YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY
3 9002 07223 7887
Cleav3land, IJehemiah
An .Address. ..
Newburyport, 1824.

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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

1942

AN

ADDRESS,

DELIVERED AT

JULY 5, 1824.

IN COMMEMORATION OF

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCB,

BY NEHEMIAH CLEAVELAND.

NEWBURYPORT :
W. 4 J. OILMAN— STATE-STREET .
1824.

AT a meetmg of the J^ewburyport Dehaling Society, July 9, ISM.
Voted, That the thanks of this Society be presented to
Mr. N. CiiEAVELAiVD, for the chaste and eleg-ant Address delivered
before them, at their request, at the late anniversary, and that the
Hon. Ebenezer Moseley, Capt. Eleazer Johnson, and Col. Abraham
Williams be a Committee to solicit a copy for the press.
Erom the records. J. T. Balch, Sec'y.

33 ak

HOW ought we to celebrate the natal day of
our country's freedom ? How may we, at once, con
sult our own advantage, and render to the illustrious
founders of our republic the tribute, which they de
serve ? No commemoration, if I do not mistake, is
truly entitled to the name, which does not go beyond
the merely external demonstrations of festive joy.
Alone, these can but excite the animal feelings, and
afford, perhaps, a momentary gratification. There is
a spectacle more splendid than the blaze of bonfire and
rocket ; — there are sounds more noble than any which
ring from the loud mouths of bells and guns, which on
this hallowed jubilee, evei-y American should see and
hear. That spectacle is the view which he may take
of his country's happiness and glory ;— those sounds
are the language, however simple it may be, which
conveys to heaven a nation's gratitude, — and which
expresses to freemen the congratulations of freemen.
It is for its moral uses that this festival is chiefly
to be prized, and in proportion as they may be auxili
ary to these are all othei's to be valued. On this day,
peculiarly, will memory be busy with the glorious
past, — contemplation will delight to dwell on the
present, — and hope will look forward with new ai-dor
to the future. A day it should be of magnanimous
thoughts — of glowing and generous resolutions. On

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this day, at least, in each revolving year, should the
millions of our countrymen think and feel alike. No
spirit of faction, and no low ambition should contami-
nate the scene, when assembled thousands meet in
friendship, and lay their willing offerings on the altars
of their country, and of God.
It is well known that, for several years past, the
active notice of this anniversary has, by general con
sent, devolved, chiefly, on the younger portion of the
community. Not, we miay fairly presume, because our
fathers have lost their interest in the occasion, or the
events which it commemorates, This, we should pro-
flounee impossible, even did they ijot still cheer us with
their approving presence. May it not be, that awarp
how rich and noble the inheritance, which they must
soon leave their sons, they would lead them early tp
consider and to estimate its value, and better fit them
fpr the period when they shall have become its possess
ors and guardians ? The idea is at least, so natural;,
that it will not, I hope, be thought too great a devia-
tion from common usage, if in conformity with it, the
brief remarks which may follow, should have their prin
cipal reference tp the class ju^t named. It can do us
no injury, my friends, to reflcQt, fpr a few moments, on
some of those cpnsideratioas, which we may suppose
that our seniors in age aqd station would solicitously
charge upon our minds, and impress upon our hearts ;
in other words, to enquire, what should be the senti
ments and views, — and what are the resulting dutiei^
of the young American.
Disconnected from that strong feeling, the love of
country, we can form no idea of a true citizen, wheth
er young or old. And what is that emotion SQ uni-

