YALE UNIVERSITY LiBRAfli'

ii,'' 3 9002 07223 8208
:i^^F^. -,/w- ^^^fff
% p, , -¦ if/ ^- ..¦••*.¦

-=1 1 X ^%/-.

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

A REPLY

IGEN. JOSEPH REEFS REMARKS!
ON A LATB PUBLICATION IN TDE
INDEPENDENT GAZETTEER:
WITH SOUS OBSERVATIOKS ON ms
ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA.
BY GENERAL JOHN CADWALM)ER\
WITH THE LETTERS OF
Gen. George Washington, Gen. Alexander Hamilton, Major David Lennox,
Dr. Benjamin Bngh, Gen. P. Dicliinson, Gen. Henry Laurens and otiien.

PHILADELPHIA:
PBIHTEO AMD SOLD BT T. BRADFORD,
In Front Street, the fourth Door below the Coffee-Houw.
HDOCLXXXIII.

A REPLY

GENERAL JOSEPH REED^S REMARKS

ON A LATE FCBLICATION IN THE

INDEPENDENT GAZETTEER

wrrH SOME oBaiRTATiom on h»

ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA.

PHILADELPHIA! *
JPBIHTED AND SOLO BT T. BRADFORD,
In Front i^treet, the fourth Door below the Coffee-HouM^i
MDCOLXXXIII.

?/X

INTRODUCTION TO THIS REPUBLICATION.

A FEW years since, a writer, over the signature of " Valley
Forge," published in an evening paper of Philadelphia, called the
" Evening Journal," and put forth certain statements connected
with our revolutionary history, which caused a great excitement,
and led to a challenge of an interview with the author, by the de
scendants of a person, whose character was considered as involved
in doubt, as to his being a patriot of 1776. The party challenged
failed to attend the proposed meeting, and this pamphlet will give a
clue to the whole writings of " Valley Forge," and justify com
pletely the course pursued by the editor of the " Evening Jour'
nal,^' who is not now of this world, and of course a matter imma
terial perhajis to his friends and relatives.
The letters of Major Lennox and P. Dickinson refer to a person
whose name is not mentioned, who was included in the application
to Count Donop for a protection. There certainly must be in the
possession of some of the descendants of revolutionary families,
evidence to show who this person was ; and it may yet be pro
duced, to do justice to the memory of the men who figured in those
times. Trenton, December 26th, 1846. ».

To THE PUBLIC.

When an appeal is made to the public by a person who has interested
himself in the affairs 6f America from the beginning of the present revo
lution, he has a claim to their attention, with respect to transactions that
reflect either upon his political conduct or principles as a patriot.
I wish, most sincerely, that all prejudices in fevor or against General
Reed or myself, may be laid aside on the present occasion, and that truth
and justice inay influence the determination of the public.
The world is now in possession of General Reed's address to me, re
lating to a conversation I had with him at Bristol in the winter of 1776,
and as it contains the grossest reflections upon my character, as a man
of veracity and a patriot, it is incumbent on me to reply.
Mankind have been much the same, in every age, with respect to their
conduct in political life. Their minds have been inflamed by the same
passions, prejudices and resentments, and parties have been supported by
complaints and representations, which naturally grow into invective and
personal abuse.
From these principles, General Reed has deduced those arguments
aid conclusions, which he vainly afiects to think will justify him in as
serting, that my conduct has been influenced by motives of hatred, re
sentment, and disappointed ambition. But wh^n it shall appear, from the
testimony I have inserted in the following sheets, that the conversation al
luded to was spoken of by me in confidence, at a time when he asserts that
all former personal dislike was removed, and that " we united in confidence
and danger at the battle of Monmouth ;" at a time, too, when he admits,
that " no party or prejudices existed, (at least as to him,") the premises
from which he has drawn his conclusions must be removed, and conse
quently his arguments fall with them.
If my bare affirmative against his negative was the only foundation on
which the public were to found their judgment, our several characters,
in the article of veracity, would be fairly weighed by candour, and a ver
dict given in favor of the preponderating scale. If, then, I had hazarded
an assertion, without other (the most respectable) testimony to support
it, the consciousness of my own integrity would have suppressed any feara
with respect to the public opinion.
The many and hasty movements of my family during the present con
test, have displaced several valuable papers relating to roperty as well
as military affairs. I do not, however, despair of yet finding important
ones relating to this matter, that may some time hence be published.
But what need is there of more than I shall here adduce ; since every
prejudiced miiid must' feel (if not acknowledge) the testimony too re
spectable and powerful to admit of apology or reply. Testimony, too,.

•btained, (hi manj instancea,) from persons to whom 1 am eearealy
known,— persons residing in other states, who cannot be supposed to ba
the particular enemies of General Reed, or in any way connected with
the politics of Pennsylvania. t i, ii i.
Many other certificates, supporting and confirming those I shall here
offer to the public are omitted, as it is thought they will swell the publi
cation to an urtnecessnry size ; and affidavits may, if required, be obtained
to all the certificates which appear in this pamphlet.

As the publication signed ' Brutus,' addressed to General Reed, con
taining certain queries, is referred to, it is thought necessary to reprint it.
To the Printer of the Independent Gazetteer.
Sir,— It is much to the honor of America, that in the present revolu
tion, there have not been many instances of defection among ofiicers of
rank in the Continental army. In Oliver Cromwell's time, we fre
quently tee a general fighting one day for the King, another for the Par
liament ; so unstable and wavering were the opinion of those republicans.
The corruption of the times is now become a universal complaint, and
one would be almost tempted to believe, tbat the former days were better
than these ; that our forefathers were possessed of greater moral rectitude
than the present generation, did not history and experience convince us
of the contrary. There is, however, one great evil peculiar to this age,
—that of assuming the credit of being endowed with virtues to which
we are perfect strangers. Cunning address and eloquence have ofteni
misled the honest but too credulous multitude, and they have been taught
to consider many a man as a patriot and a hero, whose real character
was marked with nothing but deceit and treachery to his country. It is
also amazing, that such men should meet v.'ith the highest success, and
bear their blushing honors thick upon Ihem, whilst modest merit and true
patriotism could neither gain the suffrages of the people, nor the appro
bation of those who held the reins of government.
The reflections I am now making have, in a striking manner, been
verified in this state. I should be extremely sorry to accuse without a
just foundation, or to adduce a charge, were I not convinced that it is of
tbe utmost importance that the public, — the people at large; — should be
enabled to form a right 'opinion of such men, who have been honored, or
may be honored with their suffrages, and thereby exalted to places of the
highest trust and confidence.
Impressed with this idea, and with a design to elucidate such charac
ters, 1 shall take the liberty to propose lo.the public the following queries :
1. Was not General RA-d, in December, 1776, (then A  1 G  1
of the Contmental army,) sent by General Washington to the command
ing oflScer at Bristol, with orders relative to a general attack intended to
be made on the enemy's post at Trenton, and those below, on thp 35th,
at night ?
% Two or threa days before the intended attack, fiid not General R — d
iay, in conversation . with the said commanding ofllcer at his quarterg,

that our aflaira looked very desperate, and that we were only making s •
sacrifice of ourselves 1
3. Did he not also say, that the time of General Howe's proclamatioa,
offering pardon and protection to persons wJao should come in before the
1st of January, 1777, was nearly expired, and that Galloway, the Aliens,
and others, had gone over, and availed themselves of the pardon and pro
tection offered by the said proclamation f
4. Did not he. General R — d, at, the same time say, that he had a
family, and oiight to take care of them ( and that he did not understand
following the wretched remains of a broken army "!
5. Did he not likewise say to the said commanding officer, that his
brother, (then a colonel or lieutenant-colonel of militia,) was at Burling
ton with his family, and that he had advised him to remain there, and if
the enemy took possession of the town, to take a protection and swear
allegiance 1
It is well for America, that very few general officers have rea
soned in this manner ; if they had. General Howe would have made an
easy conquest of the United States. And it is very obvious, that officers
of high rank, with such sentiments, can have no just pretensions to pa
triotism or public virtue, and can by no means be worthy of any post of
honor or place of trust, where the liberties and interest of the people aro
immediately concerned. BRUTUS.
Philadelphia, September 3, 1782.

TO GENERAL JOSEPH REED.
In the first part of your late publication, which is no less an invective
against me, than it is a defence of yourself, you have, with sufficient art,
insisted on my remarkably contentious, factious,* and jealous spirit, which
suffers no man, undisturbed, to enjoy his well-earned feme ; a circum
stance in my character you expected to derive considerable benefit from
in the controversy between us. For this point being once gained, every
suggestion, every article of charge against you, which has its foundation
and, support in me, would naturally be referred to those fierce and ma
lignant passions you have so unsparingly bestowed on me, and no longer
rest upon the general credit and reputation I trust I have acquired and
maintained. But as I cannot, w^ithout injustice to myself, make this con
cession to you, I must declare my general ^tenor of conduct to have been
far otherwise, — that in my prjvate life I have been at peace and harmony
with all mankind ; and in my public, at enmity only with such public
men as have disgraced their country by their vices or injured it by their
crimes. ,
• Here the following anecdote will afford an occasion of recriminating.
When Mr. Reed was proposed as a Brigadier in the army, Mr. John Adams,
now our minister in Holland, openly objected, in Congress, to bis appoint.
ment, saying he wae of a' factious spirit, and had been notoriously instrumental
in fomenting discords between the troops of the different States.

8
Wherein until the present, except in a sipgle instance, have I drawn
the public attention, by attacks upon the character of any man ; and that
instance, an impostor, like yourself, who had got into a seat of honor.
In this, it was virtue to become his accuser.
If you rely upon your instance, as affording a proof of my eagerness
for controversy, it will not answer your purpose. I have not brought you
to the public bar ; for, whatever was the amount of your offences, I nei
ther urged nor wished a public inquiry ; another has brought you there,
and lappear only as a witness against you, challenged and defied by
yourself. This being premised, I shall enter upon rny subject, and reply to such
parts of your pamphlet as respect me, and therefore specially concern me
to notice.
Your remarks, you say, are with propriety addressed to me ; because,
though not the actual author, it is to me you are really indebted for tho
insidious attempt on your reputation.
That the public may have the most authentic proofs of the manner in
which I have been involved in this controversy, I think it necessary here
to insert the original letters that passed in the course of our correspond
ence, last fall, on this subject.
Sir, — I have, for a long time, treated the anonymous abuse which dis
graces our public papers with the contempt it deserves. But in Oswald's
paper, of last Saturday, are a set of queries, signed Brutus, in which the
author, not daring to make an open assertion, has insinuated, that ill 1776
I meditated a desertion to the enemy. Though my soul rises with indig-
, nation at tlie infamous slander, [ should treat it with scorn, if it did not
seem to deserve some credit from a reference to you. Prejudiced, as I
know you are, I should be sorry to suppose you capable of propagating
such a sentiment, or decline the opportunity of doing justice to my cha
racter and in some degree your own. And this for two reasons ; first,
the gross falsehood of the insinuation j and, secondly, to preserve a con
sistency in your own character, which must suffer from your placing such
confidence in me, with respect to the military operations of that period,
and permitting General Washington to do the same, after such a conver
sation as these queries suppose. I need make no apology, in this case,
for requesting an immediate answer, — and am, sir.
Your obedient humble servant.
Market Street, Sept. 9, 1782. JOSEPH REED.
Gen. Cadwalader.
Sir,— In answer to your letter, which I received last evening by Mr.
IhgersoU, relating to queries published in Mr. Oswald's paper of last
Saturday, signed Brutus, I can assure you, (as I did Mr. IngersoU,) that
I am not the author of that publication ; nor have I published one single,
word, since I came from Maryland, relating to the politics of this state ;^
yet'my character has, unprovoked, been traduced by you, or some of your'
friends. But; sir, I have repeatedly mentioned the substance of those
queries to individuals immediately after the conversation alluded to hap
pened ; and since that time in many mixed companies. As charges of

