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THE ASSASSiNATION OgJ'RESlDEET ElkCOlilf;

;A SERMOiSJ''

BY, REV. N. H. CHAMBERfiAIlsr.

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serm:on

PREACHED IN

April 19tli, 1865.

BY
RET. N. H. CHAMBERLAIN.

NEW YORK.
PUBLISHED BY G. W. CARLETON,
413 Broadway.
1865.

BiRMlNUHAM, April 19th, 1865.
Reverend and Dear Sir : —
The undersigned, members of your Parish, having listened
with great interest to your Sermon, delivered this day, on the
death of President LINCOLN', earnestly solicit of you a copy for
publication. Deeming this request in l%eeping with the wishes of
tlie great body of those who heard it, and hoping the same will
be granted, we remain Sincerely yours, &c.,
A. BEARDSLEY,
CHARLES A. STERLING,
EDWIN WOOSTER,
EDWARD LEWIS,
WILLIAM M. HULL,
FITCH SMITH,
G. H. PECK,
EDWARD N. SHELTON,
To the Rev. N. H. CHAMBERLAIN,
Jieckir of St. James.

z

0, merciful God, and heavenly Father, who hast taught us in
thy holy Word, that thou dost not willingly afflict or grieve the
children of men ; Look with pity, we beseech thee, upon the sor
rows of thy servants, the family of the late President of the Uni
ted States, for whom our prayers are desired. In thy wisdom
thou hast seen fit to visit them with trouble, and to bring distress
upon them. Remember them, 0 Lord, in mercy ; sanctify thy
fatherly correction to them ; endue their souls with patience under
their affliction, and with resignation to thy blessed will; comfort
them with a sense of thy goodness ; lift up thy countenance upon
them, and give them peace; through Jesus Christ, our Lord.
Amen.

0, God, the King of Glory, who hast exalted Thine only Son,
Jesus Christ, with great triumph, unto Thy Kingdom in Heaven,
we beseech Thee leave us not comfortless, but send to us Thine
Holy Ghost, to comfort us and exalt us unto the same place whith
er our Savior, Christ, is gone before. Who liveth and reigneth
with Thee and the Holy Ghost, one God, world without end.
Collect for the Sunday after Ascension day.

SERMON.

Let every soul be subject unto the hisher powers. For
there is no power but of god ; the powers that be are
ordained of god. whosoever therefore resisteth the
power, resisteth the ordinance of god, and they that re
SIST, SHALL RECEIVE TO THEMSELVES D.iMXATION. — Epistlc to the
Romans, xiii. 1, 2.
When the angel of death, who is also the angel of
God, enters our homes, beloved, the Christian heart re
ceives his advent in silence ; both because words cannot
express the agony, and silence is the most befitting
fashion of souls that receive the solemn message. To
day it is no private griefs that call us together. It is a
nation's sorrow, a nation's agony. The whole body
politic is sick, the whole heart is faint. It is the mourn
ing of a nation for its Chief Magistrate, assassinated by
the hand of treason. What words can express our loss,
our sorrow.
Behold the spectacle ! Here was a man, remarkable
not only for his high office, but also for the solemn times
in which he was called to fill that office ; a man sum
moned to the administration of affairs in troubled times,
who so kept the middle path of justice, unswerved by
1*

6

friend or foe, that men of very diverse theories came,
gradually, to see that here, somehow, was a providen
tial man, raised up to save the nation ; a man elected
to be the pilot of the ship of State, who, in a storm as
it were of blood, when, sometimes, the very stars of
hope seemed lost, and every chart of guidance wanting,
in silence held the helm with a hand so firm and steady,
as to win plaudits from men on two continents : a man
not over polished in the etiquette of Courts, perhaps,
and yet with a certain inner loyalty to Liberty, to Right
and Justice, with a certain strong, unswerving honesty
of life, that set him, by the natural justice of things,
among royal hearted men. And he died by the assas
sin's hand ! The chief captain of a thousand victorious
banners that could not shelter him, and the leader of a
hundred legions of bron/ed and steady soldiers who
could not save him, lies stark and cold in the Capitol,
and a great nation weeps for its foremost man in honor.
This is, perhaps, under all the cii-cumstances, the most
solemn day of the Republic.
" The powers that be are ordained of God." To this
man belonged the headship of the Republic, both by di
vine and human right. He was your President. You,
by the operation of that Constitution under which you
live, had, of your own free will, lifted him to that great
eminence. As your civic head, henceforth his honor be
came your own. As the President of your nation, what
ever affected him, pertained to you. The assassin who
smote your President, smote also the nation's head and

