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Gen. John McDonald.

SECRETS

OF THE

Great Whiskey Rim,

CONTAINING

A COMPLETE EXPOSURE OF THE ILLICIT WHIS
KEY FRAUDS CULMINATING IN 1875,
AND THE
CONNECTION OP GEANT, BABCOCK, DOUGLASS, CHESTEE H.
KEUM, AND OTHEE ADMINISTEATION OFFICERS, ESTAB
LISHED BY POSITIVE AND UNEQUIVOCAL
13 O C TJ 3VC E KT T -A. R. -Z" PROOFS,
COMPEISING FAC-SEHILES OP CONFIDENTIAL LETTERS AND TELEGKAMS EMA
NATING FROM THE WHITE HOOSE, DIRECTING THE MANAGEMENT
OF THE RING. ALSO PHOTOGRAPHS OF GRANT, BAB
COCK, BRISTOW, GARFIELD AND THE
FAMOUS SYLPH.
TO WHICH IS ADDED
THE MISSING LINKS IN THE CHAIN OF EVIDENCE OF JAMES
i. GARFIELD'S IMPLICATION WITH THE DISTRICT
OF COLUMBIA RING AND CREDIT
MOBILIER BRIBERY.

BX GEH. JOffl MCDOMLD,
Formerly Supervisor of Internal Revenue for the District comprising Mis
souri, Arltansas, Texas, Kansas, Indian Territory, and A^ew Mexico.

CHICAGO:
BELFORD, CLARKE & CO.
18S0.

7c^.\b

Copyrigtited, 1880, by JOHN McDONALD.

LAX.. 1 1.0

Translation and aU other rights reserved.

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Nearly five years have elapsed since my conviction as a
member of the Great Whiskey Eing of 1875, or, more prop
erly, of the Eing the exposure of which occurred during that
year. Five years is but a short while to those whose current
of life flows with the melody of prosperity and contentment,
but to him whose memory is seared by the basest ingratitude
man ever showed to man ; whose sacrifices for those in power
above him have ruined a life, in the debris of which his eyes
can never unbend their fixed gaze at his own bitter humility,
it is ages.
In this introduction to my thorough exposure of the whis
key frauds culminating in 1875, it is my desire to qualify a
most unenviable position ; one which I have no disposition to
shrink from, however false appearing those sleuth hounds
fresh from a gluttonoua feast of public blood ; those abusers
of trust who cry " thief " loudest in order to deflect the gaze
of justice from their own villanies, seek to make it. I do not
approach the bar of pubhc opinion at this day, laying bare
the hideous deformities of recreart high-place officials, for the
purpose of vindicating myself Far from it. Denying nor
affirming nothing as to my own guilt, the law has spent its
force upon me ; I have paid the penalty, and further claims
against me no man has ; I am, therefore, entitled to a consid
erate hearing in what I have to say.
Thoroughly appreciating how prone the public will be to
throw discredit upon my statements, I have determined to
omit much that is unsupported by written or other corrobora-

IV
iive evidence, and confine myself to charges which I can prove
by overwhelming testimony. Every step, therefore, is cau
tiously made, and if there is a singe libel contained in this
book I am amenable to the law, the burden of which few men
have felt more heavily. Each declaration is made as if I were
Tinder oath, and in order that the true story shall appear un
abridged I have dealt liberally only with the facts in which I
have been as equally unsparing of myself as of all others im
plicated with me.
During the rigid investigation of the U. S. Grand Jury, when
nearly every man in the nation believed that many of the high
est officials in "Washington were beneficiaries of the whiskey
fund, I was asked a thousand times to disclose the secrets I
was believed to possess. Indeed, I was promised immunity
irom punishment if I would become an informer ; but those
secrets were not revealed, for reasons easily understood : I was
an appointee of President Grant, and as his friend and the
recipient of his favors, certain obligations were created which
I was not forgetful to regard. Gen. Babcock was the Presi
dent's private secretary, and there will be few to contradict
me when I say that he was, in a great measure, the President's
«hief adviser, especially in cases were his private matters were
concerned. I regarded Babcock's instructions as those ema
nating from the highest authority, and however my obedience
to their orders may be considered, they were the excuse for
my actions. Having become identified with the purposes of
my superiors, sharing their benefits and entrusted with their
confidence, when disclosures were made and the hour of sac
rifice was at hand, I could not assume the character of a base
ingrate to escape a punishment which, missing me, would in-
Tolve the entire nation in the deepest disgrace. If I were
convicted I knew that the tenure of my punishment would be
limited to the disposition of him in whose hands the pardon
ing power was vested ; having received his promise of an
immediate pardon I put on the sackcloth of disgrace and,
from the high position I had so many years maintained, I

descended to the most humiliating, stigmatical depths — a fel
on's cell. For seventeen months I wore the garb of infamy,
that leprous, foul, polluted character which gnaws at sensitive
nature " like a worm in the bud." I not only suffered this
restraint of liberty with its unending night-mare of moral
death, but lived on to see the honest accumulations of many
years of patient labor wasted because I could not protect it,
and from an ample fortune upon my entrance into political
life I was reduced to penury when released. Those in power
forgot me and their promises ; they feared to issue me an im
mediate pardon because of the pressure of public opinion,
which might become intensified against them at such a bold
interference to defeat the sentence of the court, and I was
therefore permitted to languish until my forbearance would
endure no more ; then I demanded my pardon, under threats
of exposure if it were not immediately granted, and I was re
leased at once.
To those who will cavil at my course, the question will be
suggested, "Why are these disclosures made now, when the
time for their effective use, in the courts, has passed :" Grant's
re-nomination would have afforded a more plausible pretext
for the publication of these disclosures — viewed from a strictly
partisan standpoint, and unfortunately a great many persons
can discover no merit in anything which may be devoid of
political complexion. The purpose of this publication now has
a broader base to rest upon than mere personal vindictiveness
or political infiuence. It is to expose the villainies of an
administration the very mention of which should excite a
righteous indignation and befoul the atmosphere ; but though
the crimes of Marius, who sold offices in the pubHc places of
Eome, were as virtues, compared with many of the corrupt
acts of Grant's administration, yet there is a very large per
centage of American citizens whose eyes cannot penetrate
beyond the military glory with which Grant is clothed; who
parade his statesmanship and would reward his crimes with an
iouor no other American ever held or sought. It is with an

VI
earnest and will considered belief that Gen. Grant will be a
disturbing factor in the politics and parity of the nation so
long as his infamies remain hidden, which furnishes one of the
reasons for this exposure, and with this contribution to the
literature of uncovered venality goes forth the hope that the
supporters of the Grant administration wiU find the proofs
herein which will cause the blush of shame to mantle their
cheeks for having lent their aid to perpetuate infamies of such
magnitude as were constantly developing while Gen. Grant was
our Chief Magistrate, who, as will be conclusively shown, was
an active participant in the frauds laid bare in this work.
I have included the venal acts of Gen. James A. Garfield,
because of his position now as candidate for the Presidency,
and to forwarn the nation against abuses in office which he wiU
certainly inaugurate if elected.
I have no affiliation with the Democratic party further than
my desire to see the return of honest principles, and above all,
" honest acts," which will reclaim the nation from the disgrace
visited upon it by corrupt officials, among which class the
public will include
JOHN McDONALD,
Formerly Supervisor of Internal Revenue for the district embracing Missouri, Arkaiisas,
Texas, Kansas, Indian Territory and New Mexico

OOn^TElTTS.

CHAPTEE I.
Purposes of the Whiskey Eing— How I Became Supervisor —
My Loss of $300,000 in the Mast Hope Disaster— How I
Caught Ford — McKee's Proposal to Form a Eing — The
Editorial that Moved Grant — Magrue's Entrance — Joyce's
First Letter — How the Democrat was Won Over — Bittinger
and his Paper — Grosvenor's Letter — Grant's Third Term
Aspirations — Morton's Needs — A Consolidation of Dis
tricts — Ford and McKee meet Grant and Talk with Him
Freely — E. B, Grimes — Douglass, the Commissioner — The
Woodward Correspondence — Fighting Carl Schurz.
CHAPTEE II.
Reducing the Number of Supervisors — My Appointment as
One of the Ute Commission — The Demand for my Ee-ap-
pointment as Supervisor — Chester H. Krum's Endorse
ment — President Grant's Endorsement — Proofs of Bab
cock's Connection with the Eing — My Ee-appointment as
Supervisor — Casey, the President's Brother-in-Law —
Ford's Death — Appointment of Maguire as Collector—
Babcock's Instrumentality — Telegrams from Grant and
Babcock — Visit of Eevenue Agents — Brasher Blackmails
the Distillers.

VII

CHAPTEE III.
Grant and Babcock Receive My Monthly Reports— We Send
Avery $500— Doubts as to Our Security— Joyce goes to
Washington—He Talks to Grant, who Assures Him that no
Fear of Exposure Need be Apprehended — Joyce's Trip to
San Francisco— Before Starting, he Posts the Washington
Members — The Ring Stops Operations for a Time — Joyce
Returns from the Pacific Coast — He Goes to Washington —
Babcock and the Diamond — The President Assures Joyce
that the Ring may Renew its Operations with Safety —
Avery's Transfer to the Treasury Department — Avery
Told to Obtain Information from Grant Respecting Ring
Matters — Babcock Warns us, by Telegraph, that a Revenue
Agent may Visit St. Louis — Grant and His Party Visit
the St. Louis Fair — Grant and Borie Take a Drive — My
Gift to the President — How Grant Obtained a Premium —
The Press Criticism. CHAPTER rV.
Col. Joyce as a Revenue Agent — Babcock and Joyce's Intimacy
— Babcock Telegraphs that no Agent has been Sent to St.
Louis — My Trip to Washington — How I gave Babcock
$5,000 — I Give Grant Receipts for the Buggy and Team —
I inform Him of My Gift of $5,000 to Babcock— My Ride
with the President — He Promises Me that any Changes or
Appointments I Desire will be Granted — The Altitudinal
Dispatch — Babcock's Sylph Dispatch — Louise Hawkins,,
the Sylph — How Babcock Took Her to His Bosom — An
Interview in the Dark — A Remittance to Babcock in a
Cigar Box. CHAPTER V.
Bristow Decides Upon a Change of Supervisors — How I In
fluenced Grant to Countermand the Order — Joyce's Dis
patch to Babcock— Joyce's Song, " Mrs. Carney " — Pros-

IX
peets of a Storm — Babcock's Report of Bristow's Inclina
tions — Hogue Blackmails the Distillers Out of $10,000 —
Fishback's Visit to Washington — How I was Appealed to
by Pishback for a Loan — Babcock Puts a Spy on Fishback
— Agent Yaryan Visits St. Louis.
CHAPTER VL
Taking Soundings Before the Attack — The Ring takes Fright —
Seizures at St. Joseph — -The Storm Approaching — My
Visit to Washington — Interviews with Bristow, Grant and
Douglass — My Resignation — I Advise Grant to Burn
Evidence Collected — His Proposal to Check Bristow and
Suppress Evidence — Bristow and Grant Together — Bris
tow is Made Acquainted with Grant's Connection with the
Ring — I Dine with Babcock who Assures Me that Bristow
ShaU Be Dismissed — Grant Declares that Bristow Must
Cease His Efforts to Expose the Ring or Leave the Cabi
net — An Open Letter to Bristow — Babcock's Letter of
Assurance — Another Letter from Babcock — Our Corres
pondence Through Major Grimes.
CHAPTER VII.
Why Douglass Played a Double Role — The First Seizures in St.
Louis — The Correspondence — Babcock's Letter Informing
Me of Officials who Want to "Peach" — Acceptance of
My Resignation — Why Grant did Not Dismiss Bristow —
Grant Sorely Distressed — Babcock's Letter Inclosing an
Anonymous Note — The "Lightning" Dispatch — My In
dictment — Assuring Grant and Babcock of My Fidelity —
Babcock's Reply — Grimes' Postoffice — Babcock Requests
Grimes to See Dyer — Grimes' Serious Aspect — Grimes'
Profane Note — His Testimony — Another Letter from
Babcock — Babcock's Letter Informing Me Where Some
Stolen Evidence May be Purchased— Krum Divides the
Whisky Money — Krum's Letter Advising a Conference
with Grant — Babcock and Grant Visit Me — A Champagne

Dinner — Their Promises and My Pledges of Silence —
Grant Humbles Himself— Giving Grant Back-bone— Grant
Grieving over Lost Opportunities — Grant's Promise to
Pardon Me in Case of Conviction — Preparing for Trial —
The District Attorney Promises Me Immunity, if I will
Tell What I Know — Beginning of My Trial — General
Henderson Promises to Enter a Nolle Pros., if I will Become
a Witness for the Government — My Conviction — Why I
was Not Pardoned — How I Kept My Promise — Fox, the
Grand-Juryman — He Keeps Grant Advised of All the Acts
of the Grand-Jury — How Pox was Rewarded for Perjuring
Himself — The Grand-Jury Letter — Babcock's Indictment
• — Joyce's Oration Before Sentence.
CHAPTER VIII.
Avery's Trial and Conviction — Henderson Charged with At
tacking the President — The Power of His Address to
the Jury — What he Said— The President Advised of Hen
derson's Fearless Denunciation of Thieves, and Peremp
torily dismisses him — The Correspondence — Krum Be
comes the Medium through which Babcock and I Corres
pond — Pierrepont's Circular Letter to Suppress Testimo
ny — Krum's Letter, — Congress Rebukes Grant Through
Pierrepont — Report of the Judiciary Committee on the
Pierrepont Letter — Trial and Conviction of Wm. Mc
Kee — Krum, as Babcock's Attorney, Writes a Note Re
questing Information Respecting a Damaging Letter from
His Client — Gen. Babcock Buys the Letter from Harda-
way — Babcock Placed on Trial — Everest's Testimony —
Babcock Buys a Witness from the Post Office — How Ma-
gill Perjured Himself— Babcock Admits that he Paid
Magill to Give False Testimony — Krum Writes Me for
Permission to see the Babcock letters — The Interview in
My Cell— The President's Deposition — Comments on the
Deposition— How Grant Perjured Himself— Porter, Bab
cock's Counsel, Attacks Me— Babcock writes a Letter

XI
Begging Me Not to Hold Him Accountable— Why I
Could Not be Forced to Testify — The Jury Acquit Bab
cock — $10,000 Presented to Him at the Conclusion of
his Trial— Babcock Calls on Me at My Cell — Begs Me for
His Letters — Liberal Offer of Money — Promises to Par
don Me — Babcock's Brother Tries to Buy the Letters
From My Old Chief Clerk— Upon Refusal to Treat
Theatens Him With Personal Injury — Expressions of
Belief in Babcock's Guilt by Jurymen — Why He Was
Acquitted. CHAPTER IX.
Action of Congress on Babcock's Acquittal^Investigations by
a Special Committee — Testimony of District Attorney
Dyer — of John B. Henderson — of Attorney General
Pierrepont — All Declare that Grant was Kept Informed
of the Secrets of the Grand Jury by Fox — Bell's Testi
mony — How He was Hired by Babcock, with Grant's
Knowledge, to Steal Evidence — The Belknap Scandal —
Babcock's Second Indictment — Babcock Continues to
Act as Private Secretary to the President — Sentence of
McKee — Avery's Pardon, and How it Was Obtained —
Avery's History of the Ring.
CHAPTER X.
Efforts to Procure My Pardon — Putting the Screws to Grant
and Babcock — A Letter from Krum— My Threats to Ex
pose Grant — A Letter to the Proctor Knott Committee —
Ex-Gov. Fletcher and his policy — Babcock Writes me
Through One of His Spies — Gov. Fletcher Sees My
Threatening Letter in the Hands of Mrs. President Grant
— My Pardon is Granted — My Meeting with Babcock on
the Fourth of March — Why Joyce Was Not Pardoned by
Grant — My Last Interview With Babcock — Joyce's Let
ter — Some Bitter Memories.

XII

CONCLUSION.
The Missing Links Convicting James A. Garfield of a Corrupt
Connection with the Credit MobiUer and the District of
Columbia Ring.

CHAPTEE I.
Purposes of the Whiskey Ring — How I Became Supervisor —
My Loss of $300,000 in the Mast Hope Disaster— How I
Caught Ford — McKee's Proposal to Form a Ring — The
Editorial that Moved Grant — Magrue's Entrance — Joyce's
First Letter — How the Democrat was Won Over — Bittinger
and his Paper — Grosvenor's Letter — Grant's Third Term
Aspirations — Morton's Needs — A Consolidation of Dis
tricts — Ford and McKee meet Grant and Talk with Him
Freely — E. B, Grimes — Douglass, the Commissioner — The
Woodward Correspondence — Fighting Carl Schurz. .
The great whiskey frauds culminating in 1875,
are a part of the history of American pohtics. No
ring was ever before formed embracing such a gigan
tic scope and including among its chief instigators
and membership, such distinguished Grovernment
officials. The original intention of the organizers,
adopting suggestions from the highest authority in
the land, was to make the ring co-extensive with
the nation, with headquarters in all the large cities,
for the purpose of raising a campaign fund with
which to advance the interests of President Grant
in his aspirations for a second term. So far as my

18 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
personal knowledge extends, the money received
from the distillers and rectifiers was used according
to the original intention of the members, until
Grant's re-election, when, the purposes of the orga
nization having been accomplished, but with the
management of the colossal fraudulent undertaking
thoroughly in hand, it was decided to continue the
appropriation of the revenue and to make the mem
bers of the ring the beneficiaries of the fund. During
congressional and municipal campaigns, however,
a part of this fund was always used in the interests
of the BepubHcan candidates.
HOW I BECAME SUPERVISOR.
In the years 1868-69, I was engaged in Washing
ton City collecting war claims against the Govern
ment and buying up Quartermaster's informal
vouchers. I conducted this business vsdth much
success, but in September of the latter year, being a
passenger on the iU-fated train on the Erie Eaihoad
which burned at Mast Hope, Pa., with such des-
destruction to hfe and property, I lost my trunk
containing over $9,000,000 of these claims. My in
dividual loss approximated $300,000, to recover
which, I went to President Grant for the purpose
of obtaining from him a note of introduction to Jim
Fisk, then Manager, and Jay Gould, the President
of the Erie Eailroad Co. Grant dechned to give
me the note, as did also Gen. Sherman, to whom I
made a hke request, giving as their reason, that
such an exhibition of personal interest in claims of
such nature as these represented, would be improper
During my conversation with the President I

GEANT DESIEES MY APPOINTMENT. 19
mentioned the fact that several of my friends in St.
Louis had requested me to make application for one
of the Supervisorships, an office created by Con
gress, July 20th, 1868.
I did not tell him that I wanted the office, be
cause the appointing power was with the Secretary
of the Treasury, but referred to the desire of my
friends merely as a casual, social remark.
President Grant responded at once, saying : "Well,
McDonald, I would like to give you one of those
places, and if you wiU accept, aU you will have to
do is to return to St. Louis and procure some rec
ommendations, make your apphcation and forward
your papers."
Having received such a decided and unexpected
promise, I begun to think seriously of accepting the
position, and returned to St. Louis at once. Direct
ly after my return William McKee, of the Missouri
Democrat, also suggested to me that an application
for Supervisor would certainly be granted. I talked
with a few of my friends in St. Louis, concerning
recommendations, etc., some of whom interested
themselves in my behalf, and, in a few days, I had
prepared a very large hst of recommendations,
which,'together with my application, I carried in
person to President Grant. He examined my pa
pers with great care and then had them filed with
Commissioner Delano, and on October 6th, 1869, my
commission as Supervisor of Internal Eevenue was
issued. A false impression has long prevailed respecting
the character of my indorsements, created by news
paper assertions that I was opposed by the members

20 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
of the Merchant's Exchange and the best people of
St. Louis. In order to disprove this false claim, I
herewith copy a few of the great number of my rec
ommendations, many of which were unsohcited.
St. Louis, August 30, 1869.
General U. S. Grant.
Dear Sir : Colonel John McDonald, of this city, is an appU-
cant for the office of Supervisor of Internal Revenue. I know
him to be man of great energy, a true RepubUcan and a devoted
friend of your administration. I beUeve he wiU discharge the
duties of the office faithfully and honestly, and therefore com
mend him to your most favorable considerai-ion. Very respect
fully, your obedient servant, E. W. Fox
On this letter were the following endorsements:
I cheerfuUy join in the above recommendation. Jas. E. Yeatman.
I have known Major McDonald for several years. He was
one of those who promptly responded to the wants of his
country, and was active in getting up the 8th Missouri regi
ment, one of the fighting regiments of the war, and served in
that regiment as Major and was in some of the hottest of the
fights. He deserves well of his government.
Wm. M. McPhekson.
General Sherman's Endorsement.
Washington, D. C, Sept. 8, 1869.
Major McDonald served under my immediate command in
1862-3, with great honor and credit to himself. He is a very
active business man of an extensive acquaintance. I am per
sonally acquainted with all the parties to this document, and
certify them to be of the very best in St. Louis, and they know
the matters of which they write. Major McDonald is entitled
to the most favorable attention of the departments of the
government. W. T. Sheejian, General.

MY EECOMMENDATIONS. ^1
Governor MoClurg Executive Department, |
Jefferson City, September 2, 1869. [
Hon. Columbus Delano, Commissioner of Internal Revenue.
Dear Sir: — I have not the pleasure of an intimate acquaint
ance with Brevet Brigadier General John McDonald, who
desires to be Superintending Inspector of Internal Revenue at
St. Louis. He is very strongly endorsed by persons of very
lagh respectabiUty whom I do know. I doubt not, from such
recommendations, he would make an efficient public officer
and give character to the position. I am very respectfully,
your obedient servant, J. M. McClurg.
U. S. Senator McDonald.
Little Rock, Ark., Nov. 20, 1869.
Hon. C. Delano, Commissioner of Internal Revenue.
Dear Sir: — Gen. John McDonald, lately appointed Super
visor of Internal Revenue, and assigned to Arkansas, is here
on duty. I am highly gratified with the appointment and
assignment, and I have every reason to believe that it will re
dound to the interests of the public service. This State needs
the watchfulness of a firm, honest and energetic man to look
after revenue matters, and I feel assured from the tone of Mc
Donald's circular to collectors and assessors that he is the
right man and means business. Your friend and obedient
servant, A. McDonald, United States Senator
Mr. Delano to the President.
Treasury Department, Office of Internal Revenue, \
Washington, Sept. 9, 1869. j
Dear Sir: — Gen. John McDonald presents excellent recom
mendations for Supervisor of Missouri, Kansas, etc., vice Mr.
Marr, the incumbent. He proposes to see you and present
his papers. Judging from what I know of Mr. McDonald, as
well as from his endorsements I presume he will make an
efficient and faithful officer. Senator Drake urges strenousiy

22 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
Man's retention and I disUke, in view of this fact, to make a
change without your approbation and advice.
I am very sincerely, etc., C. Delano.
To President Grant. McKee, Fishback & Co.
Office of Missouri Democrat, )
St. Louis, Sept. 5, 1869. j
Gen. Grant, President United States,
Dear Sir.— Gen. McDonald is an applicant lor Supervisor
of Internal Revenue for this district. We do not wish to
multiply words in his favor. We have known him for years.
He was a brave soldier, a true Republican in the day of our
trouble. He never faltered in his duty. He is eminently
qualified for the position he seeks. He has energy, ability and
integrity, the requisites yoa require in public officers. His
appointment will give general satisfaction and particularly
oblige your friends here and none more than ourselves.
Most Respectfully, McKee, Fishback & Co.
Lieutenant Governor Stanard.
St. Louis, Sept. 1, 1869.
Hon. Columbus Delano, Commissioner of Internal Revenue,
Sir. — It affords me more than usual pleasure to recommend
for appointment to the office of Supervisor of Internal
Revenue of this district. Gen. McDonald. He is an able,
efficient and upright man, and I believe him peculiarly fitted
to discharge the duties of the office. That his appointment
wiU give general satisfaction I have no doubt, and certainly
it will add strength to the party here.
Very Respectfully,
E. O. Stanard, Lieutenant Governor of Missouri.
This was endorsed as follows: I concur with the gentlemen
in their recommendation of Gen. McDonald.
Nathan Cole, Mayor of St. Louis.
Irwin Z Smith, Judge St. Louis County Court,
James S. Farrar, Judge St. Louis County Court.

MY RECOMMENDATIONS. 23
State Senator George H. Rea.
Second National Bank, \
St. Louis, Sept. 7, 1869. [
Hon. Columbus Delano, Commissioner Internal Revenue,
Sir. — The bearer of this. Gen. McDonald, is well known in
this city as a man of sterling integrity, a hard worker and
possessed of good business qualifications and great energy.
Any appointment given him would give general satisfaction in
this city. Truly Yours, George H. Rea.
Ex-GovERNOR Fletcher. St. Louis, Aug. 31, 1869.
Dear Sir. — My old friend Brevet Brigadier General John
McDonald, will be an applicant for appointment of Supervis
ing Inspector Internal Revenue at this place. Permit me to
say that I have known him long and well; he is a gentleman
of remarkable energy and fine business qualifications, and
possessed of a quick perception and ready ability of reaching
conclusions from combinations of facts, which eminently fit him
for the' place. Gen. McDonald was one of the first among the
young men of Missouri to respond to the call of the country
in 1861, and was a favorite officer in one of our fighting regi
ments. As a soldier he deserves well of the country, and as a
business man he is well fitted to do good service in the civil
department. Very Respectfully your obedient servant,
Thos. C. Fletcher.
Hon. Columbus Delano, Supt. Internal Revenue United States.
The endorsements on this recomendation were as follows;
Having entire confidence in the fitness of Gen. McDonald
for the position referred to, I shall be much gratified to hear
of his appointment, and believe he will give general satisfac
tion. Jas. B. Eads.
I cordially indorse every word of the within.
Francis Rodman, Secretary of State of Missouri.

24 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY RING.
Rooms Radical Union,
Executive Committee.
City and County of St. Louis, No. 11 North Fifth St, ]
St. Louis, Sept. 4, 1869.
Hon. C. Delano, Commissioner of Internal Revenue,
Dear Sir : — I know Brevt. Brig. Genl. John McDonald
well, and most cheerfully say that a more satisfactory ap
pointment to the office of Inspector of Internal Revenue at
St. Louis could not be made. McDonald has the requisite
integrity, ability, energy and tact necessary to fill the position
with credit to this administration. I speak of what I know ;
having been four years President of R. U. Ex. Committee my
opportunity to form a correct judgment has been good. I
think, sir, you will find McDonald an officer who will obey
orders promptly and do all in his power to honestly collect
the Revenue so much needed by our government. McDonald
can command any endorsement required. I hope you wiU
appoint him to the office.
I am dear sir, respectfully, your obedient servant, Alfred Clapp.
P. S. I am not now the President of the above R. U.
Ex. C. A. C.
From Hon. Peter E. Bland.
St. Louis, Aug. 31, 1869.
Hon. Columbus Delano, Commissioner of Internal Revenue.
Sir : — Permit me to recommend my friend Genl. John
McDonald for appointment to the office of Supervisor of In
ternal Revenue in this district in case of the removal of the
present incumbent. Genl. McDonald's poUtical record is too
well known for remark, and his promptitude, efficiency and
general abiUty, peculiarly fit him for discharging the duties of
that office in a manner satisfactory to the government and
beneficially to the just interests of all concerned.
Very respectf uUy and truly yours,
P. E. Bland.

MY EECOMMENDATIONS. 25
In addition to the foregoing letters were also the
following which I omit for want of space :
Capt. John Scudder.
Geo. P. Plant, President Merchants Exchange.
Capt. Bart. Abel, and a large number of other members of
the Merchants Exchange.
U. S. Senator Rice of Arkansas.
Congressmen Logan H. Roots and Bowles of Arkansas.
Gov. Powell Clayton, Arkansas.
Senator Pomeroy, of Kansas, and many others.
A stronger endorsment than this no man ever
forwarded to Washington as I have been frequently
told by those occupying the highest positions in
official life.
The opposition made to my appointment, and
brought directly to the notice of the President, was
the following telegram : St. Louis, Feby. 16, 1870.
Hon. Geo. S. Boutwell, Sec'y of the Treas., Washington.
If the contemplated change of Supervisor in this district
is not fixed, I would suggest that the character of the new
appointee should be investigated here and at Memphis.
Chester H. Krum, Atty. U. S., etc.
C. W. Ford, CoUector.
C. A. Newcomb, U. S. Marshal.
St. Louis, Oct. 7, 1869.
Hon. Geo. S. Boutwell, Secretary of Treasury, Washington,
D. C
Please withold commission of McDonald until you hear by
mail. W'e regard it as highly prejudicial to the interests of
the Government. C. SCHUBZ, U. S. S.,
D. P. Dyer, M. C,
Jko. W. Noble, U. S. Att'y.,
C. A. Newcomb, U. S. Marshal.

26 SECRETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
[copy of letter.]
Eastern District of Mo., I
U. S. Attorney's Office, j St. Louis, Oct. 7, 1869.
Ho;;. Geo. S. Boutwell, Secretary of the Treasury, Washing
ton, D. C.
Sir: We have to-day learned, by the telegrams of our daily
papers, that John McDonald, of this place, has been appointed
Supervisor of Internal Revenue, and assigned for duty to this
district. We beg leave to assure you that the reputation of
this man, and his associates, are such that he can bring no
moral support to the Government in the enforcement of the
Internal Eevenue Laws, and that it is quite certain that his
qualifications, natural or acquired, are such as render the
appointment an unfit one to be made.
We believe that, by his being placed in so important an
office, the collection of the revenue will be retarded, and the
combinations which have heretofore existed against the Gov
ernment, will be re-estabUshed. C. SCHUEZ, U. S. S.,
D. P. Dyer, M. C,
Jno. W. Noble, U. S. Att'y.,
C. A. Newcomb, U. S. Marshal.
[copy of telegram.]
Hon. Geo. S. Boutvvell, Secretary of Treasury.
I unite with Senator Schurz, and others, against the appoint
ment of John McDonald for Supervisor. G. A. FiNKELNBURG, M. C,
[copy of telegram.]
To Hon. Geo. S. Boutwell, Secretary of Treasury, Washing
ton, D. C.
I unite with Senator Schurz, Dyer, Finkelnburg, and
others, against the appointment of John McDonald as Super
visor of Eevenue. R. T. VanHorn.

ASSUMING THE DUTIES OF SUPERVISOR. 27
Being greatly concerned about my heavy loss in
the Erie disaster, I went to New York from Wash
ington for the purpose of taking steps to recover
from the Erie Company a compensation for my
losses. After persistent efforts I obtained a small
sum, and, leaving the claim in an unsettled con
dition, I returned to St. Louis, only to find that I
had not been assigned to duty, and nearly all the ter
ritory had been occupied by other appointees. A
bitter fight was made against my assignment by
Drake, Newcomb, Schurz, Van Horn, (who after
wards became most instrumental in having Missouri
added to my district in order to displace Supervisor
Marr, then in charge of the state), and C. W. Ford,
then collector at St. Louis, whose letters will be
referred to hereafter. On the 12th of November,
1869, I took possession of the Supervisor's office,
having charge of the district embracing Arkansas
and Indian Territory, with headquarters at Little
Eock. Before leaving Washington to take charge of the
district, instructions were issued to me to investi
gate gigantic frauds which it was reported were
being perpetrated by tobacco manufacturers in the
Indian Territory. I spoke to President Grant of
the strength of the tobacco combination, and told
him that in proceeding against these manufactur
ers, I would need the assistance of himself and the
revenue department. His reply was: "Proceed
without fear and be assured you shall have the last
hearing." I lost no time in pushing the investigation against
the Indian Territory revenue evaders, and the har-

28 SECRETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
vest of fraud was so bounteous that, in about one
month's time, I had four large manufactories, to
gether with large and various lots of unstamped
tobacco, libeled and in court.
Commissioner Delano sent me several telegrams
ordering a release of the goods thus seized, which
I disregarded, by not reading, for the reason that I
was confident I had a clear case for the Govern
ment, and therefore thought it would be criminal
to stop at such a stage of the proceedings, a posi
tion which afterwards brought great credit upon
the administration.
The Eepubhcan party in Missouri, at the time
I became a revenue officer, was harrassed by
dissentions, and the especial virulency of the
Missouri Democrat sowed the seeds of a grow
ing discord among the adherents of the adminis
tration. The President was greatly annoyed at these
apparently irreconcilable differences among his
friends, and, to restore harmony within the party,
he sent for me, and after a lengthy discussion of
these difficulties, he decided to attach the state
of Missouri to my district and make my headquar
ters at St. Louis.
This order was as follows :
Treasury Department,
Office Internal Eevenue.
Washington, Peb'y 14th, 1870.
Sir: The state of Missouri has been detached from the district
of Supervisor Marr and appended to yours. Your district
win, therefore, now embrace the states of Missouri and Arkan-

WHAT GEANT DESIRED ME TO DO. 29
sas, and the Indian Territory, and your headquarters are
fixed at St. Louis, Missouri. Very RespectfuUy, J. W. Douglass,
Gen. John McDonald, Acting Commissioner.
Supervisor, Little Rock, Ark.
The President had confidence in my abihty to
pacify the disturbing elements, and frankly con
fessed that it was essentiaUy necessary for me to
direct my best efforts in this direction', as his success
for a second term lay chiefly in the demand for his
re-nomination coming from the West. The change
pleased me because St. Louis was my home, and
headquarters in that city would be much more
agreeable for many reasons.
Immediately after assuming charge of the reve
nues of Missouri I had a conversation with Wm.
McKee, senior proprietor of the Missouri Democrat,
in which he admitted that his opposition to the
President was caused by Grant's persistency in
appointing persons to office in St. Louis contrary
to his (McKee's) expressed wishes, and against the
best pohcy of the party in the state. He was
especially bitter against Eord, the collector, and
asserted that he was entitled to the benefits be
stowed upon the party by his paper. Several other
conversations occurred between us in which con
tingencies were provided for.
In the early part of April, 1870, I took a trip
South and remained absent for some time; upon
my return, among the communications awaiting
my attention was the following, enclosed in a letter
of instructions from Acting Commissioner Doug
lass:

30 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
St. Louis, Mo., April 4th, 1870.
Dear Sir :
Yoa had better examine Mr. Ford's affairs at once, as well
as L. Card's distiUery; if you do so, as it ought to be done, you
will find something which will astonish you. R. D. Simpson.
(Private.) In this connection it is proper that the reader
understand the fact that nearly every distillery in
the district was, at that time, libeled and shut up,
and the revenue was coming in at an exceedingly
slow rate ; but I at once acted upon the suggestion
of this letter and thoroughly investigated Mr.
Eord's books, and also the distillery. During the
progress of this investigation, which was made
without the suspicion of Mr. McKee, the following
editorial appeared in the Missouri Democrat of
August 12th, 1870.
AN OPEN LETTER TO THE PRESIDENT.
When you said " Let us have peace ! " Mr. President, and
the people, taking that phrase as their battle cry, elected you,
we at once began to labor for the policy thus marked out —
Political disabilities still kept aUve in this State the passions of
war, and, that the State might have peace, we advocated their
removal. Every form of prejudice, and passion, was at once appealed
to by those who resisted that course. We were accused of a
design to betray and destroy the party, when, in truth, we had
only advocated the very policy upon which a Republican
President had just been elected.
The Uberal policy triumphed in the Legislature; first in the
election of a Senator, and finally in the submission of Consti
tutional Amendments, removing a disfranchisement no longer
required or justified by pubUc safety. But notwithstanding this
deliberate decision of the representatives of the party, there were

mc'kee's theeatening lettee. 31
men who refused to accept. The advocates of your poUoy they
denounced as "infamous," as "traitors," and the like. The
attempt is now being industriously made, in every part of the
State, to control the Convention of the party against that
pohcy which will give the State a perfect peace. And, satis
fied that they cannot prevail by the honest vote of the party,
a deliberate effort is made to swindle the majority of the Rad
icals out of their rights: first, by the election of delegates in
meetings not called«for that purpose; and, second, by a repre
sentation which enables 35,000 Radicals, in sparsely settled
counties, to overpower and vote down in Convention 50,000
Radicals in the more populous counties. All these things are
done to control the party in this State against the policy of
which you are the author, and which men have been encour
aged to advocate by your high authority.
In these schemes, Mr. President, there are busily engaged a
few of the men who hold federal offices under you. They were
selected, in part, for their supposed fidelity to the party, and
to the liberal principles which it advocates. But they use the
official position and influence thus given to them in desperate
efforts, not only to defeat that policy which originated with
yourself, but to defeat it by swindling the majority of the
party out of its legitimate power to out -vote a minority.
It seems to us, Mr. President, that the few individuals
referred to, as they are engaged in making war upon a vital
feature of your administration, and by methods calculated to
divide and disrupt the party, may very fitly be deprived of
official influence and position that strengthen them in their
undertaking. We commend the subject to your consideration.
Sir, and shall take occasion to mention, in a less public man
ner, the names of these disturbers of the party, and opposers
of the policy of your administration.
Meanwhile, with, or without, any aid, the majority of the
Radical party will carry the liberal policy forward to a com
plete and glorious triumph. The result is not in doubt The
amendments will be indorsed by the Convention, and adopted

32 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
by the people. The question is rather this: Whether the
administration shall be more or less fully identified with the
iberal poUcy, which the President himself originated and pro
claimed. The people wiU support the administration. They
would also be pleased to see the administration support itself.
The fuU intent of this editorial was not doubtful.
McKee* was anxious for the removal of several rev
enue officials distasteful to him, and particularly C.
W. Ford, the CoUector, who was such a warm
bosom friend of the President's that only extraor
dinary influences could accomphsh his removal.
Hence the editorial was in the nature of a threat, a
part of which was carried out by Mr. McKee in the
organization of the Liberal party in Missouri, the
following faU.
A very sudden change now transpired, which
transformed the elements of discord into the hap
piest reconciliation. In the investigation I prose
cuted at Uhici's distiUery (formerly run by Card &
Lawrence, as referred to in Simpson's letter of in
formation,) a most glaring fraud was unearthed, viz.
the discovery of 48,000 bushels of grain, which had
been used for distillation and unaccounted for to
the Government. The magnitude of this fraud was
equal to stealing directly from the Government the
sum of ^117,600, and I at once accused Mr. Eord of
guilty knowledge in the disposition of that money.
After a season of skillful evasion Mr. Eord admitted
the frauds, and exhibited the deepest humility and
remorse of conscience. I reported to Mr. McKee
the result of my investigation, and from that
moment he was anxious for the retention of Mr.
Ford in the Collector's office, and expressed his

WE IMPORT A SING MANAGER. 33
sorrow at having published in his paper the editorial
just referred to and printed in full.
For some time before this McKee had made sug
gestions to me about organizing a ring among the
revenue officials in St. Louis, to derive profits from
iUicit distiUing, but Ford prevented a consummation
of this intention ; and after Ford was detected, in
connection with Concannon, his deputj^, in defraud
ing the Government, he still refused to treat with
McKee, because of the antagonisms which had ex
isted between them. The matter was then laid
before President Grant, together with an explana
tion of McKee's opposition to the administration.
Soon afterwards Ford signified his wiUingness to
meet and arrange details with McKee, which, (I can
state with only circumstantial proof,) was caused by
instructions from the President to Mr. Ford
Having come to an understanding, arrangements
were completed by which McKee, Ford and myself
were to control aU the federal appointments in Mis
souri, the Senators of that time, (Hon. Frank Blair
and Hon. Carl Schurz,) not being in sympathy with
the administration, and were consequently ignored
by the President.
The revenue was honestly coUected and returned
until the fall of 1871, when, at the suggestion of
Mr. McKee, one Conduce G. Magrue was imported
from Cincinnati to manage the iUicit distilling, and
to arrange for the coUection of the assessments to
be made on the distillers and rectifiers. Magrue's
qualifications for this position were of the highest
order, as he had successfully conducted two or three
enterprises of hke character before. His introduc-

34 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
tion to St. Louis was, ostensibly, as an agent for
some patent paving company in the East.
The Eing would have begun operations much ear-
her than it did, had it not been for the fact that
every distiUery in St. Louis was libeled, with the
single exception of Ulrici's, at which Ford's crook
edness was first discovered. A removal of these
hb^ls, necessary to a release that would permit the
distilleries to run again, required the labor of sev
eral months ; not that there was any opposition to
their release, but because of the delay in accumu
lating the evidence and advancing the cases, in the
department, for final disposition. I went to Wash
ington myself and remained there until I had pro
cured the release of all the hbeled distilleries.
During my stay in Washington, I received the fol
lowing letter from John A. Joyce, my private secre
tary, who was well acquainted with the purposes of
the Eing and that the President was to share its
profits : St. Louis, Mo., Oct. 15th, 1870.
Dear General :
I have had a talk with McKee to-day with regard to the
situation in Missouri. I know that down deep in his breast
is a wann spark (ironical) for the President. That spark can
be fanned into a flame that wiU burn brightly until 1872, and
culminate in a grand ovation for the hero of the war and Ught
his way to the White House.
It is no use disguising the fact, the Missouri Democrat is a
great power in this State, and we must secure it for Grant now
and for 1872.
I hope your interview with the President wiU be satisfactory
to aU concerned and that he wiU turn a kind ear to what you
Jiiay relate. You are his friend.

Joyce's epistolaey suggestions 35
Be sure and fix our St. Louis cases, for they will materially-
advance the interests of the administration. Yours in haste,
John A. Joyce.
Enclosed with this letter was a shp upon which
was written in lead pencil the foUowing :
" I send you this letter for the purpose of good. If you see
the President and have a chance, take it out of your side-
pocket and let him read it. Think and act."
There was, I repeat, an understanding between
the President, McKee, Ford, Joyce and myseU that
a Eing should be formed, the proceeds from which
should constitute a campaign fund to advance the
interests of the administration, hence the manner
in which Joyce writes, also the following :
St. Louis, Nov. 28th, 1870.
Dear General:
Yours of the 24th, was received this, Monday morning. I
am pleased to know that Sec'y Delano, John & Co., (referring
to the Secretary's son and others) are as ever your warm
friends. By this time I presume you have had a talk with the Chief
at the W^hite House, and learned whether Drake has suc
ceeded in pumping any vitriol into the mind of the President
against the supervisors.
If Gen. Cowan is made commissioner we will not, I pre
sume, suffer thereby, as he will have every reason to be our
I read the article in the St. Joe. Herald to Capt. Ford, and be
was highly delighted to know that a Brown (B. Gratz) paper
had taken that shoot, and was curious to " know how in the
world did you get him to publish it." I informed him that you
had a way of doing things, and gave Bittinger (the editor) to
understand that it was to his interest to support the adminis
tration. *********

36 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
I hope your interview with the President wiU be of a satis
factory character, and that you wiU return to your district
stronger in his estimation than ever.
******** * *
This office is running as smooth as a sunbeam, and my only
anxiety is that you wiU, this time, make talk and promise (sic)
count " greenbacks," for what is a man in this world without
a good supply of the " filthy lucre " obtained honorably and
honestly. I am ever yours,
John A. Joyce.
A thorough understanding of this latter letter
can only be obtained through a knowledge of the
current events of that time : Col. Bittinger was a
U. S. Ganger and was also one of the editors and
proprietors of the St. Joseph, Mo., Herald, an in
fluential Eepublican sheet which had foUowed the
dictation of the Missouri Democrat and espoused
the Liberal movement whose candidate and cham
pion was B. Gratz Brown, in 1872 the candidate
for Vice President, with Horace Greeley. Presi
dent Grant, being ambitious for a second term, saw
the necessity of reclaiming the Herald and Demo
crat. How he obtained the support of the latter
will be more fully related hereafter. I was the in
strument used by the President in each case to
pacify and win over these recalcitrant sheets. Be
ing well fortified with instructions, I saw Col. Bit
tinger, and, finding him plastic to essential over
tures, promised to place him in a position by which
he might be a beneficiary of a fund created through
iUicit distiUing in St. Joseph. In addition to this
promise to permit the St. Joseph distiUeries to run
crooked, I also agreed to secure for him an appoint
ment as consul to one of the important cities of

HOW I SECURED NEWSPAPER INFLUENCE. 37
England. C. B. Wilkinson, also one of the pro
prietors of the Herald, had a claim against the
Government amounting to nearly $10,000, in his
settlement upon going out of the office of Collector
in about 1865. This claim (I was told by Wilkin
son) had been ignored, although the influence of
Ben. Loan, Van Horn, Asper, Senator Hender
son, Jim Craig and Senator Drake, I beheve, and
many other influential pohticians had been exerted
for its allowance. I also promised to collect the
claim, and to give the paper certain federal patron
age, if the Herald would renounce its hberal course,
and come out strong for the administration. My
ofiers were accepted, and when I went to Washing
ton I told President Grant of my arrangements,
and drew his attention to the condition of Wilkin
son's claim. I further told him that Mr. Wilkin
son was especially anxious to secure this money, as
he would then be enabled to increase the power of
his paper.
The President replied : " There wiU be no trouble
about that, for I will see Mr. Boutwell and have
the matter attended to."
Upon my return to St. Louis, I reported to Mr.
Wilkinson the readiness of the Government to set
tle the claim, and in two weeks thereafter I ap
peared in Washington with Wilkinson, and took
him to the Treasury Department.
Upon meeting Mr. BoutweU, the Secretary,
Wilkinson announced the object of his visit, where
upon the Secretary replied: "Yes, I have aheady
been spoken to about that matter ; if you will come
back about two o'clock we will fix your claim,"

38 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
and calling a messenger he sent out for the Comp
troller and the papers in the case.
Wilkinson kept the engagement, and at the ap
pointed hour he received a draft on the Assistant
Treasurer at New York for the full amount of the
claim. Thus the engagement with the Herald was con
summated, and to the more thoroughly seal the
compact and utilize Bittinger and Wilkinson the
latter was, in February 1873, appointed coUector of
the revenue at St. Joseph, and the "machine"
there went into full operation under a new regime.
The district had been running crooked, however,
for some time before, but now the earnestness of
the illicit distillation was pronounced and bold.
Con. Magrue having arrived in St. Louis in Sep
tember, 1871, everything was then fixed for the
manufacture of illicit whiskey throughout the dis
trict. The foregoing is a succinct statement of the suc
cessive steps leading to the organization of the
Whiskey Eing at St. Louis; but the same history
has been partially written before, with greater mi
nuteness, by Wm. Grosvenor, formerly editor in
chief of the Missouri Democrat, when that paper
was the property of Mr. McKee. Mr. Grosvenor
was, owing to a peculiar relation (not criminal)
with the St. Louis members of the Eing at the time,
well qualified to write a true history of its superfi
cial operations and, barring three or four material
errors which I will correct, his statement is a true
one. It is as follows :

THE GEOSVENOE LETTER. 39
" Prior to Grant's inauguration there had been a Whiskey
Ring in St. Louis — officials under Andrew Johnson had made
money; favored distillers had spent money freely to sustain
the party which Johnson aided. But the ring of those days
".vas, in comparison, a laughing affair. It served to excite the
cupidity of certain Republicans who sought the control of
certain offices after Grant was elected. Nearly all were disap
pointed. Grant had formerly lived at St. Louis and had there
a set of friends to reward, a few of whom had been active
partisans. Mr. McKee, senior proprietor of the Democrat, then
the leading Republican organ in that part of the country,
demanded the appointment of Col. Constantine Maguire as
collector, with the expectation that his brother, Henry McKee,
would be deputy collector. Now the deputy collector has
charge of the distilleries. But Grant appointed Col. Ford
unknown as a Republican, who had loaned money to Grant
when he was in great need, and who subsequently acted as his
confidential adviser in the disposition of his private means.
Well known Republicans were recommended for supervisor of
internal revenue in that district. Grant appointed Gen. John
McDonald, a man who had held intimate relations with him
when Grant was in command in the Mississippi Valley and
who was understood to have made some money in cotton
operations below Memphis at that time. When it was known
that McDonald was likely to be appointed there was a general
opposition alike by business men and Republicans; the Union
Merchants' Exchange protested; prominent citizens and the
newspapers protested. What business men had known of
McDonald did not lead them to think him a suitable person
for such an office. Leading Republicans protested. Members
of Congress from Missouri, then all Republicans, led by Carl
Schurz and Drake, who were at bitter warfare personally, all
united in protest. But while this opposition was most threat
ening, McDonald remained in St. Louis, saying openly: "They
need not trouble themselves; I know Gen. Grant better than
any of them, and I shall be appointed, no matter who pro-

40 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
tests." He was right. McKee was indignant and bitter. He
had not been able to control the collectorship, and from that
tinie spoke of Grant in terms which it would not be decent to
repeat. Early the next year the controversy respecting a
removal of disfranchisement began, and the Democrat's readi
ness to split the Republican party on that issue was almost
wholly due to McKee's vindictiveness toward Grant and desire
to show his power. He and his active partner, Mr. Houser,
had been among the most bitter disfranchisers, and could in
no way have been led to take position against disfranchisement
but for desire to control the federal offices in St. Louis.
Grant, fully advised of this, and supposing that no higher
motives governed Schurz and other Republicans who opposed
continued disfranchisement, made war on the Liberal move
ment, quite unnecessarily, for nine-tenths of those who sup
ported it cared nothing about the offices, and had at that time
no feeling of antagonism towards him or the Republican
party. The result was the Liberal victory of 1870 in Missouri.
McKee felt that the power of his paper had been shown, and
began to talk freely of a National movement against the Re
pubUcan party, of which his paper was to be the chief organ,
and Gratz Brown, his former associate in the Democrat, the
presidential candidate. Then began the Whiskey Ring.
Early in 1871 McKee said to me, at that time editor of the
Democrat, that reasons had been presented to him for chang
ing the course of the paper ; that the opposition to Grant
ought to cease ; that there were very important arrangements
on foot which would be highly profitable to all of us if we
could be on good terms with the federal officials. Naturally
insisting upon more light, I was told by him at last, after many
significant winks and nods, that the matter in question con
cerned the revenue service, and that we could just as well
make $100,000 each if we would let him arrange it and say
nothing more in the paper against Grant. I dechned to
change my poltitical opinions so readily, and was presently
notified that my services as editor were no longer needed. I

THE GROSVENOR LETTEE. 41
demanded reasons, but was peremptorily refused any explana
tion. This was in February, 1871. The paper did suddenly
wheel around to the support of Grant, and in March the first
general assessment of whiskey distilleries was made. Accord
ing to testimony given at St. Louis, a regular share of the
money collected from distilleries was, from the first, paid to
John Leavenworth, since deceased, for delivery to Mr. McKee.
How far the promise of this share in the profits of illicit dis
tilling influenced the sudden conversion in the political opin
ions of McKee and his paper others can judge.
The first assessment was made, professedly, to raise a cam
paign fund, for the city election in April, 1871. As soon as
the Democrat changed its course, a great effort was made to
put an end to the liberal organization, and unite all former
Republicans in support of the administration, and a victory in
St. Louis was reached, as proof that the re-union had been
effected. How much of the money raised, professedly for
this purpose, was actually paid for campaign expenses, is
not known. But more than one distiller has told me how he
was induced to contribute, and how, if he objected to fraud,
he was forced to choose between participation with the Ring or
bankruptcy. Col. Ford was at that time coUector, and Mr.
Concannon, who has since made his peace with the Govern
ment, by testifying, I believe, was deputy in the collector's
office. If distillers, or rectifiers, declined to act with the
Ring, care was taken, first, to entrap them in some apparent
or technical violation of the law, which, by pre-arrangement
among officials, was detected at once — in some cases, before
the di:,tillers or rectifiers had time to discover that the
" crooked " stuff was on their premises. Then their establish
ments -svere seized, and they were told to see Mr. Ford. When
they saw Ford, they were told to go to Concannon, When
they went to Concannon, they were told that there was a little
difficulty, which they could arrange by seeing John Leaven
worth. When Leavenworth had explained matters, they per
ceived that if they did as he desired them, there would be no

42 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
trouble; if not, they would be prosecuted and convicted for
violation of law, and bankruptcy would be inevitable. How
many men in St. Louis were forced into the Ring by this and
other ways, and how many went into it voluntarily, probably,
nobody will ever know. Leavenworth is dead; Ford is dead,
and others who had part in the earlier transactions are no
longer accessible. But Megrue, then an official, in whose
room, in a building on the corner of Fifth and Pine streets, it
is said, the spoils were at first divided every week to the sev
eral parties in interest, has testified to transactions in his
time. After his departure, and Leavenworth's death, one
Everist, for whom officials are now searching, and J. N. Fitz-
roy, who has recently pleaded guilty and testified, acted as
confidential coUectors and disbursers of the funds. Thus it is
probable that abundant proof wiU show to whom money was
paid. For whom, may, in some cases, be a more difficult ques
tion to answer.
Ostensibly, the funds were originally collected for party pur
poses. During the Presidential campaign, in 1872, when
Republican leaders were alarmed, a dispatch was sent by one
of them, a very prominent Senator, calling for a new assess
ment on distillers, unless this dispatch itself was forged by some
member of the Ring, as a pretext for unusual demands. But
neither that year, nor any other, was the conduct of Republi
can campaigns, in St. Louis, or Missouri, such as to warrant
the belief that any large sums was at the disposal of the com
mittee. On the other hand, the sums collected were very
large. One after another, distillers and rectifiers became
aware that the greater part of the funds collected from them
was consumed for other than party purposes. But in 1872,
the excuse was made that it was necessary to establish a reli
able Grant organ. Early in that year, the Democrat had been
forced to sale under order of court for dissolution of partner
ship, and McKee, and Houser, had been bought out by Mr.
Fishback. Whether he would restore the paper to the liberal
position it had taken in 1870, was not known, but he was not

THE GEOSVENOE LETTER. 43
deemed " a reliable Grant man." The Ring needed an organ
— McKee reeded a paper as a reason for confined payments to
him. Accordingly, the Globe was estabUshed by McKee and
Houser, and it is stated that the payments to Leavenworth,
for McKee, were nearly $1,000 a week, amounting to over
$44,000 within less than a year. Even this large sum was but
a small part; it is said one-fifth — of that portion of the profits
which distillers were required to pay. Many gangers and subor
dinate officials were paid extra salaries by the distiUers them
selves, but about forty per cent, went to the higher officials.
How this portion — the fund of the Ring, proper — was divided
at different times, the testimony will probably show. It is alleg
ed that one portion went to the supervisor, another to the con
fidential agent, and another to McKee for himself; another to
him, professedly, to deliver to Ford, the coUector; another to
" the man in the country," a phrase supposed to refer to some
body in Washington; for at an early day, the Ring must have
secured some powerful influence at the Capital — that the
supervisor had considerable influence, either with Grant him
self, or through somebody else, was obvious when he was
appointed. Col. Ford, the collector, had so great an influence
with the President, that his appointment as Secretary of the
Interior, when Delano was about to vacate that office, in 1873,
was confidently expected by the Ring, and, I believe, was actu
ally determined upon by the President at the time of Ford's
sudden death. It is not known to me whether any evidence
proves that money set apart and paid for Ford, ever reached
him, and he may, perhaps, have supposed that the only collec
tions made were for political uses. But, however strong Mc
Donald and Ford may have been, there was needed, and there
was secured, somebody at Washington to give the Ring early
warnings of the treasury investigations, and to stop all com
plaints from reaching the Secretary or the President, for
the conduct of the President, since the exposure, makes it im
possible to believe that he was in any sort of complicity with
the Ring. Yet complaints were forwarded, sometimes to the

44 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
Secretary, and sometimes to the President himself, without
result. If investigations were ordered, either the person
selected and sent out, was one whose eyes and ears could be
closed by a bribe, or the Ring was warned by telegraph before
he had left Washington, and had ample time to put everything
in readiness to receive him with equanimity. That complete
immunity was thus secured at an early day, is certain. Mr.
Avery, the chief clerk of the treasury, is under indictment for
compUcity, and there is testimony that $200 per week was set
apart for him. But he was not the only person at Washington
whose constant aid was needed, and, if statements of the
division of funds are correct, the amount sent thither was
much greater than he was said to have received.
It is stated in recent dispatches that telegrams and docu
ments sent from Washington to members of the Ring have
been placed before the grand jury now in session. Of course
persons having part in this dangerous business did not sign
their own names; fictitious signatures were used at both ends.
But the original telegrams, if obtained from the office by legal
authority, may be in recognizable handwritings, and rumor
says that at least one person nearer the President than Mr.
Avery, wiU thus be proved to have been telegraphing to the
Ring with a fictitious signature. It was at one time openly
alleged by distillers that Commissioner Douglass was in the
Ring, but, if they had been told so by officials in St. Louis
that alone would prove nothing, and I know of no other evi
dence concerning him. What the Ring needed at Washing
ton was not influence with any department. When Mr. Doug
lass suggested, and Secretary Bristow ordered a transfer of
supervisors to different districts, a measure which would cer
tainly have uncovered fraud. Gen. McDonald declared in the
most confident manner that the order would be immediately
recinded; he jumped on the cars, went to Washington, saw the
President and telegraphed back that all was right. The order
wap recinded. What representations could have led the Presi
dent to believe it wise or necessary to revoke such an order, it

THE GEOSVENOR LETTEE. 45
is hard to guess. But the Ring openly boasted that it had a
power at Washington which could not be resisted nor broken.
Moreover, the members undoubtedly believed it themselves.
That is the mysterious part of the whole business. No man
who watched the proceedings of these people can possibly
doubt that they were absolutely fearless of exposure, and per
fectly convinced that their power was greater than that of
Secretary Bristow himself. Repeatedly they boasted, even
after the exposure had begun, that they would have him out of
the cabinet in a few days. At one time they named the day on
which Delano would become Secretary of the Treasury. They
did not go about like men who had anything to hide. Dia
monds, for which official salaries would not account, were worn
openly and purchased several thousand doUars' worth at a time,
without attempt at concealment. Officials with moderate
salaries lived with their families at hotels, expending obviously
more than their known incomes, and yet made open purchases
of costly summer residences. If whiskey operators or dis
charged revenue officials threatened to make exposures at
Washington, they were kindly invited to " expose and be  "
not blessed. One at least tried it, made a dead failure, came
back to St. Louis, and was told that he had better keep his
mouth shut in future, or he would get sent to the penitentiary
for defrauding the Government.
When McDonald, now indicted, went to Washington, he was
received by the President and rode with him on the avenue.
When the President visited St. Louis, McDonald was usually
in his company, and as late as October, 1874, when the Presi
dent visited the Fair grounds, in the presence of 50,000 peo
ple, McDonald was by his side. It was currently reported at
the time, that, having praised a horse at the Fair, the Presi
dent received it the next day as a present from his friend Mc
Donald; that he permitted the officials there to have a carriage
manufactured expressly for him, and to pay his bUls at the
hotel. How many of these stories were falsely set afloat by
members of the Ring, in order to strengthen their claim of

