunity for another broadside. The breaking of the hawser put an end -to this last chance of annoying the enemy. The Essex, moreover, was on fire in several places, the flames bursting up each hatchway and approaching the mag azine. A large quantity of powder exploded below. The boats were de stroyed. In mercy to his men, Captain Porter directed those who could swim to jump overboard, and if possible gain the shore, about three-quarters of a mile distant. Most remained with him to defend the ship to the last. It was, indeed, the last moment when he surrendered. There was but one officer left to advise wijfch. him. The rest were dead or -horribly wounded; and as with the officers, so with the men. The flag was struck at twenty minutes past six after an action of about two hours anu a half. More than one-half of her entire crew were killed, wounded or missing. The combat was witnessed by thousands who covered the sur rounding hills. Such was the termina tion of Captain Porter's memorable cruise in the Pacific, ending, indeed, in disaster, but leaving a wonderful im pression of the resources of a single small ship when directed by a com manding will and intellect. Captain Porter was well treated by his captor and friends at Valparaiso, though the government had shown itself not well affected towards him. In the disposition which was made of the prisoners, it was arranged they should be sent home for exchange in the Essex Junior, as a cartel. The lat ter reached the American coast in safety, when she was boarded off New York by a British vessel, and the pass port of Captain Hillyer disputed. The next morning, while the cartel was thus detained, Porter, true to the spirit 28 DAVID PORTER. of adventure with which he had set out, having on the first detention de clared himself a prisoner no longer on parole, left the cartel off the shore of Long Island to make his escape in a boat. The movement was observed, but not in time, and Porter, under cover of a friendly fog, after some sixty miles rowing and sailing, reached the hospi table village of Babylon, whence he passed to a triumphant reception at New York. The conclusion of the war found Captain Porter on the eve of taking command of a squadron of small ves sels, got together for the annoyance of the enemy's commerce in the West Indies. Peace put an end to this scheme. In the reorganization of the navy which ensued, he was appointed, with Commodores Eodgers and Hull, one of the three officers of the board of navy commissioners, and continued in the execution of its important duties till 1823, when he was ordered to the command of an expedition fitted out by government to suppress the syste matic piracy, which had for some time prevailed in the Gulf of Mexico. His squadron consisted of a steam galliott, eight small schooners, and five barges. Having his centre of operations, at Thompson's Island, now Key West, in a few months, so effective was his- con duct of the force, he had broken up the whole piratical system on the coasts of St. Domingo and Cuba. The following year, 1824, an incident oc curred which was the occasion of his recall. A robbery of American pro perty took place on the island of St. Thomas* when the goods were car ried by the pirates into the port of Foxardo, in Porto Eico, an island of a bad reputation for its countenance to piracy and privateering. Lieutenant Piatt, one of Commodore Porter's offi cers, undertook to aid in the recovery of the property. He accordingly pre sented himself with his vessel, the Beagle, at the port, was roughly re ceived by the authorities, and even arrested and put under guard. Smart ing with this indignity as he left the port, he met Commodore Porter, in the John Adams, coming in, and narrated his grievances. The latter determined to resent the affair at once as a gross insult to the flag. Entering the har bor with the Beagle and Grampus, and the boats of the Adams, he sent a mes sage to the alcalde of the town de manding satisfaction, and threatening reprisals in case it should be refused. One hour was given for the decision. A shore battery, meanwhile, about to fire upon the party, was silenced by a detachment of seamen and marines, when Porter landed with two hundred men, and marched against the town. An undefended battery was passed on the road, and a messenger sent forward for negotiation; when the Spaniards, thinking discretion the better part of valor, agreed to present the required explanation and apology. Commodore Porter then retired with his party. For this prompt vindication of the honor of his country, as he thought it, he was immediately recalled by his government, tried by a court-martial for transgressing his orders, and sen tenced to suspension from the service for six months. The decree deeply DAVID PORTER. 29 wounded the spirit of the patriot who had served his country in so many engagements, who, in the words of his defence, "had consumed 'the flower of his years, and the vigor of his life in arduous and, as he hoped, in acceptable services ; who had looked for approba tion, if not honor, as his reward for an unstinted exposure to labors, priva tions, and dangers ; so much the more disinterested, as, however beneficial to his country and to mankind, it pro mised few of the personal gratifications which may be laudably sought in the renown of more striking and brilliant achievements." The recollection of these things should have made the -sen tence of Porter a light one. Senator Benton, who watched the proceedings of the trial, which lie in the dust of our libraries, recorded in a bulky octavo, says, that he was " hardly dealt with." The sentence cost the navy one of its most honored members. Commodore Porter resigned, left the country, and entered the service of the Mexican government to take charge of her newly formed naval department. He remained in that country till General Jackson became President of the United States, in 1829, when he was offered the restoration of his place in the navy. He refused it on account of the old unreversed censure, but ac cepted the post of Consul General at Algiers. The French occupation of the countiy found him in possession of the office, when he was appointed Chargg d' Affaires at Constantinople. The ap pointment was subsequently enlarged to that of Eesident Minister. It was n. — 4 the period of Sultan Mahmoud, the great Turkish reformer, of whose cha racter and acts Commodore Porter, as his published letters bear witness, was a most careful and intelligent observer. This correspondence, origi nally addressed to a friend in New York, without view to publication, was given to the world in 1835, with the title, " Constantinople and its Environs, in a series of letters, exhibiting the actual state of the manners, customs, and habits of the Turks, Armenians, Jews and Greeks, as modified by the policy of Sultan Mahmoud, by an Ame rican, long resident at Constantinople." While in Turkey, Commodore Porter negotiated several important treaties. He continued to hold his position as minister till his death, which came, after a gradual decline, at Pera, a sub urb of Constantinople, the twenty- eighth of March, 1843, at the age of sixty-three. His remains were brought home in the ship of war, Truxton, and interred in the grounds of the Naval Asylum, near Philadelphia. The late Senator Benton, who has given an animated sketch of his career, thus notices the kindly traits of the man : " Humanity was a ruling feature in his character, and of this he gave constant proof — humane to the enemy, as well as to his own people. Of his numerous captures, he never made one by bloodshed when milder means could prevail; always preferring, by his superior seamanship, to place them in predicaments which coerced sur render." Patriotism was a part of his soul JOHN JACOB ASTOR. This eminent merchant, to whose liberality the city of New York, and incidentally the whole country, is in debted for the princely foundation of the free public library bearing his name, came like his contemporary Girard of Philadelphia, an adventurer in youth from the old world to the new. There is, to a certain extent, a curious parallelism between the two men. They were alike in some points of character, and in minor habits. Early poverty was the lot of each. Both were borne by industry, self de nial, sagacity, and a resolute will, to vast fortunes. They were alike men of large commercial views and grand resources. Each was favored in being carried onward with the development of the country, and the rising welfare of a great city. It has been their com mon felicity to perpetuate their names with a grateful posterity by beneficent institutions erected by their bounty. The Girard College and the Astor Li brary are the ornaments of Phila delphia and New York. In other respects the parallel would fail. Gi rard lived an unsocial, unsympathizing life, intent only on the toil and profit which had become necessities of his being His existence was without the grace and ameliorating influences of 30 the eminent friendships which softened and refined the career of Mr. Astor , nor had he those family interests and affections which might have done so much to increase his happiness while living and perpetuate his fortunes and beneficence when departed. John Jacob Astor was born in the village of Waldorf, near Heidelberg, in the Grand Duchy of Baden, in Ger many, July 17, 1763. His parents were of the laboring peasant class, who brought up their family of four sons, of whom the subject of this sketch was the youngest, to habits of industry and virtue. John Jacob remembered through life the lessons which he had been taught on the farm in childhood, of early rising and simple religious reading. There was enterprise and in telligence in the race, for we find two of his brothers emigrants to England and America for the sake of bettering their fortunes, before he joined them on the same quest. The course of tra vel in the last century, it should be remembered, differed greatly from the easy pathway opened at present. It argued then some force of character to break the barrier which hemmed in the life of a simple German peasant, fettered by his boundaries and associa tions. The young Astor seems early ZiTcctu'ss cvpied-ty permzssten from ,m crwiTiaZ'pazrutiTifj m z7t&posstt$Z(7rifff1fefa7nAfy. Jootlsotl Fryi Co PiiMisliere. New York. JOHN JACOB ASTOR. 81 to have felt, with something of a pre science of his coming fortunes, that there was a prosperous career before him in the world, and that he had Imt to go forth to enter upon it. At any rate, at the age of sixteen he starts on foot, " without waiting for other outfit than the clothes he wore," to proceed to the coast of Holland, with the de sign of reaching his oldest brother, in England, who had some footing in London as a musical instrument maker, and who required his assistance in the business. He found a Dutch smack which conveyed him across the Chan nel to the metropolis, where he met with his brother and at once engaged eagerly in his occupation. Their resi dence, within the sound of Bow Bells, af forded a hint to early rising which these industrious Germans did not neglect, " Mr. Astor's own account of this period of his youth," we are told in a biogra phical sketch by one who knew him well, " is that he never failed to rise and dress when the clock struck four, which gave him an hour to prepare for his daily occupation, and much of this hour was regularly devoted to reading the Bible and the Lutheran prayer- book, then the only books in his library." * He had been for several years thus connected with his brother, when the conclusion of peace with the United States opened America once more to the enterprise of the old world, and perhaps led by the example of another older brother already in the country, he 1 Sketch of Mr. Astor in Emerson's United States Mag »zine for October, 185R. embarked, in 1 7 8 3, for that region. He carried with him a venture made up by his brother, of some hundred dollars' worth of musical instruments. The win try passage to Baltimore was a long one — he was all the while from November to the following March on shipboard, at sea, and delayed by the ice in the Chesapeake — but it was not altogether unprofitable, for an acquaintance which he made on the way led him on the high road of his subsequent fortunes. This was a German dealer in furs with whom he travelled to New York, and who advised him to invest the proceeds of his venture in that prime article of American traffic, as one which would find a ready market in London. He followed the suggestion, effected the sale and purchase, and crossing the At lantic with his new stock, made, as was predicted, a profitable trade. This ap pears to have been his first mercantile operation of consequence. It drew his attention to a branch of traffic which afterwards became aighly productive in his hands, and which he conducted with a widely extended, liberal enter prise. In 1784, after a residence of some months in London, which he de voted to the study of the European methods of the fur trade, he returned to America, prepared, by arrangements with his brother, to continue the traffic. " At that time," says his biographer already cited, " he had just completed his twenty-first year; he was beginning life in a foreign land, without money capital, without powerful connections, and without established credit ; but he possessed powers and qualities, and had formed habits which made him 32 JOHN JACOB ASTOR. independent of capital, connections and credit — a clear head, sound judgment, quick perception, a mind of the most comprehensive grasp, and a masterly business talent. To these high intel lectual powers were joined great moral force of character, a resolute will, great self-reliance, firmness in pronouncing the unyielding No, when requisite, the strict integrity that inspires confidence, and the patient perseverance that in sures success. Besides which he had the groundwork and guaranty of pros perity in his habits of life — economy, self denial, industry, love of labor, a proper pride in his business, punctual ity in his engagements, and above all, he careful avoiding of the thraldom of debt. It is to these properties that we must look for the elements of Mr. Astor's extraordinary prosperity, and not to any accident of birth or fortune, or any external circumstances of condi tion ; his only advantages of that kind were his fine personal appearance, his noble head, his oracular brow, the stamp of higher intelligence upon his every feature, his commanding, and, when he chose, winning address. His reliance was upon himself in business, as well as in everything else, and he so managed his affairs as to make his rap idly accumulating capital sufficient for its constant extension." The two great elements of success with Astor, as with Girard, were his industry, combined with sound judg ment and his self-reliance. Each planned his operations with consum mate ability, and it was a rule, at least with the Frenchman, that whatever orders he gave should be executed to the letter, come what would of it. In this way he projected his individuality in different regions of the world, in his extended commercial operations, and his powerful will was acting in many places with the same energy as if he were present; for it was his custom boldly to carry out his first decisions. We shall see Astor issuing his com mands in his great enterprise" with marvellous sagacity. In the meantime he is patiently, assiduously building up his fortune in the pursuit of the fur trade, at the outset working with his own hands, and performing his jour neys to the distant frontiers of the country bordering on Canada and the lakes to traffic with the Indians and collect the skins for his merchandise. By thrift and economy, and the suc cessful management of his profitable trade, he became gradually wealthy, and began to employ his own vessels in his shipments, making his profit on both the outward and return cargo. The new openings for trade with Cana da by the provisions of the Jay treaty of 1794, were turned to account by him. By the year 1800 he had thus become possessed of a fortune of a quarter of a million of dollars. Taking a comprehensive view of the traffic in furs, he was anxious to give his operations strength and importance by national corporate authority. Some organization he thought was needed to cope with the great British companies which still held the control of the trade with the Indians, on the great western frontier. He consequently became in communication with- the United States government on the subject, and in 1809 JOHN JACOB ASTOR 33 obtained from the legislature of the State of New York a charter incorpor ating the "American Fur Company," with a capital of a million Of dollars, which was furnished by himself. " He in fact," says Irving, " constituted the company ; for though he had a board of directors, they were merely nominal ; the whole business was conducted on his plans and with his resources, but he preferred to do so under the impos ing and formidable aspect of a corpora tion, rather than in his individual name, and his policy was sagacious and effective." 1 To strengthen his position he purchased from the British proprie tors the interests of the Mackinaw com pany of traders, and merged both that and his own organization into a, new association called the Southwest Com pany. The traffic of the traders up to this time had been mainly confined to the regions bordering on the great lakes ; it was Mr. Astor's ambition greatly to enlarge this area by extending his operations to the shores of the Pacific, by means of a line of posts stretching along the Missouri on the east, and the Columbia on the west of the Eocky mountains, with an important depot at the mouth of the latter river, that would open a ready means of direct exchange with China, which afforded the best market for the furs to be collect ed. This of course involved an extensive shipping interest to carry on the trade Dpon the Pacific, and to conduct the return cargoes from the East. The history of Mr. Astor's great effort in 1 Astoria, p. 80 this direction is written in the most agreeable volume of adventure by Washington Irving, entitled " Astoria." Nor was it merely as a trading spec ulation that this great enterprise was projected, and in fact accomplished. " Indeed, it is due to him to~say," re marks Mr. Irving, "that he was not actuated by mere motives of indivi dual profit. He was already wealthy beyond the ordinary desires of man, but he now aspired to that honorable fame which is awarded to men of simi lar scope of mind, who, by their great commercial enterprises, have enriched nations, peopled wildernesses, and ex tended the bounds of empire. He con sidered his projected establishment at the mouth of the Columbia as the em porium to an immense commerce ; as a colony that would form the germ of a wide civilization ; that would., in fact, carry the American population across the Eocky Mountains, and spread it along the shores of the Pacific, as it already animated the shores of the At lantic." This view of the enterprise was shared by the government, and by Mr. Jefferson, always an intelligent ap- preciator of the development of the country. In the summer of 1810, articles of -agreement were entered into by Mr. Astor and his associates, chiefly drawn from men who had been engaged in the British fur trade, constituting themselves the " Pacific Fur Company," with liberal provisions on the part of the projector, who was to supply the large capital required for the success of the undertaking. A twofold expedi tion was at once organized, by sea and 34 JOHN JACOB ASTOR. land. A ship, well furnished, and equipped with something of a military armament, was provided to make the voyage by the way of Cape Horn to the Pacific, and take possession of the station at the mouth of the Columbia. This vessel, named the Tonquin, was commanded by Lieutenant Jonathan Thorn, of the United States navy, a man of courage and resolution, and a martinet in discipline, who had served in the Tripolitan war; and with him sailed as companions the leading Cana dian partners of the enterprise, one of whom was the special representative of Mr. Astor in the management of the business. The captain, of course, had the supreme command of the voyage. Various voyageurs and trappers made up the ship's company. For the hu mors and petty vexations of the jour ney by sea, the pertinaciously asserted authority of the commander, and the careless disposition to enjoyment of his passengers frequently bringing the two parties into conflict, we must refer to the picturesque pages of Mr. Irving, where every development of character is eagerly worked into the cunning fabric of his, instructive and ever-de lightful narrative. Suffice it to say that the party set sail from New York in September, 1810, escorted to sea, out of fear of hostile cruisers in that period of incipient war, by the frigate Consti tution ; that they reached the Sandwich Islands in safety in February, and the following month were landed, though not without hazard, and suffering some severe losses, within the mouth of the Columbia. Eight men were drowned from boats in the surf, in attempts to cross the bar of the river. After the ship had reached a place of safety, her officers chose a place for a settlement and the establishment of a fort, to which they gave the name Astoria, and opened communication with the neigh boring Indians. The Tonquin then, as previously arranged, continued her voyage along the coast in a northerly direction to Vancouver's Island. But she had not been long away when Word was brought by the Indians to the little colony she had left behind, of her total loss, with her crew, under circumstances of fearful interest. Cap tain Thorn, on making a landing and opening trade with the natives, had become disgusted with their subter fuges and chicanery, and in a fit of pas sion driven some of their leading men from the vessel. They returned, appa rently unarmed, and, contrary to the express orders of Mr. Astor before starting, were carelessly admitted in great numbers. The gallant comman der estimated too lightly his savage foe. They procured knives in ex change for the furs which they brought with them, on the very deck of his vessel, and turned upon her unsuspect ing crew, murdering the captain and his chief officer. They were howevei arrested in their fiendish work for the moment by the remnant of the ship's company, who had gained fire-arms from below. These few men, foresee ing their fate if they remained, aban doned the ship in a boat, with the in tention of making their way to Astoria When the savages returned, to the vea. sel and crowded her decks, they ex pected an easy prey, for but one of her JOHN JACOB ASTOR. 35 old crew was to be seen — a wounded man who had refused to depart with his companions. He was gloomily bent on a terrible ; revenge. Waiting till the Indians thronged the vessel, he lighted a match below, fired the maga zine, and involved the whole in one common destruction. This occurred in the summer of 1811. Meanwhile the overland party, which was to survey the line of the trading- posts and effect a junction with their companions on the Pacific, led by Mr. Wilson Price Hunt, upon whom Mr. Astor placed the greatest reliance for the ultimate conduct of his colony, was making its toilsome way by the line of the Missouri and the passes of the Eocky Mountains. This expedition, which numbered many intelligent men, left Montreal, the starting-point of their wanderings, in July, 1810, and did not reach Astoria till February, 1812. They had made a roundabout journey from St. Louis of upwards of thirty-five hundred miles. They found on their arrival that some progress was made with the establishment in opening trading-posts and carrying on traffic with the Indians, though the fortunes of the colony were by no means as sured. While these journeyings and voy- agings were going on, Mr. Astor, in New York, intent upon his grand scheme, in March, 1811, dispatched a confidential agent to St. Petersburg to accomplish a negotiation with the northern Eussian trading settlements on the Pacific, which was effected, and in the autumn of the same year, ignor ant of the fate of the first, he sent a second vessel, the Beaver, with sup- plies and reinforcements of men, to As toria. In the following May this vessel safely reached her destination, and in fused new life into the little company Had Mr. Astor's directions been com plied with, all might have gone well with the colony, wealth would have poured into his coffers, and an import ant national settlement been effected at an early day on the Pacific. His plans were in every instance well taken, giv ing unity to a complicated system of action reaching across an unexplored continent, including a distant European negotiation in their grasp, and extend ing over the great waters of the globe. A chain of trading-posts threading the defiles of the Eocky Mountains, a great emporium on the Pacific, coasting voy ages securing the trade of that ocean, the sale of the furs collected in China, and a return to America with the rich and profitable products of the East — this was the simple outline of the gigantic undertaking. It was really a vast, expanded enterprise, worthy the comprehensive mind of a great mer chant of any time. Much more of cour age, of adventurous foresight, did it require when it was a pioneer work in a comparatively unknown country, and moreover beset- by the gravest interna tional difficulties. All early explora tions may be put down as extremely hazardous and costly — seldom resulting in profit to their first projectors. This in particular proved, chiefly through the inefficiency of the agents and the neslect of Government, when the crisis arrived, a most disastrous undertak ing. 36 JOHN JACOB ASTOR. The supply ship, Beaver, in pursu ance of instructions, continued her voyage to the Eussian Possessions, car rying with \er Mr. Hunt, the leading man of the colony, with the expecta tion of an early return to the place. Unhappily, the vessel standing in need of some repairs, her course, after visit ing New Archangel, was directed to the Sandwich Islands, whence she proceeded to China without return ing to Astoria, leaving Mr. Hunt at her stopping-place to wait for Mr. Astor's next supply ship to carry him to his post of duty. While tarry ing for this opportunity, word reached him of the breaking out of the war between the United States and Great Britain. He saw at once the peril of Astoria, and chartering a vessel at a high price, proceeded promptly to the spot — to find the partners of the enter prise, who were strongly tinctured with British interests, McDougal, their head, never having lost a hankering for his old Canadian allegiance, despond ent and on the eve of abandoning the enterprise. In fact an arrangement was on foot, which was afterwards consum mated, to sell out the whole affair to the Northwest Company, a British association, which had pushed its agen cies across the mountains, maintaining a rival attitude to the American enter prise. Mr. Astor's British partners were for the sale or virtual surrender, the Americans of the company opposed the transfer; .but the former, armed with the threats of naval hostilities, which it was known were impending, carried the day. Shortly after, in De cember, 1813, the port of Astoria was formally taken possession of by the commander of a British cruiser. Thus was defeated a great enterprise which partook rather of a national than a private commercial character. Carried on by the will and resources of a single man, it was worthy to have been the project of the State itself. That something of enthusiasm of an elevated character entered into the plans of Mr. Astor, we have the testi mony of a letter written by him to his agent, Mr. Hunt, "on occasion of send ing forth a third ship with supplies. " Were I on the spot," he wrote, allud ing to the hostile machinations of the Northwest Company, "and had the management of affairs, I would defy them all; but, as it is, everything de pends on you, and your friends about you. Our enterprise is grand and de serves success, and I hope in God it will meet it. If my object was merely gain of money, I should say, think whether it is best to save what we can, and abandon the place ; but the very idea is- like, a dagger to my heart."1 He doubtless bore the failure of his expectations with equanimity, though he could not be insensible to the disap pointment. It was his calculation, it is related, that the enterprise would be a bill of expense for ten years, and an uncertain source of profit for anothei like period, when, having been fully established, it could produce a net rev enue of a million dollars a year. Of his coolness under his losses, a story is told by Mr. Irving of his conduct on hearing of the loss of the Tonquin 1 Irving's Astoria, p. 482. JOHN JACOB ASTOR. 3? "The very same evening he appeared at the theatre with his usual serenity of countenance. A friend, who knew the disastrous intelligence he had re ceived, expressed his astonishment that he could have calmness of spirit suffi cient for such a scene of light amuse ment. ' What would you have me do V was his characteristic reply; 'would you have me stay at home and weep for what I cannot help \ ' " At the conclusion of the war, Asto ria, by the terms of the treaty, again fell to the United States, though the final, adjustment of the territorial rights of the region was delayed for a longer period. Had the Government been willing to render the assistance of mili tary protection, Mr. Astor would have recovered his undertaking. As it was, he abandoned the effort, content to wait, the time when the country should awake to the importance of a region, the value of which he had formed a due estimate of in an early period of his career. The present town of Asto ria, though far surpassed by other set tlements of Oregon, bears witness, in its name, to the daring enterprise of its original founder. This was Mr. Astor's last great em ployment of his energy and capital in the fur trade. Henceforth, his productive investments in real estate in New York, and elsewhere in the country, employed most of his attention, especially in his latter years, when his wealth increased rapidly with the growth of the city. " Every year," says his biog rapher already cited, "was adding to his fortune — at first, almost impercepti bly, but, as the mass rolled on, it n.— 5 gathered up upon a greater surface, and increased more rapidly. Few very great fortunes were ever acquired more in accordance with the laws of aggre-- gation than Mr. Astor's; but a small portion of it was added by accident or lucky hits, or great- speculations of any kind. He was its sole and systematic architect, and constructed the edifice on the best foundations and in the fairest proportions."1 At the time of his death, which occurred in the city of New York, on the 29th of March, 1848, his property was estimated as the largest which had been accumulated in America, exceeding by some mil lions that of Girard. By the terms of his will special pro vision was made, in a bequest of four hundred thousand dollars, for the erec tion and endowment of a free public library — the institution, in the city of New York, which, thus supported by his liberality, bears the name of the Astor Library. It was a design of his latter years, which he would doubtless have carried out in his lifetime had he not been pressed by accumulated busi ness and growing infirmities. He had, in considering the project, the valuable assistance of friends who knew well the importance of the object and the way it should be carried out; for it was Mr. Astor's good fortune to possess, in the, acquaintance of men like Wash ington Irving, Dr. Cogswell, Mr. Hal- leck, Albert Gallatin and others, the best stimulus to his powerful intellect. He took delight in their society, and the Astor Library may be considered, 1 United States Magazine. 38 JOHN JACOB ASTOR. in one light, a monument of this inti macy. "Desiring to render a public benefit to the city of New York, and to contribute to the advancement of useful knowledge, and the general good of society," is the language of his will, in the preamble of the bequest ; and cer tainly, as the event has already proved, he could not have secured these ob jects in any more welcome way. The library thus founded, and its original dimensions doubled by the continued liberality of his son, has within a very few years taken its place, not only at the head of similar institutions in the city, but in the country-; — a result owing to the fidelity with which the trust has been carried out, and especially to the devoted and disinterested services of its librarian or superintendent, Dr. Jo seph G. Cogswell, whose appointment to the control of the work was made according to the expressed wish of the testator. A number of years before Mr. Astor's death, Dr. Cogswell was employed in bibliographical studies preparatory to the work, forming a highly valuable collection of books in this department, which he has since presented to the library. This, rather than the thousand volumes purchased during the lifetime of Mr. Astor, was the real foundation of the library'. When the work was fairly begun to be carried out, it was on this basis of preparation rapidly extended in the most satisfactory manner. Most public libraries in their Origin are chance med leys, the aggregate of various acci dental purchases or donations. Not so this. Minerva-like, it started into being in full panoply, each division being duly considered and fairly pro vided for. It is thus the most symmet rical library in the country ; its wealth being duly apportioned to each section of literature and science. J£ any pre ference is shown, it is a general one for the more valuable and less accessible costly European works of original au thority, the great standards of know ledge, whence the more popular manuals are drawn. An American author en gaged in the composition of a work well calculated to prove the resources of a large library, Mr. Parke Godwin, in the preface to his history of France, records his acknowledgments with the remark, that the countiy possesses, at last, one library where a student may apply that comprehensive test, the veri fication of the quotations of Gibbon. m /¦'r.i/ri tiie , input, 1/ pujj-fJiiiy fiy , '/t,,p/,,p m /fi,'pt>s.Y&v.-t,,jh, ,. /v/A'/x/ ?s. JoTmRai.L.l'ry&Co, Pn_hl-i:ili.ai!\. TSkw'Yhrk, & ,,-...>£ ,.-r tisruf,-,,,,,, A/J.Mffi hy Jc-iiJ.^^;-Vy .1 ,.;,. ,>-„.",,. .-^¦/^ ,v/to ,-,r Ma disirici wt, for iw .v.'=//-t.™ :ii*tsiek *r AT JOHN JAMES AUDUBON. John James Audubon, the American naturalist, was born on the 4th of May, 1780, on a plantation in Louisiana, which his father, a retired French naval officer, had made his residence. The family was in prosperous circum stances, and the son appears to have had every advantage of education. He was early sent to Paris, whence he re turned to America at the age of seven teen, with a natural talent for drawing which he possessed, instructed by the hand of no less eminent a master than the painter David. Of the tastes and aspirations which led him in this direc tion we may best give the reader an impression in the words of the pupil himself. In the "Introductory Ad dress," a species of autobiographical sketch or retrospect, dated Edinburgh, 1831, placed as a preface to the letter press of his great work on ornithology, the reminiscent writes with characteris tic enthusiasm : , " I received light and life in the New World. When I had hardly yet learned to walk, and to articu late those first words always so endear ing to parents, the productions of nature that lay spread all around were con stantly pointed out to me. They soon became my playmates, and before my ideas were sufficiently formed to enable me to estimate the difference between the azure tints of the sky and the eme rald hue of the bright foliage,! felt that an intimacy with them, not con sisting of friendship merely, but bor dering on frenzy, must accompany my steps through life ; and now, more than ever, am I persuaded of the power of those early impressions. They laid such hold upon me that, when removed from the woods, the prairies and the brooks, or shut up .from the view of the wide Atlantic, I experienced none of those pleasures most congenial to my mind. None but aerial compan ions suited my fancy. No roof seemed so secure to me as that formed of the dense foliage under which the feathered tribes were seen to resort, or the caves and fissures of the massy rocks to which the dark-winged cormorant and the curlew retired to rest, or to protect themselves from the fury of the tem pest. My father generally accompa nied my steps, procured birds and flowers for me with great eagerness, pointed out the elegant movements of the former, the beauty and softness of their plumage, the manifestations of their pleasure or sense of danger, and the always perfect forms and splendid attire of the latter. My valued pre ceptor would then speak of the depart ure and return of birds with the sea it 48, JOHN JAMES AUDUBON. sons, and would describe their haunts, and, more wonderful than all, their change of livery ; thus exciting me to Study them, and to raise my mind toward their great Creator." There were many steps, however, between these first half shaped inti mations of genius and the perfected scientific naturalist. Enthusiasm will do much, but only in the way of di recting sober plodding labors. The great distinction of the man of genius is, not that he is able to dispense with toil, but that he has a fresh, ever- springing motive within him which does not permit him to tire at his work. The labor must still be under taken and accomplished. Indeed, the man of genius, while he is continually shortening the processes is constantly inventing for himself new trials and difficulties. The boy was delighted with his early observations of nature, watching the birth and growth of birds from the egg, looking upon them, he says, " as flowers in the bud." Then came the desire of acquisition, of possession, of forming a collection, similar to the want of a scholar of his own books and library — though perhaps a more impel ling motive, with the naturalist who has a living sympathy with his brute friends who are dependent on his care. The bird, too, like the book, was capa ble c f rewarding attention by the de velopment of new traits. Yet in one respect the boOk has an advantage. It can be studied during the lifetime of the observer. It does not die and moulder from our view. Something of this, as he tells us, was felt by the young Audubon. Even the prepara tion of the birds, after death, was oner ous, and required constant care, and was subject tc decay as the beauty of the plumage vanished. "I wished," was the longing of the boy naturalist, " all the productions of nature, but I wished life with them." The sequel is told in rather a dramatic way — " I turned to my father and made known to him my disappointment and anxiety. He produced a book of illustrations. A new life ran in my veins. I turned over the leaves with avidity ; and al though what I saw was not what I longed for, it gave me a desire to copy nature." To copy nature — it is in three words the story of his future life. That perception of nature in its liv ing forms was so keen that it made the youth the severest critic of his own labors, impelling him to work and compelling him to destroy. His pen cil, he says, " gave birth to a family of cripples. So maimed were most of them that they resembled the mangled corpses on a field of battle, compared with the integrity of living men." One expression strikes us as of singu lar force and felicity. " The worse my drawings were, the more beautiful did I see the originals." So he plodded on, frequently dissatisfied, but never discontinuing his work. It was a sure sign of his mental growth that for a long time every successive birthday witnessed a grand incremation of these immature sketches. Such was his youthful experience when he returned from France, instructed, as we have seen, by David, leaving the fine arts JOHN JAMES AUDUBON. 