heart. Why was it that he died ? Was it because he
had forfeited his life to violated law ? He was preemi
nent as sustaining law. Was it because he was such a
monster in cruelty or crime, that by the common consent
of outraged human nature, he deserved to perish ? He
was known to have been as tender-hearted as a woman ;
sparing, to his gentle instincts, many evil doers, and mil
lions honored and trusted and reverenced him, the day
he died. No ; it was because he was your President,
and as the President, he had executed the people's will ;
because, being elevated to the chair of Washington, he
had dared, like Washington, to love and save his coun
try ; because he had kept his most solemn oath of office,
and saw that the Republic received no detriment at his
hands ; because he dared to stand between treason and
its success, and withstood, by his official powers, the
attempt to slay a nation and destroy a destiny ; because
he had been loyal to the traditions, the hopes, the prom
ises, and the genius of a great republic.
You have heard it said, perhaps, in times past, (the
grave has wisely silenced all criticism of him whatever,)
that he was responsible for the loss, the burden, and the
agony, that for the last four years has crushed and
smote the nation's heart. But how 1 National policy
is by the national vote ; and the nation voted to govern
itself, and finally to save itself by war. He had but one
vote among millions, and he obeyed the people when he
prosecuted war. Was he a man of blood, rejoicing in
battle ? That cold, unmoving hand of our dead Presi-

dent, was worn by holding out the olive breach of peace
to the men who drew the sword against our nationality,
beseeching them to have mercy on themselves and yield
No ; it is the men who smote against the flag ; the men
who would destroy our nationality ; the men who would
.overturn, by insurrection, the very foundations of our
liberties ; the men who repudiated our national tradi
tions and glories ; who insulted the graves of our mar
tyrs, and declared before the world that equal rights
were miasma and delusion, and popular liberty a myth;
who have made this nation blind with sorrow, and faint
with the sacred offering of its reddest blood, that the
Republic might live in peace.
The conspirators against unity and nationality are re
sponsible, I say. They sowed the wind only to reap
the whirlwind. The dragon's teeth which they scattered
on the nation's soil, wounded the hands that strewed.
They spoke to a loyal people with the voice of cannon,
and cannon answered them ; they insulted loyal ears
with beating drums, and they have grown familiar with
the sound of muffled drums ; they marshalled legions,
and were trampled down of legions; they proffered,
with proud hand, a bitter cup to the nation's lips, and
they themselves drank the very dregs thereof. They-
appealed to God, and His decision was their defeat.
They took the sword, and they perished by the sword.
"The powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever,
therefore, resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of

9

God; and they that resist, shall receive to themselves
damnation." In this Church to-day are the symbols of human
power and the divine power, in which all that can be
rightly called authority exists. The flag of your coun
try is the symbol of " the powers that are ordained of
God." The altar is the symbol of that God by whose
will human law exists. The flag you have draped in
mourning, for it is the emblem of an earthly sovereign
ty. The altar is never draped, because it is the em
blem of the immutable sovereignty of God. The Pres
ident dies ; the Christ of the altar never dies. Cabi
nets are changed; but the counsels of God never
change. Nations mourn ; but in Heaven they never
mourn. The great captains of human destinies fall
and fail ; but the Captain of om* Salvation is always
strong and sure. Here human passions and the assas
sin's dagger change our thanksgivings into funeral
knells, and a nation is confused by a sudden and ghast
ly crime ; but in the Father land of our resun'cction,
the light is never shadowed, the song is never silenced,
the love and peace of God can never fail.
The nation's sorrow is uttered in its draped flags ;
its solace and its strength are spoken in the undraped
altar, that tells us of the all-sufficing and changeless
power of God.
I turn to consider for a moment, in the attempt to
quicken our Ctristian patriotism in this, our nation's
sorrow, which is meant to deepen our love for father-