the same nature had some time since been made against you, to which
you never made a reply, the world very justly concluded they were true ;
especially as the rank and character of the person who made the charge
(at that time) merited your notice. From this circumstance, it occa
sioned an additional surprise, that you should, in this instance,, undertake
to investigate the matter, and declare in your letter to me, that the " in
sinuation" was " a gross falsehood." I therefore now assert, that in a
conversation with you at the time and place mentioned in the above pub
lication, signed Brutus, that you expressed the substance, and I thin,k
the very words, contained in the queries. If my character for veracity
wanted credit with the world, one or two other gentlemen could be
named, who at nearly the same time, heard expressions from you, which
created in them sentiments unfavorable to your character. You seem to
insinuate that there is an inconsistency in my conduct, because I after
wards reposed a confidence in you, and because I permitted General
Washington to do the same. It would have been very dangerous, at that
critical period, to have exposed your weakness and timidity to the militia,
as such an example might have been attended with the most fatal conse
quences to our cause. And as your conduct, upon this occasion, appeared
to me to proceed frorn want of fortitude, and not the baser motives, — and
as from the observations I made to you at the time ; you seemed to resume,
more spirited sentiments in conversation, as well as from political mo
tives, I continued to show an appearance of confidence, and concluded it
best not to mention it to the General. The successes that soon followed
gave a happy turn to our affairs, and thus you, (with many others,) ap
peared to possess firmness in prosperity, who had shown a want of it in
times of imminent danger.
If your conduct in civil life had been such as could have been approved
of, former transactions might have been buried in oblivion. Bat when I
see a man endeavoring to injure the reputation of those, whose principles
and conduct, from the beginning of the contest, have beeii uniformly ex
erted to obtain those ends intended by the revolution ; and when he denies
all merit to those who are not equally violent with himself, it is difficult
to be silent. I am, sir, your obedient servant,
Philadelphia, IQlh Sept.n%2. JOHN CADWALADER.
General Reed. Philadelphia, Sept. 10, 1782.
Sir, — After waiting some time, and being just about to set off for
Bucks, I received your letter of this morning, and am at a loss which to
admire most, the depravity of your heart, or the weakness of your under
standing. Your quoting General Arnold's testimony to vindicate your
own falsehood is perfectly consistent. You shall hear fiirther from me
on mjr return from Bucks, In the mein time, I hav,e piade inquiry of,
Messrs. T. Smith and Shippen, whom you mentioned to Mr. Ingersoll as
hearing from you, sentiments similar to those in 1;he queries, with a view
of communicating them to nje ; which they never did, because they deny
the least recollection xjf any 'luch information ; svhioh mast have been too
2

10
striking to them, and interesting to me, to have passed unnoticed. Your
talent for invention is also displayed on this occasion most probably.
Whatever you may suppose, several of my friends well know, that I
have been anxious to trace some loose reports that I had heard, which
your residence in Maryland, and the improbability of your saying such
things, had induced me to neglect.
As to your insinuation of my writing against you in the newspapers,
or its being done with my privity, it is equally groundless with all the
rest. I have not wrote in the newspapers for a long time, nor at any
time in my life respecting you.
I am, sir, your very humble servant.
General Cadwalader. JOSEPH REED.
To General Reed.
Sir,— 1 shall make no reply, at this time, to the expressions contained
in your letter of the 10th inst. ; but as you inform me that you are on the
point of setting off for Bucks, I do not think it incumbent on me to re
main here until you return, especially as 1 informed Mr. Ingersoll, that
I intended leaving town as soon as the dust was laid, and wished you to
take your measures as soon as possible, as I should make my arrange
ments accordingly. Some of my servants are gone, and I have every
thing packed up ; it will, therefore, be very inconvenient to detain my
family, as you do not mention when you purpose returning. As you say
I shall hear from you on your return from Bucks, I must inform you, that
the post leaves this city for the Eastern Shore every Wednesday, at three
o'clock ; be pleased to direct to me, in Kent County, Maryland, to be left
at Stewart's. You shall have my answer by the return of the post, or if
necessary, I shall attend in person for further investigation.
I am, sir, your obedient servant,
PhUadelphia, 12th Sept. 1782. JOHN CADWALADER.
Sir, — Mr. Clymer delivered me your letter of tbe 12th instant. Y'onr
sudden departure from this city was indeed unexpected, — your declara
tion to Mr. Ingersoll not implying it to be so very soon ;* and I should
* When Mr. Ingersoll waited on me with General Reed's first letter, 9th of
September last, I mentioned to him the situation of my family, and the neces
sity of my leaving the city. This has been candidly related by Mr. Ingersoll
to Mr. Reed, as appears by the following extract from his letter, in answer to mine
on the 7th pf March, on this subject.
Extract from Mr. Ingersoll'a letter, dated PMladelphia,Sth March, 1783.
"The conversation that passed, I reported with candour, and I believe with
precision, but stiU supposed, that the reply from General Reed would be founded
entirely upon your answer. Yonr declaration, with respect to your intention
of leaving town, I think I can repeat in nearly the words in which yoa express
ed yourself.
" After discoursing upon the subject of the letter I had put into yonr hands,
you mentioned to me that your furniture was packed up to go to Maryland ;

< u
have supposed that my letter of the 10th, would have some weight to pro
tract your journey. Before I received yours of the 10th, I had prepared a
small publication, which the receipt of your letter did not influence me to
alter or delay ; as no signature could change the nature of things, and
make falsehood truth, or truth falsehood. Having there declared the in
sinuation in Oswald's paper of the 7th instant to be false, I now apply the
same epithet to your avowal of them ; and am sorry, though not surprised,
that your violence of temper should have occasioned such a deviation from
the line of veracity so essential to the character of a gentleman.
' I am already possessed of sundry authentic documents ; a few. days will
complete them, — not to show my innocence, — the improbability of your
charge, and inconsistency of your own conduct, making that unnecessary ;
but to show to what lengths a rancorous heart, puffed up by sudden and
¦accidental wealth, can push a man of weak judgment and ungovernable
passions. I need not give you my address, though I think it incumbent on me to
assure you, that if by investigation you mean a personal interview, I will
endeavor to make it as convenient as possible, and will shorten the dis
tance between us. I am, sir, your obedient humble servant,
Philadelphia, 23d Sept. 1782. JOSEPH REED.
General Cadwalader. Maryland, 30th September, 1782.
Sir, — I received yours of the 23d inst. by the post. From the style of
your first letter, (9th Sept) in which you required an " immediate an
swer," I fiilly expected an immediate interview. As you declined the
interview I proposed through Mr. Ingersoll, and left town the next morn
ing, without saying when you proposed returning, and having determined
not to " alter or delay" the " small publication," which you " had prepared
before the receipt of my first letter," — I am at a loss to know what could
have occasioned your surprise at my departure, before your return from
Bucks. After having promised to the public the most satisfactory proofs,
that no such conversation as alluded to in the queries ever passed, it was
reasonable to allow you some time to prepare your " authentic documents."
Your last letter (23d Sept) informs that they were not then completed.
And could you reasonably expect, that I should have remained in town
till this is completed ? or could you suppose I would suffer your publica
tion, worked up, as it no doubt will be, with all the cunn&g and misre-^
presentation you are master of, to pass unanswered 1 As you have pro
tracted this affair by your engagement to the public, I shall not put it in the
power of accident to deprive me of the opportunity of laying the facts I
am possessed of open to public view. The question will then be, whether
what I have avowed is true 'i My wealth, judgment, or passions can have
that you had been waiting for rain to lay the dust, and that if anything was to
come of this business, it must be speedily.
" I EirDEAvouR to give the -words used, — I certainly do not deviate from the
purpart of what was said."
'This is not the least of the many misrepresentations in which Mr. Reed ii
convicted in the course of my reply.

12
no influence, either way, with impartial men. My own character, the
character of others concerned, and all the circumstances combined, will
determine the judgmeht of the public. This business being ended, an in
terview may reasonably be expected.
I am, Sir, your humble servant, '
Gen. Reed, Philadelphia. JOHN CADWALADER.
Having for several years given over every expectation of seeing those
changes made in the constitution of Pennsylvania, which I have ever
thought necessary to secure that happiness and liberty intended by the re
volution, I retired, and have never since even expressed my sentiments
concerning the politics of this state, except among my particular friends.
Your vexatious administration hath furnished an example, to what a dan
gerous length the authority of government may be carried under such a
constitution. The particular circumstances of my family made it necessary to spend
a few months in this city, last summer, without an intention of taking up
my resWence here till the conclusion of the war ; and though I never in
terfered in politics here, except among my particular friends, I was at
tacked, in the public papers, by a party blindly devoted to you and your
measures ; I made no reply, from a confidence that such intimations could
not injure me with those whose good opmion I regarded. But whether a
friend published the piece signed Brutus, in the mere spirit of retaliation,
or whether it was calculated for political purposes, at the last election, let
the author determine. The conversation, alluded to in the queries, was
known to many long before that period ; among whom were some of your
friends, in proof of which I offer Mr. Pryor's certificate.*
Having mentioned the conversation publicly, those who heard it were
certainly at liberty to m^ke what use of it they saw proper.
Being entrusted with the command of the militia and a New England
brigade, which lay at Bristol in December, 1776, I had permission from
the Commander-in-chief to make an attack on the enemy, whenever I
thought it could be done with success ; I was prepared on the evening of
the 22d December, to attempt the enemy's post, above the Black Horse,
with seven hundred men ; and about nine or ten o'clock P. M. I received a
letter from the General, requesting, if the enterprise was not too far ad
vanced, to Jay it aside, as he intended a general attack on the enemy's
posts in a few days. From this circumstance, it appears, that the General
guve me the mftrmation relating to the intended attack, the evening be-
* Being called upon by General Cadwaladei' to recollect the conversation we
had at the Coffee-House, in the fall of the year seventy-eight, when he related
what had passed between him and Mr. Reed at Bristol, I remember the subject
cdrroborates with those queries I have since seen published in Mr. Oswald's pa
per, of the 7th September, 1783. I likewise remember giving him a hint, that
soihe of M*. Reed'A^frienids were present, on which he repeated what he had re-
lated before, and then addressed himself to the gentlemen, and infortaied them, if
any of Mr. Reed's friends vJere present, they were at liberty to make what use
they pleased of it. THOMAS PRYOR.
PhilndeTp'hia, March 8, 1783.