49 of the Old World, its wealth of galler- ies and thousand charms of history, to devote himself to simple nature in the New. His father gave him the opportunity of gratifying his tastes for rural life and study, by presenting him a farm in Pennsylvania, richly furnished with woods and evergreens, and watered by a running stream, where the free fea thered inhabitants were at his door. But a long time was yet to elapse before he was fully conscious to him self of his claim upon the world as a naturalist, who' had a story to tell the public worth listening to, and some thing to show worth seeing. These upward and outward struggles of na ture are the great lessons of biography. All can understand the finished work ; but men are every day making mis takes in their judgment of the traits of character, and processes which lead to excellence. " For a period of twenty years," writes Audubon, " my life was a succession of vicissitudes. I tried various branches of commerce, but they all proved unprofitable, doubtless because my whole mind was ever filled with my passion for rambling and ad miring those objects of nature from which alone I received the purest grati fication. I had io struggle against the will of all who at that period called themselves my friends. I must here, however, except my wife and children. The remarks of my other friends irri tated me beyond endurance, and break ing through all bonds, I gave myself entirely up to my pursuits. Any one unacquainted with the extraordinary desire which I then felt of seeing and judging for myself, would doubtless have pronounced me callous to every sense Of duty, and regardless of every interest. I undertook long and tedious journeys, ransacked the woods, the lakes, the prairies, and the shores of the Atlantic. Years were spent away from my family. Yet, reader, will you believe it, I had no other object in view than simply to enjoy the sight of nature." In one of those delightful sketches of natural scenery with which the de scriptive volumes of his great work is interspersed, Audubon pauses to ask of Irving and Cooper to describe the virgin country of the Ohio and Miss issippi, which in twenty years he had seen transformed from an unbroken wilderness into the thickly peopled abode of civilization. It was the fell city of Audubon that his attention was turned to the observation of nature while her early features yet remained unchanged, that he was the immediate successor of Wilson, a kindred spirit, and a contemporary of Daniel Boone. His description of the scenery of the Ohio, in the account of the journey with his wife and infant son, from his Pennsylvania home to a new residence at Henderson, Kentucky, about the year 1810, shows the naturalist to have had an appreciative eye for the beau ties of the landscape in his quest of its wild animal occupants. We thus find the young naturalist, who as yet made no pretensions to the name, happily married, leaving his At lantic home for a new residence in the West. He was for a time established as a trader at Henderson, on the Ohio, 50 . JOHN JAMES AUDUBON. in the western portion of Kentucky, and at Louisville, all the while occu pying himself with his gun in his favorite rambles and studies of orni thology. An incident of his mercantile iife at the latter place deserves men tion in his biography. He was one day waited upon in his counting-room by Alexander Wilson, the devoted naturalist, the pioneer of American forests, and solicited for a subscription to the " American Ornithology." Nei ther at the moment appears to have had any previous knowledge of the pursuits of the other. Audubon exam ined the engravings of Wilson with interest, and the latter was still more surprised to witness the drawings of birds in the portfolio of a western storekeeper. Wilson asked if it was his intention to publish, and appeared still more perplexed when he learnt that so patient a student had no such object. He borrowed the drawings to examine during his stay in the town, and was introduced to birds new to him in the neighborhood, in hunting with his chance acquaintance. Audu bon, who as yet had not " taken unto the height the measure of himself," placed all his drawings at the disposal of his visitor, with the result of his re searches, proposing a correspondence, and stipulating only in return for an acknowledgment, in the published work, of what came from his pencil. It was perhaps well for both that the liberal offer was not accepted ; for each Avas strong enough to stand by himself, and the world can look upon the inde pendent labors of both with an admira* tion which it has been taught by both to cultivate. They were alike pupils in the great school of nature, taking their lessons in the wilderness, encoun- tering, Wilson particularly, more, ene mies in the indifference of the world than the " winter and rough weather" to which they voluntarily subjected themselves. It was not till 1824, on a visit to Philadelphia, when he was introduced by Dr. Mease to Prince Charles Lucien Bonaparte, who, an accomplished na turalist himself, saw the value of Au dubon's labors, and animated him by his encouragement, that he set seriously about the work of thorough prepara- tion for publication. He was presented by the Prince to the Natural History Society of Philadelphia, and, proceed ing to New York, was received with kindness by the inhabitants as he made his way "by that noble stream, the Hudson, to glide over our broad lakes and seek the wildest solitudes of the pathless and gloomy forests." It was at this time, he tells us, and in these scenes, that he first entertained the thought of visiting Europe to obtain the means and carry out the plan of multiplying his drawings by engraving. Eighteen months were passed in addi tional preparation, his family mean while leaving "their home in Louisiana before he was ready to break ground in the Old World. In 1826, at the age of forty-six, una ble to obtain the facilities for publish ing his work in the United States, he set sail for England, bearing with him the drawings from original studies, upon which he had expended so much care. Twice in this season of pupilage JOHN JAMES AUDUBON. 51 he had been almost driven to despair. It was while he was a resident of Ohio that, returning from a visit to Phila delphia, he found two hundred of his original drawings, representing nearly a thousand birds, which he had left carefully stored in a box, had been de stroyed in his absence by a family of Norway rats, which had taken possess ion of the case. " The burning heat," he writes, "which instantly rushed through my brain, was too great to be endured without affecting the whole of my nervous system. I slept not for several nights, and the days passed like days of oblivion, until the animal powers being recalled into action, through the strength of my constitu tion, I took up my gun,. my note-book, and my pencil,' and went forth to the woods as gaily as if nothing had hap pened. I felt pleased that I might now make much better drawings than before : and, ere a period not exceeding three years had elapsed, I had my portfolio filled again." The second trial was when Lawson, the engraver of the works of Lucien Bonaparte, at Philadelphia, pronounced it impossible to engrave from his drawings. It is by such trials that men of genius are dis ciplined—trials which it requires ge nius to undergo. It was not unnatural that the travel ler should experience some despondency as he approached the shores of Eng land. He was well armed with letters of introduction, but Europe had thus far received too little in his department of science from America to "be greatly agitated at his arrival. His doubts were multiplied as he read the unsym- pathizing faces in the crowded streets of Liverpool. But how could they be interested in an unknown stranger? At home the hunter naturalist could hide his sorrows in the forest, as the scholar takes refuge in his library ; but what could he do in this busy thorough fare? "To the woods," he says with feeling simplicity, " I could not betake mysel f, for there were none near." But in a moment the scene was changed to success and felicity. The merchant princes and men of science of Liverpool took their visitor by the hand; his drawings were exhibited and he was on the high road to fame. An equally friendly reception awaited him at Man chester, and at Edinburgh he was re ceived with hearty welcome by the magnates of the University, Jameson, Wilson, Brown, Monroe and others, and by such celebrities as Sir Walter Scott, Captain Hall, and the rest who made up the brilliant society of the culti vated upper classes of the northern metropolis. Nor was it an idle tribute of men of taste and fashion in litera ture. The compliments which he re ceived were accompanied by substan tial rewards in subscriptions to his undertaking; though the manufactur- ing wealth of Leeds and Manchester was able to render more of this mate rial assistance than learned Edinburgh. Of the one hundred and eighty names appended to the first volume of orni thological biography, accompanying the first instalment of one hundred plates, the number of subscribers fur nished by these manufacturing towns is most creditable to the taste and liber ality of the inhabitants. But it is, per- 52 JOHN JAMES AUDUBON. haps, still more to the* credit of Ameri. ca, whose wealth was less abundant, that nearly one-half the whole sub scription was furnished him at home. The unprecedented success of the popular American subscription to the work of Agassiz on natural history of the present time, shows that the liberal ity of the country keeps pace with its riches. Audubon commenced the publica tion of his work, " The Birds of Ame rica, from Drawings made in the Unit ed States and their Territories," in Edinburgh, whence it was transferred to the hands of the engraver, Eobert Havell, of London, by whom it was thenceforth executed. The drawings were in the engraver's hands before a single subscriber was obtained; but when the publication was commenced, in 1827, twenty-five plates were issued regularly every year, and the close of 1830 saw the first volume completed. The work was issued in numbers,, at the subscription price of two guineas each, a number containing five plates. The entire series of four hundred and tliirty-five plates was issued to subscri bers for one thousand dollars. After laying the foundation of his great enterprise in England, Mr. Audu bon visited Paris, where he was com plimented by the interest taken in his work by the distinguished Cuvier and the savans of the metropolis. The ex traordinary dimensions of his pictures, then a novelty, enabling him to repre sent every lird of the size of life, the fidelity and lifelike air of his drawing and coloring, the interest of these new additions to science, were well adapted to secure admiration. K the undertak ing^ said , Cuvier, were carried out, America would surpass the Old World in magnificence of execution. Encour aged by these glowing tributes, which were fairly extorted by his brilliant labors, Audubon having fairly intro duced his work to the public, and seen the successive numbers improving un der the hands of his engraver, returned in 1829 for a hurried visit to the Unit ed States, " scouring the woods " as usual, for new objects . for his pencil. In the spring of the next year he was in London with his family, and in 1831 was once more in America, intent upon a comprehensive tour of observation and discovery. He procured letters from the Department at Washington to the mil itary outposts, explored the Carolinas and Florida, and following the birds in their migrations, proceeded northward to Maine and Labrador, everywhere en riching his portfolio with the results of his explorations. The sketches of his travelling in Florida and Labrador, like the notices of his western tours, abound in pleasing passages of descrip tion. The contrast of these several scenes adds not a little to their charms ; while, interspersed with the exact de scription of birds, they infuse a personal human interest among the necessarily formal details of ornithological science. Audubon thus passed nearly three years " of travel and research " in Ame rica before he returned to England, where he was greeted by his completed second volume, one-half of his project ed work. • A third appeared in due time, and the fourth and last was fin ished in 1838. JOHN JAMES AUDUBON. 53 After this the author was at liberty to make his permanent home in Ameri ca, and consequently in 1839 returned to the United . Siateis, and became the purchaser of a country seat in the im mediate vicinity of New York, on the banks of the Hudson, on the upper portion of the island on which the city is situated. To bring the results of his great work within the reach of a larger number of the public, he employed himself upon its reduction. This was published in New York in seven octavo volumes, between 1840 and 1844. Nor had the author meantime relinquished his active habits of exploration. In company with his sons Victor Gifford and John Woodhouse he traversed the remoter regions of the country, collect ing materials for a new Work on which he now became engaged, on the Vivi parous Quadrupeds of North America. Besides the aid of his sons, he had the assistance in this work of his friend, the accomplished naturalist, the Eev. John Bachman of South Carolina. It was in size similar to the original " Or nithology," and was completed in three volumes in 1848. This was the last publishing enterprise which the author lived to see completed, a smaller edi tion of the work having appeared since his death. There was something very pleasing in the fine manly appearance of the venerable disciple of nature in his last years — for age treated him kindly, and he carried with him nearly to the last, a fresh, buoyant energy of his own. His time, when not passed in his favor ite woods, was spent in the familiar labors of the pencil, and in the enjoy- n. — ment, surrounded by his family and friends, of his suburban rural retreat: He had the rare satisfaction, also, of seeing his fame established throughout the world, and of witnessing, as his active powers failed, the continuance of his labors in the hands of his sons, devoted to his science and art. His last perception of fading consciousness was a few days before his death, when one of his sons held before him some of his most cherished drawings. He died on the 27th January, 1851. For a personal description of the man in his prime, we may cite the elo quent tribute of one who had much in common with Audubon in the genial, unfettered love of nature, and in cer tain poetic impulses which pervade alike the prose writings of each. In enthusiasm for the woods and fields, Professor Wilson, or Christopher North, as he delighted to call himself in this holiday capacity, was the equal of Au dubon. There was much, too, alike in their personal appearance— the flowing mane of hair, the careless hunter's dress, the eagle eye. Wilson, in the passage alluded to, is "reviewing the " Ornithological Biography," on the publication of the first volume in 1831 He thus introduces the author : " When, some five years ago, we first set eyes on him, in a party of literati, in 'stately Edinborough throned on crags,' he was such an American woods man as took the shine out of us mod ern Athenians. Though dressed,' of course, somewhat after the fashion of ourselves, his long raven locks hung curling over his shoulders, yet unshorn from the wilderness. They were shad- 54 JOHN JAMES AUDUBON. ed across his open forehead with a sim ple elegance, such as a civilized Christ ian might be supposed to give his ' fell of hair,' when practising ' every man his own perruquier' in some liquid mirror in the forest glade, employing, perhaps, for a comb, the claw of the bald eagle. His sallow, fine-featured face bespoke a sort of wild independ ence; and then such an eye, keen as that of the falcon ! His foreign accent and broken English speech — for he is of French descent — removed him still further out of the commonplace circle of this everyday world of ours ; and his whole demeanor — it might be with us partly imagination — was colored to our thought by a character of conscious freedom and dignity, which he had habitually acquired in his long and lonely wanderings among the woods, where he had lived in the uncompanied love and delight of nature, and in the studious observation of all the ways of her winged children, that forever flut tered over his paths, and roosted on the tree at whose feet he lay at night, beholding them still the sole images that haunted his dreams." 1 It is understood that Audubon left behind him a work of autobiography. The passages which he has given from his journals in his Ornithological Bio graphy would lead us to expect a book of rare interest. These relate, of course, mainly to incidents of his travels un dertaken in pursuit of his favorite science. They have the charm of the 1 Blackwood's Magazine, vol. xix. p. 11. French temperament, that happy talent of observation and description which harmonizes so admirably the simple and rude elements of frontier rural life; that art of: pleasure- — that determina tion of pleasing and being pleased, so characteristic of the race. The move ments of Audubon among this humble society seem to have caught something of the easy gracefulness of his own feathered songsters. He appears never insensible to common blessings, never long depressed at the difficulties of his situation. There is a felicity in many of these little narratives which added new interest in the productions of his pen to the faithful delineations of his pencil As an index of the wealth of beauty in his pictorial works, we might contrast his accounts of the Bird of Washington, a species of the eagle tribe which he prided himself upon being the first to depict, and the Louisiana mocking-bird, which he has so charmingly described. But who has not seen the engravings of the Birds of America — a work indeed too expensive for popular circulation in its original form, the somewhat exclusive possession of the wealthy, and chosen as a rare and costly gift by Govern ment to foreign states ; but familiar to the eye in our public libraries and gal leries ? A glance at the ample pages will show the patient study of a life time, the result of years of watching and investigation of the habits of birds, their peculiar traits, their exqui site plumage, their arch attitudes, and even their favorite surroundings. ^ -2L /'/¦,/. in. ,/pm,il p,i,j,.l.w.y fir., hippd. m th: pi'.L.-sst.iii ,rf tfiu pulfeforrs. Joh''.::oii.-|:i-y X Cu. 'PuiliHliers. WewYmk. DE WITT CLINTON. Oir a previous page, in the notice of Governor George Clinton, the " soldier and statesman of the ^Revolution," we have traced the history of the Clinton family through their remarkable Ame rican progenitor, Charles Clinton, of New York colonial memory, to their remote European ancestry. We are now to follow the fortunes of another branch of the family, which perpetuat ed -its honors with increasing fame to a third generation on this soil. A race which has ' given two • distinguished governors to New York,' each of whom stood in a certain direct relation to the Presidency, must excite a biographic interest General James Clinton, the brother of Governor George Clinton, and father of De Witt Clinton, was born at the homestead in Little Britain, in a part of Ulster , County now included in Or ange, in 1736. He early acquired a knowledge of military affairs, and was in actual service with, his father and brother in the old French war at Fron- tenac. When the peace of Versailles con cluded hostilities, he still kept an eye on the profession of arms, and rose by his merits in the colonial service to impor tant frontier commands. He married, at this time, Mary De Witt, a young lady of excellent Dutch descent. The Clinton family, always imbued with liberal principles, was naturally looked to by the Whigs of the Eevolution. James, with his brother, joined the in fant cause, was appointed to high com mands in the provincial service, and speedily engrafted, a brigadier general, on the army of the United States. He was with Montgomery in his invasion of Canada, at Montreal, and gallantly defended Fort Clinton, by the side of his brother at Fort Montgomery, when both, after a valiant resistance were compelled to yield to the superior forces of Sir Henry Clinton. James Clinton was the last man to leave the works. His escape was one of the wonders of that hard-fought day. He was severely wounded by a bayonet thrust, as he fled, pursued by the bul lets of the enemy. His servant was killed by his side. Taking his bridle from his horse, he slid dowh the rocky precipice of the fort a hundred feet, to the ravine, crept along the bank, his flowing blood staunched by a fall into the river, till morning, when he met with a horse on which he rode sixteen miles to his home. He was engaged in other military services in the State, and was at the final surrender at York- town. After participating in the hon ors of Washington's entry into New E5 56 DE WITT CLINTON. York, he retired to his country-seat in Orange County, where, dying at the age of seventy-six, his remains were laid in a tomb inscribed by his son — " He was a good man and a sincere patriot, performing, in the most exem plary manner, all the duties of life: and he died, as he lived, without fear and without reproach." His son, De Witt Clinton, was born at the family residence, at Little Bri tain, March 2, 1769. His early educa tion was under the care of the Presby terian pastor of the settlement, and at the Academy of Mr. Addison, at Kingston. At the close of the war he was a youth of fifteen, on his way to Princeton, when he was arrested at New York by the efforts to revive the seat of learning, King's College, in that city, whose short existence in the colo nial era had been attended with dis tinguished success. His uncle, George Clinton, the governor of the State, took an active part in this reorganiza tion, which was effected in 1784. De Witt Clinton was the first matriculated student of the revived institution, Which now bore the name of Columbia College. He entered the junior class, and in April, 1786, received his degree at the first Commencement after the Revolution. Forty-one years after, shortly before his death; in an address before the alumni, Clinton paid a grate ful tribute to the founders of the ris ing college ; to Cochran, the classical scholar, to Kemp, the professor of ma thematics and natural philosophy, to Benjamin Moore, subsequently the bishop, whose benignity added a grace to his department of rhetoric. Coch ran lived to delight in his pupil, and to 'lay his wealth of praise, in well chosen learned phraseology, upon his grave. "He did everything well; upon the whole, he seemed likely to me to prove, as he did prove, a high ly useful and practical man ; what the Eomans call civiUs and the Greeks politikos, a useful citizen, qualified to counsel and direct his fellow citizens to honor and happiness." To the ingenu ity and insight ; of Kemp, particularly in his inculcation of the value of canal navigation, in internal improvements, a marked influence has been attributed upon the career of his pupil. There is one habit of his college years which accompanied him through life, one with which few men who make their mark in the world at the present day are able to dispense — the practice of study ing with the pen in hand. He thus acquired an exact mental discipline, and laid the foundation of that accu mulated stock of literature and science which was the solace and support of his after career. On the completion of these prepara- tory lessons — for they were but prepa- ratory — Clinton was always a student and learner — he engaged in the study of the law iii the office of Samuel Jones, an eminent counsellor of the time, the father of the late Chancellor Jones. It was the season of the adop tion of the Federal Constitution, and the young student was an anxious watcher of the debates at the session of the Eatifying Convention at Pough- keepsie. His uncle, the governor, it will be remembered, sat at the head of that body, and was one of the most DE WITT CLINTON. 57 resolute opponents of the measure. The nephew was thus early in corres pondence with politicians in New York, to whom he communicated the progress of the debate. He shared the views of his uncle, his jealousy of consolida tion, and fears of the loss of State pri vileges, and had already signalized his course as an Anti-Federalist by his series of letters signed " A Country man." in reply to the papers of Jay, Hamilton, and Madison. The oppo nents of the Constitution were, how ever, compelled to yield their preju dices to the necessities of the case, un der cover of urgent pleas for proposed amendments. De Witt Clinton was now ;taken into the employ of the governor as his secretary, and thus made his entrance upon public, affairs in 1789. In 1794 he was made secretary of the Board of 'Regents of the University, and in this capacity drew the Report in favor of the incorporation of Union College, containing the earliest official recommendation of the establishment of schools by the Legislature, for the common branches of education.1 He was also secretary of the Board of Commissioners of the State fortifica tions. In these appointments he had the example and assistance of his uncle, always a zealous and enlightened promoter of the welfare of New York. This influence ceased when the gover nor retired from office, in 1795, when the young Clinton commenced the practice of the law in New York. He was brbught in contact with Dr. - Street's Council of Revision, etc., p. 138. Hosack and Dr. Mitchill, then profes sors of botany and chemistry in Colum bia College, with whom he prosecuted those studies of natural history which grew to be great favorites with him, and in which he became an accom plished adept. He married at this time Miss Franklin, the daughter of an eminent Quaker merchant of New York. In 1797 he was elected to the Legislature as a member of the Assem bly, and in the following year to its upper house, the Senate, when he was chosen a member of the Council of Ap pointment. While in discharge of this duty, a question arose within this body as to the right of nomination. It had been exercised by the Council in oppo sition to the claim of Governor Clin ton, and was now reasserted in conflict with Governor Jay. De Witt Clinton was opposed to the governor, and his view of the matter was sustained by the convention to which the question was submitted by the Legislature. To this decision, which cast the power of the State into the hands of the repub lican party, is assigned the beginning Of the course of proscription which embittered so greatly the subsequent political career of Clinton. He was now, however, on the rising tide of popularity, and in 1802, at the early age of thirty-three, was appointed to a vacancy in the Senate of the United States, where he took his seat by the side of Gouverneur Morris, his fellow representative from the State. Clinton had been two years in the Senate when he resigned his post to assume the mayoralty of New York as the successor of Edward Livingston, 58 DE WITT CLINTON. He entered upon the duties of this office in 1803, and with several short intervals, when he was displaced by the fluctuations of party, continued to hold it till 1815. A mayor of New York at that time differed not only in the manner of his election, but in many of his employments, from his successors of the present day. He had a degree and variety of power in his hands_ for which a senatorship might well be exchanged. He presided at the meetings of the Common Council, then sitting in a single body. He ex ercised also important judicial func tions as chief judge of the common pleas and of the criminal court, and at the head of the police. In all these relations Clinton was active and efficient; firm and honest as a judge, resolute and in trepid in checking riot and preserving the peace. These were the ordinary duties of a magistrate. He had others to perform of his own choosing and advocacy, growing out of his tastes for literature and science. Foremost among these, in point of time and importance, was the Free School Association, for which a charter was procured in 1805. The act speaks of a single school, and its object was " to provide for the edu cation of poor children who do not be long to, or are not provided for, by any religious society." The undertaking was stimulated by the success of Lan caster, with his direct and economical system in England. His plans were followed by Clinton and his associates in New York. Funds were provided by charitable subscriptions, Clinton himself soliciting contributions from loor to door, and the first school was opened in May, 1806, in a small apart ment in Bancker street. The corpora tion of the city then appropriated a building adjacent to the alms-house for the purpose, and in 1809 the institu tion found a permanent lodgment in a building erected by its funds on the site of an old arsenal which was grant ed for the purpose. On the completion of this building, in 1809, Clinton, as president of the society, delivered an opening address, noticeable for his en lightened interest in the subject of education, and as a landmark whence we may measure the progress to the present gigantic public school system of the city. While holding the office of the may oralty, Clinton was, in 1805, elected a State senator, which gave him an op portunity of directly influencing the Legislature in the promotion of his favorite civic and philanthropic schemea Many an act, under which the present generation enjoys some special privi lege or benefit, owes its origin to the sagacity and perseverance of Clin ton at Albany. The charters of the Sailor's Snug Harbor, the old Manu mission Society, the Bloomingdale Hos pital for the Insane, the first insurance company of the State, the American Academy of Arts, of which he was made president, acts in behalf of the Orphan Society, and numerous other phi lanthropic associations;- others for the benefit of medical science, and generally relating to everything of importance to the welfare of the city, originated with him or were especially intrusted to his guardianship. In his seat as senator, in the Court of Errors, he deli DE WITT CLINTON. 59 vered opinions on questions involving important principles of constitutional law and rights of property which gained the admiration of so compe tent a critic as Chancellor Kent. We have enumerated some of the liberal objects in the advancement of the city which engaged the attention of Clinton, at the head of which must be ranked his personal efforts to secure the benefits of education to every struggling child of poverty capable and willing to receive them. The list of his good deeds in this second forma tive era of city life, when New York was on the eve of that movement which has since borne her so rapidly to her proud eminence as a metropolis of the nation, is not yet complete. We can hardly mention any liberal enter prise of the city which does not owe something to his fostering care and pro tection. What Franklin, in his gener ation, did for Philadelphia, De Witt Clinton, a - half a century later, accom plished for New York. There is a period in most institutions when the first efforts of their originators are spent ; the enthusiasm of the original idea is worn off ; the scanty supply of means exhausted : when an opportune deliverer is needed to save the labors of the original projector. Many useful societies, destined to a long life, pass through several such stages. De Witt Clinton interposed with' his friendly services on more than one crisis of the kind. He took the languishing Acad emy of Arts under his protection, ob tained a charter for it, and a local habitation in the Government House, near the Batterv. This institution had found a zealous friend in its founder and -first president, Chancellor Livings ton. On his death, Clinton succeeded to the vacant chair. He delivered a discourse before this Academy in 1816. The Historical Society was another struggling enterprise to which he ren dered the most important assistance. It appealed to him by considerations of family history and national pride to which he was never insensible. He drew up the act of incorporation, and the report seconding its adoption in the Legislature, and when it was neces sary to establish the society on a firmer pecuniary basis, he prepared an elabo rate memorial of its aims and objects, with which he again appealed to that body, and secured an important grant in its favor. In 1811 he delivered, at the anniversary meeting of the society, a discourse on the history of the Iro quois or Five Indian Nations of the State, replete with historical research and philosophical observation. He was at this time vice president of the so ciety. He succeeded to the presidency in 1817. The New York Literary and Philo sophical Society was another institu tion which called for and received his aid from the start. He was chosen, its first president, and opened its public proceedings with an admirable intro ductory discourse, not merely abound ing in scientific information, but instinct with the zeal and warmth of a lover's admiration. For natural history he had a great fondness. Associated with Mitchill, Hosack, and others, and in his tours through the State, he devoted himself to numerous original investiga 60 DE WITT CLINTON. tions recorded in his papers in the Transactions of the Society just spoken of, in his journals, and other publica tions. The period of these interesting pur suits also gave -birth to those schemes of internal improvements connected with canal navigation, with which the name of Clinton is indissolubly linked in his native State. His attention had early been directed, in the annual mes sages of his uncle, the first governor, to the subject of canals in New York. That enlightened patriot, in 1791, 1792, and 1794, had urged a liberal policy upon the Legislature in connec tion with certain northern and western companies of inland lock navigation. In a glowing passage of an address de livered by De Witt Clinton as early as the last mentioned year, he had pro phesied the influence of art in changing the. face of the world. These early companies, confined to a limited portion of the State, were at tended with but little success. In March, 1810, the Legislature seemed disposed to take up the matter in ear nest in the appointment of a committee of which De Witt Clinton was a mem ber, with .Gouverneur Morris, Ste phen Van Eensselaer, Thomas Eddy, William, North, Simeon De Witt, and Peter B. Porter, charged with the ex ploration of the whole route from the Hudson to Lake Ontario and Lake Erie. The tour was made, and happily a private journal kept of its numerous interesting incidents by De Witt Clin ton. It remains a most interesting picture of the condition of the State just before its great system of improve ments was undertaken, which must in crease in value with every succeeding year as the country recedes from its primitive aspect. As usual, the obser ver is intent not merely on the mecha nical advantages, but the general phy sical conditions of the region which he traversed. In 1820 he sketched the incidents of a similar journey in the " Letters of Hibernicus on the Natural History and Internal Eesources of the State of New York," a genial and ani mated production of permanent inter est. The canal was reported favorably upon by Gouverneur Morris, in behalf of the commissioners. The Legislature renewed their powers and added Liv ingston and Fulton to their council. In furtherance of its designs, Clinton and Morris visited Washington to secure the aid of the United States Govern ment. President Madison and his cab inet had other affairs of more pressing interest before them, and the work was left to the exertions of Clinton and his friends in his own State. Before resuming our brief narrative of Clinton's connection with the canal policy of the State, we must briefly state the chief incidents of his political career, from which these scientific and literary pursuits were but diversions. We have seen him recalled from Con gress to the mayoralty, and sitting in the State Senate. In 1811 he was elected lieutenant governor, and the following year put in nomination by a convention of his republican friends in the Presidential election of 1812, in opposition to Madison. Failing of his election, he was placed in a somewhat _\^_ DE WITT CLINTON. til ambiguous position between the advo cates of the war and its opponents, which was aggravated by subsequent party divisions in his State, in the pro gress of which he was thrown out Of the mayoralty. Clinton, it is said, was ambitious of office ; if so, it was always as a means to his useful and honorable ends. He now found means to pursue the latter even without the former. He now de termined with his friends to revive the great canal project which had been suspended by the war. A meeting of influential - citizens was called in the autumn of 1815, at the City Hotel, in New York, to which he presented a memorial on the whole subject, demon strating the practicability of the union of the Hudson with Lake Erie, setting forth the various details and enforcing the vast benefits 'of the work/ Never was a great undertaking more nobly heralded than in this convincing docu ment. It was sent abroad and numer ously signed by the public, presented in February, 1816 to the Legislature, who had now again the subject fully before them. Clinton was again ap pointed one of the commissioners of a new board, new reports were made, and in 1817 the construction of the work duly authorized! ¦ The same year Clinton was elected by the people, spite of party, governor of the State, and continued to hold the' office by successive elections with the ex ception of a single term in 1823 and 1824, till his death. It was on his gratifying reelection, after the interregnum when his political enemies deprived him even of his unpaid office of canal commis- il— 8 sioner, that he had the further satisfac tion of witnessing the completion of the great project of his life, the Erie canal. The rejoicings of New York at that period belong to the national history. The celebration extended throughout the State. The day which crowned the work was the 26th of Oc- .tober, 1825. Governor Clinton, ac companied by delegates from New York and the villages along the line, embarked at the western terminus of the canal at Buffalo, on its waters, and pursued its whole length to Albany,- while signal guns, fired from station to station,- rapidly bore the news of his progress in advance to New York. The party continued their, course down the Hudson to that city, : where they were met by a splendid flotilla of steamboats and other maritime dis plays, which led them to the ocean, when the waters of Lake Erie, as in the festal processions of Venice in the Adriatic, were mingled with the Atlan tic. It was a proud moment for Clinton — one of those triumphs in the history of science when the laurels which so many deserving candidates fail to grasp are placed upon the brow of some favored individual, whose energy is at last rewarded with success. Clinton had every way a right to the ovation. He was a genuine son of New York, a growth of a family tree which had Struck its roots deep into the soil, which had extorted nourishment from the wilderness, which had strengthened in the blasts of the Eevolution, had encountered the fiercer storm of politi cal agitation, and survived many in- 62 DE WITT CLINTON. ferior brethren of the forest which thrust their foliage between its gigantic trunk and the sunlight. We sicken as we read of the strife of party, so un generous in its opposition to this great ¦ man. It may be, indeed, that the strife and. opposition were inevitable. So much the more pleasing are the peace ful, beneficent labors of Clinton— in the poet and philosopher's praise of Epicu rus, illustrating the benefits of life, adding to the welfare of the race by acts of unmitigated blessing. The heart of New York should throb with emotion at the name of this ardent, chivalrous spirit of civilization; the pioneer and faithful guardian of so much of her prosperity. We have now arrived at a culminat ing point so near the close of this illus trious life, that for our present pur poses the narrative may well close. Yet it would be injustice to the fame of our great statesman, were we to omit some mention of the annual mes sages which, as governor, he sent forth to the State, models of literary compo sition as well as of the details of pub lic business. He always enforced the plans of internal improvement, sanc tioned by the success of his great en terprise, and when occasion permitted, his language, as in his review of the prosperity of his country in his last address of this kind at the beginning of 1828, rose to moral beauty. It wras not long after this message was delivered, that, on the llth of Feb ruary, 1828, at the close of a day spent in public business, while yet engaged with his son in his study, in the peru sal of the letters of the evening mail that, stricken at the heart, he almost instantaneously expired. The character of De Witt Clinton needs no effort of labored interpreta tion. His portrait speaks the habitua. gravity which sat on his countenance, with an air of pride which might be interpreted haughtiness or dignity, ac cording to the feeling and knowledge of the observer. His figure was tall and commanding. He was active, an early riser, incessant in toil, sparing lit tle for the frivolities of life and the arts by which politicians ingratiate themselves with their fellows. But they who could appreciate worth and goodness never mistook him. Twice married, he was endeared to a large family connection. Of the political asperities which entangled so consider able a portion of a valuable life, we have said little. They undoubtedly present a curious subject of inquiry, by no means unprofitable, but this is not the place to ferret, them out from the oblivion to Wdiich such passions of the hour are committed. There are many necessary labors in life, working to good ends, the memory of which we do not seek to perpetuate. Of these the petty details of controversial poll tical warfare, perhaps, are the least in teresting to posterity. They dwindle and stand abashed before the social and philanthropic benefits conferred by Clinton. 