versally praised^ — so often pretended^-and, if we
may believe the demagogue, so rarely found ? Is it a
general and undistinguishing sentiment, which scorns
the little details of affection, and passes by the endear
ments of kindred and friends, to embrace in its broad
arms nothing less than an empire ?
" When was pujblic virtue to be found
Where private was not ? Can he love the whole.
Who loves no part ? He be a nation's friend,
Who is, in truth, the friend of no man there ¦?"
Rather, does not this feeling primarily rest on the
social affections ? If, indeed, it be not as correct to
trace it to a more simple source — to that justifiable self-
love, which serves but to waken those virtuous sensibil
ities, whose expanding circles successively include a
neighborhood, a country, and a world. Home the scene
of heart-felt delight, friends the solace and ornaments
of life, and all the interests of the immediate corporation
or society to which he belongs, are not less a portion
of that country, which the good man loves, than aVe
her more extended character and relations, the gov
ernment and privileges in which he glorjes, her pub
lic prospei'ity, and her wide renown. Whatever,
therefore, tends to render us exemplary in the dis
charge of personal and domestic obligations, just in
common ilealings, courteous and honorable in our so
cial relations, or zealous and discreet in promoting
the welfare of our town or village, will bear as directly
on our patriotism, and as truly advance it, as would the
spirit that should prompt to far higher efforts, — that
would seek the purest of civic honors, or the highest
and noblest in military achievement.
And it is a consideration well worthy our attention,
jjiat it is thus, and thus only, that the greater part of

us can act at all. Generally it may be asserted, that
pur duties, as citizens, lie at home and in our own vi
cinity. But a very small proportion of the community
are called to the^camp, — the senate,— or the cabinet.
With us, therefore, the enquiry of chief interest is,
what will best fit us for our destined sphere of action*
If the view just taken be correct, the character of good
citizenship implies all the principles and obligations
of morality and virtue, and these might, with propriety,
be urged even by him, whose only object is to incuU
cate the duty of patriotism. For me, and for the oc
casion it is suflBeient to say, that we may well esteem
it the richest privilege we enjoy, that of necessity, al
most every individual in our happy community learns
the principles, and is exhorted by the motives, which
not only tend to make him a better member of society,
but which must lay the foundation of his highest hap
piness and hopes.
Unsupported by the solid basis of virtuous habits,
no social compact can long endure. ' Virtue' — says
the voice of unerring experience, and she points you,
while she speaks, to the wrecks of a thousand states,
^ virtue is the only safeguard of nations.' To those
whose governments rest on popular principles, the re
mark is doubly applicable, and peculiarly so to our
own. This the ingenuous youth will remember, and
feel that he cannot more effectually serve his country,
than by endeavoring with whatever influence he may
possess, to elevate and sustain the tone of her public
morals. Such an one will prefer the calm satisfactions
of undeviating rectitude and conscious purity, to tiie
most lucrative and the most elevated station, that can
pnly be purchased by the sacrifice of his integrity,— and

in the candidate for office and honours, he will seek
merit rather than factious zeal, and look for principle
sooner than for talent.
Next to virtue, in universal estimation, comes in
telligence, since without knowledge and wisdom t&
direct, the best intentions may be led astray. Auspi
ciously for our hopes of freedom and happiness, the
means of information are more extensively diffused,
and more generally applied at the present day, in our
own country, than they have been in any other period,
or portion of the world. Of this privilege we can never
think too highly. Its increase and extension should
be among the first objects of individual and national
effort — as they will certainly be among the first to pro-.
mote personal felicity and public glory.
To us it is an object of nearer moment, to ascertain
which among the numerous and diversified branches of
knowledge, rendered by our wise institutions univer
sally accessible, are most important in their political
hearings^ and best fitted to form the judicious and intel
ligent citizen. A very few of the.se, my brief limits
may permit me to mention.
And as first that presents itself, I would suggest
the study of our political systems. While this would
certainly mean more than a mere familiarity with con-
stitutions and public enactments, it does not necessarily
imply nor require, a deep or extensive knowledge of
the science of government and legislation ; — nothing, in
fact, beyond the reach and means of plain republican
men. On these points our own admirable writers
have collected all that is important, nor need we wish
for better illustrations, or more satisfactory arguments,
than those, which they have given us.