13
tore, you received his letter of the 23d December, in which the precise time
was fixed. As he knew my intention to command the party myself, and
therefore I might not be at Bristol the next day, this will account for his
letter of the 23d being directed to you. But here you mean to convey an
idea, that a preference in this communication was intended to you, though
he had given me, in effect, the same information the evening before. This,
too, you adduce as a proof of the Generals " unbounded confidence in you,"
and you say you were sent by General Washington for the " express pur
pose of assisting- me ;" and " whatever my abilities were, that I had less
experience of actual service than you had, — that you were received with
cool civility, and very few marks of private attention;',' though you ac
knowledge that I, at the same time, consulted you without reserve on our
military affairs." I will admit, that your opportunities of acquiring expe
rience were greater than mine ; and considering the extensive command
I then had, (which was in number nearly equal to the force under the im
mediate command of General Washington,) I should have thought it no
reflection on my abilities; nor would it have, hurt my feelings, if an ofiicer
of superior abilities and rank had been sent to take^the command, — or even
an inferior officer to assist me. But whether your appointment was of
the mere motion of the commander-in-chief, or at yonr instance, (for assist
ing me or other purposes,") may at least become a question.
That I received you " with cool civility, and very few marks of private
attention," I do not remember; but to give what you mean to convey its
full force, I will not hesitate to acknowiedg'e it ;in its fullest extent ; as
you have granted, that I consulted "without reserve on our military af
fairs." In this instance, the world will do me justice, as it appears that I
did not suffer personal dislike to interfere with public duty. i .
Though the world have little to do with the causes of private animosities,
I shall think myself perfectly excusable^ here to say a few, words on this
suWect, as you have assigned causes for; the interruption of our' intimacy
difrerent from the true ones, and with a view of creating prejudices against
me. ,., I ¦ I ¦ ...'¦:
I acknowledge that such intimacy subsisted /between -us in early life,
and you malignantly date its " dissolution" at the time of my sudden acces
sion of fortune as owing thereto. If I were to admit, that you conld properly
date this breach from the mdment you mention ; I flatter myself, you, would
find it very difficult to persuade those who know me, to believe that to be
the true cause. But this was really not the fact. The unworthy measures
you took to evade the payment, (till compelled by a judgment of the court,)
of Mr. Portfer's order on you in favor of my brother and mysejf, which you
had accepted, (to be paid out of a bond assigned by said Porter to you in
trust,) w£is the true motive of that dissolution you complain of. If you.
turn to the records of the court, or review the correspondence with my
brother on that subject, you must blush at such a subterfuge. From, that
time, and owing thereto, I avoided your company. I could here make the
proper reflections, with respect to your veracity and integrityt> but the
world will do you justice. .,,!•, ;
The critical situation ofour affairs, in the winter of 1776, is well known
to every inhabitant of the United States; but those only, who ; were at that

14
time in the field, can have a true idea of tho circumstances which often
threatened the dissolution of the militia. My situation gav-e me better
opportunities of knowing the feelings and temper of both officers and pri
vates, than any other person ; and the happy expedients used on several
occasions, to prevent their going home in a body, are well known to many
officers whom I then had the honor to command. . ,
The .first intimation we had of the capture of General Lee, was received
by a flag which arrived at my quarters. To determine whether this was
a misfortune, or an advantage to the cause of America, is at this time im
material. It was then, however, generally thought a matter of great mag
nitude, in the British as well as in the American camp. The effect it had
•on our army is well remembered by those who were present, but particu
larly on the militia.
That men attached to a cause upon principle, should persevere in a pros
perous situation of aftairs, is not uncommon We were at that time sepa
rated from our enemies only by a river, which we expected every day
might he passable on the icej— ^greatly inferior in number and discipline,
and almost destitute of every thing necessary even for defence. Add to
this, a proclamation of General Howe, offering pardon and protection to
those who should submit and swear allegiance before the first of January,
1777, and this time nearly expired. I say, under such circumstances, it
would he wonderful indeed, if no officer of the army sunk under the appre
hension of those dangers that threatened him. That there were more than
yourself, I well know, whose expressions discovered a timidity unworthy
an officer and a patriot, who notwithstanding, from the well-timed and
spirited remonstrances of their friends, were induced to assume a firmer
tone of behaviour, and have since rendered their country considerable
services. Having fully stated the temper of men's minds at this alarming period,
and the situation of public aftairs, I shall now recite the conversation and
circumstances relating thereto, which I have avowed in my letter to you
of the 10th September, as having passed between us at Bristol.
. I had occasion to speak with you a few days before the intended attack
on the 26th December, 1776, and requested you to retire with me to a pri
vate room at my quarters ; the business related to intelligence ; a gene
ral conversation, however, soon took place, concerning the state of public
affairs ; and after running over a number of topics, — in an agony of mind,
and despair strongly expressed in your countenance and tone of .voice, you
.spol(e<your apprehensions concerning the event of the contest, — that our
affairs looked very desperate, and we were only making a sacrifice of our
selves ; that the time of General Howe's offering pardon and protection to
persons who should come in before the first January, 1777, was nearly ex
pired; and that Galloway, the Aliens, and others, had gone over, and
availed themselves of that pardon and protection, offered by the said pro
clamation ; that you had a family, and ought to take care of them, and that
you did not understand following the wretched remains (or remnants) of a
broken army ; that your brother (then a colonel or lieutenant-colonel of
militia,?— but you say of the five month's men, which is not material,) was
then at Burlington, with his family ; and that you had advised him to re
main there, and if tjie enemy took possession of the town, to take a pro-

16
tection and swear allegiance ; and in so doing he would be perfectly jus
tifiable. This was the substance, and I think nearly the very words ; but that
"you did not understand following the wretched remains (or remnants')
of a broken army," 1 perfectly remember to be the very words you ex-

That our situation was critical, and the dangers that threatened us
great, were universally acknowledged; but I was astonished to hear such
expressions from the Adjutant-General of the army, as your conduct had
been approved by report ; for your good behaviour was not personally
known to me. Judging from appearances, and from all circumstances at
the time, I imputed these sentiments solely to timidity ; and, therefore, to
rouse your feelings, and give new vigor to a mind weakened by fear, I re
called to your memory your fornier public professions and conduct, and en
deavoured to paint, in the strongest colours, the fatal consequences that
would ensue from such an example, particularly to the militia ; that if offi
cers, (more especially one in your station,) discovered a want of firmness,
we could not reasonably expect private soldiers to remain in the field ; and
added, that as I was commanding officer there, I should not pass over such
expressions in future ; appearing to be invigorated liy these remonstrances,
your subsequent conversation induced me to hope from you a more honor
able resolution. The immediate turn in oar affairs confirmed this hope.
I had besides, at the moment, a still stronger dissuasive. I foresaw that
an " arrest," or discovery, on my part, would produce all the bad effects
naturally to be apprehended from actual desertion ; I mean with respect
to the discouragement which such an example would have caused in tho
army, but particularly in the militia ; and especially, as at that time the
militia were assembling at Philadelphia, under General Putnam, from
every part of the country, influenced by the example of the city troops, as
well as by a sense of danger and duty. If, then, the city militia, had dis
banded, no person can hesitate to determine what would have been the
fate of those from the country.
The reasons of my concealing it from the General were, that nothing
but an arrest, on his part, could have prevented the execution of this plan
of desertion, and the bad consequences ensuing from it, the betraying of se
crets ; and such arrest would have wrought the other ill consequences I
have spoken of. In this dilemma, I used a discretion which 1 considered
most advantageous to my country ; and trusted to my hopes, that so impor
tant an event, as your defection, would not happen, and thus avoid the
immediate and certain evil. And besides, I have, in every stage of the
'war, shown a disposition to overlook political weaknesses, conceiving that
every man we could retain in the service an acquisition, tending to draw
forth the whole strength and abilities of my country agaiiist the common
enemy. That the conversation alluded to is a new tale, devised in the rnalig-
nancy of party, has been asserted by you ; and on this assertion is founded
many of your strongest conclusions in favor of your own innocence. But
what must the world think of your effrontery, when they read the follow
ing letter of Col. Alexander Hamilton, who was then Aid-de-Camp to the
Commandcr-in-chiel', and now a delegate in Congress; whose conduct and

16
character are well known and approved by the citizens of eveiy state in
the Union,— a gentleman who, being a resident of the State of New York,
cannot be supposed in any manner concerned in the politics of Pennsyl
vania. Philadelphia, Ulh March, 1783.
Dear Sir,— Though disagreeable to appear in any manner in a personal
dispute ; yet I cannot, in justice to you, refuse to comply with the request
contained in your note. I have delayed answering it, to endeavour to re
collect, with more precision, the time, place and circumstances of the con
versation, to which you allude. I cannot, however, remember with cer
tainty more than this ; that some time in the campaign of seventy-seven,
at head-quarters in this state, you mentioned to me and some other gentle
men of General Washington's family, in a confidential way, that at some
period in seventy-six, I think after the American army crossed the Dela
ware in its retreat, Mr. Reed had spoken to you in terms of great despon
dency respecting American affairs, and had intimated, that he thought it
time for gentlemen to take care of themselves, and that it was unwise any
longer to follow the fortunes of a ruined cause, or something of a similar
import. It runs in my mind, that the expressions you declared to have
been made use of by Mr. Reed were, that he thought he ought no longer to
" risque his life and fortune with the shattered remains of a broken army :"
but it is the part of candour to observe, that I am not able to distinguish with
certainty, whether the recollection I have of these words arises from the
strong impression made by your declaration at the time, or from having
heard them more than once repeated within a year past.
I am, dear sir, with great esteem, your obedient servant.
To General Cadwalader. ' A.HAMILTON.
At the tiine I communicated the contents of Colonel Hamilton's certifi
cate-to him,' in confidence, it appears by your own acknowledgment, that*
"no 'party or prejudices existed, (at least as to you,") — " the intercourse
arising from these mingled duties and services, which were continued
until the army weht into winter quarters, at the Valley Force, soon did
avvay the coolness which had for some years subsisted, and in no small
degree revived our forUier habits of friendsliip ;" — " byt it was our lot to
meet agiiin, a few days before the battle of Monmouth ; here we were again
united in confidence and danger. After the battle; we left the army to
gether, and that period closed our friendly intercourse for ever." From
these, (your expressions,) you affect to believe, and wish the world to
think, that our former friendship was restored. It was not so ; I cannot
call it friendship. The transaction I have mentioned occasioned the disso
lution of that intimacy, contracted in early life, which but little accorded
with my 'notion of perfect integrity. From that time, and owing solely to
that cause, 1 took the resolntion to avoid your company, as a private gen-
tleiiiah,'arid which I' constantly adhered to. Meeting in the army, where
we served most of the time in the character of volunteers,, I dil.not think
at right to suffer forrner dislikes to interrupt the duties and services re
quired of us by the commander-in-chief, so necessary for mutual and gene-
* See Gen. Reed's Address to the Public, pages 24, 23.