46 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY RING.
great influence with the President, I cannot say. But one
thing is certain, this Ring had some pecuUar power at Wash
ington, and the investigation will not be complete until the
nature of that power is thoroughly made known. The Presi
dent owes it to himself to have that thing exposed, if nothing
else. As it stands the matter is both ugly and mysterious.
The Ring actually had great power at Washington; boasted
that it had absolute power, and apparently believed it, and yet
members of it have been convicted. I confess that these
things lead me to suspect that somebody, known to be influen
tial with the President, traded on that influence, received
money for it, and made members of tlie Ring believe that the
President himself winked at the conspiracy. The Ring was
broken two or three times, and payments stopped. Once
there was a quarrel about the amount of assessments. It
made quite a noise in St. Louis, and everybody expected a
general explosion. Presently it was settled by some new ar
rangement, and everything went on peacefuUy again.
In the faU of 1873, there was a cataclysm of some sort, so
violent that for a time the Globe published bitter anti-third-
term articles. If this Ring kept books it would be safe to
wager that about that time the usual weekly settlements were
interrupted, and in point of fact, there was a notorious run
about Busby's distillery, and daily expectation of disclosure.
In due time harmony was restored, and the Globe recovered its
loyalty. The sudden death of Col. Ford, the collector, caused
a brief disturbance. But the Ring urged the immediate
appointment of the same Colonel Maguire, whose selection for
that office McKee demanded in 1869. He was appointed; Fitz-
roy became his deputy, and from that time forward the loyalty
of the Globe was intense and glowing. Indeed, so violent was
its attachment to Republicanism, pure and undefiled, that in
1874, when four-fifths of the Republicans in the State desired
to join with the independent Democrats -in the support of a
no-party anti-Bourbon ticket, McKee agreed to support the
movement only on condition that he should name the candi-

THE GROSVENOR LETTER. 47
date for State Treasurer. When that was impossible, the
Globe denounced the plan as treachery to the party, and McKee
himself, with others in the Ring, went to the State convention
and tried to organize a bolt, and the nomination of a strict
party ticket against the formal decision of a party convention.
Failing in that, he used his paper throughout the campaign in
savage hostiUty to the independent ticket, and helped the
Bourbons materially. Republican ward meetings were packed
by companies of men gathered up from distilleries, under the
lead of revenue officials. Republican candidates for the legis
lature, who would not pledge themselves to vote against the
re-election of Senator Schurz, were openly denounced by this
Ring and its organ, and defeated wherever it was possible.
Doubtless this opposition helped to insure the election of a
former Confederate general. For this most important service
to the RepubUcan party, after leading members of the Ring
had been indicted, they claimed that they were entitled to
executive favor. This behavior of the Ring in the campaign
of 1874, led to its destruction. Men who had no knowledge of
its existence, except by general rumor, set themselves to find
out something about this influence which had marched men
from distiUeries to RepubUcan ward meetings. When the
Merchant's Exchange statistics for 1874 were pubUshed, some
men compared the receipts and shipments of whiskey with the
official report of the quantity produced in the city. It was at
once apparent that the quantity consumed and shipped was
greatly in excess of the quantity received and said to be manu
factured. The excess represented a loss of revenue, in St.
Louis alone, of $1,200,000 yearly. This suggested a new mode
of detecting the fraud — namely, an examination of the bills of
lading, or other commercial reports of receipts and shipments.
It soon became evident that fraud could be fastened upon
individuals. Mr. Fishback, proprietor of the Demccrat, com
municated confidentially with Secretary Bristow. Without the
knowledge of those who had been accustomed to warn the
Ring of doings at Washington, the Secretary commissioned

48 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
Mr. Coloney, commercial editor of the Democrat, as special
officer of the revenue. Thus armed with ample authority, Mr.
Coloney proceeded first to coUect, as if for the newspaper, a
complete statement of every bUl of lading or shipment during
the year, not of whiskey alone, but of all important articles, so
that his object was not suspected. But the comparison of
these shipments, from operators in whiskey at St. Louis, with
official reports at Washington, gave conclusive proof against
nearly all the illicit establishments, and led to the general
exposure of whiskey frauds all over the land. Thus a few
commercial statistics upset the most powerful conspiracy ever
formed against the revenue service in this country. When the
long labor of tracing and comparison had progressed far
enough to insure the conviction of the leading distiUers and
rectifiers, the Secretary sent on from Washington special
agents to make seizures. But in doing so, he found it neces
sary for the first time to make known to a few 'trusted officials
the work he had on hand, and that very night the telegraph
took from Washington to Gen. McDonald at St. Louis the
announcement: "Lightning will strike on Monday." For
about two months before Mr. Fishback had been offering to
sell his controlling interest in the Democrat to Mr. McKee, of
the Globe. All offers had been disregarded. Mr. Bowman, as
attorney for the Globe, had made efforts for amiable settle
ment, and through him Mr. Fishback had been led to name
terms which he would accept, but for weeks those terms had
been treated as totally inadmissable by the owners of the Ring
organ, and Mr. Bowman, not imagining that anything could
occur speedily to bring the parties together, had left town for
a few days. On Monday Ughtning did strike. The distilleries
were seized by special officers from Washington. Even then
the RiQg was perfectly defiant, and predicted that in a very few
days every establishment would be released, and Secretary
Bristow removed from the Cabinet. But the next morning's
Democrat, contained a dispatch of several columns from Wash
ington stating the nature of the evidence which had been

THE GEOSVENOE LETTEE. 49
collected. Then, for the firt time, the Ring saw that it had to
fight hard.
That morning there was a hurried meeting of the Ring, and
books were consulted. That very afternoon Mr. Fishback's
proposition was accepted, and the Democrat passed into con
trol of the Ring. That same night editorials, congratulating
the President and Secretary upon the exposure of the fraud,
being in type of the Democrat office, were sent to Mr. McKee,
of the Globe, for approval, and the proofs were returned by
him with an order not to publish them. From that day noth
ing was admitted to the Democrat in the nature of further
exposure or comment favorable to the government. So much
in haste was the Ring to complete the purchase, that it could
not wait the return of the attorney who had acted for the
Globe in the matter, but others were at once employed to draw
up the necessary papers. The Democrat was speedUy consoli
dated with the Globe, and ceased to exist."
One of Grosvenor's mistakes is in his assertion that
" the first assessment was made professedly to raise
a campaign fund for the city election in April, 1871."
The first money derived from iUicit distilhng was
in September, 1871, the month Magrue appeared in
St. Louis to put the machinery of the Eing into op
eration. I cannot give the minute details of the
collection and disbursment of the iUicit fund for
the reason that there was no rule estabUshed for
the government of the Eing members in their opera
tions. One month an assessment of f 20,000 may
have been levied on the distillers and rectifiers and
during the next month five times that sum may
have been called for. Much depended upon the de
mand for money made by Gen. Babcock for division
among the administration conspirators, and the de
mand for local purposes.
D

50 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
In addition to this the Washington segment of
the Eing was in the habit of sending agents into
my district for the sole purpose of blackmail.
I can have no doubt that Hogue, Brasher, and
others who appeared here as revenue agents were
sent by Babcock, and Eogers the deputy commis
sioner (whom I conversed with and received almost
admissions of the fact), for the purpose of scaring
the St. Louis distiUers into the payment of large
sums of money for their silence. More than $100,-
000 was paid out of the fund in this way and that
some of this money went into the White House
has always been my positive belief.
Grosvenor aUuded to the fact that in the f aU of
1873 an explosion occurred which well nigh dis
rupted the Eing and seriously disturbed the loyalty
of the Globe. The statement is correct and here I
will explain the cause : As previously stated, Grant's
coUusion with the Eing consisted in his utilization
of corrupt money to secure his re-election. After
this purpose was accomphshed I vras anxious to see
the Eing organization dissolved because its ramifi
cations were so extensive, and included such a vast
number of men of every character that I was in
constant dread of pubhc exposure.
Time and again I talked with McKee and the
other managers urging upon them the danger of
our position and the bad policy of continuing the
corruption after our purposes were accomphshed.
I laid the matter before Grant who referred me to
Babcock whose judgment he rehed upon. McKee,
in the meantime became very much offended at my
determination to break up the Eing, and finding the

SENATOR Morton's visit home. 51
administration rather according to my wishes he
brought the pressure of his paper against me and
was loud in his demands for my removal, being un
able to accomplish which he attacked the third-
term idea. At length, by seductive argument, the
administration concurred in McKee's opinion that
the Eing could be run successfully by creating a fund
to advance Grant's third-term aspirations. When
this view became pronounced I at once accepted
the purpose as a self-sufficient one and harmony
again prevailed among all the members of the Eing.
An explanation of this extract in Grosvenor's
letter, " During the presidential campaign of 1872,
when Eepublican leaders were alarmed, a dispatch
was sent by one of them, a prominent Senator, call
ing for anew assessment on distillers," is as foUows :
A few days before the demand was made Senator
Morton came to see me, while on his way to Hot
Springs, and although he was badly crippled he as
cended the stairs to my office by the aid of his
crutches and spoke to me in words of great friend
ship, saying that he had not climbed a pair of stairs
for a long time before and that he did so in this in
stance out of compliment to me. We only talked
of politics in general, but a few days afterwards
Henry T. Blow came to me and said : " The Eepub-
licans over in Indiana need our aid very badly and
require money to help them through the campaign. ' '
I gave Mr. Blow $1,000, and understood through
Mr. McKee that $30,000 was collected and sent to
Indiana by Mr. Blow.
Mr. Grosvenor, while editor of the Democrat,
learned some of the secrets of the Eing through the

52 secrets of the great whiskey eing.
suspicious actions of Mr. McKee and at length, in
order to pacify him, Joyce gave him under pretence
of a loan the sum of $500, to cease exercising his cu
riosity, and soon thereafter he was notified that his
services, as editor, were no longer required. Hisletter
bears the impress of a disturbed mind having some
jealousies to vindicate, but under the circumstances
he writes with an unusual regard for facts which,
however, are bad enough to afford him much satis
faction in airing.
The Grosvenor letter carries the narrative far be
yond the regular order, and creates a hiatus in
events which compels me to return and gather up
the broken threads.
I desire, here, to impress upon the reader a very
essential fact which I trust wiU not be forgotten
nor misconstrued : In producing corroborative evi
dence I must use the proofs furnished by my co
conspirators and such fragments as may be gathered
from the statements of parties engaged in the pros
ecutions, or newspaper writers whose facts have
been gleaned from interviews with indescreet mem
bers of the Eing. The copious reference I make to
the letters of Col. John A. Joyce, my private sec
retary and confidant, is pardonable I hope for these
reasons. In order to show the unanimity and complete ac
cord of mutual understanding between President
Grant, Babcock, Douglass and others at Washing
ton with the members at St. Louis, the following
letter is produced, written while I was in Washing
ton seeking the compromise that would permit the
libeled distiUeries in St. Louis to resume operations.

a seriatim letter FEOM JOYCE. 53
St. Louis, Nov. 22, 1870.
Dear General:
By attending to the following suggestions the interest of
the Government will be advanced.
1st. Have the Department compromise the Curran and
Thompson cases, sure !
2d. See Avery and have him remember that Bittinger is to
remain in office — and fix for him to get the other position
hereafter. 3d. Be sure and fix the Leavenworth matter.
4th. Have General Sanford set right.
5th. Fix things so that your " say " under section 49 will
remove and transfer storekeepers and gangers.
6th. *****.
7th. *****.
8th. Above all things remember while in Washington that
talk and promises will not pay and that theory does not amount
to a row of pins unless put into practice.
9th. Let me know what's what.
10th, The future looks bright, and if you only get down to
business while at the Capital all will be well.
11th. Gunther starts on his round for the benefit of Alex
McDonald, to-morrow. We must strain every nerve to elect
McD. to the Senate. Yours, J. A. J.
This letter requires comments that wiU show
the fuU meaning of the writer, John A. Joyce.
In the beginning he refers to advancing the inte
rest of the Government in an ironical manner.
His true meaning is, " advance the interest of the
Eing." The explanations seriatim are as follows :
1st. Ford and McKee were especially anxious to
have the Curran and Thompson distUleries resume,
and to run crooked.

54 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
2d. Avery was chief clerk of the Internal Eev
enue Bureau, and all appointments had to go
through his hands. The desire of Joyce was to
have Avery allow Bittinger to remain ganger until
other arrangements, previously explained, were con
summated. 3d. McKee had recommended the appointment
of John and Zeb. Leavenworth, the former as
ganger and the latter as storekeeper, and it was
particular for the Eing's purposes to have these two
men appointed.
4th. Sandf ord was a relative of President Grant 's
wife by marriage, and it was at Mrs. Grant's desire
that I asked for him an appointment as a special
clerk in my office, to look after tobacco stamps, etc.
The aUusion to him by Joyce was merely to caU the
matter to my mimd.
5th. This meant to obtain unhmited authority
from the department, which I did, Douglass furn
ishing me with orders, and remarking at the time :
" I know you feUows out there are doing something
for pohtical purposes, but I don't want to know the
details." I had previously spoken to President
Grant and Babcock asking them to speak to Doug
lass and have him give me the authority I required
to make our purposes successful. They each told me
they would, and the gratuitous remark of Mr. Doug
lass led me to believe they had kept their promises.
9th. By this he exhibits his desire to know if the
President and his nearest officers in the departments
are favorable to the combination for illicit distilhng,
and what he must expect.
10th. Is the same idea.

VAN HOEn's TESTIMONY. 55
11th. This statement furnishes another proof
that the Eing was a political combination. Mc
Donald was at that time Grant's favorite, but events
occurred after this which caused us to leave McDon
ald, and throw our support to Clayton, under his
written promise to support Grant's administration,
which elected him.
The next letter from Joyce, betraying the mo
tives of the Eing and who its members were, reads
as f oUows : St. Louis, Mo., Dec. 1st, 1870.
Dear General:
*********
By this time I presume you have seen the President, and
talked over the consolidation of districts, and that a conclusion
has been reached as to Missouri.
I had a talk with Ford yesterday and read him part of your
letter. He is highly delighted at your success in the Thomp
son and Curran cases. These gentlemen happened in to-day,
and I gave them the good news. This move of yours will do
the administration great good and tend to a reconciliation o
the contending elements here.
Col. Van Horn was in this morning, on his way to Washing
ton. He and Burdett are at the Planter's House. I told Van
Horn a few things, and I know he will set Burdett right, if his
machinery needs adjusting. You will see them both in Wash
ington in a few days. Van was much interested in the con
solidation matter and was much relieved when I told him that
"things were all right in his neighborhood." Van went away
feeling good and determined to pull any kinks out of Burdett
that got twisted in the late mill.
*******<* Yours as ever, John A. Joyce.
The consoUdation of districts, referred to a reduc
tion of the number of collectors and assessors, ac-

56 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
cording to an act of the previous Congress. My
letter, to which Joyce makes reference, was a noti
fication of the fact that I had succeeded in releas
ing the Thompson and Curran distUleries, and had
completed our combination with Grant, Babcock,
and those at the Washington end of the line.
The attitude of Mr. Ford towards me, whUe it
might have appeared more properly in an earlier
part of this book, is not "now whoUy out of place,
and if pardon is necessary, I ask it for including
this array of circumstances here.
After my first appointment as supervisor, but be
fore Missouri had been attached to my district, dur
ing the opposition of Krum, Newcomb, YanHorn,
Dyer, (then a member of Congress,) all of whom
subsequently urged my re- appointment, Mr. Ford
attacked me with extreme virulency. He addressed
two letters to the President, appeahng to him in the
name of a life-long devoted friend, not to have any
thing to do with me. His denunciation embraced
all the imprecations he could command, and aU the
indignation of his nature was emptied upon my head.
EeceiAdng no reply to the first letter, two weeks
afterwards he wrote a second, excusing the extraor
dinary tone of that communication by his disinter
ested devotion to his most valued friend, the Presi
dent, but warmsd up to his task and poured out fresh
vials of abuse upon my character, befouling me in
the most ingenious manner.
Mr. Ford was aware of the effort then being made
to enlarge my district (which only included Arkan
sas and Indian Territory) so as to embrace Missouri,
and he having been engaged filching from the Gov-

A LETTEE FEOM MC'eEE. 57
ernment was afraid that my transfer to St. Louis
would result in his exposure. This reason was
clearly demonstrated afterwards, for after I had un
covered his frauds and provided means to prevent a
pubhc disclosure of his acts he became my warmest
friend, and in 1872 he wrote the strongest letters to
the President urging my re-appointment.
The foUowing letter will also furnish another
reason for Ford's change of attitude towards me :
(strictly confidential. )
Office of the Missouri Democrat,
McKee, Fishback & Co., Prop's.,
St. Louis, February 13th, 1871.
Friend McDonald;
Joyce informs me he leaves to-day for Washington. I send
by him a few Unes to call your attention to the conversation
we had before you left. I have seen Ford but have had no
conversation with him. He expressed the greatest suprise at
your influence with heads of departments, and was delighted
with the manner in which you went into Thompson, talked to
members of Congress, etc. You have convinced him (Ford)
of a very important fact and he wiU have full confidence here
after. I am very sorry your consolidation plan fell through. Our
enemies could have been wiped out completely if you had sue-
ceeded. ********** **
Don't forget our newspapers here. They must be supported
and the Government is able to do this.
******** * * * *
Joyce will report fully. I am yours in haste,
Wm. McKee.
I received this letter through Joyce while I was
iu Washington. Its plain language requires little

58 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
explanation. In the first paragraph where he says
he has seen Ford but has had no conversation, pro
ceeding at once to give expressions of Ford, is only
an apparent contradiction. His meaning is that he
did not converse with Ford concerning the arrange
ment made for manufacturing iUicit whiskey. While
Mr. Ford treated me with much defference after my
discovery, hopelessly involving him in the whiskey
frauds, and was willing to talk with me about our
interests in the illicit whiskey combination, yet I
could plainly see that both he and McKee did not
place implicit confidence in my assertions that the
White House was possessed of all our secrets. To
satisfy them thoroughly upon this point I made ar-
rangementsthrough Babcock and Joyce to have them
meet me in Washington for the purpose of having
a personal interview with the President. I wrote
to Joyce to see McKee and Ford, and convey to
them the wish of Babcock and myself, that they
should appear in Washington at their earhest con
venience. In proof of this I give the following ex
tract from one of Joyce's letters. St. Louis, March 3d, 1871.
Dear General;
**=i=********
I have not seen Ford or McKee in regard to going to Wash
ington, but will have an interview with them to-day if I can.
Have you had Babcock write them to proceed to Washing
ton? etc.
*********** Yours etc., John A. Joyce.
Neither of these responded to my invitation so I
returned to St. Louis and, urging them to accom-

MC KEE AND PORD WITH GEANT. 69
pany me, in April, I think, we proceeded to Wash
ington together. Before our arrival Babcock, being
notified of our coming, made arrangements for Mc
Kee and Ford to dine at the White House. This
they did, but I was not one of the party having de
chned so as to allow the President, McKee and
Ford to talk the matter over free from the restraint
which I was afraid my presence would impose.
They returned to me at the Ebbett House about
seven o'clock p.m. and informed me that they had
passed a most agreeable time with the President,
though they had not spoken to him upon pohtics but
had made an engagement to meet him again, in com
pany with myself, at eight o'clock p. m. At the ap
pointed hour we visited the White House, when,
after saluting Mrs. Grant, in company with the
President we retired to the Blue Eoom and spent a
long while thoroughly canvassing the political
issues in the West, and particularly our scheme for
creating a campaign fund. The President distinctly
informed both Mr. Ford and Mr. McKee that he
had intrusted certain matters to me, that he under
stood everything, and that whatever we wanted
would be forthcoming upon request. Mr. McKee
then told the President that the quartermaster in
charge of the Government stores at St. Louis
might be dispensed with and the interests of the
party promoted by the appointment of a more in
fluential working Eepubhcan. The President re
plied : " Well, name your man and I wiU see Belk
nap and have him appointed." Mr. McKee then
named Maj. E. B. Grimes, who was then stationed
in the extreme West, as the successor.

60 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
The following day McKee, Ford and myself called
on Secretary Belknap, who upon our enterance re
marked: "What do you feUows want; another
quartermaster at St. Louis, eh? I understand that
you are in control of matters out West, and what I
can do, which I presume is not much, will be done
vpith promptness."
McKee and Ford returned to St. Louis highly
delighted with their visit, and fully satisfied that
they had harbored a most unjust suspicion against
me, which they tried to atone for by giving me
their implicit confidence thereafter.
McKee and Ford are both dead, and therefore
unable to give their testimony, either in corrobora
tion or denial of this plain, unvarnished statement.
I am sorry that the record of men who have made
their final accounting with life, must be used to
their discredit, and but for the truth of history
which circumstances force me to disclose, no power
could induce me to unseal my hps. To the hving,
however, there is due a certain regard for their
peace of mind, and to sacrifice the hving for
the dead would be as unholy as to make a peace
offering of the innocent. What I here declare is a
solemn assertion resting upon my honor and the
pride that is stiU left me, not a mite of which have
I ever forfeited. In future chapters I will give let
ters concerning both these men, furnishing positive
proof of my statements.
The foUowing letter furnishes what I will call
very strong presumptive proof of the general under
standing had between the President, Babcock,
Joyce and myself in the management of our pecu-

FINDING A MAN WHO CAN. 61
liar interests in St. Louis; this leter bears the same
date as the one last quoted :
St. Louis, March 3d, 1871.
Dear General :
* * * * *****
Now I want you to put in your bes-t licks for our mutual
friend, Avery, who is in every sense fitted for the vacancy. I
believe you have influence enough with Col. Thomson and
Pleasanton to have him appointed. If you can't do the thing
yourself you can find a Man who can. Avery is our friend
and we want as many of his sort as we can get. You might
have Gen. Babcock speak to Pleasanton in Avery's behalf
Ford wants you to come back, etc.
********* Yours truly, John A. Joyce.
There was an understanding in the appointment
of Avery which is plainly apparent in the above
letter, and which subsequent events abundantly
proved. The phrase "You can find a Man who
can " referred to President Grant.
In the disclosures, and connections of individuals
with the Eing, the name of John W. Douglass has
only been mentioned as a faithful executive officer,
performing aU the duties as Commissioner of Inter
nal Eevenue. It wiU astonish many when I declare
that he, too, was weU acquainted with the Eing
organization, and was, in fact, appointed to his
position through our influence, and that he ren
dered efficient aid in promoting our interests.
The foUowing letters will furnish the necessary
evidence connecting him with the Eing. They
explain themselves, the first being written to me
wlxile I was in Washington :

62 SECEETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
St. Louis, Aug. 16th, 1871.
Dear General :
*********
I had a talk with Ford this morning. He wrote a strong
letter to the President in behalf of Mi-. Douglass. I have
just finished a letter to Douglass, in your name, inclosing a
copy of Ford's letter, and I know that Douglass wiU be tickled
away down into his boots.
********* Yours, etc., John A. Joyce.
The following letter I received after my return
to St. Louis : Treasury Department, )
Internal Revenue Bureau. [•
Washington, Aug. 21st, 1871. )
My Dear Sir :
Your letter of August 16th has just been received with very
great pleasure. I feel truly grateful for its complimentary
congratulations. I am also much obliged for your kindness
in offering to give me your warm and valued support in the
Senate. I hope you are not mistaken in the good opinion you
hold. ******
Please thank Mr. Ford for his letter to the President and
for the kindly interest in my behalf, also to Col. Joyce, etc.
* ******** Very truly yours,
J. W. Douglass.
Hon. John McDonald.
The f oUovping letter, when thoroughly understood,
establishes the guilty knowledge of Commissioner
Dou.glass, and also the venal understanding of
Brasher, the revenue agent.
(private.) Cincinnati, Oct. 21st, 1871.
Gen. McDoN.iLD:
Dear Sir: As I desire, particularly, to spend a short time
in Kansas, I should be very glad to be ordered to report to

BRASHEE'S APPLICATION FOE LEISURE 63
you for special duty, without at all interfering v/ith your pres
ent arrangements. Com. Douglass will order me to you as
soon as he learns it will be agreeable to you. If my coming
wiU occasion you any inconvenience, I shall be glad to hear
from you to that effect, that I may make my arrangements
accordingly. I presume you have heard from Mr. Douglass
on this subject. Very truly yours, B. P. Brasher.
The import of this letter is readily explained.
The distiUers had just begun their iUicit work, and
the appearance of a revenue agent wordd, naturally,
create much alarm ; in addition to this, in the earlier
existence of the Eing, the distillers did not know
that the Washington officials were participants in
the combination, but presumed that the criminal
knowledge was confined to St. Louis members.
" Hoping that this visit would not interfere with
my arrangements," had reference to this fact.
Another matter was provided for by the words, "If
my coming wiU occasion you no inconvenience,"
etc., in that, there might be enemies, who had dis-
discovered some irregularities; some discharged
employe, or others, who had obtained such knowl
edge, who, seeing a revenue agent in my district,
might insist upon an investigation.
The result of his apphcation was a permission to
visit Kansas, where he remained some time, pre
sumably occupying his time practicing the best
manner of enjoying an elegant leisure.
I herewith append a correspondence, the date of
which is out of place here, but its immediate appli
cation as a proof of Douglass' thorough knowledge
of the whiskey frauds being perpetrated in my dis-

64 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
trict, is conclusive, and, therefore, proper in this
connection : St. Louis, Mo., June 11, 1874.
Hon. j. W. Douglass, Commissioner of Internal Revenue,
Washington, D. C.
* * * * jyjy client, who was engaged in manufac
turing whiskey, during the years 1871 and 1872, and who hav
ing those years distilled over $500,000 worth of whiskey, of
which amount some $300,000 was "crooked whiskey," and,
of course, unreported to the Government, states that this was
done through the agency of a ring at that time composed of
government officers, as follows : C. W. Ford, Jno. McDonald,
Joe. Fitzroy, James H. Concannon, John A. Joyce, John
Leavenworth, Henry Hardaway, Charles Hardaway. Douglass
Thrope, Andy Megrue, and Theodore Hemans.
In this Ring was Wm. McKee, now of the Globe, and one
Maj. Con. Megrue, at this time in Washington, in the interest
of the new Ring, now in successful operation. McKee was
then in for the reason that he was the only man who could
be trusted to reach Mr. Ford, which service he successfuUy
performed, and received his weekly reward. The money from
distilleries was coUected every morning, and in the afternoon
was apportioned out to each member of the Ring in Con.
Megrue's room, No. 8, over " Billings' Bank,'' south-east cor
ner of Fifth and Pine streets.
It will serve no useful purpose at this time to give you aU
the particulars that justify me in the conclusion that the
entire matter may be exposed, and the gmlty parties brought
to justice; and, therefore, I submit a synopsis of what he can
prove, if permitted so to do. This, after making due allow
ance for the purchasable power of the old and new Rings.
(1.) The main facts as above stated. (2.) The quantity of
whiskey shipped from St. Louis during 1871, 1872, and 1873,
was fully three times the amount manufactured and taxes paid
in St. Louis. (3. ) Will show that the amount of grain dis
tiUers purchased for manufacturing whiskey, was four times

THE WOODWARD CORRESPONDENCE. 65
the amount as represented on Government books. (4.) That
whiskey represented as dumped in St. Louis, has been shipped
direct from the distillers to Cincinnati, Baltimore, New York,
and New Orleans. (5.) That for the stubs on the gangers'
reports, in St. Louis, as half-barrels and kegs, the duplicate
stamps on the barrels will show a fall barrel of proof whiskey.
(6.) That when Gen. Lowell suddenly made his appearance
here (I think in the spring of 1872), he worked with such
celerity that Bevis, Frazer & Co. had barely time to save
themselves, by tapping 100 barrels of whiskey in a slush hole
underneath their store; and Peter Curran, another house,
dumped an entire mash. (7.) That a special agent of the
department, one B. Penn Brasher, came here twice, and his
eyes were closed by the receipt, the first time of $7,000, and
the second of $5,000. (8.) That in almost every instance, they
were successful in closing the mouths of the Government
officials sent here, and the time of their arrival was known a
week in advance.
As to who is in the new Ring, my client says he has not
learned fully, but knows of its existence, and speaks of the
same as an established fact. Concannon, McDonald, Fitzroy,
and Joyce, of the old Ring, agree, however, as he says, that
Con. Maguire must be in, as, without his assent, the business
could not be carried on for a week; and he supports this by an
explanation of the working of the department. He is, also,
wary of District Attorney Patrick, but the grounds do not, in
my mind, outweigh his unexceptionable reputation for honesty
and integrity in this community. I have thought it advisable
to mention the fact, however, as you know the difference
between affirmative and negative action.
My client wiU expose the old Ring, and break the new, if
the government will just give him complete indemnity for past
offenses, which he says he was led into committing by the old
Ring, at a time when he was whoUy ignorant of their opera
tions, and of the business, the Government to give him the
necessary authority to work up the case, and the aid of an
additional detective.
D

66 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
It is proper here to explain that the usual course would have
been to communicate direct with Commissioner Delano, but
the confidential clerk, who opens his mail, my client says, was
in the old Ring, and it is probable he is in the new arrange
ment. If, upon reflection, and in view of the statements made, as
they have been given to me by a client, who, of my personal
knowledge, during the years named, was engaged in the busi
ness ot distilling, and whose word I have reason to place con
fidence in, you deem the matter of sufficient importance to
lay the same before Mr. Delano, in person, I wiU be under obU-
gations. I wish to add that, inasmuch as two of the parties. Ford and
Leavenworth, are dead, and the former's character has never
before been questioned, and I entertain a high personal regard
for him, it is desirable to avoid having his name mentioned,
except so far as may be necessary to protect the Government.
P. S. Since writing the above, Concannon has resigned, and
Megrue has returned to the city. I will further add that my
client, if absolved, wiU, upon request of Commissioner Delano,
lay the matter before him in person — ^the expense of the trip
to be that of the Government.
I need not mention that it is most desirable to keep these
matters secret until the Government has fully investigated the
matter, as any other course would defeat the ends of justice.
Aside from this, I do not want to do any injury to any of the
parties, or do them any injustice. This can only be avoided
by keeping the matter quiet until the Government is ready to
make arrests. Truly yours, Jesse B. Woodward.
St. Louis, Mo., Aug. 19, 1874.
Hon. j. W. Douglass, Washington, D. C.
Dear Sir ; — I returned yesterday, and find that there has
been considerable change in the situation since I was in Wash
ington. Fitzroy has ostensibly been thrown out of the com-

THE WOODWARD CORRESPONDENCE. 6T
bination but his successor, Theodore Hemans, in point of fact
is simply his pupil.
Concannon complains to us if the department had a skillful
agent here to protect him he would teU all he knows. He has
been open in his expressions to Mr. Downs, and is exceedingly
anxious to break the new Ring, although such action may un
cover the operations of McDonald, Maguire & Co.
Mr.  is in straits in respect to his property, and if
protected will, I am assured, expose not only the old but new
combinations as weU. He is a man of good character and his
testimony wUl go far toward the conviction of the old and new
Ring. The distilleries that are running are working at this time
their full capacity and with the knowledge of Maguire & Co.
They are open and defiant, and say that they have their
support in the administration at Washington and wUl not be
injured. Please advise me if the government proposes to move in the
premises. If the government will act, I will guarantee that
the guilt of those named can be established by competent
testimony, and brought to a realizing sense of the law which
they so flagrantly violate.
If desired, I have reason to believe that two of the leading
Journals in this city wiU open the ball upon my suggestion,
and bring these government officers to their feet. This in
event the administration does not care to take the responsibil
ity of moving first in the premises.
Trusting to hear from you soon I remain your obedient ser
vant. Jesse B. Woodward.
Treasury Department, ^
Office of Internal Revenue, >-
Washington, Sept. 5, 1874. )
Sir: Your letter of the 19th ult., in regard to " Ring " affairs, as
you designated them, was duly received.
You remember that when I saw you here I said to you that
the matter should be referred to the United States District

68 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
Attorney. You objected to this, urging that his interest was
such that you would not trust him with the management of
the business. I replied that I had to use the present prosecut
ing officers provided by the government and would be obliged
to do so until they were changed for others, and that your
course was to show the proper department that the present
district attorney was unfit, and thus endeavor to secure a bet
ter one, and that your unwillingness to lay the evidence, what
ever it was, before the district attorney, rendered this officer
powerless to act.
On the strength of your former letters I sent a special
agent to you in St. Louis to get information, but he returned,
having seen you, and investigated the allegations for several
days, without obtaining anything upon which to base official
action. Whenever you can feel assured that the instruments pro
vided by law for the detection and punishment of these crimes
aUeged are trustworthy, I shall gladly co-operate with you ;
until then I do not see what more this office n do in the
matter. Respectfully, J. W. Douglass, Com'r.
St. Louis, Sept. 15, 1874.
Dear Sir :
Your letter of the 5th inst. (1 B. 77) received, and in view
of what has passed, I feel compelled to explain that Mr.
Hinds stated to me that he was expected to return in one
week, which arrangement would give him but two or three
days in St. Louis ; that he knew nothing of the internal rev
enue law in respect to distillers and, therefore, refused
point blank to make any personal investigation, for the
reason that he would be unable to determine as to whether a
particular case was a violation of the law ; that he did not
know what he was sent here for, as by reason of his unfamil-
iarity with the law and modes of steaUng, he could be of no
service. For fuUer exposition I copy a letter to me now in
my possession as follows : " When Mr. Hinds, agent for the

THE WOODWAED CORRESPONDENCE. 69
government, came here, I was with him nearly all the time,
and gave him information where irregularities were being car
ried on, both in stiUs and rectifying houses, and urged him to
go with me and see a certain house that was then mashing four
times the amount of grain their permit aUowed ; that the
gauging was performed by boys, the ganger being absent and
holding a position in the office of the Globe while ostensibly
filling that of the government.
I requested him to submit to an interview with the internal
revenue officer in respect to these and other frauds. This he
decUned, assigning as a reason for his refusal, that he knew
nothing of the law, and if irregularities were developed he
would do nothing ; that he had no instructions or authority
to make any examinations of houses, and he hardly knew
what he was sent here for. He told Hon. Erastus Wells the
same, and on leaving stated that he had all the information
he thought necessary to have."
In this connection permit me to caU your attention to the
fact, that information of Hind's arrival here was received by
me from an attorney for the whiskey ring, which attorney gave
me his name and the purpose of his visit, and described him
accurately. This fact being brought home to Mr. Hinds he ex
pressed great surprise, and I wUl do him the justice to say that
I have no thoughts that the information came from that source.
It is quite singular that the members of the Ring boast openly
of their acts, and say they are too strong, soUd, to be broken,
and further, that you are a member.
I have not asked, and do not ask, that Mr. Patrick be re
moved ; what I ask is that, without his or the Ring's know
ledge, one or more experienced detectives, familiar with the
whiskey business be employed, and that no case be submitted
to him until the chain of evidence is complete. Then he will
be compelled to prosecute or faU. I can designate two men,
and, if employed, I will guarantee not only the exposure but
conviction of the first government officials of this city.
Truly yours, Jesse B. Woodward.

70 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
Our efforts to have Douglass appointed Commis
sioner of Internal Eevenue were successful, and
everything was then secure for practical operations
and, as previously stated, in September foUowing
the distiUeries throughout the district begun to run
crooked. The next letter indicating the direction of the
zephyrs, in the beginning of the iUicit distilling,
reads as f oUows : St. Louis, Sept. 19, 1871.
Dear General:
I had a talk with McKee and Ford this morning and they
are pleased with the last move.
**********
Mr. M. left for New York last evening after satisfying aU at
this end of the avenue.
***** ****
Get all the facts you can regarding Schurz, and bring them
home for campaign consumption.
********** Yours in the Faith,
John A. Joyce.
The last move referred to as pleasing Ford and
McKee was the appointment of Douglass, there be
ing a thorough understanding between us all with
Douglass that he was to perform his duties with
special regard to the interest of the Eing.
The party referred to as "M." was Con. Magrue,
who had just then assumed the management of the
Eing. Carl Schurz was an enemy of Grant's and one of
the obligations of the Whiskey Combination was to
fight him to the death if possible.

CHAPTEE II.
Reducing the Number of Supervisors — My Appointment as
One of the Ute Commission — The Demand for my Re-ap
pointment as Supervisor — Chester H. Krum's Endorse
ment — ^President Grant's Endorsement — Proofs of Bab
cock's Connection with the Ring — My Re-appointment as
Supervisor — Casey, the President's Brother-in-Law —
Ford's Death — Appointment of Maguire as Collector —
Babcock's InstrumentaUty — Telegrams from Grant and
Babcock — Visit of Revenue Agents — Brasher Blackmails
the Distillers.
The wheels of the Eing were kept weU oiled, and
nothing interfered to mar the smooth tenor of our
purposes untU Congress, by an act passed during
the preceding winter, and which took effect August
1st, 1872, legislated aU the Supervisors out of office.
Up to this time the law provided for the appoint
ment of twenty-five Supervisors by the Secretary of
the Treasury, but after this new law went into effect
another act passed Congress providing for the ap
pointment of ten Supervisors by the President,
subject to confirmation by the Senate. The change
therefore consisted in a reduction of the number of
Supervisors, and transferred the power of appoint-

72 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
ment from the Secretary of the Treasury to the
President. About six weeks previous to the expiration of my
office by limitation of the act referred to, I went to
Washington and had an interview with the Presi
dent. At this meeting I told him that in the ap
pointment of the ten Supervisors under the new
act, if he consulted my wishes, he would leave me
out. I explained to him the pressure that would
be exerted for the place, and assured him that my
desire was to enter the campaign actively in his
behalf; that out of office my influence would be
greater and I could work more persistently.
The President's reply was that his preference
would be to have remain in the service.
Leaving the matter in this shape, I returned to
St. Louis, and when my office expired, the President,
finding himself overrun with applicants for Super
visor, and the political pressure of officials being
almost irresistible, yielded to my wishes and omitted
my name in his list of new appointments. Imme
diately thereafter, however, I was appointed as one
of the Commission, composed of Gov. Edwin M.
McCook, then Governor of Colorado, Hon. Jno. D.
Long, of Maine, and myself, to treat with the Ute
Indians for a relinquishment of their reservation in
Colorado to the Government.
While absent performing my duties as one of the
Commission, there was a general demand made for
my re-appointment, engineered by Mr. McKee and
others. The prime cause for this desire was in the
ambition of the old members to continue the opera
tions of the Eing. Through these efforts the State

JUDGE KEUM S ENDORSEMENT, 78
Central Committee of Missouri, of which Hon.
Henry T. Blow was chairman, prepared and for
warded to President Grant a series of reasons why
I should be re-appointed. Among the large number
of written requests was the following, the signer
of which bitterly opposed my first appointment, and
who v^ill figure more prominently in this history
hereafter : Eastern District op Missouri, J
U. S. Attorney's Office, >-
St. Louis, July 26th, 1872. )
Hon. Geo. S. Boutwell, Secretary of the Treasury.
Sir: — Having seen, in the telegraphic news of yesterday,
that Supervisor John McDonald has not been retained in office
under the recent consolidation, I take this occasion to express
my regret that it has been deemed expedient and proper to
make a change in this Department.
Soon after having been appointed to my present position, an
effort was made to add Missouri to the district of Supervisor
McDonald. I opposed this change, and joined in a remon
strance. But the change was made, and since that time I have
had abundant opportunity to satisfy myself that it was for the
benefit of the Internal Revenue service.
Supervisor McDonald has been, to my personal knowledge,
an active and efficient officer. He has placed me under
obligations for valuable aid rendered me in the discharge
of the duties of my office. He has always been ready and
willing — more than that — solicitous to secure a prompt and
vigorous enforcement of the Revenue Laws in the Judicial dis
trict. Aside from the fact that Supervisor McDonald has been
a competent officer, it is equally true that his large acquaintance
in this State renders him especially valuable to the Republican
party, as a powerful adherent for the coming campaign.
I trust that this communication will not be regarded as
officious, but as truthfully stating not only my own views, but
those of many influential men, with whom I have conferred

74 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
since the announcement of the change in the Supervisor's office.
Without the request or suggestion of the Supervisor, I have
given him this letter as a sincere expression of my conviction
that the proposed change can secure no beneficial result.
I have the honor to be your obedient serv't,
Chester H. Krum, U. S. Attorney.
After this paper reached the department. Presi
dent Grant wrote on the back of the endorsement
the foUowing :
"RespectfuUy forwarded to the Secretary of the Treasury:
The dispatches and letters received in favor of Sup'r Mc
Donald are so numerous, and from people of such standing and
responsibility, that I do not know but that his name had not
better be substituted for retention in place of Emory's, or any
other who you may think can be best spared.
U. S. Grant.
Aug. 1st, '72.
In blue ink the foUowing :
Vice Cobb, H. S. R.
[A fac-simile of this endorsement is found on the
opposite page.]
The extraordinary language and bad grammar
used in the President's note, on the back of Krum's
endorsement, will excite comment, but the note is
in Grant's own handwriting, and the errors are
therefore his ovni.
Among the other requests for my re- appointment
was the foUowing telegram :
St. Louis, July 25th, 1872.
To Gen. Jno. McDonald, Ripon, Wisconson.
Ford gone West. The thing is done. Telegram sent Presi
dent. (Signed) J. A. Joyce.
This telegram was a notification that Col. Ford
had sent a personal request to the President to have
me re-appointed.

/^i-c-'^Ct^.^^ly^ Jf'^^'^.->'7Sc^^9

a^t.^ iSt.^

^^-»v>^ ^'-'<^'^i.-£^ ^ <i—~c^

76 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
The demand for my retention bore immediate
fruits and before my return from Colorado my ap
pointment, as Supervisor over an enlarged district,
was made.
During my stay in Denver I received the foUow
ing letter : St. Louis, Aug. 22d, 1872.
Dear General:
I received yours of the 17th inst., wherein you give glowing
ideas of what we may be worth in the future.
*********
The President, upon the return of Cobb to Washington,
thought best to continue us in the service, and I have direct
information that he has signed your commission as Supervisor.
But the Treasury Department has not sent official advice as
yet. There is a hitch somewhere even now, but from a tele
gram I received from our mutual friend B. (Babcock) at the
White House, I gather that all wUl come out right.
*********
Our little trick is so, so, and our prospects may be better.
Keep your shirt on and we may be happy yet. Put me down
for a gold mine, a silver gulch and a diamond quarry — in fact
anything to beat Greeley. Yours, on the rush, Jno. a. Joyce.
This letter contains no doubtful language. It
simply refers to Babcock's influence, which I knew
would be used for my re-appointment to advance
his own interests. None of this influence, how
ever, was needed. It was all merely ornamental,
for the President, being " one of us," was as anx
ious as Babcock, McKee, Ford, Maguire, and the
other chief members of the Eing were, to keep me
in a place where I could render them such effective
service.

JOYCE WITH GRANT AND BABCOCK. 77
Another evidence of Douglass' connection with
the Eing is found in the following letter from Joyce :
Washington, D. C , Dec. 5th, 1872.
Dear General :
Got in the city at two o'clock this afternoon. After putting
on a clean shirt went to the Internal Revenue Bureau. I had
a kindly and general talk with Douglass, privately, about
Brasher. He said that B. was sent to St. Louis to do some
special work, and that you and Ford might let him have his
own way. Douglass said he was your friend and should tell
you aU in time. I guess that BoutweU, Douglass, and other
folks whom I might name, want to pin something upon some
body for their own information.
*********
Douglass said that he would not force B. upon you.
Yours, "John A."
Brasher was a revenue agent, who performed the
duties of detective ; with this information the letter
and Douglass' relation to us is understood at once.
The appended letter furnishes another hnk in the
chain of documentary evidence connecting Gen.
Babcock with the Eing organization :
Lawrence, Kas., April 25th, 1873.
Dear General :
I arrived here this morning in company with Gen. Grant
and party. The mayor and citizens of Lawrence met us at
the depot and the Presidential party rode around the city. I
was in a carriage with Miss Nellie Grant, Miss Kimball, of St
Louis, and Major Dunn. Gen. Babcock and his brother went
together. Gen. O. E. and the subscriber had a splendid chat
on the train. He is our friend to the end.
********* Yours, etc., John A. Joyce.
Gen. John McDonald, St. Louis.

78 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
The reference to Gen. 0. B. means Babcock, his
christian name being OrvUle B. Shortly before
this I had dismissed from the service " Chat "
Hardaway, a storekeeper, and several members of
the Eing became alarmed lest he should divulge
some of the secrets. Joyce's conversation with
Babcock was with relation to this dismissal and its
possible results. McKee tried to force me to re
instate Hardaway and, for some time, matters as
sumed a serious aspect. I wanted Babcock to
stand by my action, and, in the conversation re
ferred to, he assured Joyce that he would, and in
this instance he kept his promise.
The Whiskey Eing did not confine its operations
to St. Louis, but was in fuU activity in all impor
tant cities. In New Orleans there was a gigantic
Eing under the immediate supervision of James
N. Casey, Collector of the Port of that city, who
was President Grant's brother-in-law. Herewith
is inserted a letter from Col. Casey with the true
explanation added : Custom House, New Orleans, )
Collector's Office, May 15th, 1873. )
General :
An old boyhood friend of mine, W. R. Jouett, is in the
distiUery business, and may have need of your kind offices at
times, as a personal favor to myself; if the occasion arises and
you can extend him any courtesy or favor, I ask that you wiU
do so, and I will find means to reciprocate.
Very truly yours, James N. Casey.
Gen. John McDonald,
Supt. Internal Revenue.

CASEY WANTS JOUETT IN THE EING. 79
Although our St. Louis branch of the iUicit
organization drew its fund from a number of distil
lers, yet they were not aU included in the Eing at
this time. Jouett was running crooked, but he
was subject to the Storekeeper, and therefore had
to be so circumspect in his operations that he could
turn out only a Hmited quantity of iUicit whiskey.
I never aUowed any distiUers to approach me, and
several of them did not know that I was conscious
of their crookedness, among whom was Jouett.
This letter of Casey's was written, as Casey in
formed me personally afterwards, in response to a
request made by Jouett asking him (Casey) to inter
cede with me for an inside position in the Eing,
This inside position would allow him to run his
distiUery day and night without his being subjected
to the dictation of subordinate officials or the fear
of evil consequences. The request made upon me
by Casey came from a source which I would not
disregard, for Casey's word bore the seal of high
authority. Nothing transpired after the date of the last let
ter quoted, important to record here, until the
death of Col. C. W. Ford, the collector, which
occurred at the residence of T. B. Blackstone,
in Chicago, October 24th, 1873.
Among the telegrams I sent to the friends of Col.
Ford, notifying them of his death, were the two
foUowing : Chicago, Oct. 25th, 1873.
His Excellency, U. S. Grant, Washington:
Hon. C. W. Ford died at the residence of Mr. Blackstone at
six o'clock last evening; his remains go to Monroe, Mich., this

80 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
evening at five o'clock. I have made provision for the safety of
his private papers and effects. I wiU be in St. Louis Monday.
McDonald.
Chicago, Oct. 25th, 1873.
J. H. Concannon, Internal Revenue Office, St. Louis :
Col. C. W. Ford died at six o'clock last night. His remains
go to Monroe, Mich., this evening. I have instructed McMas-
ters to take charge of his personal effects and papers. You
will take charge of the collector's office as acting collector.
McDonald.
Being fully aware of the fact that there had been
correspondence between the President and Col.
Ford concerning the management of the Whiskey
Eing and the distribution of the campaign fund, I
telegraphed to the President in this manner in
order to dissipate any anxiety which might be felt of
these letters falhng into the hands of other parties.
Col. Ford very frequently read to me letters which
he had received from the President, and told me
that he was always particular to destroy those that
would compromise his friend, which, I presume, he
did. But I knew that the President would feel
more secure upon my assurance that these letters
would not fall under the gaze of any other person.
Concannon was first deputy coUector, and had
been a sharer of the iUicit whiskey fund for a long
while; in fact he divided with Ford the money
derived from the first crooked operations of the
Card and Lawrence distillery, where I made the
discovery of Ford's dishonesty when I took charge
of the district. I therefore had nothing to fear in
appointing him acting coUector.
The operations of the Eing continued without

MAGUIRE APPOINTED COLLECTOR. 81
interruption imtil November 16th following, when
Constantine Maguire took possession of the Col
lector's office by virtue of his appointment made
about two weeks previously. This appointment
was the result of an underderstanding consum
mated immediately upon my return from Chicago,
and under the foUowing circumstances :
McKee had suggested the name of Maguire on
receiving information of Mr. Ford's iUness. The
day, therefore, that I retui'ned, a meeting was held
between McKee, Joyce, Maguire, and myseU in my
office, at which certain pledges were obtained from
Maguire and his appointment then decided upon.
At our dictation the foUowing telegrams were
sent* St. Louis, Oct. 25th, 1873.
To Gen. E. O. Babcock, Executive Mansion, care of President
Grant :
Poor Ford is dead. McDonald is with his body. Let the
President act cautiously on the successorship. (Signed.) Joyce.
In reply to this was the foUowing :
Washington, Oct. 26th, 1873.
To Jno. A Joyce, St. Louis:
See that Ford's bondsmen recommend you. B. (Bibcock.)
In response to Babcock's telegram the foUowing
was sent : St. Louis, Oct. 27th, 1873.
To Gen. O. E. Babcock, Executive Mansion, care Pre's. Grant.
The bondsmen prefer the man they have recommended. An
expression from the President to his friends here wiU secure

82 SECRETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
everything. Let the President do for the best. Depend upon
McDonald and myself to stand by his actions to the last.
(Signed,) Jno. A. Joyce.
The three following explain everything :
St. Louis, Oct. 28th, 1873.
We have the honor to recommend Col. Constantine Maguire
for collector of Internal Revenue of the first district of Mis
souri. 'Signed,) John A. Joyce,
Wm. Patrick.
C. A. Newcomb,
John McDonald.
St. Louis, Oct, 28th, 1873.
Gen. O. E. Babcock, Executive Mansion, Washington,
See dispatch sent to President. We mean it, mum.
(Signed,) Joyce.
Washington, Oct. 28th, 1873.
Wm. H. Benton, Wm. McKee and John M. Krum.
Your request in regard to the coUectorship wUl be complied
with. (Signed,) U. S. Grant.
These three parties addressed by the President
were weU known to the secrets of the ring. They
were Ford's bondsmen and for a multiphcity of
reasons that wiU hereafter be developed, were anx
ious to have Maguire appointed. A very strong
protest signed by a large number of prominent per
sons in St. Louis, such as James G. Yeatman,
Eobert Campbell, etc., was made against the ap
pointment of Maguire, but no attention whatever
was paid to it. In fact President Grant, in his
deposition, taken as evidence in the Babcock trial,
stated that he had no remembrance of seeing the
protest, but added, that he presumed it was on file
at the department.

A TEIUNE OF EEVENUE AGENTS. 83
In Joyce's dispatch when he uses the insinuating
words, "we mean it, mum," the significance is
very apparent. By this he conveys to Babcock the
fact that Maguire had been sounded and has been
initiated into the first degree of the Eing, with
promises of proving a faithful member.
The dispatch signed " B " was from Babcock.
The appointment of Maguire effected no change
in the conduct of the Eing ; everything remained in
a tranquil and yet vigorous condition.
In the early part of November three revenue
agents, Brasher, Yaryan and Gavitt, came to St.
Louis according to an advance notice I had received
of their intention, and made an examination of the
books of the distillers. They, of course, found great
irregularities, and positive proofs of the immense
amount of illicit whiskey being manufactured, but
instead of submitting a fuU report of the actual
facts informed the department that they had dis
covered many technical violations of the law,
which, while it lay the distiUers, rectifiers and
wholesale dealers, liable, yet they recommended
that no stringent action should be taken, but that
they should be informed that in future similar vio
lations would result in an enforcement of the penal
ties prescribed.
After agreeing upon the nature of the report
Brasher should submit, the three agents left St.
Louis, Yaryan going to New Orleans, Gavitt to
Michigan, I think, and Brasher to Washington.
Subsequent events indicated that Yaryan had un
derstood that Brasher would make a true report of
affairs, but that Brasher had submitted a false report

84 SECEETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
in order to prepare the way for successfuUy black-
maihng the distillers in a short time thereafter. The
facts are, that in the latter part of the same month,
Brasher again visited St. Louis by order of Com
missioner Douglas. This order was given for the
purpose of investigating all the books of the Col
lector and iUicit dealers, so that they might be
straightened up and thereby be proof against a pos
sible congressional investigation.
The real personal object of Brasher's second visit
was to blackmail the distillers and rectifiers, which
he accomplished, in the foUowing manner: He
went through the distilleries and rectifying houses,
the proprietors of which he informed that, having
discovered gross violations of the revenue laws, and
that reports of these violations had already been
sent to the department, his duty was to make a
thorough report of the actual facts. This created a
stampede and so alarmed the illicit operators that
immediate steps were taken to suppress the report,
which had already been prepared. Notwithstanding
the fact that at this time there was a general behef
among the distillers and rectifiers that the Presi
dent, Babcock, Douglass, and other Washington
officials were affiliating and benefitting by the Eing,
yet Brasher succeeded in dissipating this idea and
aroused their fears to such a pitch that they made
a score of offers to Brasher, to buy him from mak
ing such a report as he had proposed. After re
maining in St. Louis more than a month Brasher
consented to change the entire tone of his report
and exempt the distillers and rectifiers, pronounc
ing their crimes more technical violations, provided

brasher's successful black MAIL. 85
they would pay him the sum of $20,000, flO.OOO of
which sum should be paid upon transmission of a
copy of the reformed report to Commissioner Doug
lass, and a duplicate of the same sent to me. The
other $10,000 was to be paid when the report should
be placed on file at Washington.
Brasher set to work at once and made a draft of
a report such as suited the distillers and rectifiers,
of which the following is a copy :
St. Louis, Mo., 9th January, 1873.
Sir: I have the honor to report that since my return here I have
been engaged in making a thorough examination of the dis
tilleries of "Bevis & Fraser," "R. W. Ulrici," "P. Curran,"
and " M. Thompson," together with the rectifying establish
ments of " Bevis & Fraser," " Garnhart & Co.," " BolUnan &
O'Hara," "McCartney & Co.," "H. L. Downs," "Lange &
Benecke," and "Derby & Day," and in comparing their books
with those of the United States Storekeepers, and the records
in the offices of the Collector and Assessor of Internal Revenue
in this district, that the result of this investigation has
failed to disclose that condition of affairs, which was presumed
to exist, from the statements made to me by persons claiming
to possess most direct and positive information of the fraudu
lent distillation of spirits in this district, or from the irregu
larities which appeared on the examination, based on this
information, made in November last.
I find the books of the distillers, rectifiers and United States
Storekeepers to agree with the records in the offices of the
Collector and Assessor of Internal Revenue, and that they
show the spirits distilled and rectified have been reported prop
erly, and the taxes collected thereon.
It appears that the state of confusion, existing here iu
November last, in these establishments, and, also, to a certain
extent, in some of the revenue books, all of which seemed to

86 secrets op the geeat whiskey eing.
corroborate the charges of fraud, was the result of the unusual
excitement attending the political campaign, then just ended,
in which, I am informed, these parties and the revenue officers
particularly took a very active part, to the consequent neglect
of their business and duties respectively. It would further
appear that, in addition to this derangement of business gen
erally, the clerk in charge of the books of the rectifying house
of "Bevis, Fraser & Co." was sick and unable attend to his
duties. As the information furnished me, as to the existence of fraud,
depended, and I was assured, with no possibility of failure,
on the books of these different establishments and the records
in the Internal Revenue office for verification, and my inform
ants having no further evidence to offer, I can but conclude
that, whilst the irregularities, on the one hand, justified
the suspicions of fraud, on the other hand corrections of
the Internal Revenue records disproves it. In conclusion,
however, I desire to remark that though it appears these irre
gularities were simply the result of negUgcnce they, neverthe
less, fully justified the investigation and that it remains with
you to consider them, and the remedy which will prevent their
recurrence in the future. I wish to acknowledge having received
all the assistance asked for, from the different revenue officers
of the district, during the investigation.
Very respectfully, B. P. Brasher, Revenue Agent.
Hon. j. W. Douglass, Commissioner of Internal Revenue,
Washington, D. C.
The amount agreed upon was paid, the first
$10,000 being given to Brasher, in a room at the
Southern Hotel, by John Leavenworth and Alfred
Bevis, as they themselves informed me. The re
maining sum was paid soon after. I was not in
formed of this impious act for sometime after it was
accomphshed, but as soon as I learned the facts, I

A SCENE IN THE COMMISSIONER'S OFFICE. 87
went to Washington and repeated them to Commis
sioner Douglass, whose reply was that he had long
tried to get clear of Brasher, but the Ohio influence,
through which he was appointed, was so great that
his retention in the service was a necessity. The
real cause, however, was the knowledge he possessed
of the Eing and its supporters, as subsequent proofs
contained herein will show.
In the spring of 1874, Yaryan returned to Wash
ington, and caUed at the department, and requested
the chief clerk to show him the report made by
Brasher. He read it carefuUy, but with the greatest
astonishment, to find instead of the report com
municating the facts of gigantic frauds, by illicit
di-stiUation, it had dwarfed the crimes into mere
technical violations. His astonishment, however,
was doubly intensified, when after concluding its
reading, he turned the report, only to find that it
bore the following endorsement in Commissioner
Douglass' own handwriting :
" Brasher verbally reports that Yaryan agrees with him that
no action should be taken."
A scene ensured during which Yaryan denounced
Brasher, and told Mr. Douglass the real condition
of affairs at St. Louis. The matter was afterwards
carried to Solicitor Wilson, but it was hushed before
assuming any undue proportions or had led to any
trouble.

CHAPTEE III.
Grant and Babcock Receive My Monthly Reports — We Send
Avery $500— Doubts as to Our Security — Joyce goes to
Washington — He Talks to Grant, who Assures Him that no
Fear of Exposure Need be Apprehended — Joyce's Trip to
San Francisco — Before Starting, he Posts the Washington
Members — The Ring Stops Operations for a Time — Joyce
Returns from the Pacific Coast — He Goes to Washington —
Babcock and the Diamond — The President Assures Joyce
that the Ring may Renew its Operations with Safety —
Avery's Transfer to the Treasury Department — Avery
Told to Obtain Information from Grant Respecting Ring-
Matters — Babcock Warns us, by Telegraph, that a Revenue
Agent may Visit St. Louis — Grant and His Party Visit
the St. Louis Fair — Grant and Borie Take a Drive — My
Gift to the President — How Grant Obtained a Premium —
The Press Criticism.
The arrangements were now so complete and no
special political necessity appearing for the use of
the funds coUected from the distillers and rectifiers,
the Washington end of the line begun to let their
wants be known. I made a regular report, gener-
aUy each month, to the President, of the manner in
which the whiskey money was used.