10

land, to notice the meaning of that word nation, to the
clear-sighted and Christian heart. A nationality is a
sublime, a solemn, a sacred thing. It has its history,
its prophecy, its destiny. It is always built upon so
lemn sacrifices; it is a compact always sealed with
blood. It is a purchase made with loyal and self-sur
rendered lives. It is a patrimony watered with tears,
preserved by faithful and patriotic labors, and steadied
and maintained, sooner or later, by men who dare to be
just, in the face of imminent perils, and citizens con
stant, at a great cost, to its interests and needs.
Our nationality, like every other, is sacred to us, with
the memory of ^dead heroes, and fragrant with the per
fume of pure, and stainless, and patriotic lives, who
wrought and died for it. Our flag, as I have* said, is
the symbol of our nationality, and is sacred with its
history. As a nation changes or advances, so does its
flag, which wraps in its folds its story. A nation's
shame or glory dims or brightens its flag. When, four
years ago, our flag went down in an unequal conflict in
Charleston harbor, it was an honored flag. It was our
fathers' flag. Stout hands, moved of stout hearts, had
carried it on battle fields and on the seas to victory.
It was the flag of a free people, and it meant liberty.
It sheltered its citizens in every clime, and it was sa
luted of many peoples, who saw in it the sovereignty
of a free, a powerful nation. The last four years have
encircled it with a new halo of glory. It hath en
dured a new baptism, wherein the smoke of battle

11

stained not and the fire consumed not. It carries in its
folds the illustrious record of all who died for it, and of
all who strove for it, that no star should fall from it,
and no stain rest on it. Henceforth that flag is the
legend which we bequeath to future generations, of that
severe and solemn struggle for the nation's life, in
which we endured so much, and conquered, — not so
much our enemies, our countiymen, — as our own right
to live ar.d be a nation. Henceforth the red on it is
deeper, for the crimson with which the blood of count
less martyrs has colored it ; the white on it is purer,
for the pure sacrifice and self-surrender of those who
went to theu' graves upbearing it ; the blue on it is
heavenlier, for the great constancy of those dead heroes,
whose memory becomes henceforth as the immutable
upper skies that canopy our land, gleaming with stars
wherein we read their glory and our duty. Yea, now
behold a deeper crimson, a purer white, a heavenlier
blue. A President's blood is on it, who died because
he dared to hold it in the forefront of the nation.
Henceforth it bears in its folds the memory of the Chief
Magistrate of the Republic, who died because he had
planned that the State should live. Henceforth, where-
ever that flag is carried ; when it is canopied again, of
battle waged for human liberties, throughout the ages ;
whcL-ever our navies bear it in under the frowning bat
tlements of kingly realms, and in the presence of the
silent or loud-mouthed cannon of ancient citadels, sta
tioned on any sea ; under all skies, in the immortal

12'

constellation of its stars that, represent its martyrs,
shall be blazoned forth the fame of our dead chief, who
died in his great office, sealing his record with his blood,
that the one flag, cleansed of all shadow of unequal
rights for any race or color, may be the flag of one
nation, of one privilege, of one justice, of one liberty
for all men, forevermore.
Remember, then, the text, " The powers that be are
ordained of God." So far I have spoken of those mat
ters which naturally suggest themselves in these unu
sual and solemn furnishings of our Church. I address
myself to the re-kindling in your hearts of that Chris
tian patriotism which these solemn services encourage,
when I invite your notice to the fact of the intimate
relations and the mutual offices which exist between
Church and State. It is the quality of high office, that
the man who fills it cannot even die without giving a
very positive dh-ection and influence to the minds of
those over whom he is called to preside. Certain am
I that no President of this Republic has ever died, who
by the manner of his death has ever taught us all such
impressive and solemn lessons as those of this present
hour. And the lessons which he teaches are in behalf
of liberty, law and nationality. I beg you to observe,
then, the relation between Church and State in the Re
public. For that they are somehow bound together, is
proved from this unusual spectacle around me. If not,
tell mo why, as Churchmen, you have hung these flags
in this place, which you have consecrated to the wor-