17
ral safety. If, then, my dislike to you did not proceed from such motives
as sometimes induce men to seek tor opportMnities of gratifying their re
sentments, for what purpose could I have invented such a " tale T" or if my
resentment was such as you represent, why did I not gratify it by making
it public immediately i at that time, my mind could not have been " in
flamed by party ;" because you admit, that no parties then existed, (" at
least as to you ;") nor could my ambition have been disappointed, — because,
being commanding c^cer of the Pennsylvania Militia, (the council of safe
ty, who then held the powers of government,) could not gratify me further.
I could not have " mistaken a conversation with some other personj" be
cause there was not that " distance of time," which you suppose, nor can
it be conceived by the most credulous to be " some jocular expression;"
because the situation of affairs rather suppressed than excited in you, the
appearance of mirth. Having mentioned this conversation long before
parties were formed here, it must appear to every impartial person, that
it could not have been the mere invention of my own " brain," sug-gested
in the spirit of party ; and it is still more absurd to suppose, that! could
have foreseen that you, who then thought as I did concerning the essential
objections lo the constitution of Pennsylvania, should refuse the appoint
ment of Chief Justice, because you could not, in conscience, take the oath
of office ; that Mr. Wharton, (the first President,) should die ; and yet that
you should atl&rwards accept the chair of government. It is, however,
incontestibly proved, that the conversation alluded to was spoken of by me
at an early period, and long before your appointment to the chair of go-
vemme.nt ; and yet you say, " the prosecution of General Arnold, I have
no doubt, gave rise to it." If I was to leave it to your ingenuity to explain
to the wWld my motives for inventing such a " tale," to what purposes
could you possil'ly impute my design ? It could not be to gratify my re
sentment for the injury you attempted upon my property ; because 1 did
not then make it public ; it could not he occasioned by any personal of
fence taken in 1777, (when 1 privately mentioned it to Colonel Hamilton,)
because you contend that our " former habits of friendship" were revived,
and acknowledge, that I never made it public for several years afterwards.
Here, then, the man of humanity may ask me, why did you, at so late a
date, publicly mention a circumstance injurious to General Reed's repu
tation, as Adjutant General of the army and a patriot, which after-services
ought to have consigned to oblivion'! The question is a natural one, and I
will give it an answer. The first occasion of my mentioning this matter
publicly was this ; soon after our return to the city, in the year 1778,
among the victims selected for public examples, there was a young gen
tleman, with whom I had funned an intimacy in early life. I considered
him, as he was by many, (and his acquittal justified the opinion,) as un
justly persecuted ; but General Reed, who had resumed his original pio-
lession, voluntarily aided the prosecution, and with all the force of decla
mation, labored to inflame his judges and jury against him. It was then,
recollecting how near he once appeared to the commission of the same of
fence which he charged upon the other, or at least to a defection from the
cause, that my indignation broke out at the trial, saying to those around
me, that " it argued the extremity of effrontery and baseness, in one
man to pursue another to death, for taking a step which his own foot had
3

18
bren once raised to take .'"* This was anterior to his elevation to the
Presidency, and whilst his powers of doing mischief, were he so inclined,
were circumscribed by the narrowness of his sphere of action ; at such a
time, could I think his loss of famp so essential to the public good, or, if he
will, to the purposes of party, as to be willing to attempt it, at the expense
of my private veracity, my honor and conscience.
Tlie incohsistency of such ostensible conduct, and the baseness of a me
ditated defection, is not irreconcilable to those who have had opportunities
of knowing that he is not incapable of such vast extremes ; who have seen
him at the- bar of the assembly he himself disqualified by non-compliance
with the test laws, as since fully appears by a publication signed Sidney,
unblushingly attempt to set aside the famous Chester election, upon the
suggestion of its having been carried by electors disqualified from the Uke
Circumstance. It is thus I would have answered the question, why I have mentioned
publicly your meditated defection, and I trust that such provocation merit
ed those reflections which might otherwise have remained in my own
fctcast The objection to the force of my single testimony thus obviated, did no
other offer to corroliorata it, I should not hesitate to submit it, under siich
circumstances, to the judgment of the public, resting their determination
upon the credit of my veracity against yours. Having supported an un-
blfmished character, I dare defy any person to produce an instance where
I have even been suspected of an untruth, or of a base or dishonorable ac
tion. Conscious of the truth of what I have asserted, I have no fears that
my conduct will ever "dishonor me with the wise and virtuous."
The reasons I have assigned for tho dissolution of our intimacy antece
dent to the war, will afiiird a better proof of your ingenuity than your in
tegrity; and further, (with respect to your veracity,) if any other instance
is necessary, let me add one which happened at camp, (at head-quarters,)
in the year 1777, soon after tbe battle of Germantown, when in my hear
ing, and in the presence of three officers of tho first rank in tho army, you
was charged to your face with a falsehood, and which was fully proved
the next day, by the general officer who made the charge.
And now, before I introduce the concurrent testimony in support of my
Bssprtion, I shall take" but a momentary notice here of those disrespectful
expressions with which you have decorated your pamphlet. Weakness
* As a proof of my having- made this declaration, and the occasion of it, I
offer the following letter :
Deah Sin, — I have, at your request, charged tny recollection wilh what fell
from you, in the hearing of myself and several others, at the trial of Mr. Wilhom
Hainiltoh, on the subject of Mr. Reed, who assisted the prosecution ; it was in
terms to this effect; lh<rt it indicated the extremity of baseness in him, to attempt
to destroy mother for taking the very step he had once lifted his own foot to
take. This; at the instant, made a deeper impression on me, as havine never till
then, though living in the closest intimacy, heard you drop the most distant hint
of airy intended defection of Mr. Reed, of which I myself had no suspicion.
Mareh id, 1783. Your humble servant.
General Cadwalader. GEORGE CLYMER.

19
of head, is an accusation of a kind which it would equaUy puzzle; the fooj
and the wise to reply to ; but against that of badness of heart, my knoivn
tenor of conduct, in private and public life, must be my defence ; if that
foils, it must be needless in me lo set up any other.
But it even prejudiced men should still doubt the truth of my assertion,
with respect to the conversation alluded to, in the above representation,
every doubt must be removed upon reading the following certificates.
Hermitage, 5lh October, 1782.
Dear Generat, — In the winter of 1776, after we had crossed the Dela
ware, General Reed, in conversation with me, said that he, and several
others of my friends, were surprised at seeing me there. 1 told him, i did
not understand such a conversation ; that as I had engaged in the cause
from principle, I was determined to share the fate of my country ; to
which he made no reply, and the conversation ended. As 1 had the honor
of commanding the militia of New Jersey, both duty and inclination led
me to use. every exertion, in support of a cause 1 had engaged in from the
purest motives. I was really much surprised at General Reed's manner,
considering the station he then acted in, and his reputation as a patriot ;
but I considered it as the efliict of despondency, from the then gloomy
prospect of our affairs.
This I mentioned to several of my friends at the time, who all viewed it
in the same point of light. i am, dear General, yours,
General Cadwalader. P. DICKINSON.
I do hereby certify, that in December, 1776, while the militia lay at
Bristol, General Reed, to the best of n:^ recollection and belief, upon rhy
inquiring the news, and what he thought of our affairs* in general, said that
appearances were very gloomy and unfavorable; that he was tearful or'
apprehensive the business was nearly settled, or the game almost up, or
words to the same effect. That these sentiments appeared to me very exr
traordinary and dangerous, as I conceived tliey would, at thai time^ have
a very bad. tendency, if pubiicly known to be the sentiments of General
Reed, who then held an appointment in the array uf the; first, consequence,
Philadelphia, March 12, 1783. JOHN NJXOiS.
A few days before the battle of Trenton, on the 26th of December, 1776,
I rode with Mr. Reed from Bristol to Head Quarters near New Town.
In the course ofour ride, our conversation turned upon public affairs, when
Mr. Reed expressed himself in the manner following.
He spoke with great respect of the bravery of the British troops, and
with great contempt of the cowardice of the American, and more espe
cially of the New Kngland troops. So great was the terror inspired by'
the British soldiers into the minds of our men, that be said, when a Bri
tish soldier was brought as a prisoner to our camp, our soldierfe viewed
him at a distince as a superior kind of being
Upon my lamenting to him the supposed defection of Mr. Dickinson,
who it was unjusljly said, had deserted his country, he used the following
words : " Damn hinti— -I wish the devil had him, when he wrote the Far
mer's letters. He has began an opposition ,to Great Britain which we
have not strenrth to finish."

20
'¦ Upon my lamenting that a>gentleman, of his acquaintance, had submif'
ted to the enemy, he said, " that he had acted properly, and that a man
who had a family, did right to take that care of them. .
The whole of his conversation upon the subject of oiir aftairs, indicated
a great despair of the American cause. i tt ,.
Upon my going to Baltimore, to take my seat in Congress, the latter
end of January, I mentioned the above conversation to my brother.
likewise mentioned it to the Hon. John Adams, Esq., with whom 1 tnen
lived in intimacy, a day or two after his return from Boston to Congress.
I did not mention it with a view of injuring Mr. Reed, for I still respected.
bim, especially as I then believed that the victory at Trenton had restorea
Uie tone of his mind, and dissipated his fears, but to show Mr. Adams an ^
instance of a man possessing and exercising military spirit and f-ctivity,
and yet deficient in political fortitude. To which I well remember -Wr.
Adams replied in the following words : " The powers of the human mind
are combined together in an infinite variety of ways." T.,Tciti
Philadelphia, March 3, 1783. BENJAMIN RUSH.
I went with Congress to Baltimore, in 1776. On the arrival of my bro
ther there, a few weeks afterwards, I called to see him. To the best of
my recollection, Mr. Clerk and Dr. Witherspoon, delegates from New
Jersey, were in the room with him. The two former, after some time
withdrew, and my brother then mentioned the conversation as related by
him above. He informed me, also, of some other conversation that passed
between Mr. Reed and him, which is not necessary at present to repeat.
Philadelphia, March 3, 1783. • JACOB RUSH. -
Joseph Ellis, a Colonel of Militia, in the County of Gloucester, and state'
of New Jersey, doth hereby certify, that upon the retreat of a body of mi
litia from before Count Donop, in the neighborhood of Mount Holly, in Bur
lington County, in the month of December, 1776, he met with Charles
Pettit, Esq., then Secretary of the said State : that a conversation en
sued between them respecting the situation of the public dispute at that pe
riod ; that Mr. Pettit, in said conversation, representing that our affairs-
were despeiate. Col. Ellis endeavored to dissuade him from such an opin
ion, when Mr. Pettit replied, " What hurts me more than all is, my bro
ther-in-law. General Reed has, (or I believe he has,) given up the contest."
That a good deal more passed between Mr. Pettit and Col. Ellis, during
the said conversation, but omitted here, as being thought unnecessary. ¦
Woodbury, March 9, 1783. JOSEPH ELLIS.
I do certify, that I was present at the conversation alluded to above ;.
that although I cannot recollect the express words made use of in the said
conversation, yet such conversation did take place, and that the substance
of it answers to the certificate of Col. Ellis.
Woodbury, March 9, 1783. FRANKLIN DAVENPORT.
These are to certify, that in December, 1776 and January, 1777, 1, the
subscriber, was Major of the second battalion of Philadelphia Militia,
¦whereof John Bayard was colonel, and then lay at Bristol, and part of
the time ojiposite Tre'iiton, on the Pennsylvania side. That while we lay
ai Bristol, Joseph Reed, Esri- joined us ; that during his being there anii