7 Ptll'l.fill'.J 7j): , /////^«4'/',MW,7,W. tV'Mr'/wVKk- Join w.on '/.Fry & C . h*ul.!ii;lLEfB.TIew'Yor|s OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. The gallant, amiable hero of Lake Erie, alike estimable as a man and admirable as a warrior, had, in his blood, two elements which seldom failed in our history, when they were put to the proof, to bring forth the matured fruits of patriotism. His first American ancestor, Edmund Perry, was one of the Devonshire emigrants from England, who fled from religious perse cution, in the seventeenth century, to the Colony at Plymouth, in Massachusetts; but unlike some of his companions there, he fled not from Laud and his spiritual exactions, but from the fight ing men of Cromwell. He was a Quaker, and his pacific tenets were at war with the temper, of the times. Nor did he find rest at Plymouth, where on other grounds Quakers were equally obnoxious. Like Eoger Wil liams, he sought relief from his breth ren among the children of the forest, and like him found a peaceful refuge with his companions on the waters of Narragansett Bay. He purchased a quantity of land from the Indians, at a place called South Kingston, an estate which continued to his descendants, supplied a family home, and gave, in due time, the subject of our sketch to the State of Ehode Island. Descending to the great grandson of Edmund Perry, characteristically named Freeman Perry, we find him a man of influence in the colony, a lawyer, a judge and member of the Colonial As sembly, married to the daughter of a wealthy and educated gentleman, Oli ver Hazard, also a descendant of the old Quaker stock. Of this alliance came the early Eevolutionary naval hero, Christopher Eaymond Perry, the father of the hero, of Lake Erie. We do not know precisely how this Quaker gentleman got so intimately into the wars, whether his principles were weaker, or his logic stronger than that of some of his brethren; but no one was more resolute, and few suffered more in the cause of the countiy. He was in the volunteer service in Ehode Island — he was at sea in the privateer service, in the absence of a navy, a more dignified and patriotic pursuit than it might be at present. In one of these adventures he was taken prisoner, and brought into New York to taste the horrors, at which humanity- shud ders, of the Jersey prison-ship. Smart ing with the indignity, emaciated with fever on his escape, he rejoined his com rades on the ocean, and both in the navy and in the privateer service fought gallantly against the foe. He wras captured again, and imprisoned 61 OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. for eighteen months in Ireland ; escap ing once more, he reached America when the war was over. All this occurred when he was but a youth, for he was only twenty-twro at the declara tion of peace. Still following -the sea, we next find him mate of a merchantman sailing to Ireland. Upon his return voyage, he falls in love with one of the passengers, Sarah Alexander, of Irish birth and Scotch descent. Both, at this time, are spoken of as remarkable for their per sonal beauty, and force of character. The next year, 1784, Captain Perry married his blooming acquaintance, and the pair made their home at the old family estate in Ehode Island. There Oliver Hazard Perry was born, August 23, 1785. The late Com mander Mackenzie of the navy, who possessed, what we may term, a fine biographic faculty, has traced in his interesting narrative of the Life of Perry, with fond minuteness, the early incidents of the boy's career. The chief characteristics, he tells us, " were an uncommon share of beauty, a sweet ness and gentleness of disposition, which corroborated the expression of his countenance, and a perfect disregard of danger, amounting to apparent un consciousness." This biographer gives some curious anecdotes of his school days. His. first schoolmaster was, an odd specimen of the race. He was a kindly old gentleman of the neighbor hood, an amateur of the profession, whose humor it was, reversing the usual relation between wisdom and her followers, himself actually to lie in bed in the schoolroom while the scholars surrounded his couch, the nearest, of Gourse, coming in for the most flogging. Then there was "old Master Kelly," the instructor of three generations, at Tower Hill, some four miles off, whither the young Oliver accompanied his fair cousins, and learnt more of grace and humanity from their com pany, than even from the proverbial emollit mores of the pedagogue. A man who serves three generations is likely to be an old boy with those who come last, and we are not surprised to learn that Kelly retired "from sheer superannuation." The succession of schoolmasters at Tower Hill then be came a little unsteady. The new man from Connecticut did not stay long. The one who came after him had his virtues, but was intemperate. Men of genius who stumble into that vocation are sometimes driven there by drink, a fatal habit which banishes them from higher positions to which they are bet ter entitled. In this way, you will occasionally meet with a most accom plished scholar in veiy humble circum stances. If so, accept the benefit with thanks, nor look too. narrowly at the inscrutable providence which has brought a learned, and, perhaps, amia ble man to your, village, sent and retained there by the fearful bond of his master vice. He may not be all in ruin. The careful student of Perry's life will not regret these, notices of his schoolmasters, who frequently stand next to a boy's parents in the forma tion of his character. But we must here refer the reader to Mackenzie's biography for the more particular nar- OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 65 rative. Suffice it to say, that the fam ily removing to Newport about this time, Perry found good opportunities of education at that place, and availed himself of them in a manly spirit. He was especially instructed in mathe matics, and their, application to naviga tion and nautical astronomy. As proof of the boy's ingenuousness, and the interest he, excited in intelligent ob servers, it -is related that Count Eocham- beau, the son of the General of the Eevolution, then residing at Newport, was particularly, attracted to him, and that Bishop Seabury on his visitation, marked him as a boy of religious feel ing. These are traits which shape the man ; we shall find them reappearing in the maturity of Perry's life, in his worth, humanity and refinement. The boy was but thirteen when his father, in 1798, was called into the naval service of his country in the. spi rited effort made by President Adams to resist the aggressions of France upon the ocean. He took the command of a small frigate, built under his direction in Ehode Island, named the General Greene, and carried with him to sea his son Oliver as a midshipman, at the express solicitation of the youth. The General Greene was actively employed in the waters of the Gulf of Mexico, giving all its officers abundant oppor tunity for practice in the infant service. The French war flurry after awhile blew over, as the Directory, the main spring of these aggressions, lost power ; peace, was patched up, and Jefferson shortly after inaugurated an unwhole some pacific policy by a sweeping reduction of the navy, as if.it had not been small enough already. In this mutilating operation the elder Perry was dropped, the younger one fortu nately retained. The navy, however, was soon revived by the demands of the nation to resist the iniquitous and insulting depreda tions upon life and property inflicted by the Barbary powers. The United States had borne far too patiently with these . injuries, though she had the honor of being in advance of the old powers of Europe in resisting them. The Mediterranean became the scene of many a chivalrous exploit of our early officers, a score of whom headed by Preble, Bainbridge, Decatur, Som- ers, and others of that stamp of fiery and indomitable valor, gained immor tal laurels in. their deeds of daring in conflict with the infidel. The young Perry served as midship man in the frigate Adams, which sailed from Newport, in 1802, to join Com modore Morris' command at Gibraltar. His ship was for some time employed in blockading, a Tripolitan at that port, a tedious but instructive service, in ma noeuvring, at the close of which, Perry, in consequence of his accomplishments, was promoted by his captain to the duties of a lieutenant. The frigate Avas then employed as a convoy, making the tour, of the northern ports. This gave Perry an opportunity to study scenes of the old world, which can never lose their influence in the formation of the man of education and refinement. Cooper, whose eye was always open to every generous influence, notices the effect of this culture of travel to foreign shores. "There is little doubt," says 66 OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. he, "that one of the reasons why the American marine early obtained a thirst for a knowledge that is not uni formly connected with the pursuits of a seaman, and a taste, which, perhaps, was above the level of that of the gen tlemen of the country, was owing to the circumstance that the wars with Barbary called its officers so much, at the most critical period of its existence, into that quarter of Europe. Travel lers to the old world were- then ex tremely rare, and the American who, forty years ago, could converse as an eye witness of the marvels of the Medi terranean — who had seen the remains of Carthage, or the glories of Constan tinople — who had visited the Coliseum, or was familiar with the affluence of Naples, was more than half the time, in some way or other, connected with the navy." At the close of 1803, Perry returned to America in his ship, under the com mand of Commodore Morris, and was not again employed in active service till he was sent to the Mediterranean again in the Constellation, which did not reach the scene of hostilities on the African coast, till the more daring ope rations of the war were over. He returned home at the close of 1806, when he was set upon the construction and equipment of those famous gun boats, the pet hobby of Jefferson, for home defence, which exacted many a rebellious oath from the blue water sailors, condemned to rust in harbor. But, however distasteful the service may have been, Perry acquitted him self to the satisfaction of the govern ment in its prosecution. In 1809, however, Perry got to sea in command of an armed schooner, the Eevenge, which was employed on the coast service. While on the south ern coast, he had an opportunity to. gain distinction, which he did not fail to avail himself of, in cutting out a stolen American vessel from under the guns of a British ship in Spanish waters, off Florida. Conveying his prize off the coast, he was threatened by his majesty's ship Goree, of double his force, when, having, as Mackenzie says, "no idea of being ' Leopardized,' " he put his little schooner in readiness for boarding at a moment's notice — a spirited resolution of great bravery, which he would no doubt have carried out, had the British vessel insisted upon overhauling the Eevenge. While en- gaged in the cruising off Connecticut and Ehode Island, in the beginning of 1811, he unfortunately lost his vessel through an error of the pilot, on the Watch Hill Eeef, opposite Fisher's Island, as he was sailing from Newport to New London. Every seamanlike effort was made to save the vessel, and when all was unavailing, Perry showed equal skill and resolution in landing the crew in a heavy January swell, with a violent wind. He was himself the last to leave the vessel. He was not merely acquitted of censure, but his conduct was extolled by a court of inquiry. He was, of course, by the loss of his vessel, thrown temporarily out of com mand, an interval of repose which he hastened to turn to account by forming a matrimonial alliance with Miss Eliza beth Champlin Mason, of an influential OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 67 family, at Newport, to whom he had become engaged several years before, on his arrival from the Mediterranean. •Tho wedding took place in May, 1811, affording him ample opportunity for the honeymoon, previous to the actual outbreak of the war with England now impending. This event found him at Newport, with the rank of master commandant, in charge of the flotilla of gunboats keeping watch in the harbor. It was a service not altogether adapted to satisfy the ambitious spirit of a young officer, but it was important in itself, and became in Perry's hands a step to future eminence. His course, at this time, illustrates a valuable truth, that no honorable employment is profitless to a man of genius. He will in some way turn it to account. Constructing gunboats,- and recruiting men in port, were services not calculated to make any great blaze in a dispatch, but they conducted Perry to his glorious bulle tins of victory, and the resounding praises of the nation. He saw the new field of military operations opening on the lakes, and his experienced eye must have seen as well the certain difficulties as the possi ble honors of the situation. It was not the post which an officer, with the claims of Perry, would have sought, while brilliant victories were being enacted, in the eye of the world, on the vast theatre of the ocean. Others, however, were before him on that ele ment. He was emulous of their achievements, but no petty jealousy hindered him -from swelling their praises in concert with the national acclamation. Yet he sought employ ment in active service with a restless impulse. Despairing of a command at sea, he offered himself to Commodoie Chauncey, who had been recently placed a$ the head of the lake service. His character was understood by this officer, and the proffer accepted. The necessary communications were made to the government, and in the middle of February, in 1813, he was ordered to join Chauncey at Sackett's Harbor, with the picked men of his Newport flotilla. He lost no time in reporting himself at the appointed spot. His destination was Lake Erie, where he was to supervise the construction of two vessels to be employed in the next campaign, and he was anxious to get to the work"; but Chauncey, who felt the need of his aid, detained him for a while on Lake Ontario. He however, towards the end of March, reached Erie, where the vessels were building, under the direction of Noah Brown, the shipwright of New York, and sail ing master Dobbins, of the navy. His experience in constructing gunboats at Newport was now of avail to him. He put the defence of the works, which had been greatly neglected, in a state of efficiency, and set himself to the collection of supplies, workmen, and an armament : no easy matter at that day and in that place in the wilder ness ; for such, as compared with our own time, it then was. The labors of Perry, in this work of preparation, were in fact of the most arduous character. They should not be forgot ten as a heavy item to his credit in the sum tctal of his victory. Three 68 OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. gunboats and two brigs were launched and equipped in May. It was at this time that he received advices that Chauncey was about to make an attack on the British post of Fort George, at the mouth of the Nia gara river. He had been promised a share in this adventure, and hastened to the scene. The incidents of this journey show the spirit of the man. In his own words, in a letter describing this passage of his life, " on the evening of the twenty-third of May, I received information, about sunset, that Commo dore Chauncey would in a day or twro arrive at Niagara, when an attack would be made on Fort George. He had previously promised me the . com mand of the seamen and marines that might land from the fleet. Without hesitation I determined to join him. I left Erie about dark in a small four- oared open boat. The night was squally and very dark. After encoun tering head winds and many difficul ties, I arrived at Buffalo on the evening of the twenty-fourth, refreshed, and remained there until daylight ; I then passed the whole of the British lines in my boat, within musket-shot. : Pass ing Strawberry Island, . several people on our side of the river hailed, and beckoned me on shore. On landing they pointed out about forty men on the end of Grand Island, who, doubt less, were placed there to intercept boats. In a few moments I should have been in their hands. I then pro ceeded with more caution. As we ar rived at Schlosser, it rained violently. No horse could be procured. I deter mined to push forward on foot ; walked about two miles and a half, when the rain fell in such torrents I was obliged to take shelter in a house at hand. The sailors whom I had left with th«. boat, hearing of public horses on the commons, determined to catch one 'for me. They found an old pacing one which could not run away, and brought him in, rigged, a rope from the boat into a bridle, and borrowed a saddle without either stirrup, girth, or crup per. Thus accoutred they pursued me and found me at the house where I had stopped. The rain ceasing, I mounted, my legs hung down the sides of the horse, and I was obliged to steady the saddle by holding by the mane. In this style I entered the camp, it raining again most violently. Colonel Porter being the first to discover me, insisted upon my taking his horse, as I had some distance to ride to the other end of the camp, off which the Madison lay" Having thus reached headquarters, arrangements were rapidly made, and the landing of the troops assigned to Perry. In the ignorance or inexperi ence of some of the officers, there was considerable confusion in directing the boats in' the river, which was remedied by Perry's vigilance and decision. He was everywhere^ in the midst of danger, guiding and directing; the unexpected attack of the British was met by his energy, the landing effected, and the object of the expedition accomplished. This victory opened the port of Black Eock, where several American vessels were collected, which Perry undertook to get into Lake Erie against the strong current of the river, a feat which was OLIVER HAZARD PERRY 69 accomplished with extraordinary fa tigue; so that he returned to his sta tion, at Erie, with a respectable addi tion of five vessels to his own newly launched little fleet in that harbor. To one of the vessels which he had built, a name was given by a disaster which, saddened the heart of the country. An order from the navy de partment assigned the name of the gal lant Lawrence, who had fallen on the first of June, on the deck of the Ches apeake. It was with the dying excla mation , of Lawrence, as we shall see, that Perry led his fleet into action. There was some delay in gathering men and materials of war in the har bor, locked in by the inclosing penin sula, and half closed at its mouth by a bar which seemed an equal defence to the force within and the enemy with out. A reinforcement of men at last arrived, when Perry, though by no means provided with all or what he could have wished, urged by the de mands of General Harrison, in the upper country, for aid, and the advance of the season, determined upon going into action at the earliest moment. The British commander, Captain Bar clay, a gallant officer who had seen much service, expected an easy prey while the vessels were embarrassed on the bar ; and he might have enjoyed it under a less vigilant opponent. It is said that the English captain was- drawn off to an entertainment on Bhore, the Sunday afternoon when Per ry, by the aid of camels floated under the brigs, diminishing the draught, conducted the operations which ended in getting his fleet fairly afloat. More n.— 9 than a month was now passed in watch ing the enemy and seeking an engage ment, during which Perry was strength ened by a reinforcement brought from Lake Ontario by Captain Jesse D. El liott, and the British added to their force their new vessel, the Detroit, at Maiden. Perry watched the enemy from the islands in the neighborhood of this place, at the head of the lake. and from the near harbor of Sandusky. The day of the threatened engage ment at length came, the tenth of Sep^ tember. The American force was com posed of the brigs Lawrence and Niagara, of twenty guns each, com manded respectively by Perry and El liott, and seven smaller vessels number ing in all fifty-four guns. Captain Barclay, .on the other side, had the De troit, of nineteen guns, the Queen Charlotte, Lady Prevost, and three other vessels, numbering altogether sixty- three guns.1 The range of the enemy's guns gave them the advantage at a dis tance, when the corresponding Ameri can fire was ineffectual. The Ameri cans, too, were under a disadvantage in the enfeebled state of the crew, by the general illness which prevailed among them from the season of the year, the climate, or the unwholesome ness of the water. The British force had undoubtedly the superiority in trained men as compared with Perry's extemporized miscellaneous command, and untried junior officers. The latter proved, however, to be of the right material. On the morning of the engagement ^ 1 Cooper's Naval Biography, memoir of Perrjr. 70 OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. the American fleet was among the is lands off Maiden at Put-in Bay when the British fleet bore up. There was some difficulty at first in clearing the islands, and the nature of the wind seemed likely to throw Perry upon the defensive, when a southeast breeze springing up, enabled him to bear down upon the enemy. This was at ten o'clock of a fine autumnal morning. Perry arranged his vessels in line, tak ing the lead in his flagship, the Law rence, on which he now raised the sig nal for action, a blue flag, inscribed in large white letters, with the words of the dying Lawrence, "Don't give up the ship !" He accompanied this move ment with an appeal to his men. " My brave lads, this flag contains the last words of Captain Lawrence. Shall I hoist it ?" " Ay ay, sir !" was the wil ling response. In this way he cheered the men in the awful pause, " a dead silence of an hour and a half," preced ing the action, for the vessels were long in the light breeze in overcoming the intermediate distance of several miles. " This is the time," says Wash ington Irving, in his narrative, written shortly after the day, "when the stout est heart beats quick, and < the boldest holds his breath;' it is the still mo ment of direful expectation— of fearful looking out for slaughter and destruc tion — when even the glow of pride and ambition is chilled for a while, and nature shudders at the awful jeop ardy of existence. The very order and regularity of naval discipline heighten the dreadful quiet of the moment. No bustle, no noise prevails to distract the mind, except at intervals the shrill pip- ing of the boatswain's whistle, or a murmuring whisper among the men, who, grouped around their guns, ear nestly regard the movements of tho foe, now and then stealing a wistful glance at the countenances of their commanders." Perry, who knew the perils of the day, prepared his papers as if for death. He leaded the public documents in readiness to be cast overboard, and, a touching trait of these moments, gave a hurried perusal to his wife's letters, and tore them to pieces lest they should be read by the enemy. The awful silence is suddenly bro ken by a bugle sounded on board the Detroit, and the cheers of the British seamen. A shot from that vessel fell short of its mark.. The Lawrence bears on to meet the fire, accompanied by the other vessels of the command in appointed order, each destined for its appropriate antagonist. At noon the British fire, from the superior long guns, was telling fearfully on the Ame rican force, when Perry made all sail for close quarters, bringing the Law rence within reach of the Detroit. He maintained a steady, well-directed fire from his carronades, assisted by the Scorpion and Ariel. The destruction on the deck of the Lawrence was fear ful. Out of a hundred well men, says Mackenzie, who had gone into s action, twenty-two were killed and sixty-one wounded. We shall not in suit the humanity of the reader by the details of this fearful carnage. It has probably never been exceeded in the terrors of the "dying deck," in naval warfare. OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 71 In the midst of this storm of con flict, Perry, finding his ship getting disabled, and seeing the Niagara un injured at a safe distance, resolved to change his flag to that vessel. He had half a mile to traverse, exposed to the fire of the enemy in an open boat. Nothing deterred, with the ex clamation, "If a victory is to be gained I'll gain it," he made the pas sage, part of the time standing as a target for the hostile guns. Fifteen minutes were passed exposed to this plunging fire, which splintered the oars and covered the boat with spray. The Lawrence, stripped of officers and men, was compelled to surrender. Perry instantly bore up to the De troit, the guns of which were plied re solutely, when she became entangled with her consort, the Queen Charlotte, and the Niagara poured a deadly fire into both vessels. This cannonade de cided jthe battle in seven minutes, when the enemy surrendered. The American loss in this engagement was twenty-seven killed and ninety-six wounded ; that of the British forty-one killed and ninety-four wounded.1 Gal lant actions were performed and noble men fell on both sides. It was every way a splendid victory, placing the genius of Perry and his magnanimous, spirited conduct throughout, in the highest rank of naval exertion. The memorable letters, brief, at once eloquent and modest, which he wrote that afternoon announcing his victory are too characteristic to be omitted in any persona! account of the man. Ad- 1 Mackenzie's Life of Perry, I. 221-253. dressing General Harrison, he writes : " Dear General — "We have met the ene my and they are ours. Two ships, two brigs, one schooner and one sloop Yours, with very great respect and es teem. O. H. Perry." The other was to the Secretary of the Navy : " Sir, it has pleased the Almighty to give to the arms of the United States a signal victory over their enemies on this lake. The British squadron, consist ing of two ships, two brigs, one schooner and one sloop, have this mo ment surrendered to the force under my command, after a sharp conflict. I have the honor to be, sir, very respect fully, your obedient servant. O. H. Perry." In consonance with this sim ple eloquence, the mark of a master mind, was his chivalrous care of his wounded and conduct toward his pris oners. Let the pen of Washington Irving bear witness at this time to the character of Perry as a gentleman, that highest style of man. In the contemporary narrative already cited he says: "Com modore Perry, like most of our naval officers, is yet in the prime of youth. He is of a manly and prepossessing ap pearance ; mild and unassuming in his address, amiable in his disposition, and of great firmness and decision. Though early launched among the familiar scenes of naval life — and nowhere is familiarity more apt to be licentious and encroaching — yet the native gen tility and sober dignity of his deport ment, always chastened, without re straining the freedom of intimacy. It is pleasing thus to find public services accompanied by private virtues ; to 72 OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. discover no drawbacks on our esteem, no base alloy in the man we are dis posed to admire ; but a character full of moral excellence, of high-minded courtesy, and pure, unsullied honor." The victory having been gained, and the lake thus cleared of the foe, Perry was enabled to act in concert with General Harrison in driving the British from Michigan ; and when his fleet was of no avail to follow them in their rapid flight, he joined that officer's land expedition, and was present, acting as his aid, at the battle of the Thames. " The appearance of the brave commo dore," writes Harrison in his official report, "cheered and animated every heart." Perry also gained the grati tude of the Moravians in whose dis trict the contest took place, by his care in relieving the inevitable evils of war. He met everywhere on his homeward route with complimentary toasts and resolutions, gathering volume as he reached his native State, where he was received at Newport with military and civic honors. The city of New York paid him a grateful attention in a re quest communicated by De Witt Clin ton, then mayor, to sit for his portrait for the civic gallery. The portrait was painted by Jarvis, representing him in the act of boarding the Niagara, and is preserved in the City Hall. He was created an honorary member of the Cincinnati; Congress voted him a medal and money ; he was dined and feasted and " blazed, the comet of the season." In one of the letters of Judge Story, always a genial observant of what was passing before him, there is characteris tic mention of one of those festival scenes at Baltimore. "It so happened," says he, "that in the evening of our arrival there was a ball given in honor of Commodore Perry, and the mana gers politely sent invitations to all our party. Fatigued as we were, we deter mined to attend. The scene was truly splendid: at one end of the room there was a transparent painting repre senting the battle, and on a given sig nal the British flag was struck and the American soon after hoisted in its stead. The shouts and clapping were loud and reiterated. One impulse of joy and congratulation seized every heart. One person only seemed silent in the scene. It was the Commodore himself. He is a very handsome, intel ligent, modest gentleman, and bears his unequalled honors meekly and calmly. He is scarcely turned of twen ty-eight years, and yet has all the self command of fifty." J Perry's next service was in August, 1814, in command of the Java, 44, a frigate recently built at Baltimore. He was, however, not able to get to sea, in consequence of the blockade by the enemy. On the conclusion of peace he sailed in this vessel to join Commodore Shaw's squadron in the Mediterranean. The cruise had the usual incidents of this service, with one of an unpleasant nature in the quarrel or exercise of a fit of passion of Perry towards an offi cer of marines named Heath. Unhap pily, Perry, who was provoked by bis inefficiency, and what he thought his disrespectful conduct, struck the infe rior officer a blow. Instead of being 1 Life and Letters of Joseph Story, I 250-1. ¦li OLIVER HAZARD PERRY. 73 settled on the spot, as such things should be, it was suffered to remain and rankle, little mitigated by a court martial, which censured both parties, till it subsequently ended in a duel in America. It was fought in October, 1818, at Weehawken, the ground where the life of Hamilton was sacrificed, De catur acting as Perry's second. Perry gave the meeting as a compensation to an officer whom he had injured, while he forbore to return his antagonist's fire. The. circumstances were then stated on the field by Decatur, and the matter ended. Perry sailed in the following year, as pommodore in command of the John Adams, for the West Indies, bound for the state of Venezuela, to- carry on an armed negotiation for the protection of American commerce from aggressions in that quarter. Arriving at the mouth of the Orinoco, h.e shifted his flag to the Nonsuch, and ascended the river to the capital, Angostura, where he re mained twenty days, transacting his business in the height of the yellow fever season. His vessel had hardly .eft the river, on her way to Trinidad, when he was attacked. For nearly a week he suffered the progress of the terrible disease on board the small schooner, under a tropical sun, when he reached the station wither he had sent his flagship, the Adams. But he reached port only to die at sea, within a mile of the anchorage, on the 23d of August, 1819, when he had just com pleted his thirty-fourth year. Such and so early was the fate of the gallant Perry. His remains were interred from the John Adams at Port Spain, with every attention by the English governor. * Subsequently they were brought home in a national vessel by order 'of Congress, and reinterred at the public expense in the cemetery at Newport. The country also provided for the support of his family. If ever America produced a man whom the nation delighted to honor, it was Perry. The reason is not far to seek. We may read it in his frank, generous, handsome countenance, the type of the manly sailor: — in his rare valor, his re sources in difficulty, his chivalrous conduct — in a word, his humanity. The public seldom makes a mistake in the bestowal of its affections. It de tects by an unerring instinct the man of heart, of true bravery and worth, of noble impulses. Of a* temper sometimes violent, Perry's breast was filled with the gentlest emotions. He had the sen timent of a knight of the olden time for woman, and a proportionate purity, courtesy, and manly courage in his life. He was an ardent lover of his friends, and his native State, which justly holds him in beloved veneration. In person, he was remarkable in early life, as we have noticed, for his beauty His voice is spoken of as pe culiarly clear and agreeable. The ex pression of his well-formed mouth was highly pleasing. Indeed his whole ap pearance betokened health and happi ness. JAMES LAWRENCE Captain James Lawrence was one of that band of chivalrous spirits who, concentrating all their life in the work, with insufficient means, in the face of powerful enemies, raised our infant navy in an instant, as it were, to an honored rank in the world. The force and energy of the free national development were felt in the spontaneous movement that placed so many ardent, courageous spirits at the service of the country. These men, Barry, Barney, Decatur, Bain bridge, Perry, Somers, and the rest — the list is a long one — were volunteers in the cause, fighting more for glory than for pay. Such spirits were not to be hired ; theirs was no mercenary ser vice. It was limited by no prudential considerations. They went forth singly or united, the commissioned champions of the nation, with their lives in their hands, ready to sacrifice themselves in that cause. Punctilious on all points of honor, they sought but one reward, victory. There was but one thing for them to do — to conquer; and failing that, to die. Of these fiery-souled he roes, who carried their country in their hearts, the men of courtesy and cou rage, of equal humanity and bravery, true sons of chivalry, Lawrence will ever be ranked, among the noblest. 