13

ship of Almighty God, through Jesus Christ, His Son,
and in the very presence of so many memorials of the
Lord's Cross and Passion 1 Have you not placed these
symbols of the State so near the altar because, some
how, these two have mtimate relations ? The question
has but one answer. They exist together.
The duty of the Church to the State is, first of all,
obedience in things temporal. The correlated duty of
the State is protection. The Church is a spiritual
kingdom. She cannot assume to herself the power of
the sword, and is strong only in her humilities, her char
ities and life of the Holy Ghost. But then she nur
tures in the heart of the State that spiritual life and
sense of holy things, without which states perish. Her
contributions to the public weal are in things spiritual
and eternal. Pursuing her holy avocations in godly
quietness, her first instinct is that of submission to civil
authority. Obedient, she asks only to be protected in
her inoffensive and blessed avocations. She shelters
herself beneath the strong arm of public authority, and
in return for her shelter, as her bounden duty, she
teaches reverence, obedience, submission to " the pow
ers that be." This she is taught to do, by the whole
strain and tenor of the teaching of Her blessed Lord.
She hears Him say, " Render unto Ceesar the things
that be Csesar's, and unto God the things that be
God's," and renders them accordingly. She finds the
same lesson in those holy Scriptures, whose teaching
she obeys. She finds the same practice in all the ages
2

14

of an uncorrupt and apostolic faith. She hath suffered
great wrongs, during long, weary days of dishonor
and reviling, at the hands of unjust rulers, and refused
either to rebel or disobey. She hath once, at least,
in this Republic, periled her very existence, by her
persistency in obeying constituted and established law.
The very genius of the Church is that of subordination
and obedience. Her ancient hierarchy and order, wherein i
every man, having his own rights in his own place, is
yet under fixed law and rule, begets the same sentiment
of submission. Most emphatically does she teach obe
dience and reverence to the civil magistrate. Twice
a day, whenever her daily service is celebrated, every
priest is bound to offer before the people a prayer for
" the President of the United States and all others in
authority." In her Litany she prays for " all Christian
rulers and magistrates," and to be delivered from " all
sedition, privy conspiracy and rebellion." Throughout
her Liturgy and in her occasional services, she incul
cates obedience to " the powers that be." Her utter
ance is no uncertain sound. Avoiding, on principle, and
from a fixed policy transmitted to her from primitive
time, all confusion, she shuns all intermixing of poli
tics or temporalities with her sacred offices ; but as a
matter above and beyond all such things, she teaches
as an integral part of her religion, patriotism, loyalty
and obedience to constituted authority. If you allege,
in answer, that her children have sometimes been dis
loyal, I answer, the disciples have sometimes betrayed

15

or forsook their Master. Their sin makes against them
selves. It is nothing against the holy things which
they forsake.
On this day of om-. solemn sorrow, the Church, find
ing her words enforced by a great calamity, speaks to
you both as citizens and as Churchmen, and the lesson
taught is this : She says, " In a republic, majorities
must rule, and minorities submit. Republicanism is
only possible so. When any man is elected to the
Presidency, he becomes your President, — the President
of every citizen of the Republic. Then whatever hon
ors him, honors you ; whatever injures him, injures you.
The man elected may not be a great man, or a good
man, but when elected, he becomes the chosen civic
head of many great and good men, and of the whole
Republic. Honor him for his office. It is not your
charity, it is your duty." The Church says, moreover,
to her children, " You are to speak reverently of the
President ; not bitterly, nor passionately, nor uncharita
bly, but reverently, if you speak at all." To-day, rev
erence for our dead President is not difficult, for he
hath won it, or wrested it from millions of hearts. But
the lesson which the Church teaches to-day, she will
teach in all future time. " Reverence the powers that
be ; obey, be loyal, be patriotic, and deal very reverent
ly with whoever may chance to be the Chief Magis
trate of the Republic, in all coming time." I do not
ask how far any of us have done this. But remember
this in the time to come, when in the altering fortunes