FIRST REMITTANCE TO WASHINGTON. 89
Owing to the very useful position W. O. Avery,
Chief Clerk of the Internal Eevenue Bureau, oc
cupied, and for advancing us information, he was
made the first beneficiary of the fund in Washing
ton. About November 15th Joyce sent Avery a
letter containing $600, it being, I repeat, the first
Washington remittance. Not receiving an imme
diate acknowledgement of its acceptance Joyce sent
the following telegram : St. Louis, Nov. 23, 1873.
Col. W. O. Avery, Washington.
Did you get my last letter with enclosure ?
(Signed) Joyce.
To which he received the following reply :
Washington, Nov. 24, 1873.
John A. Joyce, Revenue Agent, St. Louis.
Letter with enclosure received. (Signed) W. O. Avery.
In January a revenue agent visited us at St.
Louis and made some examinations. I was not in
the city at the time and after he returned to Wash
ington I was in doubt as to the report of that visit.
In all our apparent security there was still a dread
lest the knowledge of our operations should reach
Bristow; and in order to ascertain the object and
result of the agent's visit, I sent Joyce on to Wash
ington to secure the necessary information. Shortly
after his arrival in that city I received the foL
lowing dispatch : Washington, Jan'y. 21, 1874.
Gen. John McDonald, Planters House, St. Louis.
Everything looks well. Send on report. Feel hunkey.
(Signed) John

90 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
On the next day Col. Joyce wrote me the foUow
ing letter which explains this telegram :
Ebbitt House, Washington, Jany. 22, 1874.
Dear General :
WeU, it is after eleven o'clock, and just before retiring I will
give you my day's rambles in very brief style : I saw and
talked (sic) with Douglass, Clayton, Babcock, the President,
Belknap, Rogers and Avery. You can just imagine what I
said to each, and can bet your last nickle that I got what I
wanted. The White House people were very pleasant, and
Douglass was all peaches and cream.
***********
Brasher has no authority to visit St. Louis, and if he
troubles you or yours, put him where he " will do the most
good." I am going to ride with Bab. (Babcock) to-morrow.
***********
Just keep our kettle boiling (sic) and don't let anything in
terrupt the good cause of patriotism. Yours always, John A. Joyce.
After Joyce's arrival in Washington he went
direct to the President and others, as admitted in
his letter, and from them ascertained that the agent
sent into our district would not report anything
prejudicial to our interests. The report referred to
in the telegram was the result of an investigation
I had made respecting a matter called to my atten
tion by the department, and I was desirous of as
certaining the result of the revenue agent's visit
before submitting that report.
In March Joyce, who was then a revenue agent,
was ordere'l to proceed to San Francisco for the
purpose of investigating reports made concerning
distillers fiid rectifiers in California. I was in

A QUARTETTE OP SIGNIFICANT TELEGRAMS. 91
Washington at the time Joyce received his instruc
tions and, learning through Commissioner Doug
lass that Hogue, a revenue agent, would visit my
district, in order to have Joyce fix up everything
so as to avoid any appearance of crookedness should
Hogue make a critical investigation, I sent the fol
lowing telegram : Washington, March 9, 1874.
John A. Joyce, St. Louis.
If sickness in your family prevents you from going West,
Hogue may pay you a visit. (Signed) Mac
In addition to my telegram Avery sent the follow
ing: Washington, March 11, 1874.
Did you receive Mao's telegram. Your friends will doubt
less make you a visit. (Signed) W. O. Avery.
To which the following reply was received :
St. Louis, March 11, 1874.
Col. W. 0. Avery, Internal Revenue Bureau, Washington :
Telegrams received. I start for San Francisco Saturday
night. All perfect here. (Signed) Joyce.
Before leaving, however, he sent the following
dispatch : St. Louis, March 14, 1874.
Gen. O. E. Babcock, Executive Mansion.
Start for San Francisco to-morrow night; make D. (Doug
lass) caU off his scandal hounds that only blacken the memory
of poor Ford and friends. Business. (Signed) J.
By this he meant that if there was a searching
investigation made it would result in exposing Ford,
— who was not suspected by the pubhc until after
his death, — and aU the members of the Eing.

92 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
Having posted his Washington friends Col. Joyce
started for San. Francisco on the 15th of March
and remained absent from St. Louis two or three
months. Hogue and Brooks, the revenue agents of
whose coming we had been notified, arrived in St.
Louis in the latter part of April but remained only
a short time, as they soon discovered there were no
traces of crookedness.
No iUicit whiskey was made in my district during
Joyce's absence in the West, but upon his return
from San Francisco he proceeded to Washington,
in obedience to an order from Com. Douglass to make
his report on the Pacific Coast investigation, and
during his stay in Washington matters were arranged
for resuming ilhcit operations. Following is a dis
patch showing result of Joyce's visit to the Capital.
Washington, July 1, 1874.
Genl. John McDonald, St. Louis.
Things look aU right here. Let the machine go. Joyce.
The following letter furnishes an explanation of
the telegram : Ebbitt House, Washington, July 4, 1874.
Dear General :
**********
I was a little surprised to-day by Genl. B. telling me that
that little thing we gave him was a fraud.
**********
I have a good many things to teU you when I get back. I
had a splendid talk with the President.
Billy is Chief Clerk and Holt will take his place. Things
are working nice. You want to push things at that end of
the line. We have lots of friends here.
*********** Yours to the end of the row,
John A. Joyue.

BABCOCK PRESENTED WITH A DIAMOND. 98
The allusion contained in this letter, to "that
Uttle thing," referred to a diamond shirt-stud,
which we gave to Babcock during his visit to St.
Louis, the preceding spring. This, one of our
many presents to our Washington friend, weighed
nearly four carets, and cost $2,400. There was a
flaw in the stone, however, which I had not discov
ered, and the General, not being very weU pleased
on that account, I took the stone back and pur
chased another and finer one for him.
"The things he had to teU me, and his talk with
the President," consisted of assurances which per
mitted the Eing to operate freely, without danger
of prosecution. The reference to "BiUy" and
" Holt," was an announcement that BiUy, or W. 0.
Avery, had been transferred from the position of chief
clerk of the Internal Eevenue Bureau, to that of
chief clerk of the Treasury Department, which for-
former position was suppUed by the appointment
of Col. Holt. Both of these men were thoroughly
identified with the Eing's interests, as the appoint
ments were both made at our special request. With
this change, and new understanding, Joyce was jus
tified in issuing his request to "Let the machine go. "
A report obtained currency some time in the lat
ter part of August, that St. Louis would soon be
visited by another revenue agent, and hearing
nothing from Washington, I had Joyce send the
foUowing telegram : St. Louis, Aug. 26th, 1874.
Col. W. O. Avery, Chief Clerk Treasury Department, Wash
ington. Are friends coming west? See H. (Holt), and give me sound
ings. (Signed) "A."

94 SECRETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
To this dispatch there was no answer, and fearing
that Avery's induction into an office in which his
superior (Sec'y. Bristow), was then making efforts,
or, at least contemplating measures that would
expose the Whiskey Eing, had resulted in a contra
riwise influence, and that he was afraid to give us
the information we desired, Joyce sent him a letter,
in which the foUovnng sentence occurred: (The
exact date of this letter I am unable to give
from memory, and we rarely retained copies of
either letters or telegrams) "If you have any
doubt of the propriety of sending this information,
see Gen. Babcock, or, if he is not in the city, see G."
This meant for Avery to repeat his wishes to Bab
cock or President Grant, and they would furnish the
necessary information to us.
Upon receipt of this letter, Gen. Babcock being
absent from Washington, Col. Avery took it to the
President, who, after reading the contents, wrote
the following endorsement on the back of the letter.
"Joyce and McDonald are reliable and trustworthy. Let
them have the information they want." (Signed.) U. S. Grant.
One of the prime motives which actuated Col.
Avery in going to the President for his endorse
ment, was to obtain a color of authority for reveal
ing secrets of the Department. He was thoroughly
known to the fact that the President was cognizant
of all the tricks of the Whiskey Eing, and was, in
fact, a member of it; he also reahzed that his
position was a new one, with which he did not yet
have that familiarity that would hide all his acts,

TELEGEAMS FROM THE WHITE HOUSE. 95
and his first duty, he felt, was to obtain the confi
dence of the Secretary.
The reports of intended raids, from revenue offi
cers, continued to circulate, which resulted in sev
eral communications passing between Joyce and
the departments. Hinds had left Washington, and
his absence created a suspicion that he was about
to visit St. Louis. All fears were allayed, however,
upon receipt of the f oUovsdng telegram :
Washington, Oct. 18th, 1874.
J. A. Joyce, St. Louis:
Your friend is in New York, and may come out to see you.
( Signed. ) Avery.
Joyce repUed to this as foUows :
St. Louis, Oct. 18th, 1874.
CoL. W. O. Avery, Treasury Department, Washington:
Give me something positive on the movements of friend.
Act surely — prompt. (Signed.) "A."
In obedience to the request contained in this tele
gram, Avery saw Baboock, with relation to the
intentions of revenue agents coming to St. Louis,
and on the next day Gen. Babcock sent the follow
ing telegram : Washington, Oct. 19th, 1874.
J. A. Joyce, St. Louis:
Put your house in order. Your friends will visit you.
(Signed.) Mao.
This telegram was proven, upon his trial, to be in
Babcock's handwriting. It was intended to send
Hogue into the district, but, owing to illness, he did
not come.
On the first Monday in October, 1874, the St.
Louis Fair opened, with President Grant, Secretary

96 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
Borie, and Gen. Babcock in attendance. Grant
and Babcock were my guests, at the LindeU Hotel,
that fine hostelry having then been but recently
opened. Soon after his arrival in St. Louis, and
while engaged with him in conversation at the Lin-
dell, I reminded the President that, on his previous
visits, he always had the use of Col. Ford's team to
drive while in the city, but, I added, since our
friend is dead, I presume you have been at a loss
for the use of such horseflesh as you have been
accustomed to driving. I then told him that I had
a team, which, while it was not the fastest in the
world, was fair to drive.
He responded : " Well, Mac, I never knew you to
own a bad horse, and if you have a pair of serviceable
roadsters I'U use them to-morrow, by driving them
down to my farm, and if they have speed I will
gladly accept the use of them while here."
On the foUowing day I had the team hitched up
and drove them around to the hotel for the Presi
dent. Before he got into the buggy, I said to him :
You may find them a little slow at first, but you
can touch them up a little with the whip, and when
you get weU out on the Gravois road, tighten the
reins, and I don't think you will have any trouble
getting four minutes out of them.
He then stepped into the buggy, with Secretary
Borie beside him. They drove out to the farm,
twelve miles from St. Louis, and remained absent
until evening. I received the team after his
return, and taking them to the stable, a short time
afterwards, in company with my wife, I caUed
socially at the LindeU, and met there Col. Joyce

Gen. U. S. Grant.

THE president's RIDE BEHIND MY TEAM. 99
and his wife, Mrs. Grant, Mrs. Borie, and a number
of others. Secretary Borie came up to me, and,
placing his hand familiarly on my shoulder, re
marked: "General, I never had a finer ride in my
hfe than to-day, behind your horses, and the Pres
ident is in exstacy over them."
Just then President Grant greeted me and said :
" Mack, I never saw better horses ; why, when we
got out on the road they would'nt take the whip,
for when I drew the lines they went like a shot out
of a gun. You should have seen Mr. Borie; he
drew his feet under the seat, pressed his hat over
his eyes, and, while he clenched the buggy-bow
with one hand and the seat with the other, he
would every moment ask me if I did'nt think the
horses were running away." In a moment-after-
wards he added : "I would hke to own those hors
es, and if you will sell them I wiU give you $1,000
for them." I replied: General, I don't want to
swindle you in that way. But I used the word
' swindle ' in an ironical manner, for $5,000 would'nt
have bought them.
He then told me that he had seen some very fine
horses at the Fair, owned by Mr. Dorsey, of Ken-
tuckey, a pair of which he thought of buying at
the price fijxed by the owner, $1,500.
We joked about the horses for some time, but,
before leaving him that evening, I told the Presi
dent the team was at his service during his stay
in St. Louis, and that I hoped he would find much
pleasure in them. His dehght was manifested by
their almost constant use, on several mornings going
to the stable himself after the horses. Seeing th at the

100 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
team was a source of so much pleasure to the Pres-
dent, I at length told him that he should have those
horses, and for him to think no more of buying a
team. I ascertained that he had no handsome
buggy, so I took it upon myself, as I told him, to
procure a rig such as I would buy for my own orna
mental use as well as for effective service.
He thanked me, and declared that nothing would
please him so much as such a tribute of my friend
ship. Before the President came to St. Louis to visit
the Fair, I asked him, in Washington, if he intend
ed exhibiting any of his stock. He replied that he
had tried to add to the success of the Fair by lend
ing his presence and entering his stock, but that
the Association had never awarded him a single
premium, so that hereafter he did not propose to
enter any of his stock again.
I told him that there was nothing personal in the
action of the Fair Association, and that it was his
duty, having so large a stock-farm in the immediate
vicinity of St. Louis, with so many interests in the
city, to aid the Fair, and that he ought to enter his
prime stock every year.
The result of our conversation was his promise
to attend the Fair that year and to enter his
" Young Hambletonian."
When I returned to St. Louis I called on Arthur
Barrett, who was then President of the Fair Asso
ciation, and repeated to him the complaints of the
President. Mr. Barrett replied that the reason
President Grant had not been given a premium was
because his stock had been entered in competition

HOW GEANT SECURED A PREMIUM. 101
with that which was superior, and the committees
did not wish to show partiality to anyone. After
talking with him awhile he told me that I might be
placed on the committee that would award the
premiums on stock, and, if I wished to assume the
responsibihty, the President's stock might secure a
premium. I secured the position as a member of that com
mittee, and when " Young Hambletonian " was
entered I told one of the members that there was
only one thing I wanted done, obtaining the con
sent of the committee to which, I would favor
anything else they wished. This one thing was to
give the first premium to the President's stallion,
and, although there were several pre-eminently
superior horses in competition, the other members
of the committee endorsed my act and awarded the
blue ribbon to " Young Hambletonian. ' ' The reason
for me showing such remarkable and unwarranted
preference to the President, in the light of subse
quent events, is plainly apparent.
The following article appeared in the next morn
ing's BepubHcan :
* * On all occasions there wiU be found plenty of people
to carp and grumble, and the award of the first preminm to
Grant's " Young Hambletonian " yesterday was no exception.
It was largely hinted about the grounds that the influence of
the administration had been powerfully brought to bear to
secure the premium, and there were some astute forecasters of
political events who saw in it much of this third term mystery;
while the New York Herald man—if there was one on the grounds
— undoubtedly detected a clear case of Csesarism, and posted off
to inform his editorial master, the Westonian Bennett, that
"the 'Herald' sensation had again become a 'Herald' prophesy."

102 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
The character of the gentlemen comprising the commitee
which made the award is an ample refutation of the charge
that the first premium was secured by those appliances which
are sometimes brought to bear to depose a chairman of a for
eign relations committee of the Senate, or to pull an Arkansas
governor out of a state house. At the head of the committee
was Gen. John McDonald, supervisor of internal revenue for
this district, while associated with him were a number of
gentleman who, though they do not hold any federal offices
are still fully as capable of being impartial ir any case where
the administration is concerned as Gen. McDonald possibly
can be. There is no doubt that the award was made with aU
due deference to the circumstances of the occasion. In other
words, it is perfectly clear that the influences which impelled
the committee to make the award they did were exercised in
the most perfectly proper manner, and without the least
regard for anything that was foreign to the object in view.
The President and his party returned to Wash
ington on the last day of the Fair and shortly after
their departure Col. Joyce and myself went to Hob-
UtzeUe & Cousland's and purchased from them a
complete outfit consisting of harness, two blankets
for each horse, and a buggy whip, the cost of the
latter being $25. We had a gold breast-plate made
for each horse, on which the President's name was
engraved. The buggy was purchased from Jas. A.
Wright, and was the finest he had in stock. All
the bills for the harness, buggy, etc., I paid in
President Grant's name. In a few weeks after his
arrival in Washington I chartered a special car in
which I sent the horses and the handsome outfit to
Washington with the compliments of Col. Joyce
and myself. While en-route the horses were in the

BABCOCK ACKNOWLEDGES RECEIPT OF TEAM. 103
special charge of Nat. CarUn, who was at that time
superintendent of the President's farm.
Gen. Babcock, the President's private secretary,
sent us a very flattering letter acknowledging re
ceipt of the team and rig, which letter I either gave
to Judge Krum, the attorney who defended Gen.
Babcock, and have never been able to recover it,
or burned it, among many others.

CHAPTEE IV.
Col. Joyce as a Revenue Agent — Babcock and Joyce's Intimacy
— Babcock Telegraphs that no Agent has been Sent to St.
Louis — My Trip to Washington — How I gave Babcock
$5,000 — I Give Grant Receipts for the Buggy and Team —
I inform Him of My Gift of $5,000 to Babcock— My Ride
with the President — He Promises Me that any Changes or
Appointments I Desire will be Granted — The Altitudinal
Dispatch — ^Babcock's Sylph Dispatch — Louise Hawkins,
the Sylph — How Babcock Took Her to His Bosom — An
Interview in the Dark — A Remittance to Babcock in a
Cigar Box.
Col. Joyce, even after his appointment as revenue
agent, remained in my district and continued to
act as my confidential secretary. He was a shrewd,
and thoroughly reliable man and withal one of much
cunning and spontaneous resource. I entrusted
him not only with all my secrets but left the ar
rangement of all the details furthering the interests
of the Eing, in his hands. He was especially inti
mate with Gen. Babcock, and during the visit of
the Presidential party in October, Col. Joyce and
Gen. Babcock were almost inseparable. They can
vassed future contingencies and the need of money
by the White House officials.

ANOTHEE WASHINGTON REMITTANCE. 106
Very soon after the departure of the President
from St. Louis, rumors came to us that a raid was
contemplated by revenue officers. Col. Joyce at
once wrote Gen. Babcock concerning the rumor
but receiving no immediate reply he indicted the
foUowing dispatch : St. Louis, Oct. 25, 1874.
Gen. O. E. Babcock, Washington.
Have you talked with D ? (Douglass) Are things right ?
How? Answer. (Signed) J.
The report being false Gen. Babcock did not an
swer by telegraph but sent Col. Joyce a letter in
which he assured him there was no present danger
of official interference.
In the latter part of November reports were
again circulated that revenue agents Brooks and
Hogue were en-route to St. Louis to make a search
ing investigation. With the alarm such reports
invariably excited. Col. Joyce sent the following
telegram : St. Louis. Dec. 3, 1874.
To Gen. O. E. Babcock, Washington.
Has Secretary or Commissioner ordered anybody here ?
(Signed) J.
Secretary or Commissioner referred to Bristow
and Douglass.
To this the following reply was received :
Washington, Dec. 5, 1874.
To John A. Joyce, St. Louis.
Cannot hear that anyone has gone or is going.
(Signed) O. E. Babcock
On the same day this latter dispatch was received
I started for Washington, but on the preceding day
Col. Joyce had collected the sum of $5,000, from

106 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
the distillers and rectifiers which he requested me
to deliver to Gen. Babcock, in accordance with the
understanding had between them, when the latter
was in attendance at the St. Louis Fair. This
money, as I saw it counted, was in bills of the de
nominations of $1,000 and $600.
I reached Washington on the morning of Decem
ber 7th, and directly after office hours went to the
White House. The first person I met there was
Gen. Babcock, whom I found seated at his desk in
the Secretary's room, and, after passing the usual
greetings I took the money from my pocket and
handed it to him, with the remark : Here is $5,000
which Joyce collected from the boys for your ben
efit just before I left St. Louis.
He took the package and placed it in his pocket
without counting the money, with many expres
sions of gratitude, remarking that he understood
the source from whence the money came.
During this time a committee from the two
branches of Congress were waiting upon the Presi
dent to inform him of the opening of Congress, and
their readiness to receive his official communica
tions. When the committee left the Executive
Chamber, the President followed one of the Sena
tors to the head of the stairs and there took leave
of the committee. I was standing in the ante-room
awaiting an opportunity to speak to him, when he
turned about and seeing me, extended a cordial
greeting. He asked me how long I would remain in the
city, and to call upon him. each day while in Wash
ington.

Gen. O. E. Babcock.

TURNING OVER THE RECEIPTS TO GRANT. 109
I replied that my stay would be but a few days.
He then spoke freely concerning the team and
rig I had sent him, saying that his gratitude was
unbounded, and pronounced the horses the finest,
by far, in Washington.
Said I, General, I have some papers in connec
tion with the team which, with my explanation, I
wish to give you. He asked me to come on the
following day at noon, saying he would be at leisure
then. I told the President that I had the papers with
me and if he could spare a few moments I would
give them to him then. He assented, and together
we walked into the Executive Eoom where I
handed him aU the bills, which were in his name,
for every article Col. Joyce and I had purchased in
completing the buggy and outfit, each bill being
receipted in full. At the same time I asked him to
give me a small sum of money so as to enable me
to say, if the question were asked, that I sold the
team to him. He handed me a $50 bill which I
declined, assuring him that a much less sum would
answer my purpose. He next gave me a $10 note
and I returned him $7 in change, leaving me with
the sum of $3 for a $6,000 outfit. One-half of the
actual expense of the team, buggy and harness,
and the cost of transportation was paid to me by
Col. Joyce who united with me in making the
present. Having disposed of the receipts and made the
President apparently secure from the prying curi
osity of newspaper correspondents, who always saw
in these gifts stepping-stones to political preference,

110 SECRETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY RING.
we changed our conversation to a discussion af
political matters in the West. I told him that I
had just given Gen. Babcock $6,000, which, I re
marked, is a part of the proceeds of our campaign
fund in St. Louis. He assured me it was all right,
as he had intrusted Babcock with the details of
western matters, and whatever we did with him
(Babcock) would be quite satisfactory to all, and
added: " I wiU see to it personally, however, that
you get all the changes you want."
I then explained to him what an uncompromising
" old hog " (as I used the term) McKee was proving
himself to be ; that we were compelled to give him
from $600 to $1,200 every week in order to pacify
him and keep his paper for us in the coming cam
paign. His reply was: " WeU, you must do the
best you can and depend upon me to do aU for you
at this end of the line you may require."
While we were thus engaged a messenger came
and informed the President that his team was at
the door waiting for him. He asked me to walk
down stairs with him and take a look at the horses.
I did so, and showed the hostler how to draw the
curb rein to make them drive properly. While we
were looking at the horses. Commissioner Douglass
came by and spoke to us, but after passing a few
remarks, he walked on. President Grant then re
quested me to get in and take a drive with him,
which I did, going out nearly to Blandensburg, and,
returning, making a circuit of the city and driving
through all the principal streets. During our ride
the conversation recurred to political matters, and
chiefly upon his prospects for a third term. He

RIDES WITH GRANT AND BABCOCK. Ill
mentioned the names of several parties who, he
thought, would possibly be candidates. Among
these were Gov. Morgan, of New York, Morton,
Conklin, Logan, and Blaine, the latter being
then Speaker of the House. He criticised each
of these and appeared satisfied that his chances
were much better than were those of the parties
discussed. Upon our return from the ride I went back to the
White House with the President, and, while the
colored attendants were brushing our clothes, a
messenger-boy informed me that Gen. Babcock was
in his office and wished to see me. I left the Pres
ident in the reception room and went up stairs,
where I met Gen. Babcock alone. He first asked
me if I had talked freely with the President in rela
tion to appointments out West and the arrange
ments generally in my district. I rephed that I
had, and that the President promised to make any
appointments or changes of officers I desired. I
asked him what Brooks and Hogue were doing or
were going to do. His answer was that he did not
know, but would find out on the following day and
advise me. He assured me that he was not going
to allow them to go to St. Louis on a " blackmail
ing trip," as, said he, " we want all the money you
can raise now ourselves." Another subject on
which we conversed related to Garfield's connection
with the District of Columbia Eing, which will be
referred to fully hereafter.
Babcock's carriage came for him while we were
talking, and he asked me to ride over to the green
houses with him, which I did. I selected, by his

112 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
permission, a number of rare and valuable plants,
which he had shipped to my wife at my country
seat. Sunny Side, Wisconsin. He then drove me
to my hotel, and after parting with him, I sent the
appended dispatch : Washington, Dec. 7th, 1874.
Col. Jno. A. Joyce, St. Louis:
Had long ride with the President this afternoon. B. and
H. are here. You will hear from me to-morrow. (Signed) John.
On the next day I caUed to see Commissioner
Douglass, and told him not to send anyone into my
district, for a visit now would injure us very much.
I also saw and talked with Babcock, H. C. Eogers,
deputy commissioner, and Avery. I very plainly
told Eogers that I thought he. Brooks, and Hogue
were in collusion to blackmail St. Louis distillers,
and that if he sent revenue agents into my district
I should report him at the White House. The re
sult was that they promised me no agents should
go to St. Louis, and assured me there were no
grounds for suspicion. Having received this assur
ance, which was very necessary, as at that time
every distiUery was running day and night turning
out iUicit whiskey, I sent the following dispatch :
Washington, Dec. 8th, 1874.
J. A. Joyce, St. Louis:
Dead dog. The goose hangs altitudinal. The sun shines.
(Signed) John.
My fears of this blackmailing visit were caused
by the following letter, which was handed to me
by Col. Holt, who asked me to let Gen. Babcock
read it :

THE SYLPH TELEGEAM. 113
New York, Nov. 21st, 1874.
To H. C. Rogers, Deputy Commissioner, Washington:
My Dear Sir: — I am summoned to appear in cases in court
in Philadelphia on Monday, the 23d. The cases will probably
be disposed of on that day, so that I can be at Washing
ton on Tuesday, I think. If possible, please have Hogue
there at that time, and may I ask that any Western cases may
be put in such a shape that we can take charge of them, and
so make the trip profitable to the department and satisfactory
to ourselves. (Signed) James J. Brooks, Special Agent.
I took this lettter to Commissioner Douglass and
showed him how the scheme to rob us out West
was developing ; then I handed it to Babcock, and
by him it was shown to the President. On the
10th I left for St. Louis, leaving everything in the
hands of Babcock, instructing him to telegraph
me in case he succeeded in preventing the coming
of the revenue agents, or if Bristow persisted in
sending them. Immediately upon my arrival home
the foUowing dispatch was sent by Babcock (a fac
simile of which is given) : Washington, Dec. 13th, 1874.
Gen. John McDonald, Supervisor, St. Louis:
I succeeded. They will not go. Will write you.
(Signed) Sylph.
A great deal of speculation has been indulged in
by the public concerning the signature "Sylph."
The explanation is very important, and even at this
day wiU, doubtless, be read with much interest.
On Wednesday evening, during the visit of Gen.
Babcock to the St. Louis Fair, he and Col. Joyce
were walking down Fifth street, on their way to
my office from the LindeU Hotel. When they
H

en

BABCOCK AND THE LUSCIOUS SYLPH. 115
were between Olive and Pine streets. Gen. Babcock
observed a beautiful young lady approaching them,
and was most agreeably surprised to see Col. Joyce
tip his hat to her in graceful recognition. It is true
that the General was popularly appreciative, be
cause she was unquestionably the handsomest
woman in St. Louis. Her form was petite, and yet
withal, a plumpness and development which made
her a being whose tempting, luscious deliciousness
was irresistible. Most beautiful of face, with eyes
of deepest azure, in whose depths the sun-beams
seemed to gather, and the fires of love from flames
of flickering constancy, seemed ever and anon to
melt into love itself. Her hair was like threads of
gold and silver blended, and when she loosed her
locks they fell hke the shimmer of sunlight, and
quivered like the glamor the moon throws on
the water. She was the essence of grace, distilled
from the buds of perfection, and with a tongue on
which the oil of vivacity and seduction never ceased
running; she was, indeed, a sylph and syren,
whose presence was hke the flavor of the poppy
mingled with the perfumes of Araby.
After passing the "Sylph," Gen. Babcock, with
enraptured eyes and anxious breath, impatiently
enquired of Col. Joyce who the exquisite beauty
was, remarking at the same time : " She is the most
bewitching and beautiful creature I ever saw ; for
heaven's sake, let us turn the corner and meet her
again, so that you can give me an introduction."
Col. Joyce has an almost national reputation for
his bric-a-brac quotations, and an apt and elegant
passage from some popular poet or orator is always

116 SECRETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
waiting to shp from his tongue. Upon this occa
sion he could not restrain his nature, and with an
iUumination on his countenance, as a preface to his
reply, he repeated a poem, written by a pastoral
Kentucky poet, the first Unes of which are as follows :
Her Sylph-like form, her beauty and her grace.
She floats like a seraph on the light wings of space," etc.
The General was very much pleased with the
rythmical recitation, but his impatience grew more
intense. The Colonel, to relieve his companion's anxiety,
answered him by saying : " My dfear General, keep
strictly cool; it would not be the proper thing to
meet the lady again and introduce you on the street,
but if you will excuse me a short while I will see
her and arrange an appointment by which you can
greet the Sylph vsithin the next hour or two."
With this, having secured the approval of the Gen
eral, Col. Joyce turned and followed the woman
while Babcock continued on to my office.
Directly after dark. Col. Joyce and the " Sylph"
stepped into Freund's restaurant, on the corner of
Fifth and Pine streets, immediately under my office,
and called for a bottle of wine and while drinking
and chatting, according to an understanding con
veyed to Gen. Babcock, the anxious Private Secre
tary dropped in and was vparmly greeted by Col.
Joyce, who, with an eclat for which the Colonel
was distinguished, arose from his chair and bowing
gracefully, said: "Miss Hawldns, this is my par
ticular friend. Gen. Babcock, from Washington.
Sit down. General, and have some wine with us."
Then there was a cheerful flow of conversation for

Svi.

BABCOCK AND HIS LOVELY SYLPH. 119
Bome time until a ripe acquaintance was estabUshed
after which, by invitation of Col. Joyce, who had a
key to my office and also to my private rooms, the
party went up stairs and shortly afterwards the
Colonel returned to the street, leaving the General
and his luscious companion together in my rooms.
I met Col. Joyce on the sidewalk as he descended
from the stairs and, as I knew nothing of the Gen
eral's present Occupation, I was easily persuaded to
take a bottle of wine with the Colonel at Gregory's,
and thus I was unconsciously prevented from in
truding upon the devotions of two loving souls.
The fuU name of this woman, who after this
meeting Gen. Babcock ever afterwards caUed his
" Sylph," was Louise Hawkins, famiharly called Lu.
She was born in St. Louis, but her father dying,
leaving her mother in very poor circumstances, the
family moved to a small town on the Illinois Cen
tral Eailroad, in Southern Illinois. When Lu. was
fourteen years of age she fell in love with a young
fellow who accomphshed her ruin, which being dis
covered by her mother, Lu. left home and went to
St. Louis, where she found employment with Wm.
Barr & Co., as a seamstress. Her extraordinary
beauty would not permit her to long remain in such
a menial position, and from a seamstress, clothed in
the garbs of humble circumstances, she soon devel
oped into a lady of leisure, clad in the purple of fine
linen and decked with jewels rare and beautiful.
She is still a resident of St. Louis, and though un
married, yet her every want is promptly adminis
tered to by a wealthy gentleman of the city in whose
elegant residence near Grand Avenue, she is queen.

120 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
This is the origin of the signature attached to
some of Babcock's and Joyce's confidential tele
grams, and the explanation here given will explode
many conjectures made by astute correspondents.
Shortly after my return to St. Louis, in December
1874, 1 told Col. Joyce that it would be well to make
another smaU contribution to the President and
Gen. Babcock. To do this we procured a box of
the finest cigars we could find and enclosed in the
box with the cigars a $1,000 bill, which we sent by
express addressed to Gen. Babcock. In due time,
Col. Joyce received a letter from Babcock acknowl
edging receipt of the cigars with enclosure, to which
was added a few Unes to the effect that " we," refer
ring to Grant and himself, " enjoyed the exceUent
flavor of those cigars."

CHAPTEE V.
Bristow Decides Upon a Change of Supervisors — How I In
fluenced Grant to Countermand the Order — Joyce's Dis
patch to Babcock — Joyce's Song, " Mrs. Carney " — ^Pros
pects of a Storm — Babcock's Report of Bristow's Inclina
tions — Hogue Blackmails the Distillers Out of $10,000 —
Fishback's Visit to Washington — How I was Appealed to
by Pishback for a Loan — Babcock Puts a Spy on Fishback
— Agent Yaryan Visits St. Louis.
On the 26th of January, 1875, Mr. Bristow, who
had circulated suspicions that the Government was
being defrauded out of the revenue on whiskey
manufactured in several large cities in the country,
decided to inaugurate an investigation by ordering
a change of supervisors, so that frauds would un
doubtedly appear, because of the lack of understand
ing between the distillers and the new officials ; or,
if there were any honest supervisors, they would
readily detect the manner in which the frauds were
being perpetrated. Let me remark, however, that
every one engaged in the ilhcit whiskey frauds,
knew that Bristow's investigation meant something ;
that he was exceedingly anxious to ferret out the
guilty parties and bring them to punishment ; hence,

122 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
every act of his was watched with painful interest,
and we were compelled to use the full influence of
the President to keep Bristow from enforcing orders
which would be certain to expose the Eing and
every member of it.
When this order for a change of supervisors was
issued (to take effect Feb, 15th), by which I should
have been transferred to Philadelphia, I realized the
necessity of having it countermanded at once, to
accomplish which, I sent the foUowing dispatch :
St. Louis, Feb. 3d, 1875.
Hon. j. W. Douglass, Internal Revenue Office, Washington:
Don't like the order ; it will damage the Government and
injure the administration. Will explain when I see you.
John McDonald.
On the day after I transmitted this telegram,! sent
Col. Joyce to Washington to influence the counter
manding of the order, but before his departure I was
gratified by the receipt of the following telegram :
Washington, Feb. 4th, 1875.
Gen. Jno. McDonald, St. Louis :
The order transferring you to Philadelphia is suspended un
til further orders. (Signed) J. W. Douglass, Commissioner.
Immediately after receiving this, the following
dispatch was repeated to me over the wires, which
showed me at once the cause for the unexpected
telegram from the Commissioner :
Executive Mansion, Washington, Feb. 4th, 1875.
J. W. Douglass, Internal Revenue Office.
Sir : — The President directs me to say that he desires that
the circular order, transferring Supervisors of Internal Reve
nue, be suspended, by telegraph, until further orders.
(Signed) Levi P. Luckey.
(Note.— Luckey was Assistant Secretary to the President.)

COUNTERMANDING THE TRANSFER ORDER. 123
Upon receipt of this Col. Joyce, before departing,
sent the foUowing dispatch : St. I'OUIs, Feb. 4th, 1875.
To Gen. O. E. Babcock, Washington :
We have official information that the enemy weakens. Push
things, (Signed) Sylph.
Col. Joyce then left for Washington for the pur
pose of seeing the President, and our friends there,
with relation to the order. The President sus
pended the order that we might have the necessary
time to straighten our crooked affairs, but con
cluded, at that time, to permit the transfer order to
go into effect when we should inform him that
affairs would permit it without exposure. But we
had all things in such excellent working condition in
St. Louis that I was anxious to avoid a change. It
was with this understanding Col. Joyce started for
Washington and, while en-route, the train on which
he was a passenger met with some delays, creating
some anxiety, which was explained by the following
dispatch :
Gen. Jno. McDonald, St. Louis :
Six hours late. Watch Tweed's crowd. Work wires with B.
(Signed) Carney.
Tweed's crowd referred to Bristow's actions, and
working the wires with B, meant for me to keep
myself posted by wire through Babcock.
After his arrival in Washington, Col. Joyce went
direct to the President and to Gen. Babcock, and
to them explained the situation and the views I
entertained, as here indicated. After receiving

124 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
their assurances that all our wishes should be
respected, even at the expense of Bristow's serious
displeasure, Col. Joyce sent me the following dis
patch : Washington, Feb. 6th, 1875.
Gen. Jno. McDonald, St. Louis :
Order busted forever. D. and Company mad. Hold things
level. (Signed) Carney.
The signature of "Carney," was used here with
an understanding. Col. Joyce was frequently
called "Carney" by his intimate friends, who had
given him the name on account of a song he very
frequently sang, entitled "Mrs. Carney."
D. and Co., used in the despatch, referred to
Douglass and Bristow. The anomalous position
occupied by Mr. Douglass, as a member and enemy
of the Eing, will be explained hereafter.
Col. Joyce remained in Washington a few days in
order to discover the drift of Bristow's contempla
ted action ; but being assured that nothing further
would be done, he wrote me the following letter:
Ebbitt House, Washington, D. C., Feb'y 8th, 1875.
Dear General :
I have seen and talked to Douglass and Rogers, and, while
they are all smiles to my face; there is surely an undercurrent
of vengeance that is unexplainable to me. I can assure you
that the late order transferring Supervisors was gotten up and
promulgated for the main purpose of striking the St. Louis
district. The President ordered the order revoked, and you
can bet that the Commissioner (Douglass) and Secretary
(Bristow) owe no love to you or Munn (the Supervisor at
Chicago). I am not, at this late day, going to put myself in the hands
of Rogers or Douglass. They now speak of transferring Hed-

hogue's successful blackmail. 125
rick, (who is here), into your district, and if that fails, which
it will, they will possibly send Fulton, Sewell, or Brooks and
Hogue into our district.
The Commissioner has poisoned the Secretary (Bristow) and
they have both tried to poison Grant, but he wont drive in
tlieir wagon worth a d — n. It is a h — 1 of a lick on Douglass
to revoke the order.
I was up at Gen. Babcock's last night and had a long chat.
He has seen Bristow and the Secretary talks fair, but we can
not trust these who are not with us.
Hold things level for the present. The storm may blow
over entirely. Anyhow we have to beat it. Watch the St.
Louis crowd. Yours, John.
His anxiety to have me watch the St. Louis
crowd meant- to see to it that there was no iUicit
whiskey made until the effort at an investigation
had entirely subsided.
The next dispatch was received in the afternoon
two days later, and was as foUows :
Washington, Feb'y 10th, 1875. '
Gen. John McDonald, St. Louis:
Start home to-night. Things look lovely. Watch and wait.
(Signed) John.
Some time in February, I think, in 1875, Hogue,
the revenue agent, made another trip to St. Louis,
and after making some investigations, found consid
erable crookedness ; to suppress the report which he
threatened to make, the distiUers hastily contribu
ted to him the sum of $10,000. This visit was
made without the knowledge or authority of any of
the Washington officials, bjit was conceived for the
sole purpose of blackmail. In the testimony of
Alfred Bevis, a distiller, given in the trial of W. O.

126 SECEETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
Avery, he stated that the money was given Hogue
chiefly "because he was a good feUow," but the
purpose is too transparent.
Notwithstanding the favorable turn affairs had
taken at Washington, yet there was a feehng of
great dread, because I was sure that Bristow was
determined to push his investigation by some adroit
means. In the early part of March I ascertained that
Geo. W. Fishback, formerly proprietor of the Mis
souri Democrat, was in Washington, and my sus
picions were aroused that his visit was in the,
capacity of an informer. My reasons for entertain
ing such an idea were based upon a circumstance
which transpired some time previously, to which I
must direct the reader's attention. It was pretty
generally known in St. Louis that just prior to the
absorption of the Democrat by the Globe, the pro
prietors of the former were often in sore straits for
the necessary money to continue the pubUcation of
the paper. In one of these impecunious moments
Mr. Fishback came to my room at the Planters
House, and, after a little preliminary conversation,
introduced the object of his visit. He explained to
me the financial embarrassment from which his
paper suffered and urged me to loan him the sum
of $5,000 for ninety days, in consideration of which
he proffered me the support of the Democrat. In
his pleadings he remarked that he could not see
why I should refuse him the use of a few thousand
dollars of the Government's money.
My reply to him was that I was not a bonded offi
cer ; that I did not handle a dollar of the Govern-

fishback and bis appeal. 127
ment's money as my duties were entirely supervisory.
Finding all other resources failing him, he finally
submitted to me an editorial article highly com
mendatory of my official acts as Supervisor, and
exalting my influence as a Eepublican, and told me
that if I would let him have the money he would
print the article in the editorial columns of the
Democrat on the following day. But to all his
entreaties I turned him a deaf ear, not regarding
the influence of his paper as at aU consequential.
From that time Mr. Fishback became an active
and insiduous enemy of mine, and through intimate
social relations he held with one of the distillers, he
obtained some information concerning the conduct
of the Eing.
With this explanation my anxiety to learn the
object of his visit to Washington at this particular
time is obvious. I therefore wrote to Gen. Bab
cock, teUing him of my fears and asking him to
casually meet Fishback and learn what he was
doing. In reply to this enquiry I received the
foUowing despatch : Washington, March 12, 1875.
To Gen. John McDonald.
Letter received. Have seen the gentleman and he seems
very friendly. He is here looking after the improvement of
the rivers. (Signed) O. E. Babcock.
For a short while I was satisfied, but when I be
gun considering the information Fishback was in
possession of I felt certain that the distiUer from
whom he had learned so much had not neglected to
teU him also that Babcock was a member of the
Eing. Then the fact dawned upon me that Fish
back's appearance of friendship and his assertion

128 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY RING.
that he was looking after river improvements was
only used to deceive Babcock as to his real pur
poses. My suspicions were then resting upon im
portant facts as was afterwards proven. Mr. Fish
back became a strong supporter of Bristow and gave
him all the information in his possession, besides
which, he suggested to the Secretary a means for
verifying his statements, by appointing a man who
had been a commercial reporter of the Democrat,
as special agent, to examine the receipts and ship
ments of grain and whiskey reported at St, Louis
for the past several years.
We had been running the distilleries crooked
from the time Col. Joyce returned from Washing
ton until some time in March, when the pacific con
dition of our affairs was suddenly interrupted by
the appearance of revenue agent Yaryan, whose
ostensi'ble purpose was the investigation of railroad
back taxes. But he was suspected and the distil
leries shut down at once, while Yaryan, to carry
Ma deception further, left St. Louis for Eichmond,
Ind., but returned after an absence of only a few
days. During Yaryan's absence Holmes, a clerk in
the Fraud Division of the Internal Eevenue Bu
reau, came to St. Louis, explaining his visit as con
nected with the Knights Templar business. But
his story was not beheved and a sharp watch was
kept upon his movements, and I soon learned that
he was here as an aid to Yaryan to make an inves
tigation. FoUowing is a letter I received whUe absent
from St. Louis on on a short visit to my home in
Wisconsin :

information of another babcock LETTEE. 129
St. Louis, Mo., June 27, 1875.
Dear General :
Major Grimes has a very important letter for you; he does
not like to trust it to the mails. What shaU he do with it ?
I think it can be safely sent to your address. Please answer.
Truly yours,
A. Gunther.
I have inserted this letter here merely as addi
tional proof of the secret correspondence between
Babcock and myself. Maj. Gunther was a revenue
agent under me and was acquainted with the facts
concerning my relation with Babcock.

CHAPTEE VI.
Taking Soundings Before the Attack — The Ring takes Fright —
Seizures at St. Joseph — The Storm Approaching — My
Visit to Washington — Interviews with Bristow, Grant and
Douglass — My Resignation — I Advise Grant to Burn
Evidence Collected — His Proposal to Check Bristow and
Suppress Evidence — Bristow and Grant Together — Bris
tow is Made Acquainted with Grant's Connection with the
Ring — I Dine with Babcock who Assures Me that Bristow
Shall Be Dismissed — Grant Declares that Bristow Must
Cease His Eiforts to Expose the Ring or Leave the Cabi
net — An Open Letter to Bristow — Babcock's Letter of
Assurance — Another Letter from Babcock — Our Corres
pondence Through Major Grimes.
The visit of Yaryan in March and April, 1875, was
the first effective step taken to lay bare the frauds of
the Whiskey Eing. Yaryan had already (during his
first visit to St. Louis, in company with Brasher and
Gavitt,) discovered enough fraud to have exposed
the iUicit combination, but it is perhaps doubtful
whether he could have secured a conviction of any
of the members save, posibly, two or three distiUers,
upon the evidence he had then collected. But the
circle in which the organization was now uneasily
operating grew constantly smaller.

SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING. 131
On the 17th of April I received a dispatch from
Commissioner Douglass ordering me to confer with
Supervisor Parker, of the adjoining district, with
reference tO the seizure of some whiskey in Col
orado. In obedience to this order I sent Colonel Joyce
to Kansas City where Parker had reported, and the
result of his investigations is given in the foUowing
letter : St. Joseph, Mo., April 20th, 1875.
Dear General :
I spent yesterday at Kansas City conferring with Collec
tor Parker, Ganger Hedrick and Revenue Agent Brown, in
regard to spirits seized in Colorado. Collector Parker has
seized some 250 packages in all, coming from Leavenworth,
St. Joseph, Kansas City and St. Louis; the most of it for
lack of brands. But the worst thing he says he has, is
some 14 barrels that came from the rectifying house of B. A.
Feinaman, in Kansas City, that are duplicated, that is, the
serial numbers of the tax paid stamps, as coming from Shin's
distiUery, appear indented on the bung-staves and heads of
the rectified packages sent out by old Feinaman. This looks
serious for Feinaman, and possibly Shin, and how it can be ex
plained away I cannot well see.
It seems that your district is now made the but-end of aU
the investigations going on.
The war has begun and there is no telling where it will end.
You must consult with our friends in Washington.
I wiU go back to St. Louis to-morrow. Yours, John A. Joyce
Before receiving this letter, however, my serious
alarms were excited that some treachery was being
practiced, and to discover the source I determined

132 INTEVIEW WITH DOUGLASS.
to go to Washington and confer with the President.
Accordingly, on the evening of the 19th, I left St.
Louis for the Capital. Upon my arrival there, on
the morning of the 21st, I found that the President,
Gen. Babcock and Secretary Belknap, were in
Boston attending the Jubilee. I stopped at the
Arlington House, where I met Senator Dorsey of
Arkansas, and to him I told my story of the manner
in which Secretary Bristow was interfering with my
affairs. The Senator advised me to join him in a
determined effort to influence the President to dis
miss Bristow, a suggestion which, if I had acted
upon, would have undoubtedly prevented any expos
ure of the Eing; but, without disclosing to him the
methods I had intended to pursue, I left him and
called at the Treasury Department, where I form ally
met Secretary Bristow, addressing him with only a
single inquiry, viz: "Did you send Mr. Holmes
into my district? " His reply was : "If my mem
ory serves me right, I did. I left him without con
versing any further, and went over to the Internal
Eevenue Bureau where I met Commissioner Doug
lass, and with him I held an interview in which I
sought to learn who was responsible for the appear
ance of revenue agents in my district. Taking a
seat beside his desk I asked him what Holmes and
Yaryan were doing in my district without my being
first informed of their coming?
He replied : ' ' Why, they are not in your district ;
Mr. Holmes is now in the department."
I informed him of his mistake, but to be con
vinced, he sent a messenger to Holmes' room, and
there learned that he had been granted a leave of

SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING. 133
absence for a few days by Secretary Bristow. This
confused the Commissioner, especially after I told
him that the Secretary had informed me, only a
few moments before, that he had sent Holmes into
my district.
The Commissioner arose in a somewhat excited
manner, and remarked that he would see the Sec
retary and learn why he had not been consulted in
this matter. He went over to see Secretary Bris
tow, while I awaited his return. He was absent
about half an hour, and when he came back I saw
a marked change in his appearence. He seemed
loth to announce the result of his visit to the Sec
retary, and when I enquired of him what had
passed between them, he said : "Well, General, the
fact is, I cannot tell you just now; but will explain
everything before you leave Washi<ngton. But I
can assure you that no damage to you will result
from the investigation." I then left the commis
sioner, and spent the remainder of the day at the
Washington Club House, playing billiards, and
talking to officials.
On the following morning, as I entered the dining
hall of the Arlington House, I was somewhat sur
prised to see there some St. Louis friends and Sen
ator Dorsey, whom I greeted, and then I noticed
Secretary Bristow seated at a table across the room,
and when he caught my gaze, he motioned to me to
come over to his table. When I approached him,
he insisted upon me taking a seat at his table, which
I did, when the following conversation occurred :
Said he : " How are you getting on with revenue
matters in your district ? "

134 INTEEVIEW WITH BRISTOW.
I rephed that I was collecting aU the revenue —
and this was true at that time, for all the distilleries
were running straight then.
He pressed the query further, by adding : " How
long have you been collecting all the revenue in
your district ? "
I answered: Ever since the arrival of the offi
cers you last sent into my district; but, said I, I
presume you get daily reports from those agents
(referring to Yaryan and Holmes), now at St. Louis,
and know fully as much as I do.
" Yes," he repUed, " I get reports from out there,
and have collected considerable evidence."
I enquired of him the nature of his evidence, but
he responded by saying: "Well, I can't exactly
tell you that, but I have got a barrel of it (at the
same time spreading his arms, and bringing his
fingers together in a gesture, showing it was so
large round), but as yet it imphcates only the dis
tillers and dealers."
Then I enquired if he was after the officers, too.
" Oh, no," he replied, "I am only trying to col
lect the revenue. I have been aware of the fact,
that for a great while, the revenue has not been
collected;" and added: " What portion of the rev
enue has been coUected in your section of the
country? "
I answered that in my opinion, about two-thirds.
He then asked me if I didn't think it could all be
collected. I told him it might be under certain circum
stances; he then desired to know what circum
stances were essential.

Ex-Sec'y Bristow.

SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY RING. 137
I answered him by saying that the first thing
necessary would be an entire change of officers,
and an increase of officers as the labor was too
great for the number then employed.
He further consulted my opinion respecting my
behef in the ability of the same number of officers
to collect the revenue, provided the officers were
honest. To this I made answer that if the officers would
renounce pohtics and could secure honest subordi
nates it might be possible, but, I added, as the
service is now organized I think it extremely doubt
ful if you can increase the coUections.
Then he enquired why I had come to such a con
clusion, explaining the cause for addressing me
such inquiries by saying he was seeking informa
tion that would assist him in applying such meth
ods as would result in a thorough coUection of the
revenue. My reply was, that the subordinate officers gen
erally had been permitted to grant the distillers
and rectifiers privileges which the law did not
warrant in order that money might be raised, osten
sibly, for political purposes ; that by the operation
of this vice the local officers had become, in a meas
ure, subordinated to the distiUers' and rectifiers'
interests to the great detriment of the public ser
vice, and that the same influence permeated the
entire service from the outlet to the fountain head.
I concluded my answer by telling him that I
would confess my inabUity to correct all these evils,
which would involve a thorough reformation, and
that if he had concluded to inaugurate a system

138 INTERVIEW WITH BRISTOW.
which would strike all the troubles and taints of
the service, then I should tender my resignation.
His next enquiry was: "Have you come to
Washington with the intention of resigning? "
I replied that I had not, but said I, I have can
vassed the situation in my own mind since my ar
rival here and concluded to have a talk with
the President and Gen. Babcock, and, if they
do not change my mind I shall resign, as I do
not wish to fight a buzz-saw in this matter.
He asked me what I meant by the use of such an
expression. My answer was, that he was my superior officer
and had authority to send men into my district
to make investigations whenever he should choose,
and that I could not retain my self-respect and per
mit that to be done, without their coming with
instructions to report to me ; that I was a friend
of the President and of Gen. Babcock and that
whatever I had done in my district was in good
faith. He assured me that he was not fighting the Pres
ident's friends but was only seeking to collect the
revenue. I told him that all the officers in my district were
the President's friends and that.if he persisted in se
cretly sending revenue agents out there to make
investigations it would be certain to precipitate a
fight between the President and the Treasury de
partment. He rephed to this by saying that he had not an
ticipated such a result, but said he : "If I should make
a change of officers, or declare my policy to enforce

SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING. 139
the law in the spirit and letter, do you believe they
they would tender their resignations as you propose
to do?"
I expressed my belief in the affirmative.
He then asked me to ascertain the feeling of the
officers with regard to the idea he had expressed,
and, upon my return to St. Louis, to report to him.
He assured me that he intended to collect the
revenue at all hazards, and said it would be much
more gratifying to him to have the officers resign
than to be compelled to remove them.
He was anxious to learn if the Government offi
cers at St. Louis could be relied upon to prosecute
parties guilty of violations of the revenue laws.
I replied that they could, but I doubted the ex
pediency of the Government bringing suits against
the distiUers and rectifiers for two reasons, which I
explained as foUows : These men, said I, have been
led to believe that the money they have paid upon
the whiskey they have illicitly manufactured was
used for political purposes, and that their opera
tions have been sanctioned, not only by the district
officers, but also by that power which recognizes
no superior; that prosecutions would result in
closing the distilleries and thereby entirely close that
source of revenue. The second reason I assigned
was its inexpediency because of the injury it would
entail upon the Eepublican party by arraying against
it the most efficient workers within the ranks.
He told me that, while he was anxious to pre
serve and secure the further success of the Eepub
lican party, that he made his duties as an officer of
the nation paramount to his allegiance to part^',

140 INTEEVIEW WITH BEISTOW.
and that, regardless of political results, he would
collect the revenue.
I admired the sentiments of the Secretary, as I
told him, but I also expressed to him my grave
doubts of his ability to withstand a fight which his
contemplated actions invited, and assured him that
his first efforts would arouse a political spirit like
an avenging Nemesis, and that his opposition would
come from a higher power than perhaps he had
considered, and, united with that, would be the
consohdated influence of office-holders and politi
cians. I did not forget to add in this connection,
that I had already been approached by a prominent
Senator, who requested my aid in uniting in an
appeal to the President, to be signed by a number
of prominent officials, asking for his (Bristow's)
removal. But, I added, it is not my wish to
inaugurate a breach between yourseK and the
President, so I refused.
This last answer of mine somewhat confused
him for, after a pause, which indicated a gathering
of ideas, he asked me if I had seen the President
since my arrival in Washington.
I replied that I had not, but that I was waiting
his return from Boston, and was anxious to see him.
Then, with some anxiety pictured in his face, he
inquired if I intended talking with the President
upon this matter in the same direct and pointed
manner I had spoken with him (the Secretary).
Said I : General, I shall talk to the President
not only as plainly as I have talked with you but I
shaU be much less reserved in my conversation
with him.

SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY RING 141
He then asked me if, after my intended interview
with the President, I would return to him and
report the substance and result of the conversation.
My reply was that I would repeat to him so much
of the interview as would be agreeable to the Pres
ident, but that, as the matter would be canvassed
between us in a confidential manner, I could not
betray any trusts.
The Secretary remarked that he was aware that
I occupied a more intimate and influential relation
with the President than any other person in the
West. This closed our conversation, which had lasted
about two hours. When I went out into the hotel
office, I learned that the President and Gen. Bab
cock had returned from Boston ; so I went directly
to the White House, where I was fortunate, upon
entering the Executive room, to find the President
alone. I drew a chair up near him, and after pass
ing a very few words of general remark, I proceeded
directly to disclose the object of my visit.
I first explained to him that my district was
being visited by revenue agents without my knowl
edge; that there was a veil of secrecy over the
actions of the Secretary in matters wherein I
was deeply interested, and in which I should be
consulted, and that this secrecy also prevented
the Commissioner of Internal Eevenue from giving
me instructions, so that there was a rapidly widen
ing breach in the revenue service; that if the
policy outlined by Secretary Bristow should be pur
sued, it would result in the destruction of the
Eepublican party.

142 INTERVIEW WITH THE PEESIDBNT.
To this the President replied that he had talked
with the Secretary concerning the coUection of in
formation by revenue agents, but that his idea was
that the evidence thus gathered should not be
used against the revenue officers, but only against
the distUlers and business men ; that he had thought
such action even a wise party act.
To this I rephed, by assuring him that the offi
cers were too intimately associated with the distill
ers and rectifiers to escape an exposed connection
should prosecutions be begun ; that these men had
been the largest contributors to tbe campaign fund
when the collections were applied to that purpose,
but that for a long time past the money thus raised
had gone into the pockets of individuals, as he weU
knew. In addition to this, I reminded him that if
the prosecutions were based upon conclusive evi
dence, that the distillers and rectifiers would not
alone suffer, but that the officers and every one hav
ing guilty knowledge, would be liable to the same
punishment. I told him further, that these agents,
in getting this evidence, would be certain, almost,
to leak some of their information, which would run
directly into the newspapers.
To this the President responded, that the papers
were so full of scandals that, unless the proof were
furnished, their reports would hardly be credited by
the public. He told tne that when the agents made
their investigations, their reports could easily be con
trolled in the Department, and that they should be.
I argued with him that the safest plan would be
to recall the agents, because, said I, if they get
this evidence, it is certain, sooner or later, to obtain

SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING. 143
publicity. I also gave him my impressions concern
ing the intentions of Secretary Bristow, which were,
that if unrestrained, the investigations would be
most searching, and with a mountain of searing
evidence, it could not be hidden from the public.
I further told him that the Secretary had already
assured me he had "a barrel" of information,
sufficient to convict a large number of the distillers
and rectifiers.
The President then said; " What disposition, in
your judgment, should be made of this evidence? "
My reply was, that it ought to be shoved into a
red-hot stove.
Said he : " WeU, I hardly think it would be policy
to burn it up; " but, said he, " don't you think it
would be a good plan to have it aU sealed up se
curely and placed in a vault where no one could get
at it?"
I answered, that would subserve present necessi
ties, but that it would be resurrected sometime,
when there was a change of officers.
He then told me that he would prevent a further
accumulation of the evidence, by having the
agents re-called, and that he would confer with
the Secretary as to the most desirable means
for preventing any of the evidence from becoming
public. I responded by saying: "Well, General, if you
have an understanding with the Secretary, you can
control things."
He acknowledged that he had no understanding
with the Secretary, but that, at aU events, the evi
dence would be controlled.

144 INTERVIEW WITH THE PRESIDENT.
I remarked: You and the Secretary ought to
work together.
His response was: "Yes, we ought to; but if we
don't, one of us wiU have to quit, and it will not
be me."
I said: No, I don't presume it will be you, as
your time is fixed by the public, and the Secre
tary's tenure depends upon individual pleasure.
He then asked me what effect Bristow's action
would have in other districts, and upon the party.
I told him that, as he understood everything that
had been going on in my district, it was only neces
sary for me to assure him that ,the same condition
of affairs existed throughout' the entire country and
in every district ; that if the rnatter were allowed
to reach the public it could no more be stopped
than the waves of the ocean before the wind ; that
it would expose the internal operations of the Ee
publican party, the sources from whence its hfe was
derived, and that the party would collapse like a
balloon rent by lightning.
He manifested much anxiety, and was, indeed,
sorely agitated. His response to my opinion was :
" WeU, it must be stopped."
Our conversation then drifted on to Bristow, in
the course of which I repeated to the President
everything that had occurred between the Secre
tary and myself at the breakfast table. I gave
him my earnest opinion that Mr. Bristow had in
augurated a scheme for thoroughly exposing us,
and that unless he was checked with much show
of determination, such would be the result. I fur
ther told the President that the Secretary had

SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY EING. 145
requested me to caU at his office upon my return
from the White House and repeat to him the sub
stance of the conference with the Executive,
which I quahfiedly promised to do. *
The President expressed his anxiety to have me
do this, and to tell the Secretary to carefully guard
the evidence he had, against the possibility of pub
licity untU he (Grant) could confer with him (Bris
tow) as to its disposition.
I replied to him that I would go over and see the
Secretary and report in the evening or foUowing
morning. I then arose to go, and, as I did so, made
the remark that I had a package of money for
Gen. Babcock, which I intended then to deliver.
" Yes," he rephed, " Bab (as he almost always
caUed Gen. Babcock), is in his office."
I walked into the private secretary's room but
found it full of visitors, so that I did not speak
to Gen. Babcock for a few moments. When
I caught his attention I greeted him, and in a
sotto-YoidQ, informed him that I had a package
for him.
He told me that, as he had just returned from
Boston and was very busy, he could not talk
with me then, but asked me to dine vsdth him at 5
p. m. ; that his family was out of the city and that
he would be alone.
I then left the White House and started to the
Treasury Department, but, on the plateau, between
the White House and the Treasury, I met Secre
tary Bristow on his way to see the President. We
stopped and entered into a conversation, in which
I informed him that I had just left the President,

146 INTERVIEW WITH BRISTOW.
having been engaged with him ever since leaving
the breakfast table.
He asked me if I had talked freely with the
President. •
I told him that I had, and thereupon repeated to
him nearly everything the President had told me,
including his desire to have the evidence referred
to carefully guarded until the President should
confer with him. I did not forget to tell Mr. Bris--
tow that I had told the President the best disposi
tion to make of the evidence was to shove it into a
red-hot stove, but that the President thought a bet
ter plan would be to seal it up securely and place it
where there was no possibility of any one seeing it.
Mr. Bristow smiled, and remarked, that he had
not secured the evidence for such a purpose, and
then asked me to go over to his office and wait his
return, as he desired to talk further with me.
I asked him if he would speak to the President
about the matter before leaving the White House.
He replied that if opportunity was afforded he
would. I went over to the Secretary's office and waited
there nearly an hour before Mr. Bristow returned.
When he came in we held a general conversation
in which we went over the same subject as in the
morning and my conference with the President. I
then asked him if he had consulted with the Pres
ident with regard to the disposition of the evi
dence. He replied, that the subject had been men
tioned. I then asked him if the President had sug
gested to him the destruction of the evidence, or
sealing it up to prevent its publicity or use.

SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY RING. 147
His reply was that the matter was talked about
but no conclusion had been reached.
I enquired of him if he and the President had
disagreed. He said that the President's views were not ex
actly like his own, but thought they would be in
accord in the course of a few days.
I became convinced that the Secretary was not
talking to me without reserve, and that he was keep
ing his own decisions from me, so I begun making
inquiries to ascertain what he proposed to do in my
district ; whether he intended making seizures, etc.
He told me that he thought he would seize the
property of the distillers and rectifiers, against
whom he had evicence.
I suggested to him a more advisable course in
submitting a proposition that would compromise
the trouble. I told him that I thought these men
would pay up all the back taxes and settle with the
government, which would prevent them from be
ing broken up.
He told me that he had not thought of this, but
that he should consult the best interest of the Gov
ernment before taking any final action.
We here dropped the subject, but he requested me
to call upon him frequently while in the city that
we might talk further upon the matter. After as
suring him that I would, we parted.
From the Secretary's office I called on Commis
sioner Douglass with whom I had some conversa
tion, in the course of which I told him that, after
considering the indignities of Mr. Bristow, I had
concluded to resign.

148 INTE]^1EW WITH BABCOCK,
He said he did not blame me for having such an
intention and assured me that he had a strong in
clination to do the same thing.
I did not remain long with the Commissioner,
and went over to the Washington Club House,
where I played billiards and talked with friends un
til 6 o'clock, p. m., when I went to Gen. Babcock's
residence. I found Gen. Babcock and Gen. Horace
Porter at the house, together, but in order to meet
me privately Gen. B. invited me to go up stairs
with him to see a newly fitted up room, and a bull
finch which he had recently purchased. (This bull
finch Gen. Babcock afterwards gave my wife, and
from this circumstance he very frequently signed his
confidential letters tome as " B. Finch " and " Bull
Finch," as will be seen hereafter in his printed cor
respondence.) When we were alone he offered me a chair and
we sat down and had a lengthy conversation. But
before we had talked long I drew a package con
taining $6,000. from my side pocket and gave it
to him. This money had been collected by Col.
Joyce before his departure for Kansas City and
given to me for delivery to Gen. Babcock, as I was
then expecting to visit Washingt®n. He thanked
me for the money, saying at the same time " well,
it isn't much, but it is very acceptable at this time."
At this juncture the door bell rung and the ser
vant came up stairs to tell the General that there
was a gentleman at the door who wished to see
him. He went down stairs, but after an absence of
a few minutes he returned with a piece of- paper in
his hand, which he handed me with the remark,
c

SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING. 149

r

"there, now. General, you see how our money
goes." I looked at the paper and saw that it was
a receipt for $600. signed by Krounce, the Wash
ington correspondent of the New York Times. He
then explained to me that the money was paid for
the appearance of an article in the Times in rela
tion to some change of officers in Boston, which
this article was intended to prepare an excuse for
I told him that he ought not to grumble if he got
value received.
He replied that he was not grumbling, but that
the demands for money were so numerous that at
times he was sorely puzzled to raise necessary
funds. We then , conversed upon the subject matter I
had discussed with Secretary Bristow and the
President. I repeated to him my intention to re
sign and get out of the service.
He advised me to do so, saying at the same time,
that if I would leave St. Louis and go to New
York, that we could arrange schemes there to make
a great deal more money than we had derived from
the Whiskey Eing; that I would be worth a great
deal more to them in New York, (meaning himself
and the President) than I was in the West.
We talked perhaps half an hour when he took me
into the front room and showed me the bull-finch,
which sang until I was perfectly enraptured with
it. He then told me that he had purchased the
bird for my wife.
We went down stairs, and shortly afterwards din
ner was announced. While dining. Secretary Bel
knap came in and, on invitation, sat down with us.

160 INTERVIEW WITH BABCOCK.
After dinner, Belknap and Porter left, and GbU.
Babcock and I went into the biUiard room and
played biUiards, and continued our conversation on
the contemplated action of Secretary Bristow, until
nearly midnight. He told me that there was going
to be a change of Cabinet officers before the next
campaign ; that Spinner and WiUiams had resigned
and Delano would go next. He also informed me
that an effort was being made to dismiss Belknap,
but he said that scheme would not work. He talked
considerably about me going to New York, but did
not say what special position he wanted me to
occupy. On the foUowing day I breakfasted late, after
which, I caUed to see Gen. Babcock. W'hen I en
tered his room he handed me the following dispatch :
St. Louis, AprU 23rd, 1875.
To O. E. Babcock, Washington.
Tell Mac to see Parker of Colorado, and telegraph to com
missioner to crush out St. Louis enemies. (Signed,) "Grit."
This telegram was from Col. Joyce and its mean
ing was for me to form a combination and influence
the President to dismiss Secretary Bristow and have
the revenue agents recalled from St. Louis.
I told Gen. Babcock, after reading the telegram,
that I was not going into any fight, but would
resign. He then again asked if I would not go to New
York. I told him that for a time I preferred to go hohie
and take a rest, but would let him know after a
season.

SECEETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING. 161
I left Gen. Babcock and went into the Executive
room, where I met the President, with whom I had
some further conversation on the Bristow investi
gation. I asked him if he had conferred with the Secre
tary on the matter of advisable disposition of the
evidence collected?
He replied that he had talked some to the Secre
tary about it, but not enough to settle the matter.
He said that he was not yet fully convinced of Mr.
Bristow's intentions, though said he, " the Secre
tary seems to be a httle arbitrary, but there shaU be
no trouble."
Said I : General, you don't mean for me to infer
that the Secretary is manifesting an open hostility
to you ?
"Oh no, no," rephed the President: "Not that,
but he merely shows a decided wish to have his own
way, which will not be permitted, unless he changes
present apparent inclinations."
Well, I remarked : I should hke to get an idea
of what I may expect, so as to be prepared for any
policy." The President spoke up quickly, saying: " If any
new phase develops important for you to know, I
wiU write you at once."
I interposed an immediate objection, telling him
that he must not think of writing, as my correspon
dence was liable any time to fall into the hands of
detectives, reminding him that aheady two or three
important letters addressed to me, had been inter
cepted and stolen.
After a few moments further conversation, I told

162 INTERVIEW WITH BEISTOW.
the President that I had made up my mind, after
considering the matter fuUy, to tender my resigna
tion. His reply was: " Oh, no, don't do that, I assure
you that no trouble growing out of this matter will
affect you, and besides, I don't know who could fiU
your position'out there, taking care of the newspa
pers, etc."
I rephed to him that I would again consult with
the Secretary and Commissioner, after which I
would let him know definitely what I proposed to do,
I then called on Secretary Bristow and had anoth
er lengthy interview with him, in the course of
which, I repeated to him the President's language
just used to me, and further stated that unless I
could be of some special service to the Government
in settling the difficulties in the West, that I should
resign, ,
The Secretary told me that he did not know of
any special service I could render, unless it would
be by a conference with the other officers in my
district respecting their resignations.
I told him that I would confer with them, and
that I felt certain they would all tender their res
ignations. I then called on Commissioner Douglass, to whom
I announced my determination to resign.
He expressed his regrets, saying that our official
relations had been very pleasant, but that he
thought I had adopted the proper course ; that the
Secretary had taken matters so exclusively into his
own hands, that he thought he (Douglass) would
resign in a few days, also.

SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING. 153
From the Commissioner's office I returned to the
hotel, when I found the following dispatch from
Col. Joyce: St. Louis, April 23rd, 1875.
To Gen. McDonald, Washington:
Don't leave Washington until everything is absolutely
settled. (Signed,) "John."
To this I sent the following reply :
Washington, April 23d, 1875.
Jno. a. Joyce, St. Louis,
I leave for St. Louis to-night. (Signed,) Jno. McDonald.
After sending this dispatch I went to the Club
house where I drafted my resignation, and then
went directly to the White House. I showed the
draft to Gen. Babcock, and he had a copy of it made
by one of his clerks.
FoUowing is a copy :
Washington, D. C, April 23d, 1875.
To His Excellency, the President:
Dear Sir. — I have the honoir, for personal reasons, to here
with tender you my resignation of the position of Supervisor
of Internal Revenue, which I have held for nearly six years,
the resignation to take effect at your pleasure.
In submitting my resignation, I desire to express to you my
heartfelt gratitude for the many kindnesses received at your
hands during an a,cquaintance of over twenty years, during
much of which time it has been my good fortune to have
served under you in the civil and military service.
I am unable to express on paper the depth of my apprecia
tion of those kindnesses, but wiU ask your attention to my
future loyalty, both to you personally and to our government.
for a full expression of all I owe to both.
I am, Mr. President, your obedient servant, John McDonald.

TPi'^- INTEEVIEW WITH BABCOCK.
Gen. Babcock, after reading the letter, compU-
mented it and said that he did not beheve the Presi
dent would accept it, but hoped that he would so
that I could go to New York.
I took the letter over to the Secretary and showed
it to him.
He pronounced it a fine letter, and said that while
he had hardly expected me to take such a step yet
he thought it a proper one.
I sat and conversed with him quite a time, repeat
ing much that had previously passed between us.
I told him that my impression was he was getting
into deep water, but that I proposed to step aside
and let him sail his own boat. Another remark I
made was in declaring that while I was in politics
I always made everything subservient to party, and
that all my efforts had been centralized in making
the Eepublican party a success.
His reply was that that was an element in
the party which was doing it a great injury;
that an honest coUection of the revenue and a
thorough discharge of official duties would do
much more towards perpetuating the party than
a distribution of money obtained by corrupt prac
tices. Yes, said I, my ideas are so different from those
of others in the party that it is better for me to get
out ; that I would tender my resignation and return
to St. Louis that night.
He asked me if I could not arrange to stay over
until Monday; that he was going to New York
that evening, but would be back Saturday night
and he would like to talk further with me; that

SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING. 165
he might obtain from me some further sugges
tions which would aid him in perfecting the reve
nue service.
I rephed that I had already telegraphed that I
would leave Washington that night, and it would be
impossible for me to remain there any longer; but
that I would endeavor to see him again before he
started away,
I left the Secretary and again went to the Club
House where I remained until about four o'clock,
when I returned to the White House. As I entered
the front door I met the President and Mrs. Grant
coming out to take a ride, the team which I had
given the President being in waiting for them.
I addressed the President telUng him that I had
my resignation with me which I wished to give him.
He replied, "well, I am just going out riding;
can't you come in to-morrow? "
I told him that I intended leaving Washington
that night and that I would hke for him to receive
my resignation then.
"Well," said he, "if that is so, why, you can
hand it to me."
I gave him the letter and he stepped aside to read
it. Mrs. Grant and I then entered into a short
conversation in which she assured me that the team
I had given the President had afforded them more
pleasure than anything they had ever possessed;
that the President had purchased a great many
horses but he had never before been able to get a
team that suited them. She thanked me repeatedly
for the gift and declared that nothing could have
pleased them so much.

156 AN OPEN LETTEE TO BE; STOW.
When the President had examined the letter a
few moments he turned to me and vidth a significant
smile on his face he remarked, as he placed it in the
inside pocket of his coat; "I'll take care of this,"
leaving the inference that he would not accept my
Tesignation unless it became necessary, a circum
stance he did not anticipate.
When the President and his wiie drove off, I
went up stairs to see Gen. Babcock; I waited until
he finished some writing, and then, at his invitation,
I accompanied him to his residence, and took din
ner with him. After dining, we played bilhards
until nearly train time, when I returned to the
Arhngton House where I met Secretary Bristow,
as he was getting into a cab to go to the depot.
He asked me to write to him upon my return to St.
Louis, but the time was too limited for us to have
any special conversation. Soon afterwards I took
the train for St. Louis, since which time I have
never seen Mr. Bristow.
AN OPEN LETTER TO EX-SECRETARY B. H.
BRISTOW,
Dear Sir: When I made up my mind to expose the great
Whiskey frauds which culminated so disastrously to many in
1875, I determined to deal with facts in an impartial and
fearless manner. You know enough of my nature to know
that I am no sycophant, and that nothing could induce me to
lower my head to any man. It has been necessary for me to
use your name in this history of the official corruption whose
conception occurred in the mash tub; bi:t I have sought to
secure neither your praise nor your enmity, relying entirely
upon my own manhood and the vindication of my own con
science. As officers of the Government we occupied diverse

SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY RING. 157
relations, and the devotion to your trusts has resulted in my
bitter humiliation and loss of fortune. But animosity assumes
no character in this drama; it is a play in which the parts are
all taken by men whose records is the piece for their acting.
When you met me in Washington City, in April, 1875, you
were anxious to see me, but no more so than I was to consult
with you. There was a Damocletian sword suspended over
some one's head, but who was beneath its gleaming point we
knew not. I felt secure in my position, but you felt justified
in yours, and my spirit of boldness was born of assurances
which, perhaps, you had anticipated. I have not changed my
attitude and make it apparent here, because yo^i would not
recognize me in any other garb now, when I came to you for
the purpose of reviving the memories of that fight, in which
many suffered for their guilt, whilst other covered their grosser
sins with ermine of official power; while you, even as a plain
tiff, was compeUed to see your escutcheon stained by the
h ands of your superior, in order to destroy your purpose to
grapple Fraud at the fountain head.
You, of all others, best know the spirit which sealed my
Ups, and know how I realized that, in the silence of my voice,
I could hear the sentence of my punishment. Then how well
you can appreciate that the cry of those who were clothed
with a stronger power, though whose guilt made them mortals
none the less, has drowned the weak utterances of myselt,
calling the Nation to look upon the crimes of those who com
missioned me. Are there none to believe McDonald because
he went to prison, in order that his superior in crime and
power might not be forced to a cell of infamy, by which the
very face of America's RepubUc would be seared with the
tears of disgrace? It maybe so, for it has been so before;
therefore I caU upon you, in the name of that fragmentary por
tion of the people whose conception of crime is that it may be
perpetrated by the greatest of men, and especially in response
to that patriotic demand, that the guilt of every man, however
high in power, who shared the benefits of the ilUcit whiskey

168 AN OPEN LETTEE TO BRISTOW,
frauds, be made public, and over your signature speak whether
I have reported you aright. Not alone this, but I here declare
that after your conversation with the President and myself, on
the 22d day of AprU, 1875, you became convinced that the
President was cognizant of the revenue frauds being perpetra
ted in my district, and that subsequent facts confirmed your
opinion that President Grant was a silent member of the
Whiskey Ring; that he used his influence to prevent disclos
ures, and to defeat the prosecutions of members of that ring;
that in aU his acts, he impeded your efforts to convict Bab
cock, Avery, McKee, Joyce and myself; that he endeavored to
have you suppress and destroy evidence, and in all matters
connected with a prosecution of the whiskey cases iu 1875 he
was your enemy, because of your efforts to secure convictions.
Have I perverted your language to secure a more favorable
showing for myself? Did I try to prejudice you against
President Grant by reporting to you language as emanating
from the President which subsequent interviews convinced
you he did not use; and, lastly, have you ever discovered that
anything I ever did, was intended to deceive you as to Presi
dent Grant's wishes or intentions ?
By replying with frankness to this letter, unsparing of the
feelings of aU concerned, with no other purpose than to tell
the whole truth, you will confer an absolute blessing upon the
American people, and will receive the especial gratitude of
Yours Truly, John McDonald.
Immediately upon my return from Washington I
held a conference vsdth all the U. S. Eevenue offi
cers in St. Louis with relation to their resignations.
Col. Joyce tendered his resignation about the 27th,
and Collector Maguire adopted the same course in
a day or two after. I went directly to Wm. Mc
Kee, who was stiU publishing the Globe, on Third
near Pine street, and explained the situation to

SECEETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING. 159
him thoroughly. He manifested the greatest
alarm, and begged me to see him daily and report
the actions of the Government. I was then in
almost daily correspondence with Gen. Babcock,
and upon receipt of his letters, I would take them
down to the Globe office, where I usuaUy found
Mr. McKee and CoUector Maguire, and together
we would read them.
The draw-strings of the Government kept squeez-
the Eing tighter, and we began seriously to reflect
upon the probabihty of our own punishment. In
my correspondence with Gen. Babcock I did not
neglect to acquaint him with our fears, and ask
his interposition to prevent a coUapse that would
entail disaster.
FoUowing is one of Gen. Babcock's letters to
me in reply to expressions of my anxiety conveyed
in my correspondence with him: [A fac-simUe of
which is given herewith.]
Dear Friend:
Keep steady on. Do not lose your grit. Some of the gan
gers and distillers want to squeal, and have, by such action,
defeated the plans in a measure. They will not be allowed to
turn informers and then go free themselves. Who ever goes to
your city will be instructed to make no such promises. When
the attention of the public is called to Milwaukee, Chicago,
Evansville, Cincinnati, as it will in a very short time, no spec
ial attention will be called to your city.
You want to help any one that goes to your city, and tru&t
to the reliability of the friend whom you telegraphed. Sorry
your officials have to leave the service. Steer your ship in the
tempest, any one can do it in the calm.
Yours truly.
May 7th, 1875. Horace Houghton.

fe^7

i

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SECRETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING. 161
This letter came to me through Major E. B.
Grimes, the Quartermaster. On the envelope
(which is bordered with black), in one corner is the
word " Personal," and in the lower left-hand cor
ner "Politeness of Major Grimes."
On the same day I received the foUowing letter
through the mail: [A fac-simihe of which is also
given.] Office Public Buildings and Grounds.
Washington, D. C, May 7th, 1875.
Dear General:
Your letter at hand. I shall send the photographs in a day
or two, and wiU try to get Gen. Belknap's. Sorry your assist
ants have resigned; it must keep you quite busy.
I have delivered your message. Hope the bird was a good
traveller. Your friend is doing the best he can. You can, I
believe, rely upon him.
The new commissioner takes his place on the 15th, and
change generally will take place at that date, though your
services will be needed till the first of June. AU well here but
busy. Regards to Mrs. McD., Joyce and wife, and other
friends. Yours truly, O. E. Babcock.
Gen. J. A.. McDonald, St. Louis, Mo.
An explanation of this first letter is as foUows :
I wrote Gen. Babcock teUing him, as I had told
Secretary Bristow, that the best plan for a settle
ment of the troubles then culminating, would be to
accept a compromise from the distiUers and recti
fiers ; but I wrote him if these men were pressed by
the Secretary that an explosion would be certain to
follow. The General informs me in this letter that
some of the gangers, with the hope of securing

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SECEETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY RING. 163
immunity, have shown a disposition to become in
formers, thereby preventing the Secretary from
entertaining a proposition to compromise.
To intimidate the distillers and subordinate rev
enue officers, Gen. Babcock wants me to assure
them that they will not be allowed to go free by
becoming informers. (There were only two persons
who could give these men such assurance, viz. Grant
and Bristow, and as Babcock was the President's
private secretary, he could speak for him, but not
for Bristow.) He further states that if the distillers,
etc., can be prevented from volunteering evidence,
that after the attention of the pubhc is called to
other cities, where the Secretary was then develop
ing fraud, that then, he intimates, I might get out of
the service without any charges being made against
me or the administration.
Before I left Washington, as I should have pre
viously stated, we considered the advisability of con
ducting our correspondence over fictitious names,
as we anticipated an interference through the sur
veillance of detectives. He therefore arranged to
send me aU his confidential letters through Major
Grimes. To prevent exposure, should his letters be
misplaced, he informed me of his intended use of
the names of Houghton, Brown and B. Finch, or
Bull Finch (an idea suggested by the bird he gave
myvnfe). The letter of same date as the one just explained,
and mailed me from Washington, should be under
stood as foUows : The photographs referred to, is a
response to a request I had made of him to secure
for me pictures of all the members of the Cabinet

164 THE president's PHOTOGRAPH.
and of the President. I had previously told him
that I was making a coUection of my friends' pho
tographs, with their autographs, which I intended
having arranged in a handsome cabinet. It may be
well to inform the reader, in this connection, that
after my indictment Gen. Babcock sent me an ele
gant, large sized picture of the President, with his
autograph, but to avoid a suspicion which might be
attached to such a circumstance, he placed the date
April 9th on the picture, to give the inference that
it was given to me before, instead of after my in
dictment. The friend referred to meant President Grant,,
who was then using his efforts to prevent Secretary
Bristow from pushing matters too far, and for a
considerable time he undoubtedly thought he could
dissuade the Secretary from carrying his investiga
tions to that point where exposure would result.
The reference made to the new Commissioner was
relating to the removal of Mr. Douglass, who was
to be succeeded by Pratt on the 15th, as stated.

CHAPTEE YII.
Why Douglass Played a Double Role — The First Seizures in St.
Louis — The Correspondence — ^Babcock's Letter Informing
Me of Officials who Want to " Peach " — Acceptance of
My Resignation — Why Grant did Not Dismiss Bristow —
Grant Sorely Distressed — Babcock's Letter Inclosing an
Anonymous Note — The " Lightning " Dispatch — My In
dictment — Assuring Grant and Babcock of My Fidelity —
Babcock's Reply — Grimes' Postoffice — Babcock Requests
Grimes to See Dyer — Grimes' Serious Aspect — Grimes*
Profane Note — His Testimony — Another Letter from
Babcock — Babcock's Letter Informing Me Where Some
Stolen Evidence May be Purchased — Krum Divides the
Whisky Money — Krum's Letter Advising a Conference
with Grant — Babcock and Grant Visit Me — A Champagne
Dinner — Their Promises and My Pledges of SUenee —
Grant Humbles Himself — Giving Grant Back-bone — Grant
Grieving over Lost Opportunities — Grant's Promise to
Pardon Me in Case of Conviction — Preparing for Trial —
The District Attorney Promises Me Immunity, if I wiU
Tell What I Know — Beginning of My Trial — General
Henderson Promises to Enter a Nolle Pros., if I wUl Become
a Witness for the Government — My Conviction — Why I
was Not Pardoned — How I Kept My Promise — ^Fox, the
Grand-Juryman — He Keeps Grant Advised of All the Acts
of the Grand-Jury — How Fox was Rewarded for Perjuring
Himself — The Grand-Jury Letter — Babcock's Indictment
— Joyce's Oration Before Sentence.
If a seeming but not real digression is pardonable
I will here explain the very pecuhar and anomalous
attitudes of Commissioner Douglass : As has been

166 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY RING.
shown in an earlier part of this book, Douglass re
ceived his appointment almost directly through the
influence of Whiskey Eing members. He had been
to many rehearsals where he had learned the part
he was to play in the interest of the Eing. He
knew that President Grant and Gen. Babcock were
cognizant of the revenue frauds then being perpe
trated, and having the consent of his superiors, as
weU also as instructions from those who gave him
the position, he was a true friend of the Eing up to
the faU of 1874. I wiU not do Mr. Douglass injus
tice as I have been and will be careful throughout
this expose not to say nor infer a single fault which
positive evidence does not substantiate; hence I
must admit the fact that he did not, to my know
ledge, receive a single cent of the income derived
from the manufacture of ilhcit whiskey. His only
crime consisted in such a desire to hold office that
he sacrificed or subordinated himself to the Eing's
interest in order to secure and retain his position.
In the fall of 1874 Mr. Douglass discovered that
Secretary Bristow had formed a determination to
inagurate a searching investigation of revenue mat
ters in order to satisfy himself why the collections
had so materially fallen off. When this course was.
decided upon Mr. Douglass was not slow to find
that Mr. Bristow was not consulting him but was
taking matters in his own hands. This scared the
Commissioner and to prepare for an exposure which
he felt was coming he changed his attitude and pro
fessed, suddenly, an almost consuming desire to
ferret out every semblance of fraud. The investi
gations proceeded, however, without any special

DISMISSAL OF COMMISSIONER DOUGLASS. 167
assistance of his, until Mr. Bristow was startled by
proofs which showed conclusively that the Whiskey
Eing had been in full operation for five years ; not
only this, but in searching through the pigeon
holes, in the Commissioner's office, the Secretary
found a large number of reports from revenue
agents who had been sent into my district, and had
explained the frauds that were being perpetrated,
and also the Woodward letters. This discovery
decided the Secretary in his former opinion that
the Commissioner had at least some guilty know
ledge of the revenue frauds, and a change was at
once determined upon. This was about the last
day of April, and without any consultations, the
Secretary dismissed Mr, Douglass, the office to be
declared vacant on the 16th of May, on which day
Hon, D, D, Pratt succeeded to the position.
On the 10th day of May, Lucien Hawley and E.
H. Chapman, armed with the proper authority from
Washington, quietly dro pped upon St. Louis, land
ing as it were in the n idst of the distilleries and
rectifying establishment 5, ten of which they seized
without giving me any i otice.
This act carried consternation with it, but I felt
secure in my position and maintained a bold front,
in evidence of which I here append the foUowing
correspondence. The moment I learned of the
seizures I sent the following telegram :
St. Louis, May 10, 1875.
To Hon. J. W. Douglas, Commissioner Internal Revenue,
Washington :
I am informed by letter of this date from Collector Maguire,
First District, Missouri, that nearly all of the distilleries and

168 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING,
several rectifying houses of this city have been seized by
Government officers, thereby relieving storekeepers and
gangers, and demanding their keys. The above being done
without my knowledge, I ask for instructions in the premises.
John McDonald,
Supervisor Internal Revenue.
Following is the reply : Washington, May 11, 1875.
To John McDonald, Esq., Supervisor Internal Revenue, St.
Louis :
Supervisor Hawley was assigned to special duty and has
full instructions. (Signed) J. W. Douglass.
In the afternoon of the day on which the seiz
ures were made Mr. Hawley called on me at my
office, and handed me his letter of authority and
instructions, as foUows :
Treasury Department, May 7, 1875.
Sir : — Under authority conferred on the Secretary of the
Treasury, by Section 8,159, Revised Statutes of the United
States, you are hereby temporarily assigned to special duty in
the State of Missouri. I am, very respectfully,
B. H. Bristow, Secretary.
Mr. Hawley's personal letter informing me of his
instructions is as foUows :
Lindell Hotel, St. Louis, May 10, 1875.
John McDonald, Esq., Supervisor Internal Revenue :
Sir : — I have the honor to hand yon herewith copy of a
letter of assignment, directed to me by the Hon. B. H.
Bristow, Secretary of the Treasury, assigning me to special
duty in the State of Missouri.
The duty to which I am assigned has reference to spirits,
manufacture, sale, rectification, shipment, etc.
I am especially authorized to make seizures, as is also Mr.
E. R. Chapman, of Washington, head of division, and we have

SEIZING THE DISTILLERIES. 169
made ten seizures, as follows : Rudolph Ulrici, Bingham
Bros., John Busby, Bevis & Fraser, Lewis Teuscher, distillers;
G. Bensberg, Bevis, Frazer & Co., F. C. Federer, J. L.
Benecke, and Quinlin Bros, rectifiers.
While I remain in Missouri, my address will be Lindell
Hotel, St. Louis. Respectfully, Lucien Hawley,
Supervisor Internal Revenue.
To these letters I wrote the following reply :
Office Supervisor of Internal Revenue, ]
St. Louis, May 11, 1875. j
Sir : — I have the honor this day to acknowledge receipt of
your favor, dated yesterday, transmitting copy of letter from
the honorable Secretary of the Treasury, assigning you to
special duty in this state, and to say that any assistance my
self or the officers of this District can render you in the fur
therance of your duty, shaU be done cheerfuUy.
During your stay in this city, I would be pleased to extend
to you the courtesies of my office, where there wiU be a desk
set a part for the exclusive use of yourself and Mr. Chapman.
Very Respectfully, John McDonald,
Supervisor Internal Revenue.
To Lucien Hawley, Esq., Supervisor Internal Revenue, Lindell
Hotel.
Almost immediately after mailing the above I
sent another letter, as follows :
Supervisor's Office, St. Louis, May 11, 1875.
Sir: — Please inform me if the distilleries, situated in the
First District of Missouri, seized by your authority yesterday
(the 10th inst.) were at the time of seizure operated according
to law and regulations. Also, whether officers in charge of
them were at their respective posts of duty.
Very Respectfully, John McDonald,
Supervisor Internal Revenue.
To Lucien Hawley, Supervisor Internal Revenue, LindeU
Hotel.

170 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
To this latter note I received on the same day
the foUowing reply : Lindell Hotel, May 11th, 1875.
Sir. — I have received your note of this date, making inquir
ies in reference to the distilleries which were seized yesterday,
and the officers belonging to them.
Two of the distUleries only were running at the time; two
others had spirits in the warehouse, and one was entirely
vacated. Whether or not at the time of the seizure they were
operating according to law cannot yet be determined until we
make a more full examination, as in the haste with which we
were compelled to visit the distilleries, we might faU to dis
cover the irregularities, if they had existed at the time. The
officers in charge were on duty, so far as I know, except at the
distillery of Teuscher, at that place the storekeeper was absent
at the time of seizure, and did not return for several hours, the
distiUery being in fuU operation until shut down by my orders.
Very respectfuUy, Lucien Hawley, Supervisor.
John McDonald, Esq., Supervisor Internal Revenue.
Eeports of every character were flying fast, some
of which reached the President, and a constant
irritation was the result. The following letter from
Gen. Babcock shows wh it was disturbing the Presi
dent and him self ••
Dear Friend;
Your enemies, to do you harm, report to the Secretary that
you are on 'Change and accuse him of being in the interest of
some Kentucky people, and boast that you can prove it, etc.
I teU him I am sure it is not so and that your enemies start
these stories.
A lot of gangers and storekeepers want to peach and say
they Clin prove that McDonald is in it, etc., etc. No such per
son has been allowed to make any such statement, as they
want to be protected. Keep your head level and undertake

ACCEPTANCE OP MY EESIGNATION. 171
nothing you cannot carry out for certain — and beware of
skunks — who profess to be friends; they wish simply to de
ceive you and your sincere friend, B, Finch,
May 14th, p. m,
*Send under cover to Geo, D. Benjamin, 2,100 Pa., Avenue.
Notwithstanding the fact that I tendered my
resignation to the President on the 23d of April, it
was not until a month later that it was accepted.
Gen, Bristow urged my dismissal, because he was
then well informed of my connection with the Eing
and was equaUy weU convinced of the President's
connivance if not indeed his direct compUcity with
all the whiskey frauds. But with the hope that I
roight be able to cover a major part of the most
damaging evidence, I was continued in office until
the 25th of May, as wiU be seen by the foUowing ac
ceptance of my resignation by Mr. Bristow :
Treasury Department, Washington, May 22d, 1875.
Sir. — By direction of the President, your resignation as
Supervisor of Internal Revenue is hereby accepted, to take
effect upon the qualification of your successor.
I am very Respectfully, B. H. Bristow, Secretary.
Mr. John McDonald, St. Louis, Mo.
The doubtful reader may desire to know why, if
the President was my co-conspirator, he accepted
my resignation at all, and also why he did not in
terpose his authority and suppress Mr. Bristow,
"Note.— This letter, bearing the signature suggested by the bull-finch Gen. Babcock sent
as a present to my wife, as heretofore.explained, is reproduced on the following page in
fac-simile.

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^l^M..t^y. ^>*-Z^ (aVTl-*^-.^ det.'f^ Af-U-^S- /f'>-1^

IN THE SWIEL OP POPULAR APPROVAL. 173
when the Secretary's actions had assumed such a
threatening attitude. Let me here explain: In
my interview with the President in April, as re
ported, I gave him my opinion that if he permitted
Secretary Bristow to continue his investigations,
that no power could suppress the reports made by
revenue agents; that this information would cer
tainly leak out in some manner and that it would
soon assume proportions for evil as irresistible as
the waves of the ocean. The President did not so
regard it, and his idea was that to make a specious
shovdng of administion honesty would produce a
favorable effect, and advance his political interests
by procuring his re-nomination for the Presidency.
This idea obscured the results from him which I
could see was sure to foUow, and relying upon his
power to run his vessel within an inch of the most
dangerous breakers without coming in contact with
the reef, he considered the glory that would reward
him and, like the indolent oarsman who rides at
first in the easy svsdrl of the seductive maelstrom, he
reahzed only when it was too late the roaring
charabydis he had been dravioi into. My predic
tions were fuUy proven but not until he had ridden
too far upon the wave of popular approval, and
to recede would have been to expose the hol-
lowness of his purposes and pretentions. He
could not dismiss Mr. Bristow, the author of the
reform, and in order to continue the hypocracy
which was drawing to him so much commendation
the President was compelled to acquiesce, at least,
in some of Mr. Bristow's demands; one of these de
mands was for my removal. When this came the

174 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY RING.
President, fully realizing the danger his rash meas
ures had seduced him into, drew my resignation
from his side pocket, where it had lain for one
month, and permitted the Secretary to accept it.
His rehance, henceforth was in my silence, and his
natural good luck. Daily he advised with Gen.
Babcock, and through him he communicated his
wishes to me. And here I desire to call the atten
tion of the reader to a fact which is very important,
and which may possibly be overlooked by some, viz :
That the President does all his official correspon
dence through his secretary. It is perhaps difficult
to define the lines of distinction between the com
munications of the secretary and the President in
matters of doubtful character, and the only means
we have of ascertaining, in the absence of the
President's signature, is by considering aU the ch-
cumstances indicative of his sanction. I shall
therefore request the reader to accept this fact as a
reason why I have not included letters from the
President with those from Gen. Babcock^liis pri
vate secretary.
My next letter from Gen. Babcock, of which a
fac-simUe is also given, is as follows : May 28th, 1875.
Dear Friend :
Some one sends the enclosed to me. I have cut the name
out. I do not know of any subordinate in your city that I
can do anything for, as I have no particulars, and I am not
aware of the slightest thing that Mr. Hawley can find against
me. * "^ You may know this hand writing.
I received your favor some time since and am pleased with
what you say. The writer of the anonymous note evidently
thinks I sent the lightning dispatch. He is mightily mistaken.

¦¦[
75.)

A LETTEE OP WARNING. 175
Please send the anonymous note back to me under same ad
dress as your last personal note was sent.
I shall attend to your wishes to the best of my abUity. Had
there been nothing except in your city your proposed plans
might have been carried out. We will talk that all up when
we meet. Your sincere friend,
H. B. Brown.
The enclosed note referred to, reads as foUows :
United States Internal Revenue.
Collector's Office, District Missouri,
May 26th, 1875.
Gen. O. E. Babcock (Cut out.) :
If you don't protect the subordinate officers in St. Louis,
who are now in trouble, Ughtning will strike in Washington.
Hawley is after you. (Signed.) A Friend Who Knows.
The explanation of the sentence contained in the
letter, " I received your favor some time since, and
am pleased with what you say," is an acknowledge
ment of a declaration I made in the letter, to which
this is an answer, "that I would stand by him
(Babcock) and the President until hell burnt down,
and froze over, and I should then skate across and
stand by them on the other side." I quote my
language in fuU — although it is profane enough for
a Cardinal of the tweUth century — in order that the
reader may know the character of the correspond
ence between the President, Gen. Babcock, and
myself. The day previous to the seizures noted before,
Mr. Newcomb, of the firm of Newcomb-Buchanan
Distilling Co., of Louisville, was in Secretary
Bristow's office, and, in the course of the conversa
tion, the Secretary asserted his intention of seizing

V U.^A.»^.ii« -U^»vV /iJ-^^ /OtmX iUiu. (U.lt^- a«-<iJ

MY FIRST INDICTMENT, 177
all the distilleries in the West on the following day.
When Mr, Newcomb left the Treasury Department,
he repeated the declaration of the Secretary to a
Mr, Barnes, an employe of the Newcomb-Buchanan
Co,, who at once sent the news to BoUman &
O'Hara, rectifiers in St, Louis, in a dispatch in
which the phrase " Lightning will strike St, Louis
on Monday, ' ' was used. It was to this telegram Gen.
Babcock refers in the letter just quoted.
The anonymous letter of warning which he sent
me to ascertain the author, I retained until the
General possibly forgot to remind me again that he
wanted it returned, I remember that upon receipt
I showed the anonymous letter to a number of my
friends, all of whom concluded, with myself, that it
was in the handwriting of Joseph Fitzroy, who was
the collector of the Eing, and knew of the Presi
dent's and Gen, Babcock's connection with the con
spiracy. The signature, H. B. Brovm, and his instructions
for me to direct my answer to the same person as
before, has already been explained. It will be ob
served that in all the letters he omits the place
from whence they were written. This was only
another precaution used to prevent detectives from
discovering the writer, should the correspondence
faU into their hands.
In the early part of June the Grand Jury, then in
session in St. Louis, returned an indictment against
me, and also against Joyce, Fitzroy, and Bevis, a
distiller, charging us with " wilfuUy and maliciously
destroying public records." On the day after this
was found, I was arrested by U, S, Marshal New-
li

178 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
comb, and gave bail in the sum of $5,000. But this
step only increased the anxiety of the President and
Gen. Babcock, and on the 17th I wrote Gen. B.,
informing him of my indictment, but conveyed my
assurance that he and the President could only be
reached criminaUy through me, and whatever the
ordeal might be, I should go through it without be
traying them in the slightest. I asked him to use
his influence to have Maj. Gunther retained in the
service. Following is his reply :
Dear Friend :
Got yours of the 17th ; glad to hear all wiU be right : shall
do all in my power to retain your friend ; it will not be my
fault if I do not, as I will convince you when me meet. I
don't think Dyer your friend. I still believe there is some one
who is near you or the Colonel who betrays you ; trust none.
Where is the Colonel ?
Regards to all. Keep cool. WiU explain a good many
things when I see you. Yours truly,
June 22d. B. F. Inch.
It will be observed that in this letter, of which a
a fac-simile is herewith given, he uses the signature
" buU-finch," in yet another abbreviated style.
The first part of this letter is readily understood
as in answer to mine of the 17th, but the reference
to Dyer calls for a somewhat extended explana
tion: Col. D. P. Dyer was at this time the United
States District Attorney for the eastern district of
Missouri. The prosecution of all the whiskey
cases devolved upon him, and how effectively he
performed his duties, will be seen hereafter. Some
time ago, the reader will remember, I explained the
arrangements by which I received Gen, Babcock's

'jj^nt- -WUV*! \i^I^ uLi^ J ^AM. HjO^

twve ,2. %—

180 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
confidential letters through E, B, Grimes, the
quartermaster at St, Louis, This man Grimes now
plays a somewhat important part in the concluding
acts of the whiskey drama. When the Grand Jury
began returning true bills of indictment against
members of the ring, Gen, Babcock, being much
alarmed, wrote to Grimes, instructing him to wait
upon Col, Dyer in person and, to use the General's
expression, " sound him; " to ascertain, after grad
ual approaches would permit such a proposition,
if the Colonel would not conduct the prosecution in
such a manner as to visit the President's friends
with special leniency.
Grimes performed the services required of him
and came up to see me directly after his interview
with Col, Dyer, He was in exceUent spirits, and
told me that the Colonel would be governed by his
instructions from Washington. Mr, Grimes appre
hended no trouble whatever, feeling sure that
everything could be hushed up or nolle pross'd, and
this was the purport of his letter to Gen, Babcock;
but the General was not satisfied, as he explains in
his letter to me of June 22d, and requested Grimes
to have another more pointed interview with Col,
Dyer, I shall never forget the comical seriousness
pictured in Grimes' face when he called on me after
his "pointed" talk vnth the Colonel; it was an ad
mirably proportioned combination of despair, incre-
duhty, and absolute wretchedness, I could not
restrain my laughter, although the news was quite
discouraging enough to have spread over the whole
Whiskey Eing like an attack of cholera morbus.
His aspect was one of those compensating influ-

GRIMES BECOMES VERY SERIOUS. 181
ences of nature in which some sweet is always
mixed with the bitter. Grimes drew his chair up
close to mine, and, although there was no one
within ear-trumpet distance of us, he commenced
in a low, slow, and serious monotone : " General,
the jig is up," Then a long pause, "Col, Dyer is asi
determined as Bristow, and tells me. emphatically
that if the President is in the Eing he is g®ing for
him," Then another pause, " I don't know what to
make of it," Another pause. " But I've done aU I
can with him," Another pause. " WeU, if he persists
in covering the entire White House with disgrace,
my suggestion would be to have him dismissed."
Then, with an air of virtuous scorn and a contempfe
for minor scruples, having eased his burden of in
formation, told me that he should write to Gen.
Babcock fuUy. And thus we parted.
Maj. Grimes never lost his sohcitude for our inter
est, and whenever he received a letter from the
White House he would search for me with special
anxiety to dehver the communications as soon as
possible. When he was unable to find me he would
mail notes like the foUowing, which I herewith
copy verbatim, and do not therefore make myself
amenable to the crime of extraordinary profanity
which one of them contains :
Depot Quartermaster's Office, )
St. Louis, May 3d, 1875. j"
Dear General:
Come to my office at once. I have an important letter from
Washington that must be deUvered to you in person.
Yours truly,

182 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY EING,
The following note from Grimes was enclosed in
an envelope containing Babcock's letters, forwarded
to me at Eipon, Wis, : St. Louis, July 7th, 1875.
Dear John
I send you two letters. I would have sent them before, but
things are not so safe as I would hke.
Your friend.
Who Gets Letters for You Now and Then.
P. S. Look out for breakers, by God !
[See fac-simile on opposite page.]
In this connection, while the name of Maj. E. B.
Grimes and the part he acted in the whiskey drama
is familiar, I desire to quote a part of his testimony
given in the trial of the U. S. vs. 0. E. Babcock,
and then leave him for a time to play shuttle-cock
with the reader, using his conscience as the ball,
Cross-Examination by Mr. Storrs. — Q. State, if anything,
what McDonald said upon receiving any one of these letters from
you, with regard to Gen. Babcock's complicity with the Ring.
A. The only time I ever spoke to McDonald, I forget wheth
er it was the first or the last letter I gave him — it was one or
the other — I said: "McDonald, has Babcock anything to do
¦with this thing?" He said: "Grimes, I don't believe he
knows a bit more about it than you do, and," says he, "you don't
know anything about it."
Re-Direct Examination. — Q. Did he say in that same con-
Tersation that he, himself, did not know anything about the
Whiskey Ring ?
A. Yes sir, he did. [Laughter.]
The following letter will explain the anxious
position General Babcock occupied; how he was
haunted with the fear that either Col. Joyce or
myself, taking umbrage at some of his indiscreet
expressions, would, to save ourselves, place the

TWO MEMORANDUMS FROM
QUARTERMASTER GRIMES,
May 2, 1875.

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184 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
administration in a defensive attitude by telling
what we knew. He was very solicitious of our
good opinions, and all his letters and acts were to
aaerve us to keep our promises not to betray Grant
•or himself. This letter is written in policy phrases,
and signed with his proper name, so that in event
it should fall into other hands it might be easily
oonstrued in his favor. [I present, on the opposite
page, a fac-simile also of this letter :]
¦(Confidential.) Long Branch, N. J., July 10, 1875.
Dear Mack : —
I enclose you a newspaper article, which you have undoubt-
•edly seen. I want to say that I have not seen the correspond
ent who wrote this in several weeks, and I have never made
any statement that could be construed into this. I do not
suppose it is necessary for me to write this, but I do it to assure
you that I do not believe in joining in abuse of you and
Joyce (who have always been kind to me) now that you are in
trouble. When that matter is disposed of and you gentlemen
are vindicated, as I believe you will be, if I have any com
plaints to make I will make them to you and not to news
paper correspondents. Unless I know something very difierent
irom what I know now, I shall have no complaints to make,
for I am not aware that I have ever received anything but
kindness at the hands of you or Joyce.
Please remember me to Mrs. McD., Joyce and Mrs. J., and
IjeUeve me. Very Truly Yours, O. E. Babcock.
To Gen. Jno. McDonald.
P. S. I thought I had the newspaper article. It was from
the Chicago Tribune and represented that you had abused the
¦confidence of the Secretary of the President, with whom you
had corresponded, &c. As I said before, I never said such a
thing. O. E. B.
P. S. I have seen Joyce's manly card in the paper. When
are you coming East, O, E, B,

LETTER FROM
GEN'L O. E. BABCOCK,
July 19th, 1875.

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186 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
In the next letter, from Babcock, however, even as
a buU-finch, (B. F.) he pipes like a craven, with notes
of no doubtful import. It records his agony of mind
like a phonograph, and grinds out his anxious fears
with more literal distinctness . It is not only himself
who is complaining at the confessional, but linked
hand in hand and heart in heart, he leads with him
his fater criminis, President Grant, on whose
brow the purple of authority seems bleached by con-
tact^with the gorgon of villainy. [A fac simile of
this letter may be found on the opposite page :]
July 14,
Dear Friend :
I am told that some valuable information, that was taken
from a safe, was sent to Cincinnati to the care of one Maj.
Blackburn, a lawyer of that city, and that it is believed it can
be purchased from him if enough money is paid. The price
for it is high, but it is believed it can be purchased if price
enough is paid, and that they are trying to buy it.
Your friend, B. F.
Does the reader want me to explain this pano
rama of Grant and Babcock's infamy; shift the
scenes until all the black lines are plainly discern
ible ? Well, while my pen is to it and the people
grown more morbid by looking upon the great fes
tering body of corruption which I have here
exposed to their view, I'll show them more.
"This valuable information" Gen. Babcock re
fers to, was stolen out of the safe of the U, S,
District State Attorney's office at St, Louis, or at
least I have been so informed. It consisted of evi
dence fully estabUshing my guilt and pointing to
President Grant and Gen, Babcock as accessories.

(/fefst,

£

188 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
" They are trying to buy it," means that the Presi
dent, together with himseU and others in the ring,
were then negotiating with Blackburn for the evi
dence, and they desire me to contribute a part of
the necessary money.
I did not regard the information spoken of as
specially damaging, because I knew that if the
government ofiicers here really meant to convict
me that there was so much evidence against us all
that, like a river, it could not be exhausted by dip
ping up the water while the source remained, I
replied to him in this manner, and the matter was
not referred to again in our correspondence.
In the latter part of July, I left St, Louis and
went up to my farm in Wisconsin, near Eipon, but
was not allowed to remain there long as aU the
members of the Eing were now in deep distress, and
they looked to me for assistance, sending me a
dozen letters every day imploring me to return.
Before leaving St, Louis for Wisconsin, I employed
Judge Chester H, Krum to defend me from the
charges preferred in the indictment already aUuded
to, and as he wUl figure largely from now until the
close of this exposure, I will here introduce him
to the reader.
When Missouri was added to my district in 1870,
Chester H, Krum was U, S, Attorney for that
District, and I think he was one of President
Grant's earhest appointees. After McKee, Eord
and myself had completed our combination with the
President to turn out crooked whiskey and devote
the unpaid tax to cumulating a campaign fund, I
spoke to Eord and asked him if Krum could be

HELPING KEUM's ELECTION, 189
depended upon to ignore the operations of the Eing,
Mr, Ford replied that he had advised with Mr,
Krum upon the matter and that no trouble need be
apprehended from that source. Subsequently I
talked with Mr. Krum concerning the illicit whiskey,
then being manufactured, but I never went into
details with him, only enough to satisfy me that he
knew what was going on.
In the fall of 1872, Mr. Krum, having become im
pressed with the idea that he could not continue in
the ofl&ce of U. S. district attorney without invit
ing trouble by being drawn into comphcations which
he felt certain would arise, concluded to resign and
become a candidate for Circuit Judge at the ensu
ing election. Directly after his nomination by the
Eepublican party of St. Louis he came to me for
financial assistance. I gave him $600, and as I
handed it to him he remarked: "Is this some of
the Whiskey Eing money?" My reply was: Most
assuredly ; do you think me foolish enough to give
you money out of my own salary? " Then," said
he, "if I need any more I wiU know where to get
it." As he did not ask me for funds again, and was
elected, the presumption is he needed very little
outside assistance. Although he was elected for a
term of six years he resigned almost as soon as I
was indicted in order to defend me, and knowing
who was connected with the Eing his idea was, as he
expressed to me, that he could make more money
in appearing as attorney for those who might become
involved. He no doubt expected to see the Presi
dent and Gen. Babcock appear as defendants be
fore the Grand Jury, then in session, should con-

190 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
elude its labors. In fact he said: "AU you fellows
will be brought into court before this thing ends,"
meaning that McKee, Maguire, Babcock and the
President, etc, would aU need his assistance.
With this knowledge the reader can have a bet
ter understanding of events as they are disclosed
and comprehend the Judge's relation to members
of the Eing, The following letter from him ad
dressed to me while I was in Eipon, wiU serve as a
comprehensive introduction of Judge Krum as a
conspicuous character in this melo-drama. [This
letter is produced in fac-simile on the opposite page,]
Krum & Madill,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
307 Olive Street,
(Private.) St. Louis, Aug. 10, 1875.
Dear General :
I think that matters are about ripe for our interview with
TJ. S. G. Avery leaves to-night and is going to Long Branch.
A friend of his here wUl write strongly as to matters before
the Grand Jury. Newcomb wiU be within reach, I think, by
the latter part of this week. If you think it advisable for me
to go on, telegraph me : " Broke my leg this morning, cannot
come," and I will meet you at the Palmer House in Chicago.
I shall register as Henry B. Gordon. Don't make any ar
rangements about my going on unless it will do some good,
and get all of your facts in shape. Yours, etc.,
C. H. K.
This letter has reference to the active efforts that
were then being made to secure the removal of Sec
retary Bristow. Avery, whom the Judge mentions
as having had a friend to write a strong letter with
reference to the actions of the Grand Jury, is Wm.
0. Avery, one of our Washington friends whom

LETTER FROM
CHESTER H. KRUM,
August lo, 1S75.

KRUM & MADILt..
ATTORNEYS AT LAW
Bt. Lo»i9.^?^b!k^.^™.isrc2p

192 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
Bristow had shoved out of his office only to have
him faU into the hands of a Grand Jury that in
dicted him for complicity with the Whiskey Eing
frauds. There was a partial understanding between
the other members of the Eing in St. Louis and
myself to first ascertain if the President could con
trol the government appointees, the Secretary, dis
trict attorney, etc., and if he could not, then to
make a demand for their dismisal and the appoint
ment of a new set of ofl&cers all round. This letter
manifests the alarm of the St. Louis parties, who
concluded to send Judge Krum to Washington,
after consultation with me, for the purpose of dehv-
ering to the President their desire,
C, A. Newcomb was at this time U, S, Marshal,
and while he had never been a member of the Eing,
it was thought he had a knowledge of its existence,
and Judge Krum thought he could count on the
Marshal giving them some assistance by delaying
service of papers. He wrote me this letter for the
purpose of securing my sanction to his going to
Washington to press the President for a dismisal of
Bristow and Col, Dyer. The President had been
communicated with daily and was well advised as
to every step taken by the Grand Jury and the
officers in St. Louis.
When this letter came to me I had decided upon
another CQurse entirely, and at once wrote him
that I did not now consider it advisable for him to
visit Washington. After considering my position
I could not see why I should exhibit any anxiety.
I knew that Grant and Babcock were, in a measure,
in my power, because they were my superiors and

GEANT AND BABCOCK PAY ME A VISIT. 193
equally guilty with myself. So my conclusion was to
let the White House end of the line take care of it
self and tooffer no further obstacle to Bristow's foray.
My determination brought forth abundant fruit,
by alarming the President and his chevalier scribe,
who, being unable to account for my nonchalance,
and quite at sea as to my intentions, learning of
my return to St, Louis they took the train and ar
rived in the city on the 24th of September,
The visit of the President and Gen, Babcock was
made under circumstances that would disguise their
real purposes from the public, and in order to fuUy
develop this fact I will be somewhat circumspect
even at the risk of becoming tedious. Arrange
ments were made for an annual meeting of the
Grand Army of the Potomac to be held at Des
Moines, Iowa, in the latter part of September,
The President desired to attend this annual reunion
and he could use this fact as an excuse for coming
to St, Louis, He was accompanied on the trip by
Col, E, S, Stephens, at that time General Manager
of the Missouri, Kansas & Texas railroad, but who
is at present a resident of Attica, Wyoming County,
New York. Col, Stephens has given me hberty to
use his name in this connection, and to state that
he knew that the President and Gen, Babcock vis
ited St, Louis expressly to see and consult me on
what I wished done regarding my indictment.
My first notification of their arrival was through
Maj. Grimes who came to me at the Planter's
House, where I was stopping, and taking me by the
arm said, " There is a gentleman over the way who
wdshes to see you; will you go over with me now? "
II

194 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
I crossed the street with Maj. Grimes and followed
him up stairs to a room over John Bennett's res
taurant. Upon entering the room I found Gen.
Babcock, who cordially greeted me and then in
formed me that he had ordered a dinner and wine
expressly for me, I saw that a very sumptuous re
past had been provided for two and on his invita
tion I took a seat at the table, Maj. Grimes did
not dine with us for, as I learned from the General,
matters had been arranged for a strictly private
conversation between us.
He began the interview by saying: "The old
man (meaning Grant) and I have com6 out here to
see what you want done. This thing has gone far
enough and must stop right here. We have taken
rooms at the Lindell, and at four o'clock this after
noon I want you to see the President privately and
tell him exactly what you want," I did not make
any reply at once so as to permit him to make a f uU
statement. He said there had already been scandal
enough, and he declared that the trouble would not
be allowed to continue if "we " (the expression he
used) " have to dismiss every man in the Govern
ment service," He told me that he had ordered
the dinner there so as to have an opportunity to
have a fuU talk with me, adding that, as he had
always attended to the details and interests of the
Washington end of the Eing, he wanted to hear
what I had to say before having a meeting with the
President. He further remarked that the old man
(Grant) was too easy, and that he wanted me to say
to him that it was time to take the bull by the
horns (sic) and stop the investigations and prevent

BABCOCK AND I IN CONSULTATION. 195
a prosecution of any of the members. He gave it
as his opinion that, inasmuch as Bristow, Wilson,
Dyer, Henderson, etc., were appointees of the Pres
ident, that they could be restrained by the Presi
dent's wishes, especiaUy if the matter assumed the
position of " quit or go;" that a prosecution of the
President's friends was a serious reflection upon the
President, which could in no event be tolerated.
He talked in this manner for nearly half an hour,
and when he paused to hear my suggestions, I
replied, in substance, that I had to disagree with
him in aU his propositions. Said I, judging, as you
do, from Washington, it is impossible for you to
comprehend with what irresistible force the charges
and demand for a complete investivation of fraud
in connection with the illicit whiskey combination,
is being made. The time was when this trouble
might have been averted, and I told the President
when in Washington that if he did not muzzle or
dismiss Bristow and call in all the revenue agents,
that a wave of exposure would certainly engulf us
aU. No, said I, it is worse than foUy to speak of
suppressing facts possessing such importance and
pregnant with such terrible possibilities, those
which, in part, have already reached the public and
placed everybody in a fever heat of anxiety to hear
it aU. I added : The President's indiscretion did
not stop in ignoring my suggestions, but extended
to the appointment of D. P. Dyer as district attor
ney, who was a special friend of Mr. Bristow's, and
who had, in fact, shown some antagonism to Grant ;
following this. Gen. Jno. B. Henderson was ap
pointed in July, to aid Dyer, and these two men.

196 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
said I, are determined to push everyone to the wall
who has the least guilty knowledge of the whiskey
frauds. I assured him, however, that the prosecu
tions could not extend to the President or himseU
except through Col. Joyce or myself, and that he
might depend upon me to carry the secrets I had
like facts hidden under the mold of centuries. I
advised him to return with the President, to Wash
ington, and to take no part in averting prosecu
tions, which might be construed against them, and
to leave the St. Louis boys take care of them
selves. Somewhat surprised, he asked: "Why, General,
what do you mean by that ; don't you want us to do
anything out here for you? "
I replied : The fact is, the papers have so worked
up this matter that any action which you might
take, to prevent a complete exposure of the Eing,
would be only to invite your own ruin ; that they
had already asserted that the President knew of the
existence of the Whiskey Eing, and any interfer
ence from him now would confirm the truth of the
charge with the public.
He then enquired my opinion of the ultimate
results if matters were allowed to go on.
I frankly told him that the result would be the
conviction of Col. Joyce and myself.
He threw up his arms and, manifesting much
horror at my prediction, exclaimed: "My God!
we will never permit that; why we will dismiss
everyone who is in emnity with us, and thus we can
at least prevent the further progress of these meas
ures until Grant's term of office expires,"

BABCOCK AND I IN CONSULTATION, 197
I told him that, upon a more mature reflection, I
thought he would adopt my ideas as the better, I
said : It is possible that before our cases come to
trial Bristow, Wilson, Dyer, or Henderson wiU be
guilty of some indiscretion or impolitic act which
would furnish the President with a plausible pre
text for ordering their dismissal. He assured me
that a very smaU excuse would be sufficient, and
that he thought before things went much further
that a cause would be found to get rid of them,
I also told him that, under the circumstances,
and especiaUy considering my indictment, that it
would be very indiscreet for the President to re
ceive me at his rooms ; but that I would caU at the
LindeU and see the President pubhcly, and as
chance afforded, would ascertain from him whether
he approved of my determination. I informed
him of the fact that there were detectives watching
the President himself, and that my footsteps were
continuaUy dogged by them. Said I, you need
not be surprised to see an account of our meeting
and interview here pubhshed in the morning
papers. He rephed that he had no fears of seeing any
notice of this meeting, because, said he, "Maj.
Grimes arranged this place of interview, and we
came here together in a closed carriage."
(It was subsequently shown that the President
was under the surveillance of detectives, who
reported all his acts and movements to Secretary
Bristow. It was owing to my refusal to hold a pri
vate interview with him that he escaped being dis
graced by such a circumstance).