Without attempting to be very minute, let us con-'
sider, for instance, how beneficial would be the influ
ence, should our countrymen generally acquire correct
notions of the nature, and right adjustment of those
different checks and balances, on which our fathers
founded the frame of their government. This indeed
is but one of the numerous and interesting branches of
political science, — but in a country like this, it is one
of paramount importance. Let this principle continue
unimpaired in our forms of government, and we need
not fear for their perpetuity ; for thus, the very pas
sions and clashing interests of men, which work the
destruction of other states, shall prove our safeguard
and advance our happiness.
The usefulness of such knowledge we shall not
easily over'rate, while we perceive new constitutions
daily forming, and old ones undergoing amendment,
or while we consider that there ever has been, and ev
er will be, an aristocratic spirit on the one hand, that
would abridge the popular privilege, and a radical
spirit on the other that would level all distinctions..
Which of these two factions would be most pernicious
in its ultimate ascendency, it may be difficult to say.
Heaven preserve us from the sway of either ! That
there is less danger from one, than from the other, few
probably will doubt, M'ho consider, even slightly, our
past history and present character. The almost pre
siding sentiment has always been that of opposition to
the pride of rank, and the ai'rogance of wealth. The
spirit of independent equality had scarcely sprung to
full life in England, when our pilgrim fathers, trans
ferred it to these more genial shores, and it has ran
down iu their bipod through seven successive genera-

9

tions, displaying itself, whenever there has been op
portunity, with an intenseness and energy almost un
paralleled. The sentiments, which grew up during the
long struggle with our mother-land, and, particularly,
during the war which brought that struggle to a close,
have come to us by inheritance, and will descend to
our posterity. Reasoning even from past analogies,
centuries must elapse ere those feelings and impres
sions can be rooted out and effaced. Is not the dan
ger then, if there be danger any-where, on the popular
side ? And should our country ever be doomed to feel
the curse of despotism, is it not most likely to be when
some master-spirit shall contrive to embroil and foment
those very elements of our community, which seem
now the most jealous of liberty, and most startled at
the thought of usurpation ? It is from the wild hor
rors of anarchy, that men flee to the death-like calm
of absolute power. But such visions are not for us.
Let us not cherish them. We know, and duty and
interest forbid us to forget it, that there is a redeeming
spirit, which can rescue and preserve us. Let virtue
and knowledge go hand in hand, and long as time shall
last, shall our nation be free, and happy, and glorious,
and invincible.
It must be evident to all, that while we shall be
able to preserve in purity and perfection, the most ad
mirable form of representation, that has ever been de
vised, — 'that while frequency of election and rotation
in office shall continue to be maintained, — the opinions
of our governments, both executive and parliamentary,
must generally coincide with those of the people. It
seems impossible that rulers and legi-slators, unaided
by military force, should long act in opposition to the

10

views of the majority who elect them. If then the
sentiments of the community will be virtually the sen
timents of the government, directing its whole policy
and course of action, how important that this community
should possess at least some acquaintance with all the
great principles of polities and legislation. It is not
sufficient to survey the foundations only of our political
fabric; — we should know something of the various parts
of the superstructure, and learn their uses and rela^
tions ; be able to explain the style of its architecture ;
estimate aright even its lighter graces and ornaments ;
and feel and value the beauty of its fine proportions.
Nor would I forget to say, in this connexion, that
the statesmanlike study of political economy is in
teresting and important, not to the statesman only.
All are aware to what ruinous mistakes, and long
courses of disastrous policy, ignorance of this science
has led in times past. And have we not witnessed in
our own enlightened age anil country, and most re
cently too in our highest councils, opinions advanced,
and a system supported, which to us appear directly
opposed to the soundest maxims of that science, and
to the true interests of the nation ? Reasoning the
most lucid and powerful, and resistance the most
strenuous and persevering, did but barely prevent the
evils, which we feared. The nations of the old world,
who have long been groaning under their monopolies
and restrictions, are just awakening to their senses,
and throwing aside their voluntary manacles, — and
shall we be proud to wear their cast-off fetters? Let
but the simple and well founded principles of political
economy become generally understood ; let our colleges
and schools throughout the land, make them a part of