74 He was born October 1, 1781, at Burlington, on the banks of the Dela ware, in New Jersey. His father, John Lawrence, was an eminent counsellor at law at that place. The death of hia mother, shortly after his birth, threw the charge of the child upon his elder sisters, by whom he was tenderly cared for. His disposition answered to this gentle culture. The boy was dutiful and affectionate, amiable in disposition and agreeable in manners. Such a soil is peculiarly favorable to the growth of the manly virtues where nature has assisted by her generous physical gifts. The bravest men have often been the gentlest. It is the union of the two conditions which, as in Sir Philip Sid ney, makes the perfect warrior. Young Lawrence early showed a liking for the sea, and would have led a life on the waters from the age of twelve, had not his father firmly turned his attention to books and education. It was his intention to prepare him for his own profession, the law, and his desire' that he should enjoy the usual preparatory finished education. This was, however, prevented by his pecu niary misfortunes, and the youth passed from his primary school at once to the law office of his brother, John Law rence, then residing at Woodbury. He 2fc?m.faiv?y7.s/afi/?am&SMZ>yC'!:/ip/?elvi. 1/7,3/ ,hv,h\;y,ri ar' fi/;," p,:/Mis, JolmBaa.I'ry & i o.PiiiliBlicru, Nrw'tork Xnbrvd according to ,ut or ConyrmOJJSf,-, ly .r,./„L..:„._. ,y j. a,, in l»o A-.-L, e/H,x or O,, di.^Mnmrt JAMES LAWRENCE. 75 spent, two years in this situation, be tween thirteen and fifteen, or there about, vainly endeavoring to reconcile his humors to the onerous duties of the unwelcome position. Washington Ir ving, in the account of the life of Law rence published immediately after his lamented death, writes with fellow-feel ing on this subject, for he had himself experienced the same distastes. " The dry study of statutes and reporters," says he, "the technical rubbish, and dull routine of a lawyer's office, were little calculated to please an imagina tion teeming with the adventures, the wonders and variety of the seas." He had not long, at any rate, to endure the privation. The death of his father left him in a measure free to follow his own inclinations, and his brother, per ceiving his strong bent for the sea, placed him under the care of a Mr. Griscomb, at Burlington, to study navi gation, evidently with a view to enter the naval service of the country, for we find him, after a brief three months' instruction, in possession of a midship man's warrant. This was dated Sep tember 4, 1798, the year when Congress seriously directed its attention to the protection of our commerce, then so wantonly pillaged by the two great belligerents of Europe, by the creation of a distinct navy department, and the enlargement of our naval force. The movement was specially directed to the French aggressions on the Atlantic and in the Mediterranean. Indeed, in all but the name, war existed with France. It was called a quasi war. Lawrence's first service was a crui&c to the West Indies, in the Ganges, a twenty-four gun ship, then commanded by Captain Tingey. He showed in this and other voyages such aptitude for his duties that he was made an acting lieutenant by his commander previous to his receiving his commission from Government. In 1802 he was appoint ed first lieutenant in the Enterprise, of 12 guns, one of the fleet of Commodore Morris, sent to the Mediterranean to prosecute the war with Tripoli. He par ticularly distinguished himself in that service, by his adventures with Lieuten ant David Porter, of the New York, in an attack in open day on certain coasters or feluccas laden with wheat, which took refuge in Old Tripoli, where they were defended by a land force. The attack was made in boats, at close quarters, under a heavy fire of the ene my. The object does not appear a very great one, nor was it one likely to secure any lasting renown except to those engaged in it ; it was of great peril and gallantry, and showed a spirit equal to any undertaking. There is often more real bravery and heroism exhibited in these little voluntary en terprises, both inland and at sea, than in the greater and more brilliant ac tions of war, where much is left to chance, and where the indecision even of cowards may be forced into some display in the general excitement. Lawrence had a second opportunity of distinguishing himself in this war in an action likely to be better remem bered by the public, the glorious ad venture of Decatur in the destruction of the wrecked and captured Philadel phia, in the harbor of Tripoli, in Feb ruary, 1804. This vessel, it will be 76 JAMES LAWRENCE. remembered, fell into the hands of the enemy in consequence of running on a shoal at the entrance of the harbor, when she was exposed to a furious fire of the enemy without opportunity of defence, and was surrendered at the last moment of endurance by Bain bridge and his crew, who became pris oners. To recover or destroy this ves sel, which was a prize greatly valued by the Tripolitans, and well protected by their forts and gunboats in the har bor, was a fascinating service for the gallant spirits of the navy. Decatur, then in command of the Enterprise, among others, was eager for the em ployment, and it was intrusted to him by Commodore Preble. His crew were placed on board his prize, the Mastico, an old French gunboat which he had captured from the Tripolitans, and every man was allowed to volunteer, a privilege which no one declined to avail himself of. The history of this adventure will be found in the life of Decatur, and it is not necessary here to repeat it. Lawrence was the first lieutenant of that officer, in this bril liant adventure, and shared its full dangers and glories — if we may except the paltry return proffered him by Congress in two months' additional pay, which, with the spirit of a hero capable of taking part in such a daring enterprise, he at once declined. Lawrence was also engaged in the Enterprise in Preble's bombardment of Tripoli, the same year. He returned in the winter to the United States, with that commodore, in the John Ad ams. In the following spring of 1805, Lawrence successfully carried across the Atlantic one of the fleet of gun- boats, No. 6 of which he was comman- der, destined for service in the Medi terranean. It was a small vessel, mounting two guns, not at all adapted for ocean navigation. The voyage was looked upon as a marvel. When near the Western Islands, Mr. Cooper, in his "Naval History," tells he "fell in with the British frigate Lapwing, 28, Captain Upton, which ran for him under the impression that the gunboat was some wrecked mariners on a raft, there being a great show of canvas and apparently no hull." Another in cident of the voyage, indignantly relat ed by Cooper, is characteristic of the times. " On the 12th of June, No. 6 fell in with the fleet of Admiral Col- lingwood, off Cadiz, and while Mr. Lawrence was on board one of the British ships, a boat was sent and took three men out of No. 6, under the pre tence that they were Englishmen. On his return to his own vessel, Mr. Law rence hauled down his ensign, but no notice was taken of the proceeding by the British. It is a fitting commentary on this transaction (continues Me Cooper), that, in the published letters of Lord CoUingwood, where he speaks of the impressment of Americans, he says that England would not submit to such an aggression for an hour." After the war with Tripoli was end ed, Lawrence returned to the United States, and in the interval when the war with England, after the affair with the Leopard and Chesapeake was daily becoming more imminent, we find him, in 1808, appointed first lieutenant of the Constitution. About the same JAMES LAV/RENCE. 77 time ho married Miss Montaudevert, the daughter of a respectable merchant of New York. He was on duty in the Vixen, Wasp, and Argus ; and, at the commencement of the war of 1812, was promoted to the command of the Hornet. While in this last vessel he sailed with Bainbridge, who had the flag-ship Constitution, on a cruise along the coast of South America, and, hav ing occasion to look in at the port of San Salvador, found there the British sloop of war Bonne Citoyenne, of 18 guns, ready to sail for England with a large amount of specie. Lawrence, whose ship mounted an equal number of guns, was exceedingly anxious to engage with this vessel. He sent a challenge' to its commander, Captain Green, through the American consul, inviting him to " come out," and pledg ing his honor that neither the Constitu tion, nor any other American vessel, should interfere, which Commodore Bainbridge seconded by promising to be out of the way, or at least non-combat ant. The English captain replied, through, the consul of his countiy, not as he should have done, by objecting to expose his ship and its valuable cargo to a hazard not provided for in his orders, but by doubting whether Commodore Bainbridge would be able to preserve his neutrality under the circumstances ; he was of opinion, that officer " could not reserve so much from the paramount duty he owes to his country, as to become an inactive spec tator, and see a ship belonging to the very squadron under his orders, fall in to the hands of. an enemy" — for of his power to secure a victory he professed ii.— 10 not to entertain the least doubt. It was an unhappy precedent which Law rence thus established, injurious to the service and destined to act fatally against himself in the end, when from the challenger he became the challenged. The Constitution meanwhile sailed away, to close the year with her bril liant engagement with the Java, leav ing the Hornet engaged in the block ade of the Bonne Citoyenne. Eigh teen days since the departure of the flag-ship had passed, while her consort was thus engaged, waiting till her ex pected prize should issue from the har bor, when the Hornet was robbed of her chances of victory by the arrival of his majesty's seventy-four, the Mon tague. Escape now became the policy of Lawrence, who luckily managed to get from the harbor in safety, and turned his course to the northward, along the coast. While cruising in this direction, after capturing a small English brig, he fell in with, on the 24th of February, 1813, off the mouth of the Demarara, two brigs of war, with one of which, the Hornet, Cap tain Peake, he speedily became engaged. The American vessel on this occasion had the advantage in armament ; her force being 18 thirty-two pound carron ades, and two long twelves, against 16 twenty-four pound carronades and some smaller guns, while there was little dis parity in the number of men, the Brit ish vessel numbering one hundred and thirty, her adversary reporting one hundred and thirty-five fit for duty. The action was fought in the afternoon. In the words of Lawrence's dispatch, which gives a modest and forcible ao 78 JAMES LAWRENCE. count of the affair, after mentioning his attempt to get at the first vessel he discovered at anchor off the bar, he says — " At half past three, p.m., I dis covered another sail on my weather quarter, edging down for us. At twen ty minutes past four she hoisted Eng lish colors, at which time we discovered her to be a large' man-of-war brig; beat to quarters and cleared ship for action; kept close by the wind,' in order, if possible, to get the weather- gage. At ten minutes past five, finding I could weather the enemy, I hoisted American colors and tacked. At twen ty minutes past five, in passing each other, exchanged broadsides within half pistol shot. Observing the enemy in the act of wearing, I bore up, re ceived his starboard broadside, ran him close on board on the starboard quar ter, and kept up such a heavy and well directed fire, that in less than fifteen minutes he. surrendered, being literally cut to' pieces, and hoisted an ensign, union down, from his fore rigging, as a signal of distress." The hull of the Peacock was so rid dled that she sank, while every exer tion was made by her captors to save her by throwing over her guns and stopping the shot-holes. Nine of her crew went down with her, and three of the Hornet's men. Captain Peake was found dead on board. The loss of the Hornet was trifling compared with that of her adversary; but one man killed and four wounded or in jured, one of whom afterwards died. This superiority is attributed by Coop er, who sums up the testimony " to the superior gunnery and rapid handling! of the Hornet." Everything was done in the first place to save the lives of the prisoners from the sinking ship, and in the ' second, to administer to their comforts. As the action was fought near the shore, the vessel set tling in only five and a half fathoms water, four of her men were taken off the foretop after she sunk. The sailors of the Hornet supplied their captives with clothing from their own ward robes, and aided them by a subscrip tion. Lawrence carried his ship in safety, now crowded with her crew and prisoners, through the West Indies, bringing her on the 19th March to Holmes' Hole, in Martha's Vineyard, whence he got in safety through Long Island Sound, to New York. There the officers of the Peacock made a pub lic acknowledgment to Lawrence in the newspapers, of the kind and gen erous treatment they had received from him. " So much was done," said they, "to alleviate the distressing and un comfortable situation in which we were placed, when received on board the sloop you command, that we cannot better express our feelings than by say ing ' we ceased to consider ourselves prisoners,' and everything that friend ship could dictate was adopted by you." This victory brought Lawrence a harvest of honors, public and private. Before he sailed, he had felt called upon to protest to the Secretary of the Navy against what he thought an in justice done him in the promotion of a younger officer to a captaincy, while he remained simply lieutenant commander He now found that the promotion had JAMES LAWRENCE. 79 been conferred upon him in his absence, and was offered the command of the Constitution. He would have been pleased to sail in this vessel, but, much to his annoyance, immediately after re ceiving the appointment was ordered to the Chesapeake, then lying at Bos ton. The latter was considered an un lucky ship, while the former was pecu liarly fortunate. No ship probably ever raised a greater crop of glory for a series of commanders than " Old Iron sides." No one has so ill a name in the service as the Chesapeake. Both Irving and Cooper have dwelt upon this unhappy, condition. "Lawrence," says the former, " was prejudiced against the Chesapeake, both from her being considered the worst ship in our navy, and from having been in a manner dis graced in the affair with the Leopard. This last circumstance had acquired her the character of an unlucky ship — the worst of stigmas among sailors, who are devout believers in good and bad luck ; and so detrimental was it to this vessel, that it has been found difficult to recruit crews for her." Cooper tells us in addition that on her return to Boston from her last cruise, the Chesapeake lost a topmast, and several men who were aloft at the time were drowned. " Whatever reason may teach men," he adds, " on such subjects, facts and superstition are usually found to furnish more arguments than logic and common sense." Captain Lawrence took the command of the Chesapeake at Boston, towards the end of May, 1813. The Shannon frigate, Captain Broke, a superior ves sel of the British navy, had been for some time off the port, and her com mander, assured of his strength, was desirous of a conflict. The President and Congress had escaped the Shannon and her consort, and the former was now alone, waiting the exit of the Chesapeake. On the morning of the first of June, this vessel- appeared off the harbor, signalling the Chesapeake, or challenging her to an engagement. This was understood by Lawrence, and was no doubt the intention of Captain Broke, who had already sent a chal lenge in a letter to the American com mander, which, landed at Salem, did not reach Boston till after the action. In this communication he stated ex actly the force of his vessel, gave assur ance of the absence of any interfering ships of the squadron^ proposed liberal accommodations for the place and time of meeting, and urged the invitation upon. the "personal ambition" of Law rence. " You will feel it as a compli ment," he wrote, "if I say, that the result of our meeting may be the most grateful service I can render to my country : and I doubt not that you, equally confident of success, will feel convinced that it is only by triumphs in equal combats that your little navy can now hope to console your country for the loss of that trade it can no longer protect." It would be complimenting the valor of Lawrence at the expense of his judg ment, if we were to pronounce him ar dent for . the fight, with the circum stances under which it took place. In fact, as Mr. Cooper states, " he went into the engagement with strong reluc tance, on account of the peculiar state BO JAMES LAWRENCE. of his crew. He had himself joined the vessel only a few days before ; her proper first lieutenant, Mr. O. A Page, of Virginia, an officer of experience, was ill on shore, and died soon after in Boston ; the acting first lieutenant, Mr. Augustus Ludlow, of New York, though an officer of merit, was a very young man, and was in an entirely novel situation, and there was but one other commissioned sea officer in the ship; two of the midshipmen acting as third and fourth lieutenants, and now performing this duty for the first time. One, if not both of these young gentle men, had also just joined the ship, fol lowing the captain from the Hornet. In addition, the Chesapeake had an unusual number of landsmen in her, and of mercenaries, among whom was a boatswain's mate, a Portuguese, who was found to be particularly trouble some." There was, moreover, some disaffection among the crew from the prize money of the last cruise not hav ing been paid. The challenging vessel, on the contrary, carried a picked crew, with every advantage of discipline and equipment, or her commander would have been the most foolhardy desper ado in the world to provoke an engage ment. The presumption, of course, is, that he was fully prepared. The arma ment of the two vessels was about equal, mounting forty-nine guns each. At noon, then, on the first of June, Lawrence weighed anchor and left his station in the bay to proceed to sea with a southwesterly breeze. The Shannon was in sight, and the two ships stood off the shore till about half past four in the afternoon, when the Chesapeake fired a gun, which was the signal for a series of manoeuvres, bringing the vessels within range of each other about a quarter before six. The Shannon hove to, and the Chesa peake bore down towards her. It was Lawrence's intention to bring his ship fairly alongside of the enemy for a full discharge of his battery. He conse quently first received the enemyls fire from the cabin guns, as, the wind hav ing freshened, his ship came up to mea sure her length with her antagonist, which lay with her head to the south east. Then the Chesapeake poured in her full fire, inflicting considerable damage, which was repeated in the successive discharges for several min utes. In this commencement of the action it was considered that the Shan non received most injury, particularly in her hull. Unhappily the Chesa peake in turn lost the command of her sails. Her fore-topsail tie and jib sheet were shot away; the spanker brails were loosened, and the sail blew out. The ship was consequently brought up into the wind, when, taken aback, she got sternway and fell aboard of the enemy, with her mizzen rigging foul of the Shannon's fore chains.1 This acci dent exposed the Chesapeake to a rak ing fire, which swept her deck, and, as she was already deprived of the servi ces of the officers who had fallen in the first discharges, her guns in turn were deserted by the men. Captain Lawrence had already received a wound in the leg, his first lieutenant, Ludlow, was wounded, the sailing-master wa« 1 Cooper's Naval History, II. 103. JAMES LAWRENCE. 81 killed, and other important officers were mortally wounded. As the ships became entangled, Lawrence gave or ders to summon the boarders, who were ready below ; but unhappily the negro, whose duty It was to call them. up by his bugle, was too much fright ened to sound a note, A verbal mes sage was sent, and before it could be executed Lawrence was a second time struck, receiving a grapeshot in his body. The deck was thus left with no officer above the rank of a midship man. The men of the Shannon now poured in and gained possession of the vessel. As Lawrence was borne below, mortally wounded, his dying thoughts were of his command, uttering his order not to strike -the flag of his ship, or some equivalent expression, which is handed down'in the popular phrase, " Don't give up the ship !" He lin gered and died of his wounds on board on the sixth of June. The Chesapeake was carried into Halifax, and there the remains of her gallant captain were borne from the frigate with military honors, with every mark of respect which a generous enemy could pay to a fallen hero. His remains were soon after brought to Salem under a flag of truce, by a crew of masters of vessels who sailed for the purpose from that port. The funeral honors were renewed and a eulogy delivered by Judge Story Once more were these sad rites repeat ed when the hero was finally entombed at New York, in the graveyard at Tri nity where an appropriate monument, by the side of the porch, records the life and death of the youthful hero of the Chesapeake. The character of Lawrence may best be summed up in the sailor's eulogy of a kindred spirit, the chivalrous De catur. When that officer, with whom the deceased had been so honorably associated in the Mediterranean before Tripoli, was asked, " whether his intrin sic merit as an officer justified the en thusiastic veneration in which the nation held his memory," he is said to have answered, after a short pause, ' Yes, sir, it did ; and the fellow died 'as well as he lived ; but he inspired all about him with ardor ; he always saw the best thing to be done ; he knew the best way to execute it ; and had no more dodge in him than the main mast."1 To this characteristic eulogy may be added the impartial estimate of Cooper-; " James Lawrence was a man of noble stature and fine personal appearance. He had the air and manner of a gentle manlike sailor, and was much beloved by his friends. He was quick and im petuous in his feelings, and sometimes manifested it on the quarter deck ; but in all critical situations his coolness was remarkable. He was a perfect man-of-war's man, and an excellent quarter-deck seaman, handling his ves sel not only skilfully, but with all the style of the profession. In his feelings and sentiments he was chivalrous, gen erous and just." 1 The Naval Monuments of the Last War, etc. p. 68 Boston, 181G. THOMAS MACDONOUGH. Thomas Macdonougii, the hero of Lake Champlain, was born in New castle County, Delaware, on the twenty- third of December, 1783. He was the son of Thomas Macdonough, an eminent physician, who resided on a farm at the place just mentioned, and who, on the breaking out of the Revo- lutionary war, was appointed major of a regiment raised by the State. He retired from the army, and after peace was declared, held the office of a judge. Two of his sons entered the navy. One, named James, was a midshipman with Commodore Truxton in 1799, in the victorious action of the Constella tion with the French frigate l'lnsur- gente, and was one of the three men wounded. His foot was shot off, and the necessary amputation of his leg in consequence caused his retirement from the service. It was about the time of this en gagement, that his brother Thomas en tered the service as a midshipman. We are without details of his early apprenticeship, but first hear of him on active duty in connection with the Tripolitan war in 1804, when he was one of the adventurous picked party in the ketch with Decatur and Law rence, engaged in the burning of the Phi ladelphia in the harbor — an event al ready fully spoken of in the biogra phical notices of the chief officers just mentioned. Macdonough had escaped being taken prisoner in that ship, with Bainbridge and his crew, in con sequence of being left at Gibraltar in charge of the Barbary prize, the Me- shoba. In the duty at the destruction of the Philadelphia, he was assigned his post on board the attacking vessel in the division of Lawrence. Macdonough at this 'time ranked as a midshipman ; but he wTas speedily promoted, and in 1806 we hear of him as first lieutenant of the Siren, Captain John Smith, at Gibraltar. An event of that time and place shows the spirit of the youthful officer and the determi nation thus early evinced in the navy in regard to a system of aggression which was to lose none of its attendant odium by further practice. We allude to the right of search claimed by Eng lish officers, which, on this occasion at least, was bravely resisted. The cir- cumstances were these. In the absence of Captain Smith on shore one fore noon, a merchant brig, hoisting the flag of the United States, came into port and anchored in the neighborhood of the Siren. Presently a boat was seen to proceed from a British frigate and bear away with her a man from ¦¦¦¦¦¦¦¦II ^Slilli 111 iiliji! S 111 tilll /¦}•,'//.¦ the .¦r/,?!,nu/ pc7iru/7it7 By C'/tappol m-tftsi pi-'Si, tsx: Atz- or" Aw p>/.^iL->/i^rs ."IolmaaiL.I^y & Co. \\ib]i8h<:\Vrt,l$wYavk-. 15>xtere& aec&r&nf to aei-jf ' Gen^r-ess AJ3.1861 ' tyJahns&n /->y tt C&i*.(hc eierk* fr~%iv tWt&t district avtvL for tfe j.'uJAsj- THOMAS MACDONOUGH 83 the brig. Macdonough's suspicions were aroused, and on inquiry con firmed. An American citizen had been claimed and impressed. On the instant, just as the boat with the prisoner reached the British vessel, Macdon ough was alongside and rescued the captive, bearing him away to the Siren. The next incident, which immediately followed, was the arrival of the British captain, loudly , demanding from the lieutenant how he dared to take a man from a boat of his majesty's vessel. To this Macdonough answered that he was responsible to his superior'Officer, and that the question should be ad dressed to him. The Englishman there upon threatened to take the. man by force, and haul the frigate alongside the Siren, which carried only sixteen guns. The lieutenant answered that he supposed it possible for him to sink the vessel ; but as long as she was afloat the man would not be suiren- dered. " You are a very young and a very indiscreet young man," said the captain. " Suppose I had been in the boat, what would you have done ?" " I would have taken the man or lost my life." "What, sir, would you at tempt to stop me if I were now to attempt to impress men from that brig?" " I would ; and to convince yourself I would, you have only to make the at tempt." The Englishman thereupon left the vessel, and when he was seen making in the direction of the brig, Macdonough was in pursuit in a boat of armed men. The English officer re turned to his vessel, and Captain Smith, on hearing the circumstances, approved of the conduct of his lieutenant. While in the Mediterranean, Macdo nough. had another and still more criti cal opportunity of exhibiting his per sonal prowess in an encounter with some desperadoes at Messina. While the American fleet lay at this port, he was detained one night on. shore till all the ship's boats had returned to the fleet. • He then hired a boat to carry him, when three, instead of the usual number, two, insisted upon accompany ing him. Suspecting some mischief, he resisted, when all three attacked him. With his back to a door, he defended himself against their united effort, wounding two and pursuing the third so resolutely that he took refuge on the roof of the barracks, whence he was compelled to leap, and killed himself in the fall.1 We hear little of Macdonough after these scenes in the Mediterranean, till his eminent service on Lake Champlain in the brilliant action which he fought toward the close of the struggle with England. The scene of this engage ment, in a region consecrated to death and victory by the struggles of the pre vious great wars with France, in the old colonial times, and the succeeding Revolutionary conflict, gives to the bat tle of Plattsburg a peculiar interest. In defiance of fatal precedents and the memorable disaster of Burgoyne, it ap- peared to be the intention of the Brit ish in Canada to attempt another inva sion of the heart of the State of New York. The defensive force was small, and with the facility of approach by the lake, offered a strong temptation to 1 Life of Macdonough, Analectic Magazine and Navai Chronicle, March, 1816. . 84: THOMAS MACDONOUGH. the attacking army. On the first of September, 1814, Sir George Prevost crossed the frontier from Montreal with a force stated at twelve thousand men. He advanced towards Plattsburg, where General Macomb was intrenched on the Saranac with s:>me fifteen hundred effective defenders, who were joined, as the conflict became imminent, by a considerable number of New York and Vermont militiamen, who hastened to the spot. The plan of the British commander was to unite a land and water attack. His fleet on the lake was to support his army on shore. The naval defences of Lake Cham- plain were intrusted to Macdonough. They consisted, at the time of the ac- American in vessels and guns. It was commanded by Captain Downie, and consisted of his flagship, the Confiance, mounting thirty-seven guns, of Avhich no less than thirty on the gun deck were long twenty-fours; the brig Lin net, with sixteen long twelves; two sloops, the Chub and Finch, mounting each eleven guns, mainly eighteen pound carronades, and thirteen galleys, of which five had two guns each. The •whole number of guns of the British was ninety-five, with a force of about one thousand men. Preparations had been made by both parties during the previous season, and two of the vessels, the Eagle and the Confiance, had been launched during the month of August. tion, of fourteen vessels, mounting in j The British began their advance from all eighty-six guns, and manned by about eight hundred and fifty men, all told. Of these vessels, four only were of any considerable size, the rest being galleys or gunboats. The largest ves sel, the Saratoga, commanded by Mac donough himself, mounted eight long twenty-four pounders, six forty-two pound carronades, and twelve thirty- two pound carronades; the schooner Eagle, Captain Henley, twelve twenty- three pound carronades, and eight long eighteens; the schooner Ti- conderoga, eight long twelve " pound ers, four long eighteen pounders, and five thirty-two pound carronades; the sloop Preble, seven long nine pound ers. Six of the ten galleys were armed with one long twenty-four pounder and one eighteen pound columbiad each; the remainder carried each one long twelve pounder. The British force outnumbered the Isle aux Noix, at the northern end of the lake, with their gunboats, on the third of September, covering the land movement of the troops ; they made a station and rendezvous at Isle au Motte, and brought their whole force off Platts burg on the eleventh, the day of the battle. Macdonough meanwhile was reconnoitering the enemy on the shore with his gunboats, and taking his posi tion for the defence of the town, across Plattsburg Bay. This is a piece of water running north and south, parallel with the lake and protected from it by the jutting promontory of Cumberland Head. South of this piece of land, forming as it were a boundary, to the bay in that direction, are a shoal and a small island. Resting upon the latter, and stretching in a straight line fully within the promontory, were anchored the vessels of Macdonough in the fol lowing order from the north, the Eagle THOMAS MACDONOUGH. 85 Saratoga, Ticonderoga, and Preble. On an inner line in the openings be tween these were ranged the gunboats which were not anchored. The first appearance of the enemy was announced at eight o'clock in the morning. At nine, to follow the dis patch of Macdonough, which presents in few words the clearest account of the engagement, he " anchored in a line ahead, at about three hundred yards' distance from my line ; his ship opposed to the Saratoga, his brig to the Eagle, his galleys to the schooner, sloop, and a. division of our galleys ; one of his sloops assisting their ship and brig, the other assisting their galleys : our re maining galleys with the Saratoga and Eagle. In this situation the whole force on both sides became engaged, the Saratoga suffering much from the heavy fire of the Confiance. I could perceive at the same time that our fire was very destructive to her. The Ti- conderoga, Lieut. Com. Cassin, gallantly sustained her full share of the action. At half past ten o'clock, the Eagle not being able to bring her guns to bear, -cut her cable and anchored in a more eligible position, between my ship and the Ticonderoga, where she very much annoyed the enemy, but unfortunately leaving me exposed to a galling fire from the enemy's brig. Our guns on the starboard side being nearly all dis mounted or unmanageable, a stern an chor was let go, the bow cable cut, and the ship winded with a fresh broadside on the enemy's ship, which soon after surrendered. Our broadside was then sprung to bear on the brig, which sur rendered in fifteen minutes after. The n.— 11 sloop that was opposed to the Eagle had struck some time before, and drift ed down the line, the sloop which was with their galleys having struck also. Three of their galleys are said to be sunk ; the others pulled off. Our gal leys were about obeying with alacrity the signal to follow them, when all the vessels were reported to me to be in a sinking state ; it then became necessary to annul the signal to the galleys, and order their men to the pumps. I could only look at the enemy's galleys going off in a shattered condition, for there was not a mast in either squadron that could stand to make sail on ; the lower rigging, being nearly all shot away hung down as though it had just been placed over the mastheads. The Sara toga, which was twice set on fire by hot shot from the enemy's ships, had fifty-five round shot in her hull, the Confiance one hundred and five.. The enemy's shot passed principally just over our heads, as there were not twen ty whole hammocks in the nettings at the close of the action, which lasted without intermission two hours and twenty minutes." Such, in the manly, unaffected lan guage of Macdonough, was the battle of Lake Champlain — to which we must add the cost of the victory. His sec ond in command in the Saratoga, Lieu tenant Peter Gamble, fell at his post early in the action. Twenty-eight were killed and twenty-nine wounded on board this ship. In the other Vessels of the American line, the unusually close proportion of killed and wounded was -as remarkable, the aggregate being fifty-two of the former to fifty-eight of 86 THOMAS MACDONOUGH. the latter. The English losses were not ascertained with the same accuracy. The number of killed and wounded on board the. Confiance exceeded one-third of her crew of about three hundred men. Her commander, Captain Dow- nie, was killed early in the action, when the vessel was gallantly fought by Captain Pring, who headed the list of officers captured. Great praise is awarded to Macdo nough for his skilfnl disposition of his ship in anchoring not only with a spring on his cable, but with kedges out, ready to warp the ship either way, as might be required — an arrangement which enabled him to bring his fresh broadside to bear upon his antagonist and secure a victory. The slaughter in both these vessels was. fearful. The first broadside of the Confiance, after securing-her position, killed and wound ed some forty men on the deck of the Saratoga. The certainty of the fire, and the sure effect of the manoeuvres on the still water of the iake, added greatly to the perils of the 'engagement, compared with the naval vicissitudes of wind and wave in an encounter at One incident on board Macdo- sea. nough's vessel, often narrated, pleas antly relieves the. horror of this terrible strife. In clearing her decks for action, some hen-coops were broken up, and the poultry suffered to run at large. Animated by the noise of the conflict, a young cock flew upon a gun slide, clapped his wings and crowed. It was accepted as a good omen by the men, who seconded it with three cheers. It reads like a story of some ancient con flict ' of Greek or Roman in the Medi terranean, when such a circumstance would have almost decided the conflict. Many stories are told concerning the deck of the Saratoga during the engagement. It was thought at one time that Macdonough himself- was killed. He was prostrate for several minutes, lying senseless on his face. At another moment he was thrown covered with blood between two of the guns, struck by the head. of one of his men. This is narrated by Cooper, who preserves other wonders of the scene. " Mr. Brum, the master, a venerable old seaman, while winding the ship, had a large splinter driven so near his body as actually to strip off his clothes. For a minute he was thought to be dead ; but, on gaining his feet, he made an apron of his .pocket handkerchief, and coolly went to work again with the springs. Mr. Vallette, acting lieuten ant, had a shot box, on which he was standing, knocked from under his feet, and he, too, was once knocked down by the head of a seaman." Another incident is well worth men tioning as illustrative of the earnest character of Macdonough. He is said, on the first appearance of the enemy off Cumberland Head, to have knelt on the deck of his ship and prayed for aid. This accords with the language of his first brief dispatch after the bat tle, addressed to the Hon. William Jones, the Secretary of the Navy, dated on board the Saratoga. " Sir, the Al mighty has been pleased to grant us a signal victory on Lake Champlain, iu the capture of one frigate, one brig, and two sloops of war of the enemy I have the honor to be, etc." THOMAS MACDONOUGH. 