21
near Trenton, he often went out for intelligence, as Col. Bayard told me,
over to Burlington, in which place the enemy frequently were ; that being
absent frequently all day and all night, I as frequently inquired what
could become of Gen. Reed. Col. Bayard often answered me, He feared'
he had left us, and gone over to the enemy. One time in particular, being
absent two days and two nights, if not three nights. Col. Bayard came tO'
me with great concern, and said he was fully persuaded Gen. Reed was'
gone to join the enemy and make his peace. I asked him, how he could!
possibly think so, of a man who had taken so early a part, and had acted
steadily. He replied, he was persuaded it was so ; for he knew the gene
ral thought it was all over, and that we could not stand against the ene--
my ; and at the same time wept much. I endeavored all I could to drive
such notions from him, but he was so fully persuaded that he had leftue,.
and gone over to the enemy, that arguing about the matter was only loss
of time ; Col. Bayard often making mention, that he knew his sentiments
much better than I did. After being absent two or three nights, Gen.-
Reed returned, and I never saw more joy expressed than was by Col.
Bayard ; he declaring to rae, that he was glad Gen. Reed was returnedr
-for he was fully convinced in his own mind, that he was gone over to the-
enemy. WILLIAM BRADFORD.
Manor of Moreland, Philadelphia County, March 15, 1783.
Having been called on by General Cadwalader respecting a report which
has been propagated concerning Mr. Joseph Reed — I declare on my honor,
the circumstances are as follows. In the spring of 1780, I obtained per
mission for an interview with my brother at Elizabethtown. In the course
of conversation, one day, he happened to mention that there were men
among us, who held the first offices, who applied for protection from tlie
British while they lay in New Jersey. I was alarmed at this assertion, and
insisted on knowing who they were ; — he said, that when the British army
lay in Jersey, in 1776, Count Donop commanded at Bordenton ; that he
was often at that officer's quarters, and possessed some degree of his confi
dence ; that one day, an inhabitant came into their lines, with an applica
tion from Mr. Joseph Reed, the purport of which was, to know whether
he could have protection for himself and his propery, (there was another
person included in the application whose name it is not neccessary here
to mention.) The man was immediately ordered for execution, but it was
prevented by the interposition of my brother and some other persons, who
had formerly known him. Perhaps Mr. Reed and his friends may say, that
Count Doriop would not have ordered the man executed, had he not thought
he came for intelligence. No doubt that officer would have justified his con
duct, by puttingupon the footing of aspy, but why was another person included
in the application, and one who Was not looked on as a trifling character ; his
name I will mention to any one vvho will apply tO me ; hoivever, my bro
ther ^aid, the man who was sent with the application was a poor peasant, knd
the most unfit person in the world to send for intelligence ; this argument:
was what had weight with Count Donop, and which saved his life.* These
* If the countryman was sent, as he insinuated, for intelligence, and not for a
protection for Mr. Reed and his friend, is it not very extraordinary, in a chsp of
this nature, after the man had so narrnwfy escaped with his life, that no circnni-

22
circumstances being mentioned by a brother, and which he declared to 1)8
true, naturally produced an alteration in my sentiments of Mr. Reed; tor
previous to. this, there were few men of whom I entertained so high an
opinion. On my return to Philadelphia, I made no secret of what 1 heard ;
indeed, I Ihoujlit it my duty to mention it publicly, that it miglit prevent
fur, hi r powerTjcing put into the hands of a miin who might make a bad
useofiit. The report circulated daily, and I was often calledon to men
tion the circumstances, which I aUv.iys did, and which I shouldhave done
to Mr. Reed, had he applied to me. I remember, among the number who
came to me, was Major Thomas Moore, who said he intended to iniorm Mr.
Reed, but whether he did or not, I cannot pretepd to say.
There is another thing 1 wish to mention. My brother Came into the
river in a fiag of truce, on special application ofour commissary of prison
ers, to take a number of prisoners who were exchanged, tosaveus the ex
pense. and trouble of sending them by land ; this was in the month of May,
1781. He was detaim-d, about nine miles below the city, upwards of four
weeks, and never permitted to visit it. although application was made for
that purpose, by several captains of vessels, who had been prisoners, and to
whom lie had rendered civilities. I declined making application inystlf,-
as Isupposed my being in the service from the commencement of the war,
and having endured a rigorous confinement for eighteen months, in the
worst of times, to have been sufficient to have obtained permission for a
brother to have been in my house, in preference to a cabin in a small ves
sel in a river; — however, I endeavoured to make' his situation as agree'a-;
ble as possible, by visiting him often, and by taking my friends' with ine.
I REMEMBER Col. Francis Nichols went with me, one day, to whom my
brother mentioned Mr. Reed's intended desertion, and who, 1 doubt not,
\yill acknowledge it, on any person's applying to him ; he is at present in
Virginia, but is expected in town in a few days. DAVID LKNNOX.
Having been called upon, by General Cadwalader, to certify, so far as
my knowledge extends, as to the matter hereinafter mentioned, I do de
clare, that in the spring of the year 1781, I went with Major Lennox, of
this city, on board of a fiag of truce vessel, then lying in the river Dela
ware, where she had arrived from New York, and heard Mr. Robert Len
nox, deputy commissary of prisoners under the British king,' say, that in
the year of 1776, a person had arrived at Count Donop's quarters, near
Bordentown^ in. New Jersey, who told the Count, that he had been sent to
stance relating to so delicate an affair, ftransarted in so private a manner) shoul 1
ever have come to my knowledge, till I heard this testimony from Major Lennox T
I will yenturi' tc say that no officer of the army, at that critical period, would
havo risked his reputation, though he had afforded no rau«e to suspect his fiim-
ness, by instructing a spy to a|iply for a protection for him. wilh a view of gain
ing intelhgence, without mdnlioning it to his commanding officer before the trans-
aplion. But in the instance before us, it is worthy notice, that in so critical a
situa'ion of publit affairs, Mr. Reed, knowing how dangerous such a plea as the
messenger had used might prove to his reputation, in the hands Cf the'cneiny,
ehoujd not b,ave endeavored lo obviate such a tal^, by m,entioning thp •circum
stances to the commanding officer at ^ristpl, who might have vouched for his
Eanocence,,incase Donop should attempt to injure him afterwards.

23
him by Gen. Reed and another person, whose name I do not think neces
sary to mention, to procure a protection for them ; that the Count refused
to grant them a protection in that manner, and was about to treat the p'er-
son who had applied to him as a spy, but was prevented by the entreaties
of the said Robert Lennox, and some other gentlemen.
Philadelphia, llth March, 1783. FKANCIS NICHOLS.
H^re, then, it fully appears, that the testimony contained in the above
certificates, all point to the same object, and to the same period mentioned
by me, supporting aud confirming each other. They likewi^e clearly
prove the whole progress of your meditated defection ; they prove that you
deceived me by those professions, by which 1 had been induced to trust to
your appearances of fidelity, as you absolutely made an application for a
protection to Count Donop, in which an intimate iriend of yours was in
cluded. /
But what opinion must the world form of your veracity, when you arc
detected in falsely asserting-, that you had not mentioned such sentimont«
to your most intimate frien Is and relations. "Is it nol utterly incredible,"
you say, " that I should hold such communication or sentiment fr m my
most intimate friends and relations, and make it lo a person with, whom I
had. held no friendship for many years; who had received me with cold-'
ness." Mr. Pettit is your relation, and Col. Bayard your most intimate
friend, with whom, ,^,t that time, you had the freest intercourse To these
you communicated your sentiments, as appears by the certificates of Coir
Bradford, Col. Ellis, and Mr. Davenport; Imt your friend, hinted at in
Major Lennox's ceitificate, had consented to accompany you in your in
tended (desertion. The heisj'bt of your iniquity does not end here ; you en-
deavouied, by your influence, to spi;ead general disaffection, in order to
lessen your share of the infamy, hy dividing it among many.' Had you
conferred with men whose principles were in every instance like your
own, you might have succeeded, as every person concerned might have
carried off his particular friend with him.
If all the evidence which now appears against you, had been produced
at that time, what would have been your fate, as you then, {heiag Adjv-
tant-Generul of the army,) was subject to the Continental articlesof war 1
In the 10th page you say, you can " truly declare, that the subject of
the present slander -was not known to you, till its appearance in the news
paper." Having mentioned it at the Coffee House, (as appears by Mr.
Pryor's certificate,) in the presence of some of your friends, it was rea
sonable to expect they would have informed you of it ; but it seerhs there
is some diffiareiice between private information and a puli-lic charge made
in the papers. As a gentleman, there can, in my opinion, be no differ
ence; as you say, in your letter of the 9th Sept. last, that this insinuation
seems to deserve some credit from a reference u me. Yon insinuate, that
if you had heard it, you should have noticed it. To this, however, the
world will give little credit, as you made no public or private inquiry, re
specting the charge made in Major Lennox's certificate, though he com
municated it to Major 'I'homag Moore, son of the late President, whose
permission I have for asserting publicly, tbat he informed you of what
¦. - r ^,^nox had related, the very day he heard it.

24
- The matters mentioned in Major Lenox's certificate, and in that of Col.
Nichols reach vastly beyond me ; here you absolutely apply for protection ,
and if one report demanded your notice, in reference to my authorities,
why. not another, more alarraiugto you, your notice m reference to Major
But the consciousness of the communications made to confidential friends,
and others, suggested the fear of other proofs. As long as it was only
communicated" by private information, you were willing to submit to pri
vate censure. But when a charge, which originated from me, was made
in the papers, it reduced you to the disagreeable alternative of a tacit con
fession, or the hazard of public proof And in the present instance, if 1 ani
rightly informed, you was perfijctly disposed lo treat the publication signed
Brutus, with that " silent contempt," which, you say, you have for a " long.
time observed, withirespect to the anonymous abuse which disgraces our
public papers ;" but your friends, foeling the weight of the charge, goaded
you into so mifortunate a measure. " Unhappy man! against whose
peace and happiness all are combined."
.What answer can you make to the weight of testimony here produced
against you ? I see nothing left, but to declare to the world, that the whole
is a wicked combination to destroy you ; you may say, " you thought me
entitled to the whole infamy of tlie insinuation," till the above mentioned
witnesses " consented to divide it with me ;" and that, " if you did not
sufficiently measure the malignancy of their dispositions, or thought more
favorably uf them than you ought to have done, you are content to ac
knowledge your error, and do full justice in this respect hereafter ;" and
if any person should ask you, would all these gentlemen hazard slich as
sertions without foundation ? you may answer, "it is difficult to resolve
what men of ungovernable passions will or will not say, when thelf mhids
are inflamed by party, and their breasts burning with disappointed ambi
tion ;" may they not have " mistaken a conversation with some other per
son, or at this distance of time, converted some jocular expression into
such suspicions as they have mentioned ;" and you may add, "the memo
ries of MEN may fail ; their minds are subject to the warp of prejudice
andpassion; they may convert into serious import what was dropped in
jEst ; and, tjom false pride, persist in what they have said, because they
have said it, even against the conviction of their own consciences."
In your letter of the 23d of September last, yciu say, " you have declared
the insinuations in Oswald's paper of the 7th inst. false ; and you apply
the same epithet to my avowal of them." This assertion has been fully
refuted by the concurrent testimony of your intimate friends and others.
In your' friends, you thought yourself perfectly secure ; but the weakness
of two of them has betruyed you, and the third is proved your accomplice.
It would, indeed, have appeared somewhat extraordinary, if you had not
discovered your intentions to some of your intimate friends and relations ;
and that " no circumstance should occur lo correspond with this imputa
tion," a t;er having communicated the same to me. Nor are proofs want
ing, if they were here necessary, independently of those I have already
adduced, with respect to some of your friends, vvho at that time held con
siderable commands in the militia.
And " though specially sent by General Wa:shingtori," as you say, " fo^