16

of parties, some man may chance to be your President,
whom it is not the fashion to admire. The Church
knows no party but her own blessed mission and salva
tion, through Jesus Christ. Her words cannot alter.
" Honor the President and all civil magistrates and
rulers." " The powers that be are ordained of God."
I turn now from the more general to the special les
sons of the hour, to notice a few of the many that sug
gest themselves. In the first place, we observe that
all our griefs come more or less directly from sin. True,
this is a most ghastly sin and crime against a nation,
and a people suffer ; but whether in the race or the indi
vidual, sin in all its accidents and consequences is sharp,
bitter, biting. It has about it the sting of the serpent
and the faintness and bewilderment of a most active
poison. Great crimes like this involve innocence with
guilt in the suffering which they entail. When Caesar
died beneath the daggers of the conspirators, the Tiber
ran red therefor with noble blood, and the Empire felt
to its utmost bounds the sorrow that followed the stroke
of the assassins. The blow that struck down Henry
IV. of France, reechoed through all his realm, in the
cry of Rachaels weeping for their children whom it had
thrust to the fore-front of a most cruel civil war.
When William of Orange perished by an assassin, with
him died the hope of Spanish rule in the Netherlands,
and many a proud house of Spain had cause to mourn
for Spanish soldiers whom that blow slew in unsuccess
ful warfare. Blood, somehow, sheds blood. The as-

17

sassin's knife reaches deeper than he knows. The blow
that smote the President" dug graves and built gallows.
The punishment of the criminal, whose only import
ance arises from the magnitude of his infamy, is certain.
They tell us that as yet there has been no arrest. But
how shall he escape 1 Shall he hide himself among our
millions ? The virtuous wrath of a great people will
hunt him to his doom. Shall he seek asylum in the
great cities of the old world 1 European potentates are
never enamoured of assassination, and every court is
bound, in self preservation, to give him up. Shall he fly
to the isles of the sea for refuge 1 Our navies float in
every water, and the vigilance of justice inspects every
land. Shall he hide his infamy among barbaric and
savage races of unknown tongues? His guilt is a
tongue that daily makes itself intelligible before the
throne of God. Shall he cower in the caverns of
the earth ? Their portals are very broad to the
messengers of retribution. Shall he call upon the
mountains to cover him 1 The mountains cannot cover.
Will he turn suicide 1 Whether it be by steel or poison
or any element, they only unlock the doors of his most
miserable doom. Shall he trust himself to the fire i"
The very fire will surrender him to the bar of the ever
lasting justice, and declare who it was that died by it.
Shall he cast himself into the depths of the sea, praying
the high waves to cover him, and its most shadowy and
silent gulfs to hide him 1 The very sea gives up its
dead to God ; and there is no escape.
2*

18

I have spoken of a great criminal. All sin is crime,
and hath no refuge but in penitence and the One Atone
ment of the Redeemer.
You will observe in the next place, the uselessness of
the monstrous crime that hath covered our land with
mourning. It is the testimony of all history, that as
sassination hath never outmatched a true cause or bro
ken a nation's will whose heart was vital with a great
aspiration. The aspiration of this nation was and is for
liberty and unity. Contrawise, examples teach how
assassination recoils with untold miseries upon the cause
in behalf of which it was invoked. The nature of the
moral government of God necessitates the history which
proves the statement. Were a just cause in the keep
ing of the assassin's pistol, matter would have wrested
the supremacy from God. Were the Right subject to
Brutus' dagger, it would be unworthy to wear a kinglier
than Csesar's crown. The feet of the legions that march
against Liberty only trample down the earth firmer on
which her pedestal is reared.
What hath this assassin of our Chief Magistrate ac
complished 1 How has he aided those whom he aspired
to vindicate ? He has struck down their most powerful
and generous friend. How has he improved their for
tunes t A great nation this day bows itself in agony,
blind, bewildered, astounded by the" cruel blow, but,
taking to its heart an oath, shaped in the very audience
chamber of the illustrious dead, that henceforth, in all
matters pertaining to its own existence, simple justice

19

shall be done, though the very heavens fall. What
hath he wrought upon the nation whose chief he slew ?
Have the wheels of the public administration been block
ed? They move on without a jar. Has the hand that
held the sword been palsied ? It holds the sword more
firmly. Has the fabric of our liberties been rudely
shaken ? They are henceforth cemented more firmly in
the blood of the President of the Republic.
Here hath been a State crime, indeed. Remember,
all sin is useless !
But after all, I suppose, beloved, that in the hearts of
the millions who assemble themselves this day in sol
emn commemorative services in honor of our dead Pres
ident, the foremost thought is of the loss which this na
tion has sustained. In the truest sense, in the universe
of God, things are not lost, but changed. Things be
come invisible, not seldom grow to be more powerful.
The dew-drop, glittering on the spring violet, dried up
of the thirsty sun, is lost to sight only, to be lifted in
the upper air, to deepen the blue of the spring heavens.
The snow-flake fallen upon the river is lost to sight
only to become the crimson and gold of the lifted clouds,
or to fill up the glory of the sunset skies. The flower
that you trample under foot, has perished only to breathe
out its fragrance to purify the air by which we live. The
sacriflces offered for a thousand years under the golden
roof of Solomon's temple, disappeared indeed, in smoke
and vapor, from the vision of the priest who offered
them, but somewhere the world still holds every parti-