87 Laconic dispatches were the order of the day with the men of the sword in the last war. Of the effective military conduct of the American commander in this en gagement we may willingly accept the summary of Cooper, referring the read er, for the more particular detail of the nautical incidents of the day, to his Naval History. " Captain Macdo nough," he writes, " who was already very favorably known to the service for his personal intrepidity, obtained a vast accession of reputation by the re sults of this day His dispositions for receiving the attack were highly judi cious and seamanlike. By the manner in which he anchored his vessels, with the shoal so near the rear of his line as to cover that extremity, and the land of Cumberland Head so near his broad side as necessarily to bring the enemy within reach of his short guns, he com pletely made all his force available. The English were not near enough, perhaps, to give to carronades their full effect, but this disadvantage was unavoidable, the assailing party having, of course, some choice in the distance. All that could be obtained, under the circumstances, appears to have been secured, and the result proved the wis dom of the actual arrangement! The personal deportment of Captain Mac donough, in this engagement, like that of Captain Perry in the battle of Lake Erie, was the subject of general admi ration in his little squadron. His cool ness was undisturbed throughout all the trying scenes on board his own ship, and although lying against a ves sel of double the force, and nearly dou ble the tonnage of the Saratoga, he met and resisted her attack with a con stancy that seemed to set defeat at de fiance. The winding of the Saratoga, under such circumstances, exposed as she was to the raking broadsides of the Confiance and Linnet, especially the latter, was a bold, seamanlike, and masterly measure, that required unus ual decision and fortitude to imagine and execute. Most men would have believed that, without a single gun on the side engaged, a fourth of their peo ple cut down, and their ship a wreck, enough injury had been received to justify submission ; but Captain Mac donough found the means to secure a victory in the desperate condition of his own ship." The result of this action, and of the corresponding energy on land, was the speedy delivery of the region from the presence of Sir George Prevost and his forces. Congress awarded Macdonough a gold medal, and various gifts poured in upon him. He was pronounced the fellow hero of Perry, and Cham- plain was placed by the side of Erie. The State of New York bestowed upon him a giant of land on the bay which he had made memorable by his bravery ; and Vermont, the city Of New York, and Albany, conferred grants of land. He retired from the war not only honored but wealthy. We hear of him afterwards in command of the station at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, and of his last years being passed in broken health. He died of a lingering consumption on the tenth of November, 1825. JOHN RANDOLPH. The first ancestor of John Bandolph in Virginia, William Randolph, came from Warwickshire in England, we presume in the latter portion of the seventeenth century, for we read of his death in 1711, leaving a large family. His fourth son, Richard, mar ried Jane Boiling, the grand-daughter of Robert Boiling and Jane Rolfe who was the grand-daughter of Poca hontas. Richard had a son John who was the father of our John Ran dolph of Roanoke, as he loved to call himself after the paternal estate ; and it was thus he had in his veins, as he sometimes proudly said, the blood of the Indian princess. John Randolph, the father, died at the age of thirty-four, in 1775, leaving a young and fascinating widow of the age of twenty-three, the mother of four children. This lady was the daughter of Colonel Theodorick Bland, senior, an active spirit in the Revolution, at whose estate, " Cawson's," in Prince George County, her third son, John, the subject of our sketch, was born, or as he chose late in life to express it, "was ushered in this world of woe," June 2, 1773. His parents' home, how ever, was Matoax, not far off in the ad joining county on the Appomatox, near Petersburg. Thither the widow brought her second husband, St. George Tucker when, after three years' endurance, she threw off her " unhappy widowhood," as it is written in her hand in the old family Prayer-book.1 Between these two homes the youth of John Randolph was passed. When the second mar riage took place, the boy was in his sixth year, and his mother and step father both of the age of twenty-six. Later in life, St. George Tucker became known as Judge Tucker, editor of Blackstone, and author of various poli tical and legal writings. There is a little poem, a favorite with the public, attributed to his pen.8 As Mr. Tucker always enjoyed a high reputation for amiability, the family influences of youth, beauty and intelligence, upon the children, must have been propitious, The mother taught the Collects Of the Common Prayer and the Catechism; the father, who had come to America from the Bermudas to old William and Mary College, the other studies. But John was better disposed to take care of his own education. A delicate, lit- 1 For these and other details of this sketch we are im debted to the appreciative life of John Randolph of Roanoke, by Hugh A. Garland. ' The stanzas commencing — k " Days of my youth, ye have glided away, Halia of my youth, ye are frosted and grey." Jirpm.ifa:ir../cfuil pawtmp Ar CAup^cLTfLthc C'cs^sssu-'ri c?' -Jut- pul-UsA'?/; JoinsoTi.TVy <.- Ca-FiihlisTier-a. I^'^t'brk . JOHN RANDOLPH. 89 erally and figuratively thin-skinned boy, of a wilful, violent temper, withal sensitive and poetic, he found his way to that " book closet " in the old coun try mansion which so often figures in the history of men of genius. - There he found nutriment which thus im bibed in youth has governed the thoughts and actions of many authors and busy men. Fondly recurring to this youthful training of the imagination more than thirty years afterwards, in a letter to the nephew whose education he, in turn, had directed, he assembles again these books of his boyhood, with their shelf-fellows, " nature's great ste reotypes," — volumes which had been the companions and solace of his troubled life. Hear the reminiscent, and be stirred at these echoing names as at the sound of a trumpet. " I al most envy you, Orlando. I would, if it were not Johnny Hoole's translation ; although at the age of ten I devoured that more eagerly than gingerbread. Oh, if Milton had translated it, he might tell of — 1 All who since, baptized or infidel, Jousted in Aspramont or Montalban, Pamasco, or Morocco, or Trebisond ; Or whrm Biserta sent from Afric shore, When Charlemagne, with all his peerage, fell By Fontarabia.' Let me advise you to — ' Call up Mm, who left half told, The story of Cambusoan bold.' I think you have never -read Chau cer. Indeed, I have sometimes blamed mysel f for not cultivating your imagin ation, when you were young. It is a dangerous quality, however, for the possessor. But if from my life were to be taken the pleasure derived from that faculty, very little would remain. Shak- speare and Milton, and Chaucer and Spenser, and Plutarch and the Arabian Nights Entertainments, and Don Quix ote and Gil Bias, and Tom Jones and Gulliver, and Robinson Crusoe and ' the tale of Troy divine,' have made up more than half of my worldly en joyment. To these ought to be added Ovid's ' Metamorphoses,' Ariosto, Dry den, Beaumont and Fletcher, Southern, Otway, Congreve, Pope's 'Rape' and 'Eloisa,' Addison, Young, Thomson, Gay, Goldsmith, Gray, Collins, Sheri dan, Cowper, Byron, ^Esop, La Fon taine, Voltaire ('Charles XH.,' ' Moham med,' and ' Zaire '), Rousseau (' Julie '), Schiller, Madame de Stael — but above all, Burke. " One of the first books I ever read was Voltaire's ' Charles XII.' About the same time, 1780, 1 read the ' Spec tator,' and used to steal away to the closet containing them. The letters from his correspondents were my favor ites. I read ' Humphrey Clinker,' also, that is, Win's and Tabby's letters, with great delight, for I could spell at that age pretty correctly. 'Reynard the Fox,' came next, I think, then 'Tales of the Genii,' and 'Arabian Nights.' This last and Shakspeare were my idols. I had read them with Don Quixote, Gil Bias, Quintus Curtius, Plutarch, Pope's Homer, Robinson Cru soe, Gulliver, Tom Jones, Orlando Fu- rioso, and Thomson's Seasons, before I was eleven years of age; also, Gold smith's Roman History, 2 vols. 8vo., \^>:vy\~" 90 JOHN RANDOLPH. and an old history of Braddock's war. When not eight years' old, I used to sing an old ballad of his defeat : 4 On the sixth day of July, in the year sixty-five, At two in the evening, did our forces arrive ; When the French and the Indians in ambush did lay, And there was great slaughter of our forces that day.' " At about eleven, 1784-5, Percy's lleliques and Chaucer became great favorites, and Chatterton and Row ley1 The youth of Randolph, spite of these solaces of the imagination, was not — could hardly have been happy He encountered many miseries, some of which, being external to a man, a healthy temperament, with the exercise of that fortitude which all are called :o practise, might have thrown off or endured with resignation. But the difficulty with Randolph was, that his was not a healthy temperament. How ever he may have struggled for the sound mind through the defects of an irregular education, and he certainly did struggle, its incentive and instru ment, the sound body, was wanting. His frame was always delicate. In youth he was undergrown, thin and awkward. It is said that he grew a head taller after he was twenty-three. The progress of his life is the progress of disease. Within this morbid anatomy was lodged a quick, fiery spirit, — as he himself expressed it, "a spice of the devil in my temper." A body and mind of these dispositions would have shafed under the most felicitous cir- ' Letters of John Randolph to a young Relative, 190-1. cumstances. They make their own troubles in the world, changing the sunlight of heaven to darkness. But there were real shadows cast upon the boyhood and youth of Randolph. The first breaking up of the household came from the British, when the family was driven in hot haste from its plea sant Matoax by the invasion of the traitor Arnold. There were other es tates in the family, however, and Bi zarre, for many years the residence of Randolph, opened its friendly arms to the young mother and her babe of a few days old. Ruthless scenes of war, these ! The head of the family, the ex cellent St. George Tucker, was on duty in the field leading the county militia. He served afterwards with Greene and Lafayette. The home education was fatally interrupted, but the school of Walker Maury offered its aid and was accepted. In that seminary in Orange County, and afterwards in a grammar school in alliance with William and Mary, Randolph learnt the elements of the Greek and Latin languages, in both of which doubtless he would have be come something of an adept had he not been checked by delicate health, and called away to a visit with his parents to Bermuda. He exchanged his copy of Sallust, as a memorial of friendship for ¦ that belonging to his life-long friend, Tazewell, and writing on its blank page the line of Virgil : " Ccelum non animum mutant, qui trans mare currunt," the boy of eleven took his departure from Williamsburg. After his return from Bermuda, he passed a short time at Princeton College, in New Jersey. He recalled afterwards JOHN RANDOLPH. 9] his. exercises in oratory in that institu te on. He wotdd not speak, if he could avoid it, he says in a letter, and then only, without gesture, the shortest piece he had in his memory. Yet. he talks of his conscious superiority in de livery , and elocution, and heaps con tempt upon the hOnOrs which were not awarded, to him ! The inconsist ency shows Randolph at that time to have had, something of his. genius' for oratory struggling within' him. From Princeton he was summoned home by the death of his mother, the one being whose prayers and counsel and nameless influences might have Soothed his fretful , spirit. The grave yard at Matoax gathered another stone, which lay heavily upon his heart. These old. griefs always lived within him. His imagination, stimulated by a life of suffering, never allowed him to forget a past sorrow. In the dark hours of his wounded spirit, the pure image of that " only, one human being who ever knew me," rose before him. It was thus he wrote after the duel with Henry Clay. " Rarely," adds his biographer, " did he come to Peters burg or its vicinity, that he did not visit old Matoax in its wasted solitude, and shed tears over the grave of those honored parents, by whose side it was the last wish of his heart. to be bur ied."1 A few months after this event, in June 1788, he went, full of animation in the cause of literature, to Columbia College at New York. There he be came attached to Cochrane, the " hu- ' Garland, I. 25. manity, professor," of whom he took lessons, in private, paying the fees out of his pocket money. " We read De mosthenes together, and I used to cry for indignation at the success of Philip's arts and arms over the liberties of Greece." The teacher left for Nova Scotia under some provocation, and the pupil, with no personal influence to excite his powers, suffered his studies to languish. There were lessons at New' York, however, in those; days, be side those within the college walls. It was the time of the inauguration of Washington, and the assembly of the first Congress under the Constitution. Both these scenes were witnessed by Randolph. They fix thus early, for his school education was now ended, the date of his political career. As Patrick Henry and Richard Henry Lee were the children of the Revolution, the mind of Randolph was developed apace with the struggles of the Consti tution. His family alliances sharpened his perceptions of the strife. Several of his relatives were in the House of Representatives ; he watched the de bates eagerly, and when the Congress met at its next session in Philadelphia, he took up his residence there with his kinsman, Edmund Randolph, then one of the Cabinet. The master spirit, Jefferson, was also his relative. His biographer traces these influences and sketches the national discussions which agitated the public. They may be summed up in the fears of the new Constitution, and the efforts of French propagandise. For the most part, those who rejected the Constitution adopted .the tricolor. The States 92 JOHN RANDOLPH. Rights men were thoroughly demo cratic. Randolph made a fusion of the two elements, and puzzled the world with his aristocratic Republicanism. As a Virginian, he belonged to the Anti-Federalists ; as a man of the na tion, he drew his political philosophy from that nursing-father, Edmund Burke, with an unction which was not surpassed by the devotion of Fisher Ames himself. New trials and personal discipline were to intervene before Randolph committed himself to his long public career. He had continued to reside in Philadelphia, bearing his part in the friendship and society of the place, un der the roof of his relative, Edmund Randolph, till he became of age, when he returned to Virginia and entered On the management of his landed estates, which, in common with much of the property of the State, were greatly em barrassed by foreign debt. It was a custom of the planters in the old colo ny times to mortgage their lands to Brit ish creditors, for advances on the crops. This became a gradually increasing in heritance of debt which the sponge of the Revolution did not wipe out, though considerable opposition was made to its payment in Virginia, en forced by the eloquence of Patrick Henry, who had been retained to plead against the foreign claimants. The Randolphs had to provide for their full share of the wasteful extravagance of their forefathers. The estates were now divided between the elder brother, Richard, and John Randolph of Roan oke, as he was now fully entitled to sail himself. The latter resided with Richard, the head of the family at Bi zarre. On his return from a visit to Georgia in 1796, he was met by the intelligence of his brother's death, ano ther seed of anguish sown in the well watered plot of his bitter recollections. Sorrows such as these, indeed, are the common lot of humanity: they are borne by delicate women, by sensitive youth, and enfeebled age : we have all such " gatherings in the heavens ;"* it is the story of this huge volume — for what is biography but the story of death, as of life ? What are our books and libraries but words from splendid cenotaphs of the departed ? The wea pon indeed is old, but each stroke is new; the blood must flow — the tears must follow. The loss to the wayward, sensitive Randolph, of such a brother, in such a home, was great. Richard appears to have been a model of chiv- alric character, the Very being to pro tect the genius and secure the allegi ance of his wayward brother. If to this loss we are to add the story of an unhappy attachment, darkly hinted at by his biographer, to a lady who rejected his passionate attentions, we may see another staff removed wilich might have propped this naked life, at once so dependent and so haughty. Other men, again, have endured these things and more, and grown strong; but theirs has not been the angry spirit of Byron, cramped in the body of Pope. The reader may desire some particu lars of this courtship. A recent feeling tribute to Randolph, by an eloquent 1 The touching expression of the historian Hallam, in his old age, bereft of his accomplished sons. JOHN RANDOLPH. 93 writer of Virginia,1 supplies us with a sketch of the scene. The incidents must be left to the hearts of lovers. " Yesterday^" says Mr. Cooke, " I vis ited an old ante-Revolutionary mansion, vvhere many hours of his early man hood were passed — where he paid his addresses to the lady of whom he said, 'I loved, her more than my own soul, or Him that created itj' and whom he was thinking of long, weary years after- wardj when he wrote to his friend, ' I, too am wretched !' The old mansion seemed to illustrate and make real again, so to speak, the tragedy which had been played there at the end of the last century. All around was sug gestive of the past, and seemed as it were to shut out and do aWay with the present. The old wainscoting ex tended as in ancient English castles and country-houses, from the narrow mantelpiece to the ceiling, around which ran h heavy carved cornice of age-em browned timber. The mantelpiece it self was decorated with ponderous Gothic ornaments. In the wide fire place the tall old andirons, supporting the cheerfully blazing logs, rose up like ghorts. The windows, tall and narrow, were scratched over with names — the names of ladies fair, gone long ago into the dust from which they came ; and among these names I read ' Maria W ,' one whom we may call, without exaggeration, ' the fate of John Randolph.' "Her portrait was on the wall, in its old oaken frame — the canvas cracked 1 Mr. John Esten Cooke, in a paper on the " Early Days of Randolph," one of a series on the illustrious men of Virginia, contributed to " The Century " newspaper. n.— 12 and falling away — but the face looking out upon you still, with its lurking smile, and large dark eyes as it looked long ago — the real- face of a living wo man. There were two portraits of the lady. The one to which I have re ferred, represents her as a child almost, with a profusion of brown hair, cut short upon the forehead, but falling in long locks upon the bare, white shoulders and the bosom. Around the young lady's figure is clasped a full lace dress, the huge plaits reposing on her neck. The pretty face looks out from the frame of curls, with the calm, collected smile of which I have spoken ; you see in it the germ, as it were, of the opposite portrait. The same per: son is represented therein, as she apr peared in middle age — indeed, just be fore her death. A lace veil is thrown around the intelligent * features of the beautiful woman, and is gathered care lessly in the Spanish fashion, with the white right hand. The portrait was unfinished when she died ; the veil was thus thrown by the painter across the forehead just above >the eyes, after vain attempts to accurately recall the upper portion of the countenance." The whole inventory— the schedule of this bankrupt property of the heart : two portraits at the beginning and end of life, a diamond tracing on a pane of glass, a piece of wainscoting, an old doorstep, from which the lover depart ed, leaving behind him what little re mained of youth and happiness. In despair, the proud, melancholy, wounded lord of encumbered acres, in a fit of caprice almost, offered himself to the people as their representative in u JOHN RANDOLPH. Congress. It was the time and place, the Charlotte Court House, which wit nessed the last great speech of Patrick Henry. John Randolph followed him on the stump — impar congressus Achil- li, it may well have appeared to the bystanders. Randolph, however, had the popular side, though he spoke in opposition to Henry, who, it will be remembered, on that occasion publicly proclaimed his adhesion to Federalism — even to the repressive measures, the alien and sedition laws of John Adams. Randolph took his seat in the Con gress of 1800. His first speech was on a Republican motion for the reduction of the army, to which he applied the term mercenaries, in contradistinction to the voluntary militia force. In the evening certain military officers made his remarks a means of annoyance at the theatre. He considered it an in vasion of privilege, and addressed the President upon the subject. By the President it was sent to the House ; a committee was appointed, resolutions were reported, debated and thrown out. It was certainly rather a peculiar introduction to the public ; but in the heat of politics, anything which marked a member's position was of consequence, and John Randolph became an object of attention. For thirty years he was regularly re turned to the councils of the nation. He was all this while, with the excep tion of two years in the Senate, in the House of Representatives. Washing ton knew him as well as she learnt to know Clay, Webster, Calhoun or Ben ton. For this long period he was a celebrity in Congress. His personal eccentricities, his lank appearance, his voice shrieking in its higher tones, his withering sarcasm, his splenetic moods, the purity and elegance of his phraseology, the independence and honesty of his sentiments, all united in engaging the public attention, which is always attracted by strong peculiar ities and deeply affected by manly convictions; which is irresistibly en ticed by so remarkable a union. There was not a meeting or an assembly of half a dozen persons of intelligence in the country through his active period, which did not discuss the last sharp saying or denunciation of John Ran dolph. He prided himself on his aris tocracy ; but it was not an aristocracy of luxury and expense, of show and vanity, for which he had a contempt great as his admiration for ancestral acres ; — the brightest gem he saw in her coronet was truth. For this he valued wealth and station, inculcated economy, and treated debt as a dis grace : — it was an invasion of a man's pride and independence. During his thirty years at Washing ton he represented the old States Rights party of Virginia. He witnessed the election of Jefferson and bore an active part in that of Jackson, who had no brighter, more subtle partisan than Randolph, when in one of his most brilliant speeches he turned the very deficiencies of the old chieftain to his honor. The late Senator Benton, in his "Thirty Years' View," tells us that " during the first six years of Jefferson's administration, Randolph was the Mu rat of his party, brilliant in the charge, and always ready for it ; and valued in JOHN RANDOLPH. 95 the council as well as in the field. For more than thirty years he was the poli tical meteor of Congress, blazing with undiminished splendor during the whole time, and often appearing as the ' plan etary plague,' which shed, not war and pestilence on nations, but agony and fear on members. His sarcasm was keen, refined-, withering — ^with a great tendency to indulge in it ; but, as he believed, as a lawful parliamentary weapon to effect some desirable pur pose. Pretension, meanness and dema- gogism were the frequent subjects of the excercise of his talent ; and, when confined to them, he was the benefactor of the House. Wit and genius, all al lowed him ; sagacity was a quality of his mind, visible to all observers-^-and which gave him an intuitive insight into the effect of measures." He long held the responsible post of chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means. Among the leading questions with which he was identified were the claims growing out of the swindling Yazoo land speculation of Georgia, of which he was a resolute opponent ; the mea sures leading to the war of 1812, which he constantly questioned ; the election of Madison, when he was still in oppo sition ; the compromise of the Missouri bill, which he denounced ; the procla mation of Jackson, which he resented with acrimony. In the debates, grow ing out of these questions, he left his record in many a pungent remark. "Masterly inactivity," which he com mended to the General Government in policy affecting the States, and "dough faces," a term which he ap plied in the course of the Missouri debate, are phrases which will long live in our political vocabulary. It was a characteristic of his speeches to seize eagerly upon his conclusion, hud dling argument upon argument mixed with Latin quotation and familiar al lusion. In apology for these flying leaps of oratory, we may accept a fable written by himself: "A caterpillar comes to a fence; he crawls to the bot tom of the ditch and over the fence ; some one of his hundred feet always in contact with the object upon which he moves ; a gallant horseman, at a flying leap, clears both ditch and fence. ' Stop !' says the caterpillar, ' you are too flighty, you want connection and continuity ; it took me an hour to get over ; you can't be as sure as I am, who have never quitted the subject, that you have overcome the difficulty and are fairly over the fence.' ' Thou miserable reptile,' replies our huntsman, ' if, like you, I crawled over the earth slowly and painfully, should I ever catch a fox, or'be anything more than a wretched caterpillar V * , It was during Randolph's short period in the Senate, in April, 1826, that his famous duel occurred with Henry Clay. It grew out of terms employed in a speech by Randolph on the Panama mission, characterizing the union of Clay with Adams as " the coalition of Blifil and Black George, — the combina tion, unheard of till then, of the puri tan with the blackleg." Clay chal lenged Randolph. The latter accepted the call on a punctilio. As a senator he would render no explanation- for 1 Garland, II. 300. 96 JOHN RANDOLPH. words spoken in debate ; as a man, he would give satisfaction for an injury. A resolution like this admitted no ad- j ustment. To preserve his consistency, Randolph resolved not to fire at his antagonist, subtly arguing that, if he did, he would admit the right to be questioned. So the parties met on the bank of the Potomac. Randolph chose the Virginia side, that if he fell it might be on the soil of his State. The word was to be given by the seconds, for reasons of humanity, with great quickness. Clay objected to this rapid ity, when Randolph, fancying in it a murderous intention, altered his resolu tion not to fire, to the resolve simply to wound his antagonist. Neither shot of the first fire took effect. At the second, Randolph resumed his ori ginal intent and fired in the air ; Clay's bullet passed through the skirt of his coat. The parties advanced to meet each other, and a prompt reconciliation ensued.1 The whole transaction is cha racteristic of Randolph, of his subtlety of mind, his courage and chivalric de votion to a lofty idea of magnanimity. On his last visit to Washington, when near his death, he was taken to the Senate and placed near Mr. Clay, who was speaking. He desired to be raised that he might hear " that voice " again. Mr. Clay came to him and offered his hand : " Mr. Randolph, I hope you are better, sir." "No, sir," replied Ran dolph, " I am a dying man, and I came here expressly to have this interview with you." In an interval of his Congressional * Benton's Thirty Years View, I. 70-7. duties, in March, 1822, Randolph visit ed England for the first time. Enthu siasm is perhaps too cheerful a word to be applied to the movements of his mind, but he certainly took a strong interest in this pilgrimage to the land of his fathers. His geographical stu dies had given him a better acquaint ance with it than that of most Eng lishmen. On approaching the Irish coast he drew delight out of the stores of his knowledge, from spots where others saw but barrenness. The island of Rathlin recalled to him a fund of antiquarian lore. Snowdon and the Welsh hills brought before his eye the " Bard" of Gray. " Thank God !" he exclaimed, on seeing England, " that I have lived to behold the land of Shak- speare, of Milton, of my forefathers ! May her greatness increase through all time." Maria Edgeworth and Eliza beth Fry were especial objects of his^ regard. He met accidentally with the poet Moore, under the gallery of the House of Commons. In a conversation with his friend Harvey,1 he described the bard as " a spruce, dapper little • gentleman," who turned out "a most fascinating, witty fellow." Moore was sufficiently tickled with the interview and the Virginian's compliments to make a note of the affair in his diary — ¦ " Sat next Bandolph, the famous Ame rican orator; a singular looking man, with a young old face, and a short, small body, mounted upon a pair of high crane legs and thighs, so that, when he stood up, you did not know 1 Jacob Harvey, of New York, who published in th« Journal of Commerce, a very interesting series of Recol lections of Randolph. JOHN RANDOLPH. 9? when he was to end, and a squeaking voice like a boy's just before breaking into manhood. His manner, too, strange and pedantic, but his. powers of eloquence, Washington Irving tells me, wonderful." l Having travelled about England, and visited Scotland, Randolph returned home in November. In the summer of 1824 he again visit ed England, when he included Paris in his tour. ¦*> Randolph finally retired from the House of Representatives, in which he served a single term after his two years in the Senate, March, 1829. He was immediately afterward elected to the Virginia Convention, which met for the revision of the Constitution, in October, 1829, and took an active part in its debates. The convention was packed with the celebrities of the State, the Madisons, Marsh-alls, Monroes and others, but Randolph of Roanoke was paramount among them. His speech on a proposed provision for future amendments in the Constitution, is full of that political wisdom which is drawn from private life, the family and soci ety, admirably enforced, such as could have called forth applause from his master, Edmund Burke. The mission to Russia followed. Men stared in those days, as at the sight of a comet, at his departure for St. Petersburg ; a wild destination for a shattered invalid, who called for a milder climate than his own Virginia. It was in his view a roundabout way of getting to the south of Europe, and after a short trial of its summer severi- 1 Moore's Diary, 30th May, 1822. ties, among which, he insisted, was the subjection of his man Juba, the con stant companion of his travels, to a fit of illness — a clear case of yellow fever — and the slightest modicum of diplomacy, he turned his steps to Eng land. In the autumn of 1,831. he re turned, to the United States. A few more speeches, a little more political agitation — this time at the expense of his old friend, Jackson — and the end came. He had long kept up a hand to hand fight with death, and now of late years had found his best security in flight. He kept posting and travelling, and was on his way to the packet for England, when he was finally arrested at Philadelphia, at the age of sixty, June 24, 1833. He died among stran gers, his faithful black servant, John, the solitary representative of his Virgi nia home, by his side, in a room of the City Hotel. The last scenes of his life have been laid before the world. It is a story of pain, of agony Avhich had be come so inwrought with his entire ex istence that it does not seem strange on his lips now. His call for his father's golden shirt-stud to be placed on his bosom as . he was dying, is veiy touch ing. The word " Remorse," which he ordered to be written down, calling for a dictionary — " Get a dictionary, let me see the word," has an air of de lirium. Not so his reiterated provisions for his slaves whom he had manumitted by his will. It was the cherished pur pose c f his life which he had inherited with his brother's example, and surely of all acts to close his troubled pilgrim age, that from him was most accepta ble — an act of mercy to the race which 98 JOHN RANDOLPH. had ever furnished him in his multi plied sorrows, kind nurses and faithful friends. Randolph lived in dread of insanity and would often quote Johnson's sad lines — " In life's last scene, what prodigies surprise, Fears of the brave, and follies of the wise 1 From Marlborough's eyes the streams of dotage flow, And Swift expires, a driveller and a show." He was spared, however, that fate. We may believe, too, that in the many thoughts which crowded his excited brain, the consolations of religion were not wanting to his later years. In his youth he had been noted as a free thinker; he afterwards underwent a " conversion ;" in his better moments, when he was most himself, he was cer tainly a devout man. The speeches of Randolph have been fairly reported, and should be separately published and well edited. Many just remarks and sound maxims of life, as well as witty sayings, will be found in them. In his conduct Randolph was erratic; the pressure of disease upon his feeble frame sometimes brought him within the verge of insanity ; but there was no incoherency in the sagacity of his better moments. No sounder ad vice to youth, more kind, persistent, earnest on common topics of daily life was ever given than that which lit wrote to his nephew, Dr. Theodore Bland Dudley, in the epistles which he has published. Labor, Honor, Truth are his topics, with the minor moral ities of life reaching down to gram matical accuracies and the folding of a letter. It is sad to see the corres pondence darken as the years thicken. Little talk now of books and ele vated ideas, but a fast increasing ner vous sensibility and melancholy, with much of the weather, of sciaticas, lum bago, defluxions, and more deadly evils. He would render a good service to the world, who should throw aside these relics of suffering and disease, and give the public the brighter, healthier moments of John Ran dolph. His broad Virginia acres, the homes of his youth, his desk in Con gress, his eloquence, the "slow, un- moving finger," pointed in scorn of baseness, his friends, his horses, his books, his faithful slaves, would figure in such a narrative. W/////A ¦ w§. ^^t^iA^^AAAAt^, 'Zikeness /rem, a- Dafn-erreuiype 1:1/ 77m />,v,:,.i;.-;ui?t ,>fi'/ii:: fi/.'/w/y Jfirosmi.'F'nr&Cn.' Pi-Mi ahem JlrwTnrk Alonao Chappel. re , hi ,tu WASHINGTON IRVING. Seldom does biography offer to us so pleasing a subject as the life of Washington Irving. It is of beauty and beneficence from the beginning to the close— the course of a quiet, tran quil river, fed at its source by the pur ity of rural fountains ; gathering fer tility on its. banks as it advances ; pursuing its path through the loveliness of nature and by the " towered cities " of men, to lapse into final tranquillity beneath the whispering of the groves softly sighing on the borders of the all-re ceiving ocean. Many were the felicities of the life of Irving. Of a good stock, of honorable parentage, happy in the associations of his youth ; gifted with a kindly genius, sure to receive the bless ing which it gave, attracted to the great and good and beloved by them ; finding its nutriment. in the heroic in histoiy and the amiable in life ; return ing that generous culture in enduring pictures in most valued books; writing its name on the monuments of Colum bus, Washington and Goldsmith ; fond ly remembered at Stratford upon Avon, and by the pensive courts of the Alham- bra; endeared to many a cliff and wind ing valley of his native Hudson: — his menioiy, surely, by the side of that gen erous stream will be kept green and flourishing with undying affection. 1£ the felicity of a poem desired by the exquisite Roman bard, that it should be consistent with itself and proceed to the end as it commenced at the beginning, be a just measure of the happmess of life, Washington Irving enjoyed that prosperity. The ancestry of Irving belongs to an ancient line in Scotland, which has been traced to the first years of the fourteenth century. It is known as " the knightly family of Drum," from an old castle still occupied by the de scendants, on the banks of the Dee. An early member of the family settled in the Orkneys, where the race flour ished and faded, " and dwindled, and dwindled, and dwindled, until the last of them, nearly a hundred years since, sought a new home in this New World of ours."1 This was William Irving, who arrived in New York in 1760, bringing with him his wife, an English lady of Cornwall, whose maiden name was Saunders. These were the parents of Washington Living. He was born in William street, New York, April 3, 1783. One of the ear- liest recorded incidents of his life, he probably shared in common with many 1 The expression is that of Washington Irving himself. We find it in a family sketch in the Richmond Co. Ga zette, Dec. 14, 1869. 