25
the express purpose of assisting me,'' it may not be here improper to make
a short observation, in which I conceive I shall be perfectly justifiable.
Though the duties of an Adjutant General would naturally confine you to
the Continental army, yet I can easily conceive, that there was no diffi
culty, by hints thrown out, or by the interposition of a friend, to induce the
commander-in-chief to permit you to come to Bristol, under the presence
of assisting me ; being, as you represent, well acquainted with the inha
bitants of Burlington, through whom you might obtain information. But
from the evidence^'hich appears against you, it will not be thought un
charitable to conclude, that you conceived your plan could be better exe
cuted at Bristol, than under the eye of General Washington. Besides,
you might reasonably hope to shake more easily the constancy of untried
officers of militia, than those in the army, whose minds might he sup
posed better fortified against such attacks.
I am at a loss for words to express my indignation for the attempt you
made on my integrity ; for though I did not see it in that point of view at
the time, yet the whole testimony, as now collected, fully proves such to
have been yeur intention ; and happy I conceive it to be for my own honor
and the safety of my country, that you found in me that strength of mind,
which you might not have experienced in some of your particular friends,
had they been in my situation.
The circumstance relating to the letter you wrote Count Donop, cre
ated at the time no suspicions; nor do I recollect any publication which
alludes to it. This affair, and that mentioned by Major Lennox, are dis
tinct transactions ; but is it not more than probable, that at the interview
you proposed under cover of serving the inhabitants of Burlington, you in
tended to confer with Count Donop upon the subject of your own interest
and personal safety. This suspicion, in my opinion, is perfectly warranted
by the indubitable proofs of your intended desertion. Another circiim-
stance relating to this affair was equally unusual and improper. Mr.-
Daniel Ellis,* by whom you sent the letter with a flag, was universally
known to be disaffected ; having been so long in the service you could not
be ignorant of those obvious reasons, which prove the propriety of sending
men with flags, whose attachment to the cause is well known, and men
of observation.
Every page, almost, of your publication is full of reflectiongiagainst me,
and almost upon every subject ; so intent have you been to injure my re
putation. The errors I committed during my command may serve a double
purpose ; because he who committed' them is subject to censure, and he
who points them out claims the merit of the discovery. That I committed
errors, I readily admit ; my friends have marked some, and subsequent ex
perience discovered others ; but I ara conscious they proceeded from want
of experience, not a want of integrity. Why, then, need I seek to justify
myself, when, from the nature of the war, considerable commands were,
from necessity, entrusted to young officers, there being few amongst us lo
whoip the profession was not entirely new. But, I confess, it would give
me infinite pain, if, by " a strange inattention of mine to the tide and stale
* I have ample proofs of Mr. Ellis's attachment to the enemy, which may b^
produced, if necessary. 4

26
of the river," and the not arriving " one hour" sooner at Dunk's Ferr)'/
we had lost the opportunity of striking a blow at Mount Holly, of equal
glory with that at Trenton. When you insinuated, in the former part oi
your address, a superior knowledge in military'matters, by saying you had
more " experience," 1 gave up the point, and left you the happiness or
thinking so ; for why should I have contended a point wilh a man wno,
throughout his pamphlet, assumes to himself the (neriyof all those bril
liant successes, so highly Commended even by our enemies, and ¦whicw
determined the fate of American independence. And if I vvas sensible-
that the charge you now make was true, or could be thought so, by com
petent judges, I would scorn to defend my error.
My orders were, to make the attack one hour before day, and to effect
a surprise, if possible. The impropriety, therefore, of sending the boats
from Bristol to Dunk's Ferry, and marching the troops from the same
place in open day, is evident, as such a movement must have been ob
served, and communicated to the enemy. And now, tell me the instance,,
where even continental troops have arrived at the point of attack at the'
given time ? It was General Washington's intention to have made his
attack on Trenton before day ; yet, from unavoidable delays, he did not
arrive there till after eight o'clock in the morning. We reached Dunk ff
Ferry a little before low water, and can any person believe, that if we had
arrived "one hour sooner," we could have passed over near twenty-iive
hundred men, four pieces of cannon, ammunition wagons and horses, and
all the horses belonging to officers, in that time, in the night too, and the
river full of ice, with only five large batteaus and two or three scows ;
when it took us at least sis hours, (a day or two afterwards,) to cross
above Bristol, in open day and the riyer almost clear of ice. Steange " in
attention," unhappy commander! That "a single hour, which we might
have enjoyed with equal convenience and equal risk," should be the only
obstacle to a scene of equal glory with that of Trenton, and yet you have
represented to General Washington, as appears by his letter,* dated six
o'clock, P. M. 25lh December, 1776, to me, being the very same night,
and before we 'marched to Dunk's Ferry, that you gave him the most dis
couraging accounts of what might be expected from our operations below.
What,then,%ere those discouraging accounts ? Why was I not acquainted
with them 1 or were they thrown out to influence him from making his
attempt on Treston, by representing that no co-operation from our quarter
could favor his enterprise 1 In the General's opinion, it is plain, it had that
lejadency. But in the heedless lury of this stroke at me, you have incau
tiously unguarded J'our most tender part.
" Anxious to fill up the part of this glorious plan assigned to us," you
" passed over, you say, wilh your horse, to see and judge for yourself"
* M'lCenkei/'s Ferry, ^hth December, 1776, 6 o'c/ocit, P. M. '
Dear Sir, — ^Notwithstanding the discouraging accounts I have received from
Col. Reed, of what might be expected from tbe operations below, lam determined, .
ss the night is favorable, to cross the river, and make the attack on Trenton in
the morning. If you can do nothing rea-I, at least create as great a diversion as
fogeible. I am, sir, your most obedient servant,
GEO. WASHINGTON,

27
You did 80. " Having seen the last man re-embarked, you proceeded be
fore day to Burlington." Here permit me to correct you, because there
is no circumstance better ascertained, than that many of the meiT were
not brought back till eight o'clock the next morning.
Your motives for going to Burlington that night, were then thought a
mystery; 'tis now no longer so; and the "other circumstances,'" that
permitted you to join us again at Bristol, are now clearly accounted for.
Genej-al Washington's success or defeat was, no doubt, to determine whe
ther you were to remain a citizen of the United States of America, or to
be a shameful deserter of your country.
Yon say, you went to Philadelphia, at my request, to confer with Gen.
Putnam; that you set out in the evening, (the 24th December,) and
reached Philadelphia about midnight ; but what credit, can you reasonably
expect, will be given to your " detail of proceedings," in other particulars,
when you find yourself detected in such' gross contradictions in the follow
ing instance 1
In the l'7th page you say, " Upon conference with General Putnam, (at
Philadelphia,) he represented the state of the militia, the general confu
sion which prevailed, his apprehensions of an insurrection in the city in
'-his absence, and many other circumstances, in such strong terms, as con-
¦vinced me, no assistance could be derived from him ;" and yet, in your
letter to me, dated Philadelphia, 25th December, 1776, 11 o'clock,
•you say ; " General Putnam has determined to cross the river, with aS
•many men as he can collect, which, he says, will he about five hundred ;
he is now mustering them, and endeavoring to get Proctor's company of
¦artillery to go with them. I wait to know what success he meets with,
and 'the progress he makes; but, at all events, I shall he with you this
ufternoon." Here the representation stated in your pamphlet is contradicted by a
letter in your own handwriting. Having forgot, perhaps, that you had
written such a letter, your ingenuity furnished materials for a plausible
narrative, ^suitable to your purposes; not suspoeting that such proof could
be adduced in opposition to it
Having returned to Bristol about daylight on the 26th .December, with /
the greater part of the troops, I received an account, about 11 o'clock A.M.
from a persojT just arrived from Trenton Ferry, that General Washington
had succeeded in his attack. 1 immediately despatched a messenger with
a line,to General Ewing, for inlbrmation, but all 1 could learn was, that
the victory was ours.
From the continuance of the rain and wind, I concluded the ice must be
destroyed in the course of the day, and instantly sent down to Dunk's
Ferry for the boats. This being an extraordinary service, required of men
who had been exposed to the storm the whole night, was, however, cheer
fully undertaken and executed. I then consulted Col. Hitchcock, who
commanded the New England brigade, to know whether his troops would
willingly accompany us to New Jersey, as I had determined to cross the
river in the morning, if practicable, to co-operate with General Washing
ton. He informed me, that his troops could not march, unless they could
be supplied with shoes, stockings and breeches; upon which 1 instantly
wrote to the Council of Safety, and obtained seven hundred pairs of each

28
of the above articles, which arrived about sunrise on the morning of the
27th December. This second attempt being determined on, 1 went with
several officers, in the afternoon of the 26th, to fix upon a proper place for
crossing the river above Bristol, and the next morning before day viewed the
Jersey Shore in a barge, for the same purpose. By your relation, one would
imagine you had been the life and soul of this second movement across
the Delaware, — as little privy to it as the emperor of Morocco, — but it is
no unusual thing for you to intercept the praise due to others of creditable
actions. Instead of being present to confirm my proposed movements, by
your advice, you remained at Burlington, " in a kind of concealment, till
the weather and other circumstances permitted you to join us at Bris
tol," after all our resolutions were taken, and the most of our arrange
ments made. In the tissue of your representations, it is your purpose to
insinuate my deficiency in military conduct in the suhsequent transactions.
Let my relation of it be heard !
We marched on the 27th, in the morning, and the ice being by this
time chiefly destroyed, we met with little obstruction in passing. The
last division of the troops being embarked, and then crossing, we received
private information, that General Washington had recrossed the river, and
return(!d to Newtown, in Pennsylvania, from whence he dates his letter,
27th December, 1776, informing me of the particulars of the action at
Trenton, and which was not received, contrary to your assertion, till we
had marched above a mile on our way to Burlington ; it was then read to
the troops, who were halted for this purpose. 'We had, however, before
given full credit to the first information of his having recrossed ; on which
previous information I called together the field officers, to consult what
was then best to be done. From this circumstance. Col. Hitchcock, and
some others, proposed returning to Bristol. I instantly declared my de
termination against it, and recommended an attack upon Mount Holly, as
from the information we had of the force at that post, we might easijy
carry it, and should then have a retreat open towards Philadelphia, if ne
cessary. You then, " as a middle course," advised our going to Burling
ton ; in which those who had at first proposed our return, joined in opin
ion. This was the true cause of that hesitation you remarked with re
spect to me. Burlington was in a position, in my judgment, very danger
ous ; as in case we should be invested there, and the river impassable, we
should be forced to submit at discretion, for want of provisions, or hazard
an action against troops superior in discipline, and perhaps in number, if
their whole force was collected to that point. Having no other retreat
open to us, but that over the river, it was evident this could not be effect
ed without the loss, at least, of those who might be ordered to cover the
retreat Having passed the river in open day, it was probable the enemy
might be informed of it; and, in that case, the post at Mount Holly rein
forced. To determine whether we should take a position, unanimously ap
proved by the council, but which I thought e.\tremely dangerous ; or ad
here to my own plan, unsupported by a single voice, was certainly a ques
tion that required more than a momentary consideration, even for an
officer, at this stage of the war. Being pressed for some resolution, as
the day was far spent, I waived my own opinion, and acquiesced in the
desire of marching to Burlington ; but it is ridiculous to suppose, as you