198 SECRETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING,
Our conversation then drifted from the prospec
tive trials to other private matters connected with
our mutual interests. He asked if Maj, Grimes had
read to me all the letters he (Babcock) had written
to him, as instructed,
I informed him that Maj. Grimes had read me a
great many of his (Babcock's) letters, and that
after reading. Grimes invariably burned them.
I have since thought that the General was labor
ing under the hallucination that I had treated his
correspondence as Grimes did; if so, I can imagine
his surprise when this book finds its way into his pos
session. We talked of my visit to Washington in April,
and in referring to the manner in which my sugges
tions had been regarded, he said that the President
had frequently told him how sorry he was he had
not heeded them. He further told me that Secre
tary Bristow had sought the sanction of the- Presi
dent to dismiss me instead of accepting my resigna
tion, but that Grant had positively forbidden the
Secretary to do this, and that he would only con
sent to an acceptance of my resignation after a
month had been consumed in the most persistent
and pursuasive argument.
Our conversation lasted for more than two hours,
during which we ate a very hearty dinner and con
sumed two bottles of wine. When we parted I
repeated to him my determination not to see the
President privately, but, I remarked, you may
speak to him and ascertain how he receives my pol
icy of action, and report to me at my room in the
Planters House this evening.

BABCOCK AND I IN CONSULTATION. 199
True to our appointment, Gen. Babcock called
on me, and related with much ecstacy how the
President was delighted with my considerate ideas,
and credited me with a wisdom that was so gratify
ing that it inspired him with the hope that my
¦finesse would yet bring them out of their distressing
dilemma. He spent perhaps an hour with me, dur
ing which we reviewed all the phases of our troubles,
and traded opinions until we thoroughly understood
each others wishes. I told him that I would seek
the occasion to meet the President in the rotunda of
the Lindell Hotel directly after supper on the foUow
ing evening, so as to give our meeting a casual or ac
cidental appearance, which would prevent comment.
I saw no more of the General until the next day
about eleven o'clock, when he called at my room,
and again renewed the conversation we had on the
previous day. He asked me what had induced me
to adopt the course I had.
I thought the question somewhat strange, after
he had conveyed the congratulations and pleasure
of the President, but I made reply to him that it
was to protect my superiors from disgrace if they
would keep faith with me.
He then enquired if I had fuUy considered the
ordeal I should have to submit to in bearing the op
probrium of a conviction.
Said I: That is just the part of the funeral I
have considered ; I have already been abused to the
limit of newspaper possibility, and there is nothing
to it now but standing up in court and passing
through a few changes, and at most hear the turn of
the bolt on my hberty.

200 SECEETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
At the mention of the " bolt," the General inter
rupted me by saying: "Oh! it wiU not come to
that; they will never turn a key on you, because
the old man (Grant) teUs me that if they convict
you, he will pardon you the moment the verdict is
announced. Don't have any fears about that, but
I can't believe this arbitrary action wiU ever be
necessary." I told him that I expected the President to par
don me at once, in case of my conviction, and that
it was because of this and the friendly obUgations
I owed him that I proposed to stand and take the
full brunt of the law, in order that my fidelity
might be proven.
He next asked me if I were not under a heavy
expense, and upon receiving an affirmative reply
he assured me that all my expenses including loss
of time, lawyers fees, etc., should be refunded,
and not only that, but after the trouble had been
settled and Grant was re-elected, that my nerve
and devotion would have passed the crucible of
test and that I could have any office in the gift
of the President, by the mere asking. This
allusion to the election of Grant a third time
led us into a discussion of the effect the whiskey
trials would have upon the President's chances,
which lasted for some time. Before leaving he
said that the President, while approving of my
course thoroughly, yet he was very desirous of
meeting me privately so that he might have a
lengthy conversation, and assure me of his high
regard and warm attachment. I asked him to in
form the President that I would caU at the LindeU

MY MEETING WITH GRANT. 201
Hotel between seven and eight o'clock that after
noon, and would be in the parlor corridor so as to
meet him publicly.
Nothing further passed between us at this inter
view, but about four o'clock Gen. Babcock called
at my room for the third time, and told me he had
arranged with the President to meet me in the
manner I desired, at half-past seven o'clock; that
at that hour the President would be promenading
in the corridor so the meeting would appear as ac
cidental. At the hour appointed Col. Joyce and I went to
the Lindell but when we entered the corridor
we found that the President and his party were
still at supper. We waited for them not above five
minutes, when the company, consisting of the
President and his wife, Sec'y Borie and wife, Fred
Grant and wife and Gen. Babcock, came out of the
main dining room and walked towards the parlor.
Col. Joyce first met the President and while they
were conversing I spoke to Mrs. Grant with whom
I chatted for a few moments. At the conclusion of
his interview with Col. Joyce the President came
up to me, while Mrs. Grant walked into the parlor.
I asked him if Gen. Babcock had informed him
fully as to the course I had adopted for shielding
him from exposure. He replied : " Yes, and I want
to assure you that all Gen. Babcock promised will
be fulfilled to the letter, and we will make the cir
cumstances for your protection even more favorable
than you can suppose."
We talked of Bristow, Solicitor Bluford Wilson,
Dyer and Henderson, and he spoke with much

202 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
feehng at the course they were pursuing, saying,
that he was convinced that they were at enmity
with him and their removal had become a necessity
which was prevented only by policy. He took the
occasion to admit that if he had acted upon my
suggestions in April every appearance of trouble
would have been averted, but that matters were
still in his power and he could relieve me of any
burdens the prosecution could impose upon me.
Our conversation lasted only a few minutes for I
told the President that a lengthy interview would ex
cite comment, so he bade me a very reluctant adieu,
assuring with his last words that under any and all
circumstances I should be protected as I had
pledged myself to protect him. On the 27th, the
day preceding the departure of the President and
his party for Des Moines, la.. Justice Miller, then
sitting for this district, rendered his opinion upon
the demurrer to the indictments of Col. Joyce, Al.
Bevis, Jos. Fitzroy and myself, which concluded as
follows : " Without delaying further, I will say that
both Judge Treat and myself are of the opinion
that the indictnient is essentially bad, and the de
murrer must be sustained."
Notwithstanding this decision we were placed
under bonds to appear before the next Grand Jury.
Gen. Babcock congratulated me upon this first vic
tory and expressed the opinion that it would crip
ple the prosecution, but I assured him that this
decision afforded little balm, for our enemies were
determined and would push us to the wall, and that
this would prove an unimportant obstacle.
In the latter part of the June term other indict-

EE-AEEESTED ON A BENCH WAERANT. 203
ments had been found against us charging conspir
acy, which fact I neglected to state in the earlier
and proper part of this narrative, so that when the
demurrer to the indictment charging us with a wiU-
ful destruction of pubhc records, was sustained, we
were at once re-arrested upon a bench warrant and
placed under bonds in the sum of $11,000, to answer
to two indictments charging us with conspiracy and
one charging us with destruction of pubhc records.
Col. Joyce was also indicted during the Septem
ber term by the Grand Jury, sitting in the western
district, and his case was transferred to Jefferson
-City where he was afterwards tried. It was
rumored that an indictment had also been returned
against- me at Jefferson City, and to satisfy myself
of its truth, in company with Col. Joyce I went
up to the capital where I learned that the report
was false. Col. Joyce, however, gave bond before
Judge Krekel, and we returned to St. Louis. On
the 6th of October Col. Joyce went to Washington
to procure copies of official papers on file at the de
partment which we wanted to use in the trial of
our cases, and on the evening of the 8th I proceeded
to my home in Wisconsin. On the 11th Col. Joyce
arrived at my home on his return from Washington
and remained with me until the 15th, when we both
returned to St. Louis, while Col. Joyce, on the 18th
continued on to Jefferson City where his case had
been called for trial. On the next day, in company
with Judge Krum, and Ex-Gov. Thomas C. Fletcher,
Joyce's attorneys, I proceeded to Jefferson City,
having been subpoened as a witness for Col. Joyce,
whose trial begun on the 20th. On the 23d the

204 SECRETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
trial was concluded and a verdict of guilty was re
turned against him " for failure to report official in
vestigations." The Colonel was remanded to the
charge of the U. S. Marshal who did not, however,
place him in jail until several days after.
On the morning of the 24th I again returned to
St. Louis, where I remained for some time arranging
with my attorney the theory of my defence, but
making occasional trips to Jefferson City in the
meantime. On the 2d day of November, while in attendance
at court, awaiting and expecting my arraignment,
Col. Dyer and Gen. Henderson consulted with me
as to the propriety of my pleading guilty and be-
becoming a witness for the Government. They
promised me immunity from punishment if I would
adopt such a course, but I positively refused,
knowing that their object was to secure the convic
tion of the President and Gen. Babcock through
my testimony.
On Monday, the 15th, my case was caUed, and
the court denying my application for a continuance,
I was placed on trial, which continued until the
following Monday, when a verdict of guilty was re
turned. During the progress of this trial, as well,
also, as during every day after the Presidential
party left St. Louis, for Des Moines, I received one
or more letters from Gen. Babcock through Maj.
Grimes, in which the most flattering language
complimenting my fidehty, and the elaborate prom
ises of the interference of the President when I
should ask it, was conveyed. I was exhorted to
stand fast and true, supported by a firm reliance in

REMANDED TO JAIL. 205'
the strong and unf aihng friendship of the President
and himself.
On the third day of my trial, while I was descend
ing the steps of the post-office. Gen. Henderson
stopped me, and with most impressive and pursua
sive language, he urged me to plead guilty. He
assured me of the certainty of my conviction, and
that to avoid punishment, I ought to avail myself
of this last opportunity. He told me that I was in
volving the Government in a large expense by forc
ing continued trials, and that he knew I was in pos
session of evidence which would assist the Govern
ment in convicting all the guilty parties. He
repeated, that if I would enter a plea of guilty,
my punishment would be only nominal, and besides
it would subserve important purposes for the
Government. But to all his entreaties I was
obstinate, and persistently refused, replying to him
that I would accept aU consequences. When he
turned away from me, he said: "Well, some day
you will discover how great was your error."
On the evening of my conviction, which occurred
about seven o'clock, I was remanded to jail, my
bond having been fixed at $50,000, and the lateness
of the hour precluded me from obtaining sureties.
I was accompanied to jail by Judge Krum, my
attorney, who advised me to give bail on the fol
lowing day and then caU for the President's inter
vention by asking for immediate pardon. My
friends, without exception, pleaded with me to de
mand my pardon. Maj. Grimes received a letter
from Gen. Babcock on the day of my conviction, in
which he told Grimes to assure me that the Presi-

206 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
dent would pardon me immediately upon my
request. But I refused the proffer of a pardon, and if this
fact were allowed to remain unexplained there is
scarcely one of the thousands who will read this
book that would give the slightest credence to the
statement. My reasons were, nevertheless, of the
most plausible character: At the particular time
of which I am writing the most damaging charges
were being made against the President and Gen.
Babcock, and I knew that the Grand Jury was then
investigating allegations against the latter, and the
public was daily expecting his indictment. My
position, serious as it was, did not make me forget
what I conceived to be my duty. I had avowed my
determination to protect the President and Gen.
Babcock even at the sacrifice of my own feelings
and humihation. I realized that if the President
granted me a pardon in the face of pubhc opinion,
which was very excited, that it would clearly estab-
Ush the fact of my intimate affiliation with both
Grant and Babcock, and the impeachment of one
and conviction of the other would be a foregone
conclusion. I entertained the hope that the Grand
Jury would not indict Babcock and if it did that
the daily information furnished the President by E.
W. Fox, a member of the jury, who had forsworn
himself in order to protect Babcock, would enable
Attorney General Pierrepont to devise means by
which to annul its effects. There was, in fact, muCh
to inspire me with the belief that the excitement of
the hour would be succeeded by a calm which would
permit the President to pardon me without drawing

pox's peejury is eewarded by grant. 207
public execration upon himself. Understanding the
peculiar attitute of my position I am sure the reader
wiU be charitable and just enough to admit the
force of my reasons.
My personal discomforts, while in confinement,
were not so great as those unacquainted with the cir
cumstances would suppose. I was visited daily by
nearly all my friends, who provided admissible
luxuries and, by the cheering assurances of their
continued regard, and respect for the defiance I had
manifested, mitigated my punishment until I was
little else than a king in his well embarricated castle.
Among the daily callers at my citadel was E. W.
Fox, at oiie time coUector of the port at St. Louis,
and, I believe, the inventor of wooden insoles in
army shoes which, during the war, furnished such a
blessed margin of profit to army contractors. Fox
was always a jolly feUow, having one of those full-
faced, burgomaster forms which indicated a con-
tentedness of disposition when filled up vdth some
effervescent spirit mixed with the substantials. His
visits were very pleasant because he was a member
of the Grand Jury which was then in session, and he
never failed to tell me every day just how the in
vestigation against Babcock was proceeding. He
was our mutual friend and was rewarded for it, as
Grant had promised, in this manner : The people
of St. Louis knew Fox too well to accept him as a
goverment officer, so the only thing that remained
was to appoint his son as consul to Brunswick,
Germany, at a salary of $2,500 in gold per year.
This son was only nineteen years of age at the time
of his appointment, while the regulations require all

208 SECRETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
consuls to be at least twenty one years of age, but
then he was large enough and the President couldn't
afford to regard requirements when his own and
Babcock's interests were risked against such stakes.
Fox, however, did more than I have already men
tioned, and I must not be so unmindful of my duty
to the public as to omit the full measure of his ser
vices. Before the adjournment of the Grand Jury
he succeeded in securing the adoption of a letter
completely exonerating the President from any
compUcity or knowledge of the whiskey ring ; but
it was impossible for him to prevent Babcock's in
dictment so he could only do the next best thing :
notify the President by telegraph the moment the
indictment was found.
FoUowing is the Grand Jury letter :
U. S. Grand Jury Eoom, )
St. Louis, December 9, 1875. )
To U. S. Grant, President of the United States, Washington,
D. C.
The undersigned, late United States Grand Jurors for the
Eastern District of Missouri, in the discharge of their sworn
duty, have found it imperative upon them to present to the
U. S. Court of said district the names of many officials and
other persons, as being connected with a conspiracy to defraud
the internal revenue of the United States.
As citizens of our common country, sincerely desiring to
uphold the hands of our chief Executive in securing an honest
collection of the public revenues, we cannot refrain from thus
testifying to our estimation of the moral support which we
have leaned upon, as imparted in your notable instructions
to the Secretary of the Treasury: "Let no guUty man escape.''
With this, all good citizens can contribute their share in
aiding the government and in sustaining your administration
in its endeavor to conduct it with purity and fidelity..

THE GEAND JURY LETTEE. 209
We, individually and collectively, tender to you our highest
considerations of esteem and confidence, and an assurance of
our appreciation of the wisdom, patriotism and independence
displayed in directing the measures necessary for detecting
and correcting the gigantic frauds which have so lately preyed
upon the public revenues.
We have the honor to be, with great respect, your fellow
citizens : K. D. Brewington, Marion Co
John Riggin, St. Louis Co.
Theon Barnum, St. Louis Co.
John T. Lloyd, Lewis Co.
Jas. D. Overton, Marion Co.
Henry Griffin, St. Louis Co.
Wm. K. Haynes, Marion Co.
Geo. R. Eathburn, Jefferson Co.
J. W. Cody, Scotland Co.
J. M. Shepard, Marion Co.
Thos. Meyers, Scotland Co.
John M. Settle, Lewis Co.
Wm. H. Herron, Adair Co.
E. W. Fox, St. Louis Co.
Wm. C. Ebert, Scotland Co.
S. P. Hinckley, Jefferson Co.
G. H. Barker, Scotland Co.
Jared Barde, Marion Co.
A. H. Linder, Adair Co.
On the day this letter was adopted. Fox came to
my department of the municipality and, with joy
beaming from his httle grey eyes, he said:
" Now General, what do you think of that; haint
that pohcy and diplomacy ; wasn't that one of the
brightest ideas of the century, etc.?" I agreed
with him that it was a master stroke; in fact, he
fiUed me to such an extent with the importance of
N

210 SECEETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
his accomplishment, that I yielded to his solicita
tion and assurances of pecuniary distress, and
loaned him the sum of $200, the memory alone of
which remains as a memento of his insinuating
address and magnanimous disposition. With this
money Fox posted to Washington and secured his
boy a consulship, and when he returned to me
again he was so happy that I fairly envied his pov
erty, because his happiness seemed to consist
chiefly in obtaining small loans on long time, which
no man, except in like circumstances, could do.
On the 4th of November, the Grand Jury
returned indictments against Wm. McKee, propri
etor of the Globe-Democrat, and Constantine
Maguire, revenue coUector, charging them with
conspiracy to defraud the Government.
On the 13th of the same month, Col. Joyce was
sentenced by Judge Krekel to a term of three and
one-half years' imprisonment in the penitentiary
and to pay a fine of $2,000. Before the sentence
was passed, when asked by the court if he had any
thing to say. Col. Joyce arose with becoming dig
nity and with an appearance the very personifica
tion of scorn and contempt, he deUvered the follow
ing address, which I quote here to give the reader
an idea of the oratorical gift possessed by the
Colonel, and the caustic sarcasm of his tongue :
COL. Joyce's oration before sentence.
Before this Honorable Court passes sentence, I beg leav6 to
state that my conviction was secured by perjured testimony
of self-convicted thieves. Peineman, the rectifier ; Brongesser,
the ganger, and Eendleman, the storekeeper, all lineal descend
ants of those ancient scoundrels who crucified Christ, came

Joyce's oration before sentence. 211
upon the witness stand and paraded their own infamy by ac
knowledging that they had stolen whiskey from the govern
ment, through a term of years, at the rate of from one dollar
to fifty cents per barrel. The pencil of Gustave Dore could
not do justice to these three wandering Israelites, who seemed
ever on the lookout to steal small things when big ones were
conveniently at hand. Feineman and Fagan are identical
characters, and should be imortalized in living infamy. I dis
miss these pillars of fraud and perjury, consigning them to
the devouring fury of a rotten conscience.
I was indicted for failing to report in writing certain alleged
knowledge and information of certain fraudulent transactions
of petrified perjurers. The jury found me guilty on the
counts, but as a matter of fact, the conclusion was as false as
the evidence. I agree that it had the appearance to the jury
of failure of duty. We know, however, that things are not
always what they seem. I simply declare upon my honor as a
man, and my allegiance as an American citizen, here in the
presence of this Honorable Court, to the whole world, and
facing my God, that I am absolutely innocent of the charges
trumped up against me by pretended friends and viper ene
mies. It has not been shown in evidence, or even intimated
by anybody, that I ever received a single cent in any fraud on
the revenue. Then where is the motive that induced me to
withold the information ? I did make a report in writing to
Supervisor McDonald and Commissioner Douglass. The
report, it is aUeged, was not in full. Neither was the informa
tion in my possession full or complete, as the facts were out of
my district. The District Attorney of the United States, in
his concluding speech, introduced my copy book, showing the
transmittal letter to Supervisor McDonald as something fraud
ulent. My lawyers or myself had no opportunity to explain
the letter in evidence, which could have been done to the
utmost satisfaction of everybody connected.
Your Honor, from the beginning of the case to the end, ex
tended to me the kindest consideration and fairest rulings. For

212 secrets of the great whiskey eing.
this, I thank you in the name of the people and in the name
of justice. I stand here to-day, strong and bold, in conscious
innocence, and my heai-t is actuated by that noble impulse
that nerved Winkleried when he opened the breach for the
liberty of his country, or by that lofty courage that inspired
Sir Walter Ealeigh at the block. Like Ealeigh, I may have
puffed smoke through the window at the execution of some
official Essex, but I never yet trampled upon the royal robes
of the Virgin Queen. For myself, I have no fear of any pun
ishment on earth ; yet, in behalf of my past good character,
this is the first suspicion of guilt that ever darkened my life,
and in consideration of the support I owe my wife and chil
dren, I ask that magnanimity at this bar of justice that would
be reasonably claimed by yourself under like circumstances.
A few short years will sepulcher the living of to-day with the
dead of yesterday, and the celestial sunlight of to-morrow wiU
bring us all to the bar of Omnipotence, where the judge, jury,
lawyer and client, will meet upon the level of eternity and
part upon the sq'iare of final judgment. Then all hearts shall
be laid bare, and truth will rise in splendid triumph.
The blood of innocence flows free and unruffled through the
life-channels of this frame, and the artificial lusters that sur
round the victims of crime find no lodgment in my heart.
When I look back to the field of battle, when I fought and
bled for my country in the hour of terrible trial, I wondered
whether patriotism was but a name, and the gratitude of na
tions but a mockery and a sham to lure the brave to destruc
tion. My simple sin is that of omission, and for it I suffer the
deepest humiliation, while the glorious services and recollec
tions of the past are buried in the grave of forgetfulness. Is
this just ? This epidemical era of reform has risen like the
rush of a mighty flood, and sped on towards the gulf of pun
ishment. The good and the bad suffer alike. The stream is
full of driftwood and dead timber, while many young oaks and
tall sycamores on the banks are loosened from their firm foun
dation and dashed into the river of destruction. But the rain

Joyce's oeation before sentence. 213
falls lightly on the mountains, the sun shines warmly on the
plains, and the floods even now are settling into its former
bed, where the crystal water shall again reflect the green foli
age of the oak and sycamore, and the gentle breezes and
birds of Spring shall make merry music in the cathedral aisles
of a generous nation. The prison walls that hemmed in
Gallileo, Columbus, Tasso and Napoleon, did not measure the
minds of the men. It is true their bodies suffered some tor
ture, but the proud spirit that was in their hearts leaped the
bounds of clay and soared away into the illimitable regions of
science, poetry and war, making them monarchs of the hour
and masters of eternity.
Humble as I am in the walks of life, my soul is inspired by
their illustrious example, and it shall be my future endeavor to
show the world that, although I may suffer for a time the pen
alty of perjured testimony, yet like a mountain crag, I shall
breast the pelting storm, and lift my head clear and bold to tha
coming sunshine of truth and redemption. I have done.

CHAPTEE VIII,
Avery's Trial and Conviction — Henderson Charged with At
tacking the President— The Power of His Address to
the Jury — What he Said— The President Advised of Hen
derson's Fearless Denunciation of Thieves, and Peremp
torily dismisses him — The Correspondence — Krum Be
comes the Medium through which Babcock and I Corres
pond— Pierrepont's Circular Letter to Suppress Testimo
ny — Krum's Letter, — Congress Rebukes Grant Through
Pierrepont — Report of the Judiciary Committee on the
pierrepont Letter — Trial and Conviction of Wm. Mc
Kee — Krum, as Babcock's Attorney, Writes a Note Ee-
questing Information Eespecting a Damaging Letter from
His Client — Gen. Babcock Buys the Letter from Harda
way — Babcock Placed on Trial — Everest's Testimony —
Babcock Buys a Witness from the Post Office — How Ma
gill Perjured Himself — Babcock Admits that he Paid
Magill to Give False Testimony — Krum Writes Me for
Permission to see the Babcock Letters — The Interview in
My Cell — The President's Deposition — Comments on the
Deposition — How Grant Perjured Himself — Porter, Bab
cock's Counsel, Attacks Me — Babcock writes a Letter
Beggiug Me Not to Hold Him Accountable — Why I
Could Not be Forced to Testify — The Jury Acquit Bab
cock — $10,000 Presented to Him at the Conclusion of
his Trial— Babcock Calls on Me at My Cell— Begs Me for
His Letters — Liberal Offer of Money — Promises to Par
don Me — Babcock's Brother Tries to Buy the Letters
From My Old Chief Clerk— Upon Refusal to Treat
Theatens Him With Personal Injury — Expressions of
Belief in Babcock's Guilt by Jurymen — Why He Was
Acquitted.
On the 24th of November, the case of Wm. O,
Avery (who is now well known to the reader) was

Henderson's speech in the aveey case, 215
called, and both sides being ready the trial proceed
ed. Judge Chester H, Krum entering an appearance
as counsel for the defendant,
Avery's conviction was not secured until the 3d
of December, after a bitter fight in which the most
exciting scenes occurred. Gen. Jno. B. Henderson,
formerly a United States Senator from Missouri, and
Maj. Lucien Eaton, at that time Eegister in Bank
ruptcy at St. Louis, in an early period of the prose
cution, had been engaged by the government to
assist the District Attorney to prosecute members
of the Whiskey Eing against whom indictments had
been found. During the trial of Avery, Gen.
Henderson took a more than prominent part — he
assumed a most aggressive attitude, as the circum
stances warranted and, proceeding upon the Presi
dent's instructions to " let no guilty man escape,"
he intended that if the power lay within him to
make the court write "guilt " over the head of every
member of that conspiracy. In the closing argu
ment (December 3d), Gen. Henderson made, confess
edly, one of the most powerful appeals ever heard
at the bar. It not only carried conviction, but
aroused an enthusiasm among the audience, which
was so completely captivated by his forensic elo
quence, that it was almost impossible for the officers
of the court to restrain the vociferous demonstra
tions. In that masterly argument he used the fol
lowing language, relating to the order changing
Supervisors, and the orders recalhng revenue agents
sent into my district to make investigations :
" What right had Babcock to go to Douglass to induce him
to withdraw his agents ? Douglass was placed in his position

216 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
to see that the revenue laws of the government were properly
enforced. What business, then, had Douglass with him?
When an official goes into office, he should be free and inde
pendent of all influences except that of law, and if he recogni
zes any other master, then this government is tumbUng down.
What right had the President to interfere with Commissioner
Douglass in the proper discharge of his duties, or with the
Secretary of the Treasury ? None, and Douglass showed a lam
entable weakness of character when he listened to Babcock's
dictates. He should either have insisted that his orders, as
they existed, be carried out, or -should have resigned his office.
Now, why did Douglass bend the supple hinges of his knee and
permit any interference by the President ? This was Doug
lass' own business, and he stood responsible for it under his
official oath. He was bound to listen to no dictation from the
President, Babcock, or any other officer, and it was his duty to
see that that order was carried out or resign. Would that we
had officials vrho possessed more of that sterner stuff of which
the office holders of olden times were made. Why do they
not leave their office when they cannot remain there honora-
hlj ? Is it to be that because a man holds an office at the
hands of another, he is to be a bonded slave ? "
W. D. W. Barnard, a cousin of President Grant's,
was in the court-room during the delivery of this
speech, and regarding the language as a serious re
flection upon the President, he sent a dispatch to
Washington that night giving the offensive remarks
in full.
It should be remembered that this speech was
made at a time when the Grand Jury was investi
gating charges preferred against Gen. Babcock, and
hence they had a double significance. The Presi
dent and his coterie of barnacles felt outraged, nay-
frightened at this boldness, and as they had long
been seeking an occasion to get rid of Gen. Hender-

Gen. John B. Hendeks

GEANT OEDERS HENDERSON DISMISSED. 219
son, they accepted this as their opportunity. The
following telegrams will be understood in this con
nection : Washington, Dec, 9th, 1875.
To Hon. D. P. Dyer, U. S. Att'y, St. Louis:
Evidence has reached here that in the trial of Avery, Mr.
Henderson took advantage of his position as special counsel
of the government, to assail the President, who was not on
trial. His efforts in that line will be no longer paid by this
department. You will give a copy of this dispatch to Gen.
Henderson. (Signed) Edwards Pierrepont, Attorney General.
To this Col. Dyer sent the following answer :
St. Louis, Dec. 9th, 1875.
Hon. Edwards Pierrepont, Attorney General, Washington :
The information which you say you have, that Mr. Hender
son, in the trial of Avery, assailed the President is entirely
unfounded. Shall I inform him that he is discharged as spe
cial counsel of the government in the revenue cases in this
district ? (Signed) D. P. Dyer, District Attorney.
The foUowing telegram was sent at the same time
by Gen. Henderson : St. Louis, Dec. 9th, 1875.
Hon. Edwards Pierrepont, Attorney General United States,
Washington :
I have seen your last dispatch to Col. Dyer. My speech in
the Avery case was extemporaneous. Maj. Eaton mailed you
on Tuesday, a sworn copy from the stenographer of so much
as he thought related to the President. I did not see it, but 1
stand by the speech as made. I said nothing beyond what my swcrn
duty required, and for that I have no apology to make.
(Signed) J. B. Henderson.
On the following day Col. Dyer received the ap
pended dispatch :

220 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
Washington, December 10th, 1875.
Hon. D p. Dyer, U. S. Att'y, St. Louis :
The sworn report of Mr. Henderson's speech, forwarded by
Mr. Eaton, and referred to by both you and Mr. Henderson in
your dispatches of yesterday as a correct report, was read in
fuU cabinet to-day. It was regarded by every member as an
outrage upon professional propriety thus to reflect, without
shadow of reason, upon the President, by whom his employ
ment by this Department was sanctioned, in order that no im
pediment might be placed in the way of bringing to speedy
punishment, every defrauder of the revenue at St. Louis. You
will advise Gen. Henderson of his discharge from further ser
vice, and secure in his place the aid of the most able and
efficient counsel you can find, without regard to his poUtics.
(Signed) Edwards Pierrepont, Attorney General.
This abitrary act caUed upon the President the
well merited censure of the Eepublican and Demo
cratic press ahke. It was the first indefensible step
taken to prevent an honest and thorough prosecu
tion of aU the Whisky Eing members, and the suspi
cions which before attached to the President now
assumed the nature of well founded charges.
The removal of Gen, Henderson from a position
as assistant to the district attorney, in which he
had distinguished himself by an energy and effi
ciency that struck terror to the heart of every mem
ber of the illicit whisky conspiracy, was not alone
the last and desperate resort of an alarmed and im-
pUcated administration — it was a virtual confession
of its own guilt. The President was betrayed by
his personal fears into an act that stamped him with
ineffaceable suspicion. It was the result, again
brought home to the administration, of disre
garding my advice not to commit an indiscretion

INDICTMENT OP BABCOCK. 221
which would excite the already fevered pulse of the
pubhc. On the 9th of December the Grand Jury con
cluded its lengthy sesssion by returning an indict
ment against Gen. OrviUe E. Babcock. The ex
citement over this announcement was almost equal
to that exhibited by the northern people when they
received the news of the capture of Eichmond in
1865. It was a stroke of hghtning, as it were, and
everyone thought they saw the hand of justice hov
ering over the heads of those who were fortified by
the influence which attaches to the Executive.
I cannot here undertake to describe my own feel
ings but every reader cannot help reflecting upon
the position I occupied. I was as Jove himself
with the thunderbolts of conviction in my hands,
and though the gratings of a prison were between
me and my hberty, yet how easily could I have
uttered a breath which would have toppled the very
foundations of the White House. To me it was not
a suspicion — it was the sternness of soUd fact, but
I reahzed that my own safety and hberty, with a
satisfied conscience of my loyalty to Grant and
Babcock, was in their exoneration or acquittal.
I could not yet demand my pardon from my
friend — the President — because he had been borne
out so far in the ocean where nothing but
the breakers of destruction surrounded him.
The finger of odium pointed at him until his
eyes were like Macbeth's, seeing the ghosts of his
many crimes. Still I waited with patiepce, and lips
sealed with secrecy. Letters of encouragement
and promise came daily to me, fresh with the i,m-

222 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING,
press of the pardoning power, and my determina
tion was braced by the resolutions I had framed out
of my own sacrifice and anguish.
On the 13th of December Col, James 0, Broad-
head was appointed special counsel to take the
place of Gen. Henderson, and as the hoUdays were
near at hand nothing was done of pubhc import
ance except an active preparation for the trials
which were to be called early in the new year.
After my incarceration I received no letters from
Gen. Babcock nor any information through Maj.
Grimes, but Judge Krum, especially after his re
tention as counsel for Babcock (Nov. 17th), kept
me thoroughly posted, and was the telephone
through which the General and I talked almost
daily. In the early part of January Judge Krum, at my
solicitation, went to Washington in order to put
into use my plans for protecting Babcock and the
President. I told him that the first consideration
was the suppression of the evidence of the minor
members of the ring, who were then disposed to be
come witnesses for the government on account of
the promises made to protect them from punish
ment. I further told him that Joyce had loaned
Frazer a letter from Gen. Babcock, some time be
fore the disclosures were made, in order that it
might in turn be shown to the other distiUers, so as
to convince them that the White House was fuUy
cognizant of the frauds (Frazer afterwards made
oath to this fact). I knew that many subordinate
officers had the strongest circumstantial evidence
of Babcock's guilty knowledge, and if they could

pierrepont's circular letter. 223
escape punishment by telUng what they knew that
Babcock would certainly be convicted.
On or about the 12th of January, Judge Krum
returned from Washington, and informed me that
he had brought the attention of the President and
Gen. Babcock to the imp©rtance of adopting my
suggestions and, at the President's request, he had
drafted a letter of instructions for the Attorney
General to send to every District Attorney who was
engaged in the whiskey prosecutions. He said that
the matter would certainly be attended to and, as
he predicted, the circular-letter did appear, but not
until some time in February. It read as foUows :
Department oe Justice, )
Washington, Jan. 26th, 1876.)
Hon.  , United States District Attorney:
Sir: — My attention has been caUed to a number of newspa
pers, stating that there would be no further prosecutions
against any guilty persons who confessed their crimes in St.
Louis, Chicago, and MUwaukee. I cannot beUeve this to be
true; but, as the assertion has been made that so many guilty
persons are to remain unpunished, I have forwarded a letter to
each of those cities to inform each District Attorney of the fact-
I know that many rumors find credence in these times of
excitement, and trust that your sound judgment wUl prevent
any wrong, and anything that will look like favoring or pro
tecting men who have defrauded the Government. It is the
repeatedly expressed wish of the President that no guilty man
should escape. I am not aware that any of the officials charged
with the execution of the laws contemplated to favor or pro
tect any of the accused, and even the appearance of such
favorable treatment should be carefully avoided. I write this
as a matter of caution, for I am determined to have these
prosecutions so conducted that, when they are over, the honest
judgment of the honest men of the country — which gt nera,lly

224 secrets op the great whiskey ring.
never fails to hit the right — wUl be: " That no one has been
maliciously prosecuted, that no one has escaped through favor-
itisms or partiality, and that no guilty person, who has either
been convicted or confessed his guilt, was left unpunished.
Edwards Pierrepont, Attorney General.
After reading the letter in print Judge Krum
assured me that it was the same he had written and
left with the President.
Before the expiration of January I received the
following letter from Judge Krum, which wiU be
found upon the next page in fac-simile :
January 29th, 1876.
Dear Boy:
I have no time to call and merely drop this line. We are all
right. I have the most positive assurance that the matter of
which we have talked so often will be accomplished dead sure.
And, moreover and best of all, as to enemies " let no guilty
man escape " means just what the words imply.
The goose does hang altitudilum. (Signed) C. H. K.
(The italicised words are his own.)
The full meaning of this letter cannot be gathered
except when the foUowing facts are ascertained:
All the evidence submitted to the Grand Jury, upon
which Babcock was indicted, had been forwarded
to the President by B. W. Fox, and when Judge
Krum went to Washington in January, he met
Emory Storrs, of Chicago, who had also been re
tained as Babcock's leading counsel. They, there
fore, examined all the Grand Jury evidence and
considered it insufficient, and if they could prevent
the introduction of new testimony, Babcock's ac
quittal would be certain.
On the day Judge Krum wrote me this letter he
received a communication from Babcock, in which

LETTER FROM
CHESTER H. KRUM,
January 29th.

'^t_t^

/iX cc^ ^^^e <i*_^-<.

i-

226 secrets of the great whiskey eing.
assurance was given that the circular letter would
be issued by the Attorney General. To this fact is
due his manifestations of dehght and the assuring
manner in which he wrote me. " The matter
of which we have talked so often" was our
well considered plans to procure the acquittal
of Babcock, upon the result of which I was to
be immediately pardoned, and Bristow, Dyer,
and other objectionable officers to be dismissed.
He used the word "enemies" to designate those
who were anxious to become informers in order to
avoid punishment; so, having been informed by
Babcock that the circular letter order would be
issued, the Judge gleefully writes me that no guilty
man should escape, so that no fears need be enter
tained of Babcock's guilt being proven by those
who knew all the facts.
When the Pierrepont letter made its appearance
everyone who had manifested the slightest interest
in the prosecution of the Eing members was fairly
horrified at this most extraordinary attempt at a
direct interference with the pohcy adopted by the
district attorneys. It was such a flagrant outrage
that Congress was compeUed to take some cogni
zance of the act, which was done by the following
resolution, introduced by Eepresentative Lord, of
New York, on the 26th of February:
Resolved, That the Attorney General be requested to inform
the House by what authority and for what purpose he recently
gave instructions to his subordinates alleged to be in contra
vention of a long established rule relating to testimony of
accomplices in criminal actions.

pieerepont's eeply to house eesolution. 227
To this resolution the Attorney General made the
foUowing reply : Department of Justice, )
Washington, Feb. 26th, 1876. j"
To THE Honorable House op Eepresentatives:
I am in receipt of the following resolution of the House of
Eepresentatives of February 25th, [then follows a copy of the
resolution] to which, in reply, I have the honor to suggest that
the resolution must have been introduced under a misaprehm-
sion. No instructions have been given by the Attorney Gen
eral to his subordinates, in contravention of any rule relating
to testimony of accomplices in criminal actions, and no in
structions that had any such purpose could be fairly attribu
ted. The only specific instructions which have been given on
the subject are those of certain districts where whiskey frauds
are being prosecuted, and these are merely in confirmation
and approval of the arrangements made to use the testimony
of accomplices. As these arrangements and instructions re
late to matters in progress, the House will readily see the
propriety of withholding special information thereto until the
trials are over.
I have the honor to add that in no instance since I have been
Attorney General has there been a proposition of any subordi
nate of mine relating to testimony of accomplices in criminal
actions which has not met my prompt and cordial sanction.
I have the honor to remain, yours very obediently,
Edwards Pierrepont, Attorney General.
This answer to the House resolution is one of the
most remarkable documents ever prepared by an
attorney ; it first denies his contravention of estab
lished rules, and then confirms the charges, after
which it contributes a caustic insult to the House.
In the following month, March, the Judiciary
Committee of the House was instructed to examine
the Pierrepont letter, together with his reply to the

SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING. ,
House resolution, and to make report thereon.
The committee, on the 31st of March, brought in
their report, which, stripped of its formal and re
dundant matter, reads as follows :
EEPOET OP JUDICIAEY COMMITTEE ON THE PIERREPONT
LETTEE.
The Attorney General, to prevent bargains with criminals
likely, as he says, to bring great scandal on the administration
of justice, and as a precaution against any such possible
wrorg, wrote the letters, and asserts that cautious circumspec
tion and judgment were required to see that criminals should
not successfuUy combine to shield themselves, by charging
their own crimes upon innocent men ; therefore, it became
necessary to notify his subordinates of his determination that
the prosecutions should be so conducted that when they were
over it should appear "that no guilty one who had been
proved guilty or confessed himself guilty, had been suffered
to escape punishment."
The question therefore arises whether the Attorney General,
in so instructing his subordinates, acted in contravention of
the long-estabUshed rule relating to the testimony of accom-
pUces in criminal actions.
The testimony of accomplices has been used against their
associates from the early ages of our jurisprudence. The evi
dence of accompUces has at aU times been admitted, either
from a principle of public policy, or from judicial necessity, or
from both. The general rule is, that a person who confesses
himself guilty is a competent witness against his partners
in guUt. (Barbour's Criminal Law, 424.) Archibald in his
criminal pleadings and evidence page 154, says : " An ac-
compHce may give evidence against those jointly guilty
with him, but although in point of law they may be found
guilty on his testimony alone, yet in practice it is not usual
to convict on the testimony of an accompUce * * *
unless * * * * confined in some material

EEPOET OF THE JUDICIAEY COMMITTEE. 229
part of the testimony of other creditable witnesses." The
necessity of oUch a rule is apparent. In the cases to which
the letter of the Attorney General relates, conspiracies are
essential to their existence. When each conspirator knows
that any one of the necessary accomplices may gain immunity
by revealing the conspiracy, it leads him to hesitate, and after
the conspirators have committed the crime for which they
combine it is very difficult, if not impossible, until one or more
of their number seeks the immunity given a witness, for the
State to bring the conspirators to justice.
But the Attorney General answers that he only intended to
prevent criminals from combining " to shield themselves, by
charging their crimes upon innocent men." How does he
know, particularly at this distant point, who are innocent men?
Does he judge from their apparent respectability or high
official position ? Of the classes of apparently respectable
citizens and high officials many have confessed their guilt and
others have been proven guilty. Did not the high officials and
apparently respectable citizens at first vigorously protest their
innocence? Why did not the Attorney General, as did the
Secretary of the Treasury, allow some discretion to his subor
dinates ? Why did he say that no guUty man who confesses
himself guUty shall be allowed to escape punishment, when by
the necessary force of the language accomplices are included?
The report then quotes the rules of law in answer to the
Attorney General's position, and says : But under the rule,
laid down by the Attorney General, the legal adviser of the
President, based upon allegations made to the President,
these rules are of no avaU. The subordinates of the
Attorney General would be guilty of no perfidy unknown to
an honorable profession should they permit accomplices to
testify without informing them that they could expect no
favor, although both the court and jury should be convinced
that they spoke the truth. AU experience has shown that
without such expectations accomplices wiU not testify, and ex
isting conspiracies to commit crimes may not only go on with

230 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
impunity, but new conspiracies may be organized with com
parative safety. It is alleged that the letters of the Attorney
General had the effect of suppressing testimony in a recent
important case. That the defendant in that case understood
it would have that effect appears from the fact stated by the
Attorney General that such defendant distrusting, perhaps
the Attorney General, surreptitiously made it public.
The committee recommend the adoption of the foUowing :
Resolved, That in the judgment of this House, the long es
tabUshed rule relating to the testimony of accomplices in
criminal actions is necessary to prevent combinations for
criminal purposes, and greatly aids in the disclosure of con
spiracies to commit crime, and that the letter of the Attorney
General to the District Attorneys of the United States residing
in St. Louis, Milwaukee, and Chicago, dated the 25th day of
January, A. D., 1876, stating the determination of the Attor
ney General that no person confessing himself guilty should
escape punishment, is in contravention of such rWe, and that
the Attorney General should immediately revoke the instruc
tions covered and impUed by the announcement of such de
termination. I wiU here take the hberty to quote an editorial
from the Missouri BepubHcan, of February 22d,
which reflected the sentiments of both the press
and public at the time so faithfully that no addi
tional comment is necessary :
" The resolution introduced in the House yesterday, by Mr.
Lord, of New York, (Eepublican) inquiring of the Attorney-
General why a certain letter was written, calculated to inter
fere with the prosecution of the whiskey conspirators, goes
straight to the point, and its prompt adoption is a cheerful
indication of a healthy sentiment in the lower branch of Con
gress. Pierrepont is too shrewd a lawyer not to know that
his instructions relative to the treatment of those members of
the Eing who had pleaded guilty and testified against their

AERAINGNMENT OF WM. m'kEE. 231
partners in sin, were a direct bid for them to keep their mouths
shut in the trial now pending in this city. No explanation
wUl convince the public that these instructions were not delib.
erately prepared for the express purpose of throwing obstacles
in the path of justice. They might have been withheld untU all
the trials were concluded and then forwarded to the proper
officials for their guidance in the distribution of punishment.
They were sent just the time when they would do Babcock the
most good and the cause of the Government the most harm.
That they were inspired by the President is only an aggrava
tion of the wrong, not an apology for it.
The simple truth of the matter is that the now famous
Pierrepont letter is a part of the poUcy of the administration
in regard to the whiskey Eing; a policy which, while saying,
"Let no guilty man escape," wanted no guilty man to be con
victed, in whom the administration had a lively interest. It
was an impudent and inexcusable interference with the dis-
cretionery powers which district attorneys have always
exercised, and without which every combination of thieves
would be ' bigger than the Government.' So plain and palpa
ble was its object that nobody has ventured to defend it,
except, perhaps, one or two ring organs, whose praise is more
to be dreaded than a condemnation of honest people. There
fore, the House resolution is a deserved rebuke, not only to
the Attorney-General, but to that unscrupulous Executive who
never lacks tools to do his bidding. The country heartily
endorses the inquiry and will wait patiently for the reply."
On the 20th of January, Wm. McKee was
arraigned for trial. His attorneys were Hon. Dan.
Voorhes, Hon. W. H. Hatch, Judge Henry C.
Clover, Judge Bayless W. Hanna, and Judges John
M. and Chester H. Krum. The Government was
represented by U. S. District Attorney, D. P. Dyer,
Maj. Lucien Eaton, W. H, Bhss, and Col. James
0, Broadhead, Every step in the case was bitterly

232 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
contested, and in St. Louis, where the defendant
had occupied a high position for more than thirty
years, the excitement was very great. The evi
dence was so overwhelming, however, that on the
morning of February 1st a verdict of guilty was
returned. On the same day Col. Constantine
Maguire, having not the slightest hope for an
acquittal, entered a plea of guilty. Both the
defendants were aUowed considerable time to procure
pardon, but their efforts were of no avail. McKee
made great exertions to obtain testimony upon
which to base his application for a new trial. They
remained at liberty under bonds until the court
passed sentence, sometime in the latter part of
April. On the morning of February 6th, I received the
following note from Judge Krum, who was expect
ing daily to hear the name of his cUent, Gen.
Babcock, caUed for trial: February 6th, 1876.
Dear Friend :
I hear that some one has a letter from B. (Babcock) to you,
which was written about the time of Joyce's trip to California,
and which relates to his trip. This information comes from a
party who says he can get the letter. He has shown a copy to
B., (Babcock) or what he says is a copy.
What is there in this story ? Answer by bearer and on the
square. Chester H. Krum.
I wrote the Judge a short reply, in which I dis
claimed any knowledge of the letter, which had
never reached me.
On the same night Judge Krum paid me a
visit and explained the matter fuUy: he said a

PURCHASE OF A DAMAGING LETTER. 233
copy of the letter had been handed to Babcock
by Chat Hardaway, who was a discharged ganger,
and that Babcock, recognizing the letter, sent
for the original for which he paid Hardaway a large
price. There were three Hardaway brothers, one of
whom, Chat, had been a ganger, and Henry a store
keeper, both of whom had been dismissed from the
service several months before. The other brother,
Joshua, was a letter carrier. The first two had been
placed in the revenue service by Con. Megrue, and
were, of course, members of the ring until their
discharge. Judge Krum very properly advanced
the theory that at the requests of Chat and
Henry Hardaway, Joshua had watched the
dehvery, and knowing Gen. Babcock's hand writ
ing, he had filched this letter in question from
the mail. At aU events the letter never reached
me, and it is also a fact that the original letter was
purchased by Gen. Babcock from Chat Hardaway,
to whom he paid a lai-ge sum of money, the
amount of which I do not now remember. This
transaction occurred on the evening of the 6th,
being the day foUowing Gen. Babcock's arrival in
St. Louis.
On February 8th, Gen. Babcock was placed on
trial, charged with conspiracy to defraud the Gov
ernment, there being five counts in the indictment.
His counsel consisted of Hon. Emory A. Storrs, of
Chicago ; Judge John K. Porter, of New York ; Ex-
Attorney General Geo. H. WiUiams, and Judges
John M. and Chester H. Krum. The prosecution
was represented by the same attorneys as those in

234 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
the McKee case. The jury was composed of the
following gentlemen :
E. N. Blackwood, of Lewis Co.
Matt Woodruff, Clark Co.
W. E. Wilson, Lewis Co.
Ezra Johnson, Lewis Co.
B. F. Snyder, Knox Co.
J. M. Keathley, St. Charles Co.
W. Blakeley, Adair Co.
D. W. Taintor, Gasconade Co.
E. B. F. May, PrankUn Co.
W. S. Jewett, Jefferson Co.
W. T, Jackson, Marion Co.
Harvey Sessons, Lewis Co.
This trial was one of the most remarkable and in
many respects the most noteworthy of any ever held
in America. Not that there were any intricate
problems of jurisprudence involved, but because it
arrayed the people directly against the Executive.
It was essentiaUy a fight between justice and the
cormorants of power and mighty influence, and alas,
that it must be said, justice was defeated.
The court-room was densely packed with inter
ested people during every day of the trial, while the
streets in the vicinity of the United States Courts
were literally crowded with anxious persons eager
to catch every floating rumor appertaining to the
distinguished defendant, I cannot here undertake
to give even a synopsis of that great judicial inquiry,
but there is one particular part of the testimony
which it is important I should quote, as it presents
a photographic picture, as it were, of the despera
tion of the defendant and his friends. Those who
have read my full statement are familiar with the

TESTIMONY OF A, M, EVEREST,
case against Gen, Babcock, which embraces many
facts, however, not in possession of the prosecution
at the time of the trial.
It will be remembered by many who have read
reports of this trial in the daily and weekly press,
that Abijah M. Everest, revenue ganger, who had
also performed the duties of Collector for the
Eing, suddenly disappeared from St. Louis, when
disclosures were first made. He remained in
Europe for several months, and until he learned
that the government was visiting informers with
special leniency. A short correspondence with
his friends here, convinced him that the most
advisable course to pursue would be to return,
plead guilty and become a witness for the govern
ment. This course he adopted, reaching St. Louis
barely in time to give his testimony in the Babcock
cause before the prosecution closed.
Among many other important matters he testi
fied to were the foUowing, which I have copied
from the official report :
Question — How long did you continue to act as collector for
the Eing? WiU ask you before that, how did you become col
lector for the Eing ? What arrangement was made by which
you assumed the duties ?
Answer — Col. Joyce asked me if I would. He said Fitzroy
was sick and was going away, and he would Uke me to take
his place.
Ques. — What time was that ?
Ans. — In August, 1874.
Ques. —How long did you continue to coUect for the Eing?
Ans  Until the seizures in 1875.
Ques.— I wiU get you to state whether, in 1875, or at any time
before AprU, you were present in the office of the Supervisor,

236 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
and had a conversation with Joyce at any time other than the
day yon met them each week ?
Ans. — I remember in 1875 1 was.
Mr. Krum— When ?
Ques. by Mr. Dyer — State when and where you had a con
versation with him with reference to the matter.
Ans. — It was in the Supervisor's office, in 1875,
Mr, Krum — When ?
Ans. — February or March — along, I think, in the latter part
of February.
Ques. by Mr. Dyer — Well ?
Ans. — He asked me about —
Mr. Storrs — One moment.
Mr, Dyer — This is an act, or accompanying an act —
Mr. Storrs — I would like to have the witness receive the same
admonition from your Honor that he has already received.
Ques. by the court — Was this conversation in connection
with any act that Joyce requested you to perform ?
Ans. — Yes sir.
Ques. — Did you perform that act ?
Ans. — I did.
The Court — Go on.
Witness — He gave me a package of one thousand doUars
and told me to go to the Sub-Treasurer's office and have it
changed into two five hundred doUar bills.
Ques. — State what the denomination of the bUls yoa carried
to the sub-treasury were ?
Ans. — I did not notice particularly and therefore cannot
answer. Ques. — Well, what did you do at the sub-treasury?
Ans. — I passed the package to the teUer, and he gave me two
five hundred dollar biUs in return.
Ques. — Then what did you do ?
Ans. — ^I went back to the office and gave them to Col. Joyce.
Ques. — Who was in the office at the time ?
Ans. — Nobody.
Ques. — After you gave him the bills, what did he do with them ?

TESTIMONY OP A. M. EVEREST. 237
Ans. — He separated the bills and looked at both of them,
and he picked up two envelopes laying on his desk, and put
them in the envelopes.
Question by the Court. — Into separate envelopes?
Ans. — Yes, sir.
Question by Mr. Dyer. — Go on and state now, in your own
way, what he did, and what you did ?
Ans. — I gave him the money and he took up the envelopes,
both of them, and put one bill in one envelope and I presume
the other in another.
Mr. Storrs. — Hold on ; we don't want a particle of pre
sumption. The Court. — State what yon know.
Witness. — He picked up both envelopes, examined the bills,
took one five hundred dollar bill, put that in an envelope,
and transferred it to the rear of the other one. He then pulled
out a letter, and placed the other five hundred doUar biU in
the other envelope.
Ques. — Then what did he do ?
Ans. — He then sealed the envelopes, and he talked a little
while, and he gave me the envelopes to put in the post-office.
Ques. — When he gave you them, what did he say to you ?
Ans. — He asked me if I wouldn't put them in the box,
across the street from his office, which I did.
Ques. — In the United States mail box?
Ans. — Yes, sir.
Ques. — State whereabouts the box was situated, as regards
the office, where the letter was delivered to you ?
Ans. — The box was situated on the south-west corner of
Fifth and Pine.
Ques. — State what you did with the letters Joyce handed
you? Ans : — I put them in the 

Mr. Krum. — We object to that 
Judge DiUon. — What he did with the letters ?
Mr. Krum. — WeU, go on.

238 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
Mr. Dyer. — State what you did with the letters?
Ans. — I put them in the box as he directed.
Ques. — I wUl get you to state to the jury whether you ob
served the directions ?
*************
Ques. — Where was Joyce at the time you deposited the let
ters in the letter box ?
Ans. — He was watching me from the window.
Ques. — At the time you deposited the letters, did you ob
serve him at the time ?
Ans. — I saluted him, and he saluted me.
Qaes. — You put the letters in ?
Ans.— I was facing him when I put them in.
Ques — After the letters came in your hands, and before they
were deposited in the box by you, did you examine and see
the name and direction on the envelopes ?
Ans. — Yes, sir.
Ques. — Will you state to the jury how the letters were
directed and to whom they were directed ?
Ans. — There was one of them directed to W. O. Avery,
Washington, D. C, and one to Gen. O. E. Babcock, Washing
ton, D. C.
Ques. — Anything else on the envelopes ?
Ans. — There was a post-mark, and each one of them had
" Personal " on the left hand corner.
This testimony created a most profound sensa
tion. Everest had always stood high in St. Louis
until his social star paled before his confessions of
impUcation with the Whiskey Eing. But the fact
of him pleading guilty threw no discredit upon his
statements, and when he told the story of Joyce's
remittance to Babcock, by mail, there was not a
person in St. Louis, I dare say, who did not feel that
Babcock's guilt had been positively fixed. But the
defense was equal to the emergency; they had

MAGILL 'S TESTIMONY. 239
suborned witnesses before; had purchased testi
mony and crippled the efficiency of the courts, so
they could not hesitate at this critical point to buy
a man in whose mouth they could put a story and
make him a machine for its repetition. Poor Jim
Magill was selected for this purpose. He was at
the time a letter-carrier, but he had seen much of
the hardships of hfe enforced by pecuniary distress.
He had been a straggler in the army, a street car
driver and conductor, a policeman, clerk, and a
man of all jobs. The promise of a rich reward was
too tempting for the conscience of the poor fellow,
so after attending a few rehearsals before Bab
cock, Storrs, and Krum, he committed his story,
and, regarding his oath only as a voucher for the
price of his manhood, he gave the following testi
mony: Question. — Do you recollect the circumstances, Mr. Magill,
any time in February or March, of delivering to Col. Joyce, from
the letter box, two letters
Answer. — Yes, sir.
Ques. — You may state when that occurred, the circumstan-
stances under which it occurred, and everything which you
now remember with reference to it.
Ans — In the latter part of February I was coming down
Pine street 
Judge Dillon.— What year ?
Mr. Storrs.— 1875,
Witness, (continuing) — Near Fifth, and Mr. Joyce accosted
me and told me that there were two letters in the box on the
southwest comer of Fifth and Pine — he did not say, but
pointed there — that he would like to get them back again.
Ques — What did you say to him ?
Mr. Broadhead. — Is Mr. Joyce connected with it ?

240 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
Judge Dillon, (to counsel for defense) — Was anything done ?
Mr. Storrs. — We wiU follow it up by showing that the letters
were delivered.
Judge Dillon.— Does your objection still hold, Col. Broadhead?
Mr. Broadhead. — No, sir.
Mr. Storrs, (to witness) — Go on.
Witness. — I asked him to describe the letters which he
wanted back, which he did. He said one was directed to W.
O. Avery, Washington, and marked " personal," and the other
was addressed to O. E. Babcock, Washington, and marked
" personal " on the corner.
*********
Ques. — What was done after he made that request of you ?
Ans. — I opened the box, although it was off my district.
Ques. — Then what did you do ?
Ans. — I searched among the letters and found the letters he
described, and he made some remark about the seal, or some
thing of that kind, and I gave them to him.
Ques. — Did he give you any receipt for the letter ?
Ans. — No, sir.
Ques. — Did you ask him for a receipt ?
Ans. — I did. He made some remark — I can't exactly recollect
what he said — and then I said: " Look here. Col. Joyce, I want
a receipt for those letters, or, if not, put them back in the mail;
I will wait and go along with it. He replied ' that's aU right
hunki dori, its only a blind, that is just the whole business.' "
Ques. — Is it customary to require a receipt.
Ans. — Yes, sir.
Ques. — Is it infrequent that letters are delivered back ?
Ans. — Yes, sir.-
OEOSS-EXAMINATION BY COL, DYER,
Ques,— Did you ever at any other time open a box off your
district other than that time ?
Ans.- — Yes.
Ques.— Who for ?
Ans. — Once a week.

MAGILL's TESTIMONY. 241
Ques. — Did you ever open a box off your beat and take a let
ter out for some one else, and if so, who ?
Ans. — Yes.
Ques. — Off your beat ?
Ans. — Yes, sir ; I have done it on Main street.
Ques,— Who for ?
Ans — Well, I don't recoUect— for business houses.
Ques. — Name the house, if you please.
Ans. — WeU, I don't recollect.
Ques. — Give me the name of one letter ?
Ans. — I don't recollect.
Ques. — Give us the name of the party, if you took any letters
out of the mail boxes at the instance of any one on Main street ?
Ans. — I don't recoUect, because the matter occurred so fre
quently that I did not retain it in my memory.
Ques. — Well, can you give the name of one house on Main
street for which you took letters out of the box ?
Ans. — No, sir.
Ques. — I ask you outside of your district. You say that you
have taken letters outside of your beat for other persons ?
Ans. — I say that I collected all the routes once a week in the
city of St. Louis, at the hour of 5, half-past 5, or a quarter
after 5 ; that the merchants came to me and said they had
dropped letters in ; the business card was on the envelope ;
and I gave them to them without any further question. The
postage, probably, would not have been paid.
Ques. — Name one merchant that you did that for?
Ans. — Well, I can't name one ; I may as weU say the whole
of them.
Ques. — Do you mean to say every man on Main street ?
Ans. — Nothing of the sort ; but I do mean to say this : that
parties would put letters in the letter-box and they might for
get the enclosure or the stamp.
Ques. — I want to know the name of any gentleman it St.
Louis for whom you took a letter out of the box ?
Ans. — George W. Fishback

242 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
Ques. — When ?
Ans. — I can't locate the time.
Ques. — Off your beat ?
Ans. — No, sir ; on my beat.
Ques. — Did you, at any time take letters out of the box ?
Ans. — I told you I took them hundreds of times.
Ques. — Will you name a man?
Ans. — Well, I told you my recollection in the matter; the mat
ter occurred so often that I did'nt consider it necessary to
retain it in my recollection.
Ques. — Can you, by taxing your memory ?
Ans. — No, sir. Mr. Dyer, I came here to tell the truth, the
whole truth, and you can't make me tell any different.
Mr. Dyer. — That is all right ; but I want to know exactly
what parties you deUvered letters to.
Witness. — Now, Mr. Dyer, I will tell you one thing : I col
lected the boxes from Washington Avenue to Spruce, and the
river to Sixth street, and as you are not aware, I will tell you —
we have got a certain thing to do with collections, and if par
ties come and want letters, I have got no time to fool about it.
Ques. — WiU you then name one man for whom you took out a
letter off your beat ?
Ans. — Well, I could not positively.
Ques. — Can you name any man that you think you took a
letter out of a box for off of your beat ?
Ans. — Yes, sir.
Ques.— Well, who ?
Ans. — Well. I wouldn't like to swear about the parties for
whom I have taken letters out.
Ques. — Then you don't know, do you ?
Ans. — I know that I have.
Ques. — Do you know the men for whom you have done it?
Ans.— Well, I don't know the men, but I have an idea of the
firms ; but I wouldn't state it positively.
Ques.— Then you were in the habit of taking receipts for
those letters that you took out of the delivery box ?