100 WASHINGTON IRVING. children of the period ; but it is better worth remembering in his case than the others. His Scotch nurse' taking him out one day — it was the time of Washington's inauguration, and the first Congress in New York — fell in with the Father of his Country, and eagerly seizing the opportunity, pre sented her charge to his notice. " Please, your excellency, here's a bairn that's called after you !" Washington, whose kind nature was not averse to such so licitations, laid his hand upon the head of the child and blessed it. "That blessing," said Irving, in one of his lat est years, " I have reason to believe has attended me through life." Irving's schooldays were not over rigorous. He was not robust, and thus escaped some of the usual persecutions of the pedagogues; for the tradition runs that he was not very bright in these early exercises. Coming home one day, he told his mother, " The ma dam says I am a dunce ; isn't it a pity !" The story is worth telling, as a hint to schoolmasters, upon whom Dame Na ture is forever playing these mystifica tions. In Irving's story it simply wit nesses that he had a genius of his own, better adapted to one thing than ano ther. It does not appear, however, that he derived much from the schools of his day ; and as ill health prevented his entering Columbia College, he passed through life with little know ledge of Greek and Latin, and probably none worth mentioning of Greek. His home education in English literature was more thuiough. He read Chaucer and Spenser, Addison and Goldsmith, and the other excellent old-fashioned volumes of the British classical book shelf. There was nothing in the con temporary literature of the time spe cially to engage his attention ; nothing at all to wake a boy's heart at home, and no Dickens to stir his perceptions from the other side of the water. This read ing of old books was, doubtless, favor able to the employment of his imagina tion, a faculty which is always excited by pictures of the past and distant. The youth soon found that the cloth in this old wardrobe of the days of Addi son and Dr. Johnson was sound enough to bear cutting down and refitting for the limbs of another generation. So the boy became an essayist of the school of the Spectator, and the citizen of the World. His first production of which we have any knowledge was written at the age of nineteen, the "Letters of Jonathan Oldstyle," a series of papers on the follies and habits of the town, with an especial leaning to its theatrical shows, which he contri buted to the "Morning Chronicle," a political daily newspaper which had been recently commenced by his elder brother, Dr. Peter Irving. These pa pers are lively and humorous produc tions, and though, of course, they do not equal the polish of the author's later style, yet they are certainly re markable for their ease and finish. The youth was evidently on the right track, and knew well what he was about. The next incident we have to record is a pilgrimage to Europe, induced by symptoms of ill health. At this time and for some years after, Mr. Irving was threatened Avith pulmonary diffi- WASHINGTON IRYING. 101 culties. • Indeed, the likeness painted by Jarvis, in his early manhood, bears painful indications of this type of con stitution. He lived to outgrow it en- There can be.no more pleasing surprise than a glance at the bril liant prime, from the pencil of Newton and Leslie, by the side of the melan choly portrait by Jarvis. His tour carried him to France, Italy, Switzer land and England. An acquaintance with Washington Allston, the refined artist at Rome, half persuaded him to turn his attention to painting, for which he. had considerable taste and inclination. The pursuit, amidst the beauties and glories of the arts in the Eternal City, cajoled his imagi nation with the most enticing allure ments. "For two or three days," he said, " the idea took full possession of my mind ; but I believe it owed its main force to the lovely evening ram ble in which I first conceived it, and to the romantic friendship I had formed with Allston. Whenever it recurred to mind, it was always connected with beautiful Italian scenery, palaces and statues, and fountains, and terraced gardens, and Allston as the companion of my studio. I promised myself a world of enjoyment in his society, and in the society of several artists with whom he had made me acquainted, and pictured forth a scheme of life, all tinted with the rainbow hues of youth ful promise. My lot in life, however, was differently cast. Doubts and fears gradually clouded over my prospects ; the rainbow tints faded away ; I began to apprehend a sterile reality, so I gave up the transient but delightful pros- n.— 13 pect of remaining in B,ome with Allston, . and turning painter." 1 The law was the rather unattractive alternative, and to the law for awhile the young enthusiast returned to New York, after an absence abroad of two years. He read law with the late Judge Josiah Ogden Hoffman, and old citizens remember his attorney's sign, for he was admitted to practice ; but he did not pursue the profession. The very year after his introduction to the bar, in January, 1807, appeared in New York the first number of " Sal magundi; or, the Whim- whains and Opinions of Launcelot Langstaff, Esq., and others," a small 18mo. publication of twenty pages, which was destined to make its mark upon the town, and attract the notice of a wider, circle. This sportive journal was the produc tion of three very clever wits — Wash ington Irving, his elder brother, Wil liam, the verse-maker of the fraternity, and James K. Paulding, who also then first rose to notice in this little constel lation. New York was not at that time too large to be under the control of a skilful, genial satirist. Compared with the metropolis of the present . day, it was but a huge family, where every body of any consequence was known by everybody else. A postman might run over it in an hour. One bell could ring all its inhabitants to prayer and one theatre sufficed for its entertain ment. The city, in fact, while large enough to afford material for and shel ter a humorist with some degree of privacy, was, so far as society was con- 1 Cyclopaedia of American Literature, Art. "Allston." 102 WASHINGTON IRVING. cerned, a very manageable, convenient instrument to play upOn. The genial wits of " Salmagundi " touched the strings cunningly, and the whole town, with agitated nerves, contributed to the music. The humors of fashion, dress, the dancing assemblies, the mili tia displays, the elections, in turn yield ed their sport ; while graver touches of pathos and sketches of character were interposed, of lasting interest. There are passages in " Salmagundi," of feeling, humor and description which the writers hardly surpassed. The work, in fine, is well worthy to take its place, not at the end of the series of the British classical essayists, but at the head of that new American set, which includes "The Idle Man," " The Old Bachelor," " The Lorgnette," and other kindred meritorious produc tions. " Salmagundi " closed at the end of the year, with its twentieth number, and was shortly succeeded by the famous " History of New York from the Beginning of the World to the End of the Dutch Dynasty, by Diedrich Knickerbocker," a work of considera ble compass and most felicitous execu tion. The book was commenced with little regard to the form in which it finally made its appearance. The in tention at first seems to have been to prepare something with the general notion subsequently wrought out in Mr. Poole's very clever "Little Ped- lington Papers" — to ridicule the pre tensions of the town, which had been aggravated by the appearance of a hand-book of a highly provincial char acter, entitled "A Picture of New York." The parody, as in the parallel instance of Mr. Dickens's "Pickwick Papers," soon outgrew itself. Previously to its publication, some thing like a grave history was looked for from Diedrich Knickerbocker. To whet the public appetite, an advertise ment was inserted in the "Evening Post," narrating, under the heading "Distressing," the departure from his lodgings at the Columbian Hotel, Mul berry street, of " a small elderly gen tleman, dressed in an old black coat and cocked hat, by the name of Knicker bocker," and asking printers to serve the cause of humanity by giving the notice insertion. " A Traveller " next sends a random note of an old gentleman answering the description, having been seen on the road to Albany, above Kingsbridge. After the lapse of a rea sonable time, Seth Handaside, the Yan kee landlord, announces his, intention to remunerate himself by the sale of a curious manuscript Mr. Knickerbocker had left behind him. The same num ber of the journal had an advertisement of the publication by Inskeep and Bradford. There is a great deal of fun in Knick erbocker — some sheer burlesque, which begins and ends with the page, but far more genuine humor applicable to wider scenes and more real adventures. The old Dutch families took offence at the free use of their names, which wert very unceremoniously handled. One old inhabitant of the North River, who rejoiced in the patronymic itself, Knickerbocker, it is said was especially aggrieved, and we have heard of the author's exclusion, in WASHINGTON IRVING. 103 one instance, from the entertainments of a leading colonial family. Years after, the spirit of the work was con demned in a grave paper read be fore the New York Historical Society ; and the censure has of late been re vived by so judicious a person as .Mr. Edward Everett.1 The truth of the matter is, that society must be very weak indeed, which cannot bear the in fliction of so really good natured a jest as this Diedrich Knickerbocker's His tory of New York. Though it occu pied the attention of the public, and to a certain degree ga,ve color to rather a ludicrous estimate of our Dutch fore fathers in the absence of popular his tories, which it is perhaps a misfortune were not written earlier, yet it has proved no obstacle to the serious opera tions of Clio, in the works of Brodhead, O'Callaghan and others; while it has in a thousand ways perpetuated the memory of the old Dutch dynasties. The Dutchmen of New York had never been called Knickerbockers before; now it is quite an accredited designa tion, not without honor and esteem throughout the world. In the words of the author's apology, prefixed to the revised edition of 1848 : " Before the appearance of my work, the popular tra ditions of our city Avere unrecorded; the peculiar 'and racy customs and usages derived from our Dutch progen itors were unnoticed, or regarded with indifference, or adverted to with a sneer Now they form a convivial cur- Mr Verplanck's Anniversary Discourse before the New York Historical Society, December, 1818.— Mr. Kve- rctt's obituary remarks on Irving, before the Massachu setts HistoricalSociotv, December, 1859. rency, and are brought forward on alj occasions : they link our whole commu nity together in good humor and good fellowship ; they are the rallying points of home feeling — the seasoning of our civic festivities — the staple of local tales and local pleasantries, and are so harped upon by our writers of popular fiction^ that I find myself almost crowd ed off the legendary ground which I was the first to explore, by the host who have followed in my footsteps." This home sensitiveness, of course, was never felt abroad. A copy of the work was sent by the author's friend, Mr.Brevoort,to Sir Walter Scott. His verdict upon this " most excellently jocose history," as he termed it, is con clusive. It was read in his family with absolute riot of enjoyment. He com pared it advantageously with Swift, and failed not to note its more- serious pathetic passages, which reminded him of Sterne. This led the way afterward to an introduction to Scott at Abbots- ford, and the formation of a friend ship which lived while Scott lived, and which was cherished among the most valued recollections of Irvinglg life. His next literary performance was a brief biography of the poet Campbell, written for an American edition of the poet's works. The author showed him self at home in this department of literature, in which he subsequently became so greatly distinguished. We hear of him now engaged in the mercantile calling of his brother ; but hardware and cutlery had little attrac tion for him. The iron, it may be said, never entered into his soul. When 1W WASHINGTON IRVING. the war with Great Britain shortly after broke out, we find him on the military staff of Governor Tompkins, with the title of Colonel. Colonel Ir ving ! It no more belonged to his name than the hardware sign. Yet we have no doubt he would have done credit to it if called into active service. As it proved, his pen was more in re quisition than his sword. He was em ployed, in the years 1813 and 1814, in conducting the " Analectic Magazine,' published by Moses Thomas, in Phila delphia, and at that time specially de voted to military and naval affairs. In the original department of this work, in which he was aided by Mr. Ver planck and Mr. Paulding, he wrote, beside other papers, the biographies of Lieut. Burrows, Captain Lawrence, Commodore Perry, and Captain Porter. They are all spirited productions, cal culated to warm the heart of the coun try, justly proud of the brilliant achieve ments of these worthies; while they are quite free from the besetting sin in such cases, of patriotic exaggeration. At the close of the war he sailed for Liverpool, and took charge of the affairs of the mercantile house with which he was connected. The sudden change of business affairs at the peace greatly embarrassed the firm. After suffering the torture of the agony of the counting-room during this period of failing credit, he finally became dis engaged from the affair, and directed his steps to London and the booksel lers for a livelihood. He now turned his talent for obser vation and description to account in the production of the series of papers included in the " Sketch Book." They are the first fruits of his English expe rience, mingled with some fanciful ere ations, as the legends of Rip Van Win kle and Sleepy Hollow, based on Ame rican recollections. The great success of the work was not attained at a sin gle blow. There seemed to be no opening for such a work in the English market. The publication was, in fact, commenced in New York, in numbers. When a portion of it had thus ap peared, it reached William Jerdan, the editor of the "London Literary Ga zette," whose practised eye detected at once a good thing for his journal. He reprinted several of the papers, when the author offered the work to Murray. The usual answer in such cases was returned, couched in imposing phrase, as a mark of respect : " If it would not suit me to engage in the publica tion of your work, it is only because I do not see that scope in the nature of it which would enable me to make those satisfactory accounts," etc. In this strait the author addressed Sir Walter Scott, who, generously appre ciating the man and his work, promised his aid with Constable, and as the best thing at hand in the meanwhile offered Irving a salary of five hundred pounds to conduct a weekly periodical at Ed inburgh. His correspondent was, how ever, too chary of his talents as an au thor of all work to engage in this undertaking. He put his book to press in London at his own expense, with John Miller, and Miller soon after failed. Sir Walter, the beneficent clem ex machintl, now opportunely happened in London, and arranged the Dublica- WASHINGTON IRVING. 10S tion with Murray, who thenceforward became the author's fast friend and most liberal paymaster. The " Sketch Book" was a brilliant success. Jeffrey reviewed it, Lockhart admired^ Byron praised and Moore sought the author's acquaintance at Paris on the strength of it. "Bracebridge Hall" followed the " Sketch Book " in 1822 ; and the close of the next year brought its sequel, the "Tales of a Traveller." All these works have more or less the character istics of the first member of the family. There is an elaborate elegance of style, a certain delicacy and sweetness of sentiment, an easy grace of reflection, a happy turn of description. The writer does not draw a great deal on his in vention for the characters or the inci dents, but he managed to develop both with skill, and, being always a jealous watcher of his own powers, and cau tious in feeling the pulse of the public, he looked for new material before the old was exhausted. There is a good genius always waiting to help ability and sincerity. Just as the essayist may have felt the want of a new field for his exertions, he was invited, by Mr. Alexander H Everett, to Spain with a view to the translation of the collection of Spanish documents re cently made by Navarrete from the long and jealously secluded public archives. He undertook the work, which called for something far above translation, and the essayist bloOmed into the historian. The "History of the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus," appeared in due time, fol lowed by the "Voyages and Disco veries of the Companions of Colum bus." Both w^orks greatly enhanced the reputation of the author. Litera ture, indeed, awards her highest hon ors to the historian. History has just laid Macaulay in Westminster Abbey. Jeffrey reviewed the "Columbus" with enthusiasm in the " Edinburgh," and the George IV. fifty guinea gold medal was conferred upon Hallam and Irving at the same time. The literary execution of the "Co lumbus " must be pronounced in gen eral very happy. There is perhaps a little cloying sweetness in its regular ly constructed periods ; but these ele gantly apportioned sentences are al ways made to bear their full weight of thought. The condensation is ad mirable, while there is a richness of phraseology, and a warm glow of the imagination is spread over the whole. It is not to be supposed that this ex cellence was attained without labor. It is the fiat of fate, says Wirt, from which no power of genius can absolve a man. Irving, at the suggestion of Lieutenant Slidell, who pronounced the style unequal, re-wrote nearly the whole of the work. Professor Long fellow, who saw Irving while it was in progress in Spain, recalls the " pa tient, persistent toil " of the author. The genius of Irving delighted in these Spanish themes. After he had made the intimate acquaintance of various parts of Europe, the land of the Sara cen seemed to present to him the great est attractions. He devoted his genius to the revival of her history,- and the embellishment of her legends. Had opportunity permitted, he would doubt 106 WASHINGTON IRVING. less have produced companion volumes to the Columbus on themes which af terwards engaged the pen of Prescott. As it was, be gave the world those de lightful books, the " Conquest of Gra nada," the " Alhambra," the " Legends of the Conquest of Spain," and " Maho met and his Successors." His imagina tion was thoroughly captivated by the daring, pathetic, and tender scenes of these old tales of adventure, with which his genius was very apt to blend some lurking touch of humor. At the close of his long residence in Spain, Mr. Irving passed some time in England, enjoying for a while the post of. secretary of legation to the Ameri can embassy! He left London in 1832, on his return to America, after an ab sence of seventeen years, arriving in the month of May, at New York, where he found a most cordial welcome awaiting him. A public dinner was given to him by his friends, numbering some of the most distinguished persons in the country. Chancellor Kent presided at the banquet. Irving was congratulated in the handsomest terms on the eminent services he had rendered the literature of his countiy, and replied in the simplest words, congratulating his fellow citizens on their prosperity as he drew an attrac tive picture of the growth and beauty of New York, and expressed the warm est emotions at his reception. His essential modesty led him to value such tributes highly ; though he very seldom allowed himself to be put in the way of them. The sight of America appeared to revive in him the freshness and adven ture of youth. In the very summer of his return he accompanied Mr. Ells worth, one of the commissioners for removing the Indian tribes to the west of the Mississippi, a journey of which he published an animated ac count in 1835. This sharpened his pen for the fascinating narrative enti tled " Astoria, or Anecdotes of an En terprise beyond the Rocky Mountains," which appeared the ensuing year, and was followed by a work of similar cha racter, the "Adventures of Captain Bonneville, U.S.A., in the Rocky Moun tains and the Far West." The skilful grouping and picturesque narrative of these books, rendering an otherwise confused and encumbered story so charming, leave us to regret, that so much excellent matter of the kind should be so frequently thrown away for lack of these literary advantages. Though Mr. Irving had received large sums for copyright, yet from losses from investment which he had experi enced, his income could not at this time have been large, for we find him yielding to an agreement of a character always irksome to a man of his tem perament, to furnish regular monthly articles to a periodical. Some of the pleasantest of his later papers, howev er, were written in this way for the "Knickerbocker" magazine, in 1839 and 1840 ; a selection from which was afterwards made by him in the volume entitled " Wolfert's Roost." In 1852, Mr. Irving received the ap pointment from the government of minister to Spain. Its announcement by Daniel Webster, at whose sugges tion it was made, was entirely unex pected by him. A passing compli WASHINGTON IRVING. 107 ment paid him at this time is worth recording. It occurs in Mr. Charles Dickens's *' American Notes," in a de scription of a Presidential drawing room at Washington, when Irving was present in his new character for the first and last time before going abroad. "I sincerely believe," says Dickens, " that in all the madness of American politics, few public men would have been so earnestly, devotedly and affec tionately caressed as this most charm ing writer : and I have seldom respect ed a public assembly more than I did this eager throng, when I saw them turning with one mind from noisy ora tors and officers of state, and flocking with a generous and honest impulse round the man of quiet pursuits : proud in his promotion as reflecting back upon their country: and grateful to him with- their whole hearts for the store of graceful fancies he had poured out among them." .: Mr. Irving passed , several years in Spain in his diplomatic capacity, devot ing himself assiduously to the duties of his position. His dispatches in the State Paper Office will doubtless, should the time ever come for their publica tion, present a valuable picture of the changing political fortunes of the coun try during his term. On his return from Spain, Mr. Irving made his home for the remainder of his life at his ^beautiful countiy seat, "Sun- nyside," on the eastern bank of the Hudson, some twenty miles from New York. Here he resided in the midst of his family, consisting of his brother and nieces, occasionally visiting his frier.ils in Virginia and other portions Of the country, but gradually limiting his journeys to the neighboring city At Sunnyside, in these later years, he prepared the revised editions of his books, which now became a source of regular profit, wrote the " Life of Oliver Goldsmith," and completed the crown ing labor of his long literary career, the " Life . of George Washington." The interval between the publication of the first of the five volumes and the last, was five years. It was completed the very year of his death. His design was to present in simple, unambitious narrative a thoroughly truthful view of the character of Washington — of the acts of his life with an impartial esti mate of the men and agencies by which he was surrounded. He attained all this and more. His work has been read with interest, nay, with affection, and promises long to retain its hold upon the public. Mr. Irving had now reached the close of life, with as few of the infirmi ties as fall to the lot even of those ac counted most fortunate. His health, delicate in his youth, had strengthened with his years, and during the long periods of his residence abroad he knew no illness. The breaking up of his powers was gradual, affecting only his physical strength. His mind — the felicity of his thoughts, the beauty of his expression, his style, were unimpaired to the last. His death occurred sud^ clenly, in his Sunnyside cottage, as he was retiring to rest on the night of November 28, 1859. He fell with scarcely a word — " Death broke at once the vital chain, And freed his soul the nearest way." f s 108 WASHINGTON IRVING. '' It was scarcely death," said an emi nent artist1 to us, a dweller on the banks of his own Hudson, thinking of the fulness of years and honors, and the mild departure — " it was a transla tion." The good omen of this happily rounded life was repeated on the day of the funeral, which drew multitudes of honored citizens from New York to participate in the last rites. It was the first of December, a day of unu sual gentleness and beauty, the last, as it proved, of the calm Indian sum mer. All nature breathed tranquil lity, as the sun descended upon the sleeping river and silent evergreens. Every shop in the village of Tarrytown, where the services were performed at Christ's Church, was shut, and the ut most decorum prevailed throughout the thronging crowd during the day which closed upon his grave on the hill-side of the Tarrytown cemetery. It was, as President King, remarked at the subsequent memorial meeting of the New York Historical Society, "a Washington Lving day." The country will not soon forget the memorable scene. The life of Washington Irving was so timthful, so simple, so easily to be read by all men, that few words are needed for an analysis of his character. He was primarily a man of genius — that is, nature had given him a faculty of doing what no one else could do pre cisely, and doing it well. His talent was no doubt improved by skill and exercise; but we see it working in 1 Mr. Weir, of West Point. his earliest books, when he could scarcely have dreamt, of the author. Indeed, he was thrown upon author ship apparently by accident ; a lucky shipwreck of his fortunes, as it proved, for the world. In this faculty, which he possessed better than anybody else in America, the most important ingre dient was humor — a kindly perception of life, not unconscious of its weakness es, tolerant of its frailties, capable of throwing a beam of sunshine into the darkness of its misfortunes. The heart was evidently his logician ; a pure life his best instructor. He loved litera ture, but not at the expense of society. Though his writings were fed by many secret rills, flowing from the elder worthies, the best source of his inspi ration was daily life. He was always true to its commonest, most real emo tions. In all his personal intercourse with others, in every relation of life, Mr. Ir ving, in an eminent degree, exhibited the qualities of the gentleman. They were principles of thought and ac tion, in the old definition of Sir Philip Sidney, " seated in a heart of courtesy." His manners, while they were charac terized by the highest refinement, were simple to a degree. His habits of liv ing were plain, though not homely: everything about him displayed good taste, and an expense not below the standard of his fortunes ; but- there was no ostentation. No man stood more open to new impressions. His sensibi lity was excited by everything noble or generous, and we may add, anything which displayed humor of character from whatever sphere of life the exam WASHINGTON IRVING. 109 pie was drawn. His genius responded to every honest touch of nature in lit erature or art. He was a man of feel ing, with the sympathies of a Macken zie or a Goldsmith. Nor did these emotions, with him, rest only in the luxuries of sentiment. He was a prac tical guide, counsellor and friend ; and his* benevolence was not confined to this charmed circle of home and neighborhood. In public affairs, though unfitted for the duties of the working politician, his course was independent and patriotic. No heart beat warmer in love of countiy and the Union, and the honor of his nation's flag. This is worth mentioning in his case, for his tastes and studies led him to retire ment ; but he did not suffer it to be an inglorious ease, to which higher ends should be sacrificed. Much has been said of the influence upon his life of an early attachment. He was engaged, to a daughter of the late Judge Josiah Hoffman. The lady died and her lover never married. There is thought to be an allusion to this in a beautiful passage in his sketch of St. Mark's Eve in "Brace- bridge Hall," where it is written ; — "There are departed beings that I have loved as I never again shall love in this world— that have loved me as I never again shall be loved." Mr. Thackeray, the eminent novelist, has mentioned this tenderly in a few words of tribute to the memory of his friend ; — " He had loved once in his life. The lady he loved died ; and he, whom all the world loved, never sought to re place her. I can't say how much the thought of that fidelity has touched me. Does not the very cheerfulness of his after life add to the pathos of that untold story ? To grieve always was not in his nature ; or, when he had his sorrow, to bring all the world in to condole with him and bemoan it. Deep and quiet he lays the love of his heart and buries it, and grass and flowera grow over the scarred ground in due time." H.— 14 ABBOTT LAWRENCE. The father of this liberal and enlight ened merchant, Samuel Lawrence, was a soldier of the Revolution, a descend ant Of the early emigrants of the, name, from an ancient stock in England, who settled at Groton, in Massachusetts. He was one of the minute-men who stood ready for the field on the news of Lexington. When word reached his town of Groton, of the movement of the British troops, on the instant he was mounted, making his circuit of seven miles; summoning his men and returning to his father's house in thirty minutes. In three hours he was ready to march, and the next day, the 20th of April, 1775, was at Cambridge, ready for the battle of Bunker Hill, in which he took part. He received a bullet through his cap,, and a spent grapeshot struck his arm. Providence reserved him for other duties. He was married in the summer of 1777, while attached to the army, to Susanna Par ker, of his native town, a lady who survived him at an advanced age. As a characteristic incident of the times, we may mention that he was called away from the wedding ceremony to his post in the army within the hour. His mother had given her opinion in favor of the marriage, " as Susan had better be Sam's widow than his forlorn 110 damsel." He was in the battle of Rhode Island, and retired from the service to his native town at the close of 1778. There he pursued the life of a farmer, an intelligent man of his class, since we find him chosen a dea con of the church, justice of the peace, and an enlightened supporter of the seminary in Groton, since enriched by his sons, and bearing the family name His two sons, who are associated in fame, Amos and Abbott, were born in that town respectively in the years 1786 and 1792.1 The brothers became partners in business, and acquired their fortunes and reputation together, so that the story of one for a good por tion of their lives is that of the other. They were both educated in the public school, and afterwards in the Academy of Groton, as it was then called. Amos being six years the elder, preceded his brother in his devotion to business. He passed from the Academy to the store of a countiy merchant in the town, and thence, on coming of age, to Boston, where he went with twenty dollars in his pocket to make acquaint ances and procure credit, with a view to settle as a storekeeper in his native 1 Amos Lawrence was born April 22, 1780; Abbott on the 16th December, 1Y92. .¦,... H-li 9 - - A ^/Ar'AAfi : ' : :¦//:,:: H 1 Hits sliilllllllilllliM HV : 'Cni NlllliilllM ¦¦ m ,/w ! ,. K§§9 5 Mi "tH ¦ ¦:':»ii ¦M'-^-;- ';¦" ^. "'"': ~A^J0A: VrAA^' Wm &&§&§& i ¦ > ¦ us His Hay ' mJk aSmwrnt -"iii-;"**'- IS --. ¦¦¦•"¦'" ;1 ': /»9: 'iSyA: -c- -¦'¦::; -^ :Ksrn\-typti taJcsti. frvm, fin -.fxir. rrrS- Co. PufcUshes EewYo-A. ANDREW JACKSON. 117 longed to a Protestant family in humble lifo which had been ' long settled at Carrickfergus, in the north of Ireland, whence he brought his wife and two children to America, in 1765. They were landed at Charleston, South Caro- lina> and proceeded at oncb to the up per region .of the country, on the Ca tawba, known as the Waxhaw settle ment. They came as poor emigrants to share the labors of their friends and countrymen who were settled in, the district. Andrew Jackson, the elder, began his toilsome work in clearing the land on. his plot at Twelve Mile Creek, a branch of the Catawba, in what is now known as Union County, North Carolina, but had barely established himself by two years' labor when he died, leaving his widow to seek a re fuge with her brother-in-law in the neighborhood. A few days after her husband's death, on the 15th March, 17C7, she brought forth a third son, Andrew, of whose life we are to give an account. The father having left little, if any, means of support for his family, the mother found a permanent home with another brother-in-law named Crawford, who resided on a farm just over the border in South Carolina. There the boyhood of Jackson was passed in the pursuits incident to youth, in frontier agricultural life. His phy sical powers were developed by healthy sports and exercise, and his mind re ceived some culture in the humble ru diments of education in the limited schooling of the region. It is probable that something better was intended for him than for most of the boys in his position, since we hear of his being at u.— 15 an Academy at Charlotte, and of his mother's design to prepare him for the calling of a Presbyterian clergyman. Such, indeed, might well have been his prospects, for he had a nature capable of the service, had not the war of the Revolution, now breaking out afresh in the South, carried him in quite a different direction. In 1779 came the invasion of South Carolina, the ruthless expedition of Pre vost along the seaboard preceding the arrival of Clinton, and the fall of Charles ton. The latter event occurred in May of the following year, and Cornwallis was free to carry out his plan for the subjugation of the countiy. Sending Tarleton before him, the very month of the surrender of the city, the war of devastation was carried to the border of the State, to the very home of Jack son. The action at the Waxhaws was one of the bloodiest in a series of bloody campaigns, which ended only with the final termination of hostilities. It was a massacre rather than a battle, as Ame rican blood was poured forth Hke water. The mangled bodies of the wounded Avere brought into the church of the settlement, where the mother of the young Jackson, then a boy of thir teen, with himself and brother — he had but one now, Hugh having already joined the patriots and fallen in the affair at Stono — attended the sick and dying. That " gory bed " of war, con secrated by the spot where his father had worshipped, and near which he re posed in lasting sleep, summoned the boy to his baptism of blood. He was not the one to shrink from, the encoun ter. We accordingly find him on hand 118 .ANDREW JACKSON. at Sumter's attack, in the following August, 011 the enemy's post at Hang ing Rock, accompanying Major Davies' North Carolina troop to the fight, though he does not appear to have en gaged in the battle. A few days after, Gates was defeated at Camden, and Mrs. Jackson and her children fled be fore the storm of war to a refuge in the northern part of the district. The es cape was but temporary, for, on her re turn in the spring, her boys were entangled, as they could not well fail to be in that region, in the desultory, seldom long intermitted partisan war fare which afflicted the Carolinas. In the preparation for one of the frequent skirmishes between Whig and Tory, the two brothers were surprised, es caped in flight, were betrayed and cap tured. It was on this occasion that the scene, often narrated, occurred, of the indignity offered by the British officer, met by the spirited resistance of the youth. Andrew was ordered by the officer, in no gentle tone, to clean his boots. He refused peremptorily, plead- ing his rights as a prisoner of war, an argument which brought- down a re joinder in a sword-thrust on head and arm raised for protection, the marks of which the old hero bore to his last day. A similar wound, at the same time, for a like offence, was the cause of his bro ther's death. Their imprisonment at Camden was most cruel ; severely wounded, without medicine or care, with but little food, exposed to conta gion, they were brought forth by their mother, who followed them and man aged their exchange. Few scenes of war can be fancied, more truly heroic and pitiful than the picture presented by Mr. Parton, in his faithful biogra phy of this earnest, afflicted, patriotic mother receiving her boys from the dungeon, " astonished and horrified " at their worn, wasted appearance. The elder was so ill as not to be able to sit on horseback without help, and there was no place for them in those troubled times but their distant home. It was forty miles away. Two horses, -with difficulty we may suppose, were pro cured. " One she rode herself. Robert was placed on the other, and held in his seat by the returning prisoners, to whom his devoted mother had just given liberty. Behind the sad proces sion, poor Andrew dragged his weak and weary limbs, bareheaded, barefoot ed, without a jacket." Before the long journey wras thus painfully accom plished, " a chilly, drenching, merciless rain " set in, to add to its hardships. Two days after, Robert died, and An drew was, happily perhaps, insensible to the event in the delirium of the small pox, which he had contracted in prison. What will not woman under take of heroic charity? This mother of Andrew Jackson had no sooner seen her surviving boy recovered by her care, than she set off with two other ma trons, on foot, traversing the long dis tance to Charleston to carry aid and consolation to her nephews and friends immured in the deadly prison-ships in the harbor. She accomplished her er rand, but died almost in its execution, falling ill of the ship fever at the house of a relative in the vicinity of the city. Thus sank into her martyr's grave, this woman, worthy to be +he mother of a ANDREW JACKSON. 118 hero, leaving her son Andrew, " before reaching his fifteenth birth-day, an or phan ; a sick and sorrowful orphan, a homeless and dependent orphan, an orphan of 'the Revolution."1 The youth remained with one of the Crawfords till a quarrel with an Ame rican commissary in the house— this lad of spirit would take indignity nei ther from friend nor foe — drove him to another relative, whose son being in the saddler's trade, led him to some six months' engagement in this mecha nical pursuit. This was followed by a somewhat eager enlistment in the wild youthful sports Or dissipations of the day, such as cockfighting, racing and gamb ling, which might have wrecked a less re solute victim; but his strength to get out of this dangerous current was happily superior to the force which impelled him into it, and he escaped. He even took to study and became a schoolmas ter, not over competent in some re spects, but fully capable of imparting what he had learnt in the rude old field schools of the time. We doubt not he put energy into the vocables, as the row of urchins stood before him, and energy, like the orator's action, is more than books to a schoolmaster. A year or two spent in this way, not without some pecuniary profit, put him on the track of the law, for which there is always an opening in the business arising from the unsettled land titles of a new country, to say no- 1 P.