29
«ay, that your brother's intelligence of Count Donop's retreat, could have'
influenced my acquiescence, for it did not arrive till after our resolutions
were taken, — and besides, was not credited ; because, if it had reached
us before, and been credited, I should not have acquiesced in such desire ;
if even after, I should naturally have taken another course, and pursued
the flying enemy, instead of going to Burlington, which was flve miles in
the rear. '^'''
Late that night, I received certain information, that the enemy had eva
cuated all their posts in the neighborhood, and immediately despatched a
messenger to General Washington with the intelligence ; in answer to
¦which, I received his orders, very early next morning, to pursue and keep
up the panic, and that he would crosS at Trenton that day. From this
circumstance, it appears that the General had taken his determination
before your pretended information or advice from Trenton could have
reached him.
In justification of myself, I have thought it necessary to point out your
false state of facts, in these particulars ; the multitude of lesser ones, re
lating to military matters, I shall pass over, as this publicatioi* is already
necessarily lengthened beyond my first intention.
As I hinted, in my letter of 10th September last, that " charges of the
«ame nature had been, some time since, made against you," by Arnold ;
you say, you " allow full weight to so respectable a connexion and testi
mony ;" to which you made no reply, though from the rank and character
¦of Arnold at that time, they merited your notice. Arnold having received
his information from me, it cannot be concluded, that I meant by his testi
mony to strengthen my own assertion ; but merely fo show, that having
before been charged, you did not reply ; from which many believed it
true. And when he apologized to me for inserting it in his defence \yith-
•out my permission, I remarked, that an apology was unnecessary, from
the public manner in which I had mentioned it.
Arnold was commanding officer in this city, very generally visited by
¦officers of the army, citizens and strangers. I received the usual civilities
from him, and returned them ; and often met him at the tables of gentle
men in the city. To my civilities, at that time, I thought him entitled,
from the signal services he had rendered his country ; services infinitely
¦superior to those you so much boast of; he stood high, as a military cha
racter, even in France, and after your prosecution, he was continued in
command by Congress ; appointed first, by the commander-in-chief, to the
•command of the left wing of the army, and afterwaTds to that important
post of West Point, where his treacherous conduct exceeded, I fancy, even
jour own idea of his baseness. To what, then, do your insinuations
amount ? They cannot criminate me, without an implied censure on'
Congress and the commander-in-chief. But why contaminate my name,
by ccainecting it, in his instance, with ^uch a wretch 1 when you, yourself,
at his trial, with a half-shamed face, seemed to apologize for being his pro
secutor, and became his fulsome panegyrist. It consisted, however, with
that artifice and cunning which has ever been the sum of your abilities,
and the whole amount of your wisdom.
Your remarks on my letter of the 10th December, 1777, are so incon
sistent, that I shall bestow a few observations on them. " So strong and

30
T^ii'ulenC' :ynu say, " was my antipathy to the constitution, and such my
¦enmity to those who administered it, that you believe I would have pre
ferred any government to that of Pennsylvania, if my person and property^
would have been equally secure;" and yet it seems, in the next ^^"'^"^
you say, " but it was our lot to meet again, a few days before the batti^^
ofMonriiouth; here we were again united in confidence w\a danger.
If you really thdiight I would prefer any government to that of Pennsy -
vania, why did you then take so much pains to show, that we again united
in " cortfidence and danger," at the battle of Monmouth, so many monins
after I had discovered .that virulent antipathy, and whieh now hath ex
torted such gross reflections 1 • • v, t i,
You say, my breast was burning with disappointed ambition ; but now
does this appear, when, immediately upon the formation of the new go
vernment, I was appointed the first of three brigadiers, which, created me
commanding officer of the militia. Could my ambition be gratified fur
ther 1 But to iibyiate every objection, let me suppose you meant, that
wished to rise to power inTthe civil line,— which, however, has never been
insinuated before, — let me here call to your memory, how easy the task
was for any character to rise to the first offices of government. I confess,
I do not think so meanly of myself, as to have dreaded any rivalship from
some of the candidates of tliose days; 'nOr do I mean, by this declaration,
to insinuate any extraordinary merit, when I estimate mine by that of
those I have alluded to. 1 could not have consented to make the sacri
fices required ; but you,''however, and some others, as much opposed to
the essential P^rts of the constitution as I was, freely made them, and
broke through every obligation of faith and honor.
The charge you have brought against a parly in the state, of an opposi
tion to its constitution, deserves some attention. I will digress a little
from my main subject to examine how far this charge is true, and how far
the thing is in itself criminal.
Government is generally so reverenced among men, that those who at
tempt to subvert any system of it whatever, have lo contend against a
very natural prejudice. But this prejudice can only be in degree wilh the
antiquity of its establishment ; for modern error, how high soever its au
thority, has but little claim to our veneration. This concession made, could
it be expected that our novel constitution, liable at first blush to so many
important objections, should not have its opponents ; but that in a moment
it should be submitted to, as implicitly as if it had had the sanction of ages '!
What circumstance was there, in the production of this whimsical ma
chine, that should silence, at once, all the remonstrances of reason and
sense against ill Was it not wortli a pause to examine, whether this coat,
wove foi: ages, would fit us or our posterity before we put on ; or whether
this gift ofour convention would not prove our destruction 1 From an ap-
}u:ehension that it would, an opposition was fornied, that included a majo
rity of the state. Did those who composed it, thinls it criminal to prevent
the singular ideas of a convention, from being carried into execution,
against an almost general sentiment ; or did they not rather conceive it
safer and belter for thfi community, still to go on in the administration of
gnvprnmenta! affairs, by those temporary expedjeiits we had been in. the
Imbits ot; until their constitution co'uld be revised '!

31
This idea;/ prfiriotic as it was^ was defeated by the obstinate euthuslnsm"
of some, who ttetobled for this New Jerusalem of their hopes, and by the
scandalous desertkh' of others, and especially yourself. The ends of op
position being thus rendered unattainablej but at the hazard of convulsions,
that might endanger the gr'eat At^erican causej the same virtue that be
gan it, ended it, and il^ has long since ceased to act.
This is a well-known state of facts ; but what it did not suit with your
¦own by-purposes to admit, could Hot be expected from your integrity ; you
have, therefore, constantly kept up the alarm of a constitutional opposition,
and, on every occasion, referred to this false cause, that honest and usefiil
opposition which was created by your weak, though violent and tyrannical
adrainistj-ation. That you was called to the chair of governmenl, by the unanimous vote
of council and assembly, you have often boasted, with a view of conveying
to the world an idea, that even the gentlemen opposed to the constitution
approved the choice. But they neither e.steemed you as a gentleman, nor
approved your public conduct They knew tlaere was a majority in assem
bly in favor of your election, and as their grand object was the obtaining
a resolution of that body, recommending the callinuf a convention for revis
ing the constitution, some of the party entered into an engagement lor this
purpose, and your election was negotiated. You were to use yonr en
deavours to prevail on the Council to enforce the recoi^imendation of the
assembly, by a similar resolution. From your own acknowledgment at
the City Tavern, the resolution of the Council was never obtained, or even
moved for, by you, and for this flimsy reason, that no formal information,
of such resolution having passed, had been communicated to you ; .though
known to all the world ; and that it could not be expected that Coul'"pil
would " tag" after the assembly, in a measure relating to the public, i^'^-t
you had the effrontery to assert, that " every engagement on your part,''
was strictly performed.
At this meeting, you say, you " in the most open manner called upon
us, to support our imputations, and that you so effectually vindicated every
part of your conduct, that every gentleman, (myself excepted,) acknow
ledged his mistake." I own I made no concessions, and if the reasons I
then gave are not thought a sufficient justification to the world, of the
opinion I had formed, I am content to admit that it was not only " singu
lar," but_" absurd."
After a reasonable pause,I remarked, that from the repeated conversations
I 'had had with you, on this subject, you appeared to me as much opposed
as I was, to the constitution, before the evacuation of the city ; that ybii
had refused to accept the appointment of Chief Justice, (because you coiild
not in conscience take the oath ;*) that a short time before the election, in
* The following extracts from General Reed's letter to his Excellency tlie
President, arid the Honorable the Executive Council of the State of Pennsylvania,
dated Philadelphia, 22d July, 1777, a.ssigning his reasons for not accepting tho
office of Chief Justice, may serve fo prove his opinions of the copstitution at that
time. " If there is any radical weakness of authority proceeding from the Con
stitution ; if in any respects it opposes the genius, temper or habits of the go-
•-¦— -"ed. r fear, unless a remedy ean be provided, in less than seven years, go-

32
1,778, you .engaged yourself to Uie constitutional party, to serve te Council
for the County, and lo the party in the opposition, to serve in Assembly tor
vemmenttwitl sink in a spiritless languor, or expire in a sUdden convulsion.
It would b&foreign to my present purpose to suggest any of those alteratioTis,
which, in imy apprehension, are necessary to enable the constitution to sSpport itselt
wilh dignity.wd efficiency, and its friends with security. That some are neces
sary Icataiot entertain tile least doubt. With this sentiment, I feel an insupe
rable difficulty tta enter into an engagement of the most solemn nature, le&Aing
to the support and confirmation of an entire system of government, «hichlcan-
, not wholly appnome." Again, " the dispensation from this engagement, tiret
allowed to seieraL-menibersof the Assembly, and afterwards to the ftuhtia ofii
cers, has added to my difficulties^ as I cannot reconcile it to my ideas of propriety,
the menabers of the same state being under different obligations to support and
enforce-its-autbority." But he adds, " If the sense of the people, who have the
right of decision; leads to some alterations, I firmly believe if will conduce to our
happiness and security 5 if otherwise, I shall esteem it my duty, not only to ac-
, quiesce, but ta support, as far as lays' in my power, a form of government con
firmed and sati«itified by the voice of the people.' Here, then, he says, " he feels
efi insuperable,. difficulty to enter into an engagement of the most solemn nature,
'^leading to the support and confirmation of an entire system of government, which
he cannot wholly approve; but he shall think it his duty to acquiesce, and sup
port the: government,-r^iff«oiifirmed and sanctified by the voice of the people."
How inconsistent, then, must his conduct appear, when it is notorious, that he
took a decided, part in support of government, accepted cf his seat in Council, and
afterwards the Presidency, long before the senpe of the people was expressed by
ihe fabricated inst/uctionsjto the members of Assembly, requiring them lo rescind
•the resoliition for (faUing a conveniion for the purpose of revising the constitution.
And yet he says, in the 27th page of his pamphlet, he " so effectually vindicated
«very part ¦of hi^ conduct,, that every gentleman present, (myself excepted,) ac-
fcnowledgpd his mistake'."
Thjese were the ostensible reasons for not accepting the Chief Justiceship, and
taiftte Hite oath of office.; but an oath of another kind, no doubt, induced him to
decUiiSB.thif appointment. He had not taken the oath of allegiance which the
lavf, (passed the 1 3tb June, 1 777,) required of every male white inhabitant ; nor
^id he take it, (as appears by the publication signed Sidney, in the Pennsylvania
Journal, N.». 1565, 12th February, 1783,) till the 9th ot October, 1778, which
which was die -very day he was elected a Councillor'for the County of Philadel
phia. And ftKMigh di^ranchised of all the rights of citizenship, and incapable of
being elected into, or serving in any office, place, or trust, in this commonwealth,
Mr. Reed dared to disregard the voice of the people, and violate the law, by ac
cepting the Presidency, and exercising the powers of government annexed to that
office. If he had taken tbe oath of allegiance, agreeable to law, why did he take
it again, on the day he was elected a councillor 1 as the mere oath of office only,
iipbn that octasioHj would have been required of him.
As Mr. Reed has not touched this point in bis pamphlet, or furnished his
friends with a single argument to defeiid him, against a charge supported by au-
* By the " dispensation from this engagement," above mentioned, is meant,
khat the' oath prescribed by the constitution mas dispensed iiiith, and many mem-
liers of .Assembly -aere permitted to take another oath, in -which they -were not
hound to support the constitution.