20

cle thereof. In a subtle but holy Providence, the qual
ity of human sacrifice is to quicken life. A great offer
ing of blood, for instance, made in behalf of a right
cp-use, bears in its red hand a great blessing. The fra
grance of an heroic life, perished, as we say, under the
lictor's axe or the assassin's dagger, for Liberty or
Right, purifies and vitalizes, henceforth, the life of na
tions and individuals. The blood of the martyrs of the
Church has been the whiteness of her robes and the glory
of her Crown. The life of the President, who died in
the nation's Capitol, becomes, henceforth, an integral
part of the life of the Republic. In Him the accidents
of the visible flesh are changed to the permanence of
an invisible and heroic spirit. Martyrdom for duty lifts
a man out of days, to become a citizen of the ages.
Had not this man been great, (as in many ways great
he was,) the fashion of his dying would have elevated
him amongst the most venerated sons of the Republic.
Assassination hath embalmed his fame and memory
with his own blood.
I point you to the same truth concerning the martyrs
of a four years war, of whom our dead President hath
now become the chief. I think of them at rest ; some
laid in sudden graves, with the requiem of the cannon's
roar or of muffled drums, and some with gentle shroud
ing, by kindred hands, among their kindred dead; of
those who went down in the red tide of battle, in the
hot strife of arms, in sudden overthrow ; of those who
died in prisons, or wasted away with pale famine, or

21

perished with disease or wounds, — all fallen for Father
land. These cannot perish. They live in the new life
of the Republic, which God hath granted us in answer
to such bounden, such precious sacrifices. To Christian
faith the martyrs never die. They tell us how the peas
ants who live on the plains of Marathon, think they still
hear, on stomiy nights, the onset of Mardonius and his
fleshless legions, and the cry of Grecian valor, though
it be two thousand years since the Hellenic race tram
pled down, in blood, the proud banners of Medes and
Persians, that Hellenic nationality might live. Hence
forth the flag of our Republic hath a new championship
and retinue. Hereafter, whereever that flag is lifted in
red battle in behalf of justice, of nationality, of liberty,
the invisible spirits of those ascended from beneath its
folds, in a chariot of battle-flame, to an immortal honor,
gather about it, to strengthen the arms of those who
strike for it, and to steady the hearts that honor it, and
follow it.
It was, you know, on that most strange and solemn
Easter Sunday, which the American Church will long re
member, with the Easter flowers to speak of the new life
through the risen Christ, and our own agony to remind us
how all flesh is " like the grass," that our pious thought
and wish for our dead President was, that when he went
out from under all his burdens, having laid aside his high
office, humbly trusting to the one Atonement once made
for him and all men, freed forever from the assassin's
blow and the traitor's contumely, in a land where malice
and foul passions come not, his soul might rest in peace.

22

It may be a very human thought, which somehow
connects the passage of our President into the spirit-
land with that solemn story of the prophet, who tells
us that when the king of Babylon came amongst the
company of royal spirits, the kings of the whole earth
rose up from their shadowy thrones, and met him with
solemn greetings. I think of our dead Chief; of his
patience, his endurance, his great burdens, his great
achievements, his most solemn and tragic death for Fa
therland ; and, somehow, I seem to see, as he enters the
shadowy land of the Hereafter, the dead heroes and
patriots of the Republic, — foremost among them the
great Captain of our war of Independence, whose ashes
they laid in rest by the blue waters of that Potomac so
often reddened now of patriots' blood, — rising up and
coming forth to greet our Chief, as their peer and broth
er ; as one who, for the Republic, followed through four
years of solemn and able services, the oath which he
had sworn to save it, and sealed it with his blood.

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Gift of
STUART W. JACKSON
Yale 1898

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