-irton's Life of Jackson, I. 95. We may here make a general acknowledgment for the aid we have received In this sketch from Mr. Purton's exhaustive narrative. He has fur exceeded all previous biographers in the dili gence of his investigations, and those who write after him of Jackson must needs follow in his steps. thing of those personal strifes and tra ditions which follow man wherever he goes. The youth — he was yet hardly eighteen — accordingly offered himself to the most eminent counsel in the re gion — that is, within a hundred miles or so — alighting at the law office of Mr. Spence McCay, a man of note at Salis bury, North Carolina. There he passed 1785 and the following year, studying probably more than he has had credit for, his reputation as a gay young fel low of the town being better remem bered, as is natural, than his ordinary office routine. He had also the legal instructions of an old warrior of the Revolution, brave Colonel Stokes, a good lawyer and mixture of the soldier and civilian, who must have been quite to Andrew Jackson's taste. Thus for tified, with the moderate amount of learning due his profession in those days, he was licensed and began the ¦practice of the law. His biographer, Mr. Parton, pleased with having brought him thus far successfully on the stage of life, stops to contemplate his subject at full length. His points may be thus summed up : " A tall fellow, six feet and an inch in his stockings ; slender, but graceful; far from handsome, with a long, thin, fair face, a high and narrow forehead, abundant,, red dish-sandy hair, falling low over it- hair not yet elevated to the bristling aspect of later days — eyes of a deep blue, brilliant when aroused, a bold rider, a capital shot." As for the moral qualities which he adds to these physical traits, the pru dence associated with courage and 120 ANDREW JACKSON. " that omnipotent something which we call a presence," which faithful Kent saw in his old discrowned monarch Lear, as an appeal to service and named " authority," — it is time enough to make these reflections when the man shall have proved them by his actions. He will have opportunity enough. After getting his " law," the young advocate took a turn in the miscella neous pursuits of the West, as a store keeper at Martinsville, in Guildford County, keeping up his connection with his profession, it is reported, by performing the executive duties of a constable. He has now reached the age of twenty-one, when he may be said fairly to have entered upon his career, as he received the appointment of solicitor or public prosecutor in the western district of North Carolina, the present Tennessee. This carried him to Nashville, then a perilous journey through an unsettled country, filled- with hostile Indians. He arrived at this seat of his future home, whence his country was often to summon him in her hour of need, in October, 1788, and en tered at once vigorously on the practice of his profession, which was very much an off-hand, extempore affair, requiring activity and resolution more than learn ing, especially in the main duties of his office as collector of debts. A large extent of country was to be traversed in his circuits of the wilderness, on which it was quite as important to be a good woodman as a well-informed jurist. Indeed, there was more fear of the Indian than of the Opposite Coun sel. Jackson had the confidence of the mercantile community behind him, and discharged his duties so efficiently, and withal was so provident of the future which his keen eye foresaw, that he prospered in his fortunes, and in a few years became a considerable landed proprietor. In 1791 an event occurred which be came subsequently a matter of frequent discussion, and which certainly re quired some explanation. Andrew Jackson married at Natchez, on the Mississippi, Mrs. Robards, at the time not fully divorced from her husband, though both Jackson and the lady be lieved the divorce had been pronounced. The error, after the sifting which the affair received when it became a ground of party attack, and the blazing light of a Presidential canvass was thrown upon it, is easily accounted for. The circumstances of the case may be thus briefly narrated : A Colonel Donelson, one of the founders of Nashville, brought with him to that settlement, not many years before, his daughter Rachel, who at the time of Jackson's arrival was married to a Mr. Robards, of Kentucky. The young " solicitor " found the pair living with the lady's mother, Mrs. Donelson, in whose house Jackson became an inmate. Robards appears to have been of a jealous tem perament, and moreover of unsettled habits of living. At any rate, he had his home apart from his wife, and we presently find him, in the second win ter after Jackson's arrival, applying as a Kentuckian, to the Virginia legisla ture for a divorce. He procured an or der for the preliminary proceedings, which were understood, or rather misun derstood by the people of Tennessee, as ANDREW JACKSON. 121 an authoritative separation. With this view of tne matter, as the explanation is given, the marriage took place. The divorce was legally completed in 1793. When Jackson then learnt the true state of the case he had the marriage ceremony performed a second time. During the whole of the affair from the beginning, though he acted as a friend of the lady, he appears to have conducted himself toward her with the greatest propriety. Indeed, a certain innate sense of delicacy and pure chi valrous feeling toward woman, was al ways a distinctive trait of his character. It was constantly noticed by those most intimate with him, as a remarka ble characteristic, in a man roughly taking his share in the wild pursuits and dissipations of the day. He was no doubt early an admirer of the lady, whose gay,- spirited qualities and ad venturous pioneer life were likely to fascinate such a man, and made no secret of his contempt for the husband, threatening on one occasion, when he was pestered by his jealousies, to cut out his ears. The story of his marriage was of course variously interpreted, but he allowed no doubtful intimations of the matter in his presence. It was a duel or war to the knife when any hes itation on that subject was brought to his hearing. The region into which Jackson had emigrated, having passed through its territorial period, when the solicitor became attorney general, reached its majority in a State name and govern ment of its own in 1796. He was one of the delegates to the convention lit Knoxville, which formed the consti tution of Tennessee, and one of the two members of each county, to whom was intrusted the drafting of that instru ment. When the State was admitted into the Union, Andrew Jackson was chosen its first, and, at that time, only representative to Congress. He took his seat at the beginning of the session, at the close of the year; and was con sequently present to receive the last opening message of George Washing ton, it being usual in those days for the President to meet both houses to gether at the commencement of their sitting, and deliver his speech in per son — what is now the President's mes sage. In like manner, according to the usage of the English Parliament, a re ply was prepared and voted upon by each house, which was carried in per son by the members to the President's mansion. The reply, in this instance. proposed in the House of Representa tives by the Federalist committee, was thought too full an indorsement of the policy of the administration, and met with some opposition from the Repub lican minority, Andrew Jackson ap pearing as one of twelve, by the side of Edward Livingston, and William B Giles, of Virginia, voting against it. He did not speak on the question, and his vote may be regarded simply as an indi cation of his party sentiments, though, had he been an ardent admirer of Wash ington, he might, spite of his Tennessee politics, have voted with Gallatin for the original address. That he did not, does not imply necessarily any disaffec tion to Washington ; but there was pro bably little of personal feeling in the matter to be looked for from him. The 122 ANDREW JACKSON. independent life of the South and West had never leaned, as the heart of the Eastern and Atlantic regions, upon the right arm of Washington. The only question upon which he spoke during the session was in favor of assuming certain expenses incurred^in an Indian expedition in his adopted State ; and the resolution which he advocated was adopted. His votes are recorded in favor of appropriations for the navy, and against the black mail paid to Al giers. His success in the Indian bill was well calculated to please his con stituents, and he was accordingly re turned the next year to the Senate. It was the first session of the new admin istration, and all that is told of his ap pearance on the floor is the remark of Jefferson in his old age to Daniel Webster, that he had often seen him, from his Vice President's chair, attempt to speak, and "as often choke with rage." Mr. Parton adds to this recollec tion the bare fact that he made the acquaintance of Duane of the " Au rora," Aaron Bun* and Edward Liv ingston. He retired before the end of the session, and resigned his seat. Private affairs called him home ; but he could not have been well adapt ed to senatorial life, or he did not like the position, else he would have man aged to retain it. It was an honor not to be thrown away lightly by an ambi tious young man. We next behold him chosen by the legislature a judge of the Supreme Court of Tennessee— a post, one would think, of severer requisitions than that of United States senator, since a mem ber of a legislative body may give a silent vote or be relieved of an onerous committee, while the occupant of the bench is continually called upon to ex ercise the best faculties of the mind. It. is to Jackson's credit that he held the position for six years, during which. as population flowed into the State and interests became more involved, the requisitions of the office must have been continually becoming more exact ing. Its duties carried him to the chief towns of the State, where he was exposed to the observation of better read lawyers than himself. As no re cord was kept of his decisions, we have to infer the manner in which he ac quitted himself from what we know of his qualifications. He no doubt made himself intelligible enough on simple questions and decided courageously and honestly what he understood ; but in any nice matter he must have been at fault from want of skill in statement, if we may judge of his talents in this respect by his printed correspondence, which is ill spelt, ungrammatical and confused. His personal energy, 'however, doubt less helped him on occasion, as in the famous anecdote of his arrest of Russell Bean. This strong villain, infuriated by his personal wrongs, was at war with society, and bade defiance to jus tice. It was necessary that he should be brought before the court where Jackson presided, but it was pro nounced impossible to arrest him. The sheriff and his posse had alike failed, when the difficulty was solved by the most extraordinary edict which ever issued from the bench. " Summon me," said the judge to the law officer. It ANDREW JACKSON. 123 was done and the arrest was made. It is curious to read of a judge of the Su preme Court planning duels and rough personal encounter with the governor of the State, as we do of Judge Jack son in his quarrel with Governor Se vier. No stronger evidence could be afforded of the imperfect social condi tion of the country It was a rude, un finished time, when life was passed in a fierce personal contest for supremacy, and wrongs real and imaginary were righted at sight by the pistol. This period of Jackson's career, including the ten years following the retirement from the bench, are filled Avith prodi gious strife and altercation. The duel ling pistols are always in sight, and dreary are the details of wretched personal quarrels preliminary to their use. The first of these encounters in which Jackson was a principal occurred as early as 1795, when he was engaged in court and challenged the opposite counsel on the spot for some scathing remark, writing his message on the blank leaf of a law book. Shots were exchanged before the parties slept. The most prominent of Jackson's alter cations, however, was his duel with Dickinson, a meeting noted among nar ratives of its class for' the equality of the combat, and the fierce hostility of the parties. It was fought in 1806, on the banks of Red River in Kentucky. Charles Dickinson was a thriving young lawyer of Nashville, who had used sonie invidious expressions regarding Mrs.. Jackson. These were apologized for and overlooked when a roundabout quarrel arose out of the terms of a horse race, which, after involving Jack son in a caning of one of the parties, and his friend Coffee in a duel with another, ended in bringing the former in direct collision with Dickinson. A duel was arranged. The principals were to be twenty-four feet apart, and take their time to fire after the word was given. Both were excellent shots, and Dickinson, in particular, was sure of his man. So certain was Jackson of being struck, that he made up his mind to let his antagonist have the first fire, a deliberate conclusion of great courage and resolution, based on a very nice calculation. He knew that his antagonist would be quicker than himself at any rate, and that if they fired together his own shot would probably be lost in consequence of the stroke he must undoubtedly receive from the coming bullet. He conse quently received the fire, and was hit as he expected to be. The ball, aimed at his heart, broke a rib and grazed the breast bone. His shoes were filling with blood as he raised his pistol, took deliberate aim, re-adjusted the trigger as it stopped at half- cock, and shot his adversary through the body. Dickin son fell, to bleed to death in a long day of agony. Jackson desired his. own wound to be concealed, that his opponent might not have the gratifica tion of knowing that he had hit him at all. Such was the courage and such the revenge of the man.1 After leaving the judgeship, Jackson — he was now called General Jackson, 1 The details of this affair with all its preliminaries, oc cupy forty octavo pages of Mr. Parton's narrative— a curious and most instructive picture of the times. 124 ANDREW JACKSON. having been chosen by the field officers major general of the State militia in 1801, gaining the distinction by a sin gle vote — employed himself on his plantation, the Hermitage, near Nash ville, and the storekeeping in which he had been more or less engaged since his arrival in the country. In partner ship with his relative, Coffee, he was a large exchanger of the goods of the West for the native produce, which he shipped to New Orleans ; and it was for his opportunities of aiding him in procuring provisions, as well as for his general influence, that Colonel Burr cultivated his acquaintance in his west ern schemes in 1805, and the following year. General Jackson, at first fasci nated by the man, who stood well with the people of the country as a republi can,, introduced him into society and entertained him at his house ; but when suspicion was excited by his measures, he was guarded in his inter course, and stood clearly forth on any issue which might arise, involving the preservation of the integrity of the Union. On that point no friendship could bribe him.: Accordingly he offered his services to President Jeffer son, and, receiving orders to hold his command in readiness, there was great military bustle of the major general in Nashville, raising and reviewing com panies, to interrupt the alarming pro ceedings of Colonel Burr on the Ohio. When it was found that there was no thing formidable to arrest, Jackson's feeling of regard for Burr revived, he acquitted him of any treasonable in tent, and resolutely took his part dur ing the trial at Richmond. On the breaking out of the war with England, in 1812, Geneial Jackson was one of the first to. tender his services to the President. He called together twenty-five hundred volunteers and placed them at the disposal of the Government. The proffer was accept ed, and in December Jackson was set in motion at the head of two thousand men to join General Wilkinson, then in command at New Orleans. The season was unusually cold and incle ment ; but the troops, the best men of the State, came together with alacrity, and by the middle of February were at Natchez, on the Mississippi. Jack son's friend and relative, Colonel Cof fee, led a mounted regiment overland. while the rest descended the river. Colonel Thomas H Benton also ap pears on the scene as General Jackson's aid. At Natchez, the party: was ar rested by an order from Wilkinson, and remained in inaction for a month, when a missive came from the War Depart ment disbanding the force. Thus was nipped in the bud the ardent longing of the general, and the promise of one of the finest bodies of men ever raised in the countiy. Jackson, taking the responsibility, resolved that they should not be dismissed till, as in duty bound, he had returned them home. He ac cordingly led them back by land, and so solicitous was he for their welfare by the way, so jealous of their rights, carelessly invaded by the government, that his popularity with the men was unbounded. The fiery duellist, " sud den and quick in quarrel," gained by his patient kindness and endurance on that march, the endearing appellation, ANDREW JACKSON. 125 destined to be of world-wide fame — Old Hickory. He had taken, as we have said, the responsibility in bringing home the troops. This involved an assumption of their debts by the way, for it was not certain, though to be presumed, that the government would honor his drafts for the expenses of transporta tion. It did not. The paper was pro tested and returned upon his hands. In this strait, Colonel Benton, going to Washington, undertook the manage ment of the affair, and by a politic ap peal to the fears of the administration, lest it should, lose the vote of the State, secured the payment. As he was about returning to Nashville, warmed by this act of friendship, he received word from his brother that General Jackson had acted as second in a duel to that brother's adversary — a most ungracious act, as it appeared, at a moment when the claims of gratitude should have been uppermost. The explanation was that Carroll, who received the challenge, was unfairly assailed, and' appealed, as a friend, to the generosity of Jackson to protect him. - Taking a duel very much as an everyday affair, the latter proba bly thought little of the absent Benton. The meeting came off, and Jesse Ben ton was wounded. An_ angry letter was written to Jackson by his brother, who came on to Nashville, venting his wrath in the most denunciatory terms — for Benton's vocabulary of abuse, though not more condensed, was more richly furnished with .expletives than that of his general. This coming to the hearing of Jackson, he swore his big oath, "by the Eternal, that he n.— 16 would horsewhip Tom Benton the first time he met him." The Bentons knew the man, did not despise the threat, but waited armed for the onset. It came off one day at the door of the City Ho tel in Nashville. There were several persons actors and victims in the affair. These are the items of the miserable business. The two Bentons are in the doorway as Jackson and his friend Co lonel Coffee- approach. Jackson, with a word of warning to Benton, brandish es his riding- whip ; the Colonel fum bles for a pistol ; the General presents his own, and at the instant receives in his arm and shoulder a slug and bullet from the barrel of Jesse Benton, who stands behind. Jackson is thus dropped, weltering in his blood with a desperate wound. Coffee thereupon thinking Tom Benton's pistol had done the work, takes aim at him, misses fire, and is making for his victim with the butt end, when an opportune cellar stair way opens to the retreating Colonel, who is precipitated to the bottom. Meanwhile Stokely Hays arrives, intent on plunging the sword, which he drew from his cane, into the body of Jesse Benton. He deals the thrust with unc tion, but striking a button, its force is lost and the weapon shivered. A struggle on the floor then ensues be tween the parties, the fatal dagger of Hays being raised to transfix his wound ed victim, when it is intercepted by a bystander, and the murderous and bloody work is over. Such was the famous Benton feud. It laid Jackson ingloriously up for several weeks, and drove Colonel , Benton to Missouri. There was a long interval of mutual 126 ANDREW JACKSON. hostue feeling, to be succeeded by a devoted friendship of no ordinary in tensity. This Benton affray took place on the 4th of September, 1813. A few days before, on the 30th of August, oc curred the massacre by the Creek In dians of the garrison and inhabitants at Fort Mimms, a frontier^ post in the southern part of Alabama. A large number of neighboring settlers, anxious for their safety, had taken refuge with in the stockade. The assailants took it by surprise, and though the defend ers fought with courage, but few of its inhabitants escaped the terrible car nage. The Indians were led by a re doubtable chieftain, named Weathers- ford, the son of a white man and a Se minole mother, a leader of sagacity, of great bravery and heroism, and of no ordinary magnanimity. He was unable, however, to arrest, as he would, the fiendish atrocities committed at the fort. Women and children were sacrificed in the horrible rage for slaugh ter, and the bloody deed was aggrava ted by the most indecent mutilations. A cry was spread through the South west similar to that raised in our own day in India, at the Sepoy brutalities. Vengeance was demanded alike for safety and retribution. On the 18th of September the news had reached Nashville, four hundred miles distant, and General Jackson was called into consultation as he sat, utterly disabled with his Benton wounds, in his sick room. It was resolved that a large body of volunteers should be sum moned, and, ill as he was, he promised to take command of them when they | were collected. Still suffering severely before they were ready to move he joined them at Fayette ville, the place of meeting. He arrived in camp the seventh of October, and began his work of organizing the companies. Everything was to be done in drill and preparation for the advance into a wil derness where no supplies were to be had ; yet in four days, a report having reached him that the enemy were ap proaching, he led his troops, about a thousand men, an afternoon march of thirty-two miles in six hours to Hunts- ville. The Indians, however, were not yet at hand, and joining Colonel Coffee, whom he had sent forward with a cav alry command, on the banks of the Tennessee, he was reluctantly com pelled to wait there too long a time for his impatience, till something could be done in providing stores, in which the army was lamentably deficient. A post was established on the river named Fort Deposit, whence Jackson, still inadequately provided, set out, on the twenty-fifth of the month, on his southward march, and carried his force to an encampment at Ten Islands, on the Coosa Biver. There Coffee was detached to attack a body of In dians at their towm of Talluschatches. He performed the service with equal skill and gallantly; and though the Creeks, as they did throughout the war, fought with extraordinary valor, urged on by religious fanaticism, he gained a brilliant victory. One of the incidents of the bloody field was the accidental slaughter of an Indian mo ther clasping her infant to her breast. The child was carried to Jackson, who ANDREW JACKSON. 127 had it tenderly cared for, and finally taken to his home. The boy, named Lincoyer, was brought up at the Her mitage, and suitably provided for by the general. The next adventure of the campaign was an expedition led by Jackson him self to relieve a camp of friendly In dians at Talladega, invested by a large band of hostile Creeks. The very night on which he received the message asking aid, brought by a runner who had escaped from the beleaguered fort in disguise, he started with a force of two thousand men, eight hundred of whom were mounted, and in a long day's march through the wilderness traversed the intervening distance, some thirty miles, to the neighborhood of the fort. The dawn of the next morning saw him approaching the ene my — a -thousand picked warriors. Dis posing the infantry in three lines, he placed the cavalry on the extreme wings, to advance in a curve and in close the foe in a circle. A guard was sent forward to challenge an engage ment. The Indians received its fire and followed in pursuit, when the front line was ordered up to the combat. There was some misunderstanding, and a portion of the militia composing it retreated, when the general promptly supplied their place by dismounting a corps of cavalry kept as a reserve. The militia then rallied, the fire became general, and the enemy were repulsed in every direction. They were pursued by the cavalry and slaughtered in great numbers, two hundred and ninety being left dead on the field and many more bore the marks of the engagement, i The American loss was fifteen killed and eighty-five wounded. The friendly Creeks came forth from the fort to thank their deliverers, and share with them their small supply of food. This was emphatically, contrary to all the rules of war, a hungry campaign. On his return to his camp, to which, having been fortified, the name Fort Strother was given, Jackson found the supplies Avhich he had urgently demand ed, and which he so much needed, not yet arrived. His private stores, which had been bought and forwarded at his expense, were exhausted to relieve the wants of his men. He himself, with his officers, subsisted on unseasoned tripe, like the poor and proud Spanish grandee in the Adventure of Lazarillo de Tonnes, eulogizing the horse's foot, maintaining that he liked nothing bet ter. The story is told of a starving soldier approaching him at this time with a request for food. " I will give you," said the general, " what I have," and with that he drew from his pocket a few acorns, " my best and only fare." ' Food, food, was the constant cry of Jackson in his messages to the rulers in the adjoining States. It was long in coming, and in the meanwhile the commander, eager to follow. up his suc cesses and close the war, was' con demned to remain in inactivity — the hardest trial for a man of his temper. Scant subsistence and the hardships common to all encampments brought discontent. The men longed* to be at home, and symptoms of revolt began to appear. The militia actually com- 1 Eaton's Life of Jackson, p. 6G. 128 ANDREW JACKSON menced their march backward ; but they had reckoned without their leader. On starting they found the volunteers drawn up to oppose their progress, and abandoned their design. Such was the force of Jackson's authority in the camp, that when these volunteers, who were in reality disappointed that the movement did not succeed, attempted in their turn to escape, they were in like manner met by the militia. The occasion required all Jackson's ingenu ity and resolution, and both were freely expended. His iron will had to yield something in the way of compromise. Appealing to his men, he secured a band of the most impressible to remain at Fort Strother, while he led the rest in quest of provisions toward Fort De posit. The understanding was that they were to return with him when food was obtained. They had not gone far when they met a drove of cat tle on their way to the camp. A feast was enjoyed on the spot ; but the men were still intent on going homeward. Nearly the whole brigade was ready for motion, when Jackson, who had ordered their return, was informed of their intention. His resolution was taken on the instant. He summoned his staff, and gave the command to fire on the mutineers if they attempted to proceed. One company, already on the way, was thus turned back, when, going forth alone among the men, he found the movement likely to become general.- There was no choice in his mind but resistance at the peril of his life, for the men once gone, the whole^ campaign was at an end. Seizing a musket, he rested the barrel on the neck of his horse — he was unable, from his wound, to use his left arm — and threatened to shoot the first who should attempt to advance. An intimation of this kind from Jackson was never to be despised. The men knew it, and re turned to their post. They yielded to the energy of a superior mind, but they were not content. Their next resource was, an assertion of the termi nation of their year's enlistment, which they said would expire on the tenth of December ; but here they were met by the astute lawyer, who reminded them that they were pledged to serve one year out of two, and that the year must be an actual service in the field of three hundred and sixty-five days. The argument, however, failed to con vince, and as the day approached the men were more resolute for their de parture. They addressed a courteous letter to their commander, to which he replied in an earnest expostulatory ad dress. " I know not," he said, " what scenes will be exhibited on the tenth instant, nor what consequences are to flow from them here or elsewhere ; but as I shall have the consciousness that they are not imputable to any mis conduct of mine, I trust I shall have the firmness not to shrink from a dis charge of my duty." The appeal was not heeded, and on the evening of the ninth the signs of mutiny were not to be mistaken. The general took his measures accordingly. He ordered all officers and soldiers to their duty, and stationed the artillery company with their two pieces in front and rear, while he posted the militia on an eminence in advance. He himself rode along ANDREW JACKSON. 129 the line and addressed the men, in their companies, with great earnestness. Ee talked of the disgrace their conduct would bring upon themselves, their families and country ; that they would succeed only by passing over his dead body : while he held out to. them the prospect of reinforcements. "I am too," he said, " in daily expectation of receiving information whether you may be discharged or not ; until then, you must not and shall not retire. I have done with entreaty ; it has been used long enough. I will attempt it no more. You must now determine whe ther you will go, or peaceably remain : if you still persist in your determina tion to move forcibly off, the point be tween us shall soon be decided." There was hesitation. He demanded a posi tive answer. Again a slight delay. The .artillerist was ordered to prepare the match. The word of surrender passed along the line, and a second time the rebellious volunteers suc cumbed to the will of their master. These, . it should be stated, were the very men, the original company, whom Jackson had earned to Natchez, and for whose welfare on their return he had pledged his property. But in vain he reminded them of the fact, and ap pealed to their sense of generosity to remain in the service. He gave them finally the choice to proceed to Tennes see or remain with him. They chose the former, and he let them go. The men he had left with him were enlisted for short periods^ or so under stood it. There was little to build upon for the campaign, and he was even advised by the Governor of Ten nessee, to abandon the prosecution of the war, at least for the present, or till the administration at Washington should provide better means for- carry ing it on. This was not advice, des perate as appeared the situation, to be accepted by Jackson. His reply was eminently characteristic — charged with a determined self-reliance which he sought to infuse into his correspondent. " Take the responsibility " is written all over it. "If you would preserve your reputation," he writes, " or that of the State over which you preside, you must take a straightforward, deter mined course ; regardless of the ap plause or censure of the populace, and of the forebodings of that dastardly and designing crew, who, at a time like this, may be expected to clamor con tinually in your ears. The very wretches who now beset you with evil counsel, will be the first, should the measures which they recommend event uate in disaster, to call down impreca tions on your head, and load you with reproaches. Your countiy is in clan ger: apply its resources to its defence ! Can any course be more plain ? Do you, my friend, at such a moment as the present, sit with your arms folded and your heart at ease, waiting a. solu tion of your doubts and a definition of your powers ? Do you wait for spe cial instruction from the Secretary of War, which it is impossible for you to receive in time for the danger that threatens?" The governor had said that his power ceased with the call for troops. "Widely different," replies Jackson, " is my opinion. You are to see that they come when xney are 130 ANDREW JACKSON called. Of what avail is it," he urges with an earnestness savoring of sarcasm, ' to give an order if it be never executed, and may be disobeyed with impunity ? Is it by empty mandates that we can hope to conquer our enemies and save our defenceless frontiers from butchery and devastation ? Believe me, my valued friend, there are times when it is highly criminal to shrink from responsibility or scruple about the exercise of our powers. There are times when we must disregard punctilious etiquette and think only of serving our country." He also presented, in like forcible terms, the injurious effects of abandon ing the frontiers to the mercy of the savage. The governor took the advice to heart, pointedly as it was given ; he ordered a fresh force of twenty-five hundred militia into the field, and seconded General Jackson's call upon General Cocke for the troops of East Tennessee. Meantime, however, Jack son's force at Fort Strother was re duced to a minimum ; the militia, en listed for short terms, would go, and there was great difficulty in getting new recruits on to supply their places. The brave Coffee failed to re enlist his old regiment of cavalry There was a strange want of alacrity through the early period of this war, in raising and disciplining the militia. With a pro per force at his command, duly equipped and supplied, Jackson would have brought the savages to terms in a month. As it was, nearly a year elapsed ; but the fighting period, when he was once ready to move, was of 3hort duration. While he was waiting for the new Tennessee enlistments, he determined to have one brush with the enemy with such troops as he had. He according ly set in motion his little force of eight hundred raw recruits on the fifteenth of January, on an excursion into the Indian territory At Talladega he was joined by between two and three hun dred friendly Cherokees and Creeks, with whom he advanced against the foe, who were assembled on the banks of the Tallapoosa, near Emuckfau. He reached their neighborhood on the night of the twenty-first, and prepared his camp for an attack before morning. The Indians came, as was expected, about dawn ; were repulsed, and when daylight afforded the opportunity, were pursued with slaughter. There was another sharp conflict about the middle of the day, which ended in a victory for the Americans, at some cost to the conquerors, who, ill prepared to keep the field, moved back toward the fort. Enotochopco Creek was reached and crossed by a part of the force, when the Indians fell upon the rear guard, who turned and fled ; the artil lery, however, still left on that side of the river, gave the savages a warm re ception, when they were pursued by the cavalry, which had recrossed the stream. By this rime the countiy was roused to some adequate support of its gene ral in the field. At the end of Febru ary, Jackson was reinforced by the ar rival at Fort Strother of a force from East and West Tennessee of about five thousand men. By the middle of the next month he Avas in motion, terribly in earnest for a short and summary ex.. ANDREW JACKSON. 131 tirpation of the savages. The execu tion of John Woods, a Tennessee youth Avho had shown some insubordi nation in camp, was a prelude to the approaching tempest. The commander thought it necessary to the unity and integrity of the service. Fortunately for the purposes of this neAV invasion, the chief warriors of the nation assem bled themselves at a place convenient enough for defence, but where defeat was ruin. It was at Tohopeka, an In dian name for the horse-shoe bend of the Tallapoosa, an area of a hundred acres inclosed by the deep waters of the river and protected at its junction with the land by a heavy breastwork if logs pierced for musketry and skill fully arranged for defence. Within this inclosure, at the time of Jackson's arrival, on the twenty-seventh of March, with less than three thousand men, in cluding a regiment of regulars under Colonel Williams, were assembled some eight or nine hundred Avarriors of the Creeks. The plan of attack was thus arranged. Sending General Coffee to the opposite side of the river to effect a diversion in that quarter, Jackson himself directed the assault on the works at the neck. He had two field pieces, which were advantageously planted on a neighboring eminence. His main reliance, however, was at close quarters Avith his musketry. On the river side General Coffee succeeded in inclosing the bend and cutting off escape by the canoes, which he cap tured by the aid of. his friendly In dians, and used as a means of landing in the rear of the enemy's position. This success was the signal for the as sault in front. Regulars and volun teers, eager for the contest, adAranced boldly up. Reaching the rampart, the struggle was for the port-holes, through Avhich to fire, musket meeting musket in the close encounter. " Many of the enemy's balls," says Eaton, "were welded between the muskets and bay onets of our soldiers. Major Montgo mery, of Williams's regiment, led the Avay on the rampart, and fell dead sum moning his men to follow. Others succeeded and the fort Avas taken. In vain was the fight kept up Avithin, from the shelter of the fallen trees, and equally hopeless was the attempt at escape by the river. No quarter was asked, and none given, for none would be received. Women and children were the only prisoners. It was a des perate slaughter. Nearly the Avhole band of Indians perished, selling their lives as dearly as possible. The Ame rican loss was fifty-five killed and about thrice the number wounded ; but tho Cherokee dead Avere to be counted by hundreds. Having struck this fearful blow, Jackson retired to Fort Williams, which he had built on his march, and issued, as was his wont — he was quite equal to Napoleon in this respect — an inspiriting address to his troops. If the words are not always his, the sen timent, as his biographer suggests, is ever Jacksonian. Somebody or other was always found to give expression to his ardent ejaculations, which need only the broad theatre of a European battlefield to vie with the thrilling manifestoes of Bonaparte. " The fiends of the, Tallapoosa Avill no longer mur der our women and children, or disturb 132 ANDREW JACKSON. the quiet of our borders. Their mid night flambeaux will no more illumine their council-house, or shine upon the victim of their infernal orgies." The gratifying event was nearer even than the general anticipated. He looked for a further struggle, but the spirit of the nation was broken. Advancing southward, he joined the troops from the south at the junction of the Coosa and Tallapoosa, the "Holy Ground" of the Indians, where he received their offers of submission. The brave chief tain, Weathersford, voluntarily surren dered hiinself. A portion of the In dians fled to Florida. Those who were left were ordered to the northern parts of Alabama, Fort Jackson being established at the confluence of the rivers to cut off their communication with foreign enemies on the seaboard. The war had originally grown out of the first English successes and the movements of Tecumseh on the north ern frontier, and was assisted by Span ish sympathy on the Gulf. Jackson was now at liberty to return to Nashville with the troops who had shared his victories. He had of course a triumphant reception in Tennessee, and his services were rewarded at Washington by the appointment of major general in the army of the Unit ed States, the resignation of General Harrison at the moment placing this high honor at the disposal of the gov ernment. It was an honor well de served, earned by long and patient ser vice under no ordinary difficulties — difficulties inherent to the position, aggravated by the delays of others, and some, formidable enough to most men, which he carried with him bound up in his own frame. We so naturally associate health and bodily vigor Avith brilliant military achieve ments that it requires an effort of the mind to figure Jackson as he really was in these campaigns. We have seen him carrying his arm in a sling, unable to handle a musket when he confronted his retiring army ; but that was a slight inconvenience of his Avound compared with the gnawing disease Avhich was preying upon his system. " Chronic diarrhoea," says his biographer, " was the form which his complaint assumed. The slightest im prudence in eating or drinking brought on an attack, during which he suffered intensely. While the paroxysm lasted he could obtain relief only by sitting on a chair with his chest against the back of it and his arms dangling for ward. In this position he was some times compelled to remain for hours. It often happened that he was seized with the familiar pain while on the march through the woods at the head of the troops. In the absence of other means of relief he would have a sap ling half severed and bent over, upon which he would hang with his arms downward, till the agony subsided." In July, General Jackson was again at the South on the Alabama, presid ing at the treaty conference with the Indians. The terms he proposed were thought hard, but he was inexorable in requiring them. The treaty of Fort Jackson, signed on the tenth of Au gust, stripped the Creeks of more than 1 Farton's Jackson, I. '647-8. ANDREW JACKSON. 