HOW MAGILL CAME TO TESTIFY. 248
Ans. — ^Yes, sir, as a general rule.
Ques. — You carried receipts with you ?
Ans. — Yes, sir, when on a business route ; I am on a residence
route now.
Ques. — ^At the time you speak of, did you have receipts?
Ans. — I did for a fact.
Ques. — Joyce did not sign a receipt, you say ?
Ans. — He got possession of the letters before I demanded a
receipt. Ques. — And then, after you demanded a receipt, he refused
to give it, did he ?
Ans. — He said it was hunky dori, or some such remark, and
then I asked him if I would wait for the letters ; I thought
perhaps he had forgotten to put something in the letter, or
something of that kind ; he said " that is hunky dori," " that is
only a blind," or something of that kind.
*********
The facts connected with this testimony must
be related here : On the night of Gen. Babcock's
acquittal, February 24th, he called on me at my
quarters at the jail, in company with Judge Krum.
After being there a short time Gen. Babcock re
quested Judge Krum to step outside of the cell in
order that he might have a private conversation
with me. In the course of that interview he related
to me his troubles and the expense he had been
put to, etc., and many other things which I will re
late hereafter, in its proper place. But among
other things he told me that before leaving Wash
ington to appear for trial he had learned of the arri
val of Everest, and also of the facts that the Prose
cuting Attorney had caused his return to America
in order that he might relate in court the transmis
sion by maU of the $500 remittance; that his

244 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
counsel had decided to secure a man to give testi
mony of the nature submitted by MagiU, but that
it was not until after the trial was begun that they
had selected MagiU for the purpose. He then told
me that he had been compelled to pay Hardaway a
big price for the letter, already referred to, and that
he had to reward Magill with a most extravagant
sum; " but," he remarked, " the result has paid me
well for the expenditure."
There are some peculiarities about Magill's tes
timony which render it extraordinary, when consid
ering the fact that it was the creation of two of the
most acute lawyers in the nation. In the first place
MagiU, though he was a letter carrier, had no more
right to open a letter box outside of his district
than any citizen not connected with the mail ser
vice ; and in the second place if he had possessed
the right it would have been a crime for him to
have returned a letter from the mail box without tak
ing a receipt therefor. But I will not cast a reflec
tion of stupidity upon the reader by drawing atten
tion to the seU-evident falsity of the entire MagiU
testimony. No one beUeved a word of it at the
time and no intelligent person believes a scintiUa
of it to-day. Col. Joyce states that the remittance
was made just as Everest testified, and that he never
dreamed of such a thing as having the money and
letters returned to him.
During the progress of the Babcock trial Judge
Krum paid me visits very frequently, and he begged
me for some of Babcock's letters, especiaUy those
of a friendly nature which he might use in the trial
as an evidence that the relations of myself and Bab-

KRUM SECURES SOME OF BABCOOK's LETTERS. 245
cock were purely social. I told him that I would
look over my correspondence and would select some
letters such as he wanted and let him take them
provided they were returned to me at the termina
tion of the trial. FoUowing is one of his notes af
ter ehciting this promise from me :
February 16th, 1876.
Dear General :
If you can get all of the letters during the day, please do so
and leave them in your room, so that I can look over them
with you. The Government's case is all in.
My messenger will carry any message you want to any per
son to whom you need to send a message. He is one of the
boys from the office, and is close mouthed and perfectly relia
ble. I will be in to see you to-night. All well and very hope
ful. C. H. K.
On the same evening, as per his engagement,
Judge Krum came to my cell, and as I had sent for
all my letters he at once expressed a wish to look
thi'ough the correspondence at his leisure. I pertly
told him that he could not examine the letters;
that if he were not satisfied vdth those I chose to
let him have that I should give him none. I se
lected from the letters I had with me from Babcock,
those of the foUowing date: March 4th, 1872;
January 20th, 1874; January 30th, 1874; December
26th, 1874, and May 30th, 1875. I made a memo
randa of these dates, and gave the letters to him
only upon his solemn promise, as a gentleman, tore-
turn them to me at the conclusion of the Babcock
trial. These letters were never returned to me, and
subsequent to the trial he told me that the letters,
on the foUowing day after he received them, were
given into the possession of a party of gentlemen in

246 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
Babcock's room at the Lindell hotel, consisting of
Gen. Babcock, Mr. Storrs, Williams, and Babcock's
brother, and that Storrs and the Babcocks, after re
marking that they could make no use of the letters,
threw them into the grate where they were speedily
burned. On the ninth day of the Babcock trial the Presi
dent's deposition was introduced in court and read,
as follows : PRESIDENT grant's DEPOSITION.
Be it remembered that, on the 12th day of February, in the
year of our Lord 1876, I did call and cause to personally
appear before me, at the Executive Mansion, in the City of
Washington, D. C, between the hours of 10 o'clock a. m. and
6 o'clock p. m., n Saturday, U. S. Grant, to testify, and the
truth to say on the part and on behalf of the defendant, in a
certain case now pending in the Circuit Court of the United
States, for the Eastern District of Missouri, viz : The United
States vs. OrviUe E. Babcock. Agreeably to the stipulation
hereunto annexed, and the said U. S. Grant, being about the
age of fifty-three years, and first sworn to testify the whole
truth, and nothing but the truth, in the matter of controversy
aforesaid, I did carefully examine the said U. S. Grant, and he
did thereupon testify as follows, viz :
Examined by W. A. Cook, Esq., as counsel for the defendant.
Question. — How long have you known Gen. Babcock, and
how intimately ?
Answer.— I have known him since 1863, having first met
him during the Vicksburg campaign, that year ; since March,
1864, I have known him intimately.
Ques. — Please state the various capacities in which he has
been employed, and what positions he has held since 1863 ?
Ans.— From about March, 1864, to the 4th of March, 1869, he
was an aid-de-camp on my mUitary staff ; since that time he

THE PEESIDENT's DEPOSITION.- 247
has been acting as my private secretary. He has also, for sev
eral years past, been Superintendent of Public Buildings and
Grounds. Ques. — As your private secretary, please state what were his
general duties ?
Ans. — They were to carry to Congress all communications of
the President, and to have charge of, and supervision of all
correspondence, particularly that of an official character. In
his capacity of private secretary he received my mails, opened
my letters, and referred them to the appropriate departments,
submitting to me all such as required any investigation or an
swer from myself.
Ques. — His relations with you were very confidential ?
Ans. — Very.
Ques. — Do you know whether, during the time Gen. Babcock
has been your private secretary, he has had frequent applica
tions from persons throughout the country to lay their special
matters before you, or before the various departments?
Ans. — That was a very frequent occurrence, indeed ; it hap
pened almost daily.
Ques. — In what manner, so far as you have observed, with ref
erence to the public interest, has Gen. Babcock discharged his
duties as your private secretary ?
Alls. — I have always regarded him as a most efficient and
faithful officer.
Ques. — Are you acquainted with the general reputation of
Gen. Babcock in the city where he now lives, and in the place
where he has lived, among his acquaintances and associates,
and in the army and elsewhere for honesty and integrity ?
Ans. — I am acquainted with his reputation in the army and
in this city.
Ques. — Please state what that general reputation is, and
has been ?
Ans. — If an intimate association of twelve years with a man
gives one an opportunity of judging what others think of him,
I have certainly had not only an exceUent opportunity of

248 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
knowing his character myself, but of hearing the general rep
utation he sustains.
Ques. — Prom these opportunities, what has been his reputa
tion? Ans. — Good.
Ques. — Were you acquainted with C. W. Ford, of St. Louis, in
his lifetime, and what, if any, position did he hold at the time
of his death ?
Ans. — I was intimately acquainted with C. W. Ford ; first in
the State of New York, when I was a lieutenant in the army,
and he a young lawyer, residing in the same town where I was
stationed ; and, subsequently, from 1854 to 1860, when we
were both living in St. Louis county. He was, from 1854 un
til his death, connected with the United States Express Com
pany in St. Louis, and from 1869, though I am not sure of the
date, he was collector of Internal Eevenue for the first district
of Missouri, which position he held when he died.
Ques. — State, please, what, if any, applications were made at
the time of his decease, as to the appointment of his successor?
Ans. — It is impossible for me to remember all the appUca-
tions that were made for the place. I do recollect, however,
that Gen. Babcock brought me a dispatch adressed to him by
John A. Joyce, in which the latter particularly applied for the
position. Ques. — What other, if any, applications were made as to the
appointment of a successor ? But, first, let me enquire if you
have the dispatch to which you have just made reference?
Ans. — I do not know.
Ques. — Do you know where it is ?
Ans. — I do not, but presume it could be found ; I think it
very likely it is in possession of Gen. Babcock's counsel or of
the district attorney.
Ques. — Were there any requests or communications with re
gard to Mr. Ford's successor from his sureties?
Ans. — When Gen. Babcock exhibited to me the dispatch
from Mr. Joyce, I said to him that, as Mr. Ford had died away

THE president's DEPOSITION. 249
from home, and very suddenly, I would, in the selection of a
successor be, to a great extent, guided by the recommendation
and wishes of his bondmen. I thought they would at least be
entitled to be heard respecting the person to be selected, as
upon them would devolve the settlement of the affairs of the
office. Ques. — What did you decide to do with reference to the ap
pointment, and to whom, if any, did you decide to leave the
nomination of Mr. Ford's successor ?
Ans. — That information is embraced in the answer just
given. Ques. — Whom did the bondsmen actuaUy recommend ?
Ans. — Constantine Maguire.
Ques. — And on their recommendation exclusively he received
the appointment ?
Ans. — I could not say exclusively, because he was well rec
ommended, and was satisfactory to the bondsmen of Mr. Ford.
Ques. — Did Gen. Babcock ever, in any way, directly or
indirectly, urge or request, or seek to influence the appoint
ment of Mr. Maguire, or did he ever exchange words with you
upon the subject which indicated that he desired the appoint
ment? Ans. — I do not think he ever did, nor do I believe that he
was aware of the existence of Constantine Maguire prior to
his recommendation as the successor of Mr. Ford.
Ques. — Did you inform Gen. Babcock that you intended to
leave the appointment of Mr. Ford's successor to his bonds
men; did you request him to notify the parties ?
Ans. — I do not remember.
Ques. — Are the telegrams now shown you the ones received
by you in relation to the appointment of Mr. Maguire ?
Counsel for prosecution objected to this question, but it was.
overruled. The following are copies of the dispatches and letters re
ferred to.

250 SECRETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
Exhibit 1.
Treasury Department, Office of Internal Eevenue. )
Washington, Jan. 4th, 1876. j
Dear Sir :
Enclosed herewith I send you the papers which you ask for
in your note of the 3d inst., viz: Telegrams from Henry T.
Blow, from McKee, Wm. H. Benton, and John M. Krum, rec
ommending the appointment of Constantine Maguire as Col
lector of Internal Eevenue of the First District of Missouri,
vice C. W. Ford, deceased, referred to this department by the
President October 28th, 1873.
Very respectfully, D. D. Pratt, Commissioner,
Levi P. Luckey, Secretary to the President.
Executive Mansion, Washington. Exhibit 2.
St. Louis, Oct. 27th, 1873.
To His Excellency, U. S. Grant, Washington:
If you received telegram from us please answer.
John M. Krum.
Wm. H. Benton.
Wm. McKee.
Exhibit 3.
St. Louis, Oct. 25th, 1873.
To His Excellency, U. S. Grant, Washington.
Please see our dispatch of this day to Delano and teU us, as
securities of our friend, C. W. Ford, if we can protect our
selves from any wrong action of his deputies.
Wm. H. Benton.
John M. Krum;
Wm. MoKee.
Exhibit 4.
St. Louis, Oct. 27th, 1873.
To President U. S. Grant, Washington:
As your personal and political friends, we urgently request

THE president's DEPOSITION. 251
the appointment of Constantine Maguire as successor to our
friend, the late C. W. Ford. Wm. H. Benton.
Wm. McKee.
John M. Krum.
Exhibit 5.
St. Louis, Oct. 27th, 1873.
To President U. S. Grant, Washington :
It would be gratifying to your friends and the Eepublicans
of our city, if Constantine Maguire could be appointed Col
lector of Eevenue of the District. He is on Mr. Ford's bond
has the confidence of Mr. Ford's friends, and is really an
honest, straightforward man, as weU as capable. Henry T Blow.
(Testimony continued.)
Ans. — I have no doubt these are the dispatches, or copies
of the despatches, I received. If they are not, dispatches sim
ilar in tenor were received.
Ques. — Connected with these telegrams is a letter dated
January 4, 1876, from D. D. Pratt, Commissioner. Will you
be kind enough to explain how that letter was received by you,
and what connection it has with these telegrams ?
Ans. — The communication to which you refer, from the for
mer Commissioner of Internal Eevenue, is in answer to a
request made iu my name to be furnished with the telegrams
recommending Mr. Maguire for the office of coUector.
Ques. — Did Gen. Babcock, so far as you know, ever seek in
any way to influence your action with reference to any changes
made or proposed to be made against Joyce or McDonald, or
either of them ?
Ans. — I do not remember of his ever speaking to me on the
subject; he took no lively interest in the matter, or I should
have recollected it.
Ques. — Did Gen. Babcock, so far as you know, ever seek in
any way to influence your action in reference to any investiga
tion in the alleged whiskey frauds in St. Louis or elsewhere ?
Ans. — He did not. I wUl state, at this point, that I do not

252 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
remember one instance when he talked with me on the subject
of these investigations, excepting since his indictment. It was
then simply to say to me that he had asked Mr. Douglass why
it was his department treated all their officials as though they
were dishonest persons who required to be watched by spies;
why he could not make inspections similar to those which pre
vailed in the army, selecting for the purpose men of character,
who could enter the distilleries, examine the books, and make
reports which could be relied upon as correct. Gen. Babcock
simply told me that he said this to Mr. Douglass.
Ques. — Do you remember the circumstance of John McDon
ald being in the city of Washington on the 7th day of Febru
ary, 1874?
Ans. — I do not remember the particular date; I remember
the time in question.
Qnes. — Did you ride with him on or about that date or
occasion, and was anything whatever said by him to you with
reference to the investigation of alleged frauds in his district?
Ans. — ^I picked him up on the sidewalk as I was taking a
drive. I invited him to go with me. I have no recollection of
any word or words, or any matter touching his official business.
Ques. — If I understand correctly, Gen. B'ebcock's conception
was, that in making the investigations, it would be wiser to
have it done by men of superior character than by men of
inferior or suspicious character ?
Ans. — Yes, sir.
Ques. — Did Gen. Babcock, at or about that time, say any
thing to you with reference to such investigation, and, to your
knowledge, did he undertake to prevent them ?
Ans. — I have no recollection of his saying anything about
that; certainly he did not intercede with me to prevent them.
Ques.— Do you recoUect the circumstances attending the
promulgation of an order transferring the various Supervisors
from their own to other districts ?
Ans. — I do.
Ques.— State fully with whom the idea upon which the order

THE president's DEPOSITION. 253
was based originated, and the particular reasons which induced
you to direct it to be so.
Ans. — Sometimes when Mr. Eichardson was Secretary, I think
at all events, before Secretary Bristow became the head of the
Department, Mr. Douglass, in talking with me, expressed the
idea that it would be a good plan occasionally to shift the va
rious Supervisors from one district to another. I expressed
myself favorably towards it, but it was not done then ; nor was
it thought of any more by me, until it became evident that the
Treasury was being defrauded of a portion of the revenue that
it should receive from the distillation of spirits in the West.
Secretary Bristow, at that time, called on me and made a gen
eral statement of his suspicions, when I suggested to him this
idea. On that suggestion, the order making these transfers
of Supervisors was made. At that time, I did not understand
that there was any suspicion at all of the officials, but that each
official had his own way of transacting his business. These
distillers having so much pecuniary interest in deceiving the
officials, learn their ways and know how to avoid them. My
idea was, that by putting in new Supervisors, acquainted with
their duties, over them, they would run across and detect their
crooked ways. This was the view I had, and explains the rea
son why I suggested the change.
Ques. — Can you state whether Mr. Douglass, at that time
Commissioner of Internal Eevenue, was aware of the fact that
you suggested or made the order ?
Ans. — I do not know that he knew anything about it.
Ques. — After the order had been finally issued, were any ef-
orts made to induce you to order its revocation or suspension ?
Ans. — Yes, sir, most strenuous efforts.
Ques. — Were such efforts made by prominent pubUc men ?
Did you resist the pressure that was made upon you for the
revocation or suspension of the order, and will you please state
why you were induced to do so and by whom ?
Ans. — I resisted all efforts to have the order revoked, until I
became convinced that it should be revoked or suspended in

254 SECRETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
the interests of detecting fi-auds that had already been com
mitted. In my conversation with Supervisor Tutton, he said
to me that if the object of that order was to detect frauds that
had ah-eady been committed, he thought it would not be ac
complished. He remarked that this order was to go into
effect on the 15th of February. This conversation occurred
late in January. He alleged that it would give the distiUers
who had been defrauding the Treasury, three weeks notice to
get their houses in order, and be prepared to receive the new
Supervisor; that he, himself, would probably go into a district
where frauds had been committed, and he would find every
thing in good order, and he would be compeUed to so report;
that the order would probably result in stopping the frauds at
least for a time, but would not lead to the detection of those
that had already been committed. He said that if the order
was revoked, it would be regarded as a triumph for those who
had been defrauding the Treasury. It would throw them off
their guard, and he could send special agents of the Treasury
to the suspected distiUers — send good men, such a one as he
mentioned, Mr. Brooks. They could go out and would not be
known to the distillers, and before they could be aware of it,
the latter's frauds could be detected ; the proofs would be
complete, the distiUeries could be seized, and their owners
prosecuted. I felt so conscious that his'argument was sound,
and that it was in the interest of the detection and punishment
of fraud, that this order should be suspended, and I then told
him that I would suspend it immediately, and I did so without
any further consultation with anyone. My recollection is, that
I wrote the direction for the suspension of the order on a card,
in pencil, before leaving my office that afternoon, and that the
order was issued and sent to the Treasury by one of my
secretaries. Ques. — Did General Babcock ever in any way, directly or in
directly, seek to influence your action in reference to that order?
Ans. — I do not remember his ever speaking to me about it
or exhibiting any interest ia the matter. //

THE PEESIDENT's DEPOSITION. 255
Ques. — From anything he ever said or did, do you know
whether he desired that the order should be revoked or sus
pended ?
Ans. — That question I think, has been fuUy answered.
Ques. — Has Gen. Babcock, so far as you know, or any one
for him, undertaken to prevent an investigation of his alleged
connection with what is known as the Whiskey Eing at St.
Louis or elsewhere ?
Ans. — To my knowledge, he has not,
Ques. — Has General Babcock, so far as you know, ever used
any effort with yourself or any one else, to prevent the finding
of indictments against any person suspected of complicity with
the Whiskey Eing at St. Louis or elsewhere ?
Ans. — He has not.
Ques. — Since the finding of the St. Louis indicments against
these persons has General Babcock, so far as you know, ever
exhibited any desire to interfere with or prevent a trial, or ex
hibited any interest or wish in that direction ?
Ans. — He has not to my knowledge.
Ques. — Have you ever seen anything in the conduct of Gen
eral Babcock, or has he ever said anything to you, which indi
cated to your mind that he was in any way interested in or
connected with the Whiskey Eing at St. Louis or elsewhere ?
Ans. — Never.
Ques. — In what manner, as regards the pubUc interest, and
as evincing his fidelity and integrity, has he performed bis du
ties as your Private Secretary ?
Ans. — Always to my entire satisfaction.
Ques. — Have you in any form observed or learned of any
thing in connection with Gen. Babcock's conduct which has
tended to diminish your confidence in his ability and integrity ?
Ans. — I have always had great confidence in his integrity
and efficiency.
Cross Examination by Mr. Eaton. Ques. — General, of course
you do not suppose, do you, that while General Babcock has
been your private secretary, and in intimate and confidential

256 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
relations with you, any one would voluntarily come to you
with statements injurious to his reputation ?
Ans. — I do not know any such thing.
Ques. — Perhaps you are aware. General, that the Whiskey
Eing have persistently tried to fix the origin of that Eing in
the necessity for funds to carry on political campaigns. Did
you ever have any information from Gen. Babcock, or any one
else, in any manner, directly or indirectly, that any funds
for poUtical purposes were being raised by any improper
methods ?
Ans. — I never did ; I have seen since these trials intimations
of that sort in the newspapers, but never before.
Ques. — Then let me ask you if the prosecuting officers have
not been entirely correct in repelling all insinuations that you
ever had tolerated any such means for raising funds ?
An.s. — I was not aware that they had attempted to repel
any insinuations.
Ques. — Speaking of C. W. Ford, I presume. General, that
your confidence in him continued up to the time of his death?
Ans.— I never had a suspicion that anything was wrong.
Ques. — Did you regard his knowledge of men and affairs in
St. Loris as trustworthy ?
Ans. — I had as much confidence in him, in that way, as any
person I knew in St. Louis.
Ques. — When did you cease to reside in St. Louis, General ?
Ans.— In May, 1860.
Ques. — From 1860 down to the time of Mr. Ford's death,
Mr. Ford's residence was also in St. Louis ?
Ans. — Yes, sir.
Ques.- — Did you have private correspondence with Mr. Ford
during the time that he was Collector ?
Ans. — I did.
Ques. — Did you preserve that correspondence ?
Ans. — No, I never kept a copy of a letter that I sent to him
in my life.
Ques. — Did you preserve letters that you received from him?

THE PEESIDENT's DEPOSITION. 257
Ans. — No, sir, I did not preserve those. We corresponded
regularly, because I had such confidence in him that I left him
to conduct my own affairs there. And I had to be constantly
sending him money. I would send checks to him of $500,
$1,000 and $1,200 at a time, and he would pay out the money
and account to me for it. My confidence in him was such
that I did that without even saving my letters.
Ques. — Do you remember a letter of Mr. Ford's to yourself,
dated May 30, 1870, in which he spoke of McDonald as a
bad egg, and as saying too, that he was a disgrace to the ad
ministration ?
The Witness. — Was that before or after McDonald's appoint
ment? Mr. Eaton. — I think that it was shortly after McDonald's
appointment, very early in that year, if I recollect.
Ans. — I have no recollection of such a letter ; I have t,n in
distinct recollection that when McDonald was first recom
mended for the position, he (Ford) told me either in a letter
or in a conversation that McDonald would not do ; my recol
lection was that finally he united with others in recommend
ing McDonald ; I have a general knowledge that about the
time McDonald was being pressed for the appointment Ford
thought that it was not a suitable appointment. But my recol
lection is that he afterwards acquiesced in it, and possibly
either joined in the recommendation which was written, and
which wUl be found on file in the Treasury Department, or
else he told me in a conversation.
Ques. — Do you remember whether John A. Joyce was
recommended to you as Ford's successor by General Babcock?
Ans. — He was not.
Ques. — Was anything said to you by Gen. Babcock, between
the time of the death of Ford and the appointment of Con
stantine Maguire, touching Joyce's fitness for the place ?
Ans. — Gen. Babcock presented me a dispatch that he had
received from Joyce, saying that he was an applicant, or mak
ing application for it. I do not remember the words of it ;
Q

258 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
the substance of it was that he wanted to be Ford's successor.
My reply to him was, that I should be guided largely in select
ing the successor of Mr. Ford by the recommendation of his
bondsmen ; he having died suddenly, unexpectedly and away
from home, I thought they were entitled to be, at least, con
sulted as to the successor who would settle up his accounts.
Ques. — Did you advise Gen. Babcock to telegraph to Joyce
to get the bondsmen of Ford to recommend Joyce for Col
lector ?
Ans. — I made the statement in substance that I made in
answer to a former question. Whether I told him to so tele
graph or not it would be impossible for me to say. That
might be regarded as at least authority to so telegraph.
Ques. — Did you see any telegram of that character from
Babcock to Joyce at any time ?
Ans. — I do not remember to have seen any.
Ques. — Did Gen. Babcock at any time show you a dispatch
from Joyce in these words : " St. Louis, Oct. 28th, 1873.
See dispatch to President, We mean it. Mum. Joyce,"
Ans, — I do not think that my memory goes back to that
time. Since these prosecutions were commenced I have seen
that. Ques. — I am not asking you in regard to that time ?
Ans. — I do not call it to memory.
Ques. — Did you receive a protest against the appointment
of Constantine Maguire, signed by James E. Yeatman, Eobt.
Campbell and others?
Ans. — I do not remember such a letter. If such a one was
received, it is, no doubt, on file in the Treasury Department.
Such a protest may have been received.
Ques. — Your purpose in leaving the nomination of Mr.
Ford's successor to his bondsmen was because they were lia
ble, on his bonds, for the administration of his office was it not?
Ans. — Yes, sir ; further than that, some of them were men
I knew very well, and had great confidence in.

THE PEESIDENT's DEPOSITION. 259
Ques. — Speaking of Ford's objection to McDonald, were you
aware that in the matter of education, McDonald, when he
was appointed, was an ignorant man, and barely able to write
his name ?
Ans. — I was not aware that he was not an educated man,
but he was a man that had seen a great deal of the world and
of people ; I would not call him ignorant exactly ; he was
illiterate. Ques. — Did you receive a protest against Mr. McDonald's
appointment signed by Carl Schurz, G. A. Finkelnburg, E. T.
Van Horn and other men in Missouri?
Ans. — I do not remember. It is a matter of record if it was
received. I do not know that it would have had any particu
lar weight with me if I had received it, his endorsement being
good. Ques. — Was not that objection based on the ground of his
entire unfitness for the place ?
Ans. — I do not remember ; if it was received, it is no doubt
a matter of record, and can be obtained.
Ques. — Did you ever see the paper now shown you ; if so,
state in whose handwriting it is ?
Ans. — As to handwriting, I do not pretend to be an expert.
I have had a good many letters from Mr. Ford ; that looks
like his signature ; I do not remember to have seen that be
fore ; I do not think I ever did.
Ques. — Do you know the other signatures to the paper ?
Ans. — No; I know aU the parties, but I don't know all their
signatures. The paper alluded to in the question was as foUows :
February 16, 1870.
Hon. C. Delano, Washington, D. C. :
If the contemplated change of Supervisor in this District is
not fixed, I would suggest that the character of the new
appointee should be investigated here and at Memphis.
Chester H. KruMj Att'y U. S. etc.
C. W. Ford, CoUector.
C. A. Newcomb, U. S. Marshal.

2G0 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY RING.
Ques. — Did you see, at or about the time of its date, the
affidavit now shown you, made by James Marr, taken from the
files of the Treasury Department ?
Ans. — If I ever did see the paper it has dropped entirely
from my memory, and I think it would be impossible that such
a document as that could be read by me and I not remember it.
Ques. — Do you remember at this distance of time on whose
recomendation Joyce was appointed ?
Ans. — My recollection is that when McDonald was appoint
ed Supervisor he asked the Commissioner of Internal Eevenue
to give him an assistant from his office — some man that was
acquainted with the duties. I think that there was no acquaint
ance existing at aU between Joyce and McDonald at that time
— that is my recollection. I never had heard of Joyce myself
and did not know of the existence of such a man, until he was
appointed on the recommendation, as I understand, of the
then Commissioner, who thought him to be the most capable
man in his office.
Ques. — WiU you please state whether General Babcock
showed you, on or about the time of its date, a dispatch in
these words : St. Louis, February 3, 1875.
Gen. O. E. Babcock, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C.
We have official information that the enemy weakens. Push
things. (Signed) Sylph.
Ans. — I do not remember ever seeing that dispatch untU
since these prosecutions have commenced.
Ques.^Did you know that General Babcock was at that
time in correspondence with Joyce about the transfer of
Supervisors ?
Ans. — I knew that he received frequent letters from Joyce,
for I saw a number of them myself, and those that I did see
were generally what he was doing in the way of writing edito
rials, which he would say in his letters he had written and asked
how he liked the tone of them, and so on. I recollect of him
saying ta one letter that some papers in the State of Missouri

THE president's DEPOSITION. 261
and perhaps in Arkansas — at different points, at aU events —
were wiUing to publish as editorials, matter that he would
write for them.
Ques. — Do you remember that General Babcock, prior to
May, 1875, talked with you about the propriety of sending
detectives into the several districts to detect frauds ?
Ans. — I do not ; I remember of his teUing me at one time
of what he had proposed to Mr. Douglass, but the date of it
I do not remember, and that was not a suggestion to me ; it
was merely telling me what he had suggested to Mr. Douglass,
and this is the same that I before stated.
Ques. — Did you have any conversation with General Babcock,
prior to May, 1875, in reference to a letter written by J. J.
Brooks to Deputy Commissioner Eogers ?
Ans. — I do not remember dates, but I remember of his
showing me a letter that had been handed to him from some
body in Philadelphia to Mr. Eogers, and he said that it
appeared to his judgment io be simply blackmailing, and I
think that was the occasion when he told me what he said to
Mr. Douglass ; that is as I remember it now.
Ques. — Do remember where that conversation was?
Ans. — I do not ; my recoUection is that he had shown the
letter to Mr. Douglass before he did to me, and that was the
occasion when he told me of this suggestion.
Ques. — Did Gen. Babcock, about the time of its date, show
you a dispatch in these words : St. Louis, Oct. 25, 1874.
Gen. 0. E. Babcock, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C.
Have you talked with D.? Are things all right ?
(Signed) J—."
Ans. — I do not remember anything about it.
Ques. — Did Gen. Babcock, at or about the time of its date,
show you a dispatch in the following words.
St. Louis, Dec. 3, 1874.
Gen. O. E. Babcock, Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C.
Has Secretary or Commissioner ordered anybody here ?
(Signed) J—."

262 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
Ans. — I do not remember particularly ; I know that, as a
general rule, where the dispatches required an answer, that
he would get from me the answer he ought to send.
Ques — .You have no recollection of that ?
Ans. — I have no particular reeoUection of the wording of
the dispatch.
Ques. — Did General Babcock, on or about 13th of Decem
ber, 1874, show you a dispatch from himself to John McDonald,
in the following words : Washington, December 13, 1874.
General Jno. McDonald, St. Louis:
I succeeded. They will not go. I wUl write you.
(Signed) "Sylph."
Ans. — ^I have no recollection of it at the time. I did not
remember about these dispatches at all, until since the con
spiracy trials have commenced. I have heard General Bab
cock's explanation of most, or all of them since that. Many
of these dispatches may have been shown to me at the time,
and explained, but I do not remember it.
Ques. — Did you know at the time, that during the fall of
1875, subsequent to your visit to St. Louis, that General
Babcock corresponded with Jno. McDonald after the latter
was indicted, and sent his letters to McDonald, under cover,
to Major E. B. Grimes?
Ans. — No ; I was not aware of it at the time.
Ques. — Did you know at the time that General Babcock
sent cipher dispatches to Maj. Luckey at St. Louis over his
own and fictitious signatures, on the 17th and 18th of last
November ? '
Ans. — I do not remember as to particular dates, but we
have an Executive Mansion cipher, so that whenever myself
and secretaries are separated dispatches may be sent without
being read by operators ; we have always had such a cipher.
I have no particular knowledge, but I know in a general way
that they were corresponding while Mr. Luckey was there,
during the Avery trial.

THE president's DEPOSITION. 263
Ques. — Did you see the dispatches before they were sent ?
Ans. — I do not think I saw the dispatches.
Ques. — Have you any objection to stating the meaning, in
that cipher of two words only, the words "Hamlet" and
"Baggage." Ans. — I never keep the cipher and I never wrote a
cipher dispatch. I never travel without having a secretary
with me.
Ques. — Do you know what those words mean ?
Ans. — I do not know. When I want to send a dispatch in
ciphers, I give it to one of my secretaries in the ordinary form,
and he transmits it.
Ques. — On or about December 5, 1873, did Gen. Babcock
show you a dispatch from Joyce to himself in these words : "Is
there any hitch in sending Maguire's name to the Senate,
(Signed) " Joyce ? "
Ans. — I cannot remember particularly — I think, however,
that Gen. Babcock did ask me if there was any reason why
Maguire's name should not be sent. I have an indistinct
recoUection of his having asked me the question.
Ques. — You have said that you resisted the pressure brought
to bear on you by prominent public men in regard to the sus
pension or revocation of the order transferring Supervisors.
If you have no objection, will you please state the names of
those prominent men who brought that pressure to bear on
you? Ans. — There were many persons, and I think I could give the
names of several Senators, and probably other members of
Congress, but probably I should have to refer to the papers
that are on file. I know that the pressure was continued from
the Supervisors and their friends.
Ques. — Can you, from memory, name any Senators or Eepre
sentatives ?
Ans. — I could name two or three, but I do not believe that
it is necessary.
Mr. Eaton — I will not press it.

264 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING,
Ques. — Did Gen. Babcock at the time tell you he had endea
vored to influence Commissioner Douglass to revoke that order.
Ans. — No.
Ques. — Since you say that Gen. Babcock has not manifested
to you any desire to interfere or prevent the trial of the indict
ment against himself and others, will you be so good as to
state whether any of his friends, for him, have at any time
since these indictments were found endeavored to prevent the
trial of the indictments against him or any other indicted par
ties, if so, please state who have made such efforts ?
Ans. — They have not with me.
Ques. — Did Gen. Babcock show you a telegram from Dis
trict Attorney Dyer, saying that the next conspiracy case would
be tried on December 15th, 1875 ?
Ads. — He did; I do not remember about the date particularly.
Ques. — Now, I suppose, Mr. President, that the substance of
your testimony is what we all know to be true, that if there has
been any misconduct on the part of Gen. Babcock it has not
come to your knowledge ?
Ans. — Yes sir that is true.
Ques. — Do you know, of course you do know, whether Mr.
Douglass suggested to Secretary Bristow the same thing about
the transfer of Supervisors what you say he originally sug
gested to you ?
Ans. — I do not know anything about it except from the Sec
retary himself
Ques. — Do you recoUect that Supervisor Fulton was ordered
from PhUadelphia to St. Louis, under the order for transfers ?
Ans.— That is my recollection, that he was ordered to St.
Louis. Ques.— You say that Gen. Babcock has made no effort with
you to avoid trial, but you do not know of your own know
ledge, of course, whether he has made any efforts with others?
Ans. — No, I do not.
Ee-direct examination by Mr. Cook. Ques.— (Handing wit
ness a copy of a telegram), I wish you would state what you
know in relation to that ?

COMMENTS ON THE PRESIDENT'S DEPOSITION. 265
Ans. — This dispatch seems to be dated Washington, October
27, 1873. To Wm. H. Benton, Wm. McKee and Jno. M. Krum,
your request in regard to CoUectorship will be compUed with.
(Signed) U. S. Grant.
Those gentlemen are a part of the bondsmen of Ford, and
they had recommended Constantine Maguire for Ford's place
as Collector.
Ques. — The original of that, I believe is in your handwriting ?
Ans. — Yes; I wrote that myself — I saw the original this
morning. In taking the deposition of the President I desire
to call the attention of the reader to the fact that
the President of the United States could not be com
pelled to testify, as aU processes of U. S. Courts are
in his name ; or, in other words, a subpoena by the
marshal is a mandatory order of the United States,
directing the marshal to bring into Court a certain
witness. On Feb. 9th it was agreed between the
counsel for Babcock and the Government that the
deposition of the President should be taken orally,
and in accordance with this stipulation Maj. Eaton
was selected to represent the prosecution, and left
for Washington on the evening of the 10th, for that
purpose ; and on the 12th day of February the Presi
dent, Secretary Bristow, Attorney- General Pierre
pont, Maj. Eaton, of St. Louis, W. A. Cook, of
Washington, Attorney for Babcock, and Chief
Justice Waite, acting as Notary, with two short
hand reporters, met in the Executive ' Chamber of
the President ; it must be understood that the dis
tinguished witness could not be coerced and that
Maj. Eaton could not, even if he had had a disposi
tion so to do, examine the President the same as a
witness in a pohce court.

266 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
It is apparent aU through the deposition that
whenever Maj. Eaton pressed the President he
either did not remember or gave the Major to un
derstand that he (the President) did not think it
necessary. Secretary Bristow, although earnest and
determined in his prosecution of Babcock, felt a del
icacy in placing the President of the United States
in a position where he would appear in the eyes of
the nation as a co-defendant in the case. All par
ties concerned understood and appreciated the del
icate position they were placed in and that forty
miUions of people were looking at them through the
medium of an independent press. All understood
that the object of the President's deposition was to
inform the court and the jury and through them
each individual member of every home throughout
the entire country the President's unbounded con
fidence in Gen, Babcock's integrity. It wiU be
seen that the President acted in a very independent
manner during the whole time of his cross-examina
tion, knovring as he did that even if Bristow and his
counsel insisted on his answering aU questions,
they could not compel him by legal process and that
if he could not get his recommendation of Babcock
before the jury by a deposition, he could do it by
an interview with a newspaper correspondent, as
the jury were permitted to read the daily papers
during the entire trial. All through his examina
tion the President evaded answering anything that
would have a tendency to injure Babcock; in a
word. Gen. Grant desired to inform the jury that
he did not beheve Babcock was guilty, or that he
was in any way connected with the Eing ; and whUe

COMMENTS ON THE PEESIDENt's DEPOSITION. 267
he was familiar with all the evidence against Bab
cock, the explanatioiis of his private secretary in re
lation to aU the telegrams and letters, which ap
peared to connect him with the operations of the
Bing as the recipient of a portion of its unlawful
proceeds, were such as to satisfy him that he was
innocent and that his confidence in his integrity
and efficiency remained unshaken, and that it was
unnecessary to state the explanations. Grant
knew at the time of these declarations that he had
never received any explanations from Babcock, that
could satisfy any man that he, Babcock, was not
connected with the conspiracy. He was weU aware
of the fact that Babcock was not only in full fellow
ship but that he represented himself as weU. As I
have detailed in another part of this book, in my
conversation with Secretary Bristow, Grant was en
tirely familiar with the operations of the Eing, and
in the foregoing deposition he testified to nothing
but known falsehoods, by withholding the truth.
As it has always been a matter of curiosity among
the people of this country to learn who were among
the prominent men who approached the President
for the purpose of having him revoke the order
transferring Supervisors, I wiU here state that
among others were Senators Clayton and Dorsey of
Arkansas, Morton of Indiana, and Logan of Illinois,
I wrote to several of these Senators, and to Babcock,
that I would bring all the pohtical power to bear I
could in order to give the President an excuse for
issuing such an unusual order.
With relation to that portion of the deposition in
which the President declares that Babcock never

268 SECEETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
even spoke to him concerning the revocation of
the order changing supervisors, I can best make
answer by calling the attention of the reader to
Babcock's letters and telegrams, and then allow the
public to decide whether or not Grant perjured
himself. While the reader may think these are little details
it must be borne in mind that the whole evidence
of the President did not amount to anything out
side of his statement that his confidence in Bab
cock, notwithstanding all that had been brought to
light during and previous to his trial, remained un
shaken. So far as his testimony relates to me per-
sonaUy I brand the same as a tissue of falsehood
from the beginning to the end,
AU the evidence in the Babcock case was submit
ted on the 17th, and oix the foUowing day the defense
filed a motion vpith the court, asking for instructions
to the jury to acquit. This motion was argued for
two days, which consumed the remainder of the
week. On the following Monday Judge DiUon,
before whom the case was tried, rendered his decis
ion, refusing to so instruct the jury. On the 22d
Judge Porter delivered his address for the defend
ant, which occupied one entire day. During his
speech he took occasion to excoriate me by direct
ing aU the shafts of approbium and contempt at my
character. Gen. Babcock became alarmed for the
result of the bitterness of his counsel towards me.
He was afraid I would gather the suspicion that the
abusive epithets were used with his knowledge and
sanction, and that it would excite my anger to such
an extent that I would become a tell-tale even at

AN ANXIOUS NOTE FEOM BABCOCK. 269
that late day, and thereby bring disgrace upon him
and the President. This I could easily have done,
as I had not yet been sentenced and had never given
testimony. The prosecution sought to induce me
to testify, but I steadfastly refused, shielding my
seU behind the rule that I could not be compelled
to criminate myseU; but I also refused to go into
court as a witness, and as the punishment for not
answering could only be a commitment, I was
already in jail, and therefore the penalty would
have no effect ; I accordingly exercised my option
and refused to appear as a witness.
In order to avert the possible consequences of
Judge Porter's caustic personalties, Gen. Babcock
wrote the following note which Judge Krum sent
direct to me, instead of a note convejdng Babcock's
wishes. (A fac-simile of the note will be found on
the foUowing page.)
(Confidential.) Lindell Hotel, 3.30 p. m., Feb'y. 22d.
Dear Judge:
You can see Gen. McD., or if you cannot see him write and
teU him how sorry I am that Judge P. attacked him so bitterly.
I spoke to him the last thing before I left the hotel, and asked
him not to attack Mack. I cautioned him also in the morning,
but you know what a bitter feUow he is in a speech, and I sup
pose he forgot.
I know Mack will know it was not my wish, but I want him
to know I took pains to request him not to do so, for I do not
wish to add one single pang to his pain, for I know he would
not to mine, and on the contrary would help him, as I know he
would help me. Please see to this to-night, and oblige
Yours truly, O. E. Babcock.
To Hon. Chester H. Krum.

vci*v— Vx*''—^

4WL /CC»^:^'^"«'=-'^

¦-' ^£»(ruj A«is^- .^^^^ /^^i^-' ij^^**^' -^"S*: ¦

babcock's acquittal and HIS VISIT TO ME, 271
On the foUowing day, the 23d, Judge Krum came
to see me at my ceU, and explained that he had
reached home so late on the previous evening and
was so tired that he could not visit me; that Gen,
Babcock was very much worried over Judge Por
ter's remarks about me, and was anxious that a full
explanation might reach me at once.
I replied that the speech had no effect so far as I
was concerned, and, said I, suppose I had become
angered, you don't think I could do Gen. Babcock
any injury now?
"WeU," responded the Judge, "of course, you
could send for the district attorney and have 1dm
re-open the case, before the verdict is submitted,
on the grounds of newly discovered evidence."
I answered him that I had no disposition to
do such a thing ; that I was too deep in the mire
to get out by shoving others under me for a
foundation. At noon on the 24th the case was given to the
jury and the court took a recess until three o'clock,
when, upon reassembhng, the jury returned into
court and rendered their verdict of "not guilty."
At this juncture Gen. Babcock arose and shook the
hand of each juror with much warmth.
On the same night Gen. Babcock, in company
with Judge Krum, as I have already stated, caUed
on me at my strongly impregnated castle and we
held a lengthy conversation privately. Among
many other important things he told me during
that interview, was the manner in which his case
had been conducted, expressing great satisfaction
with each of his attorneys. He asked me if I were

272 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
in need of money, and if so, he would give me aU I
required, I rephed to him that I had then in my cell about
$12,000, and therefore, aU that I needed was the
true friendship of himself and the President,
He was profuse in his assurances that no one
could be more appreciative of a high personal ser
vice than was the President for the self-sacrificing
position I had assumed, and that immediately upon
his return to Washington my pardon should be
issued. He further remarked that Mrs, Grant had
expressed her gratitude for the manner in which I
had silenced public criticism by avowing that I had
sold the fine team of trotters, with the buggy and
paraphernalia, to the President, instead of confirm
ing the truth of current report that they were a
gift, and that he there conveyed her thanks to me
as she requested.
After detaihng the trouble he had experienced in
getting possession of the Hardaway letter, and also
.asserting that he had paid a majority of the jurors
a round sum of money each, he made a strong ap
peal to me to dehver up to him aU his private let
ters. He assured me that his confidence in my
fidelity was unbounded, but gave as a reason for
his request that the correspondence might by chance
faU into other hands without my knowledge, and
then become a source of serious trouble to him, ¦
I refused, telling him that I could trust myseU,
but that my own safety was dependent upon his
good faith, and that while I did not doubt him in
the least, yet duty to myseU forbade my giving up
the least vestage of influence in my hands. He

babcock's talk with ME IN MY CELL. 273
then asked me how much of a moneyed considera
tion I would require for the return of the letters.
My reply was that it would take a vast sum to
buy them. He urged me to fix the amount, saying
that anything I should ask he would agree to pay.
My refusal was them peremptory, and I assured
him that no promise or money would ever get them
out of my possession.
He then told me that my pardon would be sent
on at once after his return, and that I could come
to Washington where he would make good all my
expenses from the time of my indictment.
We then talked over the political situation dur
ing which he explained that since his acquittal the
President was relieved of suspicion and that Bris
tow and the other enemies of the administration
would be dismissed ; that the public would regard
Bristow's active participation in the prosecution as
a persecution of the President and that the conse
quence would be the re-nomination and re-election
of Grant ; that in this effect matters would be so
arranged that I could hold any position I desired
and at the same time be fuUy relieved from any offi
cial stain.
On the next day C. W. Babcock, a brother of the
General's, in company with P. M. Schaurte, a pos
tal agent, at St. Louis, caUed upon Thomas F.
Walsh, — formerly my chief clerk, and also assistant
postmaster' of St. Louis for the period of twelve
years, but now assistant purchasing agent for the
Iron Mountain railroad company, — and told him
that they understood he was the custodian of the
letters Gen. Babcock had written to me ; that they

274 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
wanted the correspondence, and were wilhng to
pay him f 5,000 if he would return it to them.
Mr. Walsh did not have the letters but he real
ized at once the object of his caUers. He replied
to them that whatever correspondence he had be
longing to Gen. McDonald would remain as private
as it had ever been and that he had no authority to
dispose of a single letter.
On the day following they paid Mr. Walsh a
second visit, during which they agreed to give him
f 10,000 and any reasonable position in the govern
ment he might want, for the return of the letters,
but his reply was the same as before. Mr, Schaurte
then assumed a different attitude by saying that
they must have the correspondence; that it was to
the personal interest of Mr, Walsh to deliver it
to them, for if he positively refused it was at the
risk of personal danger, and intimated that his
house might be burned over his head.
Of course these threats produced no effect but
when Mr, Walsh informed me of the facts I was
thoroughly convinced that in those letters alone
consisted all my influence and my hopes for an
early pardon.
Gen, Babcock left for Washington on the even
ing of the 25th or 26th, but before leaving St, Louis
he was serenaded by a government band, and a purse
of $10,000 was made up for him by his friends to
defray all his expenses incurred during the trial.
But, though he went out of court with a very ful
some display, the verdict of the public was that
he had been guilty of everything charged in the
indictment, I wiU not attack the Court here be-

A juryman's OPINION OF BABOOCK's GUILT, 275
cause I have no reasonable grounds for so doing,
but I cannot neglect to mention the almost univer
sal opinion, boldly expressed at the time, that Judge
DUlon's instructions to the jury was framed with
remarkable partiality and virtuaUy instructed the
jury to acquit. In this connection I wUl quote the
pubhc declaration of John M, Keithley, of St,
Charles, Mo,, who was one of the jurymen, and who
made the statement with the full knowledge of its
intended publication. The report is copied from
the St, Louis Times:
" Mr. Keithley says he never served with a jury who re
garded the responsibihty resting upon them with such indif
ference as that which declared Babcock not guilty. He says
they felt the irksomeness of their confinement in the court
room keenly and looked forward to adjournment with the
same pleasure that school-boys regard recess. At the hotel
they gave themselves up entirely to such pleasure as they
could command. Each evening was passed in card playing,
and with one or two exceptions, the jurors did not seem to
realize that they were to decide one of the most important
cases ever tried in the history of this country.
One of the number, D. W. Taintor, of Gasconade County,
was in the habit of wondering off at will, but where he went
his fellow-jurors never knew. Frequently, in the evening, the
bailiff would discover that Taintor was missing, but nobody
could tell where he had gone. The baUiff would search the
hotel in vain and generaUy Mr. Taintor would make his ap
pearance, after one or two hours absence, and explain that he
was walking about. He would also insist upon reading the
papers ; every day he managed by some means to get posses
sion of the St. Louis papers, and whUe the bailiff's back was
turned, he would inform himself of the contents.
Mr. Keithley declares very positively his beUef in Babcock's
guilt ; he says he believed him guilty when he heard the evi-

276 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
dence and up to the time of the charge of Judge Dillon had
regarded it as his sworn duty to render a verdict in accordance
with that belief. The charge, he says, converted what would
have been a hung jury into an acquittal. Up to the time it was
delivered a majority of the jury were for conviction, while sev
eral were undecided and two were for acquittal. Under the
charge those who beUeved him guilty had to surrender that
opinion in obedience to the law expounded by the Court.
Immediately after the jury were discharged one of them
remarked, ' I believe him (Babcock) as innocent a man as ever
Uved,' to which Mr. Keithley repUed, ' I beUeve him as guUty
a man as ever lived.' "

CHAPTEE IX.
Action of Congress on Babcock's Acquittal — Investigations by
a Special Committee — Testimony of District Attorney
Dyer — of John B. Henderson — of Attorney General
Pierrepont — All Declare that Grant was Kept Informed
of the Secrets of the Grand Jury by Fox — Bell's Testi
mony — How He was Hired by Babcock, with Grant's
Knowledge, to Steal Evidence — The Belknap Scandal —
Babcock's Second Indictment — Babcock Continues to
Act as Private Secretary to the President — Sentence of
McKee — Avery's Pardon, and How it Was Obtained —
Avery's History of the Eing.
In March, Congress took action respecting the
manner in which testimony had been purchased, wit
nesses suborned, Government officers stultified and
the President's pet acquitted in the face of over
whelming CAddence. The Judiciary Committee was
given power to conduct an investigation, which
conferred the right to send for papers and witnesses.
In response to the Committee's summons. Col. Dyer,
Gen. Henderson, and Messrs. Bliss, Peddrick, and
Eaton, arrived in Washington on the morning of
March 31st, and gave testimony before the Com
mittee. Col. Dyer swore that Grand Juryman E. W.
Fox, of St. Louis, kept the President informed of the
proceedings in regard to Babcock's indictment, the
nature of the testimony against him, etc. These
secret communications were received by Grant, with
a full knowledge that Fox had violated his oath,

278 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
thus making himself a party to an outrage upon
the law which he had sworn to see faithfully
executed. The testimony of Gen. Henderson was as foUows :
He stated, among other things, that in conversation
with Secretary Bristow in January, 1876, the Secre
tary admitted to him that he thought Gen. Porter,
formerly the President's private secretary, and
Gen. Babcock, or one of them, had access to the
Grand Jury evidence in the Attorney General's
office, and thereby ascertained what there was
against Babcock; and, said Gen. Henderson, "when
I came here to testify before the committee, I had
a conversation with the Attorney General himseU,
when I stated to the Attorney General frankly
what I had heard from Secretary Bristow; that
the Attorney General said he did not purposely or
designedly let Babcock or Porter have access to the
files of his office, but he had frequently communica
ted what evidence he had against Babcock to the
President himself ; but he invariably found that the
President knew more about it than he did. In ex
planation of this, the Attorney General stated that
a member of the Grand Jury, at St. Louis, E. W,
Fox, came to Washington in December, 1875, and
remained to the last of February, and he believed
Fox had communicated to the President all the ma
terial facts in the case, by giving what appeared
before the Grand Jury. The Attorney General had
no doubt the President came into possession of the
facts in that way. ' '
Following is Pierrepot's testimony before the
committee as reported by the Associated Press :

pierrepont's explanation. 279
Washington, March 23d, 1876.
Pierrepont's explanation of his circular letter to District
Attorneys, as made before the Clymer committee, is that the
President was very much disturbed at the constant receipt of
newspaper slips and letters and personal statements, giving
information of attempts on the part of Government officials in
the West, to compromise fraud on the revenue, and that the
President spoke to him on five or six different occasions, ex
pressing his fear that such things, if allowed, would bring scan
dal on the administration. Pierrepont himself, was rather in
clined to treat these statements as exaggerations, and did not
believe that District Attorneys or special counsel of the gov
ernment would be guilty of anything improper in the matter.
He had, therefore, rather warded off the President's advances
until finally the President suggested that the Attorney Gener
al had better write to District Attorneys on the subject.
Pierrepont had therefore prepared and forwarded letters
couched, as he said, in terms that were rather tame— nobody
had made or suggested a draught of this letter and he had not
submitted it to the President. In fact, the President knew
nothing of it for three or fo'ir days afterwards, when he asked
Pierrepont whether he had taken any action in the matter and
then he told him he had written this letter and sent him a copy
of it. A couple of days afterwards, on discovering that the
letter had been pubUshed in the Chicago papers on the first of
February, himself and Mr. Bristow expressed indignation in
presence of the President, at the gross impropriety of giving
pubUcity to it, and then the President, who did not manifest
any feeUng whatever on the subject, remarked that he never
read the letter.
Mr. Pierrepont further stated that General Babcock admit
ted to him on the 3d of March, that he was instrumental in
giving publicity to the letter, and defended himself on the
ground that they were trying to destroy him, and that he had
the right to defend himself. He, (Pierrepont) called the
President's attention nest day to Babcock's admission.