11

systematic instrurition, and it is no rash prediction to
say, that we should hear no more of these disgraceful
collisions between different sections, and interests sup
posed to be different, which are, in reality, one and the
same. Powerful minds would no longer be found,
acting in opposition to their own honest convictions,
when ignorance and false views in their eonstitueiits
should no longer require it. Men would legislate for
the common good : — and with the triple league of our
intelligent and virtuous merchants, manufacturers, and
farmers, we would hardly fear even the million bayo
nets of another triple league.
How many and how valuable tiie lessons of in
struction, which are aftbrded us by the records of past
generations ; — deeds of the wise, and brave, and good,
who have gone to their rest and reward, as they are
illustrated and preserved to us by the pen of genius.
Where will the emulous aspirant after honorable fame
find higher incentives to persevering ardor, — or the
humblest lover of his country's weal, more animating
motives for the discharge of duty, than are contained
in the historic and biographic page ? Glorious and im
mortal art — ^^which embalms as it were the very soul
of man, and transmits to posterity his sentient being; —
not confined in a single pictured sarcophagus for the
inspection of the curious, but multiplied and dispersed
in innumerable impressions for the benefit of all his
race. What the Egyptian bitumen could not accom
plish, the Egyptian papyrus with ease eiieeted, — and
we may still contemplate almost in thtir primitive
freshness and beauty, the features and characters of
minds, which thought and acted in the earlier ages of
ihe world. There is many a splendid name in the

12
anqals of republican Greece and Rome, which the
youth of republican America will appreciate and ad
mire, however they may disapprove the follies and
vices of those nations at large. These they will stu
dy, not so much, we should hope, to catch a tone and
spirit from the thunderbolts of war, not even their Mil-
tiades and Scipios ; as to dwell on the stainless virtues
of the just Athenian, and emulate the singleness of
purpose, calm simplicity, and unbending firmness,
which marked the characters of men like Fabrieius
and Regulus.
And how much does history teach us- of the great
interests of nations,-^of that policy both internal and
foreign, which alone can perpetug.te our free institu
tions. What pictures does it hold up to our view of
terrific despotism and more terrific anarchy. How
surely does it describe the ruinous progress of luxury
and vice. Often with the Muse of History for our
guide, let us walk silent and thoughtful, amid the ru
ins of past empires and republics, assured that in eve
ry crumbling monument, we shall find a faithful and
friendly monitor.
By no means the most inconsiderable in importance
and interest, are the annals of our own land. No one,
with truly filial and patriotic views, can become ac
quainted with the character of his pilgrim ancestors,
or read the narrative of their efforts and sufferings, and
pot associate with veneration for their goodness, and
astonishment at their enduring fortitude, a warmer sen
timent of regard for his own invaluable privileges. Of
fathers like these, false and contemptible indeed must
be the pride, that would make us ashamed. And could
I believe that the time would ever come, when such a

13

sentiment should generally prevail, I should feel con
strained to say of my country, in reference to that pe
riod, the day of her ruin draws nigh. But it can nev
er be. All that is valuable — all that is solid in our
institutions or character, we have derived from them.
And far be it from us to scrutinize, with severity, faults,
that they shared in common with an age, above which
in other respects they rose so high. Nor let us over
estimate our own advancement, though ours may be
the milder graces, and the gentler arts of life. These
may be the beautiful ornaments, but can never become
the substitutes of virtue. Of what avail, the polished
shaft of the column, or the soft acanthus-leaves of its Cor
inthian capital, if the firm pedestal itself be swept away.
But of still greater value than any knowledge of
the past, and, may I not add, of indispensable utility,
is du acquaintance with passing events, — with the act
ual condition and progress of our race. It is thus only
that sympathy is awakened, and benevolence enabled
to exert herself for the good of others. Whatever re
lates to the proceedings of our general and state gov
ernments, — to schemes of improvement and efforts of
philanthropy among us, — to the progress of education
and virtue in our land,— to the rapid and astonishing
developement of our seemingly illimitable resources, —
or to our relations and connexions with other coun
tries, — must ever have the first claim on our attention.
These would we never neglect, since thus furnished,
and thus only, shall we be prepared to fill, with dis
cretion and energy, our parts in the busy scene of ac
tion. And on these points, how much is there to be
known, that may well elevate the proudest spirit, and
c;heer the most benevolent. How much, that encour-