133 half of their possessions, confining them to a region least inconvenient to the peaceful enjoyment of the neigh boring States. "As a national mark of gratitude," the friendly Creeks be stowed upon General Jackson and his associate in the treaty, Colonel Haw kins, three miles square of land to* each, with a request that the United States; Government would ratify the gift : but this, though recommended to Congress by President Madison, was never carried into effect. While the treaty was still under ne gotiation, Jackson was intent on the next movement of the war, which he foresaw would carry him to the shores of the Gulf, He knew the sympathy of the Spaniards in Florida with the English, and was prepared for the de signs of the latter against the southern country. Having obtained informa tion that British muskets Avere distri buted among the Indians, and that English troops had been landed in Flo rida, he applied to the Secretary of War, General Armstrong, for permis sion to call out the militia and reduce Pensacola at once. The matter was left to the discretion of the commander, but the letter conferring the authority did not reach him for six months. In the mean time he felt compelled to take the management of the war into his own hands. Fully aware of the im pending struggle, he was in correspond ence with Governor Claiborne of Lou isiana, putting him on his guard, and with Maurequez, the Spanish governor of Pensacola, calling him to a strict account for his tampering Avith the enemy. To be nearer the scene of op- n— 17 erations, he removed, immediately after the conclusion of the treaty, to Mobile, where he could gain the earliest intelli gence of the movements of the British. Learning there, in September, of a threatened visit of the fleet under the orders of Colonel Nichols to Mobile, he called loudly upon the governors of the adjoining States for aid, and gave the Avord to his adjutant, Colonel But ler, in Tennessee, to enlist and bring on his forces. They responded eagerly to the call, for the name of Jackson was now identified with glory and vic tory, which they were ambitious to share. His old friend, General Coffee, was their leader. Before they arrived, the fort at the mouth of the bay was put in a state of defence under the command of Major Lawrence, of the United States infantiy. In the after noon of the fifteenth of September it was his fortune to maintain the post against a bombardment by the British fleet of Captain Percy which recalls both the attack and success of the de fenders at Fort Sullivan, in the war of the Revolution. What Moultrie and his brave men did on that day in re pelling the assault of Sir Peter Parker and his ships was now done by Law rence at Fort Bowyer. " Don't give up the fort " was his motto, as " Don't give up the ship " had been uttered by his namesake on "the dying deck" of the Chesapeake, the year before. The fort was not given up. Percy's flag ship, the Hermes, Avas destroyed, and the remainder of his command returned, seriously injured, to Pensacola. General Jackson rejoiced in this vic tory at Mobile, and waited only the 134 ANDREW JACKSON. arrival of his forces to carry the war home to the British in Florida. At the end of October, General Coffee ar rived Avith twenty-eight hundred men on the Mobile River, Avhere Jackson joined him, and mustering his forces to the number of three thousand, marched on the third of November against Pensacola. Owing to the difficulty of obtaining forage on the way, the caval ry was dismounted. The troops had rations for eight days. On his arri val before the town, being desirous as far as possible of presenting his movements in a peaceful light, Gene ral Jackson sent a messenger forAvard to demand possession of the forts to be held by the United States " until Spain, by furnishing a sufficient force, might be able to protect the province and preserve unimpaired her neutral char acter." On approaching the fort the bearer of the flag Avas fired on and compelled to retire. Aware of the de licacy of his self-imposed undertaking, before proceeding to extremities he sent a second message to the governor, by a Spanish corporal who had been captured on his route. This time, word was brought back that the gov ernor Avas ready to listen to his propo sals. He accordingly sent Major Piere a second time with his demands. A council was held, and they were re fused. Nothing Avas then left but to proceed. The town was gained by a simple stratagem. Arranging a por tion of his troops as if to advance directly on his road, he dreAV the British shipping to a position on that side, when, by a rapid march, he suddenly presented his main force on the other. He consequently entered the town be fore the movement could be met. A street fight ensued, and a barrier was taken, when the governor appeared with a flag of truce. General Jackson. met him and demanded the surrender of the military defences, which was conceded. Some delay, however, oc curred, which ended in the delivery of the fortifications, of the town, and the blowing up of the fort at the mouth of the harbor. Having accomplished this feat, the British fleet sailed away before morning. Whither were they bound ? To Fort Bowyer and Mobile in all probability, and thither Jack son, leaving the Spanish 'governor on friendly terms behind him, hastened his steps. Tarrying a few days for the British, who did not come, he took his departure for New Orleans, with his staff, and in a journey of nine days reached the city on the first of Decem ber. If ever the force of a single will, the safety Avhich may be provided for. an imperilled people by the confidence of one strong right arm, were fully il lustrated, it would seem to be in the military drama Avhich was enacted in this and the following month on the banks of the Mississippi. Andrew Jackson was the chief actor. Louisia na had brave men in her midst, numer ous in proportion to her mixed popula tion and still unsettled condition, but Avhom had she, at once with experience and authority, to summon on the in stant out of the discordant materials a band strong enough for her preserva tion ? At the time of General Jack son's arrival a large fleet of the enemy ANDREW JACKSON. 13c was hovering on the coast amply pro vided with every resource of naval and military art, bearing a host of the ve teran troops of England, experienced m the bloody contests under Welling ton — an expedition compared with which the best means of defence at hand for the inhabitants of New Or leans resembled the resistance of the reeds on the river bank to Behemoth. It was the genius of Andrew Jackson which made those reeds a rampart of iron. He infused his indomitable cour age and resolution in the whole mass of citizens. A few troops of hunters, a handful of militia, a band of smugglers, a company of negroes, a group of peace ful citizens stiffened under his inspira tion into an army. Without Jackson, iiTesolution, divided counsels, and sur render, might, with little reproach to the inhabitants, under the circumstan ces, have been the histoiy of one fatal fortnight. With Jackson all Avas union, confidence and victory. The instant of his arrival he set about the work of organization, review ing the military companies of the city, selecting his staff, personally examining the approaches from the sea and arrang ing means of defence. He was deter mined that the first step of the enemy on landing should be resisted. This was the inspiration of the military movements Avhich folloAved, and the secret of his success. He did not get behind intrenchments and wait for the foe to come up, but determined to go forth and meet him on the way. He Avas not there so much to defend New Orleans as to attack an army of inso lent intruders and drive them into the sea. They might be thousands, and his force might be only hundreds, but he knew of but one resolve, to fight to the uttermost, and he pursued the reso lution as if he were revenging a per sonal insult. Events came rapidly on as was anti cipated, an attack Avas made from the fleet upon the gunboats on Lake Borgne. They were gallantry defend ed, but compelled to surrender. This action took place on the fourteenth of December. Now Avas the time, if ever, to met the invading host. The spirit of Jackson rose, if possible, yet higher with the occasion. Well knowing that not a man in the city could be spared, and the inefficiency, in such emergencies, of the civil authority, he resolve to take the Avhole power in his own hands. On the sixteenth, he proclaimed mar tial law. Its effect was to concentrate every energy of the people with a sin gle aim to their deliverance. Two days after, a review was held of the State militia, the Arolunteer companies, and .the battalion of free men of color, when a stirring address was read, penned by the general's secretary, Edward Liv ingston — a little smoother than Old Hickory's bulletins in the Alabama wilderness, but not at all uncertain. The Tennessee, Mississippi and Ken tucky recruits had not yet arrived, but they were on their way, straining every nerve in forced marches to meet the coming danger. Had the British moved with the same energy, the city might, have fallen to them. It was not till the twenty-first, a week after their victory on the lake, that they began their advance, and pushed a portion of 136 ANDREW JACKSON. their force through the swamps, reach ing a plantation on the river bank, six miles below the city, on the forenoon of the twenty-third. It was past mid day when word was brought to Jack son of their arrival, and within three hours a force of some two thousand men was on the way to meet them. No attack was expected by the enemy that night ; their comrades were below in numbers, and they anticipated an easy advance to the city the next morn ing. They little knew the commander with whom they had to deal. That very night they must be assailed in their position. Intrusting an impor tant portion of his command to General Coffee, who was on hand with his brave Tennesseans, charged with surrounding the enemy on the land side, Jackson himself took position in front on the road, while the Carolina, a war schooner, dropped down on the river opposite the British station. Her can nonade, at half-past seven, throwing a deadly shower of grape-shot into the ¦encampment, was the signal for the commencement of this night struggle. It was a fearful contest in the darkness, frequently of hand to hand individual prowess, particularly where Coffee's riflemen were employed. The forces actually engaged are estimated on the part of the British, including a reinforce ment which they received, at more than twenty-three hundred ; about fifteen hundred Americans took part in the fight. The result, after an engagement of nearly two hours, was a loss to the latter of twenty-four killed, and one hundred and eighty-nine wounded and missing. The British loss was much larger, sustaining as they did the addi tional fire of the schooner. Before daylight, Jackson took up hig position at a canal two miles distant from the camp of the enemy, and con sequently within four of the city. The canal Avas deepened into a trench, and the earth throAvn back formed an em bankment, Avhich was assisted by the famous cotton bales, a device that proved of much less value than has been generally supposed. A fortnight was yet to elapse before the final and conclusive engagement. Its main inci dents were the arrival of General Sir EdAvard Pakenham, the commander-in chief, with General Gibbs, in the British camp, on the twenty-fifth, bring ing reinforcements from Europe; the occupation by the Americans of a posi tion on the opposite side of the river protecting their camp ; the destruction of the Carolina by red hot shot on the twenty-seventh; an advance of the British, with fearful preparation of artillery, to storm the works the fol lowing day, which was defeated by the Louisiana sloop advantageously posted in the river, and the fire from the American batteries, which were every day gaining strength of men and muni tions ; the renewal of the attack with like ill success on the first of January; the simultaneous accession to the Ame rican force of over two thousand Ken tucky riflemen, mostly without rifles; a corresponding addition to tho enemy on the sixth, and a general accumula tion of resources on both sides, in pre. paration for the final encounter. On the eighth of January, a last attempt was made on the American front, which ANDREW JACKSON. 137 extended about a mile in a straight line from the river along the canal into the wood. The plan of attack, which was well conceived, was to take possession of the American work upon the oppo site bank of the river, turn its guns upon Camp Jackson, and under cover of this diversion scale the embankment, and gain possession of the battery. The first was defeated by the want of means, and loss of time in getting the necessary troops across the river; the main attack, owing to some neglect, was inadequately supplied with scaling ladders, and the troops were marched up to slaughter from the murderous fire of the artillerymen and riflemen from behind the embankment. Throughout the whole series of engagements, the American -batteries, mounting twelve guns of various calibre, were most skil fully served. The loss on that day of death was to the defenders but eight -killed and thirteen wounded ; that of the assailants in killed, wounded and missing exceeded, in their official re turns, two thousand.1 A monument in Westminster Abbey attests the regret of the British public for the death of the commander-in-chief, a hero of the Peninsular war, the lamented Paken- ham. Ten days after, having endured vari ous hardships in the meantime, the British army, under the direction of General Lambert, took its departure. On the twenty-first, Jackson broke up his camp with an address to his troops, and returned to New Orleans in tri umph. On the twenty-third, at his 1 Dawson's Battles of the United States, II. 419. request, a Te Deum was celebrated at the cathedral, when he was received at the door, in a pleasant ceremonialj by a group of young ladies, representing the States of the Union. The conduct of Jackson throughout the month of peril, whilst the enemy was on the land, was such as to secure him the highest fame of. a commander. He had not been called upon to make any extensive manoeuvres in the field, but he had taken his dispositions on new ground with a rapid and profound calculation of the resources at hand. His employment of Lafitte and his men of Barrataria,- the smugglers whom he had denounced from Mobile as "hellish banditti," is proof of the sagacity Avith Avhich he accommodated himself to cir cumstances, and his superiority to pre judice. They had a character to gain and turned their Avild experience of gunnery to most profitable account at his battery. His personal exertions and influence may be said to have won the field ; and it should be remembered in what broken health he passed his sleepless nights, and days of constant anxiety. The departure of the British did not relax the vigilance of the energetic Jackson. Like the English Strafford, his motto was " thorough," as the good people of New Orleans learnt before this affair was at an end. He did not abate, in the least, his strict military rule, till the last possible occasion for its exercise had gone by. It was con tinued when the enemy had left, and through days and weeks when as surance of the peaco news Avas estab lished to every mind but his own. He 138 ANDREW JACKSON. chose to have certainty, and the " rigor of the game." In the midst of the ovations and thanksgivings, in the first moments of exultation, he "signed the death warrant of six mutineers, de serters, who as long before as Septem ber, had construed a service of the old legal term of three months as a release from their six months' engagement; and the severe order was executed at Mobile. In a like spirit of military exactitude, New Orleans being still held under martial law, to the chafing of the citizens, he silenced a newspaper editor who had published a premature, incorrect bulletin of peace; banished the French citizens who were disposed to take refuge from his jurisdiction in their nationality; arrested an impor tant personage, M. Louaillier, a mem ber of the Legislature, Avho argued the question in print; and when Judge Hall, of the United States Court, granted a writ of habeas corpus, to bring the affair to a judicial investiga tion, he was promptly seized and im prisoned along with the petitioner. The last affair occurred on the fifth of March. A week later, the official news of the peace treaty was received from Washington, and the iron grasp of the general at length relaxed its hold of the city. The civil authority succeeded to the military, when wounded justice asserted its power, in turn, by summon ing the victorious general to her bar, to answer for his recent contempt of court. . He was unwilling to be entan gled in legal pleadings, and cheerfully paid the imposed fine of one thousand dollars. He Avas as ready in submit ting to the civil authority now that the war was over, as he had been decidec in exacting its obedience when the safety of the State seemed to him the chief consideration. Thirty years after, the amount of the fine, principal and interest was repaid him by Congress. The reception of the victorious de fender of New Orleans, on his return to Nashville, and subsequent visit, in au tumn, to the seat of gOATernment, Avas a continual ovation. On his route, at Lynchburgh, in Virginia, he was met by the venerable Thomas Jefferson, Avho toasted him at a banquet of citi zens. The administration, organizing anew the military defence of the coun tiy, created him major-general of the. southern division of the army, the whole force being arranged in two de partments, of which the northern was assigned to General Brown. It was not long before the name of Jackson was again to fill the public ear, and impart its terrors alike to the enemy and to his own government. The speck of war arose in Florida, which, what with runaway negroes, hostile Indians, filibustering adventu rers, and the imbecility of the Spanish rule, became a constant source of irrita tion to the adjoining American States. There were various Avarlike prelimina ries, and at last, toAvards the end of ' 1817, a murderous attack by the Semi- noles upon a United States boat's crew ascending the Appalachicola. General Jackson was called into the field, charged with the suppression of the war. Eager for the service, he sprang to the work, and conducted it in his own fashion, " taking the responsibil ity" throughout, summoning volunteers ANDREW JACKSON. 139 to accompany him from Tennessee with out the formality of the civil authority, advancing rapidly into Florida after his arrival at the frontier, capturing the Spanish fort of St. Marks, and push ing thence to the Suwanee. General M'Intosh, the half-breed who accompa nied his march, performed feats of valor in the destruction of the Semi- noles. At the former of these places, a trader from New Providence, a Scotch man named Arbuthnot, a superior mem ber of his class, and a pacific man, fell into his hands ; and in the latter, a va grant English military adventurer, one Ambrister. Both of these men were held under arrest, charged with com plicity with the Indian aggressions, and though entirely irresponsible to the American commander of this mili tary raid, "were summarily tried under his order by a court-martial on Spanish territory, at St. Marks, found guilty, and executed by his order on the spot. He even refused to receive the recon sideration of the court of its sentence of Ambrister, substituting stripes and imprisonment for death. Ambrister was shot, and Arbuthnot hung from the yard-arm of his own vessel in the harbor. During the remainder of Jack son's life, these names rang through the country with a fearful emphasis in the strife of parties. Of the many difficulties in the way of his eulogists, this is, perhaps, the most considerable. His own explanation, that he Avas per forming a simple act of justice, would seem, with his previous execution of the six mutineers, to rest upon a par tial study of the testimony ; but this responsibility should of course be di vided with the members of his court. martial. The chief remaining events of the campaign Avere an angry corres pondence with the governor of Georgia, in respect to an encroachment on his authority in ordering an attack on an Indian village, and the capture of Pen sacola, in Avhich he left a garrison. Reckoning day Avith the government Avas next in order. The debate in Con gress on the Florida transactions was long and animated, Henry Clay bear ing a conspicuous part in the opposi tion. The resolutions of censure were lost by a large majority in the House. The failure to convict Avas a virtual vote of thanks.. Fortified by the result, the general, who had been in Washington during the debate, made a triumphal visit to Philadelphia and Nevr York. At the latter place he was presented with the freedom of the city in a gold box, which, a topic for one of the poets of the "croakers" at the time, has bo- come a matter of interest since, in the discussion growing out of a provision of the general's will. He left the gift to the bravest of the New York officers in the next Avar. It Avas finally be- stoAved, in 1850, upon General Ward B. Burnett, the colonel of a NeAv York regiment distinguished in the Mexican war. The original presentation took place at the City Hall, in February, 1819. The protracted negotiations with Spain for the purchase of Florida being noAV brought to an end by the acquisition of the country, General Jackson was appointed by President Monroe the1 first governor of the Territory. He Avas present at the formal cession at 140 ANDREW JACKSON. Pensacola, on the 17th of July, 1821, and entered upon his new duties with his usual vigor — a vigor in one instance, at least, humorously disproportioned to the scene, in a notable dispute with the Spanish governor, in the course of which there was a fresh imbroglio with a United States judge, and the foreign functionary Avas ludicrously locked up in the calaboose — all about the deliv ery of certain unimportant papers. On a question of authority, it was Jackson's habit to go straight forward without looking to see what important modifying circumstances there might be to the right ,or left. It was a mili tary trait which served him very well on important occasions in Avar, and sub sequently in one great struggle, that of the Bank, in peace; but in smaller mixed matters, it might easily lead him astray. For this Don Callava's com edy, Ave must refer the reader to Mr. Parton's full and entertaining narra tive — not the most imposing, but cer tainly not the least instructive portion of his book. The Florida governor ship was not suited to the demands of Jackson's nature; his powers were too limited and restricted ; the irritation of the Spanish quarrel was not calculated to lighten his disease, and Mrs. Jackson Avas at his side to plead the superior claims of home. Thither, after a few months' absence, he returned, doubtless greatly to the relief of the Secretary of State, Mr. Adams, who said at the time to a friend, " he dreaded the arrival of a mail from Florida, not knowing what General Jackson might do next." 1 The 1 Parton's Jackssn, II. 689. remainder of General Jackson's life may be regarded as chiefly political; it is rather as a man of action in politics, than as a theoretical statesman, in any sense, that he is to be considered. He had certain views in public affairs apart from the army, which were more mat ters of instinct than of reflection or argument. The two great trophies of his administrations, his course towards South Carolina in the preservation of the Union, and his victory over the interests of the United States Bank, were of this character. They were both questions likely to present them selves strongly to his mind. He had an old republican antagonism to paper money, and the corruptions of a large moneyed corporation allied to the government, and having once formed this idea, his military energy came in to carry it out through every available means at his disposal. His availability for the Presidency Avas based upon his popularity Avith the people wherever they had fairly come in contact with him. The people, above all other qualities, esteem those of a strong, earnest, truthful, straight forward character. They admire force and unity of purpose, and require hon esty. Jackson had these requisites in perfection. There Avas no mistaking his single aim. It had been displayed on a field Avhere nothing is hidden from the popular eye, Avhere it is even dis posed to exaggeration of what it fairly takes in. In producing a candidate for popular favor in an ordinary election, a great deal is to be done, in common cases, in bringing the public to an un- derstanding of his claims. Hig reputa- ANDREW JACKSON. 141 tion has, in a measure, to be manufac tured. Voters have to be schooled to his appreciation. But Jackson's fame was already made — made by himself. Various things of great importance to the nation were, at different times, to be done, and Jackson had accomplished them. He had freed the land from the savage, and swept the invader from the soil. He had been charged with some errors, but, granting the Avorst, they had no taint of -selfishness or fraud. If he was over rigorous in punishing deserters, and punctilious in his mili tary authority, it was a public necessity which nerved his resolution. A feAV might be sufferers by his ill-directed zeal, but the masses saw only the splen dor of a righteous indignation. It was for them the work was done, and the penalty incurred. His worst private vice was that of a duellist, which is always more apt to be associated with principles of honor, than its frequent incentive, unworthy self-assertion. It is not at all surprising that such a man should be summoned to the Pre sidency. He was nominated by the legislature of his own State in 1823, which sent him again to the Senate, and he was highest on the list of the candidates voted for the following: year — he had ninety-nine out of two hundred and sixty-one votes — when the election was carried into the House of Representatives, and Adams was chosen by the influence of Henry Clay At the next election, he was borne tri umphantly into the office, receiving more than double the number of votes of his antagonist, Mr. Adams. The vote was one hundred and "seventy- ii.— 18 eight to eighty-three. At the election of 1832, the third time Jackson's popu larity was tested in this way, the vote stood for Clay forty-nine, for Jackson two hundred and thirty-nine. The record of these eight years of his Presidential service, from 1829 to 1837, is the modern history of the democratic party, of the exertions of its most distinguished representatives, of the establishment of its most che rished principles — its anti-bank creed in the overthrow of the national bank, and origination of the subtreasury system, which went into operation with his successor — the reduction of the tariff — the opposition to internal im provements — the payment of the na tional debt. In addition to the settle ment of these long agitated questions, his administration was signalized by the removal of the Cherokees from Georgia, and the Creeks from Florida ; while its foreign policy was candid and vigorous, bringing to a satisfactory adjustment the outstanding claims on France and other nations, and main taining friendly relations with England. In all these measures, his energetic hand was felt, but particularly was his pecu- liar character manifested in his veto of 1832, and general conduct of the bank question, the collection of the French indemnity, and his enforcement of the national authority in South Carolina. The censure of the Senate on the 28th March, 1834, for his removal of the deposits of the public money from the bank as " an assumption of authority and power not conferred by the Consti tution and laws, but in derogation of both " — a censure supported by the ex- 142 ANDREW JACKSON. traordinary coalition -of Calhoun, Clay and Webster, measures the extent of the opposition his course encountered in Congress ; . while the Expunging Re solution of 1837, blotting out that con demnation, indicates the reception and progress of his opinions Avith the seve ral States in the brief interim. The personal attack made upon him in 1835, by a poor lunatic at the door of the Capitol, " a diseased mind acted upon by a general outcry against a public man," * may show the sentiment with Avhich a large portion of the press and a considerable popular party habit ually treated him. The love of AndreAV Jackson for the Union deserves at this time more than a passing mention. It was em phatically the creed of his head and heart. He had no toleration for those who sought to weaken this great in stinct of nationality. No sophism could divert his understanding from the plainest obligations of duty to his whole country. He saAV as clearly as the subtlest logician in the Senate the inevitable tendencies of any argu ment Avhich would impair the alle giance of the people of the States to the central authority. He could not make such a speech as Web ster delivered on the subject, but he knew as well as Webster the abyss into Avhich nullification Avould plunge its advocates. His vigorous policy saved his oAvn generation the trials to which ours has been subjected. Had his spirit still ruled at the proper mo ment in the national administration, 1 Benton's Thirty Years' View, I. 623. Ave too might have been spared the un told evils of a gigantic rebellion. It is remarkable that it was predicted by him — not in its extent, for his patriot ism and the ardor of his temperament would not have allowed him to imagine a defection so wide-spread, or so la mentable a lack of energy in giving encouragement to its groAvth — but in its motive and pretences. When nulli fication wras laid at rest, his keen in sight saw that the rebellious spirit Avhich gave the doctrine birth was not extinguished. He pronounced the tar iff only the pretext of factious and malignant disturbers of the public peace, " who would involve their coun try in a civil war and all the evils in its train, that they might reign and ride on its whirlwinds, and direct the storm." Disunion and a southern con federacy, and not the tariff, he said, were the real objects of the conspira tors, adding, with singular sagacity, " the next pretext will be the negro or the slavery question." 1 Eight years of honorable repose re mained to the victor in so many battles, military and political, after his retire ment from the Presidency. They were passed in his - seat near Nashville, the home of his liappy married life, but no longer cheered by the warm-hearted, sincere, devout sharer of his many trials. That excellent Avife had been taken from him on the eve of his first occupation of the Presidential chair, and her memory only Avas left, Avith its inviting lessons of piety, to temper the passions of the true-hearted old man as 1 Letter to the Rot. Andrew J, Crawford. Washing ton, May 1, 1833. ANDREW JACKSON 143 he resigned himself to religion and the cares of another and better world. He had early adopted, as his own son, a nephew of his wife, and the child grew up always fondly cherished by him, bore his name and inherited his estate. " The Hermitage," the seat of a liberal hospitality, never lacked intimates dear to him. He had the good heart of Dr. Johnson in taking to his home and at taching to himself friends Avho greAV strong again in hi3 manly confidence. Thus, in the enjoyment of a tranquil old age, looking back upon a career which belonged to history, he met the increasing infirmities of ill health with pious equanimity, a member of the Presbyterian church, where his wife had so fondly worshipped — life sloAvly ebbing from him in the progress of his dropsical complaint — till one summer day, the eighth of June, 1845, the child of the Revolution, an old man of sev enty-eight, - closed his eyes in lasting repose at his beloved Hermitage. The genius and peculiarities of An drew Jackson afford a tempting subject for the pen of the essayist. His reso lute will, strong, fierce and irresistible, resting upon a broad honesty of nature, was paramount. It was directed more by feeling and impulse than by educa tion and reflection ; consequently there was a spice of egotism even in its pur est resolves, and it sometimes took harsh ways to good ends. SomehoAV or other, it generally had the sanction of success. The integrity of his pub lic life, the great national measures vrith which his name is identified, will throw into obscurity, on the page of history, his personal weaknesses — the violence of his temper, his oaths, his quarrels and occasional seeming want of magnanimity. Strange that so fin ished and courteous a gentleman should at times have been so rude ! An apology has been found in the struggles of his early life, the rough frontier society into which he was in troduced, and the lifelong irritations of disease. That in despite of these tan gible defects, he should, through so great a variety of circumstances, civil and military, have controlled so many strong and subtle elements, and have found so many learned and able men to do his work and assist him in his upward path, is the highest proof of his genius. HENRY CLAY. A cukioits resemblance has been traced, by an ingenious writer, between many points in the personal career of Henry Clay and Andrew Jackson — leaving out, of course, the military life of the hero of New Orleans, and the remarkable success which seemed to be bound by some Jacksonian law to everything which he undertook. The main points of the comparison are their youthful fortunes, the absence of any very definite education, the choice of the bar for a profession, the early appearance of each in a new western region, their" rapid advancement with its growth in political life, their popu-7 larity and rule in two adjacent States. " Both early impressed themselves upon the community around them, and were distinguished for the same personal characteristics. Both rose at once to posts of honor and distinction ; and at an early age enrolled their names, and to the last preserved them, among the first and highest of the republic. Both were men of quick perception, of prompt action, of acute penetration, of business capacity, of masculine common sense, of quick and unerring judgment of men, of singular fertility of resour ces, of remarkable power to create or avail themselves of circumstances, of consummate tact and management 144 Both were distinguished for grace and ease of manners, for happy and pol ished address, and for influence over the wills and affections of those who came within the circle of their ac quaintance and associations. Both were of lithe, sinewy and slender phy sical conformation, uniting strength with activity and great powers of en durance with a happy facility of labor. Both were men of the warmest affec tions, of the gentlest and most concili ating manners in social intercourse when they wished to please, of truth and loyalty and steadfastness in friend ship, bitter and defiant in their enmi ties, of extraordinary directness in their purposes, of patient and indefati gable temper in following out their ends or waiting for their accomplish ment. Neither could brook a rival or opposition, and each had the imperial spirit of a conqueror not to be subdued, and the pride of leadership which could not follow. They were Ameri cans both, intensely patriotic and na tional, loving their whole country, :'ts honor, its glory, its institutions, its union, with a love kindled early and quenched only in death."1 These are the coincidences. Our narrative 1 Party Leaders, by J. G Baldwin, p. 282-S. ALonzo Chappel C "I Zz/V/>v-v^ r?i>ms // Tfrrtrat/ z?i-tf\& passes su^ho A &s /iwiz/r Johnson Trr Sc Co. PnVhsher:; New York EnlatvU i.-cn/iiur to not ef iZtmtprra* A.!? 7.16} >-r Ji-hin-an-TH- &Ca in the ,-icrk-? .v.'ia