280 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
He stated that the letter was written without any reference
to Babcock's case ; that he wrote it reluctantly and not untU
the President had repeatedly urged him to do so. He thought
at first, when the letter appeared in print, that it had been giv
en out by Dyer, and so said to Bristow, with whom he went
to the White House, where both told the President their opin
ion on the subject in a very emphatic manner. The President,
much to their surprise, regarded their indignation stolidly and
with no signs of anger on his part at the publication.
FoUowing is the testimony of Charles S. Bell, a
detective, given before the committee, as reported
by the associated press . The truth of his statements
is well attested not only by one of Babcock's letters,
but by the officers of the government at St. Louis.
This testimony taken in connection with Babcock's
letter of July 14th, 1875, signed " B. F." (buU finch),
on page 186, is given to the reader for a moment's
refiection : Washington, May 31, 1876.
Before the Clymer Committee to-day, Mr. C. S. Bell, after
testifying that he was appointed a secret agent of the Pension
Office, at the recommendation of President Grant and Mr.
Luckey, in February, 1876, at a salary of $2,200 and travelling
expenses, reluctantly admitted that he was engaged as a de
tective in the Babcock trial under the employ of Luckey.
Luckey told him to consult A. C. Bradley, and to do what he
was told by Bradley. Bradley told him to get the evidence
against Babcock from District-Attorney Dyer's office in St,
Louis, in order to destroy it. He thought this was going
rather too far, and would not do it; but he got hold of all the
evidence surreptitiously from the lawyers and others of Dyer's
office, and from Dyer himself, who did not know that he was
in Babcock's employ, and then told Luckey that the case against
Babcock was weak. He was to be appointed special agent of
the Attorney-General's office, to be sent to St. Louis, but he

THE TESTIMONY OF A DETECTIVE, 281
was not appointed. That was on the 13th of December. The
Attorney-General delayed the appointment, and flnaUy told
him that Dyer understood the object of his going there. He
was then appointed a special agent in the Interior Department,
He submitted a cypher between him and Luckey, in which he
(Bell) was to communicate with Luckey while at St. Louis,
The President knew that he was to be sent to St, Louis as
an officer of the Attorney-General to find out the evidence, and
told him if Babcock was guilty he wanted to see him punished.
He (Bell) first thought that it was a prosecution against Grant,
but when he got hold of the evidence he made up his mind that
Babcock was guilty. He tried to inform the President person
ally of Babcock's guilt, but as he could not see him he made
this fact known to him by giving to the Herald the cipher be
tween him (Bell) and Luckey, and mailed a copy to the Presi
dent which he had reason to believe the President received.
Three days after this he was dismissed. He met Babcock here
several times, and when he told him that Bradley wanted him
to get hold of the evidence, Babcock said if he did not get
hold of the whole of it it would be of no use. Babcock said if
he got the evidence he would be well rewarded, and that there
were papers and telegrams in existence which if Dyer got hold
of he should never be able to explain or get over (sensation).
Mr. Pierrepont was averse to his going to St. Louis to play
the spy for Dyer, and told him that a high Treasury official,
whom he took to be Bristow, had found out what he was
going to St. Louis for, and that it was therefore of no
use for him to go. The President told Bell that he wanted
him to secure aU the evidence he could, whether any
attempt was being made to manufacture evidence against
Babcock, or whether Babcock was really guilty. He,
therefore, gave him a card to Pierrepont, so that the latter
should employ him to go to St. Louis as a secret officer. Under
the guise of this appointment he was to be used by Bradley,
Luckey and Babcock, to get the evidence and destroy it. He
abstracted some telegrams and papers from Dyer's office on

282 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
the 14th of July. When he returned to St. Louis he explained
to Dyer that he had been commissioned to steal the evidence
and destroy it. This warned Dyer against Eoger M. Sherman,
who was sent there by District Attorney Bliss, of New York, to
•do the same. He was told particularly to get hold of any
telegrams signed B. Finch or BuUfinch ; but subsequently
Babcock told him he did not think telegrams under such signa
tures had been sent in that quarter, but wished it to be partic
ularly understood he only acted for Babcock as long as he
beUeved him innocent, but that when he became convinced
that he was guUty he "threw up the sponge." He regarded
Babcock's prosecution at first as a political intrigue against
Grant, for whom he had been a scout during the war, and his
main interest was to serve the President. Babcock wanted aU
the evidence to destroy it.
Almost immediately upon the arrival of Gen.
Babcock in Washington, upon his return from St,
Louis, the Belknap scandal, showing his sales of
post-suttlership, etc, was made pubhc, and the dis
grace of the War Secretary reflected so much upon
the administration that Gen, Babcock wrote to
Judge Chester H. Krum, asking him to see me at
once and obtain my consent to wait my pardon un-
till the pubhc excitement over the Belknap expos-
use should subside. My interest and faith in the
President decided me to give consent to the request,
I therefore, uncomplainingly abided my time until
the 13th of April, when W. O, Avery and myself were
called into court and sentence passed upon us, his
being two years in the penitentiary and a fine of
$1,000, and mine three years in the penitentiary and
a fine of $5,000, About this time I told Judge
Krum I should like to avoid going to the peniten
tiary, and thought my pardon should issue before

CAUSES FOR DELAYING MY PARDON, 283
such a chmax of punishment was reached. But
the Belknap scandal had not ceased to excite the
public when Babcock was again thrown into the
toils of an indictment. Suspicion, furnished upon
the statements of confederates, had imphcated him
in the safe burglary which the House Judiciary
Committee was investigating in March and April,
1876, The result of this investigation was the
indictment of Babcock by the Grand Jury on the
16th of April, charging him with complicity in the
safe burglary conspiracy, and he was compelled to
give $10,000 bonds for his appearance to answer.
The administration was as deeply interested in
Babcock during the pendency of this indictment as
when he was before the St, Louis court answering
to the charge of conspiracy to defraud the govern
ment. So again a most courteous request came to
me to await until the excitement over this latter
indictment had disappeared. Again I consented to
await, and on the morning of April 16th, being the
same day on which Babcock was indicted for com
plicity in the safe burglary conspiracy, I left for
Jefferson City to enter upon my term of imprison
ment in the penitentiary.
Perhaps another month had elapsed before I
again called for the pardon that was promised me.
This time there was a different excuse given for
postponing it. The President and Gen. Babcock
both appealed to me to wait until after the presi
dential nomination was made; they reminded me
of the effect my pardon might have ; that as I was
in jail, the Democracy could not charge the admin
istration with carrying out a sham reform, for the

284 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
results were satisfactory to the public. They fur
ther assured me that if I continued patiently con
sidering the best interests of the Eepubhcan party,
that Grant would certainly be re-nominated and re
elected, after which my reward would be a hand
some recompense for my fidelity and sacrifice.
In the meantime, while it had been reported that
Gen. Babcock had resigned his position as secretary
to the President, before leaving Washington to
enter upon his trial at St. Louis, he had, neverthe
less, resumed his same duties after his acquittal.
The public was well settled in the belief that the
evidence was sufficient to convict him of conspiracy
with myself and others to defraud the government,
and when the President, regardless of public opin
ion, received the disgraced secretary with open
arms of confidence and undiminished regard, he
became the subject of much adverse criticism.
Gen. Babcock continued to perform the duties of
secretary until his indictment for complicity in the
safe burglary, when the demand for his dismissal
came with such irrepressible force that the Presi
dent was forced to accept his resignation.
On the 28th of AprU Wm, McKee and Col, Con.
Maguire were brought into court to receive sen
tence, McKee was sentenced to imprisonment in
the county jail for a period of two years and to pay
a fine of $10,000, A suspension was granted in
Maguire's case for several weeks, when at length
the nominal sentence of six months' imprisonment
in the county jail was passed upon him.
On the 17th of May foUoMdng, McKee was com
mitted to jail, but the period of his imprisonment

AVERY's HISTORY OF THE WHISKEY EING. 285
was one of almost constant reception. He spent
the day in company with his friends who caUed, and
almost every night he was aUowed the privilege, on
the responsibility of the jailor, of visiting his family,
returning to the jail usually just at break of day, so
that the fact of his freedom might not be discovered.
In six months from the time of his commitment he
was pardoned and his fine remitted by the President.
Maguire was liberated about the same time.
On the 17th of November, 1876, Col. W. O. Avery
was pardoned by the President, his early release
having been accomphshed by the threats of his wife
to make pubhc the Babcock correspondence with
her husband. The period of his imprisonment was
just six months and one day.
On the 22d of November a lengthy article ap
peared in the New York Sun from the pen of Mr.
Gibson, the Washington correspondent. Gibson
resided in Washington, and for many years had
been a next door neighbor to W. O. Avery, vdth
whom he held a most intimate and confidential
acquaintance. Upon Avery's return to Washing
ton from his incarceration at Jefferson City, Gibson
ehcited from him his story of the Whiskey Eing and
its operations. I have included it here because the
article may be accepted as Avery's statement, col
ored slightly, perhaps, in his own favor, but, ex
cepting the implied claims of his own innocence, the
statement is a true one. It is as foUows :
Washington, Nov. 21. — The pardon of WilUam O. Avery,
who was convicted on the charge of conspiring with McDon
ald, Joyce, and others to defraud the United States of the
revenue from whiskey manufactured at St. Louis, enables me

280 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING,
to give a part of the inside history of the Whiskey Eing prose
cutions, and the political complications growing out of them
which I have not been at liberty heretofore to disclose. In
order that the general public may properly understand these
disclosures, it is necessary to briefly review the prosecutions
of the St. Louis Whiskey Eing conspirators.
The investigations which led to the discovery of the existence
of a wide-spread conspiracy to defraud the Government by the
manufacture and disposal of illicit spirits in St. Louis, Chicago
and Milwaukee, began about the middle of February, 1875.
Mr. Bristow, then Secretary of the Treasury, had had some
experience in carrying out reforms, and fully appreciated the
opposition he would have to encounter in this last and greatest
undertaking. Although but six months in office, he had
learned how serious a matter it was to attempt to eradicate
corruption and purify an administration with the great bulk of
the leaders of his party in opposition, while he was constantly
in doubt respecting the intentions of his official chief.
The difficulties he had encountered satisfied Secretary Bris
tow that he could only depend upon the negative support of
the President in his contests with official plunderers, and he
was only sure of it when he was fortified with conclusive
proofs. Therefore he determined that the President should
know nothing of his operations against the Whiskey Eing
until he had obtained evidence to prove the conspiracy and
was ready to strike. He did not suspect until long after the
commencement of the investigation that any member of the
President's official household would be implicated. He was
aware of the intimacy between Supervisor McDonald and the
President, but attributed it to old time acquaintance. He
doubtless knew that Babcock also was intimate with McDonald,
but very naturally thought this was the result of the latter's
cordial relations with the President. Of the intimacy between
Joyce and Babcock he had no knowledge whatever. His
determination, therefor, to withhold all information of his
operations against the Whiskey Eing from the President, untU

AVEEy's history OF THE WHISKEY RING, 287
the culmination was reached, was not prompted either by sus
picion or ambition. He had experienced trouble heretofore in
regard to internal revenue matters, for when he had got the
President to consent to a change of Supervisors, McDonald
came forthwith to Washington and raUied sufficient political
influence to have the order revoked. Baffied in his first move
on the enemy's works, the Secretary was determined to
take no one into his confidence in the second campaign whom
he could not personally trust, and then, if any secrets were
betrayed, he would have none but his own subordinates to
blame. AU the details of the investigation were left to Solicitor
Wilson, and, by the first week in March last, the work of fer-
retting out the frauds was fairly commenced. For six weeks
but little progress was made, and the final result was often
problematic; but about the middle of April the idea of com
paring the returns of the gangers with the records of the whole
sale dealer's receipts and sales was suggested, and then the
difficult problem was speedily solved. The serial numbers on
the "stamps enabled each barrel to be traced through all its
various manipulations, and by the first of May, sufficient
evidence had been obtained to warrant the raid, which took
place on Monday, May 10th. Up to the 15th or 16th of April
the Secretary had not informed the President of the investiga
tions he was prosecuting. At or about this time, however, the
evidence obtained by the comparison above alluded to, or of
the ganger's returns with the wholesale dealers' books in the
various Eastern cities was amply sufficient to convict the dis
tiUers and minor revenue officers in St. Louis of conspiracy,
and then, for the first time, the President was made acquainted
with some of the facts. According to the testimony of SoUcit-
or WUson, this occurred about the time the President left
Washington to attend the anniversary ceremonies at Lexing
ton, Mass.
But a short time had elapsed, and before the President had
returned, when Supervisor McDonald turned up in Washing-

288 SECRETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY RING.
ton. He had interviews with the Secretary and the Solicitor,
and admitted that he knew the frauds had been detected,
although he was not in possession of any of the details. The
information which the Secret'.ry had given the President
a few days previous was general, save as to one particular case,
that of shipments of illicits spirits by Bevis & Fraser, dis
tUlers of St. Louis to Wilmington, N. C, although without
entering into any particulars. Mr. Bristow had said that
sufficient evidence had been accumulated to convict the
revenue officers and distiUers of conspiracy. There was
no other source from which McDonald could have received his
information than through the White House, and, moreover,
what he knew tallied with what the Secretary had told the
President, so that the suspicions of the former were excited
thereby. He questioned McDonald closely as to the source of
his information, but could not draw him out. McDonald was
satisfied that he had been caught, and proposed to make the
distillers pay the tax on all illicit spirits disposed of, and,
moreover, to pay any reasonable penalties. He begged for
mercy, and promised fidelity hereafter if left undisturbed in
office, and spoke of his ability to render good service to the
party and administration. But these appeals and representa
tions fell on deaf ears.
On May 7th, being the Friday before the seizures were to be
made, according to preconcert in St. Louis, Chicago and
Milwaukee, the Secretary and Solicitor called upon the Pres
ident, and lor the first time placed him in possession of all
the details after the work was accomplished. After the seiz
ures, there yet remained the more difficult task of tracing the
conspiracy to the fountain head and bringing the guilty parties
to justice. The conspirators, certain of powerful political
influence to support them, were confident, for a season, of
their abiUty to defeat the Secretary of the Treasury, but they
soon discovered that they had reckoned without their host.
Bristow had succeeded in accomplishing the retirement of
Attorney-General WiUiams, whUe his successor, Mr. Pierrepont,

AVEEY'S HISTOEY OF THE WHISKEY EING. 289
in his ambition to win a share of the popular praise then
bestowed on the Secretary of the Treasury, was wiUing,
nay, s.nsious, to back up Bristow. This enabled Bristow to
manage the legal as well as the detective machinery employed
against the Eing, and all went swimmingly till it was deter
mined to overhaul the telegraph office at St. Louis.
When the Grand Jury was convened iu July, 1875, a sub-
pcena duces tecum was served on the manager of the tele
graph office in St. Louis to produce all messages to
Joyce and McDonald, or sent by them. Now I quote the
testimony of District Attorney Dyer before the select com
mittee of the House of Eepresentatives to investigate the
Whiskey frauds. Mr. Dyer testified as follows :
" In July, during the investigation by the Grand Jury, I
had a suboena duces tecum issued for the production of certain
telegrams. That was toward the latter part of the session of
the Grand Jury. In answer to that we not only gathered the
correspondence of McDonald and Joyce, which passed between
them when they were separated, one at Washington and the
other at St. Louis, but wc gathered also the dispatches of
William O. Avery, as Magrue had testified about Avery being in
the arrangement. In the course of that examination during
July, I came across a batch of these dispatches that I felt it
my duty to send to the Secretary of the Treasury. Mr.
Avery, being then in the department as chief clerk of the
Treasury, of course those that they sent from here I could
only get copies of at the other end, the originals being here at
the Washington office, and I had no means of determining who
a dispatch was written by, even if I knew the handwriting.
I sent the dispatches, including one signed " Sylph," suppos
ing at the time that I sent it to the Secretary of the Treasury,
that it was one of Avery's dispatches, and I never knew any
better until I received a letter from the Secretary of the Treas
ury, in which he said that he had examined the dispatches,
including this one signed " Sylph," and he was satisfied that the
" Sj'lph," dispatch was not in the handwriting of Avery. I came

290 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
here and it was at the time of my visit here in August, after
the adjournment of the Grand Jury, that I first discovered or
learned that the dispatch signed " Sylph " was a dispatch
sent by Gen. Babcock."
Thus it seems that the " Sylph " dispatch, which first directed
suspicion to Babcock, was not found till the latter part of
July, and was not discovered to be in his handwriting till some
time during the fore part of August. The testimony of Dyer
in regard to these dates is corroborated by that of Ex-Senator
Henderson and Solicitor Wilson. Their importance will ap
pear hereafter.
Indictments were found by the St. Louis Grand Jury at the
July term against McDonald, Joyce, Avery, all the distiUers
and rectifiers and a great number of subordinate revenue offi
cers. The evidence against Avery was confined to the testi
mony of Megrue and the telegrams to Joyce. Megrue had
been, during some fourteen months, the go-between of the
distillers and the revenue officials, and had attended to the
collection and distribution of the money. He did not testify
to the payment of money to Avery, but swore that in his set
tlements with revenue officers at St. Louis, they required so
much for themselves and so much for their friends in Wash
ington ; and that on several occasions Fitzroy and Joyce had
mentioned Avery's name as one of the parties to whom they
had to pay money.
The facts in regard to Avery's case seem to be about as fol
lows : He furnished information to McDonald and Joyce as to
the movements of revenue officers, and kept them informed
of the intentions of the department about sending special
agents to look after the St. Louis distilleries. This is proved
by his telegram to Joyce, and this he never denied. But none
of these telegrams bare date later than 1873, while Megrue's
connection with the Eing terminated several months before.
I have been acquainted with Avery, and have had good oppor
tunities to observe his manner of living during the period he
was charged with being the recipient of several hundred dol-

AVEEY's HISTOEY OF THE WHISKEY EING. 291
lars a month from the Whiskey Eing, and I know the exact
condition in which his family was left when he was taken to
the penitentiary. He owned a modest little house, on which
there was a mortgage of $3,600, two-thirds of its cost. The
house was neatly, not extravagantly, furnished, and his man
ner of living indicated nothing not in keeping with the posi
tion he occupied and the salary he received. The expenses
of his trial and the fees paid his attorneys were about $1,500
and this consumed every dollar he could raise, and when he
was taken to the penitentiary in April last his wife had not
enough money to buy a meal for herself and little girl, and
for weeks thereafter she was compelled to accept the charity
of her neighbors. Avery was, like the average government
clerk, a man of barely sufficient capacity to fill the position he
occupied. Without any intellectual independence, he was,
like the great majority of the office-holding class, susceptible
to flattery, and fond of the recognition of his superiors. Nat-
uraUy an obliging officer, he disliked exceedingly to refuse any
one a favor. Joyce and he had been intimately acquainted
when Joyce was a clerk along with him in the Internal Eevenue
Bureau, and after they both married, their wives became inti
mate friends also. Joyce was always on terms of intimacy at
the White House, and was suggested by Babcock as a suitable
person to act as McDonald's chief clerk, when that individual,
very unexpectedly to the politicians of St, Louis, became
Supervisor of Internal Eevenue for the District of Missouri,
Arkansas and the Indian Territory.
Joyce is a bright, clever fellow, and became a politician of
some importance in Missouri. He wrote cleverly, and at
times furnished editorials for a considerable part of the Ee
publican country press of that State. He kept up a constant
correspondence with Babcock, and when he came to Wash
ington was always a welcome visitor at the White House.
Whenever Avery met Babcock, the latter invariably inquired
after Joyce and McDonald, always familiarly as " how are the
boys getting along at St. Louis ? " Levi P. Luckey, another

292 SECEETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
of the President's private secretaries, was also a friend of
Avery's and an acquaintance of Joyce. Luckey is of no par
ticular importance, but was used by Babcock for his own pur
poses. He received less salary than Avery, but lived faster
and more extravagantly, and all the circumstances point to
his connection with the Whiskey Eing along with Babcock.
At various times Babcock used his influence with the Presi
dent to secure small favors for Avery, He had him sent to
Europe along with Luckey on Syndicate business, and also
exerted his influence with Boss Shepherd to oblige one or two
friends of Avery who wanted contracts from the Board of
Public Works. It was important to the Whiskey Eing to have
a complacent tool in close official relations with Secretary
Bristow, and, accordingly, Babcock and Luckey had Avery
made Chief Clerk of the Treasury Department, although
Bristow preferred another man, but, of course, would not re
fuse the request of the President in Avery's behalf.
In this situation of affairs, it does not seem unnatural that
Avery should feel under obligations to do anything he could
for the friends who had manifested so much zeal in his behalf.
He says that Joyce was continually appealing to him to furnish
him with information in regard to the visits of revenue agents
to St. Louis, putting it on the ground that McDonald was an
irrascible fellow who was hard to manage, and possessed an ex
travagant notion of his rights as Supervisor, and who was
always giving a great deal of trouble whenever special agents
came there without his knowledge. If he knew of their com
ing, urged Joyce, he could manage everything to the satisfac
tion of all parties, and much more to his own personal comfort.
A very knew that McDonald and Joyce were favorites at the
White House, ,and he never suspected anything wrong about
them ; still, he hated to furnish them with the information
they requested. Joyce wrote to him repeatedly, urging it, and
always insisted upon it personally when in Washington, but
Avery avers that he declined on the ground that it would not
be compatible with the public interests, and that it would not

AVERY'S HISTORY OF THE WHISKEY RING. 293
be right to do this in one case and not in another, although he
did not beUeve then that the information was wanted for un
lawful purposes. Finally, after many solicitations and repeated
refusals, Joyce wrote him in the usual strain, and after the
same old arguments had been urged anew, said : " If you have
any doubt of the propriety of sending this information, see
Gen. Babcock ; if he is not in the city, see G." This letter
Avery sent to the White House, and in due time it came back
with the following endorsment : ''Joyce and McDonald are reli
able and trustworthy — Let them have the information they want."
U. S. Grant.
After this, Avery gave himself no further trouble about the
matter, but furaished whatever information Joyce and McDon
ald called for. This was during the titoe he was chief clerk of
the Internal Eevenue Bureau, and in a position to know every
thing that occurred in regard to revenue matters .After he
was promoted at the particular request of the President, to be
chief clerk of the department, it appears that he seldom com
municated with the conspirators. Frequently, during McDon
ald's visits to Washington, Avery says McDonald would go to
the White House, and drive up to the north front of the Treas
ury in the President's carriage, and while the President waited
for him, would come into the department to make inquiries
about the movements of special agents. On one of these oc
casions he requested Avery to write a telegram to Joyce, giving
him information of his success in stopping a contemplated
raid ; that he wrote the dispatch and signed it with his own
name, not suspecting anything wrong. He was a little slow,
and McDonald said, "Hurry up, the 'old man' is wating for
me," and sure enough, when McDonald left, Avery saw him get
in the President's carriage and the two were driven away
together. When Avery was notified on July 26th, that an indictment
had been found against him, he realized the danger he was in.
He had been apprehensive for several weeks, because he knew
his telegi-ams to Joyce and McDonald had been found. More-

294 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
over, he knew that all the distillers and subordinate officers
who had been indicted, were manifesting a disposition to
turn state's evidence. He was, moreover, uncertain about
McDonald and Joyce, and accordingly in this frame of mind, he
wrote to Gen. Babcock, who was at Long Branch, telling
him his apprehensions and doubts. To this, he received the
following reply : Long Branch, July 22d, 1875.
My Dear Avery :
I cannot believe that Joyce and McDonald have done any
such thing as you refer to. I believe them both to be good,
reliable officers. I will do anything in my power to aid you.
Let me know all you see and hear — keep cool ; you may depend
upon me. I do not beUeve they could be used against any
body. Now find out if they can be used as witnesses. I do
not forward this, for I saw Scott Smith's notice in the Post last
night. If you want to send anything to Joyce or McDonald,
direct to them and enclose to Major E. B. Grimes, Assistant
Quartermaster, St. Loais, Mo., with a simple remark, "Please
send to Gen. McDonald and oblige one of his friends." You
need add no more ; it will reach him. I see no objection to
sending it ; undoubtedly these people act under legal counsel
and write to no one. The Secretary, (Bristow) has not been
here, and has not seen the President since his wife sailed — not
that I can find out. See Luckey, and confide in him. Luckey
is a true friend, and has exceUent sense. Trust to his judg
ment, and tell him everything, and he wiU see you through —
keep cool — give the telegrams that you sent those parties and
what they were signed, and those which they accused you of
sending. I may be able to see something. If an actual indict
ment should come, get a good, clear-headed lawyer, and make
a square fight. I will do all I can. I repeat, keep cool as you
can. Excuse haste. O. E. Babcock.
P. S. — Keep memorandum of all you write those parties.
O. E. B.

AVEEY S HISTOEY OF THE WHISKEY EING. 295
There are a few important facts to note in connection with
this letter. Up to this date, July 2d, Babcock did not know
that the Sylph telegram had been found. That he feared it
had is shown by the passage in his letter to Avery, where he
says: "Give the telegrams (to Luckey) that you sent those
parties, and what they were signed, and those which they
accused you of sending." By reference to the testimony of
District Attorney Dyer, heretofore quoted, it will be seen that,
until sometime in August, it was supposed that Avery sent the
Sylph dispatch. Bluford Wilson, in his testimony on this
point says: "In August we discovered at the Treasury Depart
ment the celebrated Sylph telegram to be in the handwriting
of the President's private secretary, OrviUe E. Babcock."
There were various rumors, however, that the leading spirits
of the Whiskey Eing in St. Louis were openly boasting that
the prosecutions would not be pressed to the bitter end, because
if they were they would reach the White House. In the
famous letter written by W. D. W. Barnard, of St. Louis, to
the President, the following passage occurs : " Col. Normile,
prosecuting circuit attorney, McDonald and Joyce's confiden
tial friend, asked me Saturday how far matters were going to
be pushed towards them. I said I thought until the last man
made restitution to his utmost ability to pay, and punished to
the extent of the law, if local officers done their duty. He
replied that both had told him that day, when seeking bail,
that you could not give them up or Babcock was lost."
This letter was written on July 19th, and Grant's famous
endorsement, " Let no guilty man escape if it can be avoided,"
was made on July 29th. Neither the President nor Babcock
at that date knew of the discovery of the " Sylph " dispatch.
Babcock was, nevertheless, ill at ease, and his letter to Avery
plainly indicates the state of his mind. He, doubtless, felt
secure of the fidelity of McDonald and Joyce, but he trembled
lest Avery should weaken under the manipulation of Bristow
and Wilson; hence his repeated assurances that he would
stand by him and see him through. But that he might have a

296 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
trusty friend constantly near him to encourage and report the
state of his mind, he recommended Avery to write to Joyce,
and find out if McDonald and Joyce were standing solid, and
if they could " be used as witnesses." Against whom ' Babcock,
of course. And he was to send the letter enclosed to McDon
ald, and this enclosed to Maj. E. B. Grimes, Assistant Quarter
master at St. Louis.
This was before any suspicions had been directed against
Babcock, and only a few days after McDonald's indictment,
and yet he had arrangements made with Quartermaster Grimes
through which he could safely communicate with the
Whiskey Eing conspirators. It is also important to notice
here the testimony of Grimes in the Babcock trial. He was
called by the prosecution to prove the fact of the secret cor
respondence through him between Babcock and McDonald.
He did not tell the whole truth, as will be seen by his testi
mony, because he fixes the date at which Babcock made this
arrangement for the clandestine communication late in the
faU, after Grant had left Long Branch, and was in St. Louis,
accompanied by Babcock, attending the State Fair. Grimes
testified as follows :
' I saw him in 1874 at the fair and the hotel; saw him last fall
at the hotel and at my office, and rode out with him to Shaw's
garden. I have always considered him as my best friend. I
had a conversation with him during his visit here in 1875 at
the Lindell Hotel in reference to his sending me packages or
letters for other parties.'
Ques. — What was the conversation, as you recollect, had
between you and Gen. Babcock at that time ?
Ans. — I think, as near as I can recoUect, Gen. Babcock said
to me: I will probably want to send you some packages or
letters, for some other parties, to deliver to some other parties.
Ques. — What else did he say to you in that conversation?
Ans. — Nothing in regard to that.
Ques. — To whom did he say he desired to send the packages
or letters ?

AVEEY'S HISTOEY OF THE V/HISKEY EING. 297
Ans. — He did not say. That was all the conversation that
I had with him in reference to it. After that, if I recoUect
aright, he sent three letters to me; that is, I suppose he sent
them — I am not certain that he did. The letter I got was
enclosed in another letter that was addressed to me. I
destroyed it as I destroy numbers of private letters that I
receive weekly and monthly. I got a letter from Gen. Bab
cock saying, " Please deliver erclosed letter to Gen. McDon
ald." I am not certain when this was, but think it was after
he was here.
The letter to Avery of July 22d, above given, shows that long
before the date fixed by Grimes, there was an understanding
between himself and Babcock in regard to correspondence
with McDonald. This is important, because it shows that,
before the Sylph dispatch was found, before suspicion was
directed toward him by the developments made by the Grand
Jury, Babcock had thought it prudent to arrange f-r a secret
correspondence with the head and front of the Whiskey Eing
thieves. Now I return to the Avery case. Immediately after the re
ceipt of Babcock's letter, which, as will be observed from its text,
was not forwarded by mail, Luckey began to visit Avery con
stantly, and encouraged him to stand firm. Through this go-
between Babcock held constant correspondence with Avery
and inspired him with confidence in the final result. In the
meantime it was arranged that Avery should employ Judge
Krum of St. Louis as his attorney — Krum had been elected
Circuit Judge, of St. Louis County, an honorable and 1 ucrative
position, but had resigned in order to become the attorney of
the Whiskey Eing conspirators. He was retained by McDon
ald, Joyce, and all the principal distiUers and revenue officials.
All the store-keepers and gangers who were indicted were told
to retain Krum, and if they said they were without money to
pay the retainer, $100, it was funished them. Krum had long
been the particular friend of Grant, and had attended to his
business in St. Louis, even driving out once every week or ten

298 SECEETS OP THE GREAT WHISKEY EING,
days to look after his farm, which is distant about nine miles
from the city. Avery wanted Ben. Butler, and so did his wife,
but both Babcock and Luckey advised against it, and said
Krum was sufficient; that there was no case against him; that
it V70uld only be an additional and useless expense to retain
another lawyer. Still, at the earnest solicitation of his wife,
Avery raised $500 and retained Gen. Butler; but when the
trial came on Butler, although furnished with a ticket and
sleeping car pass to St. Louis, failed to put in an appearance,
very much to his unfortunate client's regret.
Up to the very time of the trial, Luckey kept at Avery's
ear to encourage and hold out false hopes. A day or two be
fore Avery's trial commenced, Luckey came to St. Louis and
remained there till after Avery was convicted, and all the time
was in constant communication by cypher telegrams with Bab
cock. Avery trusted Krum entirely, and placed all the letters
he had received from Joyce, McDonald and Babcock, in his
hands, to be used in his defense if it became necessary. They
would, with corroborating testimony, have proved a perfect
defence, because they would have shown conclusively that he
had steadily and persistently refused to give the information
which the conspirators wanted till he was instructed by the
President of the United States to do so.
But Judge Krum was anxious above aU to protect the Presi
dent and Babcock. After the telegrams of Joyce and Babcock
and the Sylph dispatch had been put in evidence in his case by
Henderson, Avery was urged by his wife to insist on the use of
the Joyce and Babcock letters, but Judge Krum only placed
three of the unimportant Joyce letters in evidence, carefully
witholding along with the rest the one endorsed by Grant.
The request which Avery had made was communicated by
Krum to Luckey, and of course he was alarmed. They re -
assured Avery by telling him that he would get a new trial,
and then the excitement having died out somewhat, certainly
he would be acquitted. But from that hour Luckey and Bab
cock began work upon Avery to induce him to destroy aU letters

AVEEY's HISTOEY OF THE WHISKEY RING. 299
in his possession. The following letter from Luckey is a speci
men of the communications almost daily addressed to Avery
after his conviction : Executive Mansion 9 a. m., Dec. 3, 1875.
Dear Billey:
I have not yet met a man who says there is any earthly
show of a case against you. I saw Bradley (one of Babcock's
lawyers) last night. I don't anticipate any unfavorable re
sults. T'ne ship should never be given up, no matter what the
storm may be; no one knows what may come up to set the
worst thing straight. Keep no letters or memorandums, or
any thing that might fall into the hands of anybody. Keep
nothing about you which in a moment of trepidation had
better been destroyed; I am very earnest about this, and shall
never lose my affection for you. Levi (Luckey.)
On Nov. 29th, 1875, District Attorney Dyer had informed the
Attorney General that he had " sufficient evidence to convict
Babcock with the conspiracy to defraud the revenue," and
that an indictment would be prepared and laid before the
Grand Jury for action thereon. Naturally, therefore, Babcock
and Luckey were " very earnest " in desiring Avery " to keep
no letters or memorandums that might fall into the hands of
anybody," because they knew that he had sufficient evidence
to convict them both, and, as he had not been sentenced, he
was still a competent witness. By holding out delusive hopes
to him, Avery was induced to pass quiet, and with the active
interference of the President and the Attorney-General, Bab
cock was in due time acquitted. The application for a new
trial in Avery's case was refused, and the order for his arrest
came, and he was thrown into the District of Columbia jail
to await the arrival of the officers who were to carry him to
the Jefferson City penitentiary.
All hope was now gone, but still one or two faithful friends
stood by him, and, together with his wife, urged him to go
before the select committee of the House of Eepresentatives
and make a clean breast of it. A member of the committee

300 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
was notified and a subpcena issued. He appeared before the
committee an AprU 11th, 1876, but, unfortunately, it was in
secret session, and there was no person present who knew
what questions to propound in order to bring out the story. He
would not volunteer, and after a few moments examination he
was discharged, and went to the penitentiary with his lips sealed.
All the efforts of Babcock and Luckey were now directed to
persuade his, Avery's, wife to destroy whatever letters and
papers her husband had left in her care. They were at her
house night and day, and brought their wives with them to
make their appeals more irresistible. They promised a speedy
pardon for her husband and protection for herself and child;
and finally she consented, or feigned to consent, and neatly made
copies of several letters which were, in the presence of Luckey,
consigned to the flames. Assured now that they were at last
safe, these precious scoundrels lost all interest in Avery and
his destitute family, and the house was about to be sold over
her head when a gentleman who had secured contracts from
Boss Shepherd came to her rescue and lifted the mortgage and
set about forcing a pardon for her husband.
All the letters from Joyce, Babcock, and Luckey were placed
in his possession, and with this arsenal of solid shot to back
the demand, negotiations were opened. At first there was a
disposition to turn the cold shoulder, but an exhibition of a
few of the documents to Attorney General Pierrepont brought
a promise of a respectful consideration, and soon thereafter
came the promise of a pardon — after the election.
It only remains now to refer to one other matter. I have
shown conclusively that at the time Grant made his famous
endorsement, " Let no guilty man escape if it can be avoided,"
on the Barnard letter, he did not know that Babcock's con
nection with the Whiskey Eing had been discovered. Shortly
after this endorsement was made, the President was informed
of the Sylph dispatch, and that it was in Babcock's handwrit
ing. In this category I quote again from Gen. Boynton's
article in the October nnmber of the North American Review ;

AVEEY's HISTOEY OF THE WHISKEY RING. 301
"The various forces of the opposition were at this time closing
in upon the Secretary. While the President recognized the
propriety of the general policy suggested by Mr. Bristow, the
latter saw how obstacle after obstacle was placed in his way
by the secret influence exerted upon the President. There was
delay when the greatest promptness was demanded; and often
where changes were to be made the new appointments were
improperly controlled by manipulations to which the Pres
ident was insensible. The endorsement came to the Sec
retary as a relief force to a garrison about to be overcome. To
make it effective its publication was deemed of the greatest
importance, and the Secretary wrote the President asking
permission to give it to the press. The fact that this note
remained unanswered caused much uneasiness. At the same
time the " Sylph " dispatch was adding serious difficulties to
the situation. This telegram was to Joyce, and read: " I have
succeeded. They will not go;" and the evidence coUected
showed, beyond reasonable doubt, that it was to notify the
Eing that he had succeeded in preventing two revenue agents^
who had been ordered to investigate affairs at St. Louis, from
going there. Gen. Babcock was early apprised of it. His
explanation, when taken in connection with other points of
the evidence, was regarded as worse than useless at the de
partment. The President, however, accepted it, and from this
time his interest in the prosecutions perceptibly diminished,
and the attention he gave to aU points which the Eing pre
sented became a serious obstacle and the cause of grave em
barrassment." The foUowing is from SoUcitor WUson's testimony before
the Select Committee on Whiskey Frauds:
"I was asked yesterday whether the President consented
wUlingly to the publication of the endorsement on the Barnard
letter which has been so often referred to. By reference to a
letter addressed to me by Gen. Bristow, under date of August
7th, written in the Treasuary Department, I find that the
Secretary of the Treasury had addressed an official communi-

302 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY RING.
cation to the President asking him for permission to pubUsh
that endorsement, and at that date (Aug. 7) he had received
no response."
The following letter from Mr. Bristow was at this point
placed in evidence by Solicitor Wilson: New York, Aug. 9th, 1875.
My Dear Wilson:
Your letter of yesterday with enclosure is received. The
time is very near at hand when I must make a square issue
with the thieves and scoundrels who have combined to destroy
me. I must be supported cordially and earnestly, or I must
and will break. I fear that the complications are such that
the former cannot be done, and the latter must. You can't be
too careful about talking to anybody. I have heard here that
the matter about the Sylph dispatch and our having seen it in
connection with Pierrepont, is fully known to P. & B., (mean
ing Porter and Babcock) and they are greatly disturbed.
Don't suffer yourself to talk to anybody about it. Of course
this is not meant for censure, but caution. I suppose I must
make up my mind to bear the abuse of the " Eing " papers
hard as it is to do. They are fighting to keep their friends out
of prison, and to save themselves from exposure; and of course
will seek to destroy anybody who stands in the way. Well, as
for myself, I cannot turn back, nor will I stop to parley with
thieves. I have no ambition to serve, and no purpose to accom
plish but enforcement of the law and an honest collection of the
revenue. I will compromise on nothing short of this, but on
this issue I am ready to be sacrificed any day. B. H. Bristow.
More than a week elapsed after this letter was written, and
still the President gave no response to the Secretary's request
for permission to publish the endorsement on the Barnard letter.
Finally, on August 15th, the Secretary went to Long Branch,
determined to have the President's sanction to the publication
or to tender his resignation. What took place at this inter
view is known to but fev\r persons, and for the present the

AVEEY's HISTOEY OP THE WHISKEY EING. 303
details of the scene cannot be given to the public. However,
a reluctant permission to pubUsh was obtained, and on August
16th the endorsement was given to the press. In regard to
what occurred between the President and Bristow at this
interview at Long Branch, Solicitor Wilson testified as foUows:
Ques. — Do you know whether the President of the United
States was wiUing that letter should be published ?
Ans. — As to that I cannot say, but I am bound to presume
from the fact that Gen. Bristow directed me to give it to the
public that he was willing.
Ques. — Do you know, of your own knowledge, or from con
versations with the Secretary of the Treasury upon his return
from Long Branch, whether he met with any opposition from
the President when he proposed to make the letter public ?
Ans. — In response to that question, it is evident that what
ever I should have to say to this committee would be hearsay,
and in view of the important issues which from time to time
arise between the Secretary of the Treasury and the President,
I must decline to repeat what was said to me. Gen. Bristow
and the President of the United States are themselves the best
witnesses on that point, and while they refuse to answer, I pos
itively will not answer.
It is certain, however, that whatever was the nature of that
interview between Bristow and the President, no cordial un
derstanding was reached, and by the 1st of September the
Secretary had again determined to retire in disgust from the
Cabinet. On this point, I quote from a letter written at this
time by Solicitor Wilson to a friend :
" I cannot in this letter go into details, but will say that the
Sylph telegram; the retention of incompetent, dishonest or
disloyal officers at St. Louis, Chicago and Milwaukee; the lack
of hearty sympathy and support from the President; the cer
tainty of constant misrepresentation of his motives and acts
by " Sylph; " the delay in the Delano affair, and the revival of
the third-term insanity, all combine to make an honest man
uncomfortable, and in Bristow's case, to disgust him with pub-

304 SECRETS OF THE GREAT WHISKEY EING.
lie life. His eyes are fully open. He means to walk out of the
Cabinet and politics at the same time."
This was the turning point in the career of Mr. Bristow. If
he had adhered to his first purpose of resigning and frankly
stating his reasons, his political future would have been
assured. But he faltered, and finaUy consented to patch up a
half-hearted, hollow truce with the President, who was shrewd
enough to see that to force Bristow out of his Cabinet at this
juncture would certainly make the Kentuckian the next Presi
dent of the United States. It was not possible, under the
circumstances, that cordial relations could exist between the
Secretary and the President, and the prosecutions of the
Whiskey Eing conspirators be followed to their legitimate end.
The ruptures were frequent. Again and again Bristow had to
threaten his resignation, first, to prevent the removal of Solic
itor Wilson, who was accused by the President of setting spies
to watch him when he and Babcock visited St. Louis in Sep
tember; and again when it was determined to stop legal pro
ceedings against Babcock at St. Louis and direct the District
Attorney to turn over all the evidence in his possession to the
Military Court at Chicago. It was not the President's desire
to force Bristow out, and so he would yield when the square
issue was made, but, nevertheless, the whole power of his ad
ministration was exerted to save Babcock. The secrets of the
prosecution were betrayed to his lawyers while the Attorney
General was employed to intimidate the District Attorney and
manufacture public sentiment in Babcock's interest. After
Babcock's acquittal the country was disappointed that there
was not an open rupture between the President and Bristow.
The rupture would have occurred had not the President feared
it might prove to Bristow's advantage at Cincinnati. He sup
pressed his animosity, knowing that if Bristow was defeated
there, his retirement from the Cabinet would create scarce a
riffle of excitement in the public mind.
This letter, unhke a great many emanating from
the Nation's Capital, bristles with important

EEFLECTIONS ON MY FIDELITY. 305
facts, surmises and deductions having no influence
or needful part in the purposes of the writer.
Avery obtained his pardon just as the correspond
ent has stated, through threats of exposure, and
had I pursued the same course I need never have
entered the jail. But I was loyal to the President
and my promises, and ever mindful of the best in
terests of the Eepublican party. A thousand times,
while chafing under the punishment I was under
going, my tongue seemed determined to break the
seal of secrecy ; then a second thought would arise
and make my resolution to remain silent stronger
than ever. How could I fail to realize the fact that
my confessions would defeat Grant and destroy the
Eepublican party ; how could I forget those prom
ises of the President's, that were so full of the
honey of exalted ambition ; so ripe with the results
which my desire it was to attain. In the success
pf Grant and the party, and the vindication and
laudation of his administration aU my hopes were
centered, for in such a consummation lay my par
don, and honors which I was assured would shine
with such lustre as would cause oblivion to hide
the disgrace of my position. Ambition robbed me
of my judgment and, hke a silly moth that is flat
tered by the deadly lamp, I hung about these prom
ises, and waited as one who knocks at the castle of
his imagination and then sits down in the airy por
tal and waits an answer from dame fortune.

CHAPTEE X,
Efforts to Procure My Pardon — Putting the Screws to Grant
and Babcock — A Letter from Krum — My Threats to Ex
pose Grant — A Letter to the Proctor Knott Committee —
Ex-Gov, Fletcher and his policy — Babcock Writes me
Through One of His Spies — Gov. Fletcher Sees My
Threatening Letter in the Hands of Mrs. President Grant
— My Pardon is Granted — My Meeting with Babcock on
the Fourth of March — Why Joyce Was Not Pardoned by
Grant — My Last Interview With Babcock — Joyce's Let
ter — Some Bitter Memories.
In the following December, Hayes having been
elected President, I could see no further reason for
remaining in prison, and I determined to procure
my release. During the faU I had been very sick
and on two occasions the attending physician had
pronounced my case hopeless ; but I still Ungered,
in a semi-living condition, until a number of my
friends, without my co-oporation or request, inter
ested themselves in my behalf, by obtaining a nu
merously signed petition, together with a recom
mendation from the prison surgeon, praying the
President to grant me a pardon. This request hav
ing been refused the result so embittered me that I
decided at once, like Samson of old, to pull down

POECING THE PEESIDENT. 307
the piUars which supported the temple of official
iniquity and, if necessary, perish with Grant and
Babcock in the ruins. Accordingly I instructed
Thos. P. Walsh to write a strong letter to Babcock
and to teU him frankly that I was determined to re
main in prison no longer; that he had been false to
his promises and that I proposed to hurt the White
House if something was not done for me very soon.
In proof of this I herewith submit an extract from
Walsh's letter replying to the one containing the
instructions referred to.
St. Louis, Iron Mountain & Southern Ey., Co., i
General Office, >-
St. Louis, Dec. 19th, 1876. )
Dear General;
Yours of the 13th inst., just came to hand.
There is nothing now to be said only this: I wrote a nice
long letter to your friend (Babcock) in the east * * *
When the party east gets my letter I'll bet a new hat that
something will be done at once; and yet I said nothing ex
cept that which you instructed me to say, but I strung it out
elaborately, and gave considerable emphasis to certain vital
interests at stake.
********* Yours Truly
Walsh.
I concluded to push matters further and show my
determination, to do which I wrote another letter
to Walsh in which I instructed him to inform
Judge Krum that if my pardon was not forthcom
ing that I would place myself in communication
with Proctor Knott — whose committee was then in
session investigating the whiskey cases — and give
to him the facts connecting President Grant and
Gen. Babcock with the whiskey conspiracy. This

308 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
determined act of mine excited Gen. Babcock, who
was then in Chicago, and to whom Judge Krum
telegraphed my threat. Following is the reply I
received : J. M. & C. H. Krum,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW,
307 OUve Street. St. Louis, Dec. 27th, 1876.
Dear General :
Bliss has returned from Washington and has brought back
with him the papers in your case.
I am informed that the Attorney General opposes your par
don. This much has been indicated by Bliss and he has ac
cordingly brought the application back with him without
action. He was wiUing to recommend favorable action but
upon receiving the above intimation concluded he had better
do nothing at present.
Now what I write you is in the strictest confidence. I do
not want you to confer with anyone as to this ; not even
Joyce. I know that at headquarters the inclination is favorable to
your immediate pardon. I shall write to-day and endeavor to
have the proper intimation conveyed to the Attorney General,
so that Bliss can act favorably, as soon as possible. Your-
friend in Washington has done all within his power to assist
you. I had a note ftom him to-day, from Chicago. He will
be at home again on Friday. He was confidant, when he left
home, that all was right.
I suggest again that you authorize me to employ Col. Cook
to look after the application in Washington. I do not think
his fee would be large. At all events an inquiry of him, as to
what it would be, could do no harm. Some one to represent
you as attorney, should be employed, so that the application
could be pushed along. It is too much to expect that the par
don will be granted as a matter of course ; but with some one
to represent the matter before the Attorney General, to satisfy

A LETTEE TO THE PEOCTOE KNOTT COMMITTEE, 309
him that the certificates are from responsible physicians, and
to answer any objection which he may make, I cannot conceive
that there can be any serious obstacle.
*********
Now, I want you to write me yourself, and give me youi
views fully, and while I feel that your patience must be nearly
exhausted, yet I hope that you will not give way to anything
like resentment or ill-feeling against any friend in Washing
ton. No good can be done in that way.
You understand now that the obstacle in the way of your
pardon is in the Attorney General's office. That obstacle can,
I believe, be removed. All friends, upon being advised of it,
will help to that end. But I say again some one should rep
resent you in Washington.
Destroy this letter but answer it yourself. Very truly yours,
Chester H. Krum,
[A fac-simile of this letter occurs on the subse
quent pages,]
Upon receipt of this letter, on December 29th, I
at once wrote him a reply covering four pages of
legal-cap paper, in which I made a general state
ment of the promises made to me by Grant and
Babcock and the manner in which they has de
ceived me ; I also reminded him of the disgrace and
suffering I had borne for the the sake of these two
officials, and concluded the letter by declaring that
if my pardon was not granted by the middle of Jan
uary, 1877, that I should expose every unpunished
member of the Whiskey Eing, and procure Grant's
impeachment. Bx-Gov. Thos. C. Fletcher, of St. Louis, whose
name I have not mentioned before in this book be
cause none of his acts up to this time had made it

J. M. & C. H. KRUM,
.Attorneys at Law,
-S07 OCilVB SXRSBT, St. Xjoma^d

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X«-.» *^tt.« ^:«_^ :a/z^^^?tjL^ ^C^yC^a/'^'^y-
v-^^C^ <5m5€ &^3l^ ^*i^

It is too much to expect, that the pardon will be
granted as a matter of course ; but, -*rith some one to
xepresent the matter before the Attorney General, to
satisfy him that the certificates are from responsible
physicians, and to answer any objection which he may
make, I cannot conceive that there can be any serious
•obstacle. Now, I want you to write me yourself, * *
and give me your views freely.

The fac simile of this page was defaced in printing. Will appear in
Second Edition.

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<^^*i«:.'/41r /?//<yiZju^ c^..L.t*^AjC ^x.\

314 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
necessary, was employed by me to look after my
interests in Washington. On the 11th of Decem
ber, Gov. F., visited me in Jefferson City, when,
upon his arrival, in company with Col. Joyce, we
repaired to my room at the hospital, where we
talked freely upon the manner in which Col.
Joyce and I had been treated by the President.
I told him that Col. Joyce had prepared a state
ment for me which I had decided to send to Proc
tor Knott if my pardon was delayed beyond the
middle of January. I then handed him the state
ment and told him that I intended to swear to it,
and that Col. Joyce would also attach his affidavit
to the truth of every declaration it contained. This
statement is as follows :
To Hon. Proctor Knott, Chairman of the Special Committee
on the Whiskey Trials, Washington, D. C.
Sir: — In the spring of 1872, I was Supervisor of Internal
Eevenue for the District of Missouri, Kansas, Arkansas,
Indian Territory, New Mexico and Texas, with my head
quarters at St. Louis. Through the winters of 1871, and 1872
I had personal interviews with President U. S. Grant,0. E. Bab
cock, Hon. Columbus Delano, Hon. W. W. Belknap, Hon. Geo.
S. Boutwell, and Hon. J. W. Douglass, Commissioner of Inter
nal Eevenue. The object of my appointment and official action
in the main I find to be the re-nomination and re-election of
the President. I was picked out as a plucky man to do the
desperate political work for my superiors in office, and I was
given to understand that any means I took for the re-election
of Gen. U. S. Grant would find favor and be justified.
In the spring of 1872, 1 had a private interview with the Presi
dent and I told him my plans for the campaign, to control the
conventions in Mis.souri and other states. It was well known
among business poUticians of the Democratic party that the

A LETTEE TO THE PEOCTOE KNOTT COMMITTEE. 315
" Andy Johnson Whiskey Ring," had raised large sums in
1868 for the benefit of themselves and Chief, and the Eepub
lican politicians in Washington told me that I could pattern after
the same thing and raise a fund to run the political machine in
the interest of Grant. I told the President the proposed plan
and asked his advice in the matter. He listened attentively
to my loyalty to his administration and referred me to Gen.
O. E. Babcock, and said whatever I did with him was satis
factory all round. I therefore raised a fund and put it into
the political campaign of 1872. I told the President on one
occasion that certain Eepublican and other newspapers had to
be bought up in his interest, to which he consented, and I
fixed the editors and proprietors, who were the most pliant and
voracious tools in the camp. Gen. Babcock knew the details
of the fraud, and kept me constantly posted as to the move
ment of revenue detectives through my district. Col. Avery
rendered me all the assistance in his power while chief of the
Internal Eevenue Bureau and Treasury Department, and did
all he coiUd to further the political conspiracy. I told Com
missioner Douglass all about the matter and he consented to
everything, only saying that he did not care to hear the details.
He wanted to be kept pure and shut his eyes to the conspir
acy, so that when the storm came he could fizzle out into
safety and obscurity and leave me to hold the bag. Deputy
Commissioner Eogers knew of the conspiracy, and his partic
ular friend, Eevenue Agent Hogue, was a tool in the premises.
I have only to tell the true history of the team, wagon and
equipments to show the peculiarly selfish character of the
President. In the fall of 1874, General Grant, Babcock, Sec
retary Borie, and family were visiting the fair at St. Louis.
At the time, I had a pair of fast horses and tendered them to
President Grant while he remained in the city. Mr. Hark-
ness the stable keeper will recollect that the President used
them. I was with Grant on several occasions while in St.
Louis, andhe was greatly pleased with the team. Being a sub
ordinate officer and wishing to ingratiate myself into the good

316 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING,
graces of His Excellency, and knowing his weakness for fine
horse-flesh, I told him I would present him with the team, but in
such a way that it would appear as if he had purchased them. I
had the bills for the wagon, harness and equipments made out
in the name of the President and had the team taken to
Washington by Nat Carliu, the Superintendent of the Presi
dent's farm. The first week in December, 1874, I dropped in
at the White House, the very day Congress assembled, and
saw the President in his office. He had used the team for
some time and was deUghted with them. I told him that I
had a biU of sale made out, with minor bUls attached, amount
ing in all to about seventeen hundred and fifty doUars. if my
memory serves me rightly. The bill was receipted and signed
before I started from St. Louis. I asked him with a smile to
hand me a few dollars He pulled out a fifty dollar bill, threw
it at me, and asked if that would do. I told him it was too
much and threw it back. Then the President gave me a ten
dollar bill, and I took out of my vest pocket a five dollar bill
and a two dollar bill, which I gave to him in change, thus-
leaving me three dollars for the team !
When I closed the team transaction with the President, I
expressed a desire to see the horses, and he said, " I have
just ordered the team, let us go down and look at them." We
went to the front portico of the White House, and after com
ments on the condition of the outfit, the President said, " step-
in and take a ride with me." I did so. We passed out New
York Avenue to the Bladensburg road, and after a two-
hours' drive returned to the White House, where I was
brushed by the porter, after which I took a drive to the
floral gardens and hot houses in the private carriage of Gen
eral Babcock.
In the morning before the team transaction, I was in Gen
eral Babcock's office and conversed with him on business
matters, and while at his official desk I paid him five thousand
dollars ($5,000), part of the slush secured in aid of the polit
ical conspiracy. At another time, in April, 1875, I paid Gen-

A LETTEE TO THE PEOCTOE KNOTT COMMITTEE. 317
Babcock the sum of five thousand dollars ($5,000) at his pri
vate residence in a top back room, which he was fitting up for a
library. I took dinner the same day at his house, and General
Horace Porter was a companion guest at the same time. Gen
eral Belknap came in during the meal, and with wine and
loud talk we had a high old time. Just before General Bab
cock sent the " Sylph dispatch," I had enclosed to him in the
center of a fine box of cigars the sum of one thousand dollars
($1,000), and sent the package by Adams Express. Babcock
acknowledged the receipt of the box and said, " the flavor of the
cigars is fine and highly appreciated."
In the fall of 1874, while the President and his party were at
the St. Louis Fair, more than ten days, I paid their bill at the
Lindell Hotel, receiving back, however, a part of this amount
through contributions from a few of the President's private
friends. The bill was made out in the President's name, but
the cash came out of private pockets.
I went east during the canvass of 1872, and secured the
services of Hon. Geo. S. Boutwell and Hon. C. Delano to come
into Missouri and speak to the people on the pending issue.
I saw Boutwell at the Continental Hotel in Philadelphia, while
the President was there, and made the necessary arrange
ments. When Mr. Delano and Mr. Kirk came to Missouri I
travelled with them through the state and paid all expenses.
In company with Hon. Henry. T. Blow, chairman of the Eepub
hcan Central Committee, and other men, I assisted in raising
several thousand dollars as a Grant fund to be used for special
emergency — I subscribed to this fund $1,000, and Col. Joyce
paid $500. I was at the bottom of organizing what was known
as the Missouri Club, with Geo. Bain as President and Chauncy
I. FiUey as Executive officer, whUe Col. Joyce was correspond
ing secretary and general manipulator for the concern, as weU
as being a member of the Eepublican State Central Committee.
I understood that some of the money raised in Missouri was
sent to Senator Morton to aid in carrying Indiana. The forego
ing statemets are the main mUestones in the poUtical conspir-

318 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
acy to re-elect President Grant, yet there are many details,
secret meetings and presents, that can be brought to bear to
corroborate the full truth thereof; letters, papers and telegrams
can be also produced to sustain what I allege. This terrible
exposure would never perhaps have been made had Grant and
Babcock treated me with the fairness they promised. I wiU-
ingly came to the penitentiary to save these officers and the
nation from scandal, and gave up certain letters to Babcock
to aid bim in his trial. I acted in good faith. They did not.
Then to, after all the whiskey defendants iu Indiana, lUinois
Wisconsin and Missouri, have been pardoned and released
from prison, I am left to die in the gloomy walls by the very
men who got the benefit of my manipulations. Patience and
sUence must cease and the world shall know the bottom facts
of the conspiracey. Thus shall every man bear his part in the
fearful exposure, and even-handed justice at last prevaiL
Truth is eternal and ingratitude and treachery must ever re
ceive a just retribution.
I have done more than my share, and suffered more than
impartial justice demands. Now let my superior officers come
down to the level of my situation, and taste of the bitter dregs
prepared for my consumption.
When Gov. Fletcher finished reading the state
ment he advised Col. Joyce and I not to act rashly;
that we had shown our manhood and fidehty to the
President thus far, and that it would be exceedingly
impolitic for us to do anything now which would
bring the disaster so long averted. He said that
when the President learned of the course we had
adopted that he would pardon us, and thus it
would be unnecessary to take action which would
make the secrets of Grant's and Babcock's crime
pubUc. When Gov. Fletcher returned to St. Louis he
talked to many of my friends and told them how

FOBClSrG THE PBESTOENT. 319
bitter and determined I had become. Judge KmTn
informed the President and Cren. Babcock, and
frankly told them that som^ething would haTe to be
done speedily or that an exposure wonld certainly
follow. I w"as ni^ed to lemain patient a very short
time, that the only cause for delaying my pardon
was because of the recent appointment of Judge
Tafffc as Attomey-Greneral whom it woidd be very
unwise to let know the relationship esistiDg between
them and myself: that every thing was fixed for my
liberation in a few days. This is the tenor of Judge
EniQi's letter, which reflects the wishes of Gen.
Babcock. On the 30th of December Irecerred a letter from
Walsh in which he advises me : ' ' Upon no account
act rashly; go a httle slow now, and in a very short
time an will be wefl."
Got. Metcher was actively engaged in my inter
est for several months ; while never a participant in
the iDicit whiskey conspiracy he was, nevertheless,
acgoainted with the details, and who composed the
membership, shortly after the exposure of the Bing.
He had advised me repeatedly not to criminate
Grant and Babcock TmtiT the last esttemity had
been exhausted.
The following letter which I recived through Dr.
Thompson, the surgeon at the penitentiary, will
furnish the proof for my statement respecting Gov.
Metcher's ptMition: Sf. Lons, Jan. Sfch, 1S7T.
Deas Sib:
I cannot be in Washington b^oce the 12ai (nesi Friday).
I haiTe b^sn cansolidating and getting into shape the infiosn-
ces and madhanay for the ¦wort and if I mistake not I can now

320 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
lay off my coat and wade in and pull your matter through. I
am going at it in a manner that will admit of no failure; at aU
events I can and wiU, in three days after I get there (at most)
have a final, square and distinct decision from the head of the
mess himself
****** **
I do not intend that your papers shall go to the Attorney
General, but wiU take them myself direct to the President.
The Attorney General told BUss that he was opposed to doing
anything in your case. Hold on till the 15th and on that day
if you do not hear from me then I have nothing more to say,
and then let her rip if you see proper, but wait till then.
Yours Truly, Fletcher.
The full import of this letter is too apparent to
require explanation. In giving me his sanction to
"let her rip," means that he will not oppose my
exposure of Grant if by the 16th of January my par
don is not granted.
On the 13th of January I received the following
letter. Washington, Jan. 10th, 1877.
Dear General:
I just learn it is only a question of a few days — it is deter
mined upon. Tour friends have been active and watchful.
Bliss returned your papers yesterday. At the General's (Bab
cock's) instance have watched the case closely — would send
particulars but learn that contents of letters to you and Joyce
have, somehow, been made known outside. I hope such is
not the case, although I have written nothing that I fear any
one to know. Please write as to whether your letters are read
and contents exposed. I had thought better of the gentleman
whom I had met when at Jefferson.
* * * * * *
You wUl hear from me again in a few days. Be assured

A LETTEE FEOM BABCOCK's CONFIDANT, 321
the matter is settled. When I write again I will enclose let
ter I had written but laid aside to substitute this.
Very truly your friend,
Jno. F. Clements,
916 F. St., N. W., Washington.
P. S. — When we meet will tell you all.
The writer of this letter was a confidant of Gen.
Babcock's, whom the latter had employed early in
1876 to work up evidence and furnish jurymen in
Babcock's interest, so as to provide for the trial the
means for an acquittal. He was at one time a pen
sion agent and editor at Macon, Mo., sharing the
former office with a Mrs. Boggs, as a compromise.
District Attorney Dyer has admitted that during
the trial of Babcock, Clements was a source of much
annoyance by his insinuating efforts to approach the
jury. The letter just quoted might as well have
been signed by Babcock himself, as it was written
at the latter's request and dictation.
Six days after the date of his first letter, Clem
ents wrote me again deploring the delay in my par
don, and declaring that within ten days, and per
haps in less than one week, the pardon would be
granted beyond question. He begged me to keep
my courage and discretion and in the end I would
find reason to be thankful for having taken his
advice. The pardon remained in suspension, with daily
assurances from friends and officials, that it would
be issued at once, until the 26th day of January
when the President granted me an unconditional
pardon, and on the 29th I walked from, out the
shadows of the prison walls a free man.
u

322 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
Upon the return of Gov. Fletcher from Washing
ton where he had remained until my pardon was is
sued, he told me that while at the White House
and in the company of Gen. Babcock, he met Mrs,
Grant, wife of the President, and that he saw her
reading the letter I wrote to Judge Krum on De
cember 29th, demanding my pardon under threats
of preferring charges that would procure the im
peachment of President Grant, as already refer
red to.
Within ten days after my release I went to
Washington in the interest of Col, Joyce, to urge
his pardon. While there I had my quarters at the
Ebbett House, and remained until after Grant's
term of office expired (Ma-rch 3d), Nearly every
day during my stay in Washington Gen, Babcock
called on me and in response to my request for
Joyce's pardon he always assured me that the
President would sign the pardon before going out
of office, but that owing to the troubles then agita
ting the country as to the instaUation of Hayes or
Tilden, that the President thought it would be ju
dicious to postpone the pardon until that matter
was settled or, until the last day of his official Ufe.
On the 3d of March (the 4th occurring on
Sunday) I was in the marble room of the
Senate waiting with anxiety for the issuing of
Joyce's pardon. When the gavel sounded the
hour of 12, when Grant was no longer President,
I met Gen, Babcock as he was issuing from the
President's room, I stopped him and enquired if
the pardon had been signed. With some manifest
ation of embarrassment he replied that, owing to

MY LAST MEETING WITH BABCOCK. 323
the extraordinary pressure of business at the close,
it had not, but he said that Hayes would grant the
pardon speedily.
Said I : Gen, Babcock, you and Grant have made
me promises from one day to another, ever since I
consented to shield you from disgrace; you have
hed to me without conscience ; have trampled upon
my friendship, and now from this day we are ene
mies, and I shaU seek my own good time to hold
your viUainies up for the world to gaze upon.
He appealed to me to harbor no iU feehng against
the President or himself; that they both regarded
me with the highest consideration and that they
were now, in common with myself citizens, whose
friendships should be as strong as in the earUer
years of our acquaintance, when we made our
interests mutual,
I contradicted his assertion that we were citizens
alike, and reminded him that he had a life position
and that Grant went out of office burdened with the
honors of a profitable presidency, and that this was
because Joyce and I had protected him and Grant
from the calumny which would have thrown them
into cells of infamy, if we had opened our Ups against
them. I reminded him that he had disarmed Joyce
by procuring, through false, promises, the tell-tale
letters which, during the operation of the Whiskey
Eing, he (Babcock) had written him (Joyce), but
that there would be a day of reckoning nevertheless,
when he and Grant would both wish they had never
been born.
This was the last meeting I ever had with Bab
cock, and although pressing invitations were given

324 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING,
me to visit Grant up to the day he went out of office
yet I never had or sought a meeting with him after
this trip to Washington,
Before leaving the Capital, I received the follow
ing letter from Col, Joyce :
Jefferson City, March 28th, 1877,
Dear General :
I have not written you for the reason that I expected you to
be west 'ere this ; but thinking you may yet be in Washington,
I drop a line to say that I am in fine health and brave spirits,
I presume that you have learned that Judge Krekel has rec
ommended me, and that the legislature, irrespective of party,
has sent on a petition.
It is hard to think that the men we helped and saved, went back
on us, but it is just like the world. Your Friend, John.
This letter fiUed me with emotion and bitterness ;
never before had I seen such an exhibition of cow
ardly ingratitude, as was mirrored by the highest
officer in the government. History paints the deeds
of Nero and CaUgula, as the embodiments of ancient
injustice and cruel despotism, but is is reserved for
me to pick up the character of Grant and Babcock,
and with the strong arm of the press hold them high
before modern civilization, that the eyes of the dis
criminate public may gaze upon their putrid villainies
and compounded crimes, and smell the festering
odors of the foul ingratitude of these two ineffaceable
stains upon creation itself. Joyce's letter, written
in a criminal's cell, brought back the memory of our
sacrifice and the empty reward paid for our devotion ;
how honors may ride upon the back of crime, and
the blackest heart and smallest soul may be hidden

SOME BITTEK MEMOEIES. 325
by official power and patronage. Joyce was a man
whose traits were unselfish friendship and broadest
charity, and yet so noble a character was forced to
pay obedience and humble itself before the greatest
ingrate since the days of Judas.
When this exposure of crime shaU go out upon its
mission of information, these monstrocities of vil
lainy and corruption, (Grant and his confederates,)
will exert their remaining influence to deflect the
eye of public censure from the evidences of their
thefts and prostitution of the Eepubhc, by shouting
hke the priests of Baal, and pointing to me as a con
fessed criminal. WeU, I can afford to let them prick
me with their stings, for there is no drop of poison
on them now to give me pain. I not only place the
impress of my oath and honor on every statement I
have made herein, but have produced the written
confessions of Grant and Babcock ; I have them fast
in the trammel net of their own letters and the tes
timony of their own acts. I can afford therefore to
bear their attacks, conscious that there is not one
of my readers who can, by any argument hereafter,
be made to doubt the fuU guUt of those I have con
demned, and thiat.truth being mighty, justice, in the
way of some commiseration for the part I have acted
in the whiskey frauds, will some day be accorded me.
It is hardly necessary to inform the reader that I
have not exhausted my store of evidence against
Grant and Babcock, since our relations and corre
spondence extended through a period of more than
five years. The fact is, I have not used a tithe of
the condemnatory letters which I have in my pos
session, as to have included them all would have

326 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
very greatly enlarged this book without adding any
thing to the weight of evidence, which is already too
great for a Titan to bear.
On the 13th of July, 1877, Col. Joyce was taken
out of prison upon a writ of habeas corpus, having
served two years, and his sentence being cumulative,
the question of the legality of the sentence was
raised. While the writ was before the Supreme
Court of the United States, President Hays granted
Joyce an unconditional pardon, and thus the last
sacrifice for Grant was completed.