14

ages us to preserve and maintain, at any cost, a gov
ernment, purchased by our fathers' blood, and found
ed by their wisdom. How much that incites us to per
severe in that national policy, both foreign and domes
tic, which has hitherto been attended with such unex
ampled success.
Should we contrast with other countries the con
dition of our own, may it be, not for the sake of invid
ious comparisons, but to gain a deeper sense of our
privileges and obligations. Ours may it never be to
add one pretext for reproachful taunts on our national
vanity,^yet should some supercilious minion of legiti
macy ask ; — " Of what are Americans so proud ?" —
thus, at least, we might venture to reply. We are
proud of a government and of institutions essentially
free : — of civil and religious liberty with all its train
of blessings, not granted us by the kind condescension
of a fellow mortal, but obtained, under God, by our
own strong arm, and determined resolution. We glo
ry, in a community, where every citizen is assured of
impartial justice, and enlightened iSws, — and where
the means of education and the ordinances of religion
are almost universally enjoyed. We love the land,
which was the scene of our fathers' toils and dangers,
and which still holds their mouldering bones. We
shew an escutcheon, which though plain, is stainless, —
and, not least of all, one great compatriot name, the
thought of which were enough, almost, to fill the am
bition of the mightiest and noblest in any land or age.
But not to his home, dear as it may be ; — not to
his country, though to him it seems the happiest and
the best, are the thoughts and wishes of the good cit
izen confined. Wherever man is to be found, there

15

is his brother, — and though wintry forests, and arid
wastes may stretch between — though mountains and
oceans may interpose their barriers, still with friendly
ardor will he search him out. Breathes he, like him
self, the pure air of freedom ? — he greets him with the
honest glow of fraternal' affection. Does he cower an
ignorant and degraded slave ? — still his sympathies
awaken, and his heart burns to relieve. Is there one
American youth, who on this day of hallowed and glo
rious remembrances, sends no thought abroad to his
struggling brethren in the cause of liberty ? Cold and
degenerate must be his spirit, and adulterate the blood,
that creeps in his veins.
It is but one short year this day, since many a sin
cere and sympathising wish went forth from this very
spot, to the fair fields of invaded Spain. Too soon
alas ! were those fond hopes cut off, and we beheld
with astonishment and regret, the "Mene, TeJeel, U-
pharsin" inscribed on the frail walls of her short-lived
freedom. Yet even of Spain, we will not despair. Cor
rupt and degenerate as she has long been, her ordeal
must needs be fiery and severe. Let us still hope to
behold her, when she shall come forth purified and re
generated, and rise like Antaeus stronger from her fall.
And are there any, who are still struggling for lib
erty and laws ? — any, who even now rally round the
banner of independence,— -not like us in peace and fes
tivity to recline beneath its folds, but amid scenes of
fire and blood, to watch it by night, and fight for it by
day ? Yes — there are : — and for them have this morn
ing ascended the prayers of the faithful from a thous
and temples. For them, at this moment, perhaps, a
million true American hearts are beating in unison

16

with ours, In the vast realms of Southern America,
amid scenes whose grandeur suits her mighty spirit>
Freedom again hears the awful voice she loves, and
quitting her cheericss home, in the untrod snows and
the thin blue air, descends to bless the green mountain
side, and floats down with its streams to the plains
below. And, beyond the western and the midland
oceans, after an absence of two thousand years, has
she revisited her earliest haunt, the " bright clime of
battle and of song." Never ! — never may her flag
cease to wave on the tops of the Andes, or the citadels
of Greece !
And now, my compeers, allow me to ask, — with so
much before us for contemplation and for action, can
we ever hesitate for the path we should pursue ?
With so much, on the one hand, to fear and to lose,
and so much to stimulate and reward us on the other,
can we ever become inactive in the course of duty ?
Shall we waste the strength and expend the zeal, which
sliould be given to tiie great interests of philanthropy
and of country, in the fierce quarrels of contentious
party? — in determining whether this man, or that man,
shall hold the reins of government, when, if the peo
ple are true to their duty, it would be almost as diffi
cult for either to guide very wrong, as the miserable
factionary has sometimes found it to stop the wheels ?
No — our honor — and happiness — and the spirit of the
age—require a different course. Their guidance let
us follow ; — that when the time shall come, — and long
be the day protracted ! that we must look around us
and say, Our fathers, where are they ? we may not be
unprepared to fill their places, or to meet, with ability
and readiness like theirs, the great claims of patriot
ism and VIRTUE.

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