33
the City ; and being chosen in both instances, you hesitated above six Weeks,
(though often pressed to a resolution,) before you determined to accept
your seat in Council ;; — depriving during this time, the City of a vote in
Assembly, while an important point was debated concerning the contested
Chester election ; and voluntarily advocating the question in favor of the
constitutional party ; that on the fate of this trial depended your hopes of
succeeding to the President's chair ; that a determinatioti in favor of that
party gave them a decided majority, and that you instsfntly accepteid your
seat in council. — To which you replied, and in recapitulating my argu
ments, endeavoured to justify yonr conduct ; but conscious of having failed
in the capital points, you closed your remarks with some warm expressions,
whieh conveyed the idea of a thrsat ; of which I desired an explanation.
After working up your passions to a degree little short of frenzy, yiju ex
pressed yourself in the following terms : I n^ean this,—" If the puhlica!tions
traducing my public and private character are continued, I mean to apply
lo the law ; but if this will not do me that justice, which in some instances
it cannot do, — I know I have the affections and command of the fighting
men of this statte ; and if necessary, I will make use of that influence, and
call forth that force, — and if bloodshed should be the consequence be it on
your own hetids."
Such violent and jinwarrantahle expressions from the first magistrate of
the state, and in the presence of the 'whole bench of justices, created the
highest indignation, and were severely reprobated by several gentleman
present ; which induced you afterwards to endeavour to soften your exples^
sions and meaning. , t
But if it was singular or absurd, "to expect a.President of the State to
enter into the violence of party on my side of the question;" let me opphse
to this, the treachery of your conduct in deserting the party to which you
was at first from (" conscientious", principles) attached, and yet, as Presi
dent, enter into all the violence of party on the other side of thequestion. ;
Again, " upon our return to Philadelphia," you say; " I became the open
and avowed patron of those who are distinguished by the appelMJojj of
tories ; and my decisive attachment tn the British Army,* and ttimsfsMe-
rents, " has marked every suhsequentperiod of my life, too plainly to Sdmit
thentic proofs from public record*, the public have very juStly pspnonnced him
guilty. If certificates can be produced of his oaths of dl^uratton aSd aliegiujise,
agreeable to law, why have they not been published? If he is not disfianchised
^ of the rights of citizenship, why was his vote lefhsed at the last election 1 oris
' this one of the subjects reserved for " legal exarmnation ?" and if so, why does
he not suspend the public opinion by such information 1 ., _
• That this opinion was not entertained by CongresSj, may reasonablyii^ in
ferred from the following letter: ' c . .
PUladetplMV.i'ith SeptenAeif, 171^.
" Sib,— His exeeUency, General Washingtoh, 'hatftigfiecommended to Con
gress the appointment of a General of hors», the hoijselwk that BUbjgst nnder
consideration the 10th instant, when you were unanimdusjy elected ^Brigadier
»nd commander of the cavalry in the service of the TJnitedStitep. _ . ,„
« From the general view above mentioned, you will percdve, sir, flje earnest
desire of the house, that you will accept • commiswon, ana<ei>t«*, a» early m
6

3.4
of doubt or denial." Ifyou really entertained such sentiments, why did yoUf
in the month of February, (after my marriage,) waiving the indignity of
fered to you in not paying the usual compliments of congratulation, upon
your appointment, pay mo the first visit, and thereby make advances to
wards a reconciliation 1 Such a condescension, so contrary to the wsmoJ
forms, can scarcely fee reconciled even to a character like yours.
Men who acquire popularity by means disgraceful to. a genUeman, dare
not hazard a sentiment that is not approved by the party with which he is
connected. I have, on all ' occasions, and in all companies, private and
public, delivered freely my political opinions ; nor has the dread of losing
the little popularity I possessed in Pennsylvania, ever induced me to make
a sacrifice of my honor, by adopting opinions or measures which I disap
proved, or thought injurious to my country. Esteeming it the highest
honor to deserve the approbation of ray fellow-citizens, 1 have, ever been
.solicitous to obtain it. You and some others have industriously propagated
reports for the purpose of injuring my reputation; but conscious that my
political opinions and conduct will stand the test, upon, the nicest scrutiny,
and having never experienced any diminution of that esteem, respect and
warmth of friendship, which my fellow-citizens have ever shown towards
me, a refutation of such calumny is utterly needless. ^
From the whole of what I have here laid before tli,e public, supported
by the testimony of the most respectable witnesses, the following conclu
sions may fairly be deduced :
1. That the conversation alluded to, which I have asserted to, have
passed between us at Bristol, was mentioned by me in confidence to Col. .
Hamilton and some others of General Washington's family, in the year
1777; and therefore could not have originated at the time you mention,
or to gratify my resentment against you, as at that time, you acknowledge,'
no parties subsisted.
2. It could not have been invented to gratify my resentment for the at-
your convenience will admit of, upon the duties of the office ; and I flatter myself
vrith hopes of congratulating you in a few ^ays upon this occasion.
" I have the honor to be, wtth particular regard and esteem, sir, your most
humble servant, ^ HENRY LAURENS,
The Hon. Brigadier-General Cadwalader. President of Congress.
. ¦ ^, , ¦ ¦
But not wishing to have it suggested, that I entered into the service at so late
a period, of the war for the sake of rank, as the French treaty had taken place,
and I had conceived all offensive operations at an end, I declined the appoint
ment in these terms. Maryland, IWi September, 1778.
Sm, — I have the highest sense of the honor conferred upon me by Congress,
in appointing me a Brigadier in the Continental service, with the command of
the cavalry, more particularly as the voice of Congress was unanimous.
I cannot consent to enter into the service at this time, as the war appears to
me tp be near the closf . But should any misfortune give an unhappy turn to our
affairs, I shall immediately apply to Congress for a command in the army.
I have the honor to be, with the greatest regard and esteem, your excellency's '
most obedient humble servant, JOHN CADWALADER.
His Excellency Henry Laurens, Esq. President of Congress.

35
tempt you made to evade the payment of Mr. Porter's order ; because ]
did not make it, public at the time, nor till several years aftei-wards, anc
you acknowledge, all that coolness was done away, and our former kabiti
of friendship restored. ,,.
As it appears, by Mr. Clymer's testimony, that I mentioned it publigly
at Mr. Hamilton's trial, which was before you were elected President of
the state, it ought to be imputed to another cause tli&n that which yot
have assigned.
4. As it appears, from Mr. Pryor's testimony, that I mentioned it at the
Coftee House, in the hearing of some of your friends, we may reasonably
conclude you were informed of it ; and this conclusion is strengthened by
your passing over unnoticed, the information contained in Major Lennox's
testimony, which was related to you by Major Thomas Moore.
5 It cannot appear improbable that you should have; held this conversa-
ttbn with me, as your expressions to Gen. Dickinson, Col. Nixon, and
Doctor Rush, convey sentiments equally injurious to your reputation as a
patriot and Adjutant General of tlie army.
6. As it fully appears, by the testimony of Col. Ellis and Mr. Davenport,
and that of Col. Bradford, that you had communicated such sentiments to
your brother-in-law, Mr. Pettit, and to Col. Bayard, contrary to your de
claration, we may with propriety assert, that you have fprfeited that vera
city, which is essential to the character of a gentleman.
Lastly, from the testimony of Major Lennox and Col, Nichols, it ap
pears that you absolutely applied to Count Donop for protection, and that
a particular and intimate friend of yours was included in it ; and, there
fore, from this and the foregoing testimony, all pointing to the same object
and to the same period, supporting and confirming each other, it cannot
leave the least room to doubt the truth of my assertion.
In some instances, a man's general good conduct has had great weight
to invalidate or weaken charges highly criminal ; but unfortunately, yours
can receive no aid from such circumstances. Dissimulation and cunning
have for a time deceived the most discerning, bul the snares you have
laid for others will most probably accomplish your own destruction,
Havmg long since known how to estimate your character, I have not
any where pretended, in this performance, to fix it at a higher value than
what it generally passes current for; you have, since the term of your
administration, repeatedly put yourself upon your country. Y'our name
has been offered to the people for a seat in the legislature ; to the legis
lature, for a seat in Congress ; to Congress, for posts of Continental trust ;
but that name, its counterfeit gilding at length rubbed off, and the native
colour of the contexture exposed, has depreciated, like the Continental
money, with such velocity, that though a few years ago worth a Presi
dent's chair, it would not, now, purchase a constable's staff ; nor is it more
"highly rated in the sphere of polite life, than in the great theatre of the
world ; for its unfortunate owner stands alone, unnoticed in the midst of
company, with full leisure to reflect on the sensible effects of the loss of
reputation. My immediate purpose requires nothing further from me ; btit yeur ad
ministration, the theme of your own solitary praise, might not improperiy
have been touched upon, hut that it is a field too extensive for me, and

S6
that I have not asperity enough in my nature to do justice to the subject.
I will yet bbserve, upon some matteis in your pamphlet, not in direct con
nexion with one or the other subject ; but whieh are extremely demon
strative of a temper in the writer to wish evil to the comliaunity, jfter the
power of doing it has ceased.
You, who have ever been a rapacious lawyer, and have never omitted
any means of amassing a fortune, have, wilh a truly consistent spirit, shown
an implacable enmity to all those who are raised to a condition above want
and dependence. And thoiigh you kick against the parallel drawn be
tween you and the Cataline of antiquity, you have in this point proved its
exactness ; he haranguing in the circle of his conspirators, exasperates
them against the opulent citizens of Rome ; you, in your pamphlet, labor
to create invidious distinctions, would pervert the order of well regulated
society, and make fortune's larger gifts, or even its moderate blessings, cri-
terions of disqualification for public trust and honors in Pennsylvania ; and
under a specious description of men, offer with your sword to lead the indi
gent, the bankrupt, and the desperate, into all the authority of government.
But in the shallowness of your understanding, you have mistaken the spirit
of the times; it Will not countenance or support a Cataline.
You woiild also, no doubt, as may be inferred from your pamphlet, you,
who are so deficient in morality', draw your sword in religious quarrels, to
bring you once more into play ; but 'tis to no purpose you would raise an
alarm, as a very great and respectable part of your opponents consists of
persons belonging to that society, of which you profess yourself to be a
member ; and there is a general aijd commendable coolness and indiffer
ence for such quarrels, that will not easily take fire on your false and in
flammatory suggestions ; so that whatever you have catched at to raise you
from the earth, has broke in your hands and brought you again to the
ground.
JOHN CADWALADER.