CONCLUSION.
In the preceding chapters I have briefly sketched,
in a hurried manner, the principal facts proving the
connection of President U, S, Grant, Gen, O, E.
Babcock, Commissioner J, W, Douglass, Judge
Chester H, Krum, etc, with the conspiracy organ
ized in 1870 to defraud the Government out of the
revenue on distiUed spirits. The estent of this
robbery I beUeve has never been estimated, and
while the public has ever regarded the amount as
almost inestimable, yet I dare say the true figures
will, nevertheless, prove appalling. During the
first two years of the Eing's existence the Govern
ment tax on proof spirits was fifty cents per gaUon,
but in 1872 the tax was increased to seventy cents
per proof gaUon,
Although my district embraced a very large ex
tent of territory, there were only eight distiUeries
in the district that turned out ilUcit whiskey in the
interest of the Eing; seven of these were located
in St, Louis and one in St, Joseph, The average
daily capacity of these distilleries aggregated about
9,600 proof gaUons, But there were so many inter-

328 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
ferences from agents, and other causes which fre
quently originated among members of the Eing,
that it is perhaps proper to estimate that the distil
leries ran only about half the time, and the distiUers
reported to the Government only one-haU of the
whiskey they manufactured. Basing the calcula
tion upon this estimate, the Government was de
frauded out of revenue amounting to $2,786,(XX), in
my district alone, in six years.
While I made frequent reference in my narrative
to amounts paid to Babcock, McKee, and others,
yet I did not mention a tithe of the remittances
that were made. McKee's interest approximated
$300,000, with which money he purchased the Mis
souri Democrat. In this connection I will recite a
fact which I omitted in the earUer and proper part
of this book : When the Globe was started in 1872
people marveled greatly at the immense circulation
which it so quickly developed. When the circum
stances are explained, however, all wonder will give
place to contempt. The reader is already familiar
with the reason why McKee abandoned the Liberal
movement and returned to the staunch support of
President Grant, and after the compact bringing
about this result was sealed by the organization of
the Whiskey Eing, we felt a mutual interest in
extending the circulation of the Globe. To accom
plish this speedily I sent a notice to the ten tho'us-
and revenue officials in my district asking them
each to subscribe for at least one copy of the daily
Globe, and also to use their influence in increasing
its circulation. The result of this was that in one
month after the paper issued its initial number, its

CASTING UP THE ACCOUNTS. 329
circulation was over 16,000 copies. This stroke of
pohcy was very gratifying, not only to McKee him
self, but to the President as weU, for the Globe was
the administration organ and its influence became
thus pronounced in the beginning.
Gen. Babcock did not receive more than f 25,000
of the Eing money directly, but he was the recip
ient of many valuable presents purchased with
assessments made on the distillers.
The position of President Grant rendered him an
anomalous or honorary member of the Whiskey
Eing, though he may have divided the aUowances
made to Babcock, but I do not wish to make the
President a victim of inference. He was one of the
projectors of the Eing, however, and actuaUy stood
god-father to its christening. Grant was ambitious,
and, the power of the organization which could
collect money to advance his aspirations to a second
and third term of the presidency, furnished him
with emoluments sufficient for his iniquity. He
knew that in politics money is more essential to
success than brains ; he knew that campaigns meant
a bestrewal of wealth in his pathway which would
toU the voting rabble after him Uke hogs that are
coaxed to their pens by sprinkling corn in that
direction. Assessments upon employes of the Gov
ernment was not enough, besides there were other
aspirants to the presidency within the Eepubhcan
ranks, so he seized upon the opportunity of provid
ing campaign resources by defrauding the Govern
ment through a confederacy of members, all of whom
had declared their aUegiance to him. I was selected
because of a capacity for managing which Grant

330 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING,
believed me to possess, and iu turn I chose subordi
nates calculated to perform their duties with becom
ing discretion. When the funds from illicit distilling
begun to accumulate we applied them to organizing
committees, and, through these, wards and districts,
in the interest of the Eepublican party and Presi
dent Grant especially. In addition to this we were
almost weekly giving him costly presents and report
ing to him how the ilUcit whiskey, or campaign fund
was being distributed, and this constituted a portion
as liberal to him as the payments of money were to
us. I cannot deny the fact that I was a member and
a beneficiary of the Whiskey Eing, and I have no
wish to shield myseU behind the behests of my
superiors; but while I have defined Grant's position
with all the charity that circumstances will permit,
I also ask the indulgence and impartiality of the
public in regard to my own.
When I was made Supervisor of Internal Eev
enue, at a salary of $3,000 per annum, I was the
owner in fee simple of property valued at $150,000.
At the same time I had over $8,000,(300 of business
in my hands — Government claims for collection —
in which I could have made annually more than ten
times the salary of a Supervisor.
But I was a Eepublican, and poUtics always pos
sessed for me a great facination, besides, the arrange
ments I had with Grant were prospective of liberal
emoluments. During aU of Grant's visits to St.
Louis, while I was Supervisor, I paid all his hotel
biUs as well, also, as those who composed his party.
In the game season I furnished the White House
with the choicest birds that were brought into the

WHAT THE WHISKEY EING COST ME. 331
market, at a weekly expense of nearly $100, and in
addition to this I paid out of my own pocket for the
frequent entertainment of prominent Washington
officials, and in all respects became the source from
whence the .Eepubhcan candidates in St. Louis
derived their monetary assistance during cam
paigns. The result of all this was that I was con
stantly draining my accumulation, and daily be
coming poorer. When, at length, the exposures
came, I retained the sum of $5,CXX) from the assess
ments made on the distillers and rectifiers to pay
the expenses of my trial. This amount, I can con
scientiously say, was all the money I ever derived
from the Whiskey Eing which I devoted to my own
individual use. But no better proof of this can be
furnished than the fact that when I was pardoned
out of the penitentiary not a vestage of my fortune
remained, and to-day I am the victim of improvi
dence as well as being made the sin offering of
Grant and Babcock. In other words, my fidelity
and unparalleled devotion to these two men has
cost me a fortune of more than $150,000, and the
disgrace and misery consequent upon a term of
seventeen months' imprisonment.
How many will there be to rise up at this juncture
and enquire why I suffered this loss and submitted
to such punishment if I could have prevented it by
opening my lips? Well, it does seem strange to me
now, when the Ught of subsequent events throws
out so prominently the pamorama of false promises
and hoUow hearts. Doubtful Thomas, was ever
your sympathy aroused by the plaintive story of
female innocence, destroyed by the seductive decla-

332 SECEETS OF THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING,
rations of one whose honeyed words fell upon the
heart Uke nectar to the Ups, and set its seal of love
and confidence in her very soul? The circumstance
is by no means a rare one; in fact, the world is fuU
of false pretenses and man's perfidy. Do not,
therefore, make a single and conspicious exception,
and lay the faults of which I confess, and all the
causes of my humiliation at the portal of my own
conscience as self-inflicted stains, I ask no sym
pathy from any one, but I do ask justice ; I am not
dead to public opinion, having forfeited none of my
own seU-respect. I was sustained through aU the
phases of my punishment, not only by the golden
promises of the President, in whose hands lay the
power that could end the sacrifice I was making for
him, but also by evidence in my possession to com-
pell a fulfillment of those promises. My misfortunes
were the result of that blind devotion which a gilded
hope sometimes inspires. Had I been less faithful,
and when the first lock was closed upon me, had
cried out to the public as I do now, I would have
been treated "as tenderly as a sucking dove,"
and perhaps to-day I would be holding some high
and lucrative position, all comments upon my guilt
having been counteracted by the strong wiU of my
equaUy guilty superior. Or, had I acted as did
many others, accepted the promises of the prosecu
ting attorneys for the government, and become an
informer, how different would have been my fate.
My fortune would stiU be ample ; Babcock would
have served a term in the penitentiary, and Grant
would have been impeached, and if not imprisoned,
would to-day be roaming in foreign lands as did

HOW VIETUE WAS MADE TO BOW TO CEIME, 333
Gen, Arnold when he conspired with Maj, Andi-e to
sell his country to the British— a disgraced Execu
tive, unable to find a friend on the face of the earth—
with the purple of his power changed into the tat
tered habiliments of contempt and impotency.
But mark you the facts which outline and disfig
ure the consequences of my action. Descending
from the exalted position of Chief Magistrate of the
Eepubhc, it is still Gen, Grant clothed with the
vestments of honor and influence ; a visitor to for
eign lands he receives the homage of potentates
who bend their imperial knees to America's war
rior and most distinguished citizen. Having ex
hausted the admiration and flattery of every civil
ization he returned to the shores of the country he
had robbed and whose benedictions he had insulted,
but the rabble, in whose pathway he scattered the
money wrung from his countrymen through a con
spiracy infamous as was Arnold's crime, greet his
coming with acclaims of joy and bestrew his walks
with flowers whose perfume might kiU the oder of
his iniquities. But this honor to the only president
who, like SyUa of Eome, drew the life blood from
the veins of his country to glut his own feast, did
not cease with triumphal greetings and honors
which drew the artjsan from his workshop and the
producer from his Selds meUow with the incense of
productive nature, but grew apace like riot when the
conservators of peace are asleep ; the unreasonable
throng crowned crime with a laurel wreath and lent
their voices inthe impious cry for Grant's re-election.
I cannot place a greater stigma upon America, and
the history of the future wiU so record it, than to

334 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
state the fact, that with all his infamies there was
found three hundred and six men, some of whom
held offices of public trust in the government, who
voted thirty-six times in a national convention for
the re-nomination of Gen, U. S, Grant,
But, by whom was this most disgraceful act inau
gurated, and who were the managers of this con
spiracy against the honor of the nation ? The first
and most persistent outcry for this prostitution of
the people was made by the Globe-Democrat of St.
Louis, whose success and influence was procured
through the conjunction and iUicit aid of the crim
inal whom they doubly desired to re-exalt. Fol
lowing in the trail of the serpent were those default
ing and poUuted officials who had thriven by
Grant's infamous coalition. "Dreadful cases re
quire alloepathic doses," was the exclamation of
those political marplots who, to break the force of
that unwritten law which prohibits any man from
occupying the. presidency for more than two terms,
conceived the scheme for sending Grant on a tour
around the world. They were conscious of Amer
ica's weakness for the dazzle and tinsel of hered
itary rulers and believed that the ovations of titled
potentates would, like the gaze of the serpent,
charm the American people until they would forget
the traditions of the past in the blinding incandes
cence of inperialism. This is how Grant's crime
was atoned for by my sacrifice.
Gen, Babcock returned to Washington after his
acquittal and those who, like Lazarus, were fed
from the crumbs of his table, gave him their con
gratulations and testified to their undiminished

HOW THE CEIMINALS WEEE EEWABDED, 335
confidence by making up a purse of $25,000 and
presenting it to him as a memorial of their high
consideration— for his services in assisting them to
rob the Government,
To-day Gen, Babcock is Inspector of Light
Houses, an ornamental and sinecure position, with
pay as major of engineers. This position was given
him by President Grant, and was one of the last
acts of that most infamous administration,
Maj. E, B. Grimes is stiU Quarter Master at St,
Louis, Col, P, M, Schaurte is still Superintendent of
Postal Service, with headquarters at St, Louis,
E, W, Fox's son is stiU U, S, Consul at Bruns
wick. L. P, Luckey is occupying a lucrative position
in the Interior Department,
H, C, Eogers is still deputy Commissioner of In
ternal Eevenue,
Col, Holt is still in the Eevenue service.
And so on through the list with the exception of
Commissioner Douglass, Col, Joyce, Avery and my
self, Douglass was dismissed, while three of us
assumed the burden of guilt and paid the penalty
of our crime and devotion. Those members of the
Eing who became informers were released with a
nominal punishment — one day's confinement,
I can hardly anticipate the inquiry here, "Why
do you make this exposure now? " The reason has
certainly been answered to the satisfaction of aU
my readers. Had President Grant fuUiUed his
promises and kept faith with me as I did with him
no power on earth could have induced me to give

336 SECEETS OP THE GEEAT WHISKEY EING.
the world the secrets of the Whiskey Eing; but,
after immolating me upon the altar of his ambition ;
fearing to mention my name lest contumely might
attack him, his actions have justified me in expos
ing his guilt to the people, without subjecting my
seU to the charge of ingratitude or false friendship.
What I have given to the public in this book I de
clare to be true (in the sense it is represented) in
every particular, vsdthout a prejudicial discoloring
or the sUghtest exaggeration, I beUeve that aU
candid and honest men wiU have no hesitancy, after
reading my statements and the documentary proofs
which I here submit, in admitting that upon the
evidence, in an impartial trial, both Grant and Bab
cock would be found guilty of "conspiracy to de
fraud the government out of the revenue on dis
tiUed spirits," the charge upon which I was con
victed, I am satisfied w'ith my course ; I kept the faith
when Grant had most need for it, and while
I suffered as few men have suffered, for my fidehty,
the satisfaction of knowing that my action has
saved the nation from an ineffaceable disgrace — an
impeached and perhaps imprisoned Executive — is
stiU left me as my reward.

Gen, Jas, A, Garfield,

A FRAGMENT FROM THE RECORD
OF THE
OFFICIAL LIFE
OF
JAMES A. GARFIELD.
HIS CORRUPT CONNECTION
WITH THE
CREDIT MOBILIER, DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA RING,
AND DeGOLYER PAVING CO.

THE MISSING LINKS SUPPLIED BY THE ADMISSIONS OF
GEN. O. E. BABCOCK.

SOME OF THE CORRUFf OFFICIAL ACTS OF
JAMES A. GARFIELD.

THE CREDIT MOBILIER SCHEME,
I deem it appropriate to insert as an appendix to
this work a few of the corrupt schemes made pub
Uc, with which James A, Garfield of Ohio, who is
now the nominee of the Eepublican party for the
presidency, has been implicated. In this connec
tion it may be stated that it was notorious about
Washington that Garfield's influence, while he was
a member of Congress, was an article of merchan
dise. That his connection with other corrupt
schemes has never been made pubhc is due to the
fact that he has always been in the hands of shrewd
middle men who have been equaUy interested in
conceaUng their criminal complicity. The first cor
rupt measure that Gen, Garfield became connected
with, which stiU stands against him on the records,
was his impUcation with the notorious Oakes
Ames, of Massachusett, in the Credit Mobiher of
America, and the following verbatim evidence in
this case, taken from the report of the Select Com-

342 THE VENAL ACTS OF JAMES A, GAEFIELD.
mittee, appointed by the Forty-third Congress, gives
the history of the part he played in that gigantic
swindle, GAEFIELD 'S STATEMENT.
Washington, Jan, 14th, 1873,
J. A, Garfield, a member of the United States House of
Eepresentatives from the State of Ohio, having been duly
sworn, made the following statement :
" The first I ever heard of the Credit Mobilier was some time
in 1866 or 1867. I cannot fix the date, when George Francis
Train called on me and said he was organizing a company to
be known as the Credit Mobilier of America, to be formed on
the model of the Credit Mobilier of Prance; that the object of
the company was to purchase lands and build houses along the
line of the Pacific railroad at points where cities and villages
were likely to spring up; that he had no doubt money thus in
vested would double or treble itself each year; that subscrip
tions were limited to $1,000 each, and he wished me to sub
scribe. He showed me a long list of subscribers, among them
Mr. Oakes Ames, to whom he referred me for further informa
tion concerning the enterprise. I answered that I had not the
money to spare, and if I had I would not subscribe without
knowing more about the proposed organization. Mr. Train
left me, saying he would hold a place open for me, and hoped
I would yet conclude to subscribe. The same day I asked Mr.
Ames what he thought of the enterprise. He expressed the
opinion that the investment would be safe and profitable.
I heard nothing further on the subject for a year or more,
and it was almost forgotten, when, some time, I should say,
during the long session of 1868, Mr. Ames spoke of it again;
said the company had organized, was doing well, and, he
thought, would soon pay large dividends. He said that some
of the stock had been left or was to be left in his hands to sell,
and I could take the amount which Mr. Train had offered me
by paying the $1,000 and the accrued interest. He said if I
was not able to pay for it then, he would hold it for me till I

THE CEEDIT MOBILISE SCHEME, 343
could pay, or until some of the dividends were payable. I
told him I would consider the matter, but would not agree to
take any stock until I knew from an examination of tbe char
ter and the conditions of the subscription, the extent to which
I would become pecuniarily liable. He said he was not sure,
but thought that a stockholder would be liable only for the
par value of his stock; that he had not the stock and papers
with him, but would have them after awhile.
From the case as presented I probably should have taken
the stock if I had been satisfied in regard to the extent of pe
cuniary liability. Thus the matter rested for some time. I
think until the following year. During that interval I under
stood that there were dividends amounting to nearly three
times the par value of the stock. But in the meantime I had
heard that the company was involved in some controversy
with the Pacific railroad, and that Mr. Ames' right to sell the
stock was denied. When I next saw Mr. Ames I told him I had
concluded not to take the stock.
There the matter ended, so far as I was concerned and I had
no further knowledge of the company's operations until the
subject began to be discussed in the newspapers last fall.
Nothing was ever said to me by Mr. Train or Mr. Ames to in
dicate or imply that the Credit Mobilier was or could be in
any way connected with the legislation of Congress for the Pa
cific railroad or for any other purpose. Mr. Ames never gave
nor offered to give me any stock or other valuable thing as a
gift. I once asked and obtained from him, and afterwards re
paid to him, a loan of $300; that amount is the only valuable
thing I ever received from or delivered to him. I never
owned, received or agreed to receive any stock of the Credit
Mobilier or of the Union Pacific railroad, nor any dividends
or profits arising from either of them."
Following is the testimony of Oakes Ames which
bears direct reference in its denial of the statements
made by Mr. Garfield :

344 THE VENAL ACTS OF JAMES A. GAEFIELD.
Washington, Jan. 22d, 1873.
Oakes Ames recalled and re-examined. By the chairman:
Ques. — In regard to Mr. Garfield, state to the Committee the
details of the transactions between you and him in reference
to Credit Mobilier stock ?
Ans. — I got for Mr. Garfield ten shares of the Credit Mobi
lier stock, for which he paid par and interest.
Ques. — When did you agree with him for that ?
Ans. — That agreement was in December, 1867, or January,
1868; ubout that time; about the time I had these conversa
tions with all of them. It was all about the same time.
Ques. — State what grew out of it.
Ans. — Mr. Garfield did not pay me any money. I sold the
bonds belonging to his $1,000 of stock at 97c, making $776.
In June I received a dividend in cash on his stock of $600,
which left a balance due him of $329, which I paid him.
That is all the transaction between us. I did not deliver him
any stock before or since. That is the only transaction, and
the only thing.
Examined by Mr. Merrick:
Ques. — The $329 which you paid him was the surplus of
earnings on the stock above the amount to be paid for it, par
value ?
Ans. — Yes, sir; he never had either his Credit Mobilier
stock or Union Pacific railroad stock. The only thing he re
alized on the transaction was the $329.
Ques. — I see in this statement of the account with General
Garfield there is a charge of $47 ; that is interest from the July
previous, is it ?
Ans. — ^Yes, sir.
Ques.^And the $776 on the credit side of the account is the
80 per cent, bond dividend sold at $97 ?
Ans. — Yes, sir.
Ques. — And the $600 on the credit side is the money divi
dend? Ans. — Yes, sir

THE CEEDIT MOBILIEE SCHEME. 345
Ques. — And after you had received these two sums, they in
the aggregate overpaid the price of stock and interest $329,
which you paid him ?
Ans. — Yes, sir.
Ques. — How was that paid ?
Ans. — Paid in money, I believe.
Ques. — Did you make a statement of this to Mr. Garfield ?
Ans. — I presume so ; I think I did with all of them ; that is
my impression.
Ques. — When you paid him this $329, did you understand it
was the balance of his dividend after paying for his stock ?
Ans. — I suppose so ; I do not know what else he could sup
pose. Ques. — You did not deliver the certificate of stock to him ?
Ans. — No, sir ; he said nothing about that.
Ques. — Why did he not receive his certificate ?
Ans. — I do not know.
Ques. — Do you remember any conversation between you and
him in the adjustment of these accounts ?
Ans. — I do not.
Ques. — You understood that you were a holder of his ten
shares ?
Ans — Yes, sir.
Ques. — Did he so understand it ?
Ans. — I presume so. It seems to have gone from his mind,
however. Ques. — Was this the only dealing you had with him in refer
ence to any stock ?
Ans. — I think so.
Ques. — Was it the only transaction of any kind?
Ans. — The only transaction.
Ques. — Has that $329 ever been paid to you ?
Ans. — I have no recollection of it.
Qaes. — Have you any belief that it ever has?
Ans. — No, sir.
Ques. — Did you ever loan General Garfield $300 ?

346 THE VENAL ACTS OF JAMES A, GAEFIELD.
Ans. — Not to my knowledge ; except that he calls this a loan,
Ques, — ^You do not call it a loan ?
Ans. — I did not at the time, I am willing it should go to
8uit him,
Ques. — ^What we want to get at is the exact truth ?
Ans. — I have told the truth in my statement.
Ques. — When you paid him $329, did he understand that he
borrowed that money from you ?
Ans. — I do not suppose so.
Ques. — You regarded that money as belonging to him after
the stock was paid for ?
Ans. — ^Yes, sir.
Ques. — There were dividends of Union Pacific railroad stock
on these ten shares ?
Ans, — Yes, sir,
Ques, — Did General Garfield ever receive these ?
Ans. — No, sir ; never has received but $329.
Ques. — And that he has received as his own money?
Ans. — I suppose so ; it did not belong to me. I should not
have given it to him if it had not belonged to him.
Ques. — ^You did not understand it to belong to you as a loan;
you never called for it and have never received it back ?
Ans. — No, sir.
Ques. — Has there been any conversation between you and
him in reference to the Pacific stock he was entitled to ?
Ans. — No, sir.
Ques. — Has he ever called for it ?
Ans. — ^No, sir.
Ques. — Have you ever offered it to him ?
Ans. — No, sir.
Ques. — Has there been any conversation in relation to it ?
Ans. — No, sir.
Ques. — Has there been anything said between you and him
about rescinding the purchase of the ten shares of Credit Mo
bilier stock ? Has there anything been said to you of its being
thrown up or abandoned or surrendered ?

THE CEEDIT MOBILIEE SCHEME. 347
Ans. — No, sir ; not until recently.
Ques. — How recently ?
Ans. — Since this matter came up.
Ques. — Since this investigation commenced?
Ans. — Yes, sir.
By Mr. Merrick. Ques.— Did you consider at the commence
ment of this investigation that you held these other dividends,
which you said you did not pay to him, in his behalf? Did you
regard yourself as custodian of these dividends for him ?
Ans. — Yes, sir ; he paid for his stock and is entitled to his
dividends. Ques. — WiU the dividends come to him at any time on his
demand ?
Ans. — ^Yes, sir ; as soon as this suit is settled.
Ques. — ^You say that $329 was paid to him ; how was it paid?
Ans. — I presume by a check on the sargeant-at-arms. I find
there are some checks filed without any letters or initials indi
cating who they were for.
Qaes. — Have you had any correspondence, since this dividend
was paid, with him in regard to this matter ?
Ans. — I do not know what matter you refer to.
Ques. — If there were any correspondence between you I
would like to see it.
Ans. — I have no copy of it.
Ques. — Have you the original ?
Ans. — ^No, sir. Mr. Garfield showed me a letter which he
intended to enclose with some money sent me. I did not know
who the money came from. He showed me a letter which he
said he intended to have put ia. I indorsed on the back of
that letter my reply. I just turned over the letter and wrote
my reply on the back of it and let him have it.
Ques. — Your answer indorsed on the back of the letter was
published in the newspapers ?
Ans. — Yes, sir; he published the letter I believe.
Ques. — As published, did they correspond with your recol
lection of the papers as written ?

348 THE. VENAL ACTS OP JAMES A. GAEFIELD.
Ans. — Yes, sir. I wrote it off hastily. He came to my room
and said he had been accused of all kinds of crimes and mis
demeanors. I told him I had made no such statement as he
represented. He wanted me to say in writing that I had not.
I took his letter, which he said he had intended to have en
closed with the money, and wrote on the back of it that I had
made no such statement.
Ques. — Did he enclose the money ?
Ans. — Some money came to me enclosed in an envelope
which he said he had sent. I gave it back to him.
Ques. — How much money was in that envelope ?
Ans. — ^Four hundred dollars.
The following memorandum referred to by witness as a state
ment of his account with Mr. Garfield, was placed in evidence:
J. A. G. Db.
1868— To 10 shares stock Credit Mobilier, - - $1,000 00
Interest, - - - .... 47 00
June 19- To cash,  329 00

Total,  $1,376 00
Cr.
1868 — By dividend bonds Union Pacific railroad,
$1,000 at 80 per cent., less 3 per cent. - $ 776 00
June 17 — By dividend collected for your account, 600 00
Total, - - - $1,376 00
Washington, January, 29th, 1873.— 3-examination of Oakes
Ames. By the Chairman: Ques. — You may state whether,
in conversation with you, Mr. Garfield claims, as he claimed
before us, that the only transaction between you was borrow
ing $300?
Ans. — No, sir; he did not claim that with me.
Ques. — State how he does claim it with you; what was said?
Ans. — He states that when he came back from Europe, be
ing in want of funds, he called on me to loan him a sum of
money. He thought he had repaid it.
Ques. — What did you say to him in reference to that state
of the case ?

i.ii£, (jitliUlX MOBILIEE SCHEME. 349
Ans. — I stated to him that he never asked me to lend him
any money; that I never knew he wanted to borrow any. I
did not know he was short. I made a statement to him show
ing the transaction and what there was due on it; that deduc
ting the bond dividend and the cash dividend there was $329
due him, for which I had given him a check; that he had never
asked me to loan him any money and I had never loaned
him any.
Ques. — After you had made that statement, what did he state
in reply ?
Ans. — He wanted to have it go as a loan.
Ques. — Did he claim that it was in fact a loan ?
Ans. — No, sir; I do not think he did. No he did not.
Ques. — How long after that transaction did he go to Europe ?
Ans. — I believe it was a year or two.
Ques. — Did you have any conversation in reference to the
influence this transaction would have upon the electioii last fall ?
Ans. — Yes; he said it would be very injurious to him.
Ques. — State all you know in reference to it.
Ans. — I told him he knew very well that that was a dividend.
I made out a statement and showed it to him at the time. In
our conversation he admitted it and said, as near as I can
remember, that there was $2,400 due him in stock and bonds.
He made a little memorandum of $1,000 and $1,500, and as I
recollect, said there was $1,000 of Union Pacific railroad
stock, $1,000 of Credit Mobilier stocks and $400 of stock or
bonds, I do not recollect which.
Ques. — When was that memorandum made ?
Ans. — It was made in my room ; I cannot remember the
date. It was since this investigation commenced.
Ques. — Was it in that conversation that he referred to the
influence this matter would have upon the election in his
district ?
Ans. — I do not recoUect whether it was in that one or some
other. I had two or three conversations with him.
Ques. — Tell us as nearly as you can, precisely the remarks
he made in that conversation ?

350 THE VENAL ACTS OP JAMES A. GAEFIELD.
Ans. — It was that it would injure his reputation, that it was
a cruel thing. He felt very bad, was in great distress, and
hardly knew what he did say,
Ques. — Did he make any request of you to make no state
ment in reference to it ?
Ans. — I am not positive about that.
Ques. — What is your best recoUection in reference to it ?
Ans. — My impression is that he wanted to say as Uttle
about it as he could, and to get of as easily as he could. That
was about the conversation I had with him, about the long
and short of it.
Ques. — Have you the memorandum that Mr. Garfield made ?
Ans. — I have the figures that he made.
Paper shown the committee contain figures as follows :
"$1,000 1,400

$2,400."
Ques. — You say these figures were made by Mr. Garfield ?
Ans. — ^Yes, sir.
Ques. — What do these sums represent? How did he put
them down ?
Ans.— $1,000 Union Pacific raihroad stock, $1,000 Credit
Mobiher stock and $400 which he could not remember whether
it was to be in cash, stock or bonds.
Ques. — Is that what he received or what he was entitled to ?
Ans. — What he was entitled to.
Ques. — That was his idea of what was coming to him ?
Ans. — Yes, sir.
THE DeGOLYER BRIBERY.
His connection with the District of Columbia
Eing was a notorious fact, and as soon as he filed
his brief with the commissioners on behalf of the
DeGolyer patent, " Boss Shepherd held it aloft in
his hand and said: "This fixes Garfield for the

THE DEGOLYEE BEIBEEY. 351
future." In order that the reader may clearly
understand his connection with that matter, I
here insert the statement of Ex-Senator Doolittle.
I copy from the Eochester (N, Y.) Union and Adver
tiser :
The respite of an hour for a criminial under sentence of
death could not give the condemned more momentary reUef
than is found by the Republican newspapers in the error of
the Washington correspondent of the New York World,
attributing to Mr. Justice Swayne of the Supreme Court of
the United States an opinion in the case of Chittenden vs,
De Golyer and McClellan which he did not deUver, To the
Rochester Democrat especiaUy this, in itself trivial circum
stance, furnishes a day of happiness such as it has not enjoyed
since Garfield's nomination. But every intelligent man knows
that whether Mr. Justice Swayne delivered an opinion in Mr,
Garfield's particular case, or, as is the fact, in another and par
allel case, laying down a general principle and giving a gen
eral interpretation of law applicable to all kindred cases, is of
no consequence whatever. The chief significance attached
to the erroneously reported passing of Judge Swayne upon
Garfield's case was based upon the fact that he is a RepubU
can and from Garfield's own State. The Republican news
papers are welcome to aU the comfort they can extract from
the World's error and our reproduction of it. We wish them
every joy they can find in it. The Union, having been misled
by iis usually correct New York contemporary, takes great
jjleasure in making due correction. It can have no interest
in misrepresenting any part of the history of the pubUc
career of Mr. Garfield, and has no desire to misrepresent it.
It tells and relies wholly upon the truth as it stands upon the
records of a Republican Congress, in the colums of the Eepub
lican press, and under the decisions of judicial tribunals.
Opportunely and happily, at the very moment that the Eepub
lican newspapers are seeking to hide their diminished heads

352 THE VENAL ACTS OF JAMES A. GAEFIELD.
in the World's error, we are in receipt of the full official state
ment of the case in the circuit court at Chicago, where the
plaintiff, Chittenden, was thrown out of court upon the ground
of his bribery of Garfield in the wood pavement contract matter.
For this statement we ten days ago wrote Hon. James E.
Doolittle, the counsel of DeGolyer and McClellan, whose
letter in reference to the Swayne matter the Rochester Demo
crat parades in such prominence this morning. Judge Doo
little is a New Yorker, a graduate of Geneva college, a former
district attorney of Wyoming county, and well known to all
the old residents of Western New York. He has been a Judge
of the Supreme Court of Wisconsin, was for twelve years a
Republican United States Senator from that State, and in 1866
was president of the National Union Convention, held at Phil
adelphia. He is of the highest eminenceas a public man and a
jurist. His statement of the law case in which the bribe of
Garfield nonsuited the plaintiff, covers the whole ground and
is conclusive:
Following is Mr. Doolittle^s statement :
Chicago, III., July 20, 1880.
Dear Sir .• — Your letter of the 14th inst. is duly received, in
in which you ask me to send you " the full text of the case " of
Chittenden vs. DeGolyer and McClellan. The declaration,
pleas, demurrer and brief on argument are quite voluminous.
They were not printed ; and it would be quite a labor to give
you a full copy. With the assistance of my clerk I give you
an abstract of the case, and in quotation marks give you some
of the exact language of the pleas and the points submitted
to the court. You will bear in mind this cause was decided
five years ago, and all I know of the facts came to me as attor
ney and counsel for the defendants. But I shall only state
what appears upon the records, pleadings and proceedings in
court. RespectfuUy yours,
J. R. Doolittle.

THE DE GOLXEE BEIBEEY. 363
The foUowing is substantially a true abstract of the case, so
far as it bears upon the action of Gen. Garfield :
May Term, 1875.— Before Farwell, Circuit Judge— No.
12,181. State of Illinois, Cook County Circuit Court; George R.
Chittenden vs. Robert McClellan, et al. :
The plaintiff, by E. A. Storrs, Esq., brought suit against the
defendants upon a contract by which they agreed to pay him
one-third of all the profits upon all paving contracts wHich he
would obtain for DeGolyer and McClellan from boards of pub
lic works in eastern cities. The declarations alleged that he
obtained a contract for paving 200,000 square yards from the
Board of Public Works of the District of Columbia, at $1.50 per
yard, when it would cost only $1,500 to lay it down. That the
profits would be $300,000, and the plaintiff claimed the defend
ants should pay him $100,000, at least, and he claimed a judg
ment for that sum Besides the general issue —
The defendants pleaded in substance the following special
pleas :
First — That the contract was void on its face.
Second — That it was obtained by the plaintiff by improper
infiuences — against public policy, and therefore was void.
Amongst other things the second special plea set out " that
then and there, and while the matter was pending and unde
termined before the said Board, he (the plaintiff) did pay to
one Richard C. Parsons a large sum of money, to-wit, the sum
of ten thousand doUars, he then and there being an officer of
the United States, to-wit. Marshal of the Supreme Court, to
apply to said Board, and the individual members of said Board,
to obtain the award of said contract; and also then and there
did employ, or caused to be employed, J. A. Garfield, then and
there a member of the House of Representatives, and Chairman
of the Committee on Appropriations of said House, to appear
before the said Board, and before the individuals composing
the same, to solicit and urge upon said Board the award of
said contract, and in consideration of his said employment and
W

354 THE VENAL ACTS OP JAMES A. GAEFIELD.
services and official influence then and there rendered the said
plaintiff did pay, or caused to be paid, illegally, improperly
and against public policy, a large sum of money, to-wit: the
sum of five thousand dollars; and then and there, and in part
by means thereof the said Board of Public Works ware moved
and induced illegally, improperly and against public policy to
make the said award, which said award amongst other things
contained the following clause or condition, viz :
" An additional amount of fifty thousand square yards will
be awarded yoil, (the defendants meaning) so soon as the
Board is reimbursed by the general government on account of
expenditures around the public buildings and grounds, or you
(the defendants meaning) will be allowed to lay it this season
if you can wait until an appropriation is made for the purpose,
(meaning an appropriation by Congress,) at three dollars and
fifty cents per square yard. And the defendants aver that,
then and there, and by the terms of the said award of said con
tract, fifty out of two hundred thousand yards so awarded
were made to depend upon a future appropriation of money to
be made by Congress; that then and there, by the usual course
and practice of the House of Represenatives, all bills for such
appropriations would be referred to, and reported from, the
Committee of Appropriations, of which the said Garfield was a
member, and the Chairman thereof; the said plaintiff, and the
said J. A. Garfield and the said Board of Public Works, sever
ally, then and there well knowing that the said J. A. Garfield
did, could and would, from his official position, exert a potent
influence in procuring such appropriation by Congress for the
purpose mentioned in said award; and that the defendants say
that by means of the said premises the said award of contract
mentioned in the said declaration was then and there illegal,
improper, against public policy and void. And this the said
defendants are ready to verify; wherefore they pray judgment
if the said plaintiff ought to have or maintain his aforesaid ac
tion thereof against them."
Third — In another and further special plea, the defendants,
amongst other things, alleged as follows:

THE DEGOLYEE BEIBEEY. 355
"That some time in the latter part of May, 1872, and while
the Congress of the United States was in session, and before
any appropriations for that year had been made by that body
for improvements to be made in the streets of Washington, in
the District of Columbia, the plaintiff then and there repre
sented to the said DeGolyer & McClellan, that through one R.
Parsons (then Marshal of the Supreme Court of the United
States) he had secured the influence of Gen. James A. Garfield
(then a Eepresentative in the House of Eepresentatives in
the Congress of the United States, and Chairman of the Com
mittee on Appropriations of the said House of Eepresenta
tives) to be used in behalf of the said DeGolyer & McClellan
in the apphcation. for pavement contracts from the Board of
Public Works of theDistrict of Columbia; that by letter dated
at the Arlington House, Washington, District of Columbia,
addressed to said DeGolyer & McClellan at Chicago aforesaid,
he stated among other things that Col. Parsons had arrived;
that the infiuence of Gen. Garfield had been secured by
yesterday, last night and to-day's labors; he carries the purse
of the United States — the Chairman of the Committee on Ap
propriations, and is the strongest man in Congress and with
our friends. My demand is to-day not less than one hundred
thousand — two hundred thousand in all. Everything is in the
best of shape — the connections complete, and I have reason
to believe satisfactory. We want more books sent, 25 each,
here. " ' The model is in Gen. Garfield's house — sent there last
night; note, you will be ready to leave on the first train when
telegraphed to. I can hardly realize that we have Gen. Gar
field with us. It is rare — and very gratifying. All appropria
tions of the District come from him.' "
The plea then avers that Garfield appeared before said Board
as set out in former plea, that the award of said contract^
with the conditions as set out in the other plea, was made, and
goes on to aver:
"That then and there the said J. A. Garfield was a member

356 THE VENAL ACTS OF JAMES A, GAEFIELD.
of the House of Representatives, in which all bills to appro
priate money originate; that he was then and there Chairman
of the Committee on Appropriations of the House of Repre__
sentatives, to which Committee, by the rules and practice of
said House, all bills to appropriate money to be expended in
the said District of Columbia must be and are referred; that
then and there it was well known to the said Richard C. Par
sons, James A. Garfield, Alexander R. Shepherd, the plaintiff,
and the said DeGolyer & McCleUan, that the said J. A. Gar
field, then and there and thereafter, in his official character as
member of said House of Representatives, and as Chairman
of said Committee, did, could and would exert and exercise a
potent infiuence in and upon the said Committee, and upon
the said House of Representatives, in reporting to and pass
ing through said House, bills to appropriate moneys to be ex
pended in the said District of Columbia, in and upon the said
pavements to be awarded by the said Board of Public Works.
" The defendants aver that then and thereby and by means
thereof, the said A. R. Shepherd as a member of said Board,
and the said Board of Public Works has moved and induced to
make and, in fact, did make the said award and contract above
set out and described in the declaration, and not otherwise.
" And these defendants further say that afterwards, to-wit,
on the 10th day of July, 1872, at Chicago aforesaid, in consid
eration thereof, and of the services and official influence ren
dered and given as aforesaid by the said James A. Garfield,
and the said R. C. Parsons, the said DeGolyer & McCleUan
made their certain draft for $10,000, and delivered the same to
the said Parsons, at Cleveland, which said draft was duly paid,
and then and there the one- half, or the sum of $5,000 was
paid to the said J. A. Garfield for his services and official
influence, etc.; that it was paid as a contingent fee and was
to be paid only upon the condition that the said award should
be granted by the said Board of PubUc Works, and not other
wise, as was then and there agreed between the said plaintiff
and the said Parsons for himself and for the said Garfield."

THE DEGOLYEE BEIBEEY, 357
" And these defendants further say, that afterwards, at Wash
ington aforesaid, the said Committee on Appropriations did
recommend the passage and the House of Representatives did
pass a bill appropriating large sums of money, which said bill
passed Congress and was approved January 8th, 1876, for the
sum of $1,241,920.92, out of which said sum said Board of
Public Works were authorized to pay the said sum of money
agreed to be paid by said contract and award."
" And the said defendants further aver that the award was
in fact, mainly procured by the official influence of the said
Garfield alone."
" And the defendants say that by means of the premises the
said award and contract were then and there iUegal, improper
against pubUc policy, and void, etc. And this the said defend
ants are ready to verify, etc., wherefore they pray judgment
etc." When the matter came on to be heard, I, as counsel for the
defendants, submitted a brief in writing, of which the fourth.
fifth, and sixth points are as foUows, viz :
Fourth. — " The pleas are good. They set out in substance
that the contract was obtained by the plaintiff, of the Board of
Public Works of the District of Columbia by improper influ
ences; that the contract was in part to the amount of 50,000
squares, upon its face, contingent upon a future appropriation
to be made by Congress; that the plaintiff employed James A
Garfield, then being a member of Congress and Chairman of
the Committee on Appropriations of the House of Representa
tives, agreeing to pay him a contingent fee of $5,000 provided
he would obtain the said contract of the Board of Public
Works; that by his influence and persuasion he did procnre
the same, for which he received the sum of $5,000; that after
wards a biU was reported from the Committee of which he was
Chairman, and did pass the House, and passed Congress and
became a law, appropriating the sum of $1,241,000, out of
which the pavement under said contract could be paid for by
said Board of Public Works; that the plaintiff and the de-

358 THE VENAL ACTS OF JAMES A, GAEFIELD,
fendant, and the said Garfield and the members of the said
Board of Public Works well knew, at the time of his said em
ployment, and at the time of his service in procuring said
contract, that said Garfield, from his official position, did and
would have a potent influence in procuring the passage of
¦such appropriation to carry such contract into effect by said
Board of Public Works; and that by means of the premises
the said contract was, in fact, obtained by improper influences
against public policy, and is void,"
Fifth. — " It is no sufficient answer to say that Garfield was
at the same time a member of the legal profession. His being
a member of Congress at the same time, any employment as
counsel upon a contingent fee or otherwise to obtain a con
tract from a board of public officers, dependent upon the
future action of Congress to fulfiU, is against public policy and
is void."Sixth. — " That the plaintiff, Chittenden, weU knew and in
tended that the infiuence of Gen. Garfield, as a member of
Congress, was to be used in procuring the contract, rather
than his arguments as counsellor at law, ia evident from his
letter to the defendants, set out in their special plea, in which
he says : ' The influence of Gen. Garfield has been secured by
yesterday, last night, and to-day's labors. He carries the purse
of the United States — the Chairman of the Committee of
Appropriations — and is the strongest man in Congress with
our friends. My demand is to-day not less than one hundred
thousand more — two hundred thousand in aU. Everything is
in the best shape, the connections complete, and I have reason
to believe satisfactory. * * * j ca^ hardly realize that we
have Gen. Garfield with us. It is rare, and very gratifying.
AU the appropriations of the District come from him."
" In the recent case of Burke vs. Child, not yet reported,
(May, 1875) decided at the last October term of the Supreme
Court of the United States, Mr. Justice Swayne, in a very able
opinion, reviews all the cases and holds: That a contract
expressed or implied, for purely professional services is valid.

THE DISTEICT OF COLUMBIA EING. 359
Within this category he includes drafting a petition, atten
dance on taking testimony, collecting facts, preparing argu
ments and submitting them, orally or in wnting, to a commit
tee or other proper authority.
" But such services are separated by a broad lane from per
sonal soUcitation and from official influence."
" The agreement with Gen. Garfield, a member of congress,
to pay him $5,000 as a contingent fee for procuring a contract
which was itself made to depend upon a future appropriation
by Congress, which appropriation could only come from a com
mittee of which he was chairman, was a sale of official influ
ence which no veil can cover, against the plainest principles
of public policy. No counsellor at law, while holding high
office, has a right to put himself in a position of temptation ;
and, under pretence of making a legal argument, exert his
official influence upon public officers dependent upon his
future action."
" Certainly the courts of justice will never lend themselves
to enforce contracts obtained by such influences. "
The court (Judge Farwell presiding) overruled the demur
rer ; held the special pleas to be good ; and, that the contract
was void as against public policy. That ended the case.
Respectfully yours,
J. R. Doolittle.

THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA RING.
I have no disposition to add a word by way of
comment upon the testimony given by Mr. Garfield
and Mr. Ames or the exhaustive and convincing
statements and arguments of Judge Doolittle.
But it is important that the secrets now in my
possession, respecting the connection of Garfield
with the District of Columbia Eing, should be made
pubUc through this medium.

360 THE VENAL ACTS OP JAMES A. GAEFIELD.
In October, 1874, during my visit to Washington,
for the purpose of ascertaining from the President
the truth of certain rumors respecting the inten
tions of revenue agents, as reported in Chapter IV,
I accepted an invitation to ride with Gen. Babcock,
and during this drive I learned much regarding the
operations of the District of Columbia Eing, gath
ered from a conversation with the General which
was introduced in the foUowing manner: As We
drove over the old canal I was struck with the sin
gular transformation which the old water-way had
recently undergone. I had known it when there
was but a semblance of an ancient canal, haU-fiUed
with stagnant water and sickening smelling garbage
and mud. Now, behold, the wand of magic ap
peared to have been active, for out of the old, filthy
canal, had arisen a beautiful avenue, handsomely
paved, and clothed with the most luxurious, wide-
spreading trees, in the branches of which the birds
made merry sport and tropical music. Observing
the marvelous change I asked the General how the
money was obtained with which to make such ex
travagant improvements. Let me here inform the
reader, who may never have visited the National
Capital, that a greater part of Washington is the
property of the Government. Not only the grounds
occupied by the public buildings but also most of
the picturesque sites overlooking the Potomac, the
National Park, — and a large number of minor parks,
— the ground on which stands the Washington
monument, and many other fine, eUgible locations,
including all the triangular squares which have
been made to bloom hke beds of roses. By the ap-

THE DISTEICT OF COLUMBIA EING, 361
plication of vast sums of money all these places
have been transformed from uninviting vacant spots
into parks and gardens more beautifiul than the
sylvan parterres of fairy-land.
Understanding these facts the reason for me ad
dressing the General such an inquiry is readily ap
parent. His reply to my question was : " Oh ! we have got
that matter all fixed ; the Chairman of the Commit
tee on Appropriations is our man."
I asked: Who is the Chairman?
He replied: "Gen. Garfield."
Said I : Why, I know Garfield; is he in the ring?
"No," he answered, "he is not exactly in the
ring, but we have got him where we can use him
all the same."
I enquired: You have to pay him, don't you?
He responded: " Well, you know Garfield is one
of those easy, clever fellows who don't want much.
We gave him an elegant residence on ' I ' street,
which we have furnished throughout very finely,
and this seems to content him," Continuing his
remarks further, the General said : "Besides, Gar
field makes political capital out of the ring by ob
taining good contracts for his friends, Garfield,
too, is a good lawyer and we frequently have need
for his services for which we pay him liberal fees.
The fact is," warming up somewhat in the conver
sation, "Garfield is the coming man; when Grant
gets tired of the presidency, as he wiU after one or
two terms more, Garfield will be his successor and
everything wiU remain lovely."

362 THE VENAL ACTS OF JAMES A, GAEFIELD,
We talked some time, concerning improvements
which could only be made out of the appropriations
made by Congress, He explained the operations of
the ring as follows : The ring was composed chief
ly of government oflficials through whom heavy con
tractors were represented ; certain influential mem
bers of Congress, chief of whom was Jas, A, Garfield,
were admitted to the ring for their services in put
ting bills and appropriations through Congress, The
next step was to have the contract for the work,
provided for in the bills, let to contractors in the
Ting at exhorbitant prices.
Another scheme was to buy up aU the property
around an open tract, after which, through the in
fiuence of the ring, a bill would be passed providing
for the improvement and ornamentation of the
tract, and thus the ring would derive all the bene
fits of the improvements made at Government ex
pense. During the existence of this ring Babcock, in
addition to occupying the position of private secre
tary to the President, was also Superintendent of
Public Buildings, but for this service he received
no salary, his compensation consisting entirely of
perquisites — or his share of the ring money.

EARLY OPINIONS REGARDING GARFIELD,
To conclude the testimony establishing the venal
ity of James A. Garfield, I herewith present a Ee
publican address, issued by Mr, Garfield's first con
stituents, in the summer of 1876 :

EEBUKED BY HIS CONSTITUENTS. 363
AN ADDEESS TO THE EEPUBLICAN VOTEES OF THE NINE
TEENTH (oHIo) CONGEESSIONAL DISTEICT,
Fellow Citizens : — We, who address you, were appointed a
committee for this purpose by an independent convention of
Republicans, assembled for the purpose of putting in nomina-
¦ tion a suitable person as candidate for Congress, in opposition
to James A. Garfield.
The cause which impelled the calling of that convention,
and inspired its actions, are set forth in the resolutions by it
adopted and printed herewith. To the indictment contained
in these resolutions, and the evidence submitted in support
thereof, we respectfully call your attention and ask your can
did consideration.
We have no grievances. We never sought favors at Mr.
Garfield's hands, and have no personal quarrel with him. On
the contrary, we have been among his warmest personal
friends and supporters, and now only attack his acts and con
duct in public life and the character he has thereby attained.
It is easier to flow with the tide than to row against it, and
we regret the necessity that compels us to denounce him.
It is fitting that as true men we should seek the cause and
remedy for this state of ruin, and we look not far nor long.
Corruption in office and want of wisdom in legislation looms
up before us. We review with pride our party history and
achievements, but we now see fraud in high places eating at
its vitals. Its revenue officers are found stealing and dividing
with Whiskey Rings. Its secretaries sell post-traderships. Its
Congressmen raise their own salaries and make them retroac
tive; take great fees for argument on paving jobs before boards
of their own creation, and pocket the dividends of great frauds
like the Credit Mobilier. Corruption rides in $1,600 landau-
lets, purchased at government expense, and Congressmen
build palaces at the capital, while the people toil and sweat
under the burdens — they forget that they are the servants of
the nation, and act as if they were its owners, seeking to wring

364 THE VENAL ACTS OF JAMES A. GAEFIELD.
from it the greatest possible number of dollars for their own
purposes. The Republican party has done much to purify itself within
itself Its Whiskey Ring revenue officers are convicted and
imprisoned; Belknap is deposed and impeached, and only
escapes conviction by a technicality. Its salary-stealing.
Credit Mobilier, pavement-jobbing congressmen are mostly
retired. James A. Garfield remains. Richard C. Parsons, his
compeer as a great patent pavement lawyer, nominated with
out opposition in a district Republican last year by 6,500 ma
jority, was buried at the polls by Henry B. Payne, a Democrat,
by 2,500 majority. The office-holders nominated him, but the
brave, honest people rebuked him.
James A. Garfield fell from 10,935 majority in 1872 to 2,529
majority in 1874. " Oh, what a faU was there, my country
men." Rebuked, shorn of character for truth and integrity,
all that is noble in manhood defeated, he stands a sad and
blackened monument of avarice and greed.
By the arts of the orator and demagogue, of which he is a
consummate master, he is striving and struggUng, and may
postpone the day of his final doom, but he wears upon his
front the writing on the waU, " Mene, mene, tekel upharsin."
Flaming oratory upon the horrors of Andersonville and
Libby, and the disordered condition of the South, are a poor
compensation for want of integrity. The fools who believe
that another great rebellion or payment of the rebel debt are
imminent are only found in the post-offices and lunatic asy
lums. The people know better, and that cry of the demagogue
to arouse their fears that he may get their votes ought to be of
no avail. G. N. Tuttle,
P. BoswoRTH, and
H. H. Hike, of Lake County,
J. A. GiDDiNGs, of Ashtabula,
L. E DuRFEE, of Geauga,
L. D. Brown, of Portage,
A. YouMANs, of Trumbull.
September 10, 1876.

EEBUKED BY HIS CONSTITUENTS. 365
On the 9th day of September, 1876, the Republicans of the
Nineteenth Congressional District of Ohio opposed to the
return of James A. Garfield to Congress, met in convention at
Warren, Ohio, and organized by electing Dr. C. W. Ensign, of
Lake, for Chairman, and L. D. Brown, of Portage, and George
E. Paine, of Lake, Secretaries.
On motion, G. N. Tuttle and J. B. Burroughs, of Lake; B.
F. Perry, of Ashtabula; L. D. Brown, of Portage, and C. D.
Crary, of Lake, were chosen a committee on resolutions, and
H. H. Hine, William E. Hulett, P. Cosworth, and J. S. Case
ment, B. F. Perry, and R. M. Murray were appointed a com
mittee on conference for representative.
The Committee on Resolutions, after a long whereas, said:
Therefore, Be it by this independent convention of the
Republicans of the Nineteenth Congressional District of
Ohio— 1. Resolved, That dishonesty, fraud and corruption have
become so common, notorious, and obvious in the administra
tion of our national government as to be not only humiliating
and disgraceful in the estimation of every honest and intelli
gent citizen, but to imperil the prosperity of the people, if
not the stability of the government itself.
2. Resolved, That this deplorable condition of the adminis
tration of our national government is largely due to the elec
tion to office and continuance therein of corrupt, dishonest,
venal men.
3. Resolved., That it is useless and hypocritical for any
political party to declare for reform in its platforms, papers'
and public addresses while it insists on returning to high
official place and power, men who have been notoriously con
nected with the very schemes of fraud which rendered reform
necessary and urgent; that to send those to enact reform who
themselves need reforming to make them honest, is worse than
setting the blind to lead the blind.
4. Resolved, That there is no man to-day officially connected
with the administration of our national Government against

366 THE VENAL ACTS OF JAMES A, GAEFIELD.
whom are justly preferred more and graver charges of corrup
tion than are publicly made and abundantly sustained against
James A. Garfield, the present representative of this congres
sional district and the nominee of the Eepublican convention
for re-election.
5. Resolved, That since he first entered Congress to this day
there is scarcely an instance in which rings and monopoUes
have been arrayed against the interests of the people that he
has not been found active in speech or vote upon the side of the
latter, and in almost every case he has been the ready cham
pion of the rings and monopolies.
6. Resolved, That we especially charge him with venality
and cowardice in permitting Benjamin F. Butler to attach to
the appropriation bill of 1874 that ever-to-be-remembered in
famy, the salary steal, and in speaking and voting for that
measure upon its final passage; we also charge him wi'th corrupt
disregard of the clearly expressed demand of his constituents
that he should vote for its repeal and with evading said demand
by voting for the Hutchinson amendment.
6, Resolved, That we further arraign and denounce him for
his corrupt connection with the Credit Mobilier, for his false
denial, before his constituents ; for his perjured denials thereof
before a committee of his peers in Congress ; for fraud upon
his constituents in circulating among them a pamphlet pur
porting to set forth the findings of said committee and the evi
dence against him, when, in fact, material portions thereof
were omitted and garbled.
8. Eesolved, That we further arraign and charge him with
bribery in selling his official infiuence as Chairman of the
Committee on Appropriations, for $5,000, to the DeGolyer
Paving Company, to aid them in securing a contract from the
Board of Public Works of the District of Columbia; selling his
influence to aid said ring in imposing upon the people of said
district a pavement which is almost worthless, at a price three
times its cost, as sworn to by one of the contractors; selling his
influence to aid said ring in procuring a contract, to procure

EEBUKED BY HIS CONSTITUENTS. 367
which it corruptly paid $97,000 "for influence;" selling his
influence in a matter that involved no question of law, upon
the shallow pretext that he was acting as a lawyer ; selling his
influence in a manner so palpable and clear, as to be so found
and declared by an important and competent court, upon an
issue solemnly tried.
9. Resolved, that we arraign him for the fraudulent man
ner in which he attempted, in his speech delivered at Warren,
on the 9th day of September, 1874, to shield himself from just
censure in receiving the before named $5,000, by falsely repre
senting, in said speech, that the Congress of the United States
was not responsible for the acts of said Board, nor the United
States liable for the debts created thereby, when in truth and
in fact, as he then well knew, the said Board of Public Works
and the officers of said district were but the agents and instru-
tnents of Congress, and the United States was responsible for
the indebtedness by them created.
EepubUcs, no less than kingdoms, are subject to
the curses of unprincipled men whose cunning has
exalted them to positions of great influence. Gen.
Grant was one of those accidents which an earlier
civilization would have pronounced " Divinely com
missioned." But, like Judas, who, from the position
of a faithful disciple, after years of well performed
duty, his naturally corrupt nature at last gained the
ascendancy, and from the pinnacle of fame's bright
est chamber, he fell to those depths in which alone
Uve the imps and foul creatures of infamy.
There never was a gang of robbers disbanded by
the operations of the law without a repetition of
bold effort; if a chief dies, or is deposed, another
takes his place, whose reputation for bravery and
available resource commends him. It is so with
pohtical parties, whose adroit flattery is admirably

368 THE VENAL ACTS OF JAMES A. GAEFIELD.
calculated to continue public deception, and, when
a leader is stricken by the blight of unpopularity, a
successor is provided who preserves the continuity
of party principles, and at the same time endears
himself to a discontented public by the unction of
his avowals. Garfield occupies the position of pub
lic pacificator, with the old Grant crowd at his back,
hiding all their corruption in his shadow.
Having been associatedwith those ring managers,
whose relations with Garfield were in the nature of
co-conspirators, I can appreciate what his candi
dacy for the presidency means. It is a continuation
of the Grant policy in every essential particular,
with its retinue of corruption, under a panoply of
the most disgraceful national crimes. It means a
subordination of public purity to the vitiated and
remorseless taste of public greed; it provides for
the Babcocks, Belknaps, Shepherds, and that long
drawn out file of defrauders and official delinquents
who, like poisonous ticks and chigres, have fastened
their heads into the veins of the nation and from
year to year glut themselves with public blood.
Will the people suspend this infamous feast ?